Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief of Amici Curiae of Jurisdictions
Public Court Documents
March 1, 2009
Cite this item
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief of Amici Curiae of Jurisdictions, 2009. 4517ace4-bf9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/1b238120-bdc4-4847-96a1-fc79a4830727/northwest-austin-municipal-utility-distr-one-v-holder-brief-of-amici-curiae-of-jurisdictions. Accessed December 06, 2025.
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No. 08-322
3 fn ® fie
S u p r e m e C o u r t of tfje ®intteb S ta te s !
---------------- ♦-----------------
NORTHWEST AUSTIN MUNICIPAL
UTILITY DISTRICT NUMBER ONE,
Appellant,
v.
ERIC H. HOLDER, JR., Attorney General
of the United States of America, et al.,
Appellees.
---------------- ♦-----------------
On Appeal From The
United States District Court For The
District Of Columbia
---------------- ♦----------------
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE JURISDICTIONS
THAT HAVE BAILED OUT UNDER THE VOTING
RIGHTS ACT IN SUPPORT OF APPELLEES
---------------- ♦ -
J. Gerald Hebert
Counsel of Record for
Amici Curiae
J. Gerald Hebert, PC.
5019 Waple Lane
Alexandria, VA 22304
(703) 628-4673
George Warren Shanks
Counsel for Amicus
Page County Registrar
M iller, Earle & Shanks, PLLC
136 General Drive, Suite 200
P.O. Box 246
Luray, VA 22835
(540) 745-4511
COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO. (800) 225-6964
OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342-2831
Lucy Phillips
Counsel for Amicus
Washington County
Registrar
205 Academy Drive
Abingdon, VA 24210
(276)525-1370
1
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ..................................... ii
STATEMENT OF INTEREST.................................. 1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT.................................. 2
ARGUMENT............................................................... 4
I. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE VOTING
RIGHTS ACT IN VIRGINIA AND ITS
SPECIAL PROVISIONS................................ 4
II. THE 1982 AMENDMENTS TO THE
VOTING RIGHTS ACT AND THE IM
PACT ON BAILOUT............................ 6
III. THE BAILOUT PROCESS IS NEITHER
COSTLY, BURDENSOME, NOR TIME-
CONSUMING................................................. 7
A. The Fact That Only 17 Jurisdictions
Have Bailed Out Is Not An Indication
That the Bailout Provisions Are Not
Working............................ 7
B. A Bailout Is Financially Feasible......... 11
C. The Bailout Process Is Neither Cum
bersome Nor Complicated...................... 12
IV. JURISDICTIONS SEEKING BAILOUT
CAN BRING POLITICAL SUBUNITS WITH
IN THEIR BORDERS INTO COMPLI
ANCE WITH THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT
DURING THE BAILOUT PROCESS........... 15
CONCLUSION.......................................................... 21
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
11
TABLE OF AU THORITIES
Ca s e s :
Page
City o f Rome, Georgia v. United States, 446
U.S. 156(1980)............................................................20
Harper v. Virginia State Board o f Elections,
383 U.S. 663 (1966)...................................................... 4
McCain v. Lybrand, 465 U.S. 236 (1984).................. 20
McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452 U.S. 130 (1981)..... .......... 20
Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District
Number One v. Holder, No. 08-322, Brief of
Georgia Governor Sonny Perdue as Amicus
Curiae In Support of Appellant (Feb. 26,
2009)...................................................................... 15, 19
Shenandoah County v. Reno, No. 1:99CV00992
(D.D.C. October 15, 1999).........................................17
C onstitutions , Statutes and R u le s :
Section 4 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C.
§ 1973b.................................................................passim
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C.
§ 1973c.................................................................passim
S. Rep. No. 97-417 (1982).........................................6, 18
28 C.F.R. § 51.23(a).........................................................16
Ill
TABLE OF AU TH ORITIES - Continued
M iscellan eo us :
Page
The Voting Rights Act: An Examination of the
Scope and Criteria for Coverage Under the
Special Provisions of the Act: Oversight
Hearing of the House Committee On The
Judiciary, Subcommittee On The Constitu
tion, 109th Cong., 1st Sess. 90 (October 20,
2005) (Statement of J. Gerald Hebert)................. ..12
An Introduction to the Expiring Provisions of
the Voting Rights Act and Legal Issues Re
lating to Reauthorization: Hearing of the
Senate Committee On The Judiciary, 109th
Cong., 1st Sess. 177 (May 9, 2006) (State
ment of Ted Shaw )...................................................... 11
Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman,
eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Im
pact of the Voting Rights Act 1965-1990,
Princeton University Press (1994).............................4
J. Gerald Hebert, An Assessment of the Bailout
Provisions of the Voting Rights Act, in Voting
Rights Act Reauthorization of 2006 (Hender
son ed. 2007)................................................................ 18
J. Gerald Hebert, Bailout Under the Voting
Rights Act, in America Votes! (American Bar
Association) (Griffith ed. 2008).................... 8, 11, 12
J. Gerald Hebert, City of Fairfax Obtains Voting
Rights Act Bailout, National Cities Weekly,
November 24, 1997, available at http://www.
highbeam.com/DocPrint.aspx?DocId=lGl:2009
7806 7
http://www
1
Amici curiae are several Virginia jurisdictions
(hereafter “Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions”)1 2 which
over the last decade have bailed out from coverage
under the special provisions of the Voting Rights Act.
See 42 U.S.C. § 1973b. Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions
have a special interest in the bailout issues raised in
this case and a unique perspective on these issues.
Each jurisdiction has gone through the bailout proc
ess, has been found eligible to bailout by the United
States Department of Justice and the DC courts, and
each has in fact bailed out. Amici Bailed Out Juris
dictions believe that their views about the bailout
S T A T E M E N T O F IN T E R E S T 1
1 Counsel for the Amici here, J. Gerald Hebert, served as co
counsel to Travis County, Texas, in the district court. Travis
County is a Defendant-Intervenor and Appellee in this case. Mr.
Hebert withdrew as co-counsel for Travis County with the
consent of the County, and advised the Clerk of this Court by
letter dated January 22, 2009, that he had done so and would be
filing a brief on behalf of certain amici curiae in this Court
(supporting Appellees, including Travis County). A copy of the
January 22 letter is appended as Exhibit A.
No counsel for a party authored any part of this brief. No
person or entity other than amici or their counsel contributed
monetarily to the preparation and submission of this brief.
Correspondence from counsel of record for Appellees and Appel
lants consenting to the filing of this brief have been filed with
the Clerk of this Court.
2 Amici curiae herein are the Registrars of Voters for the
following local governments in Virginia, each of whom was
responsible for pursuing the bailout in the political subdivision:
Amherst, Essex, Middlesex, Page, Shenandoah, and Washington
counties, and the City of Salem.
2
process and how it actually works will inform the
Court in a way none of the existing parties is able.
---------------- ♦----------------
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Upon passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965,
each of the Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions adapted to
the Act’s special provisions, particularly the preclear
ance procedures set forth in Section 5 of the Act, 42
U.S.C. § 1973c. They did so by incorporating the
preclearance process into our routine procedures for
implementing any change that affected voters. Over
the course of the next three decades, Amici and the
political subunits within our jurisdictions built the
preclearance process into the adoption of all voting
and election changes.
Except for Amicus Shenandoah County, which
bailed out in 1999, all of the other Amici Bailed Out
Jurisdictions have bailed out in the last three years.
As detailed below, the process was not costly, admin
istratively burdensome, or difficult. As for cost, our
experience is that the total cost of obtaining a bailout
was approximately $5000. That total cost included
staff time gathering the relevant data and the filing
of bailout documents in the DC court.
As for the bailout process, Amici found the proc
ess relatively easy and without any undue burden.
Essentially Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions gathered
the necessary information and data supporting
bailout from records we maintained in the ordinary
3
course of business. Our counsel then submitted that
information to the United States Department of
Justice, which then conducted its own independent
review. We advertised the bailout in our community
media and posted notices in post offices, as required
by law. See 42 U.S.C. § 1973b. After we were notified
by the Department of Justice that our jurisdiction
had met the bailout requirements, our legal counsel
filed suit and the necessary bailout papers in the DC
Court.
Bailout is also achievable even if a County dis
covers during the bailout process that one or more of
its political subunits is not in full compliance with the
Voting Rights Act. During the course of the bailout
process, for example, several of the Amici Bailed Out
Jurisdictions discovered that some of their political
subunits had inadvertently failed to submit certain,
relatively minor voting changes for Section 5 review.
In such cases, our bailout counsel promptly made a
preclearance submission to the Department of Jus
tice, preclearance was granted nunc pro tunc, and the
bailout process was then completed.
In sum, contrary to claims made by Appellant
and some of the Amici supporting Appellant, bailout
is neither impossible, administratively burdensome,
nor costly.
4
ARGUMENT
I. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE VOTING
RIGHTS ACT IN VIRGINIA AND ITS SPE
CIAL PROVISIONS
The passage of the Voting Rights Act brought
about major changes in the Virginia electorate. The
Act immediately suspended Virginia’s literacy test
and eliminated the State’s poll tax for federal elec
tions. This Court’s 1966 decision in Harper v. Virginia
State Board o f Elections, 383 U.S. 663 (1966) invali
dated the Virginia poll tax for state elections. As a
result of these developments, there was throughout
the Commonwealth a “major surge in black registra
tion and voting . . . in the 1960’s.” Quiet Revolution in
the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act 1965-
1990, p. 277 Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grof-
man, eds., 1994, Princeton University Press (hereaf
ter “Quiet Revolution”).
The passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965,
particularly the preclearance provisions of Section 5
of the Act, also had an immediate impact on the way
local governments in Virginia such as ours conducted
our business. Each of the Amici Bailed Out Jurisdic
tions had the sole responsibility to register voters for
our local government (including the registration of
voters for all political subunits within our borders).
Each time Amici herein wanted to make a change in
any voting standard, practice or procedure, we made
a submission of such proposed change to the Depart
ment of Justice for preclearance. None of the Amici
5
here ever sought judicial preclearance from the DC
court.
Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions quickly adjusted
to the Act’s special provisions in one important way:
we incorporated the preclearance process into our
routine procedures for making any change that
affected voters. Thus, it became standard operating
procedure for voting officials in our jurisdictions to
include the preclearance process in any timeline for
implementing voting changes. It simply became
routine practice for us to make a submission to the
United States Attorney General whenever preclear
ance was required.
The preclearance submissions from political
subdivisions such as Amici here were usually written
by the County or City voting registrar, or some other
election official in our County or City government
offices, such as the City/County Electoral Board or
the City/County Attorney. Our correspondence de
scribed the proposed voting change, provided what
ever relevant statistical information we had which
supported the preclearance request, and listed repre
sentatives of the minority community who could
verify that they did not believe that the proposed
changes were discriminatory. The preclearance proc
ess was straightforward, and not a single objection
was ever interposed by the United States Attorney
General to any voting changes made by any of the
Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions.
6
II. THE 1982 AMENDMENTS TO THE VOT
ING RIGHTS ACT AND THE IMPACT ON
BAILOUT
When the Voting Rights Act was amended in
1982 to permit local governments like Amici here to
bailout, the Congress rightly believed that “[a] sub
stantial number of counties may be eligible to bail out
when the new procedure goes into effect.” S. Rep. No.
97-417 at 53. Indeed, one voting rights expert, “Mr.
Armand Derfner[,] presented a chart compiled by the
Joint Center for Political Studies. It showed a rea
sonable projection of 25 percent of the counties in the
major covered states being eligible to file for bailout
on the basis of their compliance with the objective
criteria in the compromise bill.” Id. And the Assistant
Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division at the
time, William Bradford Reynolds, testified to the
same effect and his projected number of jurisdictions
eligible to bailout in 1982 was “virtually identical to
those in the Joint Center’s estimate.” Id.
Interestingly, following the amendments and
extension of the Voting Rights Act in 1982 expanding
the opportunity for bailout, not a single jurisdiction
bailed out until 1997. In that year, the City of Fair
fax, Virginia became the first jurisdiction to obtain a
bailout pursuant to the criteria set forth in the 1982
amendments to the Voting Rights Act. Upon obtain
ing a bailout, the City of Fairfax explained through
its counsel that it had sought a bailout because it was
proud of its record of equal registration and voting
opportunities, and a bailout gave the City a public
7
and official declaration that all aspects of the City’s
political process were equally open to all its citizens.
See J. Gerald Hebert, City of Fairfax Obtains Voting
Rights Act Bailout, National Cities Weekly, November
24, 1997, available at http://www.highbeam.com/
DocPrint.aspx?DocId=lGl:20097806.
And even today, while no jurisdiction subject to
the Voting Rights Act’s special provisions has sought
a bailout and been rejected, only 17 jurisdictions have
sought a bailout. The attached chart (Exhibit B
hereto) lists these 17 bailed out jurisdictions and the
dates that each bailout was granted.
III. THE BAILOUT PROCESS IS NEITHER
COSTLY, BURDENSOME, NOR TIME-
CONSUMING
A. The Fact That Only 17 Jurisdictions
Have Bailed Out Is Not An Indication
That the Bailout Provisions Are Not
Working
So if Congress and voting rights experts pre
dicted in 1982 that roughly 25% of the covered juris
dictions were eligible to bailout, why have there been
only 17 bailouts since that time? Amici offer several
explanations.
http://www.highbeam.com/
8
“[M]any local officials are unaware of the bailout
option.”3 As more and more jurisdictions become
aware of the bailout opportunity, the number of
jurisdictions bailing out should increase.
Indeed, within three years of the City of Fairfax’s
bailout in 1997, two additional jurisdictions (Freder
ick and Shenandoah counties, Virginia) bailed out.
See Appendix at Exhibit B. In the last three years
alone (2006-2008), seven jurisdictions have bailed
out, so it would appear that more jurisdictions are
becoming aware of the bailout opportunity. Ibid.
Appellant makes much of the fact that all of the
bailouts have come from Virginia. See Appellants’
Brief at 25. The reason, we believe, that bailouts have
occurred only in Virginia is that it is very much a
local issue for us. Once Fairfax opened the bailout
door in 1997, word of bailout provisions started to
slowly spread throughout our state, and other local
governments interested in a bailout eventually fol
lowed suit. News of Fairfax’s bailout and those bail
outs that followed became a topic of conversation at
meetings of Virginia’s local government attorney
association and annual meetings of Virginia local
election officials. Counsel who has handled all the
bailouts made presentations about the process at
3 “Bailout Under the Voting Rights Act”, J. Gerald Hebert,
in America Votes! (American Bar Association, 2008) (Benjamin
E. Griffith, ed.) at 325 (hereafter 11 America Votes!”).
9
these meetings.4 The fact that bailouts have thus far
been limited to Virginia has more to do with these
particularized local factors than with any perceived
uniqueness in our governmental structures.
Appellant has surmised, incorrectly, that the fact
bailouts have occurred only in Virginia is due to the
fact that there is something “idiosyncratic” or differ
ent about our local government structures that makes
bailout easier for political subdivisions in our state
than in other states. See Appellant’s Brief at 25. This
is incorrect.
Virginia’s County governments are structured
much like County governments in other states. They
include other political subunits of government, such
as towns, utility districts, and school boards. Some
states, like Texas, may have counties that contain
more political subdivisions than Virginia’s counties
do. But others, like Georgia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, and Mississippi, are structured much the
same as Virginia’s counties. Thus, County govern
ments in a number of the other covered states under
the Voting Rights Act are in much the same position
4 Counsel for Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions has repre
sented all seventeen of the Virginia jurisdictions that have
bailed out thus far. The fact that counsel has his law practice in
Virginia and has made appearances at statewide conferences in
Virginia where local election officials have been present (includ
ing County and City attorneys) is also an additional explanation
of why bailouts have thus far been limited to Virginia.
10
as Virginia’s counties when it comes to seeking and
obtaining a bailout.
Virginia’s cities, however, do differ from munici
palities in other covered jurisdictions in one respect:
cities are independent governmental entities separate
from the counties they are located within. Accord
ingly, independent cities in Virginia run their own
municipal affairs, including the maintenance of their
own voter register rolls for City elections (County
residents are not permitted to vote in City elections
and vice versa). As a result, Virginia is the only
covered state where cities may bailout, because they
are separate political subdivisions which register
voters.
Of the 17 bailouts in Virginia, however, only 4
have been by independent cities. See Exhibit B. Thus,
Appellant’s arguments that unique characteristics of
Virginia local governments or its independent cities
explain why Virginia-only jurisdictions have bailed
out simply do not hold water.
In any event, the number of jurisdictions seeking
bailout would likely increase if the Department of
Justice were to make a concerted effort to dissemi
nate information about bailout to covered jurisdic
tions. As counsel for Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions
explained to Congress in 2005, “If the DOJ were to
include guidance about the bailout process and re
quirements with preclearance letters, where appro
priate, to educate jurisdictions and make similar
information clearly available under an appropriate
11
heading on its website for those jurisdictions unfamil
iar with the bailout statute and rules, there would
likely be an increase in the number of jurisdictions
that seek bailout over the course of the next 25 years
as compliance improves.” An Introduction to the
Expiring Provisions of the Voting Rights Act and
Legal Issues Relating to Reauthorization: Hearing of
the Senate Committee On The Judiciary, 109th
Cong., 1st Sess. 177 (May 9, 2006) (Statement of Ted
Shaw).
Furthermore, as explained below, the reasons
that more jurisdictions have not exercised the bailout
option is not attributable either to the cost involved
or to the difficulty of the bailout process. To the
contrary, the cost is affordable and the process of
obtaining a bailout is relatively easy and straightfor
ward for a jurisdiction that has operated in compli
ance with the Voting Rights Act.
B. A Bailout Is Financially Feasible
“Local officials may mistakenly believe that
bailing out is not cost-effective or is administratively
difficult.” America Votes!, supra, at 326. Neither belief
is well-founded.
As for costs, when voting officials within a juris
diction seeking a bailout are willing to undertake
the simple task of gathering the relevant data on
their own rather than paying outside counsel to do so,
“the legal fees for the entire process of obtaining a
12
bailout are less than $5000.” The Voting Rights Act:
An Examination of the Scope and Criteria for Cover
age Under the Special Provisions of the Act: Over
sight Hearing of the House Committee On The
Judiciary, Subcommittee On The Constitution, 109th
Cong., 1st Sess. 90 (October 20, 2005) (Statement of
J. Gerald Hebert). See also America Votes!, supra, at
326.
Furthermore, when a County or City bails out,
all political subunits within the jurisdiction receive a
bailout at that time. See 42 U.S.C. § 1973b. Thus, the
one-time cost of a bailout for a County (or a Virginia
City) and all its political subunits is affordable, even
for relatively small jurisdictions like Amici Bailed
Out Jurisdictions.
C. The Bailout Process Is Neither Cum
bersome Nor Complicated
Nor is the process of obtaining a bailout adminis
tratively difficult or complicated. Once our jurisdic
tions decided to seek a bailout under the Voting
Rights Act, we first assembled data and information
from our files to determine if we met the bailout
criteria that were set forth in the Voting Rights Act.
We did so under guidance from counsel. Under the
Act, gathering voting and election data will “assist
the court in determining whether to issue a declara
tory judgment under this subsection[.]” 42 U.S.C.
§ 1973b(a)(4).
13
The data and information we gathered included
information that we maintain in the ordinary course
of business, such as the number of voters in each
voting precinct, the number of voters who turned out
at the polls in past elections, and the number of
minority persons who have worked at the voter
registration office, electoral board, or served as poll
officials. We also gathered past election results,
particularly for those elections which involved a
minority candidate. Finally, we assembled informa
tion on the various opportunities and methods per
sons in our communities can utilize to become
registered voters. Often, such information about voter
registration opportunities is set forth on our local
government website and thus instantly accessible.
We also regularly maintain in our files corre
spondence we have sent to and received from the
United States Department of Justice regarding
Section 5 preclearance. These letters helped demon
strate that the Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions com
plied in a timely fashion with the preclearance
requirements under the Act.
The final data we collected to support our bailout
request was information that tends to show that all
persons within our jurisdictions enjoy an equal oppor
tunity to participate effectively in the political proc
ess. To do this, we simply gathered: publicly available
census data off the internet; described the method of
election (e.g., at-large, single-member districts) for
our City or County, and the elective bodies within it;
and identified the location and convenience of voter
14
registration sites and polling place locations for our
voters.
Once we assembled this data, and it was not very
time-consuming to do, we submitted the data to the
Attorney General for review and verification. The
Attorney General then undertook an independent
investigation in our community to verify our bailout
eligibility. We understand that local leaders in the
minority community within our jurisdictions were
interviewed by Justice Department personnel to
obtain their views on our bailout request.
We also published Notice of our intention to
bailout and posted the Notice in all appropriate post
offices, as the bailout provisions require. See 42
U.S.C. § 1973b(a)(4) (“The State or political subdivi
sion bringing such action shall publicize the intended
commencement and any proposed settlement of such
action in the media serving such State or political
subdivision and in appropriate United States post
offices.”). In some of our jurisdictions, we held public
hearings on the proposed bailout to give interested
persons in our communities an opportunity to learn
why we were seeking a bailout, to ask questions
about the process, and to inform our voters of their
opportunity to intervene in a bailout action if they so
desired.
Upon the Department of Justice’s determination
that our political subdivisions were eligible to bailout,
counsel for the Amici Bailed Out jurisdictions drafted
the necessary court papers and submitted them to the
15
D.C. Court for approval. The entire bailout process
for Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions was smooth,
transparent, and straightforward.
IV. JURISDICTIONS SEEKING BAILOUT CAN
BRING POLITICAL SUBUNITS WITHIN
THEIR BORDERS INTO COMPLIANCE
WITH THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT DURING
THE BAILOUT PROCESS
Appellant and Amicus Curiae Georgia Governor
Sonny Perdue make the claim that an insurmount
able hurdle to bailout is the fact that a State or a
County lacks the power to force political subunits to
comply with Section 5. See Appellant’s Brief at 25-26.
See Perdue Brief at 22-26. Amicus Curiae Georgia
Governor Sonny Perdue further claims that “it is
practically impossible for any jurisdiction to bail out
of coverage.” See Perdue Amicus Brief at 20-25.
Neither of these claims is correct.
The argument that a State or a County is unable
to obtain a bailout because it lacks the ability to bring
non-compliant political subunits within their borders
into compliance with Section 5 shows a fundamental
lack of understanding of how the bailout process
actually works. First, as the Department of Justice’s
Section 5 Guidelines make clear: “Changes affecting
voting shall be submitted by the chief legal officer or
other appropriate official of the submitting authority
or by any other authorized person on behalf of the
submitting authority. When one or more counties or
16
other political subunits within a State will be af
fected, the State may make a submission on their
behalf.” 28 C.F.R. § 51.23(a). So all a State or County
has to do when faced with a Section 5 noncompliant
political subunit is to “make a submission on their
behalf.” Ibid. Indeed, as explained below, this actually
happened to several of the political subdivisions
which have bailed out.
In Amici Bailed Out Jurisdictions’ experience
with the bailout process, we gathered data that we
felt supported a bailout for our jurisdictions. We then
notified the Department of Justice (DOJ) that we
intended to seek a bailout and DOJ then conducted
its own investigation to verify our bailout eligibility.
Sometimes, in gathering data on our own and some
times upon independent investigation by DOJ, Amici
Bailed Out Jurisdictions discovered that a political
subunit within our jurisdiction had failed to fully
comply with the Voting Rights Act (e.g., by making a
timely preclearance submission of a voting change).
In every instance when that happened, the political
subunit was promptly brought into compliance with
the Voting Rights Act by the County seeking a bail
out. The County simply asked counsel to make a
Section 5 preclearance submission on the political
subunit’s behalf, preclearance was obtained, and the
bailout was completed. For example, in Shenandoah
County, Virginia (one of the Amici here), which bailed
17
out in 1999,5 the County discovered during the course
of gathering information supporting the bailout that
the County itself and a number of towns within the
County had failed to submit voting changes for
preclearance review. Specifically, the County had
failed to submit one special election for preclearance
review, and four towns within the County had failed
to submit over 30 annexations for Section 5 review.
But Shenandoah County encountered no difficulty in
bringing the political subunits into compliance with
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act.6 The County’s legal
counsel promptly submitted all of these changes for
Section 5 review, and all were precleared by the
Attorney General after his review showed no dis
criminatory purpose or effect. Thus, the County was
able to use the bailout process to bring about compli
ance with Section 5 nunc pro tunc. Upon preclearance
of these previously unsubmitted changes, and on the
basis of other information supplied by Shenandoah
County demonstrating compliance with the Voting
Rights Act, the bailout process went forward and the
Attorney General consented to the bailout judgment.
6 See Shenandoah County, VA v. Reno, No. 1:99CV00992
(D.D.C. October 15, 1999) (consent judgment and decree).
6 The Stipulation of Facts that was signed by the parties
and filed in Shenandoah County, VA v. Reno, supra, details these
previously unsubmitted changes and how they were precleared
during the bailout process. See Shenandoah County, VA v. Reno,
No. 1:99CV00992 (D.D.C. October 15, 1999) (Stipulation of Facts
at *[[23).
18
This type of flexible approach by the United
States Attorney General is exactly what was envi
sioned by the bailout provisions. As the legislative
history to the 1982 amendments explained: “This
safeguard will permit evidence to be presented of
voting rights infringements which have not previ
ously been the subject of a judicial determination.
However, such violations would not bar bailout if ‘the
plaintiff establishes that any such violation were
trivial, were promptly corrected, and were not re
peated.’ ”7
Similarly, two other jurisdictions that have bailed
out, Roanoke and Warren counties, Virginia, had a
total of 13 previously unsubmitted and unprecleared
changes at the time they initiated bailout proceed
ings. In both instances, the unsubmitted changes
(some of which had been undertaken by political
subunits) were submitted for preclearance by the
County, and following preclearance, the bailout
process was successful. See J. Gerald Hebert, An
Assessment of the Bailout Provisions of the Voting
Rights Act, in Voting Rights Act Reauthorization of
2006, at 277 (Appendix A) (Henderson ed., 2007).
That Shenandoah, Roanoke and Warren counties
all were permitted to bailout despite the existence of
previously-implemented, but unsubmitted changes
(including many changes by political subunits thereof)
7 S. Rep. No. 97-417, at 53, reprinted in 1982 U.S.C.C.A.N.
at 231.
19
shows that the current bailout provisions are both
flexible and workable for covered jurisdictions. While
Congress made clear that a political subdivision
cannot bailout if it has violated “any provision of the
Constitution or laws of the United States or any State
or political subdivision with respect to discrimination
in voting on account of race or color” in the past ten
years, it also permitted political subdivisions who
registered voters to pursue bailout in limited circum
stances even where minor voting rights infractions
existed and those trivial issues could be quickly
resolved, as they were in these three Virginia coun
ties.8
Thus, Amici Bailed Out Jurisdiction’s own real
world experience shows that a jurisdiction that
inadvertently failed to submit voting changes for
preclearance but implemented the changes anyway
(such as happened in Shenandoah and Warren coun
ties) were not barred from obtaining a bailout even
though implementation of the unprecleared changes
constituted technical violations of the preclearance
provisions of the Voting Rights Act. Such “violations”
were deemed inadvertent and fell into the “trivial”
category.
Moreover, it is not the case that bailout is “prac
tically impossible!.]” Perdue Amicus Brief at 20. Our
own bailouts prove that local governments like ours
that register voters and conduct elections can establish
42 U.S.C. § 1973b(a)(3) (2005).
20
full compliance with the Voting Rights Act over at
least a ten-year period. And Amici here are unaware
of anything that would not permit a substantial
number of counties in Georgia (or any other State
subject to the special provisions of the Voting Rights
Act for that matter) from seeking a bailout today and
making such a showing.
It is true that in some political subdivisions,
bailout will not be possible because a proposed voting
change submitted for preclearance has drawn an
objection by the Attorney General or was rejected by
the District of Columbia court. But that is as it
should be. After all, if an objection has been inter
posed or a declaratory judgment denied under Section
5, it is because the submitting authority failed to
show that its submitted change was not free of a
racially discriminatory purpose or effect. See 42
U.S.C. § 1973c. And that is precisely the prophylactic
impact that Congress intended Section 5 to have, and
it is one that this Court has consistently noted and
upheld: “[Section 5] must, of course, be interpreted in
light of its prophylactic purpose and the historical
experience which it reflects.” McDaniel v. Sanchez,
452 U.S. 130, 151 (1981). See also McCain v. Lybrand,
465 U.S. 236, 246 (1984), and City o f Rome, Georgia v.
United States, 446 U.S. 156, 202 (1980).
♦
21
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the
three-judge court of the United States District Court
for the District of Columbia should he affirmed.
Dated: March 2009
Respectfully submitted,
J. G erald H ebert
Counsel o f Record for
Amici Curiae
J. G erald H e b er t , RC.
5019 Waple Lane
Alexandria, VA 22304
(703) 628-4673
G eorge W arren S hanks
Counsel for Amicus
Page County Registrar
M iller, Earle & Shanks, PLLC
136 General Drive, Suite 200
P.O. Box 246
Luray, VA 22835
(540) 745-4511
L ucy P hillips
Counsel for Amicus
Washington County
Registrar
205 Academy Drive
Abingdon, VA 24210
(276) 525-1370
App. 1
EXHIBIT A
LAW OFFICES OF J. Gerald Hebert, P.C.
J. Gerald Hebert, Attorney at Law
5019 Waple Lane
Alexandria, VA 22304
(703) 628-4673
website: www.voterlaw.com
January 22, 2009
The Honorable William K. Suter
Clerk of the Court
Supreme Court of the United States
Washington, DC 20543
Re: No. 08-322, AW Austin Municipal Utility Dis
trict No. 1 v. Mukasey
Dear Mr. Suter:
The Court noted probable jurisdiction in this
appeal on January 9, 2009.
I serve as co-counsel for Travis County, Texas,
one of the appellees in the above-referenced appeal.
In that capacity, my co-counsel (Mr. Renea Hicks) and
I were co-signatories to a motion to affirm submitted
on behalf of numerous appellees-intervenors on
November 26, 2008 I also served with Mr. Hicks as
co-counsel to Travis County in the district court.
I am writing to advise the Court that I am with
drawing as counsel for Travis County in this appeal.
Travis County has consented to the withdrawal. It is
my intention to file a brief in this case on behalf of
certain amici curiae who will be aligned with Travis
http://www.voterlaw.com
App. 2
County. Travis County will continue to be represented
in this Court by Mr. Hicks. In any amici curiae brief
that I file in this appeal, I will include a footnote
referencing my prior representation of Travis County.
Thank you for your attention to this matter.
Sincerely,
/s/ J. Gerald Hebert
J. Gerald Hebert
cc counsel of record
App. 3
EXHIBIT B
Jurisdictions That Have Bailed Out Since 1982
Extension and Amendments to the Voting Rights Act
Jurisdictions
(All In Virginia) Bailout Granted Date
Fairfax City October 21, 1997
Frederick County September 9, 1999
Shenandoah County October 15, 1999
Roanoke County January 24, 2001
Winchester City May 31, 2001
Harrisonburg City April 17, 2002
Rockingham County May 21, 2002
Warren County November 25, 2002
Greene County January 19, 2004
Augusta County November 30, 2005
Salem City July 27, 2006
Botetourt County August 28, 2006
Essex County January 31, 2007
Page County September 15, 2008
Washington County September 23, 2008
Middlesex County January 4, 2008
Amherst County August 13, 2008