DeFunis v. Odegaard Brief Amicus Curiae of the Anti-Defamation League
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1973
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. DeFunis v. Odegaard Brief Amicus Curiae of the Anti-Defamation League, 1973. d84a6683-af9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/088a1c55-cfa1-4069-b206-c104581b571b/defunis-v-odegaard-brief-amicus-curiae-of-the-anti-defamation-league. Accessed November 29, 2025.
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IN THE
Supreme Court of tfje Mmteb H>tate£
October Term , 1973.
No. 7 3 -2 3 5
MARCO DE FUNIS, et ah,
vs.
Petitioners,
CHARLES ODEGAARD, et al,
Respondents.
BRIEF OF THE ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF
B N AI B’RITH AMICUS CURIAE.
Alexander M. Bickel,
261 St. Ronan Street,
New Haven, Connecticut 06511,
Philip B. Kurland,
Two First National Plaza,
Chicago, Illinois 60670,
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae.
Larry M. Lavinsky,
300 Park Avenue,
New York, New York 10022,
Arnold Forster,
315 Lexington Avenue,
New York, New York 10016,
Of Counsel.
G unthorp-W arren P rin ting Com pany, C hicago • 346-1717
INDEX.
PAGE
Opinions B elow .................................................................... 1
Jurisdiction ........................................................................... 1
Consent of the P arties .......................................................... 1
Questions Presented.............................................................. 2
Constitutional Provision.................................... 2
Interest of the Amicus C uriae............................................... 2
Statement ............................................................................... 3
Summary of Argument.......................................................... 16
Argument ............................................................................. 17
The Racial Quota Utilized by the Law School of the
University of the State of Washington Is a Violation
of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment .............................................................. 17
I. Any Racial Classification by a State Is Presump
tively Invalid Under the Equal Protection Clause
of the Fourteenth Amendment.............................. 19
II. A Racial Classification by a State Is Invalid Under
the Equal Protection Clause Except as a Specific
Remedy for Specific Unconstitutional or Illegal
Racial Discrimination ......................................... 21
III. The “Benign” Intent of the Framers of the Racial
Quota Here Cannot Save It. The Validity of
State Racial Discrimination Is Measured by Effect
Not M otive............................................................ 23
IV. There Are No “Compelling State Interests” to
Justify the Racial Quotas Used by the Respond
ents to Determine Admission to the State’s Law
School .................................................................. 25
Conclusion ............................................................................. 31
Appendix ................................................... A1
Table of Cases and Other Authorities.
Cases.
Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U. S. 497 (1954)..........................
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483 (1 9 5 4 ) ... .2,
Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority, 365 U. S. 715
(1961) .............................................................................
Carrington v. Rash, 380 U. S. 89 (1965).......................
Carter v. Gallagher, 452 F. 2d 315 (8th Cir. 1971),
cert, denied, 416 U. S. 950 (1972)..............................14,
Colorado Anti-Discrimination Commission v. Continental
Airlines, Inc., 372 U. S. 714 (1963)..............................
Contractors Association of Eastern Pennsylvania v. Sec
retary of Labor, 442 F. 2d 159 (3d Cir. 1971), cert.
denied, 404 U. S. 584 (1 9 7 1 ) ........................................
Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U. S. 330 (1972)..................... 28,
Graham v. Richardson, 403 U. S. 365 (1971).................
Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U. S. 424 (1971) . . . 11, 21,
Harper v. State Board of Elections, 383 U. S. 663 (1966)
Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S. 81 (1943) . .21, 26,
Hunter v. Erickson, 393 U. S. 385 (1969).......................
James v. Valtierra, 402 U. S. 137 (1971).......................
Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co., 392 U. S. 409 ( 1968) . . . .
Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S'. 214 (1944)...........
.............................................................................21, 25, 26,
Kraemer v. Union Free School District, 395 U. S. 621
(1969) .............................................................................
Loving v. Virginia, 388 U. S. 1 (1967)...............19-20, 23,
McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U. S. 184 (1964).................
Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633 (1948).....................
28
18
23
28
22
2
14
29
28
23
28
28
28
26
2
28
28
,28
28
28
Ill
Porcelli v. Titus, 431 F. 2d 1254 (3d Cir. 1970), cert,
denied, 402 U. S. 944 (3 971) .................................... 14,22
Reitman v. Mulkey, 387 U. S. 369 (1967)....................... 26
San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez,
441 U. S. 1 (1973) ....................................................... 4
Shelley v. Kramer, 334 U. S. 1 (1948)..............................2, 20
Slaughterhouse Cases, 16 Wall. 36 (3 870)........................ 28
Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U. S. 303 (1880)............... 28
Sullivan v. Little Hunting Park, Inc., 396 U. S. 229 (1969) 2-3
Swann v. C'harlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. of Education, 402
U. S. 1 (1971) .........................................................14,21,22
Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U. S. 629 (1950)............................2, 19
Ex Parte Virginia, 100 U. S. 339 (1880).......................... 28
Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U. S. 23 (1968)....................... 28
Winston-Salem/Forsyth County Board of Education v.
Scott, 404 U. S. 1221 (1971)....................................... 22
Wright v. Council of City of Emporia, 407 U. S. 451, 462
0 9 7 2 ) ............................................................................... 23
Constitutional and Statutory Provisions.
Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United
States ................................................................................. 2
28 U. S. C. § 1257(3).......................................................... 1
IV
Other Authorities.
S. Baron, The Russian Jew Under Tsars and Soviets 57
(1964) ............................................................................... 3
Graglia, Special Admission of the “Culturally Deprived”
to Law School, 119 U. Pa. L. Rev. 351, 353-59 (1970) 24
Higher Education for American Democracy, a Report of
the President’s Commission on Higher Education 35
(1947) 3
S. Kennedy, Jim Crow Guide to the U. S. A. 92 (1959;
1973) 3
G. Kisch, The Jews in Medieval Germany: A Study of
Their Legal and Social Status (2d ed. 1970)................. 3
L. Kochan, ed., The Jews in Soviet Russia Since 1971
1-2, 17, 90, 91, 92, 94, 146 (2d ed. 1972)................. 3
Kramer, What Lowell Said, The American Hebrew 394
(1923) 3
McPherson, The Black Law Student: A Problem of Fideli
ties, Atlantic 88 (April 1970) .................................... 24
G. Myers, Bigotry (2d ed. 1960)......................................... 23
S. Segal, The New Poland and the Jews 197 (1938)........ 3
Sowell, Black Education, Myths and Tragedies 292
(1 9 7 2 ) ............................................................................... 25
Steinberg, How Jewish Quotas Began, 52 Commentary 72
(1971) 3
United States Bureau of the Census, Census of Population:
1970, General Population Characteristics, Washington,
Final Report PC(1)-B49, Table 18; Idaho Final Re
port PC(1)-B14, Table 18; Montana, Final Report
PC(1)-B29, Table 18 ..................................................... 11
IN THE
Supreme Court of tf)e Umteb States?
October T erm , 1973.
No. 73-235.
MARCO DE FUNIS, et al,
vs.
Petitioners,
CHARLES ODEGAARD, et al.,
Respondents.
BRIEF OF THE ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE OF
B’NAI B’RITH AMICUS CURIAE.
OPINIONS BELOW.
The opinions of the Supreme Court of Washington are re
ported at 82 Wn. 2d 11, 507 P. 2d 1169, and are reprinted as
Appendix A to the petitioner’s Jurisdictional Statement or in the
Alternative Petition for Certiorari.
JURISDICTION.
The jurisdiction of this Court is invoked under 28 U. S. C.
1257(3). Certiorari was granted on 19 November 1973.
CONSENT OF THE PARTIES.
Both petitioners and respondents have graciously consented to
the delayed filing of this brief, and their letters of consent are
on file with the Clerk of this Court.
QUESTIONS PRESENTED.
The questions presented in this case are two:
1. May a State establish racial quotas for the admission of
students to its law school?
2. May a State, which cannot constitutionally discriminate
on racial grounds against black applicants to its law school, con
stitutionally discriminate on racial grounds against white ap
plicants to its law school?
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION.
The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United
States provides:
. . nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any
person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws.”
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS CURIAE.
B’nai B’rith, founded in 1843, is the oldest civic service
organization of American Jews. The Anti-Defamation League
was organized in 1913 as a section of B’nai B’rith to advance
good will and mutual understanding among Americans of all
creeds and races, and to combat racial and religious prejudice
in the United States.
Among its many other activities directed to these ends, the
Anti-Defamation League has in the past filed amicus briefs in
this Court urging the unconstitutionality or illegality of racially
discriminatory laws and practices in such cases as, e.g., Shelley
v. Kraemer, 334 U. S. 1 (1948); Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U. S.
629 (1950); Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483
(1954); Colorado Anti-Discrimination Commission v. Con
tinental Airlines, Inc., 372 U. S. 714 (1963); Jones v. Alfred
H. Mayer Co., 392 U. S. 409 (1968); Sullivan v. Little Hunt
3
ing Park, Inc., 396 U. S. 229 (1969); San Antonio Inde
pendent School District v. Rodriguez, 441 U. S. 1 (1973).
The “numerus clausus,” the racial quota that is involved in
this case, is of particular concern to the Jewish minority in this
country because of the long history of discrimination against
Jews by the use of quotas, both in Europe and in the United
States. See, e.g., Higher Education for American D e
mocracy, A R eport of the President’s Commission on
Higher Education 35 (1947); S. Kennedy, Jim Crow Guide
to the U. S. A. 92 (1959; 1973); Steinberg, How Jewish
Quotas Began, 52 Commentary 72 (1971). See also G.
Kisch, The Jews in Medieval Germany: A Study of Their
Legal and Social Status (2d ed. 1970); J. Marcus, The
R ise ane Destiny of the German Jew 11 (1934); S. Segal,
The New Poland and the Jews 197 (1938); L. Kochan,
ed., The Jews in Soviet Russia since 1971 1-2, 17, 90, 91, 92,
94, 146 (2d ed. 1972); S. Baron, The Russian J ew under
Tsars and Soviets 57 (1964). Because of the importance to
all groups within the American society of the questions presented
by this case, an argument on behalf of any one group would be
inappropriate. It may, nevertheless, be noted that after only 30
or 40 years of open admissions, the universities which, for cen
turies, set the style in excluding or restricting Jewish students,
may, again be able to do so, again in the name of enlightenment,
if the Washington decision is not reversed. See, e.g., Steinberg,
How Jewish Quotas Began, 52 Commentary 72 (1971);
Kramer, What Lowell Said, The American Hebrew 394
(1923).
STATEMENT.
Petitioner Marco DeFunis, applied for and was denied ad
mission to the 1974 class commencing September, 1971 of the
University of Washington Law School, the only law school
4
operated by the State of Washington. (Rev. Code of Washington,
Ch. 28B.20) Thereupon DeFunis, his wife, and his parents
brought suit in the Superior Court of the State of Washington,
seeking an order that DeFunis be admitted on the ground that
the procedures by which he was excluded were racially dis
criminatory. Following trial, the Superior Court ordered the
admission of DeFunis. Pursuant to the court’s order, he was
enrolled as of September 22, 1971. The University appealed.
On March 8, 1973, the Supreme Court of Washington reversed
the order to admit DeFunis. On June 5, 1973, Mr. Justice
Douglas stayed execution and enforcement of the judgment of
the Washington Supreme Court pending disposition of an appeal
or petition for a writ of certiorari in this Court.
Enrollment in the University of Washington Law School is
limited overall to 445 students. The size of the entering class
is dependent on the residual number after second and third-
year students who continue in good standing are counted. In
1971, the number of places open in the first-year class was a
maximum of 150. There were 1,601 applications. (St. 3-3-35.)*
The task of filling the places available in the first-year class
was assigned to an admissions committee consisting of five facul
ty members and two students. (St. 330.) A “Guide for Appli
cants” issued by the law school described the admissions process
that had been applied the previous year and announced that the
law school anticipated it would “be applied in determining
membership in the [entering] class of 1971.” The Guide stated:
In assessing applications, we began by trying to identify
applicants who had the potential for outstanding perform
ance in law school. We attempted to select applicants
for admission from that group on the basis of their ability to
to make significant contributions to law school classes and
to the community at large.
We gauged the potential for outstanding performance in
law school not only from the existence of high test scores
* “St.” refers to the Statement of Facts, which in this record
contains the transcript of testimony.
5
and grade point averages, but also from careful analysis
of recommendations, the quality of work in difficult analyti
cal seminars, courses, and writing programs, the academic
standards of the school attended by the applicant, the ap
plicant’s graduate work (if any), and the nature of the
applicant’s employment (if any), since graduation.
An applicant’s ability to make significant contributions
to law school classes and the community at large was as
sessed from such factors as his extracurricular and com
munity activities, employment, and general background.
We gave no preference to, but did not discriminate
against, either Washington residents or women in making
our determinations. An applicant’s racial or ethnic back
ground was considered as one factor in our general attempt
to convert formal credentials into realistic predictions.
(Defendants’ Exh. 45.)
While two general, non-racial factors in the admissions
process were thus announced: (1) “potential for outstanding
performance,” and (2) “ability to make significant contribu
tions to law school classes and to the community at large,”
testimony by the chairman of the admissions committee made
it clear that the second factor was definitely subordinate, if
indeed it had any substantial weight at all. The committee, its
chairman explained, “proceeded in a fashion of trying to identify
those individuals that it thought had the highest probability
of success in law school with a possible secondary qualifica
tion of selecting from among those individuals on the basis
of people who might make outstanding contributions to the
law school classes under the law school community.” (St. 360.)
In practice, the admissions process worked as follows. The
committee had before it transcripts from all schools and col
leges previously attended by the applicant, his score on the
law school admissions test, which is nationally administered,
letters of recommendation, and a statement by the applicant
himself. (St. 338; 22.) By means of a formula combining the
applicant’s score in the law school admissions test and his
junior and senior year college grade averages, a law school
6
predicted first-year average was established. (St. 360; 56; 181;
357.) All applicants whose predicted first-year average was 78
or above (the highest was 81), and a very high percentage
(93 out of 105) of applicants with a predicted first year average
between 77 and 78 were admitted. (Defendants’ Answers to
Interrogatories, Tr. 44.*)
Applications showing a score above 77 were thus treated
almost automatically, on the basis simply of the numerical
score. The same automatic treatment was afforded applica
tions showing a score of 74.5 or below, but only if they were not
applications of black Americans, Chicano Americans, native
American Indians, or Philippine Americans. If not coming from
these four groups, applications with a score of 74.5 or below
were examined by the chairman of the admissions committee
alone. Except in the case of applications of returning military
veterans who had been admitted in earlier years, and with the
exception also, as he testified, of “maybe one or two cases
outside of the military area,” the chairman of the admissions
committee rejected all these low-score applications out of hand.
Thus, as of August 1971, when the admissions process was
virtually complete and some 275 acceptances had been sent out
(allowing for non-acceptance among those invited), only nine
applicants who were not Chicano, Indian, or Philippine and
who had scores of 74.5 or below had been admitted, and these
were overwhelmingly cases of returning veterans. (St. 340-41;
Defendants’ Answers to Interrogatories, Schedule A, Tr. 48-52.)
There was thus left a residual category of applications,
which was divided into two groups. The first was the group of
applications showing predicted first-year averages below 77
(with a few 77’s included during the latter part of the process)
(St. 340), but above 74.5, where the applicant was not black
American, Chicano American, native American Indian, or
Philippine American. This was the group that included DuFunis,
whose score was 76.23. The second group consisted of ap
* “Tr.” refers to the Transcript of Record on Appeal to the
Supreme Court of Washington.
7
plications of black Americans, Chicano Americans, native
American Indians, or Philippine Americans regardless of the
predicted first-year average so long as it was below 77, which
included all but possibly one such application.* If it qualified
on the basis of race, it did not matter that an application
showed a score of 74.5 or below. It was put in this second
group, rather than being consigned to the chairman of the
admissions committee for summary disposition. Actually, 30
minority-group applications showing a score of 74.5 or below
were eventually accepted. (St. 340-42, 351; Defendants’ Exh.
44, p. 2; Defendants’ Answers to Interrogatories, Schedule A,
Tr. 48-52.)
Files in the first of these two residual groups—applicants
who were not black, Chicano, Indian, or Philippine but whose
averages fell between 77 and 74.5—were assigned to committee
members at random for examination and report to the full com
mittee, where they were acted upon. The second group, con
sisting of all but possibly one of the black American, Chicano
American, native American Indian, and Philippine American
applicants, were treated distinctly and separately. Having ex
plained that two groups were left over after the virtually auto
matic admission of the high-score applicants and the virtually
automatic exclusion of non-minority applicants with a score
of 74.5 and below, and that these two groups formed a residual
category, the chairman of the admissions committee testified:
“The residual category, and let me segregate—segregate is the
wrong word, but minorities were put aside for separate con
* Defendants’ Exh. 44, p. 2, shows that one black applicant (and
no Chicano, Indian, or Philippine applicant) had a score higher
than DeFunis’s 76.23. But we are not told whether this black
applicant’s score was as high as 77 or above. Comparing Schedule
A to Defendants’ Answer to Interrogatories (Tr. 48-53), with
Exhibit 44 makes plain that the listing of minority group members
in Schedule A includes Asians other than Philippine Americans.
Such other Asians received no preferential treatment and did not
form part of the second group discussed in the text. The score of
the black applicant in question cannot be determined from Sched
ule A.
8
sideration.” (St. 344.) Files of black applicants were sent to
a sub-committee consisting of a black law student and a faculty
member who had worked during the previous summer with a
special federally-funded program for training disadvantaged
college graduates interested in a career in law. (St. 359.) Files of
Chicano Americans, native American Indians, and Philippine
Americans were sent to an associate dean for review. The sub-
committe for black applicants and the associate dean who re
viewed other minority files reported back to the full admissions
committee with recommendations for acceptance and rejection.
(St. 352, 121-26.)
Files in this separately treated group of black Americans,
Chicano Americans, native American Indians, and Philippine
Americans were compared only with each other and not with
the other applications passed upon by the committee or by its
chairman individually. “Our notion in separating that category,”
the chairman of the admissions committee testified, “was an
attempt to try to compare, to the extent we could, applications
that were essentially comparable, that is, we wish to treat and
consider the minority applications in the context of examining
minority applications rather than sprinkled throughout a group
of simply the entire group of applications to the law school.”
(St. 351; St. 399.) The effort was to find “within the minority
category, those persons who we thought had the highest prob
ability of succeeding on law school.” (St. 353.) The reason for
including a black student in the sub-committee to which files
of black applicants were assigned was the admissions commit
tee’s “assumption . . . that a black person can better interpret
the experiences and background and educational opportunities
that a black has been exposed to than a white person can.” (St.
402.)
By the method described, 37 black American, Chicano
American, native American Indian and Philippine American
applicants were offered admission to the law school.* Of the
* The trial court found that 44 Afro-American, Asian-American,
Chicano-American, and American Indian applicants were admitted
9
37, one had a predicted first-year average higher than peti
tioner De Funis’s 76.23. Thirty-six had predicted first-year
averages below De Funis’s. Thirty of them, as already noted,
had averages below 74.5, and but for their racial classification
would have been summarily rejected. There were other ap
plicants also who were admitted with first-year predicted aver
ages below that of petitioner De Funis, 23 of them as return
ing veterans who had previously been admitted, and 25 for
other reasons that commended themselves to the discretion of
the admissions committee. The lowest score for a non-minority
group applicant who was admitted was 72.72. Twenty-four
minority applicants were admitted with scores below that. (De
fendants’ Exh. 44; Defendants’ Answers to Interrogatories,
Schedule A, Tr. 48-52.)
The predicted first-year average was not the sole admissions
criterion employed by the law school, but the record is clear
that taking all criteria into account, in the law school’s own
judgment, its minority-preference program resulted in the ad
mission, in the aggregate, of students acknowledged to be less
qualified than others who were not members of the designated
minority groups and who were, therefore, rejected. The dean
of the law school testified that “we do not want to go to the
point where we are taking people who are unqualified in an
absolute sense, and that is that they have no reasonable proba
ble likelihood of having a chance of succeeding in the study of
law with such academic supportive assistance that we can give
them.” (St. 420.) But he testified candidly that “I would be
misleading you, I think, if I suggested” that minority students
with low credentials who are admitted are “necessarily as likely
to succeed in the law school curriculum as certain of the ma
as “minority” students, and we referred to this finding at p. 6 of
our Brief as Amicus Curiae in Support of Jurisdictional Statement or
in the Alternative Petition for Certiorari. The figure used by the
trial court includes Asian Americans other than Philippine Ameri
cans who were in fact subjected to no special or separate admis
sions process but were treated in ordinary fashion in common with
non-minority applicants. (St. 352; Defendants’ Exhibit 44.)
10
jority students who are not admitted.” (St. 418.) And defining
the term “qualified” as indicating “the likelihood or proba
bility [that] the student has the potential for successful study
of law according to our curriculum,” the dean added: “On that
basis, we do take, in my opinion, some minority students who
at least, viewed as a group, have a less such likelihood than
the majority student group taken as a whole.” (St. 423.) There
followed this colloquy:
Q. Of these who have made application to go to the
law school, I am saying you are not taking the best
qualified?
A. In total?
Q. In total.
A. In using this definition, yes. (St. 423-24.)
The chairman of the admissions committee testified that
there was no fixed quota determining the number of minority
students to be admitted by the special, separate process adopted
by the law school. (St. 353.) But there was, if not a precise
number, then a zone or an order of magnitude. As indicated
above, the policy was not to take applicants who were unquali
fied in the absolute sense that they had no reasonable chance
of succeeding, even with supportive assistance. It was in that
sense, in the sense of resisting the temptation to “say we are
going to take X number of black students no matter what,
that the dean testified: “We do not have a quota. . . . But
at this point also he added: “We want a reasonable representa
tion. We will go down to reach it if we can,” without “taking
people who are unqualified in an absolute sense. . . . (St.
420.)
The stated rationale for the minority-preference policy was
that the minority racial and ethnic groups whom the law school
now sought to provide with a “reasonable representation were
those which had been “historically suppressed and excluded
from participation in what might be thought of I suppose, the
main stream of our society, and certainly in participation in
the legal arena.” (St. 416.) But there is no evidence in this
11
record, or in any materials outside the record we have been
able to find that might be suitable for judicial notice, of dis
crimination against the four groups in question by the Univer
sity of Washington. The President of the University, pledging
in a speech to students that the University would make “special
provision for disadvantaged black Americans,” gave as the
reasons for the policy the existence of slavery in the United
States until the Civil War and “the history after slavery of a
hundred years of separate and unequal treatment,” which he
said would have to be “matched by at least some years of sepa
rate and unequal treatment the other way if the situation is
to be remedied.” (Defendants’ Exh. 13.) There is thus no indi
cation of consciousness on the part of officials of the University
of separate and unequal or otherwise discriminatory treatment
of the groups in question at the University of Washington or
in the State of Washington. The record shows only that for
the year 1969-70, the University of Washington Law School
reported an enrollment of eight black students out of a total
of 356. (Defendants’ Exh. 7.) That comes to approximately
2.2%, and compares favorably with a percentage of blacks
in the population of the state of Washington, which is 2.1,
and in the populations of the neighboring states of Oregon,
Idaho, and Montana. See United States Bureau of the Census,
Census of Population: 1970, General Population Characteristics,
Washington, Final Report PC (1)-B49, Table 18; Idaho Final
Report PC (1)-B14, Table 18; Montana, Final Report PC
(1)-B29, Table 18.
Nor is there any showing in this record that the criteria
used for admission, and particularly the first-year average,
are not probative of qualification and therefore operate to
discriminate against certain groups on the basis of race or
ethnic origin. Cf. Griggs V. Duke Power Co., 401 U. S. 424
(1971). On the contrary, as noted earlier, it was conceded that
the result of diluting these criteria was the admission of rela
tively less qualified applicants. There is testimony in the record
—opinion evidence—that groups that have been handicapped
12
over a long period of time “by virtue of economic and other
circumstances” and that have not had “the educational con
dition and economic advantages for education [of] members
of other groups” are in a different position from those other
groups because: (1) they “may not [have been] exposed to the
same kind of emphasis on certain skill developments and so
on,” and (2) “our usual methods for evaluating applicants are
not particularly accurate” as to them. Some of the indicators
used, said the dean of the law school, “have a margin of error
even as to students from the major culture, and we know that as
to students from these minority cultures, they may be even
less reliable.” (St. 416-17; see also St. 73-74.)
This assumption, it is clear, underlay the minority-preference
policy. But it is equally clear on this record that this assumption
amounted to absolutely nothing more than the judgment,
acknowledged by the dean of the law school as noted above,
that applicants admitted under the special minority-preference
program were in the aggregate less qualified than other ap
plicants admitted in the regular course, and than some ap
plicants who were rejected. The law school neither abandoned
the criteria by which it judged qualifications, however imper
fect, nor so far as this record shows evolved and applied any
special criteria, specially suitable to the groups in question
and capable of assessing their qualifications as rigorously as
those of other applicants were assessed. The assumption that
the criteria normally used were less than usually accurate with
respect to the groups in questions turns out on this record
to be nothing more than an assumption that owing to various
conditions of deprivation applicants admitted under the minority-
preference policy were less qualified than other applicants.
Moreover, there is no pretense in this record that the as
sumption of cultural and economic disadvantage as applied to
any particular individual applicant rested on anything but his
race, or that the contrary assumption, namely, that an applicant
had had the normal cultural and economic advantages, in turn
13
rested on anything but the applicant’s race. Nothing in this
record indicates that membership in one of the four racial
groups that received preferential treatment correlates with cul
tural and economic deprivation, or that any effort was made
to find such a correlation. And the evidence is clear that no
effort was made to examine the mass of applications for in
dications of cultural or economic deprivation, whatever the race
of the applicant.
The dean of the law school referred to the term, “cultural
disadvantage,” as a sort of “cloak of language” (St. 417.), and
when asked to define the difference between a minority group
and a culturally disadvantaged person or group, he replied that
“the semantics of this whole thing are something of a problem.”
(St. 424-25.) There is in this record a fully candid recognition
that the law school admissions policy singled out for separate
treatment applications of certain persons solely on the basis of
race, and judged them more indulgently than other applica
tions. On this record, therefore, the assumption of economic
and cultural disadvantage, as a rationale for the minority-
preference policy merges into the rationale of historic conditions
of oppression and discrimination.
An alternate and broader possible rationale is explicitly dis
avowed in this record. The law school, the chairman of the
admissions committee testified, did not pursue a general policy
of trying to achieve a balanced class. “About the only thing,
I suppose,” he said, “that can be said in this direction is, of
course, the policy with respect to the representation within the
law school community of minority students, if that, in some
sense, can be considered an issue of class balance; negatively, I
suppose, in negating the general overtones of class balance, the
committee did not proceed to, with respect to any stated policy,
certainly with the view of trying to procure certain numbers of
individuals from various parts of the United States, from various
employment skills, from various undergraduate majors, or any
of the other numerous possible means that one could have for
saying a class has balance.” (St. 360.)
14
On this record, the trial court ordered DeFunis’s admission
on the ground that he had been excluded only by reason of his
race.
The Supreme Court of Washington reversed the judgment of
the trial court. The Supreme Court held that plaintiff had stand
ing to raise the issues presented, and that the case was not
moot. 507 P. 2d at 1177, n. 6. Coming to the merits, the
court held that the law school’s admissions policy did
not constitute invidious and stigmatizing discrimination
any more than did the color-conscious policies mandated,
and in a dictum permitted, by this Court in Swann v. Charlotte-
Mecklenburg Bd. of Education, 402 U. S. 1, 16 (1971), or
by certain decisions of lower federal courts such as Carter v.
Gallagher, 452 F. 2d 315 (8th Cir. 1971), cert, denied, 416
U. S. 950 (1972); Porcelli v. Titus, 431 F. 2d 1254 (3d Cir.
1970), cert, denied, 402 U. S. 944 (1971); Contractors Asso
ciation of Eastern Pennsylvania v. Secretary of Labor, 442 F.
2d 159 (3d Cir. 1971)), cert, denied, 404 U. S. 584 (1971).
Nevertheless, the Washington Supreme Court held, a compelling
state interest must be shown in order to justify classifications
based on race. It found such compelling state interests in: (1)
The elimination of “racial imbalance within public legal educa
tion,” 507 P. 2d at 1182, having regard to the fact that racial
minorities are as fully taxed as anyone else for the support of
public education, including public legal education; (2) The
production of “a racially balanced student body at the law
school,” 507 P. 2d at 1184, which may be considered necessary
by educational authorities in order to train lawyers fully com
petent to practice in the American multi-racial society;
(3) The alleviation of a nation-wide “shortage of minority
attorneys.” 507 P. 2d at 1184.
It had been suggested, the court said, that these compelling
state purposes could be served by improving elementary and
secondary education of minority students so that they could
15
secure equal representation by having their applications to
law school considered competitively, with no need for prefer
ential consideration. Such a program, the court went on, would
not work effectively in the foreseeable future. Consequently
there were no less restrictive means available that would serve
the state’s compelling interest as effectively as a preferential
minority admissions policy.
The court noted that underlying the law school’s admissions
policy was the assumption that certain racial groups had been
historically suppressed and disadvantaged. But the court did
not appear to view this assumption, which it shared, as in itself
constituting a compelling state interest. The court also set
aside as not relevant for purposes of decision of the case
questions whether de jure or de facto discrimination had existed
at the University of Washington.
The court held further that there was no denial of equal
protection in that feature of the law school’s policy which
singled out only certain racial groups, since in light of the
purpose of the policy the racial classification did not need to
include all racial minority groups. Finally the court held that
the law school’s admissions procedures and their application
did not constitute arbitrary and capricious administrative action.
Predetermined standards and procedures were used, but a
numerical criterion was not the only one that was employed.
The numerical criterion was departed from for reasons having
to do with race, but in other cases for other reasons as well,
including the likelihood that an applicant would make a con
tribution to the law school and to the community at large
following graduation.
Justice Wright, while joining the majority opinion, filed a
brief concurrence emphasizing the point that a “law school
admissions program should not and need not be based upon
purely mathematical factors.” 507 P. 2d at 1188. Justice Finley
and Stafford, who had also joined in the opinion of the court,
joined in Justice Wright’s concurrence as well.
16
Chief Justice Hale, with whom Justice Hunter joined, filed
a dissent. The law school’s admissions program violated the
14th Amendment, Chief Justice Hale maintained, and could
not be sanctioned by the holdings of any of the cases relied
upon by the majority. “The circle of inequality cannot be
broken,” said the Chief Justice, “by shifting the inequities from
one man to his neighbor.” 507 P. 2d at 1189. The Chief
Justice also regarded the administration of the law school’s
admissions policy as being capricious and arbitrary even aside
from its preferential feature based on race. Justice Hunter also
added a brief dissenting opinion making the same point. 507
P. 2d at 1200.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT.
Marco DeFunis was not permitted to compete for all of the
places in the entering class of the University of Washington
Law School. He was excluded solely because of his race from
a significant number of places which were set aside and reserved
for other races. Had DeFunis been black, Indian, Chicano or
Philippine, such exclusion would have been unconstitutional. (In
deed if DeFunis were any of these, most of those appearing
against him here would be his champions instead of his ad
versaries.) If the Constitution prohibits exclusion of blacks and
other minorities on racial grounds, it cannot permit the exclusion
of whites on racial grounds. For it must be the exclusion on
racial grounds which offends the Constitution, and not the
particular skin color of the person excluded.
For at least a generation the lesson of the great decisions of
this Court and the lesson of contemporary history have been
the same: discrimination on the basis of race is illegal, immoral,
unconstitutional, inherently wrong and destructive of demo
cratic society. Now this is to be unlearned and we are told that
this is not a matter of fundamental principle but only a matter of
whose ox is gored. Those for whom racial equality was de
manded are now to be more equal than others. Having found
17
support in the Constitution for equality, they now claim support
for inequality under the same Constitution. This is the classic
hard case making very bad law.
A state-imposed racial quota is a per se violation of the
Equal Protection Clause because it utilizes a factor for measure
ment that is necessarily irrelevant to any constitutionally ac
ceptable legislative purpose. A racial quota is a device for
establishing a status, a caste, determining superiority or in
feriority for a class measured by race without regard to in
dividual merit.
There was a finding by both courts below that the State of
Washington used racial criteria to exclude DeFunis from ad
mission to the State’s law school. Exclusion from a state law
school on the basis of race has long since been declared by this
Court to be unconstitutional.
The only justification for use by a state of a racial classifica
tion is its use to cure or alleviate specific, illegal racial discrim
ination. There is no basis in this record even to suggest earlier
illegal racial discrimination to be remedied by the racial quota
adopted by the law school here.
Even if a racial quota were not, per se, a violation of the
Equal Protection Clause, like any racial classification it was not
available for use by a state in the absence of a “compelling
state interest.” There is no “compelling state interest” shown
on this record.
ARGUMENT.
The Racial Quota Utilized by the Law School of the University
of the State of Washington Is a Violation of the Equal
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
The facts have been set out in detail in the above Statement
in order to reveal the true nature of the racial quota system
for admissions adopted by the University of Washington Law
School. The size of the class was fixed within approximately
18
five places. There was no suggestion that class size was ex
pandable. (St. 115, 333-34.) Minority and majority applicants,
as those terms were defined by the law school, went through
separate, segregated admission procedures. (St. 351; 359; 399;
402.) As the chairman of the admissions committee stated:
“The residual category, and let me segregate—segregate is the
wrong word, but minorities were put aside for separate con
sideration.” (St. 344.) The most desirable students were chosen
within each of the two groups. (St. 353; 420.) But the candi
dates in one group were never considered in competition for the
places allotted to the other group. (St. 353; 399.) The number
of places allotted to minority applicants was changed from year
to year by as inconspicuous a decision as possible. But a quota
is no less a quota because it is not labelled as such or because
it is subject to annual adjustment. (St. 416; 420.)
The use of the quota system—the segregation of two groups
of applicants by race with admission for each group limited to its
assigned numbers—makes it clear that this is not simply a case
where race was used as one among many factors to determine
admission. Instead, the law school used race as the criterion for
imposing entirely separate admissions procedures. The class that
entered the University of Washington Law School in 1971 was in
fact two classes, distinguished in terms of racial attributes, one of
“minority” students and the other of “majority” students, recog
nized and chosen as such by the University. To the extent that
a place was assigned to one group, it was inaccessible to a
student from the other group. What was demonstrated by the
law school here was not a form of integration of races but
rather a form of segregation of the races.
Never, since this Court struck down what Mr. Roy Wilkins
has called a “zero quota” (N. Y. Post, 3 March 1973) in
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483 (1954), has a
racial quota been approved by this Court. Both proponents and
opponents of integration have recognized such quotas as per se
19
violations of the Equal Protection Clause that cannot be justi
fied. That is why respondents try to assert that what is in
volved here is not a “quota.” For a quota is not merely a
racial classification. It is an attribution of status—of c a s te -
fixed by race. A quota necessarily legislates not equality, but
a governmental rule of racial differences without regard to an
individual’s attributes or merits.
This is made clear by the fact that the “minority” applicants
were not judged by different criteria for admission than were
applied to the “majority” candidates. The predictive factors
for measuring potential success in law school were the same for
both groups. What was different was the law school’s ruling
that “minority” candidates, because of their race, could not be
expected to meet the higher standards established for “majority”
students, without any regard to be given to individual capaci
ties. Here lies the inherent evil of quotas that reverse the
objective of Anglo-American democracies to move toward free
dom by the rejection of status, measured by immutable factors
like race, for assigning an individual his place in our society.
I. Any Racial Classification by a State Is Presumptively Invalid
Under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amend
ment.
A generation ago, this Court held that the exclusion of a
black applicant from a state university law school solely be
cause of his race was a violation of the Equal Protection Clause.
Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U. S. 629 (1950). The Court is, never
theless, asked here to hold that the exclusion of a non-black
applicant from the law school of the State of Washington, solely
because of his race, is a valid racial classification. We respect
fully submit that the rule of equality mandated by this Court
in Sweatt v. Painter compels the reversal of the judgment of
the Supreme Court of Washington in this case.
It has long been established that a racial classification im
posed by “official state sources,” Loving v. Virginia, 388 U. S.
20
1, 10 (1967), is presumed to be invalid under the Equal
Protection Clause.
[W]e deal here with a classification based upon the race
of the participants, which must be viewed in light of the
historical fact that the central purpose of the Fourteenth
Amendment was to eliminate racial discrimination ema
nating from official sources in the States. This strong
policy renders racial classification “constitutionally sus
pect,” Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U. S. 497, 499; and subject
to the “most rigid scrutiny,” Korematsu v. United States,
323 U. S. 214, 216; and “in most circumstances irrele
vant” to any constitutionally acceptable legislative purpose.
Hirabayashi V. United States, 320 U. S. 81, 100.
(McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U. S. 184, 191, 192
(1964).)
Racial discrimination is not justified because the burden of
the state action falls on both races or all races so classified.
“Equal protection of the laws is not achieved through indis
criminate imposition of inequalities.” Shelley v. Kraemer, 334
U. S. 1, 22 (1948).
There is no question here but that DeFuniss exclusion from
the state law school was a result of a racial classification. The
trial court ordered DeFunis’s admission for that reason. Nor
did the Supreme Court of Washington disagree with the lower
court that the law school had used a racial classification to
exclude DeFunis. Rather, it announced that, in ostensible
conformity with the commands of this Court, “the burden is
upon the law school to show that its consideration of race in
admitting students is necessary to the accomplishment of a
compelling state interest.” (507 P. 2d at 1182.)
In short, the controversy in this Court is not over the ques
tion whether a racial classification was used as the basis for
the exclusion of DeFunis, but whether that otherwise un
constitutional racial classification was validated by “a com
pelling state interest.”
It is our position that a racial classification that takes the
form of a racial quota, as in this case, is unconstitutional vel
non, because racial quotas are anathema to the concept of
individual freedom. But we submit that even if a racial quota
does not fall into a special invalid category of its own giving
rise to an irrebuttable presumption of violation of the Four
teenth Amendment, the racial classification here cannot be
validly imposed within the limits of the Equal Protection Clause.
II. A Racial Classification by a State Is Invalid Under the Equal
Protection Clause Except as a Specific Remedy for Specific
Unconstitutional or Illegal Racial Discrimination.
Not since Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S. 81 (1943),
and Korematsu V. United States, 323 U. S. 214 (1944), has
this Court permitted the use of race as a factor for classifica
tion, except to cure an earlier illegally imposed racial dis
crimination. And even in those cases in which this Court has
sanctioned such limited cognizance of a racial factor, the use
of the racial factor has been condoned only to assure the
elimination of the illegal discrimination and never as a tool
for “reverse discrimination” of the kind sought to be justified
by the Washington Supreme Court here. Cf. Griggs v. Duke
Power Co., 401 U. S. 424, 430-31 (1971).
The Washington Supreme Court rested heavily on a dictum
of this Court in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of
Education, 402 U. S. 1, 16 (1971), which affords no support
for the conclusion reached by the state court. At most, Swann,
in its context of remedial litigation, suggested that a school
system might provide for the distribution of students already
in the system in the relative proportions of the races in the
school system as a whole.
Indeed, the Washington Supreme Court recognized that the
use of “race” in Swann was justified only “to prevent the per
petuation of discrimination and to undo the effects of past
segregation.” (507 P. 2d at 1180.) But it failed to recognize
22
that there was no showing on the record in this case of any
past discrimination by respondents that purported to be remedied
by the law school’s use of a racial quota. Nor did it seem to
understand that Swann did not endorse a “fixed racial balance
or quota” even in the presence of a clear demonstration of
prior discrimination. Winston-Salem/Forsyth County Board oj
Education V. Scott, 404 U. S. 1221, 1227 (1971).
It is equally important to see that in Swann, and other cases
dealing with segregation in public schools, the contemplated
remedy—a remedy for specific racial discrimination—is a reas
signment of students within the system. The “racial balances”
involved in those cases denied no white or black, Indian or
Asiatic, education at a state school. Here, however, the law
school’s admission process flatly denied access of white students,
including DeFunis, to state educational facilities in order to
make them available to others of different race, because of their
race.
Each of the cases cited by the Washington Supreme Court to
justify the racial discrimination indulged by the law school here,
e.g., Swann, supra; Porcelli V. Titus, 431 F. 2d 1254 (3d Cir.,
1970); Carter V. Gallagher, 452 F. 2d 315 (8th Cir., 1971),
tolerates the use of a racial standard by the state, but only to
cure racial discrimination imposed by the party against whom
the remedy is ordererd. In this case, however, there is nothing
in the record on which to base a finding of unequal treatment by
race in the University of Washington, or, indeed, in the State
of Washington.
Generalized historical assertion about conditions somewhere
in the United States some time in the past is not the premise of
the remedial discrimination cases decided by this Court, nor
should it be. If such a predicate were allowed to replace care
ful, specific findings of discrimination as the necessary condition
for sustaining reverse discrimination, such state racial preferences
would be constitutionally sanctioned in a wide range of cir
cumstances that would denigrate if not destroy the concept of
23
racial equality specified in the Equal Protection Clause. Nor, in
the light of our history, see, e.g., G. Myers, A History of
Bigotry in the United States (rev. ed. 1960), would such
“benevolence” be limited to those few “minorities” singled out
by the State of Washington here. “The clear and central pur
pose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to eliminate all official
state sources of invidious racial discrimination in the States.”
Loving v. Virginia, 388 U. S. 1, 10 (1967).
We submit that the use of race as a standard for the elimina
tion of specific prior racial discrimination permits only the
elimination of specific prior racial discrimination and not a sub
stitution of racial discrimination against others.
III. The “Benign” Intent of the Framers of the Racial Quota
Here Cannot Save If. The Validity of State Racial Discrimi
nation Is Measured by Effect Not Motive.
It is argued that the racial quotas adopted by the law school
here are not “invidious” because their purpose was “benign.”
But respondents’ purpose in effecting its racial quota system is
irrelevant. It is not the purpose but the effect of a racial classifi
cation that commands its invalidation. Cf. Griggs v. Duke Power
Co., 401 U. S. 424, 432 (1971). This is a lesson that this
Court has continuously declared. For example, in Wright v.
Council of City of Emporia, 407 U. S. 451, 462 (1972), the
Court answered “Thus, we have focused upon the effect—not the
purpose or motivation—of a school board’s action in determining
whether it is a permissible method of dismantling a dual system.
The existence of a permissible purpose cannot sustain an action
that has an impermissible effect.” And in Burton v. Wilmington
Parking Authority, 365 U. S. 715, 725 (1961), the Court
said: “[N]o State may effectively abdicate its responsibilities
by either ignoring them or by merely failing to discharge them
whatever the motive may be. It is of no consolation to an in
dividual denied the equal protection of the laws that it was
done in good faith.”
24
The Supreme Court of Washington conceded that “the
minority admissions policy is certainly not benign with respect to
nonminority students who are displaced by it.” (507 P. 2d
at 1182.) Since it is the “nonminority student” who is the
victim of this invalid racial classification, that should suffice
to dispose of the argument of the benign nature of the racial
classification. But there is even reason to doubt the State
court’s notion that the evil of a racial quota does not stigmatize
the “minority student” who gains admissions under such cir
cumstances. For there is certainly the great possibility of that
consequence, especially where, as under the law school’s ad
missions program, the lower admission standards for “minority
students” were such a well-publicized element. (St. 418; Exh.
45.) A recent black graduate of a law school put the problem
cogently:
Traditionally, first-year law students are supposed to be
afraid, or at least awed; but our fear was compounded by
the uncommunicated realization that perhaps we were not
authentic law students and the uneasy suspicion that our
classmates knew that we were not, and like certain members
of the faculty, had developed paternalistic attitudes toward
us. (McPherson, The Black Law Student: A Problem of
Fidelities, Atlantic 88 (April 1970).)
The quota system is admittedly not “benign” so far as the
excluded majority applicants are concerned. There is little or
no basis for suggesting that it is not “invidious” and “stigmatiz
ing” for the category of applicant labelled by race as incapable
of meeting the standards applied to others. See Graglia, Spe
cial Admission of the “Culturally Deprived’ to Law School,
119 U. Pa. L. Rev. 351, 353-59 (1970).
Indeed, a racial quota is always stigmatizing and invidious,
particularly when it is applied to areas concerned with intel
lectual competency and capacity.* This is so essentially for the
» It is suggested that such a statement lacks sincerity if
made by a non-black. And so we have attached as an Ap
pendix to this brief a copy of a nationally syndicated interview
with Dr. Kenneth Clark, no stranger to this Court’s decisions,
which confirms the position advanced by us here.
25
reasons stated by Professor Thomas Sowell in his book BLACK
EDUCATION, MYTHS AND TRAGEDIES 292 (1972):
[T]he actual harm done by quotas is far greater than
having a few incompetent people here and there— and
the harm that will actually be done will be harm primarily
to the black population. What all the arguments and cam
paigns for quotas are really saying, loud and clear, is that
black people just don’t have it, and that they will have
to be given something in order to have something. The
devastating impact of this message on black people—
particularly black young people—will outweigh any few
extra jobs that may result from this strategy. Those black
people who are already competent, and who could be
instrumental in producing more competence among this
rising generation, will be completely undermined, as black
becomes synonymous—in the minds of black and white
alike—with incompetence, and black achievement be
comes synonymous with charity or payoffs.
A racial quota is derogatory to those it is intended to benefit
and depriving of those from whom is taken what is “given” to
the minority. A beneficent quota is invidious as it is patron
izing.
IV. There Are No “Compelling State Interests” to Justify the
Racial Quotas Used by the Respondents to Determine Ad
mission to the State’s Law School.
The Washington Supreme Court announced that the law
school’s racial policies were on their face presumptively invalid
but might be justified on a showing of a “compelling state in
terest.” It then examined the evidence and proceeded to vali
date the racial quotas on what, at most, could be called a
“rational means” test.
As we have already argued, there can be no “compelling state
interest” for racial classification by the state except for its use
to eliminate adverse racial classification theretofore imposed,
or perhaps where the nation’s security in time of war may be
thought to justify such classification. See Korematsu v. United
26
States, 323 U. S. 214 (1944); Hirabayashi v. United States,
320 U. S. 81 (1943). Assuming, however, that racial quotas
can be justified by some other “compelling state interest,” there
is no such interest justified in this record.
The record in this case is devoid of support for the conclu
sion of “compelling state interest.” Indeed, there was no con
scious effort by respondents at trial to demonstrate any com
pelling state interest. Respondents’ case rested primarily on
“the cultural disadvantage” which the admissions committee
wished to take into account in awarding places in the class.
It was assumed, but not shown, that cultural disadvantage
could be correlated with the four minority groups whose mem
bers were to be given preferential treatment. (St. 416; 73-74;
90; 108; 353; 400-01; 418-19; 424-25.) As one witness on
compensatory pre-law training put it: “In formal terms, we
articulate our concern for the economically and culturally dis
advantaged. I suppose in practical terms our efforts have been
largely with the minority group student . . .” (St. 125.) The
equation between the “minority group students” and the cul
turally deprived can no more be made to justify racial classifica
tion than can the equation between minority groups and the
economically deprived in the political sphere. Compare Reit-
man v. Mulkey, 387 U. S. 369 (1967), with James v. Valtierra,
402 U. S. 137 (1971).
When asked to explain the law school’s race-based preferen
tial treatment, respondents repeatedly claimed to be favoring
applicants from deprived cultural and educational backgrounds.
Those who offered this justification included the chairman of
the school’s admissions committee (St. 352; 402), the dean of
the law school (St. 416-18; 424-25), the president of the Uni
versity (St. 225; 243-44), and the former chairman of the
board of trustees of the university (St. 108, 111). The evi
dence is, however, dear that defendants did not give pref
erential treatment to “deprived students” who were not blacks,
27
Chicanes, Indians, or Philippines. (See, e.g., St. 344; 352;
399.)
There is nothing in this record that shows that membership
in one of the four minority races correlates with such depriva
tion. Indeed, a member of one of the favored minorities was
to be treated as “culturally deprived” so far as the law school
was concerned, even if he came from a highly intellectual and
cultured family. Moreover, if a correlation could be made that
showed every member of the four racial minorities to fall into
the category of culturally and educationally deprived, the
classification would still be invalid for underinclusiveness be
cause it would fail to include culturally and economically de
prived persons who are not members of these four racial
minorities.
What the Constitution prohibits is that admissions be deter
mined by race. Equal protection might not be offended by con
sideration of cultural deprivation; it is offended by considera
tions of race. If elimination of cultural deprivation were the
compelling principle, however, it was not the guide used for
special treatment for admissions to the law school here. The
rule established for the University of Washington School of
Law was simply that it was easier for a black, a Chicano, an
American Indian, or a Philippino to enter than for a white or
an Asian, without regard to the cultural deprivation from which
the applicant may or may not have suffered. (St. 108-09; 225;
243-44; 261; 418; 423-24; 431.)
To support the so-called state interest in discrimination on the
basis of race the Supreme Court of Washington relied only on
three bits of evidence: (1) a self-serving declaration by the
dean of the law school (St. 416); (2) the text of an impromptu
speech given by the president of the University to a group of
striking black students in 1968 during the time of the “univer
sity troubles” (Exh. 13); and (3) a “Survey of Black Law
Student Enrollment” giving statistics for 125 law schools in
cluding the University of Washington School of Law for the
28
year 1970-71 (Exh, 7). These three items are patently in
adequate to carry the “heavy burden” of showing a compelling
state interest of the State of Washington in discriminating in
favor of four racial groups in filling its law school classes.
In this case the State, thus, made only a token effort to
shoulder the heavy burden of proving a compelling state interest
in racial discrimination. Even if the minimal proof accepted by
the Supreme Court of Washington could qualify under a ra
tional means test, it cannot meet the compelling state interest
test. The substitution of the lower quantum of proof is explicitly
forbidden by a consistent line of cases in this Court dealing
with racial classifications. Slaughterhouse Cases, 16 Wall. 36,
71 (1870: Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U. S. 303, 307-08
(1880); Ex parte Virginia, 100 U. S. 339, 344-45 (1880);
Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S. 81, 100 (1943);
Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214, 216 (1944); Oyama
v. California, 332 U. S. 633, 644-46 (1948); Bolling v. Sharpe,
347 U. S. 497, 499, (1954); McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U. S.
184, 191-92 (1964); Loving v. Virginia, 388 U. S. 1, 10-11
(1967); Hunter v. Erickson, 393 U. S. 385, 392 (1969);
Graham V. Richardson, 403 U. S. 365, 372 (1971).
That the compelling state interest necessary to justify a racial
quota has not been established here may be quickly seen from
a glance at the decisions of this Court in recent years that have
applied that standard. Although none of them involved so patent
a violation of the Equal Protection Clause as a racial quota, in
each case this Court has ruled that the interest of the state was
not sufficient to override the prima facie violation of the Equal
Protection Clause. McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U. S. 184
(1964); Carrington v. Rash, 380 U. S. 89 (1965); Harper v.
State Board of Elections, 383 U. S. 663 (1966); Williams v.
Rhodes, 393 U. S. 23 (1968); Kraemer v. Union Free School
District, 395 U. S. 621 (1969); Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U. S.
330 (1972). Indeed, as the Chief Justice pointed out in his dis
sent in Dunn v. Blumstein, “[No] state law has ever satisfied this
29
seemingly insurmountable standard.” (405 U. S. 330, 363-64
(1972).)
The “compelling interest” standard has another attribute that
was substantially ignored by the Washington Supreme Court
and that dictates the reversal of that court’s judgment. This
Court stated in Dunn v. Blumstein, supra, 405 U. S. at 343:
“[I]f there are other, reasonable ways to achieve those goals
with a lesser burden on constitutionally protected activity, a
State may not choose the way of greater interference. If it
acts at all, it must choose ‘less drastic means.’ ” There was in
this case no substantial undertaking to discover the feasibility
of means other than the utilization of a presumptively invalid
racial quota for admission to the law school to accomplish the
alleged state interests asserted here.
Obviously, as the compelling state interest cases already cited
reveal, this Court is not the place to examine the alternatives
that might permit the State to bring more of the culturally
deprived members of racial minorities into the law school on
an equal footing with other students. Affirmative action pro
grams, not quotas are the requirements of national policy.
(See our brief in support of the petition for certiorari in this
case at pp. 19 et seq.) An “open admission” policy without
racial standards might afford the answer. It might also be
possible to open more places in law schools at the University
of Washington or in other State university facilities where
admission would not depend on the racial characteristics of the
applicants. Special schooling might be afforded for preparation
for admission to law schools for those who cannot meet the
existent standards without such additional training, but again
only so long as that schooling is not afforded on a racial basis.
This case, however, involves no legitimate affirmative action,
but a racial quota. As our brief in support of the petition for
certiorari pointed out, so-called affirmative action programs that
are not circumscribed in terms consistent with the Equal Pro
tection Clause collapse into the very evil they seek to cure.
30
The social problem that the Washington Supreme Court pur
ported to address cannot properly be considered one of quantity
rather than quality. Even if it were legitimate to postulate,
as that court did, that a lawyer or doctor should be trained to
serve only persons of the same skin color or parental origins
—a proposition that itself is inconsistent with the doctrine of
equality underlying the Fourteenth Amendment—-those doctors
and lawyers should have the same appropriate skills and capac
ities as those practising their professions on behalf of others.
The answer to the problem cannot be, as the Washington court
would have it, a simple play on numbers. This we think should
be evident from the fact that the alleged compelling state in
terest asserted by the Washington court here—providing train
ing for black lawyers to serve black clients—would most easily
and readily be met by creation of additional separate law schools
for “minority” applicants who do not meet the standards for
admission to existent law schools. No one doubts that the
patent invalidity of such racial classification could not be over
come by the “compelling state interest” asserted here. Neither
can the racial device actually used by the law school be justified
by the “compelling state interest” found by the Washington
Supreme Court.
The most charitable reading of the Washington Supreme
Court’s decision is that it has said that the alternative means for
reaching its goal are more difficult, more time-consuming, more
expensive. So long as the alternatives have the virtue of con
stitutionality, however, the Equal Protection Clause commands
their use rather than the unconstitutional means that may be
quicker, or less difficult, or less expensive. If the goals attributed
to the state here are constitutionally valid, they cannot be ac
complished by the unconstitutional means of that most invidious
of discriminatory devices, the racial quota.
31
CONCLUSION.
The judgment below should be reversed because it condones
the use of a patently unconstitutional means to an invalid end.
A racial quota creates a status on the basis of factors that have
to be irrelevant to any objectives of a democratic society, the
factors of skin color or parental origin. A racial quota derogates
the human dignity and individuality of all to whom it is applied.
A racial quota is invidious in principle as well as in practice.
Though it may be thought here to help “minority” students, it
can as easily be turned against those same or other minorities.
The history of the racial quota is a history of subjugation not
beneficence.
The evil of the racial quota lies not in its name but in its
effect. A quota by any other name is still a divider of society,
a creator of castes, and it is all the worse for its racial base,
especially in a society desperately striving for an equality that
will make race irrelevant, politically, economically, and socially.
Respectfully submitted,
Alexander M. Bickel,
261 St. Ronan Street,
New Haven, Connecticut 06511,
Philip B. Kurland,
Two First National Plaza,
Chicago, Illinois 60670,
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae.
Larry M. L avinsky,
300 Park Avenue,
New York, New York 10022,
Arnold Forster,
315 Lexington Avenue,
New York, New York 10016,
Of Counsel.
APPENDIX.
This article appeared first in The Chicago Tribune for 29 June
1971 under the heading “Compassion, Minorities, and Subtle,
"Racism.” This photocopy is made from a republiCation in
The Kansas City Star
«£ By Joan Beck
° What are the most urgent
, seeds of disadvantaged, mi*
• s tr i ty group children?
To be free of the label of
disadvantaged” — w h e t b
tt‘* ■ used with sentiment
compassion or as an excu
for subtle racism—and to
held to a singla standard
: high performance in school
effective teachers.
« So says Dr. Kenneth B.
. Clark, psychologist and educa-
* t tor.. Dr. Ciark is president of
i the Metropolitan Applied Re
search Center in New York.
' professor of psychology at
r O ty College of New York and
author of several books about
• the effect of racism on young
ster*. ..
Celling lower-class, minori
ty-group youngsters "disad-
• eantaged” or "culturally de
prived” and lowering academ
i c ! 'expectations and school
standard*—even out of kind
ness and compassioo-cuickJy
b e c o m e s a self-fulfilling .
prophecy of massive educa
tional underachievement, Dr.
| G ark emphasizes.
\ Tpjj compassion "i* based
You and Your Child
on characterizing or stereo-
t y p i n g whole groups of
> children as IntellectuaUy and
academically inferior." notes
D r. C lark. A**umina thoy can-
so t achieve normally io school
Until economic, environmen
tal. racial and pouueal dis
advantages have been re
moved simply becomes "an
excuse or an explanation for
• the unwillingness or inability”
to provide them effective edu
cation.
•On the surface these cul- ■
fural. environmental and edu-
, cational theories about disad
vantage are seen as rejections
* of racism and as reflecting nn
•understanding and comp3s-
•ion for the limitations of the
. culturally deprived child," ac
knowledge* Dr. Clark.
•B u t under the cube of
compassion and understand
ing. educational disadvantage
ia reinforced and under condi-
. boo* encouraged,” bo says.
these children by anticipating
the limitation* of their Intel
lectual and academic capacity
and modifying classroom and
school policies and procedure*
has precisely the tam e effect
---------- '
, i Dr. Clark, "For black*^
j held to lower standards,
different standard* or in aome
» standards is a most
contemptible form of rac ism .,,
’Tcd'Tiijl know1 oTaiing!® •
situation in which minority- ■*
group children in a school or :
educational setting where
compassionate acceptance j
and understanding translated
into terms of lowered expccta-
tions. have led to any acccpta-.
ble kind of performance on
the part of these children,”
Dr. Clark declares.
Historically American pub
lic schools have shown that
when “ normal children are
: taught effectively without re
gard for the disadvantages of
their parents, they have been
ibio to uso education as A
means of overcoming econom
ic disadvantage,” Dr. Ciark
■ observes.
Won
IfoisU Dr. C lir i , !> (*r
fcr* to use " that most innor*
tive of innovations in our taj
ner<ity schoois—to teach, i .
He urges that teacher* iwf:
be certified until they havi
completed three to h*« y««*
in tne classroom, teaching uta;
der close supervision. He
g , lr ict pyatem of toseber *b-
countability is essential for efi
f e c 1 1 v e teaching, rsa h i '
wants teachers to be pawI <m|j;
* basis not of longevity but <r
"demonstrated prefer
effectivenes*.”
Dr. G ark advocate* a “ rig
orous, tough-minded, hard-
nosed educational program;
with a single standard of aca-h
domic expectation and pera
formance.” Such standard**,*
would r e s t o r e to minority,.*
youngsters the feelings of if
competence and _ setf-esteemjif
Only in the case of darker* | they cannot develop knowing\t
, . , .. , i« rxr-ectcd of them thanivskinned minority groups have less 15 _ ------------- 1
educators argued that the
schools were incapable of ac
complishing this historic func-
Jjoq .
The explanation for to
many lowcr-ciass, minority
group youngsters failing to
meet the usual academic
standards in schooi, according
to Dr. Clark, is simply inef
fective teaching. '
"These children are not be- -
ing taught adequately in the’
classroom.” he insists. "They
• are cot taken seriously as hu-
: man beings, as indicated by
i being held to normal stacd-
j ards. They are not perceived
as human beings who arc ca*
• pabie of meeting standards.
Tncy are being treated—ei-
1 Ihcr malignantly or benevo-.
k-ntly—as if they were uoedu-
<pb!e. They are being suDjcct- .
ed to special programs de-'
signed to reinforce and verify
the these* of uncducability.
"One of the burdens of be- .
ing a child of a minority
group is that you have no way
of protecting yourself from in
novative program*,” he com
ment*.
of others. And competitiveness^
would improve their morale |»,
and performance just * **
does in athletics—-----
Emphasizes Dr. G ark, “ Ijs.t
am opposed to multi?'** stand-H
ards, to multiple entrance re-U
quirements, to multiple *P*}r.
proachcs to work for a de- I
gree.” Tney impiy, he note*. J
cither that blacks are biolog-it
icaiiy inferior or that the sen- ft
limcntahsta* cultural depriva- i
•tion tncories are right and wet!
will never be able "to deal 1
with human being* without |
the irrelevance of color or
race.” ...
m * t p p m l K C TpttK . a W lat I h u . T n i x i u n otM ,
" I want these special pro-j]
grams and special consider*- |
tions and special condition* |
and special dormitorie* arid jj
special remediation* to be J
ever tomorrow," he stress**.
**lf the funds spent on these i
p r o g r a m s were used t o }
strengthen a tough-minded ed- l
ucalional system with a high j
degree of accountability, vig- |
orous standards of curriculum *̂
and professional expectation*, Ju
within- a m atter of two cr
three years, the result* would j
be dramatically positive.**
CkKM* *■*-»«♦-» VW» M M