Drew Municipal Separate School District v. Andrews Motion for Leave to File Brief Amici Curiae and Brief Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1975
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Drew Municipal Separate School District v. Andrews Motion for Leave to File Brief Amici Curiae and Brief Amici Curiae, 1975. 20f91b37-b09a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/170763b5-f5e1-4e4e-b52f-412b3b694ffd/drew-municipal-separate-school-district-v-andrews-motion-for-leave-to-file-brief-amici-curiae-and-brief-amici-curiae. Accessed December 04, 2025.
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In The
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
October Term, 197/-
NO. 74-1318
DREW MUNICIPAL SEPARATE SCHOOL
DISTRICT, ET AL.
Petitioners,
v.
KATIE MAE ANDREWS, ET AL.
Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the
United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF
AMICI CURIAE AND BRIEF AMICI CURIAE
OF EQUAL RIGHTS ADVOCATES, INC. AND
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
RUTH BADER GINSBURG
MELVIN L. WULF
KATHLEEN PERATIS SUSAN C. ROSS
American Civil
Liberties Union
22 E. 40th Street
New York,
New York 10016
MARY C. DUNLAP
NANCY L. DAVIS
JOAN MESSING GRAFF
WENDY W. WILLIAMS
Equal Rights
Advocates, Inc.
433 Turk Street
San Francisco,
California 94102
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
SUBJECT INDEX
PAGE
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF
AMICI CURIAE......................... vii
BRIEF AMICI CURIAE................ xiv
INTEREST OF AMICI................ xiv
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF
ARGUMENT .............................. 1
ARGUMENT
I. Petitioners' Policy Represents
A Severe Historical Retro
gression, Against The Principle
Of Ending Sex Discrimination
Under L a w ..................... 5
A. The History of Anti-
Illegitimacy Measures
Is Thematically Linked
To Discrimination
Against Women ........... 5
B. Petitioners' Exclusion
Of Unmarried Mothers
From Employment Menaces
The Achievement Of
Equal Opportunity By Women.................. 2 4
II. Petitioners' Policy Discrimi
nates Against Females In
Violation Of The Constitutional
Guarantee Of Equal Protection................ 27
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES CITED
CASES
Cleveland Board of Education v.
LaFleur, 414 U.S. 632 (1974) . . . . 19
Estate of Lund, 26 C.2d 472,
159 P. 2d 643 (1945)........... 28
Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S.
677 (1973) 24,44,45
Nichols v. Sauls' Estate, 165 S.2d
352 (Sup. Ct. Miss. 1964)............ 33
Niemotko v. Maryland, 340 U.S. 268
(1951)................................ 30
Reed v. Reed, 404 U.S. 71 (1971) 41,43,44
Sanders v. Tillman, 245 S.2d 198
(Sup. Ct. Miss. 1971)............. -31,33
Stanley v. Illinois, 405 U.S. 645
(1972).............................. .34
Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356
(1886)............................ . 39
MISCELLANEOUS
C. Atkinson & E. Maleska, The Story of
Education (1965)........! I ! [ 7 7 21
B. Babcock, A. Freedman, E. Norton
& S. Ross, Sex Discrimination And
The Law: Causes and Remedies
(1975)............................ 15
iii
19
R. Callahan, An Introduction To
Education In American Society
(1956) ..........................
F. Campbell, "Birth Control and
the Christian Churches", 14(2)
Population Studies 142 (1960) . . . 17
W. Chafe, The American Woman (1972) . 16
F. Cornford, trans., The Republic
of Plato 144 (1966)................ 24
K. Davidson, R. Ginsburg & H. Kay,
Sex-Based Discrimination (1973) . . . 15
Davis, "Illegitimacy and the Social
Structure", 45 Am.J.Soc. 215
(1939).............................. 13
K. Davis, "Population Policy: Will
Current Programs Suceed?", 158
Science 736 (1967)................ 24
D. Dewar, Orphans of The Living:
A Study of Bastardy (1968) ........ 6
B. Disraeli, Sybil (1845).......... 7
F. Donovan, The School Ma'am (1938) . 21
W. Elsbree, The American Teacher
(1939)............................ 20
C. Foote, R. Levy & F. Sander,
Cases and Materials on Family Law
118 (1966)........................ 43
O. Fowler, Perfect Men, Women and
Children (1878) 12
IV
P. Goubert, "Legitimate Fecundity and
Infant Mortality In France During The
Eighteenth Century: A Comparison",
97 Daedalus 593 (Spring 1968) . . . . 8
Hankins, "Illegitimacy: SocialAspects", 7 Encyclopaedia of Social
Sciences 579-581 (1932) . . . . . . . 16
G. Hardin, ed., Population, Evolution
and Birth Control (1969) .......... 17
E. Hecker, A Short History of
Women* 1s Rights (1910) ! ! ! 7 . . . . 11
S. Hartley, Illegitimacy (1975) . . . g
L. Kanowitz, Women and the Law:
The Unfinished Revolution (1969) . . 15
*H. Krause, Illegitimacy: Law and
Social Policy (1971) .............. 34
W. Langer, "Europe's Initial
Population Explosion", 69 American
Historical Review 1 (1963) ........ 7
J.L. Muret, "Memoire sur 1'etat de la
population dans le pays de Vaud",
Memoires de la Societe Economique
de Berne 57 (1766)................ 45
National Education Association,
Brief Amicus Curiae to the United
States Supreme Court, in Cleveland
Board of Education v. LaFleur,
Sup. Ct. No. 72-777 .............. 19
I. Pierce, Medical and Surgical
Reporter 614 (1888).............. 18
v
Secretary of the United Nations,
Report: "The Status of the Unmarried
Mother: Law and Practice" 56
(1971)........................ 14
R. Stein, "The Economic Status of
Families Headed By Women", U.S.
Dept, of Labor, Bureau of Labor
Statistics, Monthly Labor Review
(December 1970) 25
M. Twain, Letters From The Earth . . 12
United Nations, Document #ST/TA0/
HR/22 (1964).................... 9
U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1
Characteristics of the Population
Table 54 (1970).................... 9,35
U.S. Bureau of the Census, Subject
Reports: Persons By Family
Characteristics 1 (1970) 35
I. Woody, A History of Women's
Education In The United States (1966). 21
* * * * * * * * * * *
NOTE: All references to the testimoney
of Superintendent Pettey hereinbelow
are marked "P.T." (Pettey Transcript); all references to the testimony of
Mrs. McCorkle hereinbelow are marked
"Mc.T." (McCorkle Transcript).
vi
In The
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
October Term, 1974
No. 74-1318
DREW MUNICIPAL SEPARATE SCHOOL
DISTRICT, ET AL.
Petitioners,
v.
KATIE MAE ANDREWS, ET AL.
Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the
United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit
MOTION FOR LEAVE
TO FILE BRIEF AMICI CURIAE
Equal Rights Advocates, Inc. and the
American Civil Liberties Union respectfully
move for leave to file a brief amicus
curiae in this case. Respondents have con
sented to the filing of this brief. The
letter of consent accompanies this motion
and brief, for filing with the Court.
Counsel for amici has sought the consent
of petitioners to the filing of this brief,
by telephonic and written correspondence.
As of the time of preparation of this
motion, counsel for petitioners has not
responded to said requests for consent.
Equal Rights Advocates, Inc. is a
non-profit, tax-exempt legal and educa
tional corporation dedicated to promoting
equal rights of men and women under law.
Equal Rights Advocates, Inc. devotes sub
stantial amounts of time, energy and
resources to advancing the constitutional
and statutory rights of men and women to
be free from unlawful sex-based discrim
ination in employment.
Lawyers for Equal Rights Advocates,
Inc. have participated in a number of
cases challenging laws, policies and
practices that operate to disadvantage
the female child-bearer, including Gedul-
dig v. Aiello, __ U.S. ___, 94 S.Ct. 2485
vii i
(1974), which upheld the denial, against a
fourteenth amendment challenge, of state
disability benefits to women disabled by
"normal" childbirth, and Berg v. Richmond
Unified School District, ___ F.2d ___ (9th
Cir. 1975), which affirmed a Title VII
decision adjudging the school district's
policies as to maternity leave and accrued
sick pay to be violative of the Act. Law
yers for Equal Rights Advocates, Inc.
served as amicus curiae in Liberty Mutual
Insurance Co. v. Wetzel, No. 74-1245, now
pending before this Court, and in Gilbert
v. General Electric Co., 519 F.2d 661 (4th
Cir. 1975), also now pending before this
Court sub nom General Electric Co. v. Gil
bert .
The American Civil Liberties Union is
a nationwide, non-partisan organization of
over 250,000 members dedicated to defend
IX
ing the rights of all persons to equal
treatment under the law. Recognizing that
confinement of women's opportunities is a
pervasive problem at all levels of society,
the American Civil Liberties Union has
established a Women's Rights Project to
work towards the elimination of gender-
based discrimination.
Lawyers associated with the American
Civil Liberties Union Women's Rights
Project presented the appeal in Reed v.
Reed, 404 U.S. 71 (1971), participated as
counsel for the appellants and later as
amicus curiae in Frontiero v. Richardson,
411 U.S. 677 (1973), represented the
appellant in Kahn v. Shevin, 416 U.S. 351
(1974), the appellees in Edwards v. Healy,
421 U.S. 772 (1975), and Weinberger v.
Wiesenfeld, 420 U.S. 636 (1975), and the
petitioners in Struck v. Secretary of
x
Defense, 461 F.2d 1372 (9th Cir. 1971,
1972), cert. granted, 409 U.S. 947, judg
ment vacated, 409 U.S. 1071 (1972), and
Turner v. Department of Employment Secur
ity, ___U.S. ____, 96 S.Ct. 249 (1975),
and acted as amicus curiae in this Court
in several other gender discrimination
cases.
The American Civil Liberties Union
believes that this case poses an issue of
great significance to the realization of
full equality between the sexes. It con
cerns women's right to aspire and achieve
in accordance with their talents and capac
ities as individuals, their right not to
be caged, in lump fashion, by an indurate
classification that relegates them to
inferior status in society.
Equal Rights Advocates, Inc. and
the American Civil Liberties Union seek
xi
to participate in this case as amici
curiae because each organization views
the achievement of fair and even-handed
treatment of mothers in public employment
as basic to the efforts of amici to win
equality for working women
Equal Rights Advocates, Inc. and
the American Civil Liberties Union believe
that the within brief will be of assis
tance to the Court in resolving the
crucial issues before it. The brief offers
an historical analysis of the treatment of
mothers of "illegitimate" offspring, and
it discusses the issues raised by peti
tioners' exclusion of this group from
employment, insofar as the fourteenth
amendment's guarantee of equal protection
to these persons is concerned.
For these reasons, we respectfully
request leave to file the within brief
xii
amicus curiae.
Respectfully submitted,
Mary C. Dunlap An Attorney for Movants
xi 11
In The
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
OCTOBER TERM, 1974
No. 74-1318
DREW MUNICIPAL SEPARATE SCHOOL DISTRICT,
ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
KATIE MAE ANDREWS, ET AL.,
Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the United States
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
BRIEF AMICI CURIAE
INTEREST OF AMICI
The interest of amici is set
forth in the preceding motion for leave
to file this brief.
xiv
1
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Amici support the position that the
policy of petitioners is criss-crossed
with constitutional defects, any one of
which should prove fatal to it: it dis
criminates against Black persons on
account of race; it infringes grievously
upon the rights of privacy and procreative
choice; it arbitrarily deprives persons of
employment in a fashion causing uncon
scionable risk and harm to children, in
cluding economic suffering and personal
shame; and, it discriminates against
women on account of sex. Because of the
gravity and complexity of the sex dis
crimination issues raised by this case,
we will focus predominantly upon those
issues.
For many centuries and across
diverse cultures, campaigns have been
2
conducted through law to prevent child
bearing and child-rearing outside socie-
tally respected relationships. Keeping
women in their place has frequently been
a concern of these campaigns, and women
have historically suffered myriad punish
ments under these sex-discriminatory
schemes. The grave problem of employment
discrimination against women persists.
The policy of petitioners aggravates that
problem and activates its worst consequence
poverty. Petitioners' policy excludes
from employment a group of women whose
work affords not only a resource to
society that must be saved from the waste
of discrimination, but which affords the
means of economic self-sufficiency to
these women and their families. (Section I)
On its face, petitioners' policy
consists of a prohibition against employ
3
ment of unwed mothers. Founded upon ex
pressly sex-discriminatory instructions
to the personnel agent, rooted in the
avowed purpose of excluding persons who
are identifiable by the fact of their
parenthood as "bad role models", and
structured in the context of state laws
that empower male parents to avoid the
exclusion from employment, the face of
petitioner's policy plainly contains a
sex-based classification. (Section II-A).
Under the policy, five females and
no males have been excluded from employ
ment by petitioners. Even were facial
neutrality attributed to the policy, its
application has been, and is assured by
its structure to continue to be, sex-
discriminatory against women. (Section
II-B).
The sex-discriminatory nature of
4
petitioners' policy offends the equal
protection clause. The policy finds no
rational foundation in petitioners' "role
model" theory, insofar as the policy's
focus and structure immunize most offen
ders of the "role model" premise from the
exclusion from employment. The policy
bears neither a fair nor a substantial
relationship to any legitimate aim of
public school authorities. Additionally,
in their utilization of female sex as the
cutting edge of their categorical exclu
sion from employment, petitioners have
drawn a line which, for equal protection
purposes, merits strict scrutiny by this
Court. (Section II-C).
5
I. PETITIONERS' POLICY REPRE
SENTS A SEVERE HISTORICAL
RETROGRESSION, AGAINST THE
PRINCIPLE OF ENDING SEX
DISCRIMINATION UNDER LAW.
A. The History of Anti-Ille
gitimacy Measures Is
Thematically Linked To
Discrimination Against
Women.
The concept of "illegitimacy" has
varied in its legal dimensions across
cultures and eras, shaped and reshaped
by diverse societal, religious and
economic views of human sexuality and by
different and changing norms of manhood,
womanhood and childhood. With this per
vasive variability, one constant appears:
where legal and moral authorities have
punished the offspring of sexual inter
course occurring outside the bounds of
approved relationships, those authorities
have likewise punished the maternal
biological parents of these children, and
6
vice versa.
A dramatic and appalling example of
this interaction lies in the experience of
mothers and children under the English
Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, which pur
portedly sought to prevent false accusations
of paternity by removing the financial
responsibilities of putative fathers,
while in fact sanctioning the mothers of
"illegitimate" children through severe
financial penalties. The Act resulted in
a crystallization of
"... the popular view of the
day, that it was the woman
with an illegitimate baby
who was guilty of succumbing
to temptation and the man
was not to be equally blam
ed. . . it had been decided
that erring women should
suffer to the full conse
quences of a 'fall'". 1/
1/ D. Dewar, Orphans of The Living: A
Study of Bastardy 20-21 (1968).
7
One apparent consequence of the Act
was infanticide. Around the time of the
Act's imposition of severe penalties upon
mothers of illegitimate children, Benjamin
Disraeli, in his sociologically informed
novel, Sybil, observed in 1845:
"Infanticide is practiced
as extensively and as
legally in England as it
is on the banks of the
Ganges...". 2/
Social and economic suffering for the
mothers and children affected were the
alternatives to abortion, infanticide and
the anonymous delivery of infants to
3 /foundling homes in which many died.—
2/ As quoted in W. Langer, "Europe's
Initial Population Explosion", 69
American Historical Review 1-17 (1963).
The practice of anonymous abandonment
of infants was by no means confined to
"illegitimate" mothers, for "... the
statistics show that of the thousands
of children thus abandoned, more than
half were the offspring of married
couples." Id. at fn 5/.
3/
8
In eighteenth century rural France
the phenomenon of "illegitimacy" was a
great deal less statistically common than
it was in England, but the socio-economic
situation of the unmarried French mother
was similar; it has been described by at
least one famous demographer as "excep-
4/tional and difficult."— Heavy social,
legal and moral stigmatization of
"illegitimacy" in France and in England
had completely opposite effects upon
"illegitimacy" rates -- a telling compar
ison, in the context of petitioners' re
cited purpose of deterring teenage
4/ P. Goubert, "Legitimate Fecundity and
Infant Mortality in France During The
Eighteenth Century: A Comparison",
reprinted at 97 Daedalus 593-594
(Spring, 1968) (Historical Population
Stud ies) .
9
"illegitimate" pregnancy — .
Severe punishments including death
itself have been visited upon mothers
of "illegitimate" children, motivated and
justified by— ^vindication of what is
commonly called "the double standard" of
sexual morality, under which women must * I
_5/ Superintendent Pettey testified be
low that " (I)n Drew, we have had in
the last two years... an alarming
number of school girl pregnancies...
I think that this is a problem that
we as school people, responsible for
the development of children, should
try to do something about." (P.T.8,
9) .
6/ As of 1964, in countries around the
region of Togo, the unmarried mother
"... is often considered as having
brought shame and dishonour to the
whole family and as a result, in
extreme cases, is murdered by her
brother or her father while no
punishment or hardly any is imposed
on the man involved." United Nations,
Document #ST/TAO/HR/22 at paragraphs
134-135 (1964). Refer also to note
12/, infra. Death is the penalty for
"illegitimate" maternity in other
regions as well. S. Hartley,
Illegitimacy 12 (1975).
10
remain virginal and uninformed about sex
ual matters until marriage, obedient and
ignorant of matters such as contraception
within marriage, hostile toward divorce
and infidelity, and generally ashamed of
7 /and displeased about sexual intercourse.—
7/ In 1880, the Reverend William John Knox
Little summarized many of these aspects
of woman's place under the double stan
dard of sexual morality as follows:
"God made himself to be born of a woman
to sanctify the virtue of endurance;
loving submission is an attribute of a
woman; men are logical, but women, lack
ing this quality, have an intricacy of
thought. There are those who think
women can be taught logic; this is a
mistake. They can never by any power
of education arrive at the same mental
status as that enjoyed by men, but they
have a quickness of apprehension, which
is usually called leaping at conclu
sions, that is astonishing. There,
then, we have distinctive traits of a
woman, namely, endurance, loving sub
mission, and quickness of apprehension.
Wifehood is the crowning glory of a
woman. In it she is bound for all time.
To her husband she owes the duty of
unqualified obedience. There is no
crime which a man can commit which
justifies his wife in leaving him or
in applying for that monstrous thing,
divorce, (continued on page 11)
11
Under this "double standard", men are
expected to be sexual teachers of their
virginal wives, and their sexual experi- * I
7/ (Con't)
It is her duty to subject herself to
him always, and no crime that he can
commit can justify her lack of obedience.
If he be a bad or wicked man, she may
gently remonstrate with him, but refuse
him never. Let divorce be anathema;
curse it! curse this accursed thing,
divorce; curse it ! curse it! Think of
the blessedness of having children. I
am the father of many children and there
have been those who have ventured to
pity me. 'Keep your pity for yourself',
I have replied, 'they never cost me a
single pang' . In this matter let women
exercise that endurance and loving sub
mission which, with intricacy of thought,
are their only characteristics." Re
printed in E. Hecker, A Short History
of Women's Rights 151-152 (Putnam, 1910) .
12
ences outside matrimony are to be con
doned, because the blame for such ex
periences is upon the immoral, seducing
female.—^
To adherents of that double standard
of human sexual behavior, the mother of
"illegitimate" offspring symbolizes
defiance of the moral order: she is a
woman who is publicly known not to be
virginal and she is unmarried. So she
has been the bearer of many and diverse
punishments, often involving deprivations
upon her child or children, intended to
make her suffer for her violation of the
double standard. Even where the child
is not the direct object of punishment,
8/ O.S. Fowler, Perfect Men, Women and
Children 180 (1878); Mark Twain,
Letters From The Earth 40 (1962).
13
the child too suffers:
"... illegitimate pregnancy
is in itself a great blotch
upon a woman's virtue. Hence,
in so far as the child iden
tifies himself with his
physical mother — as he is
bound to do in our culture —
he will profoundly be affected
by the knowledge of his ille
gitimacy ...". 9/
Under the double standard of sexual
morality, the woman who does not dedicate
herself solely to child-rearing within
marriage has been viewed by religious,
social and legal authorities as a vio
lator of the basic natural order of
9/ Davis, "Illegitimacy and the Social
Structure", 45 A m . J . Soc. 215, 228,
231-233 (1939) .
14
humanity.— ^ The double standard is thus
preserved where women are relegated to
giving to society, and to receiving from
it, only those values afforded by marriage
and family roles; other kinds of exchanges
of values between woman and society —
10/ "It has often been said that a person
born out of wedlock, the parents of
that person (the mother much more so
than the father), and sometimes the
entire family of the mother, suffer a
stigma as the result of the nature of
the birth. Words as strong as
'discredit', 'disdain', 'shame',
'contempt' and 'condemnation' have
been used to describe that stigma.
When it exists, it impairs the social
position, not only of the person born
out of wedlock, but also the mother,
thus constituting for her an obstacle
to the realization of a normal life
in the community in which she lives."
Secretary of the United Nations,
Report: "The Status of the Unmarried
Mother: Law and Practice" 56 (1971) .
15
including education, non-domestic
employment, voting, office-holding, jury
service and ownership of property -- have
been publicly disapproved and legally
prohibited^
In the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, Western political and relig
ious authorities battled openly against
movements for equal rights for women,
positing that legal freedom of women would
lead to the demise of marriage and family
11/ A summary of these legal disabilities
may be found in L. Kanowitz, Women
and the Law: The Unfinished
Revolution passim (1969). More de
tailed discussions are presented in
Davidson, Ginsburg and Kay, Sex-Based
Discrimination (1974) and in Babcock,
Freedman, Norton & Ross, Sex
Discrimination and the Law: Causes
and Remedies (1975).
16
structures.— For example, the Church of
England campaigned against contraception
as part-and-parcel of its opposition to
12/ W. Chafe, The American Woman 5, 9-11
(1972); Hankins in "Illegitimacy:
Social Aspects", 7 Encyclopaedia of
Social Sciences 579, 580-81 (1932)
states in part: "Viewing woman as the
chief source of sin Christianity tend
ed to degrade motherhood, to accentuate
masculine supremacy and to maintain a
double standard of morality. It thus
inflicted an often unbearable cruelty
upon the unmarried mother and an almost
certain degradation upon her off-spring.
In medieval and early modern times the
mother was often required to confess
her sin before the congregation in
both Catholic and Protestant Communi
ties; and she was sometimes fined,
sometimes publicly whipped, sometimes
placed in stocks, and the child was
neglected and socially ostracized,
while the father suffered little or
no penalty."
12/
17
the emancipation of women.— Those who
spoke of contraception as a means by which
the status of men, women and children
might be improved were scorned and cast
14/out for their radicalism.— The idea that
13/
13/ "The Church of England was slower to
face the challenge presented by new
social conditions -- particularly the
growing demand for women's emancipa
tion -- and was more reluctant to
change its traditional doctrine about
sex, marriage and the family... Regret
was expressed at the decline of the
birth rate among English-speaking
peoples, especially the upper and
middle classes, and it was suggested
that many physical and mental diseases
might be a direct consequence of the
use of contraceptives. The bishops
(footnotes omitted), having denounced
birth control as "preventive abortion",
recommended that all contraceptive
appliances and drugs be prohibited by
law and their advocates prosecuted."
F. Campbell, "Birth Control and The
Christian Churches" 14(2) Population
Stud i e s 142 (1960).
14/ See for example the discussion of
Francis Place's paper of 1822, entitled
"To The Married of Both Sexes of the
Working People", at G. Hardin, e.d..
Population, Evolution and Birth Control
192-193 (1969).
18
contraception, abortion and "illegitimate"
pregnancy directly violated the proper
role of women and together threatened the
institution of marriage itself was also
given voice by medical professionals, in
spired by religious campaigns against fe-
male social and legal equality.— ^
15/Isaac Pierce, M.D., writing for the
Medical and Surgical Reporter in 1888,
states in pertinent part:
"Every man knows the horrors of illicit
love and the suffering of misguided
though patient and confiding women; no
man is insensible to the lifelong shame
of a child thrown upon the world with
out knowing a father, and no man denies
the wickedness of criminal abortion. No
medical man doubts the suffering, and in
many cases permanent injury, of the
woman who practices abortion that she
may shield herself and her destroyer
from the condemnation of the world...
Let it become generally known that the
medical profession countenances a pre
ventive even in a few cases, and there
is reason to fear this will be stretch
ed to a license which will work much
mischief to women who are already ex
perimenting in this direction, who have
no reason why they should not fulfill the
God-given function which makes happy
homes, and who are now only held in check
by the judgment of the world."Pp. 614-616.
19
Integral to preservation of the model
of the adult female as fit only for the
roles of wife and mother were drastic
constraints upon her access to the
educational system in this nation. From
the inception of the educational system
of this nation, the opportunities of
women for employment in that system have
been profoundly and consciously manipu
lated because of their female sex, marital
and maternal status. This pattern of
manipulation, commencing with total pro
hibitions against female teachers— ^and
reaching almost to the present through
categorical restrictions upon employment
17/of pregnant teachers— , has been con-
16/ R. Callahan, An Introduction to Edu
cation In American Society 383-384
(1956) .
Brief Amicus Curiae For The National
Education Association et al., in Cleve
land Board of Education v. LaFleur, Sup.
Ct. No. 72-777 , at p p . 10-14 (1972).
17/
20
sistently intertwined with vindication of
the above-described double standard of
human sexuality and the "woman's place"
model of female rights and responsibilities.
So it was that prior to 1830, the United
States' public teaching profession was
18/composed almost exclusively of men.— ' A
movement to include women as teachers,
commencing in the 1830's and culminating in
a great influx of women into the teaching
profession during the Civil War, contri
buted demonstrably to the general enhance
ment of women's employment opportunities,
and increased public respect for the social
19/contributions of women— Married women were
nonetheless widely prohibited from teach
ing and related occupations until World
18/ W. Elsbree, The American Teacher 199
(1939).
19/ Id. at 201-207.
21
War I, — 'and many such prohibitory laws
and policies were re-established after
21/World War I— and again after World War
22/II.— The fundamental basis of these
exclusions appears to have been an ad
mixture of sentiments about the morally
damaging and hazardous influence of
23/married women upon students— and sex-
2 0 /
20/ C. Atkinson & E. Maleska, The Story
of Education 346-347 (1965).
21/ I. Woody, A History of Women's
Education In The United States 509,
513 (1966).
22/ Id.IITh e employm ent of ma rried wo men
teac her s in the pu b li c schoo 1s of theuni ted State s ha s eve r been a con-
tr oV er sial questio n . Custom has 1o ng
dec reed tha t the scho o 1 ma 1 am be ce1-
iba t e and mo st sch oo 1 board s not on iyre fu s e to emp ioy ma r r ied wornen , bu t
a1 so s tipula te tha t th e empl oyed un -
mar ried t eac her mu st re s ign her po si -
tio n a s soon as sh e becomes a wife . ii
Don ovan , The schoo i Ma ' am 57 (S tok es
Co . 193 8) .
22
based economic notions about male bread
winning and female domesticity in family
4- 4. 24/structure.—
Like their historical predecessors,
who first excluded all women, and who
next excluded married women, from teaching
and related occupations, petitioners
in this case claim that their policy is
designed solely to improve the moral
stmosphere of schools by removing women
who have chosen a course of personal con
duct that is believed to convey a bad
24/ "Opposition to the employment of
married women as teachers is generally
recognized as stronger in smaller
rather than larger city systems. In
smaller communities there still pre
vails the traditional attitude that
woman's place is in the home, that
her husband is expected to provide an
income for the maintenance of the
family, and that his prestige depends
upon his ability to do this." Id
at 60 .
23
example to students. In this way,
petitioners' policy joins a long line of
sex-discriminatory laws, policies and
practices, purportedly directed at
manipulating the image of women in
public education in order to transmit a
particular moral philosophy to students.
24
B. Petitioners' Exclusion
Of Unmarried Mothers
From Employment Menaces
The Achievement Of
Equal Opportunity By
Women.
Proposals to create equal employment
opportunities without regard to sex are at
least as ancient as Plato's Republic
Alongside such philosophical ideas about
the means to equality, the reality stands
that:
"...(n)o society has restruc
tured both the occupational
system and the domestic
establishment to the point
of modifying the old divi
sion of labor by sex." 27/
As Justice Brennan observed in the plural
ity opinion in Frontiero v. Richardson,
26/ In Chapter XV, Socrates explains how the
principle of equality of the sexes should
work. F. Cornford trans., The Republic of
Plato, 144-155 (1966).
27/ K. Davis, "Population Policy: Will Current
Programs Succeed?", 158 Science 736-737
(1967).
25
411 U.S. 677 (1973), sex discrimination
in employment continues to confront women
in the United States, in spite of legis
lative and judicial efforts to overcome
it.
The notion that women can avoid
employment discrimination because women
are free to forego the non-domestic work
ing world has little validity in this
country, where a substantial and increas
ing proportion of the female population
works outside the home out of sheer econo-
mic necessity.— ' In families whose sole
breadwinners are females, the economic
need to work is obviously most intense.
Yet the very families whose livelihood is
28/ As of 1970, there were 5.6 million families
headed by women in the United States, of
which almost one-third had family incomes
below the poverty line of $3,700 for a
family of four. R. Stein. "The Economic
26
cut off by petitioners' exclusion of
mothers of illegitimate" children from
employment are within this most economi
cally needy group.
There can be no doubt that access
to employment free from invidious dis
crimination has paramount significance in
the realization of equal employment oppor
tunity under law. Petitioners' exclusion
strikes multiple blows against the un
married mother whose employment provides
her family's livelihood: the excluded
mother is deprived of economic self-
sufficiency; she is foreclosed from making
the contribution to society that her work
affords; not only is the principle of
equal opportunity violated, but the means
28/ cont'd.
Status of Families Headed By Women", in U.S.
Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statis
tics, Monthly Labor Review (Dec. 1970).
27
of making that principle real and of giv
ing it meaning - employment - is taken
from her by petitioners, for the rest of
her life.
II. PETITIONERS' POLICY DISCRIM
INATES AGAINST FEMALES IN
VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITU
TIONAL GUARANTEE OF EQUAL
PROTECTION.
A. Petitioners' Policy Is
Facially Sex-Discriminatory.
Amici contend that the policy of
petitioners herein at issue warrants treat
ment by this Court as a facially sex-dis
criminatory policy, for four reasons.
First, the actual phrasing of the unwritten
policy, effectuated in the form of an oral
instruction to exclude unwed mothers from
employment, contained that sex-based clas
sification. Second, regardless of the
wording of the unwritten policy, it was
designed and structured in direct reliance
upon the greater identifiability of
28
mothers than of fathers of "illegiti-
.,29/ children. Third, under Missis-
I l ia t c ------
sippi law, fathers may take action to
legitimate their children born out of
wedlock, thus escaping the exclusion from
employment, whereas mothers are legally
incapable of doing so. Fourth, the
declared purpose and the method of enforce
ment of petitioners' policy assure that
it will not reach and exclude male parents
of "illegitimate" children from school
district employment.
The record in this action fully sus
tains the position that petitioners'
policy was articulated to find and exclude
29/ In 1945, Justice Schauer of the California
Supreme Court opined that it would seem
fairer to refer to the offspring of unmarried
parents as the morally neutral children of
"illegitimate parents". Estate of Lund,
26 C.2d 472, 159 P.2d 643 (1945). Amici have
placed the term "illegitimate" in quotation
marks throughout this Brief because they
29
from employment a class composed solely
of women. Under cross-examination, Super
intendent Pettey, who designed the policy
(P.T. 3), admitted that his instruction
to Mrs. McCorkle, who was charged with
investigating and recommending certain
applicants (P.T. 11), specifically con
sisted of a prohibition against hiring
unwed mothers (P.T. 28) and that he gave
Mrs. McCorkle no instructions whatsoever
as to exclusion of male applications who
had fathered "illegitimate" children
(P.T. 23-24).
Moreover, there is a compelling
reason to define the face of petitioners'
policy as consisting of the exclusion of
unwed mothers from employment. Because
29/ cont'd.
believe that, whatever group the term is
used to modify, it invites injustices.
(See Section I, above.)
30
the policy remained an unwritten one to
and through the trial below, for this
Court to define the face of the policy as
consisting of the phrasing given to it in
the adversary context of litigation, by
its defenders, would work a serious mis
chief. Such a judicial definition of the
policy's face would encourage governmental
authorities to propound unwritten policies
containing overtly discriminatory classi
fications, and subsequently to give clear
and neutral-seeming phraseology to such
policies only if and when challenged under
the Constitution. Cf. Niemotko v. Mary
land , 340 U.S. 268 (1951). Even the more
neutral-seeming phrasings— ^ of the policy
30/ At one juncture Superintendent Pettey stated
that the policy excluded unwed parents. (PT
23,24.) At a second juncture he stated that
the policy excluded parents of illegitimate
children (P.T. 3, 15.) At a third juncture,
as discussed hereinabove, Superintendent
31
do not redeem it from its facially sex-dis
criminatory character.
Both in structure and in the purported
justification of their policy, petitioners
have relied directly and impermissibly
upon the greater identifiability of mothers
31/than of fathers.— Indeed, in their
30/ cont'd.
Pettey indicated that he instructed Mrs.
McCorkle to exclude unwed mothers. (P.T.
28.)
31/ In the case of Sanders v. Tillman, 245 S .2d
198 (Sup. Ct. Miss. 1971), which offers the
most recent definition of "legitimation"
under Mississippi law, the Supreme Court
of Mississippi observed in relevant part:
"It is a simple matter to prove the mater
nity of an illegitimate child, but is
infinitely more complex and difficult to
prove the paterntiy. It is only necessary
for the father to be present at the laying
of the keel, not at the launching of the
ship. The mother must be present at both,
and it is not at all difficult to prove who
launched the ship." 245 S.2d at 200.
32
answer to the complaint, petitioners as
serted that:
"...the regulation bears only
upon the Plaintiffs' open and
notorious display of a status
which is within the province
of the school district to regu
late in determining who may
teach." (Answer, p. 3, 1[XV.)
Generally only mothers would be capable of
such open display of unwed parenthood in
this culture. (It bears emphasis that, as
a matter of record, none of the respondents
in this case was at any time engaged in
any display whatsoever of her status as an
unmarried parent; to the contrary, agents
of petitioners affirmatively searched for
information as to the marital and parental
statuses of the respondents. (P.T. 9, 10,
28, 29; Mc.T. 13, 23, 24, 36, 37, 42)).
Furthermore, to the extent that peti
tioners are referring to the status of
being a childbearer out of wedlock, it
33
must be considered that no father is cap
able of such a status. To the extent that
the policy refers to the fact of child-
rearing, it must further be considered
that unwed fathers in this society do not
32 /generally rear their children.— Finally,
while Mississippi law provides a means by
which a father may legitimate his offspring
born out of wedlock, no such legal means
is available to the mother; the father may
marry the mother and acknowledge the child,
3 3/rendering it legitimate.— Thus it
emerges that petitioners' policy, insofar
as it purportedly excludes parents of
"illegitimate" children from employment,
operates in a context of state laws that
32/ See footnote 36, infra.
33/ Cf. Sanders v, Tillman, footnote 31, supra;
see also, Nichols v. Sauls' Estate, 165 S.2d
352 (Sup. Ct. Miss. 1964).
34
empower fathers, and not mothers, to legit
imate their children and thus to avoid
exclusion from employment.— ^
The structure of petitioners' policy
inexcusably disfavors the female parent
vis a vis the male parent, even aside from
its tandem operation with Mississippi's
laws governing legitimation. This Court
fully realizes the statistical infrequency
of the phenomenon of single male persons
35/who are the custodial parents of children-,— ■
Within this phenomenon, the father who is
the custodial parent of his child conceived
and born out of wedlock must be uncommon
34/ In several states, acknowledgement by the
father without marriage accomplishes full
legitimation. H. Krause, Illegitimacy:
Law and Social Policy 19 (1971).
35/ Cf. Stanley v. Illinois, 405 U.S. 645
634-656 (1972).
35
3 6/indeed.— ■ Thus, by its reliance upon the
fact of custody to locate parents of
"illegitimate" children, the structure of
petitioners' policy excludes fathers by
means of the virtual impossibility of lo
cating a male custodial parent of an
"illegitimate" child.
Petitioners have made two essentially
irreconcilable contentions about the
36/ Id. As of 1970, 98.67% of all persons under
18 years old in the United States were
living either with both parents or with
a female head of family. U.S. Bureau of
the Census, 1 Characteristics of the
Population Table 54, p. 1-278 (1970).
Only 0.2% of all persons under 18 years
old were living with fathers who were
single (i.e., never married, separated,
widowed or divorced). U.S. Bureau of the
Census, Subject Reports: Persons By
Family Characteristics 1 (1970).
36
relationship between their policy and the
group of female parents of "illegitimate"
children excluded thereby. On the one
hand, petitioners claim that males and
females who engage in conduct resulting
in the birth of an "illegitimate" child
are equally bad role models in instruc
tional contexts, and that they are there
fore equally subject to the exclusion from
employment under that ostensible purpose.
On the other hand, as the portion of the
answer quoted above (see text after foot
note 31) emphasizes, and as District Court
Judge Ready below observed:
"Defendants argue that when
a single woman engages in
premarital sexual relations,
become pregnant and begets
an illegitimate child, she
voluntarily places herself
in a classification in which
men are not similarly sit
uated, and hence, a regula
tion which treats women
differently is justified."
371 F.Supp. 26, 36.
37
Thus, there is little doubt that
petitioners' policy, by its language,
structure, method of enforcement and
declared purpose of regulating "open and
notorious display" of the status of unwed
motherhood, treats women differently from
men. In terms of petitioners' own position
that both parents of "illegitimate" off
spring are bad role models in instruction
contexts, the sex-differential compass of
petitioners' policy, which encircles
mothers and omits fathers of "illegitimate"
children, is unjustifiable.
38
B. As Applied, Petitioners'
Policy Discriminates
Against Women.
The factual record in this action
underscores the sex-discriminatory fashion
in which petitioners' policy has been
administered. The assertion that the
policy is to be applied to both sexes is
belied on the face of the record: under
the policy, five females and no males have
been excluded from school district employ
ment (M.c.T. 14, 20, 42). Section II-A
demonstrated that petitioners' policy is
structured to find and exclude women.
Amici contend that this "women only" result
should therefore be viewed as the utterly
predictable consequence of a facially
discriminatory classification. However,
even were the policy deemed fair and neu
tral on its face as to the sex of persons
to be excluded from employment, the policy
39
represents a classical situation of dis
criminatory application.
The doctrine that illegal discrim
ination accomplished by application of a
neutral-seeming law will not be counte
nanced is a long-standing element in the
strength of the United States Constitution.
Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356 (1886).
As in Yick Wo, the Court here is con
fronted by a record evincing a wholly
unequal application, as between persons
similarly situated, of a governmental
prohibition materially affecting those
persons' rights. The administration of
petitioners' policy invites and assures
continuation of this unequal application,
in that petitioners have depended frontally
upon the reality, rooted in biology, state
law and maternal custody patterns, that
mothers of "illegitimate" children are
40
usually identifiable and excludable where
fathers, similarly situated under the
purported purposes of the policy, are not.
As in Yick Wo, the petitioners' policy
here has been unequally and discrimina-
torily administered, and it must fall.
C. Petitioners' Policy Fails
Every Test Of Equal Pro
tection To Be Guaranteed
To Women In The Context
Of Public Employment.
Both on its face, and as applied to
respondents, petitioners' policy achieves
a discrimination against women as mothers
of "illegitimate" children. That dis
crimination is wholly unjustifiable under
the Fourteenth Amendment guarantee of
equal protection.
The policy of petitioners does not
begin to fulfill the rigorous rational
basis test of equal protection to women
and men propounded by this Court in
41
Reed v. Reed, 404 U.S. 71 (1971). As
Chief Justice Burger reasoned therein:
"The Equal Protection Clause...
does, however, deny to States
the power to legislate that
different treatment be accor
ded to persons placed by a
statute into different classes
on the basis of criteria wholly
unrelated to the objective of
that statute." !Id. at 76-77.
Petitioners have insisted that the purpose
of their policy is to exclude from in
structional employment persons who, by
virtue of their participation in out-of-
wedlock sexual intercourse that results in
"illegitimate" births, are immoral role
models for students.
Petitioners' policy bears neither a
fair nor a substantial relationship to
the policy's declared purpose, as re
quired for equal protection purposes by
Reed v. Reed, supra. The criterion of sex
is wholly unrelated to the policy's pur
42
pose, which is to exclude bad role models
from employment. Surely the father of
"illegitimate" offspring is as much or
37/as little a bad role model— as the mother
yet, because of his sex, he is outside the
policy's structure and enforcement scheme.
Thus it appears that petitioners' policy
bears no demonstrable relationship to the
declared end.
Wholly aside from its discrimination
on account of sex, the policy draws a set
of arbitrary lines among women, each of
which moves the policy further away from
the fair and substantial relationship to
the governmental purpose which, under
37/ For purposes of the discussion of
equal protection herein, amici have
assumed arguendo that petitioners'
"role model" theory has some factual
validity. However, the District
Court found that it does not, and
there is substantial evidence in
the record to support that finding.
43
Reed, the policy must bear. The pregnant
woman who elects abortion, or who abandons
3 8/or even destroys— ' her infant, is outside
the policy; it is only the woman who elects
to give birth and to fulfill custodial
responsibilities to her offspring whom
petitioners' policy excludes from employ
ment. By the "bad role model" theory of
petitioners, all of these women are en-
38/ "It bears emphasis that community
disapproval and penal sanctions a-
gainst the mother may intensify the
mother's desire to protect her
anonymity and rid herself of the in
fant. Although the incidence of
infanticide and abandonment are not
as great as they were in Puritan
days... the pressure on the modern
unmarried mother may result in either
illegal induced abortion or anonymous
release of the child for adoption."
C. Foote, R. Levy & F. Sander, Cases
and Materials On Family Law
118 (1966).
44
3 9/compassed— ; yet the policy arbitrary
selects only the last, and excludes her
from employment. Along with its
irrational line between men and women,
these additional lines drawn among women
by the policy underscore its lack of re
lationship to the purpose of excluding
"bad role models" from employment.
The case at bar does not require this
Court to reach the question, which has at
least once divided it, as to the proper
jurisprudential status of the category of
"sex" for equal protection purposes. Cf.
Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S. 677
(1973). Nonetheless, if this Court were
to view the policy of petitioners as
somehow capable of surviving the sub
stantial rationality test of Reed, we urge
39/ The prospective mother of an "ille
gitimate" child who elects abortion
is a double sinner, in some views.
See footnote 15/, supra.
45
that the reasons for holding sex to be a
suspect category, delineated by Justice
Brennan in Frontiero v. Richardson,
supra, should be found wholly persuasive
in the instant case. By the language,
structure and method of enforcement of
their policy, petitioners have targeted
mothers, because of their sex, for ex
clusion from employment in a fashion that
makes these women the direct victims of a
poorly designed and ill-considered form
of behavioral architecture.— ^ Petitioners'
40/ See Section I. A-B., above. The
exclusion from employment of men in
order to encourage marriage and pro
creation would seem to be every bit
as ill-considered, although at least
one public minister, J.L. Muret of the
canton of Vaud, Switzerland, suggested
it in 1766, saying "... A means which
would seem very efficient, and be the
more appropriate since it would en
hance population more directly, would
be to bar from all employments the
non-married men...". J.L. Muret,
Memoire sure 1 ' etat de la population
dans le pays de Vaud", in Memoires de
la Societe Economique de Berne 57 (17 6 6).
46
policy represents an unwarranted return to
the times during which stigmatization of
unwed mothers was a tool, along with
forced pregnancy, compulsory marriage and
deprivation of birth control information,
by which women were kept in their legal
41/and societal places— The policy thus in
vokes the historical and legal reasons for
holding that sex, like race, should be
viewed as a suspect category for equal
protection purposes. Whatever changes may
be promised or predicted on the road to
equal opportunity without regard to sex,
the stigmatization and exclusion from
public employment of women who bear
"illegitimate" children can only be viewed
as a backward step. Amici urge that this
41/ See fn's 12_ / , 13/ , and 15/ , and
accompanying text, supra.
47
Court find that policy of denying employ
ment to unwed mothers, while allowing un
wed fathers to teach, violates the most
stringent test of equal protection.
CONCLUSION
For all of the foregoing reasons, as
well as those urged by respondents, the
decision of the Fifth Circuit Court of
Appeals should be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
/*/MARY C. DUNLAP
NANCY L. DAVIS
JOAN MESSING GRAFF
WENDY W. WILLIAMS
Equal Rights Advocates, Inc.
433 Turk Street
San Francisco, California
94102
RUTH BADER GINSBURG
MELVIN L. WULF
KATHLEEN WILLERT PERATIS
SUSAN C. ROSS
American Civil Liberties
Union
22 East 40th Street
New York, New York 10016
Attorneys for Amici Curiae.
48
Attorneys for Amici gratefully acknow
ledge the assistance of Roberta Dempster,
Julia Jaurigui, Jill Nelson, JoAnn
Novoson and Kathy Purcell in the pre
paration of this Brief.
W t l^ - c r
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S U I T E 2 0 3 0
10 C O L U M B U S C I R C L E
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