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Clippings on School Admissions (Folder)
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November 24, 1976 - May 30, 1979
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Division of Legal Information and Community Service, Clippings. Clippings on School Admissions (Folder), 1976. 2bf3de01-729b-ef11-8a69-6045bddc2d97. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/1d108431-bd3b-420f-a057-a539a7a45913/clippings-on-school-admissions-folder. Accessed November 19, 2025.
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Making It, as a Black, at Harvard and Radcliffe
NEW YORK TIMES. 1 1 / 2 4 / 7 6
By David L . Evans
CAMBRIDGE, Mass.— So much has
been written about the illegitimacy of
special recruiting efforts for minority
students,- black students’ disillusion
ment and "reverse discrimination” that
the mere presence of blacks at selec
tive institutions has more and more
begun to ilm-ply substandard oreden-
tials or relaxed admissions Rolioies.
Why is this? One reason is the almost
total absence of news-media coveaiage
of the successes of black students. This
one-sided coverage ha®, in many cases,
become an excuse for inaction and a
belief that nothing can be done with
out "lowering the standards.”
Harvard and Radcliffe Colleges have
no special programs for minority stu
dents, but the more than 400 black
undergraduates here have not escaped
this unfair criticism.
The first marshal of the Harvard
College Class of 1976 visited the
People’s Republic of China, was a
Harvard National Scholar, a member
of the news board of The Harvard
Crimson, and was admitted to the
graduate progtam- in East Asian Stu
dies at Harvard.
The. All-American captain of the
197S Ivy League championship football
team now plays for the Chicago Bears
and during his four years at Harvard
was viewed as a campus folk hero!
(“You couldn’t meet a more genuine
person,” a classmate said.)
The treasurer of the Radcliffe Class
of 1976 chose to study sociology at the
London School or Economics on a
Rotary Fellowship instead o>f accept
ing a place in the graduate school a t
either Princeton or Yale. She is sorely
missed at Harvard, especially a t the
Kennedy Institute of Politics, where
she served on the student advisory
committee.
The president of the Crimson Key
(1975-76), who is now in his first
year at Harvard Law School, was also
a marshal of the Harvard Class of
1976, a National Scholar, and a direc
tor of the Harvard Cooperative Society.
All four o f these members of the
Harvard/Radcliffe Class of 1976 —
Ronald Wade, Danny Jiggetts, Mary
Johnson, and Marvin Bagwell — are
black. Their accomplishments contra
dict the recent publicity about black
students on selective college cam
puses. That image is in need of a re
appraisal, lest it continue to register
as one of individuals undeserving of
the desirable positions that they oc
cupy. But despite the adverse publicity
of the last six or seven years, black
men and women continue to excel in
diverse ways reflective of the best
Harvard traditions.
Although averaging above the 94th
percentile on the Scholastic Aptitude
Test, and thus belonging to the cream
of the crop of all college-bound teen
agers, black students who come to deserving of a fairer shake and of the
Haa-vard far too often receive the respect commensurate with their dis-
coolest, most ambivalent reception played abilities and courage as in-
givey to any upwardly-mobile ethnic , dividuals.
group that has ever entered these ivied One would hope that by now a dif-
walls. The polite black student still ferent picture would emerge from this
finds some of his white peers suspi
cious and probing.
“They are often trying to silently
confirm that ‘awful something,’ ” ex
plains one black student, "so even a
casual conversation takes on a nasty
competitiveness. I feel I have to be
wary of making the little mistake that
-will confirm what they are seeking—
proof that ‘reverse discrimination’ is
what brought me here.”
Yet the average black student at
Harvard/Radcliffe, like his or her
white counterpart, is in academic rank
“group III.” This rank or a higher one
qualifies a student for the Dean’s List.
There is something meritorious
about young people who persist to
ward an education in this often un
settling environment when they are
told that they are not qualified to be
here, when there is only a handful of
black faculty members and adminis
trators as examples (despite Harvard’s
affirmative-action plan) and when the
smallest gathering of black students is
labeled self-imposed apartheid, or anti-
intellectualism. Although beset by
many discouragements, black students
have made outstanding contributions
to the university community; they are
particular campus than that painted by
seven years of limited news coverage.
David L. Evans is senior adm issions
officer o f H arvard/R adcliffe.
T H E N E W Y O R K WEUNKSDAY. V C Y O B E R li, 1'),
About Education
Report Backs Colleges on Use of Race as Entry Criterioi
By EDWARD B. FISKE
Colleges and professional schools are
vigorously engaged in affirmative-ac-
tion'^adnlBslons-program, and any re
strictions on their freedom to use race
as a criterion for acceptance could sub
stantially reduce the participation of
minority students in higher education,
according to two officials of the Educa
tional Testing Service.
These were the basic conclusions of
a study conducted by Warren W. Will
ingham and Hunter M. Breland of the
service for the Carnegie Council on
Policy Studies in Higher Education.
The two research psychologists found
that, by and large, graduate and profes
sional schools were enrolling minority-
group students in roughly the same
proportion as these students were rep
resented in college graduating classes.
On the other hand, blacks and other
minority-group students arrive at both
college and graduate and professional
schools with “substantially lower”
grade-point averages and standardized-
test scores than whites.
“To us this is evidence of strong af
firmative-action programs on the part
of the selective colleges and universi
ties as well as medical and law
schools," said Mr. Willingham. “It also
suggests that if you do not permit
schools to take race into account— if
you insist that they look only at grades
and test scores— then the effect will
inevitably be to reduce the number of
minority students in admission.”
The role of race In admission to col
leges and universities has become a
major issue in higher education in the
wake of a suit brought by Allan Bakke
against the Medical School of the Uni
versity of California at Davis.
Mr. Bakke, who is white and was
denied admission to the school, alleged
that he was a victim of “reverse dis
crimination” because minority candi
dates of lesser academic ability were
accepted through a special admissions
program. The United States Supreme
Court has agreed to rule on the case.
The Testing Service’s study was part
of a report on “Selective Admissions
in Higher Education” published several
days ago by the Carnegie Council. The
report concluded that race was a rele
vant factor—among many others— în
determining who should be admitted
to colleges and professional schools.
The council also opposed fixed quotas
and urged colleges to put their admis
sions criteria “up front” for public
scrutiny.
The study, which was carried out
with the assistance of two consultants,
Richard I. Ferrin and Mary Fruen,
found considerable evidence of a com
mitment in the admissions policies of
American colleges and universities.
Number of Whites Entering
At the college level, for example, ac
cording to data from the American
Council on Education, the percentage
of nonwhites in entering classes in
creased from 10.1 percent in 1967 to
13.8 percent in 1976. Mr. Breland noted
that the latter figure were “still some
what lower than the percentage of mi
norities in the 18-year-old population.”
On the other hand, the figures for
minority college graduates show a con
siderably different picture. Figures
from the National Board of Graduate
Education indicate that in the spriv
of 1974 minority students received only
7.8 percent of bachelor’s degrees
awarded in this country. According to
the Council on Education nonwhite stu
dents made up 11.4 percent of those
entering four years previously.
“The basic problem seems to be
retention rather than unwillingness to
accept minorities,” said Mr. Willing
ham. “For various reasons, including
financial problems and the general
level of educational disadvantage, mi
nority students are persisting in college
at the same rate as whites.”
Further evidence of colleges’ commit
ment is seen in figures on the relation
ship of academic ability to college
selectivity, according to the Education
al Testing Service researchers;
Mr. Willingham noted that blacks
i also tended to be under-represented in
moderately selective colleges and over
represented in colleges of low selectivi
ty. “The situation seems to be that
blacks, especially the most able ones,
are either getting financial aid and
going to the selective schools, or they
go to the community college down the
street, or to predominently black col
leges,” he said. “They don’t go to the
colleges in the middle.”
The researchers found similar pat
terns in the admissions policies of
medical and law schools.
In the fall of 1975, according to fig
ures from the Association of American
Medical Colleges, 41 percent of black
applicants were accepted by medical
schools, in contrast to 37 percent of
whites. Mr. Breland noted, though, that
f two predominantly black medica
schools in the sample were discounted
then the acceptance rates would hi
“roughly equal.”
Further figures, however, show that
medical schools were, on the average,
accepting blacks with less demonstrat
ed academic ability than whites. Blacks
accepted by medical schools in 1975
. had a mean grade-point average of 2.89
in college while those not accepted had
a mean average of 2.70. Whites who
were accepted had a mean of 3.52,
whereas those not accepted had an
average of 3.28, or 0.39 points above
that of accepted blacks.
Similar patterns hold true in relation
to scores on the Medical College Ad
mission Test, the researchers found.
“Obviously we have affirmative action
going,” said Mr. Willingham.
The Data on Law Schools
Regarding law schools, a 1977 study
by the Law School Admission Council
reported that whereas 59 percent of
white applicants to law schools were
accepted, the figure for blacks was only
39 percent.
“This looks like discrimination, but
it really isn’t,” said Mr. Breland. “If
you look at the grade-point averages
and results of the law boards, you see
that within any ability level the black
acceptance rate is higher.”
Among students with Law School
Admission Test scores of 500 to 549
and undergraduate grade point aver
ages of 3.00 to 3.24, for
example, 90 percent of black applicants
were accepted as opposed to 84 percent
of Chicanos, 60 percent of “other mi
norities? and only 50 percent of whites.
The Decline of Black Enrollme^fln Universities I
B y Solveig Torvik
After a decade of battling to
break down the barriers to a
college degree, many black stu
dents seem to be turning then-
backs on the ivory tower,
They are disappearing in dra
matic numbers from the California
campuses they once fought to
enter, particularly in graduate pro
grams and at the more prestigious
universities.
The most telling evidence that
something has gone awry with
efforts to get minorities into the
higher reaches of higher education
is the follow'ing:
1 • Stanford University has seen
its mmority graduate student en
rollment decline, from a total of 533
in 1973 to 388 last year. Minority
undergraduate enrollment, mean-
whEe, increased except for Ameri
can Indians.
• Graduate school enrollment
by blacks at the University of
California campuses has dropped
by nearly 20 percent in four years,
the graduate enrollment of ehica-
nos has declined by 4 percent and
American Indian enrollm ent is
down by nearly 8 percent.
Future of Muni Fares
The San Francisco Public Utilitira Commission
received a report yesterday spelling out the
consequences in revenue and ridership of a
number of proposed Municipal Railway fare
increases.
federal funds, he said.
“Somewhere down the road there will be a
Muni fare increase,” PUC General Manager Rich
ard Sklar said. Yesterday’s report, prepared by the
private consulting firm of Gruen, Gruen and
Associates, tried to predict what would happen if a
various fare increases were enacted.
The Gruen study estimated that a simple
increase in the base fare to 30 cents, with nO
change in the flve-cent student and senior citizen
discount fare, would provide an extra $1.2 million
in revenue.
It would mean, however, a 2 percent decline in.
the number of riders. '
Muni’s basic problem, Sklar said, is that while
it cost $38 million to operate the transit system in
fiscal 1968-89, and $85 million in fiscal 1978-79, it
will cost an estimated $186 million to provide
essentially the same service ten years from now.
An increase to a 50-cent fare, with a ten-cent
discount fare, would mean an extra $14 million, but
a 12 percent drop in riders, the study estimated.
“No fare increase in the world is going to
make up that entire amount,” Sklar said. An
increase could make up some of the difference,
with the rest coming from increased state and
The study noted, however, that even an ■
increase to a 75-cent fare during peak commute'
hours, with a 5¢ fare for other hours, would
provide for Muni’s financial needs only through
fiscal year 198384, assuming the current levels of
state and federal funds remain constant.
er, are stronger academically than
before, and Stanford is admitting a
larger percentage of those who do
apply, he said.
■Walker said it does not seem to
be a case of graduate work at
Stanford proving too difficult for
minorities because their retention
rate is about the same as for whites.
“Minority students are begin
ning to find that the Ph.D. is not as
attractive economically as it once
was,” he said.
Since 1972, Stanford’s enroll
ment of new black graduate stu
dents dropped over 30 percent,
while chicanes dropped 25 percent.
But 12 more chicanes enrolled this
year than last, a possible reflection
of the growing numbers of chicane
students completing undergradu
ate degrees. The decline continued
this year for blacks.
• At the same time, UC’s un
dergraduate black enrollment de
clined nearly six percent, and
chicane and American Indian un
dergraduate enrollm ent has in
creased.
whose personnel recruiters seek
minority students fresh out of
college and lure them with good
salaries and management training
opportunities. Many of these stu
dents are too poor to continue
financially unrewarding graduate
studies.
“There’s a ̂feeling we don’t
want them,” Cox said. “That’s not
true.” The Bakke decision by the
U.S. Supreme Court does allow UC
to use race as a factor in admis
sions, she noted.
through teaching assistantships and
grants. Financial aid has not d*a-
clined for those at the m aster’s
degree level, so that is not a factor
either. Walker said. ,
The declines in minority enroll
ment, for which educators have no
clear explanation have come at a
time when graduate and under
graduate enrollment at four-year
colleges has held steady or in
creased. These changes mirror a
national trend.
Chronic lack of financial aid,
the psychological impact of the
Bakke decision and even allega
tions of “Institutional racism” are
all suggested as reasons for the
decline on many campuses. The
drop in enrollment of minority
students reflects an equal drop in
applications.
Seeking the cause, however,
educators most often cite a “brain
drain” by businesses and industries
The decline is expected to
intensify the shortage of minorities
in professorial ranks. Universities
already under the gun of federal
affirm ative action requirements
complain they are unable to find
enough qualified minority profes-
“They’re getting creamed off
by industry,” said Alice C. Cox,
assistant vice president for student
academic services at UC. Businesses
holding government contracts also
are monitored for their minority
hiring practices under federal law.
Some say minority students
have been discouraged from trying
to enter graduate and professional
programs since Allan Bakke won
admission to UC Davis Medical
School with a lawsuit charging
reverse discrimination.
Jay Jones, president of the
Black Law Students Association at
Berkeley, contended that the uni
versity never did defend its special
admissions program for minorities
wholeheartedly. That perception
has filtered down into the commu
nity and shows up in the number of
minority applicants to law school,
he said. Normally 280 to 300 minori
ty students apply to Boalt Hall,
Jones said. This year there were
only 200.
Stanford has not tightened c*-
altered its admissions procedures in
any way regarding minorities, h e
said, and it has no “quota” o f
mmority seats.
Another factor, according to
Jones, is that many graduate pro
grams offered by universities faU to
prepare students to work on the
special problems of minority com
munities, so would-be students are
finding other means of bringing
about social change.
“I think the pressure is off,”
said John Leonard, chairman of
Berkeley’s Graduate Assembly, re-“
garding university recruitment of
minorities.
“They can come to the univer
sity on the university’s terms,”
Leonard said. He contended the
university is less inclined to adapt
Itself to the needs of minorities
than it was when they first ap
peared on campus in the ’60s.
UC is now trying to identify
“barriers” to minority students that
might be preventing their enroll
ment.
A survey of 129 members of the
National Association of State Uni
versities and Land Grant Colleges
showed black graduate school en
rollment dropped nearly 2 percent
between 1976 and 1978 while all
other categories increased.
Stanford officials express cau
tious hope that they have stemmed
the tide: In 1979 four more minority
students enrolled in graduate pro
grams than last year.
Associate dean Arthur Walker,
asked to explain the pattern of
apparent dis^fection of minorities
for Stanford s graduate programs,
said, “It’s a bit of a mystery to us.”
He discounted Stanford’s high
tuition as a factor, since Ph.D.
students, with the ekceptloii W
those hi eflucSHon, are support^
. CXCIII NO. 68^ it
Cream of the Crop?
Elite Colleges Consider
Many Factors in Search
For a Mix of Students
Going Beyond Test Scores,
Duke Panel Seeks Talent,
Diversity and Also ‘Spark’
Gumbo of Porkers & Whizzes
By Anthony Ramirez
Staff Reporter of T h e Wa l l St r e e t J o urn al
DURHAM, N .C .-It 's a sunlit Thursday
morning, and around a long wooden table, a
college admissions committee squints at
thick books of computer printouts and
argues about a black high-school senior with
much promise but bad grades.
One of 12 children from a Detroit ghetto
family, he wants to attend Duke University
here, but his case perplexes admissions offi
cials. Although they want to admit more
blacks, this young man ranks in the bottom
fifth of his class, and his scores are just av
erage on the Scholastic Aptitude Test, which
is said to measure college potential. “He’s
scary,” mutters Edward Lingenheid, Duke’s
admissions director. Yet the Massachusetts
prep school that the student is attending on
an affirmative-action scholarship is one of
the best private schools in the country. It
backs him strongly, saying his character
and leadership ability are outstanding.
Painstaking Process
After a few minutes of sharp debate, the
committee, swayed mainly by the school’s
praise, decides to accept him. He is one of
more than 6,800 high-school seniors who
want to get into Duke’s freshman class next
fall. Only 1,000 will make it.
Every year, elite colleges and universi
ties get tens of thousands of applications
from anxious high schoolers throughout the
nation-and launch a painstaking selection
process that most other schools don’t bother
with. By mid-April, the colleges tell most of
their applicants that they aren’t getting in.
Watching the admissions committee’s delib
erations here at Duke for a few days shows
the sifting and sorting that lands some stu
dents in the college of their choice, and
leaves others-often with almost identical
grades and test scores-rejected.
lik e other selective institutions, Duke
wants a “diverse” student body. The reason
tng is that a kind of gumbo of top students
who are different, either in the lives they
have led or the talents they possess, pro
duces opportunities for learning that books
don’t provide. To admissions officers, get
ting the right mix requires the work of rea
sonable people trying to judge reasonably.
To high schoolers and their parents, the pro
cess can often mean apprehension and mys
tery, followed by disappointment.
Many Pressures
The mysteiy is an inevitable result of the
highly subjective criteria many schools use.
Stanford University, for example, wants ac
ademic ability and a “high energy level,”
says Fred Hargadon, admissions dean, but
doesn’t stipulate minimum grades or stan
dardized test scores. Mr. Hargadon men
tions a high-school student who runs a busi
ness earning $120,000 a year, “We find that
Interesting,” he says. Harvard University
will admit students with average scores on
aptitude te s ts -if the students “add some
thing to the campus,” says William Fitzsim
mons, admissions director. “The best possi
ble mix is a student body in which students
teach other students.”
Here at Duke, picking “diverse” college
freshmen is hard work, made harder by
many pressures. The alumni office wants al
umni children. Coaches want athletes. The
music department wants musicians. The
fund-raising office wants rich kids. Local
boosters want North Carolinians. Minority
groups want minorities. The faculty wants
smart kids-but not “grinds” interested only
in grades.
And all the while the admissions commit
tee is possessed by a fear of failure, of pass
ing over a potential leader and rewarding a
workaday mind. At one admissions meeting,
Steven Vogel, a Duke zoology professor,
asks an admissions staffer, “Why with such
a fantastic pool of applicants do we get so
many porkers?”
Duke, which some educators call “the
Harvard of the South,” could probably till
much of its freshman class mechanically
and objectively by picking those in the top
10% of their high school who also scored su
perbly on standardized tests. Some parents
think that’s the way the system should work.
Burden on Upper-Middle Class
“I ’ve been called anti-Semitic, anti-Ital
ian, you name it,” says Mr. Lingenheid,
Duke's 34-year-old admissions director.
“But in what sense are kids qualified?
That’s what admissions is all about. Sure,
Johnny may have high testing, but he ought
to, father’s an M.D. and mother’s an M.A
from Columbia. Johnny’s gone to Europe
over the summer. He’s gone to the finest
prep school. He’s totally different from a
promising black kid from Newark, who’s got
12 brothers and sisters, and whose peers
hang around street comers all day.”
Duke searches out students from disad
vantaged backgrounds, Mr. Lingenheid
says, and as a result, “There’s often a tre
mendous burden on children of upper-mid
dle-class parents-whites or minorities-to
prove that they’ve taken advantage of the
things open to them. Have they just slid
along on their opportunities?”
Almost all the critical admissions deci
sions are made by the admissions commit
tee-m em bers of the permanent admissions
staff of nine plus any professors and admin
istrators who want to get involved. The per
manent staff’s five men and four women are
mostly in their 30s or late 20s. Five are
Duke alumni. Five have teaching experi
ence. One, a man, was a college cheer
leader. Two are black.
The admissions marathon begins in early
Please Turn to Page 2S, Column J
Creatn of the Crop#-
Elite Colleges Search
For a Mix of Students
Continued From F irst Page
December, when the first applications
trickle in. In all, the staff must ponder more
than 8,000 applications (counting an extra
1,200 for the engineering and nursing
schools), most of them in about nine weeks.
Even with the hiring of seven part-timers
(mostly faculty wives) to evaluate applica
tions, each permanent staffer must study
thoroughly as many as 50 applications a
day.
The fatigue is evident. " I want to know if
I goofed,” says David Belton, an admissions
staffer, asking advice from other staffers
about a candidate. He says he had only two
hours’ sleep when he read the applicant’s
folder. (The candidate, after review, stays
rejected.)
Each application usually is read twice,
first by a part-timer, and then by a perma
nent staffer. They rate a candidate's aca
demic and extracurricular records, assess
ing both categories with letter grades from
A through G. A student rating ”A/A” is
hardly ever rejected, and one with a ”G/G,”
the lowest rating, is hardly ever accepted.
Almost all cases fall in between.
Readers score the apparent difficulty of
the applicant’s high-school courses, how well
the student did in them, what his counselors
and teachers think of him, what the reader
thinks of the application as a whole, and the
quality of the high school. This last category
is Duke’s “very own, very esoteric” assess
ment of “several thousand” high schools na
tionally, says Mr. Lingenheld.
After two close readings, each applica
tion is reviewed by three to five admissions
staffers, plus a faculty member and the
dean of minority affairs. Typically, a staff
member will “present” applications from
one section of the country. The staffer acts
as an advocate for applicants; his faint
praise can be damning!
The committee works from a 1,140-page
computer printout that contains each candi
date’s standardized test scores, class rank
(if available), reader ratings, sex, race,
whether there’s a Duke alumnus in the fam
ily, whether the athletic department wants
the student, and whether the fund-raising of
fice wants the parents.
Essays Also Important
In most cases a staffer hasn’t met the.ap
plicant (an interview isn’t required). So usu
ally the committee must base its decision on
a catalog of numbers, recommendations
from high-school teachers and counselors,
and intuition.
Also important are the two essays stu
dents must write-one describing their ex
tracurricular activities and the other dis
cussing a topic that concerns them. The
black student from the Detroit ghetto, for
example, submitted a well-written essay on
the decline of inner-city schools, helping off
set his mediocre S.A.T. scores. That stu
dent’s case also got strong support from Da
vid Belton, a black staffer and minority-stu
dent recruiter. What’s more, the committee
hoped that by taking him, other blacks from
his prep school, with higher grades and bet
ter test scores would be encouraged to apply
next year.
In other cases, the judgment is simpler.
One applicant is an 18-year-old boy from
rural Georgia. The class valedictorian, he
scored 750 in the verbal and 730 in the math
sections of the S.A.T. (800 is the maximum).
His physics and chemistry teacher writes
that he is an only child “adopted by older
than usual parents (his father died this past
fall) of rather limited financial means.
These factors have made him more mature
and self-reliant than most students of his *
age.” A counselor says that his parents’ ed
ucation was “minimal,” and that they have
been “bewildered by this bright young
man.”
The student says in his essay that his two
main extracurricular interests are writing
and comic books (he buys 30 a month).
“Many people scoff at comic books,” he
writes, “and consider them juvenile. I feel,
though, that these people are over-generaliz
ing and maintaining a closed mind. Comic
books occupy the unusual position of pres
enting both literature and art simultane
ously, combining the two media.”
Sign Him Up
The committee loves him. “Sign that boy
up,” says Mr. Lingenheld.
Sometimes the committee cares more
about an applicant’s background than inter
ests. A girl born in Taiwan has fairly strong
grades and average test scores. Her counse
lor says her work would have been better if
she had lived in this country longer. For
most of her life she has lived in Libya with
her parents, a Nationalist Chinese army
doctor and nurse now stationed there. For
the last six years she has lived in the U.S.,
attending three Southern schools and cur
rently a New England prep schiMl. Her
brother and two sisters attended Duke.
Although her writing is uneven, her Eng
lish instructors praise her for insight and
forcefulness in class discussions. “She’s had
a tough life,” Mr. Lingenheld tells the com
mittee. “This kid’s been on her own for a
long time, and she’s shown drive and prom
ise. There’s also this strong alumni connec
tion.” The committee accepts her.
In another case, alumni in the family
don’t help. A New Jersey applicant comes
from a longtime Duke family that has been
trying very hard to get him in. Terry San
ford, Duke’s president, includes a note in the
student’s folder, saying he is “Interested” in
the student’s application. “I believe his
grandfather graduated from Duke,” he
writes, "as well as his father in 1954. I un
derstand that his only choice is Duke.”
Many Lack “Spark”
Mr. Sanford’s note doesn’t swing it. Al
though talented in biology (the student
scored a near-perfect 780 on his biology
achievement test), he is basically a C stu
dent. The committee turns him down, with
out discussion.
A major quality the committee looks for
is “spark.”
One student, typical of many, seems to
lack it. The son of a prosperous Harvard
graduate, he is trying to decide where he’s
going in life. For “anticipated career” and
“anticipated major” he has checked “un
decided.” Gifted in mathematics (a 790 on
the math section of the S.A.T.), he is only a
B student overall.
The committee considers his extracurri
cular activities lackluster. He is a stamp
collector, a Boy Scout, and a Sunday-school
teacher, who also plays the piano and guitar
and sings. On Duke’s scale, his grades
X
extracurricular activities rank him a
“D/D.”
Nevertheless, an admissions staffer in'
eludes a note in the student’s folder: "Bad
soph year but super scores. I really like
him. Fine student-admit if possible.”
His high school also recommends him
“with enthusiasm,” but an admissions staf
fer who interviewed him notes his “lethargic
demeanor.” David Miller, another staffer,
says his admission would be “tantamount to
saying scores can get you in.”
The student writes, “Years from now, all
the pressure of this decision will probably
seem funny. But right now it seems very im
portant to get it all sorted out. 1 will be re
lieved when the work and the waiting are
over and commitment has been made, for
better or worse.”
The committee rejects him.
Open Admissions Ruinous? Let’s Look at the Class of ’ll
By Kenneth Libo
City College is still reeling from the
disastrous effects of the City Univer
sity crisis. Moreover, the community
at large, beset by more than its share
of ills, is easy prey to any eloquent
preacher of negativism. It is therefore
hardly surprising that self-fulfilling
prophesies of doom aimed at the Col
lege have been receiving more than
their share of attention in the news
media nowadays.
While I would defend anyone’s free
dom to disseminate such dire predic
tions, I nevertheless disagree with the
thesis that the open-admissions expe
dience has caused irreparable damage
to the College. Such attitudes are pre
dicted on unrealistic ideas of what the
College should or ought to be.
To be sure, we did go through a
halcyon period from the 1930’s through
the mid-1960’s in which we received
more than our share of the best pre
pared students in the city.
Nevertheless, it is shortsighted to
assume that any radical departure from
such fortuitous circumstances leads
necessarily to tragedy. Actually,
through its involvement with open ad
missions, the College has returned to
what it was like at the turn of the
century, a time when a largely in
digenous student body was being sup
plemented by a wave of newer students.
Then, the sons of poor immigrants
from Eastern Europe began entering
the College in droves, while now dif
ferent minorities are repeating the
same pattern.
A closer look at these two periods
reveals additional similarities. Old-
time instructors and middle-class par
ents alike looked with disdain and
suspicion at these “lower-class” new
comers. Many, like Israel Davidson ’95,
could barely read and write English.
One day Davidson’s drawing instructor
commanded him to go to the black
board and draw a carrot. Davidson was
embarrassed. A mere greenhorn, he did
not know the meaning of the word.
Nevertheless, he graduated with hon
ors and later became a distinguished
scholar of medieval literature.
A 1904 C.C.N.Y. teacher’s report on
the state of education a t the College
might just as well have been written
today. Most City College students then
rarely heard standard English spoken
in the home. It was therefore necessary
to devote a large number of hours in
many classes to reading, writing and
speaking English.
" I t is no reflection on the efficient
work of the College,” the teacher notes,
“to say . . . that the majority of our
students' who fail in the examination
for teacher’s license do so because of
weakness in English, whether of accent,
grammar, idiom or fluency.”
Another similarity between then and
now is the public school backgrounds
of those who aspire to a City College
degree. In 1906 in a public school on
Henry Street there were 80 children in
a classroom built for 40. The teacher,
herself practically a child, was kept so
busy keeping order that she had no
time to teach. Her main subject was
discipline. According to Abraham
Cahan, editor o f The Jewish Daily For
ward, school authorities then believed
that the offspring of immigrant Jews
were incapable of becoming anything
better than clerks, and therefore en
couraged them to obey and not to think.
Those who made it to City College
did not necessarily graduate. Morethan
1,000 students were accepted each
year, but fewer than 150 received de
grees. Those who did make it were put
through a five-year program of inten
sive education. According to Felix
Frankfurter ’01, it was a great institu
tion then for the acquisition of dis
ciplined habits of work. This tradition
is still maintained at City College by a
core of hardworking teachers who
instill in their students an awareness
that the College offers them a last
chance to make something of them
selves.
Many graduates of the earlier period
went on to make significant contribu
tions in business, the professions and
the arts. Though only a few, like Felix
Frankfurter and Morris Raphael Cohen,
scaled the heights of their professions,
many others achieved success and
recognition on a smaller scale.
Paul Abelson ’99, the son of a com
mon laborer, established arbitration
machinery for the apparel trade under
the National Recovery Administration.
Benjamin Antin ’10, who worked as a
boy in a dismal Lower East Side sweat
shop tor $3 a week, represented the
22d District of the Bronx in Albany
from ,1923 to 1930. William Auerbaoh-
Levy ’l l , a ragged youth whose talent
for drawing was encouraged at City
College, lived to see his etchings hung
in the Library of Congress and the
Boston Museum of Fine Arts.
For such people, this plain College
was the only passport to a better way
of life. Recalling their college years
40, 50 and 60 years later, many con
fessed a deep sense of gratitude to the
College for the faith it placed in them
— a faith matched by no other institu
tion of higher learning in the country.
There is no reason why City College
today cannot continue in the tradition
of educating such people. All that is
required is an unshakable faith in our
selves, our students and the democratic
way of life. __________
Kenneth Libo, an assistant professor of.
English at City College, assisted Irving
Howe on the book "World o f Our
Fathers."
THE PROMISE OF OPEN ADMISSIONS:
AN EVALUATION AFTER FOUR YEARS AT CUNY
Leslie Berger and Jeanette B. Leaf
In recent years, open admissions has been a controversial subject, with supporters defend
ing it on theoretical grounds as a means by which schools can educate students who are
academically unprepared for college. This study examines the first class to be admitted
under the open admissions policy at the City University o f N ew York in order to answer
the questions and criticisms surrounding the program. Data have been com piled and re
viewed in areas such as the allocation o f open admissions students, the scholastic progress
o f the academically disadvantaged, and the retention and graduation o f open admissions
students.
I n Se p t e m b e r 1970 the City University of
New York admitted its first class under the
new policy of open admissions. Since its
founding in 1849 as the Free Academy, the
university has attempted to respond to the
social, political, and economic milieu in
which it existed. Its growth paralleled that
of New York City, providing educational
opportunity for the successive waves of
immigrants who settled here throughout
the 1900s. Open admissions was specifically
initiated in response to the needs and
demands of the most recent newcomers to
the city, the blacks and Hispanics, who
were sorely underrepresented in the college
community. Having approved the new ad
missions policy, the Board of Higher Edu
cation stipulated that the policy adhere to
the following guidelines:
1. It shall offer admission to some uni
versity program to all high school grad
uates of the city.
2. It shall provide for remedial and other
supportive services for all students re
quiring them.
3. It shall maintain and enhance the
standards of academic excellence of the
colleges and of the university.
4. It shall result in the ethnic integration
of the colleges.
5. It shall provide for mobility for stu
dents between various programs and
units of the university.
6. It shall assure that all students w'ho
would have been admitted to specific
community or senior colleges under the
admissions criteria that we have used
in the past shall still be so admitted.
In increasing educational opportunity
for all, attention shall also be paid to
retaining the opportunities for students
now eligible under present Board poli
cies and practices.
Although the open admissions policy was
formulated centrally by the Board of
Higher Education and was on behalf of all
individual colleges, its implementation was
not centrally organized or administered.
W ith each of the eighteen colleges being
for the most part autonomous, considerable
155
E D U C A T I O N A L R E C O R D Vol. S7, No. 3
diversity was exhibited by the colleges in
their strategies to fulfill the intent of the
open admissions guidelines. Although this
diversity was desirable and beneficial in
many ways, especially in providing the col
leges with flexibility to meet the specific
needs of their individual student popula
tions, limitations have been incumbent on
research assessing the effectiveness of open
admissions for the university as a whole.
Differences exist between the campuses in
the composition of student bodies, in aca
demic requirements, and in grading poli
cies. Nevertheless, the aggregate data sug
gest important findings that are widespread
and consistent, transcending such institu
tional variations. The progress of the first
open admissions class has been the subject
of intensive study.
Entering students
In interpreting the following results of
the fall 1970 class, the reader must clearly
keep in mind that the implementation of
open admissions was dramatically sudden.
The university moved from a restricted
meritocratic system to a completely open
system without delay and without a period
of gradual transition. Consequently, in 1970
more than 35,000 freshmen entered com
pared to 20,000 in 1969. Based on place
ment examination results, only 51 percent
of the entering students did not need re
mediation in reading or in basic mathe
matics. Nine percent of the students needed
intensive remediation in reading and 22
percent in mathematics. An additional 40
percent of the students needed moderate
remediation in reading and 27 percent in
mathematics.
Not a single college in the City Uni
versity was equipped in the fall of 1970 to
provide the educational environment es
sential for the academic success of under
skilled students. Adequate campus facilities
were not available for the students, and not
enough teachers were adequately qualified
Leslie Berger is the university dean for academic
evaluation at the City University of New York,
and Jeanette B. Leaf is the coordinator of testing
and research at Herbert H. Lehman College of the
City University of New York.
156
in basic skills training. Insufficient planning
and funding were evident— and \-ery im
portantly, considerable faculty resistance" to
the new students existed.
Allocation
The allocation of students to the various
campuses of the City University is a vital
component of open admissions, for it de
termines the academic, ethnic, and eco
nomic composition of each campus. The
purpose of open admissions was to rectify
the inequities resulting from the traditional
merit system of admissions, which was based
on high school grades and standardized
test scores— two factors that are strongly
related to socioeconomic status. It was
hoped that greater access to the City Uni
versity by minority group students would in
crease these students’ chances for social
mobility and decrease the poverty and urban
blight of their communities.^
During the years 1969-74, the six enter
ing freshman classes showed an almost un
interrupted increase in the number and
percentage of black and Puerto Rican stu
dents, with both groups substantially in
creasing their representation the very first
year of open admissions. Tire number of
entering black students increased from 2,815
in 1969 to over 12,000 in 1974. Puerto
Rican students showed a similar trend, al
though their increase was not as marked;
enrollment of Puerto Rican students in
creased from 1,215 in 1969 to 5,624 in
1974. The immediate prime beneficiaries of
open admissions, however, were white stu
dents. Although the percentage of white
students comprising the freshman class de
creased with open admissions from 80
percent in 1969 to 75 percent in 1970,
approximately 10,000 additional white stu
dents enrolled in 1970 in comparison to an
additional 5,000 black and Puerto Rican
students combined. Thus, while all groups
benefited from the new admissions policy,
a greater number of white students enrolled
in the universih' than black and Puerto
Rican students.
1. T h e data compiled on the allocation of stu
dents are from Data Book (New York: Office of
University Management Data, C ity University of
New York, 1 9 7 4 ).
T H E P R O M I S E O F O P E N A D M I S S I O N S Berger L eaf
Campus variations
From the beginning of open admissions,
concern was expressed over the variation
from campus to campus in the proportion
of black and Puerto Rican students allo
cated. Tlie racial balance of an individual
campus is largely a reflection of student
choice and of the demographic characteris
tics of the neighborhood in which the
campus is located. The Board of Higher
Education modified the allocation system
several times in the first three years of
open admissions to correct a des’eloping
pattern of economically and educationally
disadvantaged students becoming dispropor
tionately high in certain colleges.
In 1969 the majority of the entering
freshman students at all the senior colleges
were wliite, w'ith the percentages varying
from 88 percent at Queens College to 70
percent at Baruch College. Five years later
a much wider range existed among the
senior colleges, with 76 percent of the fresh
man class at Brooklyn College being white
but only 32 percent being white at City
College.
W ith the advent of open admissions, the
community colleges experienced similar ra
cial composition changes. In 1969, the year
prior to open admissions, three of the six
existent community colleges (Borough of
Manhattan, Bronx, New York City) had
a nonwhite freshman class of 40 percent
or more. Critics claimed that this phenom
enon of overrepresentation of minority stu
dents in certain community colleges was
due to the tracking of such students into
two-year, vocationally oriented programs.
The remaining three community colleges
(Kingsborough, Queensborough, Staten Is
land) closely approximated the senior col
leges, with less than 20 percent of their
freshman classes being nonwhite before
open admissions. Undoubtedly, geographic
location was one of the major elements un
derlying the disparity among the commun
ity colleges in enrollment of ethnic minorit)’
students. W ith the continuation of open
admissions the disparity within the two
groups of community colleges was greatly
exacerbated. Borough of Manhattan, Bronx,
and New York City Community Colleges,
the three colleges that had enrolled signi
ficant proportions of nonwhite students
prior to open admissions, became predomi
nantly nonwhite by 1974. The remaining
three community colleges (Kingsborough,
Queensborough, and Staten Island) experi
enced relatively little change in the ethnic
composition of their freshman classes, with
enrollments of nonwliite students remaining
20-30 percent.
Access by disadvantaged
In addition to effecting the racial com
position of the university as a whole, open
admissions, by definition, proiided access
to higher education for many students who
would not have qualified under the old
academic achievement standards. Using the
high school average as the index measuring
academic achievement and open admissions
status, unisersity enrollment figures show
that the percentage of open admissions stu
dents increased at the senior colleges from
40 percent in 1970 to almost 50 percent
in 1973. The greatest increase in enrollment
was for the most academically disadvantaged
students, those with high school averages
below 70. By 1973 these students consti
tuted over 12 percent of the freshmen at
tending the City University. Modifications
made by the Board of Higher Education
in the allocation system were effective in
bringing about a reasonably equitable dis
tribution of these students in the senior
colleges.
The greatest difference between the
senior colleges in the composition of their
freshman classes has become the percent
age of students with high school averages
above 80. By 1973 only three of the senior
colleges (Brooklyn, Hunter, Queens) en
rolled freshman classes with a majority of
students having high school averages above
80 and presumably being academically pre
pared for college work. Tlie percentages of
these nonopen admissions students enrolled
at the other senior colleges ranged from 47
percent at City College to 26 percent at
York College.
For the community colleges as a whole,
the percentage of enrollments in each of the
three high school average categories desig
nated by the University (Below 70, 70-
157
E D U C A T I O N A L R E C O R D V ol. 57, No. 3
74.9, 75 and above) remained relatively
stable during the first four years of open
admissions. W ith the exception of several
minor variations, the students were almost
equally divided among the three high school
average eategories, resulting in mueh higher
enrollment of academically disadvantaged
students at the community colleges. The
data show that in the years 1970-73 the
percentage of students with high school
averages below 70 ranged from 31-36 per
cent at the community colleges, in com
parison to 4.5-12 percent at the senior
colleges.
In summary, the City University began
to achieve in the first year the fundamental
goals it had set under the open admissions
policy. Increasing numbers of students from
underrepresented ethnic groups, especially
from the black and Puerto Rican com
munities, were enrolled at the various col
leges. Also, with high school achievement
requirements being waived in 1970, a
greater diversity in the entering students’
level of college preparation resulted. The
complex allocation system underwent sev
eral res'isions to assure greater equity among
the colleges in the composition of their
freshman classes.
Academic progress
Tire feasibility of open admissions is
necessarily dependent on the academic
achievement of students admitted under
this policy. Tlie entering class of 1970, the
first open admissions class, has been fol
lowed up intensively by the university (most
notably by Dr. David Lavin), providing
soluminous data on issues of concern and
thus clarifying one of the most problematic
issues, the success of the program. Several
measurable criteria have constituted the
major elements in Lavin’s studies assessing
the academic progress of open admissions
students, these criteria being: (1) grade
point average; (2) credit generation; (3)
credit ratio; (4) grade point average and
credit generation combined. Academic suc
cess has been defined by these criteria and
with these qualifications: (1) a grade point
average of 2.00 or more; (2) credit genera
tion to equal 12 or more credits earned per
semester; (3) the ratio of credits earned to
credits attempted to equal 0.75 or more;
and (4) a grade point average of 2.00 or
more and credit generation to equal 12
or more credits per semester.
The first two years
Studies have documented the importance
of the first two years of college in determin
ing students’ ultimate ability to earn a
degree. ̂ For those students attending the
senior colleges, it was found that as high
school average increased, so did the per
centage of students earning a satisfactory
GPA of 2.0 or higher. This finding is not
surprising, for, by definition, the open ad
missions students (those having high school
averages below 80) cannot be expected to
achieve at the same level as students meet
ing the traditional admissions standards.
Nevertheless, the data is supportive of open
admissions, confirming that a significant
proportion of previously ineligible students
are capable of meeting the GPA require
ment of the City University. The figures for
the 1970 open admissions enrollees range
from an average of 35 percent for those
students entering with high school averages
below 70 to 70 percent for students with
averages between 75.0 and 79.9.
The criterion credits earned, or progress
toward the degree, also showed a strong re
lationship to high school average. As high
school average increased, so did the per
centage of students earning 48 or more
credits over four semesters. Academic re
strictions imposed on open admissions stu
dents (such as enrollment for non-credit
bearing remedial courses) partially account
for the difference between open admissions
students and regular students. Data indi
cate that after two years, 25 percent of
students with high school averages below
70 had earned 48 or more credits, the
percentage increasing with each high school
average group to 79 percent of regular
students meeting this standard of achieve
ment.
2. T h e source for data on academic achieve
m ent of open admissions students is Lavin’s Open
Admissions at the City University of New York:
A Description of Academic Outcomes After Two
Years (New York: Office of Program and Policy
Research, C ity University of New York, 1 9 7 4 ).
158
T H E P R O M I S E O F O PE N A D M IS S IO N S Berger 6- L ea f
Credit ratios
Although relatively few open admissions
students progressed at the same rate as
regular students, especially those in the two
lowest high school average groups, high
percentages of open admissions students did
acquire a credit ratio of 0.75 or more.
The figures imply that although open ad
missions students enroll for fewer credits
than regular students, a majority of them
succeed in completing the courses in which
they do enroll. Among the four measures
of academic success under consideration,
the most .positive outcome obtained for
all entering students, regardless of the
student’s overall high school average, is
the credit ratio.
Finally, two combined academic criteria
are considered— the achievement of 48 or
more credits and a GPA of 2.0 or better.
As expected, fulfillment of this last condi
tion of academic success is for all students
the most difficult of the four conditions
included in this analysis. High school aver
age predictably is related to the incidence
of attainment of the designated achieve
ment standard. The percentage of students
meeting the combined criteria increases
abruptly from 17 percent for students with
high school averages below 70 to 76 per
cent for students admitted with averages
above 80. Thus, the higher the grade point
average, the greater the success rate.
The strong positive relationship found at
the senior colleges between each of the four
academic variables and high school average
is similarly evident at the community col
leges. Furthermore, community college stu
dents demonstrate the same strengths and
weaknesses in academic achievement as
senior college students; that is, the highest
percentages for students meeting the success
criterion are for the variable credit ratio,
while the lowest percentages are for the
combined variables of 48 or more credits
earned and a grade point average of 2.0 or
better.
In addition to underscoring the relation
ship between high school average and each
of the four academic variables measuring
academic success, the data also lends itself
to a comparison between the senior colleges
and community colleges. Two fundamental
facts are noteworthy. First, for any of the
four academic variables analyzed, little or
no difference exists between the senior
college and community college students en
tering with high school averages above 80.
The majority of these students consistently
meet the standards designated for academic
success. This finding suggests that regular
students are likely to perform equally W'ell
academically in meeting the minimum
standards of success regardless of whether
they enter a senior college or a community
college. Tlie second fact disclosed by the
data is that, unlike regular students, higher
percentages of open admissions students
meet the criteria for success at the com
munity colleges than at the senior colleges.
For each of the four variables and within
each of the three high school average
groups below' 80, a difference of 10-16 per
cent exists between the senior college and
community college students achieving the
success criterion, the difference favoring the
community college students.
Retention and graduation
Ultimately, the criterion to which both
critics and advocates will turn in ascertain
ing the success or the feasibility of an open
admissions policy is whether a student
graduates. The descriptive and comparative
data obtained by the City University of
New York over a four-year period are of
national as well as local significance. The
follow'ing analysis of this complex issue be
gins with the retention patterns of students
during the first two years, which are most
critical in determining whether or not stu
dents will subsequently graduate.“
Retention rates obtained after the very
first semester provide several noteworthy
facts. As expected, high school average was
positively associated with retention, although
to a lesser degree at the community col
leges than at the senior colleges. Of greater
significance, how'ever, is the fact that aca-
3. D ata on student retention and graduation
are from Student Retention and Graduation at the
City University of New York: September 1970
EnroUees Through Eight Semesters (New York:
Office of the Chancellor, City University of New
York. 1 0 7 5 ).
159
E D U C A T I O N A L R E C O R D Vol. 57, No. 3
dcmic performance during the first semester
was more closely related to retention than
high school average. For e\eiy level of high
school average, students who met the pre
scribed standards for academic performance
were much more likely to return the second
semester than those students who failed to
meet the standards. Retention rates were
significantly higher for students who earned
( 1) a grade point average of 2.0 or higher;
(2) 12 or more credits; and (3) 0.75 or
more of the credits attempted. Furthermore,
of the three academic variables considered,
the last (credit ratio) was the one best
differentiating between students who re
turned the second semester and those who
did not. Finally, longitudinal data show
that 6 percent of the senior college students
and 13 percent of the community college
students attended City University during
the first semester only.
Fourth semester figures
By the fourth semester a marked reten
tion difference existed between the high
school average groups and between the
senior and community colleges. For the
university as a whole, continuous attendance
throughout the first four semesters ranged
from 49 percent for students with high
school averages below 70 up to 77 percent
for students with averages above 80. Al
though the positive relationship between
high school average and continuous attend
ance was similar for both senior and com
munity colleges, the attendance rates at the
senior colleges were higher for every high
school average group. That is, regardless of
high school average, senior college students
were much more likely to remain in at
tendance than community college students.
By the end of the fourth semester, 72 per
cent of the senior college students as com
pared to 52 percent of the community col
lege students had been in continuous at
tendance.
Fourth semester retention figures are
higher when all students attending are con
sidered because this figure includes students
who had withdrawn from the university
during any of the three previous semesters.
I ’he fourth semester overall attendance was
77 percent and 61 percent of those initially
enrolled at the senior colleges and com
munity colleges respectively. These figures,
higher than the figures for continuous at
tendance, reflect the fact that 18 percent
of the students who had withdrawn earlier
subsequently reenrolled at the City Uni
versity.
Graduation rates
Having considered retention after the
first and fourth semesters, the final time
period to be undertaken in this analysis is
the eighth semester, which has, by tradi
tional standards, been considered the last
semester for the majority of students who
graduate. Twenty-two percent of the senior
college students and 24 percent of the com
munity college students graduated by the
end of the eighth semester. Variations exist
among the students by high school average
and arc more pronounced at the senior col
leges. For example, only 3 percent of stu
dents with high school averages below 70
graduated from senior colleges, whereas 16
percent graduated from community col
leges. This disparity exists for every high
school average group and is smallest for
students with averages above 80. Among
these students, analogous figures are 32 per
cent graduating from senior colleges and
41 percent from community colleges.
The graduation rates cited above require
two qualifications. First, a substantial num
ber of City University students withdraw
every semester, with many returning in later
semesters. This attendance pattern is not
unique to the 1970 open admissions class,
having been documented in an earlier
study.* Max found that 48 percent of the
City University students graduated within
four years, but that over 70 percent grad
uated after seven years. Tlris phenomenon
has been largely attributed to the fact that
many students find it necessary or desirable
to be employed while obtaining a college
degree. A second qualification that places
the low figures for on-time graduation into
better perspective is the fact that noncredit
remedial courses or smaller credit loads
prescribed during the first year of enroll-
4. See Pearl M ax, How Many Graduate (New
York: C ity University of New York, 1 9 6 8 ).
160
T H E P R O M I S E O F O P E N A D M I S S I O N S Berger 6 Leaf
inent necessarily delayed graduation for
many open admissions students.
Comparison to national data
The graduation data is especially mean
ingful when compared to national data. For
the senior colleges. City University grad
uation rates after four years were lower
than national rates for every high school
average category. This outcome is not sur
prising in view of the rationale that has
been presented justifying the need of a
substantial proportion of City University
students for more than four years to meet
graduation requirements. Therefore, a more
significant comparison is that of retention
in addition to graduation after four years.
On this basis, the rates for City University
students surpass national rates for every
high school average group with one excep
tion, that exception being students with
averages below 70. For students vsith high
school averages below 70, no comparison
is possible because no meaningful national
normative group is available so far. Never
theless, the high retention rates after four
years at the City University are indicative
of improved graduation rates, which will
undoubtedly be evidenced as the students
are tracked in subsequent years.
Similar data were collected comparing the
City University and national community
colleges. Both the retention and graduation
rates at the City University community col
leges are higher than the national sample.
Again, no valid comparison is possible for
students with high school averages below
70. This exception is subject to the same
limitation discussed previously for the senior
colleges, namely that the small number of
students in the national sample (19) can
not justify generalization. In the final analy
sis the City University community college
graduation rates are expected to be even
higher than those reported because many
students transferred to the senior colleges
and will require more than four years to
graduate.
Open admissions has been a complex
experiment unparalleled in higher education.
As an experiment, its long-term viability is
dependent on its success in educating stu
dents academically unprepared for college
w'ork. This concept of success remains enig
matic and subjective. Having anal3'zed the
available aggregate data, it is evident that
the City University must undertake studies
of a more qualitativ'e, in-depth nature that
take into account the content differences
between the colleges. Furthermore, studies
of classes entering after 1970 are especially
crucial because the open admissions pro
gram was first implemented on short notice
and thus prevented the colleges from being
fully able to provide an optimal educational
environment at the outset.
Many new programs and curricular
changes were initiated at the various col
leges as a result of the special needs of the
first open admissions class. Many areas be
gan to venture away from traditional ap
proaches, including remediation, counseling,
tutoring, and testing. The dynamic changes
of recent years vv'ill likely have a significant
effect on the educational process for open
admissions students. Tire promise of open
admissions was that, while high academic
standards would be maintained and en
hanced, the revolving door phenomenon
occurring at other institutions attempting an
open admissions experiment would be pre
vented if at all possible. Whether this
promise has been kept or broken is a ques
tion that remains elusive.
As of this writing, one thing has become
clear— namely, that the open admissions of
1969 has already been altered. In the se
vere New York City financial crisis, no other
governmental agency or institution was
abandoned or as detrimentally affected as
the university. As a result, the university
was compelled to introduce tuition for the
first time in its long history, starting with
the fall 1976 semester. TTie university also
introduced new criteria for admission to
both the senior and community colleges
based on high school average and class rank.
These new competitiv'e standards were ini
tiated in order to reduce the number of
freshmen entering the university. Just as
in 1970 when the open admissions program
was put into effect, the basis of decision
making in 1976 has been sociopolitical and
economic rather than educational. □
161
THE ARTIST-IN-RESIDENCE
James W. Hall
T h e relationship betw een the artist and academ e has changed dramatically; each seems to
have discovered in the other a new and vital force. Institutions are bringing the professional
artist into their instructional and cultural environments through five approaches: concert
performances, extended performances, master classes, part-time residencies, and full-time
residencies. Hall analyzes each program’s effect on the artist and the college or university
and answers these questions: W h at are the opportunities, the advantages, and the disad
vantages o f each arrangement? W hat future can each procedure expect? W hat is the long
term effect o f the artist-in-residence program?
N o t long ago in a less self-conscious time,
the one eccentric member of the campus’s
art or music department was regarded with
the hind of tolerance or amusement usually
extended to a pet cockatoo. The secret pride
some members of the community may have
taken in accepting his brightly colored pres
ence more likely had its source in their
satisfaction in their own liberality and so
phistication in accepting the artist than in
any appreciation of his talent. This token
artist, for his part, missed the exchange on
which to sharpen his own ideas and talents
and retreated further to his canvasses or
composition sheets and the assorted scraps
and fragments of his intellectual garret. But
today is not yesterday, and that simple fact
is dramatically illustrated in the changed
relationship of the artist and academe. Each
seems to have discovered in the other a
new, disturbing, and vital force.
Forty years ago the story on most cam
puses was indeed unpromising. The world
of academe, then secure in its pastoral set
ting, focused its efforts on restudying the
verbal content of manuscripts, tomes, and
texts housed in great libraries. It placidly
conducted its business in ordered classrooms
neatly called forth by registrars and as
sistant deans, and it sought the support of
a number of gentlemanly students drawn
to the lure of fraternities and football. The
halls of ivy were an enclave as separate to
itself as the perimeters of the world in
habited by the professional artist.
The artist’s world was predominantly cen
tered in a few of the great metropolises of
the western world, nurtured by a sophisti
cated, aesthetically sensitive, and economi
cally supportive public. The “world” was
housed by a few great museums, galleries,
and concert halls, and properly contained
by critics, teachers, and studios. A bevy of
eager students gathered to be illuminated
by the bright glow of the stars.
The resistance of academe to the artist
stemmed in part from a tradition nurtured
by the theologically oriented medieval uni
versity and English university system, which
viewed the fine arts as somewhat suspect
and the artist as definitely suspect. Because
this tradition was almost entirely concerned
with verbal learning, literature and poetry
were the only creative arts actively encour-
162