Plaintiffs' Pre-Trial Brief
Public Court Documents
July 9, 1976

16 pages
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Case Files, Bolden v. Mobile Hardbacks and Appendices. Plaintiffs' Pre-Trial Brief, 1976. b20b1289-cdcd-ef11-8ee9-6045bddb7cb0. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/0304c9ed-5ed9-47a8-b85c-256fb7c2b729/plaintiffs-pre-trial-brief. Accessed August 19, 2025.
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IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF ALABAMA SOUTHERN DIVISION WILEY L. BOLDEN, et al., Plaintiffs, CIVIL ACTION vs. NO. 75-298-P CITY OF MOBILE, et al., S N N N N N N Defendants. PLAINTIFFS' PRETRIAL BRIEF Plaintiffs submit this pretrial brief solely for the purpose of responding to the argument made in defendants’ trial memorandum, filed on or about July 7, 1976, that Washington v. Davis, U.S. , 44 U.S.L.W. 4789 (June 7, 1976), establishes a ''mew Supreme Court 'purpose’' test." D.Br.at 9. Defendants even suggest that the Davis decision either supersedes ormakes unnecessary consideration of the "primary" and "enhancing' factors in Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485. F.24 1297 (5th Cir. 1973)(en banc), aff'd, sub nom, East Carroll Parish School Bd. ¥. Marshall, + y.8, ., 44 ¥.5.L.W. 4320 (March 8, 1976) (per curiad) The indicia of unconstitutional black vote dilution formulated in Zimmer, say the defendants, "do not include intent.” D.Br. at 16, Plaintiffs submit this simply is not so. As this brief will show,” Washington v, T_T, Davis, supra, merely reemphasizes the requisite concepts of intent referred to in many previous Supreme Court decisions, Zimmer includes these well-established principles of intent in its indicia of unconstitutional dilution. Plaintiffs, of course, agree that they must prove purposeful or intentional dilution of black citizens' voting strength by the present election system in order to prevail, We are fully prepared to do so. The evidence will show that the State of Alabama, through its legislators and officers, has used the at-large system for electing Mobile City Commissioners (1) with an actual motive or purpose to dis- criminate agelins The black citizens of Mobile and, in any case, (2) with the intent to discriminate that must be presumed of those who should foresee the natural consequences of their actions. I. Washington v. Davis Establishes No New “Constitutional Principles Ll One should begin consideration of Washington vy. Davis, supra, with the note of caution sounded in the concurring opinion of Justice Stevens: [T]he extent to which one characterizes the intent issue as a question of fact or a question of law ... will vary in different contexts. My point in making this observation is to suggest that the line between discriminatory purpose and discriminatory impact is not nearly as bright, and perhaps not quite as critical, as the reader of the Court's opinion might assume. 44 U.S.L.W. at 4800. Justice Stevens’ comments comport with the similar warning contained in Justice White's majority opinion: Necessarily, an invidious discriminatory purpose may often be inferred from the totality of the relevant facts including the fact, if it is true, that the law bears more heavily on one race than another. 44 U.S.L.W. at 4792 (emphasis added). Thus, the requirement of a discriminatory purpose is nothing new to constitutional law, and the Supreme Court is only reminding us of that in Davis. It neither suggested nor inferred that it was announcing new standards for determining when such discriminatory purpose existed in particular cases. Indeed, Washington v. Davis must be read in the context of the extreme stance taken by the plaintiffs-respondents in that action. Justice White's opinion tells us that the plaintiffs made no claim in the district court of "an intentional discrimination or purposeful discriminatory actions." 44 U.S. ~3. L.W. at 4790. When the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia reversed the district court, it "went on to declare that lack of discriminatory intent in designing and administering Test 21 was irrelevant...." 44 U.S.L.W. at 4791. With the issues presented in this extreme posture, it could almost be said that plaintiffs and the Court of Appeals were daring the Supreme Court to rule against them. Clearly the Court was up to the task, and it simply refused to affirm a decision predicated on constitutional grounds that made no attempt to demonstrate discriminatory intent and even insisted that no such showing was necessary. The central purpose of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment is the prevention of official conduct discriminating on the basis of race. ... But our cases have not embraced the proposition that a law or other official act, without regard to whether it reflects a racially discriminatory purpose, is unconstitutional solely because it has a racially disproportionate impact. 44 U.S.L.W. at 4792. The opinion then refers to a number of earlier Supreme Court decisions that discuss the necessity of demonstrating discriminatory intent inthe constitutional context, including Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52 gin and Keyes v. School District No. 1, 413 U.S. 189 (1973). Although Davis expresses some disapproval of a long list of federal court decisions that might be interpreted in conflict with it, it neither overruled nor expressed its disapproval of. hi any Supreme Court or appellate court voting rights decisions, particularly not the seminal cases of White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973),and Zimmer v. McKeithen, supra, which the Court had reviewed only three months earlier. Therefore, while Washington v. Davis, supra, very clearly requires this Court to find discriminatory intent as one of the elements of any successful Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendment claims, it in no way disturbs the principles already established by the Supreme Court, the Fifth Circuit and other federal courts concerning the proper legal standards to be applied to determine whether such intent in fact exists. Il. ' Mobile's At-Large Election System Was Designed And Is Utilized With The Motive Or Purpose of Diluting The Black Vote i! The City argues that this Court should find that Act 281, Ala.Acts (1911), "was enacted for a non-discriminatory purpose and, under Washington v. Davis,that finding should end the inquiry, with judgment for defendants being mandated." D.Br. at 20. Further, according to the defendants, such a finding of non-discriminatory purpose should be predicated entirely on the assumption that, because black Mobilians had already been totally disenfranchised by the Alabama Constitution of 1901, racial discrimination could not have been one of the motives behind Act 281 in 1911. D.Bxr. at 19. But the defendants have miscast the issue. The question is not just whether the Legislators who voted for Act 281 were racially motivated, but whether the whole electoral system, including the intentional discrimination that both ante-dated and post-dated Act 28l's passage, is the product of a past racially discriminatory purpose, the effects of which are still felt today, and/or a present intention to dis- ctiniiate. bs the State of Alabama. For example, in Wright v. Rockefeller, supra,cited in Washington v. Davis, 44 U.S. L.W. at 4792, the Supreme Court upheld a district court's finding of fact that certain congressional boundaries in New York had not been racially gerrymandered. . The inquiry addressed only the motives of the New York State Legislators who had just drawn the lines. The Court carefully distinguished Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.S. 475 (1954), and Norris v. Alabama, 294 U.S. 587 (19 ), where in the context of jury dis- crimination it had previously laid down the rule that a prima facie case of unconstitutionality could be made out by proof of a long-continued state practice of discriminating against blacks. The fact that no such long-standing history of racial discrimination by the Beate of New York was either alleged or proved in Wright meant that the constitutional inquiry could focus solely on the motives of the Legislators then convened. As Mr. Justice Black, writing for the Court in 6. Wright, carefully explained, "state contrivance to segregate on the basis of race ... was crucial to appellants’ case as they presented it, and for that reason their challenge cannot be sustained." 376 U.S. at 58. By contrast, the entire history of official racial discrimination in the State of Alabama is very much a part of plaintiffs' prima facie case herein. Plaintiffs will show (primarily through the testimony of an expert historian) that black people in Mobile and in Alabama generally were very active in the political process from the Reconstruction period until the Constitution of 1901 disenfranchised them. It is absolutely clear that the delegates to the 1901 Alabama Constitutional Convention were motivated by an openly expressed desire to take the vote away from black citizens, who resisted unsuccessfully. Thereafter, it could accurately be said that through white primaries, interpretation tests, poll taxes and other devices from the Constitutional Convention of 1901 to the present, the State of Alabama has consistently devoted its official resources to maintaining white supremacy and a segregated society. United States v. Alabama, 252 F.Supp. 95, 101L (M.D. Ala. 1966) . The black citizens of Mobile were no better off than blacks elsewhere in Alabama in terms of the barriers thrown up in the way of their right to register and vote. Some of the plaintiffs in this action will give personal testimony to these facts. It is true that there was little outward evidence of a racial motivation in the passage of Act 281 or in the 1911 referendum that changed Mobile's city government to an at- large commission. However, the Court should note with interest that two of Mobile's most active leaders in favor of the 1911 city govermment change, Pat Lyons and Harry Pillans, were also leading forces in the work of black disenfranchisement at the 1901 Constitutional Convention. There is then some evidence connecting Act 281 with the contemporary movement to discriminate against black voters. In any event, as a matter of law the State's actions in 1911 cannot be entirely divorced from its overt discriminatory intentions in 1901. On this point, we have the authority of Keyes wv. School District No. 1, supra, cited by the Supreme Court in Davis for the instruction it gives on the meaning of purpose or intent to discriminate. 44 U.S.L.W. at 4792. In the context of school desegregation, Keyes holds: a finding of intentional segregation ... in one portion of a school system is highly relevant to the issue of the board's intent with respect to the other segregated schools in the system. This is merely an application of the well-settled evidentiary principle that "the prior doing of other similar acts, whether clearly a part of a scheme or not, is useful as reducing the possibility that the act in question was done with innocent intent." 2 J. Wigmore, Evidence 200 (3d Ed. 1940). ... Similarly, a finding of illicit intent as to a meaningful portion of the item under consideration has substantial probative value on the question of illicit intent as to the remainder. 413 U.S. at 207-08. The analogy to the instant case is clear. The admitted discriminatory state intent connected with the 1901 constitution, which established a part of the system for electing Mobile City officers, "creates a presumption” that the 1911 Act, which further diluted black voting strength in the szme election system, was ''mot adventitious." Keyes v. School District No. 1, supra, 413 U.S. at 208. At the very least, these historical circumstances shift the burden of proof to the defendants to prove conclusively that racial intent had no part in Mobile's adoption of the at-large election system. This burden-shifting principle is not new or novel. There are no hard-and-fast standards governing the allocation of the burden of proof in every situation. The issue, rather, "is merely a question of policy and fairness based on the experience in the different situations.” 9 J. Wigmore, Evidence §2486, at 275 (3d Ed. 1940). Keyes, supra, 413 U.S. at 209. Neither can the defendants successfully contend that, although the at-large system was devised during a time when black citizens were being intentionally disentranditsed, the system is being used today for completely non-racial reasons. In the first place, the evidence shows that the white-dominated legislature of Alabama and the white officers of the City of Mobile are entirely aware of the diluting effect the present system has on the voting strength of black Mobilians. The continuing use of racist campaign literature in light of racially polarized voting patterns cannot be ignored by this Court. And in the second place, Keyes teaches, again in the Gs context of school desegregation: If the actions of school authorities were to any degree motivated by segregative intent and the segregation resulting from those actions continues to exist, the fact of remoteness in time certainly does not make those actions any less "intentional." « «» . [Alt some point in time the relation- ship between past segregative acts and present segregation may become so attenuated as to be incapable of supporting a finding of de jure segregation warranting judicial intervention. - . . We made it clear, however, that a connection between past segregative acts and present segregation may be present even when-< not apparent and that close examination is required before concluding that the connection does not exist. Intentional school desegregation in the past may have been a factor in creating a natural environment for the growth of further segregation. Thus, if respondent School Board cannot disprove segregative intent, it can rebut the prima facie case only by showing that its past segregative acts did not create or contribute to the current segregated condition of the Core City Schools. 413 U.S. at 210-11. Again, the same analysis applied in the context of Mobile's voter discrimination is precisely that made by plaintiffs in this action. Our case is based on a showing that past official disenfranchisement has created "a natural environment for the growth of further [dis- crimination] in that the at-large election system instituted in the past contributes to current black vote dilution. The defendants cite Wallace wv. House, supra, 515 F:2d at 633, as Fifth Circuit judidical recognition that, with respect to a statute similar to Act 281, "there could have been no thought that the device was racially discriminatory, because 10 very few blacks were allowed to vote in Louisiana during that period.” However, defendants failed to complete the context in which the Fifth Circuit is quoted: We would be callous indeed to tell plaintiffs that seventy years of illegality somehow legitimizes continued dilution of black voting rights, but that is not the thrust of our discussion. In order for there to be substantial -- an thus illegal -- impairment of minority voting rights, there must be some fundamental unfairness in the electoral system, some denial of fair representation to a particular class. 515 F.2d at 619. Wallace goes on to hold that a reapportion- ment plan that preserves just one at-large position is not "fundamentally unfair" in light of the absence of racial motivation in Louisiana's at-large municipal election system. Of course, even this one at-large position has been questioned by the Supreme Court, who vacated Wallace v. House, supra, 44 1.8.1.W, 3607 (26 April 1976), for reconsideration in light of the single-member district preference expressed in Connor v. Johnson, 402 U.S. 690,692 (1971), and East Carroll Parish School Board v. Marshall, V.8. ,.96'3.Ct. 1083 (1.975). IYI. Discriminatory Intent Is Shown Under The Traditional Tort Standard Washington v. Davis, supra, also makes clear that a Watergate-like "smoking gun" need not now be produced to show discriminatory intent any more so than in the Past. Justice White's majority opinion includes the following priviso: 5 This is not to say that the necessary discriminatory racial purpose must be expressed or appear on the face of the statute, or that a law's disproportionate impact is irrelevant in cases involving Constitution- based claims of racial discrimination. A statute, otherwise neutral on its face, must not be applied so as invidiously to dis- criminate on the basis of race. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356 (1886). 44 U.S.L.W. at 4792. In his concurring opinion, Justice Stevens gave his version of this point: Frequently the most probative evidence of intent will be objective evidence of what actually happened rather than evidence describing the subjective state of mind of the actor. For normally the actor is presumed to have intended the natural consequences of his deeds. This is particularly true in the case of governmental action which is frequently the product of compromise, of collective decision- making, and of mixed motivation. 44 U.S.L.W. at 4800 (emphasis added). The law in this Circuit squarely adopts the aforesaid "tort" standard of proving intent. Keyes v. School District No. l, supra, relisd on =o heavily in Washington v. Davis, supra, has already been interpreted at length by the Fifth Circuit with respect to the meaning of requisite discriminatory tntone in constitutional cases. As a result of Keyes, the Fifth Circuit has for several years been requiring "proof of segregatory intent as a part of state action" in school desegregation findings. Morales Vv. Shannon, 516 7.24 411, 412- 13 (5th Cir.), cert.denied, 96 5.Ct. 566 (1975). Most recently, citing Morales, supra; Cisneros v. Corpus Christi Independent ° -17. School District, 467 F.2d 142 (5th Cir. 1972) (en banc), cert. denied, 413 U.S. 920 (1973); and United States v. Texas Education Agency, 467 F.2d 848 (5th Cir. 1972) (en banc), the Fifth Circuit squarely addressed the meaning of discriminatory intent: Whatever may have been the originally intended meaning of the tests we applied in Cisneros and Austin I [United States Vv. Texas Education Agency, supra], we agree with the intervenors that, after Keyes, our two opinions must be viewed as incorporating in school segregation law the ordinary rule of tort law that a person intends the natural ° and foreseeable consequences of his actions... Apart from the need to conform Cisneros and Austin I to the supervening Keyes case, there are other reasons for attributing responsibility to a state official who should reasonably foresee the segregative effects of his actions. First, it is difficult -- and often futile -- to obtain direct evidence of the official's intentions. ... Hence, courts usually rely on circumstantial evidence to ascertain the decision makers' motivations. United States v. Texas Education Agency (Austin Independent School District), 532 F.2d 380, 388 (5th Cir. 1976) (Austin II) (footnotes omitted). There is no reason to distinguish a school desegregation case from a voter discrimination case in the context of Washington v. Davis' underlying inquiry into discriminatory intent. There can be no serious question by anyone that the evidence in this case will demonstrate defendants' discriminatory intent to discriminate against Mobile's black voters according to the tort standard. The statistical analyses of racial vote polarization, documentary evidence of racial appeals: to the electorate and the abundant testimony of Mobile's politicans conceding the inability of black candidates to win in at-large elections in Mobile are matters of which the defendants have long been fully aware. This Court should hold that defsndants have intended the natural and foreseeable consequences of this racially discriminatory election system. Conclusion When Act 281 was passed in 1911, it became part of an overall electoral scheme in Alabama that was unquestionably designed and had the effect of disenfranchising black citizens. There is even some evidence that the legislators and political leaders of Mobile were consciously aware of the dilution factor the at-large system would add to the overall scheme. In any event, as a matter of law, the discriminatory intent of 1901 is presumed to attach to the state's action in 1911 when it enacted Act No. 281. The defendants must show by conclusive proof that there was no racially discriminatory motive behind Act 281. Furthermore, the evidence in this case will show that the state plainly intended to dilute the voting strength of black Mobilians as a natural and foreseeable consequence of imposing an at-large election system, a consequence that has lls been frequently and dramatically demonstrated over the past fifteen years. Read in light of the Supreme Court and Fifth Circuit authorities cited in this brief, it can be seen that the dilution factors set out in Zimmer wv. McKeithen, supra, are actually indicia of both discriminatory effect and dis- criminatorr Intent, actual and constructive. Respectfully submitted this 9th day of July, 1976. CRAWFORD, BLACKSHER, FIGURES & BROWN 1407 DAVIS AVENUE MOBILE, ALABAMA 36603 By: Ni y/o ./ U0.” BLACKSHER RRY MENEFEE EDWARD STILL, ESQUIRE SUITE 601 - TITLE BUILDING 2030 THIRD AVENUE, NORTH BIRMINGHAM, ALABAMA 35203 JACK GREENBERG, ESQUIRE CHARLES WILLIAMS, III., ESQUIRE SUITE: 2030 ‘10 COLUMBUS CIRCLE NEW YORK, N. Y. 10019 Attorneys for Plaintiffs -15- CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE I do hereby certify that on this the 9th day of July, 1976, I served a copy of the foregoing PLAINTIFFS' PRETRIAL BRIEF upon counsel of record, Charles A. Arendall, Esquire, David Bagwell, Esquire, Post Office Box 123, Mobile,AL and S. R. Sheppard, Esquire, City of Mobile, Legal Department, Post Office Box 1827, Mobile, AL 36601, by depositing same in United States Mail, postage prepaid or by HAND DELIVERY. ey for Plaintiffs ds 7 om pees «15