Branch v. Texas Brief for the Respondent
Public Court Documents
September 27, 1971

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Branch v. Texas Brief for the Respondent, 1971. 95869c2c-b69a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/1d834be3-bb0e-4fdd-ba41-c501c17e08e1/branch-v-texas-brief-for-the-respondent. Accessed April 06, 2025.
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ke N V A IL Supreme Court, U 5 Cf. IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES October Term, 1971 No. 69-5031 * * * Elmer B ranch, Petitioner, V. State of Texas, Respondent.* # * ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE TEXAS COURT OF CRIMINAL APPEALS * * * BRIEF FOR THE RESPONDENT * * * Crawford C. M artin Attorney General of Texas Nola W hite First Assistant A lfred W alker Executive Assistant R obert C. F lowers Assistant Attorney General Glenn R. Brown Assistant Attorney General Box “ R ,” Capitol Station Austin, Texas 78711 Charles A lan W right 2500 Red River Street Austin, Texas 78705 Attorneys for Respondent I N D E X Subject I ndex Statement of Case_______________________________ 1 Summary of Argument__________________________ 2 Argument ______________________________________ 4 I. Capital punishment may reasonably be thought to serve the purposes of retribution and deterrence and is not “ cruel and un usual” within the meaning of the Eighth Amendment_____________________________ 4 II. Captal punishment in rape cases is justified by the seriousness of the crime and is not “ cruel and unusual” within the meaning of the Eighth Amendment____________________22 III. The other contentions of petitioner are not properly in issue here______________________42 Conclusion_______________________________________44 Citations CASES: Anderson, In re, 69 Cal.2d 613, 447 P.2d 117 (1968) ____________________________________ 5 Calhoun v. State, 85 Tex.Cr. 496, 214 S.W. 335 (1919) ______________________________________31 Fay v. Noia, 372 U.S. 391 (1963)_______________ 22 Ginsberg v. New York, 390 U.S. 629 (1968)______19 i Irvine v. California, 347 U.S. 128 (1954)________43 Kemmler, In re, 136 U.S. 436 (1890)__________ 6, 23 McGautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183 Goesaert v. Cleary, 335 U.S. 464 (1948)________ 12 (1971) ________________________5, 6,12,13, 21, 29 Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961)_____________ 22 Maxwell v. Bishop, 398 F.2d 138 (8th Cir. 1968) _5, 31 Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966)_______22 O’Neil v. Vermont, 144 U.S. 323 (1892)________24 Ralph v. Warden, Maryland Penitentiary, 438 P.2d 786 (4th Cir. 1970)_____11,13,23,30,32,35,36,39,41 Robinson v. California, 370 U.S. 660 (1962)_____24 Sanders v. United States, 373 U.S. 1 (1963)___ 22 State ex rel. Francis v. Resweber, 329 U.S. 459 (1947) _________________________________ 5,6,24 Townsend v. Sain, 372 U.S. 293 (1963)_________22 Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86 (1958)__________6, 7, 24 United States v. Jackson, 390 U.S. 570 (1969)_41 Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349 (1910) __6, 24 Wilkerson v. Utah, 99 U.S. 130 (1879)________6, 23 ii Witherspoon v. Illinois, 391 U.S. 510 (1968)—5, 7, 21 Williams v. New York, 337 U.S. 241 (1949)____13 STATUTES: Act of April 30, 1790; 1 Stat. 112______________ 6 18 U.S.C. § 1751______________________________ 9 28 U.S.C. § 1257(3)_____ 43 Texas Code of Criminal Procedure, Art. 1.14—42,43 OTHER AUTHORITIES: B edau, T he Death P enalty in A merica (2d ed. 1967)__________________________ 8,9,17,18 Bullock, Significance of the Racial Factor in the Length of Prison Sentences, 52 J. Crim . L., C. &P. S. 411 (1961)____________________________ 29 Cohen, L aw W ithout Order (1970)----------------- 17 Cohen, R eason and L aw (1950)_________________ 14 Comment, The Death Penalty Gases, 56 Calie.L. R ev. 1268 (1968)_______________________________12 Comment, Revival of the Eighth Amendment: Development of Gruel-Punishment Doctrine ~by the Supreme. Court, 16 Stan.L.Rev. 996 (1964) 23 Deut. 1 9 :2 1 _____________________________________ 25 Deut. 2 2 :1 5 _____________________________________ 25 iii D uffy, 88 Men and 2 W omen (1962) Ex. 2 2 :1 8 ___________________________ 21 F lorida, R eport of the Special Commission for the Study of A bolition of Death P enalty in Capital Cases (1965)_________________________ FBI, U niform Crime R eports for the U nited States 1970 (1971)________________________ 28, F rankfurter, The Problem of Capital Punish ment, in Of L aw and Men (1956)----------------- Gebhard, G-agnon, P omeroy & Christenson, Sex Offenders (1 9 6 5 )_______________________ 25, Gibbs, Crime, Punishment, and Deterrence, 48 Sw. Soc. Sci. Q. 515 (1968)__________________ Goldberg & Dersbowitz, Declaring the Death Pen alty Unconstitutional, 83 H arv.L.Rev. 1773 (1970) ______________________________7,11,13, Halleck, Emotional Effects of Victimization, in Sexual B ehavior and the L aw 673 (Slovenko ed. 1965) ____________________________________ Hart, The Aims of the Criminal Law, 23 L. & Contemp. P rob. 401 (1958)__________________ Hart, Murder and the Principles of Punishment: England and the United States, 52 Nw.U.L. R ev. 433 (1957)___________________________15, Koeninger, Capital Punishment in Texas, 1924- 1968, 15 Crime & Del. 132 (1969)____________ 25 16 40 40 33 15 16 38 14 17 29 IV Lev. 20:21 25 Macdonald, R ape— Offenders and T heir V ic tims (1 9 7 1 )__________________ 25, 27, 28, 30, 33, 34 Model P enal Code (Proposed Official Draft 1962) ______________________________________ 8 M odel P enal Code (Tent.Dr.No. 9, 1959)------16,40 National Commission on R eform of F ederal Criminal Laws, F inal R eport (1971)----------- 8 Note, The Gruel and Unusual Punishment Clause and the Substantive Criminal Law, 79 H arv.L. R ev. 635 (1966)_________________________10, 26, 27 Note, The Effectiveness of the Eighth Amend ment: An A.ppraisal of Cruel and Unusual Punishment, 36 N.Y.U.L.Rev. 846 (1961)___10,11 Ohio Legislative Service Commission, Capital P unishment (Staff Research Report No. 46, 1961) ______________________________________ 8,16 P acker, T he L imits of the Criminal Sanction (1968) ---------------------------------- 13,14, 27 Packer, Making the Punishment Fit the Crime, 77 H arv.L.Rev. 1071 (1964)______ 19, 24, 26, 32, 41 R oyal Commission on Capital P unishment, R eport 1949-1953, Cmd. N o. 8932 (1953) ______________________________ 14,15,17,18 v Schwartz, The Effect in Philadelphia of Pennsyl vania’s Increased Penalties for Rape and A t tempted Rape, 59 J. Crim . L., C. & P. S. 509 (1968) ______________________________________24 Seney, The Sibyl at Cumae—-Our Criminal Law’s Moral Obsolescence, 17 W ayne L .R ev. 777 (1971) ______________________________________30 Shakespeare, The Rape of Lucrece----------------------39 Sutherland & Scherl, Patterns of Response Among Victims of Rape, 40 A mer. J. Orthopsychiat. 503 (1970)_______________38,39 Texas P enal Code: A P roposed R evision (Final Draft, 1970) ________________________________ 41 Williams, Rape-Murder, in Sexual B ehavior and the L aw 563 (Slovenko ed. 1965)-------- .------- 33 W orking P apers op the National Commission on R eform of F ederal Criminal Laws (1970) _____________________________ 8,15,17,18 vi IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES October Terra, 1971 No. 69-5031 * * * Elmek B ranch:, Petitioner, V. State of Texas, Respondent. * * * ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE TEXAS COURT OF CRIMINAL APPEALS * * * BRIEF FOR THE RESPONDENT * * * STATEMENT OF CASE Shortly before 2:00 A.M. on the morning of May 9th, 1967, Mrs. Grady Stowe was awakened by an in truder who had broken into her home twelve miles north of Vernon, Texas, in which she was alone sleep ing. The intruder overcame her resistance by force and brutally raped her. Mrs. Stowe’s vivid narrative of the events (A. 18-28) -was not cross-examined by the defense (A. 28), and defense counsel told the jury he had not cross-examined her “ because I feel like that what she said was the truth, other than possibly the identification” (A. 119-120). Any doubt but that de fendant committed the crime was insubstantial. Mrs. Stowe made a positive identification of him (A. 18), he was arrested a short time after the crime (A. 35), Ms clothing when he was arrested was as described by Mrs. Stowe (A. 24, 30), and the tennis shoes he was wearing made a distinctive mark that coincided with foot prints found outside of Mrs. Stowe’s house (A. 41, 51). Mrs. Stowe was a 65 year old widow (A. 21). Defendant was a powerful young man (A. 19) aged 20 or 21.* The jury found defendant guilty and assessed death as the penalty. Sentence was entered accordingly. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT I. The Framers did not intend in the Eighth Amendment to abolish capital punishment and this Court has long and firmly supposed that punishment to be constitutional. Even if the Amendment can take on new meanings in the light of “ evolving standards of decency,” there has been no change in standards that would permit holding capital punishment to be unconstitutional. Although there has been much debate on the wisdom of this penalty and public opinion is divided, the penalty is still widely accepted by the public and by the legislatures of 41 states and the federal government. Retribution remains one of the legitimate aims of punishment and for some cases only the death penalty is appropriate retribution. Legisla tures may also conclude that capital punishment is more effective as a deterrent of crime than is any other penalty. Although there is no statistical evidence of the superiority of death as a deterrent, there is other *There is some confusion in the record about defendant’s age. His mother testified that he was 20 at the time of the trial two months after the rape (A. 97), but a parole sum- mary prepared on February 25, 1966 (A. 87) listed him as being 20 at that time (A. 89), which would have made him 21 at the time of the crime. — 2 evidence supporting this conclusion and there is no statistical evidence demonstrating that it is not su perior. That executions now occur less frequently than in the past does not show public rejection of capital punishment and society may permissibly keep the death penalty on the books to deter all crimes in a particu lar class while actually imposing that penalty only on the most extreme occurrences within the class. II. I f capital punishment is constitutionally per missible for some crimes, it is permissible for rape. Even assuming that the Eighth Amendment bars not only those punishments that are inherently cruel but also those that are cruelly excessive, a death sentence for rape does not run afoul of such a bar. The death penalty may be regarded as a superior deterrent for rape, as for murder, and there are some rapes not re sulting in death that are so horrible that a legislature may properly think that death is not disproportionate retribution. Rape has always been regarded as one of the most serious of crimes, its incidence is rising sharp ly, and a legislature does not act unreasonably in con cluding to retain the death penalty for rape. The argu ment that that penalty for that offense is an attempt to legitimize racial homicide is based on inconclusive figures from the past. It is illusory to speak of limit ing use of the death penalty to those cases in which the victim’s life is endangered because in a sense this is always so in forcible rape and there is no way to de termine objectively whether it was the case in any particular rape. It is also illusory to seek to confine the applicability of the death penalty to rapes in which the victim has suffered grievous physical or psycho logical harm. Again there is a sense in which every rape victim suffers lasting psychological harm and in the — 3 — present state of knowledge there is no way to know with assurance what the psychological consequences on a par ticular victim have been. The danger that a rape has posed to the victim’s life and the extent of harm she has suffered are legitimate considerations for a jury, expressing the collective conscience of the community, in determining sentence hut are not constitutional limi tations on the use of capital punishment. It is not true that most jurisdictions regard death as an excessive penalty for rape and there is no trend toward aban doning the death penalty for rape cases. III . Petitioner’s contentions that it is a denial of equal protection if a convicted rapist in Texas is sub ject to the death penalty when he would not be if he were convicted in some other state and that the Texas procedure giving the prosecutor discretion whether to seek the death penalty is unconstitutional cannot be considered here. They are not within the limited grant of certiorari, they were not presented in the petition for the writ, and they were never raised in the state courts. ARGUMENT I. Capital Punishment May Reasonably Be Thought to Serve the Purposes of Retribution and Deterrence and Is Not “Cruel and Unusual” Within the Meaning of the Eighth Amendment. Petitioner in the present case does not challenge the constitutionality in general of capital punishment (Branch Br. 9). He limits himself to the argument that a death sentence for certain kinds of rape, of 4-— which, he asserts this is one, is unconstitutional. But if capital punishment is unconstitutional for any “ ci vilian, peacetime crime,” as is claimed in some of the companion cases (Aikens Br. 5), it necessarily follows that it is unconstitutional in this case. Thus the issue presented in Aikens and in Furman is central to the present case as well and we must consider it before turning to the special problems that may he thought to he raised hy use of the death penalty in a rape case. There is no issue before this Court of the wisdom or social desirability of capital punishment. These are questions addressed wholly to legislators. Even those who are personally opposed to capital punishment may well conclude that it violates no provision of the Con stitution. F.g., State ex rel. Francis v. Resweber, 329 U.S. 459, 470 (1947) (Frankfurter, J., concurring) ; Maxwell v. Bishop, 398 F.2d 138, 154 (8th Cir. 1968) (per Blackmun, J.), vacated on other grounds 398 U.S. 262 (1970); In re Anderson, 69 Cal.2d 613, 634- 635, 447 P.2d 117, 131-132 (1968) (Mosk, J., concur ring) ; cf. McGautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183, 226 (1971) (Black, J., concurring); Witherspoon v. Illi nois, 391 U.S. 510, 542 (1968) (White, J., dissenting). In terms of the usual criteria for interpreting the Constitution, the case for the constitutionality of capi tal punishment is a very compelling one. It seems be yond dispute that the Framers did not intend by the Eighth Amendment to outlaw the death penalty, a pen alty that was “ in common use and authorized by law here and in the countries from which our ancestors came at the time the Amendment was adopted.” Mc- Gautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183, 226 (1971) (Black, J., concurring). The same Congress that proposed the — 5 — Eighth Amendment provided in the First Crime Act for the death penalty for treason, murder, piracy, counterfeiting, and other offenses. Act of April 30, 1790, §§ 1, 3, 8, 9,14, 23, 1 Stat. 112. It is equally clear that this Court in a long line of cases has spoken of the death penalty a,s if it were constitutional. E.g., Wilkerson v. Utah, 99 U.S. 130, 134-135 (1879) ; In re Kemmler, 136 U.S. 436, 447 (1890) ; State ex rel. Francis v. Besweber, 329 U.S. 459, 464 (1947) (plu rality opinion) ; Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 99 (1958) (plurality opinion). Only last term the Court filled 130 pages of the United States Reports with discus sion of the constitutionality of the procedures used in imposing the death penalty, McGautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183 (1971), a singularly academic exercise if the Constitution does not permit that penalty ever to he imposed. It is possible to make a nice analysis of these cases and to decide that none of them represents an actual holding on the constitutionality of the death penalty hut even reading them for the least they are worth they support what is said by petitioner in Aikens. Obviously, the Court has long and firmly sup posed its constitutionality; and if the question had been appropriately posed in Wilkerson or Kem mler, capital punishment plainly would have been sustained. The same may be true as late as Francis, or even Trop, * * *. (Aikens Br. 9). The same conclusion seems indicated even if one concedes that the Eighth Amendment may change its meaning with the passage of the years, as four Justices said in Weems v. United States> 217 U.S. 349, 372- 373, 378 (1910), and the same number reiterated in — 6 the plurality opinion in Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 100-101 (1958). In the latter case it was said that the words of the Amendment are not precise, and that their scope is not static. The Amendment must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society. In that same case the plurality opinion also stated that the death penalty has been employed throughout our history, and, in a day when it is still widely accepted, it cannot he said to violate the constitu tional concept of cruelty. Id. at 99. That is no less true today. Society’s standards of decency have not evolved that much in the interven ing 13 years. It is clear that there has been much debate about the efficacy and morality of capital punishment and that the American people are divided on this issue. This Court took note of a 1966 poll indicating that 42% favor capital punishment while 47% oppose it. Witherspoon v. Illinois, 391 U.S. 510, 520 n. 16 (1968). A 1969 poll finds 51% in favor of the death penalty. Goldberg & Dershowitz, Declaring the Death Penalty Unconstitutional, 83 H abv.L.Rev. 1773, 1781 n. 39 (1970). Whether the percentage is 42% or 51% is of no significance. The fact is that public opinion is divided with substantial support for both sides. Many responsible citizens favor the death penalty though the fight to abolish it “ has been waged with the fervor of a crusade” (Aikens Br. 32). It is the abolitionists rather than the retentionists who have organized them selves into highly articulate lobbies and found repre sentatives in respected public figures. Memorandum on — 7 the Capital Punishment Issue, in 2 W orking P apers of the National Commission on R eform of F ederal Criminal Laws, 1347, 1363 (1970). It is the opponents of the death penalty who have been, “ active in research and prolific in their writings.” Ohio L egislative Serv ice Commission, Capital P unishment 31 (Staff Re search Report No. 46, 1961). It is not only in the polls that a sharp division ap pears. In 1964 abolition of capital punishment carried with 60% of the vote in a referendum in Oregon. Two years later 65% of the voters in Colorado chose to re tain the death penalty. B edau, T he Death P enalty in A merica 233 (2d ed. 1967). In 1970, 64% of the voters in Illinois chose to retain capital punishment. The majority of special committees in Massachusetts (1958), Pennsylvania (1961), and Maryland (1962) have favored abolition of capital punishment while the majority of committees in New Jersey (1964) and Florida (1965) have favored its retention. 2 W orking P apers of the National Commission on R eform of F ederal Criminal L aws 1365 (1970). The commission that considered reform of the federal criminal laws was sharply divided, with a majority favoring abolition while other members of the commission had strongly held views in favor of retention. National Commission on R eform of F ederal Criminal L aws, F inal R eport 310 (1971). The American Law Institute provided guidance for those states that wish to retain capital punishment, Model P enal Code § 210.6 (Proposed Of ficial Draft 1962), and its membership voted that the Institute should not take a position one way or the other on abolition. Perhaps the most significant indication of public 8 — feeling on this issue is that 41 states and the federal government retain capital punishment for some or all crimes. Indeed as recently as 1965 Congress added one more to the list of federal capital crimes when it provided the death penalty for assassination of a Pres ident, President-elect, or Vice President of the United States. 18 U.S.C. § 1751, added by Act of Aug. 28, 1965, Pub.L. 89-141, § 3, 79 Stat 580. What our legislative representatives think in the two score states which still have the death penalty may be inferred from the fate of the bills to repeal or modify the death penalty filed during recent years in the legislatures of more than half of these states. In about a dozen instances, the hills emerged from committee for a vote. But in none except Delaware did they become law. In those states where these hills were brought to the floor of the legislatures, the vote in most instances wasn’t even close. B edatt, T he Death P enalty in A merica 232 (2d ed. 1967).* Even where the abolitionist movement has been suc cessful it has commonly not been totally so. Great Britain, Canada, and New York have seen fit to retain capital punishment for such varied offenses as trea son, murder of police and corrections officials, mur der by a person under life sentence, piracy with vio lence, and dockyard arson (Aikens Br. 32-34). These represent very recent legislative determinations that for some kinds of offenses the ultimate sanction of death must be available. Yet this kind of discriminating * Subsequent to when the quoted passage was apparently written, though not to its publication, capital punishment was abolished in West Virginia and Iowa but restored in Delaware. — 9 legislative judgment would be impossble should it be held that the Constitution bars capital punishment, at least for all civilian peacetime crimes. I f there is a constitutional barrier to the execution of Ernest Aikens there would seem to be the same barrier to execution of the murderer of a prison guard or a President or to the execution of a person who successfully puts a bomb in a crowded 747. Given the division of opinion on capital punish ment, it can hardly be said that “ evolving standards of decency” now reject it, even for an ordinary murder. When countries with whom we share many of our values and our legal traditions have only recently con cluded that there remain some extraordinary crimes for which the death penalty must be preserved, the argument that to impose a sentence of death is never constitutional under any circumstances is seen for what it is, an attempt to impose an absolutist view of a debatable social policy on the states and the fed eral government by way of a novel constitutional in terpretation. Neither the language of the Eighth Amendment, the intent of the Framers, the precedents in this Court, nor, to the extent that it may be thought relevant, a public consensus supports the notion that capital pun ishment is unconstitutional. Indeed, insofar as these indicators show anything, they support the freedom of legislatures to make their own choice on the matter. Commentators have rejected the argument that death is an unconstitutional punishment. Note, The Cruel and Unusual Punishment Clause and the Substantive Criminal Law, 79 H arv.L.Rev. 635, 638-639 (1966) ; Note, The Effectiveness of the Eighth Amendment: — 10 — An Appraisal of Gruel and Unusual Punishment, 36 N.Y.U.L.Rev. 846, 859-860 (1961). Justice Goldberg and Professor Dershowitz, who have stated the ease against the constitutionality of capital punishment, are forced to note that in 1969 alone there were eight state court decisions in which the death penalty was upheld against an Eighth Amendment attack. Goldberg & Dersbowitz, Declaring the Death Penalty Unconstitu tional, 83 H arv.L.Rev. 1773, 1774 n. 6 (1970), and at least six of the circuits have held to the same effect. Id. at 1775 n. 7. As will be more fully discussed under Point Two of this Brief, the Fourth Circuit has found imposition of a death sentence in some rapes to violate the Eighth Amendment. Ralph v. Warden, Maryland Penitentiary, 438 F.2d 786 (4th Cir. 1970). It stands virtually alone in going that far. No court has held, as some of petitioners in the present cases now urge, that the Constitution prohibits the death penalty for any civilian peacetime crime. Petitioner in the present case makes a very able presentation of what has been the usual argument by some recent commentators against the constitutionality of capital punishment (Branch Br. 23-29). Essen tially it begins with the premise that the traditional aim s of punishment are retribution, deterrence, iso lation, and rehabilitation. But retribution is said to be inconsistent with modern penological thought and must be discounted for that reason (Branch Br. 23). Patently a death sentence does not rehabilitate the offender and he can be isolated as effectively in a modern prison as by executing him. Thus the only legitimate object that capital punishment might serve is deterrence and recent statistical studies have given rise to a widespread belief that capital punishment 11 — offers no effective deterrent relief (Braneli Br. 25). Since, on this analysis, “ the death penalty has no ra tional place in the legitimate penal policies of modern man” (Branch Br. 28), and is “ inconsistent with ad vanced concepts o f behavioral science” (Branch Br. 29), it runs afoul of the Eighth Amendment. The argument cannot he taken lightly. Conjoined with the moral, humanitarian, and pragmatic argu ments against capital punishment, it might well prove persuasive to a legislature considering a change in the law or to a governor asked to commute the sen tences of the condemned persons in his state. But here the argument must stand or fall on its own, since this Court is limited to the issue of constitutionality and cannot write into the law its notions of morality or humanitarianism or its pragmatic preferences. As a purely constitutional argument, the analysis made by petitioner gives too little weight to the elements of retribution and deterrence and it gives too much weight to “ advanced concepts of behavioral science.” The Constitution does not require legislatures to reflect sociological insight, or shifting social stand ards, any more than it requires them to keep abreast of the latest scientific standards. Goesaert v. Cleary, 335 TJ.S. 464, 466 (1948). See also McGautha v. California, 402 TJ.S. 183, 221 (1971). In the light of history, experience, and the present limitations of human knowledge, cf. McGautha v. Cali fornia, 402 TJ.S. 183, 207 (1971), it cannot be said that retribution is not a legitimate end of criminal punishment. Those who would prohibit retribution as a purpose of criminal punishment altogether, Com ment, The Death Penalty Cases, 56 Calif.L.Rev. 1268, — 12 — 1349-1354 (1968), as well as those who would require that a penalty serve some other end besides retribution more effectively than any other less severe penalty, Goldberg & Dershowitz, Declaring the Death Penalty Unconstitutional, 83 H arv.L.Rev. 1773, 1796-1797 (1970), ask too much of the Eighth Amendment. This Court has recognized that: Retribution is no longer the dominant objeetve of the criminal law. Reformation and rehabilitation of offenders have become important goals of crim inal jurisprudence. Williams v. New York, 337 II.S. 241, 248 (1949). To say that retribution is no longer the dominant objec tive of the criminal law is quite different from saying that it is no longer one of the permissible objectives of the criminal law. The permissibility of retribution as an objective was suggested here as recently as Mc- Gautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183, 284 (1971) (Bren nan, J., dissenting). See also Ralph v. Warden, Mary land Penitentiary, 438 E.2d 786, 791 (4th Cir. 1970). It is true that much stirring debate has been going on in recent years about the proper role and function of the criminal sanction. The utilitarians reject retri bution as a purpose of the criminal law on the ground that suffering is always evil and there is no justification for making convicted persons suffer unless some secu lar good can be shown to flow from doing so. The be- havioralists reject retribution because they consider that human conduct is determined by forces that the individual cannot modify and that moral responsibility cannot be ascribed to behavior that cannot be avoided. See P acker, The L imits of the Criminal Sanction 11- 12 (1968). Perhaps one or another of these positions is — IB — sound but it is hardly likely that either of them is written into the interstices of the Eighth Amendment. Many thoughtful persons whose views cannot he lightly discounted continue to see retribution as one of the legitimate purposes of the criminal law. Thus Professor Henry M. Hart wrote: Suppose, for example, that the deterrence of of fenses is taken to be the chief end. It will still be necessary to recognize that the rehabilitation of offenders, the disablement of offenders, the sharp ening of the community’s sense of right and wrong, and the satisfaction of the community’s sense of just retribution may all serve this end by contrib uting to an ultimate reduction in the number of crimes. Even socialized vengeance may be accorded a marginal role, if it is understood as the provision of an orderly alternative to mob violence. Hart, The Aims of the Criminal Law, 23 L. & Contemp. P rob. 401 (1958). Morris R. Cohen argued that it is one of the functions of the criminal law to give ex pression to the collective feeling of revulsion toward certain acts, Cohen, R eason and L aw 50 (1950), and the Royal Commission on Capital Punishment thought that “ retribution must always be an essential element in any form of punishment.” R oyal Commission on Capital P unishment, R eport 1949-1953, Cmd. Ho. 8932, at 18, S 53 (1953). In his recent full-length study of this and related questions, Professor Herbert L. Packer has argued that it would be socially damaging in the extreme to discard either retribution or deter rence as a ground for punishment. P acker, The L imits of the Criminal Sanction 36-37 (1968). The view is still widely held that for some particu larly serious and offensive crimes no penalty short — 14 — of death adequately satisfies the community’s sense o f just retribution. Perhaps the view is unfortunate and backward hut it is one that a legislature is con stitutionally free to hold. The legislature could also reasonably think that the death penalty is superior as a deterrent to any other punishment. This has been at the heart of the aboli tionist case in recent years. Statistical studies, by Pro fessor Thorsten Sellin and others, have been made to compare the homicide rate in jurisdictions with the death penalty and those without it. Attempts have been made to refine these studies by comparing jurisdictions that are thought to be generally similar and by ex amining the experience in a particular jurisdiction at a time when it had the death penalty and at a time when it did not. These figures clearly demonstrate that there is no statistical proof that the death penalty is a superior deterrent. They do not justify the con clusion that the death penalty is not a superior de terrent, though, as Professor H. L. A. Hart has noted, “ many advocates of abolition speak as if the second were a warranted conclusion from the figures. ’ ’ Hart, Murder and the Principles of Punishment: England and the United States, 52 N w .U .L .R ev. 433, 457 (1957). The reasons why these statistical studies do not prove that capital punishment is not a superior de terrent have been frequently pointed out. E.g., R oyal Commission on Capital P unishment, R eport 1949- 1953, Cmd. No. 8932, at 22-24, W 62-67 (1953); 2 W orking P apers of the National Commission on R e form of F ederal Criminal Laws 1354 (1970); Gibbs, Crime, Punishment, and Deterrence, 48 Sw. Soc. Sci. — 15 — Q, 515, 516 (1968). It is very difficult to be sure that all relevant variables other than capital punishment can be eliminated. Goldberg & Dershowitz, Declaring the Death Penalty Unconstitutional, 83 H arv.L.Rev. 1773, 1796 n. 105 (1970). Florida, R eport of the Spe cial Commission for the Study of A bolition of Death P enalty in Capital Cases 14 (1965); Ohio Legislative Service Commission, Capital P unishment 38 (Staff Research Report No. 46, 1961). It appears quite likely that homicide rates per 100,000 of population are too crude an instrument to reflect all the cases in which the threat of a death sentence has had a deterrent effect. Model P enal Code 64-65 (Tent. Dr. No. 9, 1959). A leading opponent of capital punishment, Profes sor Hugo A. Bedau, has given an example that shows why the statistical findings are not inconsistent with the existence of a deterrent effect for capital punish ment. Data reported below in Professor Sellin’s article shows that the ten-year average of annual homcide rates in Ohio fell during the 1920’s from 7.9 per 100,000 of population to 3.8 in the 1950’s. Yet if the death penalty had been abolished in Ohio at the beginning of this period and if (let us suppose) abolition had been followed by a dozen or so more murders each year thereafter, the general homicide rate would have decreased almost exactly as in fact it has, and at no time would the rate for any given year be more than a tenth of one per cent greater than it has been. Thus, while we could truthfully say that the abolition of the death pen alty in Ohio had been followed by a decrease in the general homicide rate, it would also have been true that abolition resulted in an increase in the total number of murders, and this despite the eon- — 16 — stancy of the ratio of total homicides to murders (except in the first year after abolition). B edau, The Death P enalty in A merica 265-266 (2d ed. 1967). H. L. A. Hart has made the same point based on British statistics. Hart, Murder and the Principles of Punishment: England and the United States, 52 Hw .ILL.Rev. 433, 457 (1957). Of course capital punishment is not a perfect de terrent. Murder, rape, and other serious crimes con tinue to take place despite the threat of death. We can number the cases in which the death penalty has failed as a deterrent. We cannot number its successes. R oyal Commission on Capital P unishment, R eport 1949- 1953, Cmd. No. 8932, at 18,1 55 (1953). There are many human activities that involve risking one’s life in which some persons, whether for the sake of a livelihood, from recklessness, from pride, or from devotion to a cause, are willing to run the risk while others refrain because they do not wish to undertake the risk. Cohen, L aw W ithout Order 49-50 (1970). There is some objective evidence of criminals who have been deterred by the existence of the death pen alty: robbers who have said that they used simulated guns or empty guns rather than take a chance of kill ing someone and being condemned to death; an escaped convict who released his hostages at the state line be cause he was afraid of the death penalty for kid napping in the neighboring state; and other instances of this kind. 2 W orking P apers of the National Com mission on R eform of F ederal Criminal L aws 1356 (1970); B edau, T he Death P enalty in A merica 266- 267 (2d ed. 1967). In addition, experienced law en forcement officers are virtually as one in their con 17— viction that the death penalty is a superior deterrent. See, e.g., the statements of J. Edgar Hoover and of Chief Edward J. Allen, reprinted inBEDAU, T he D eath P enalty in A meeioa 130-146 (2d ed. 1967); 2 W orking P apers of the National Commission on R eform of F ederal Criminal L aws 1356 (1970). It is easy enough to seek to dismiss these as mere “ impressionistic opin ions” (Aikens Br. 60). Others have thought that they could not “ treat lightly the considered and unanimous views of these experienced witnesses, who have had many years of contact with criminals.” R oyal Com mission on Capital P unishment, R eport 1949-1953, Cmd. No. 8932, at 21,1 61 (1953). The conclusion that the Royal Commission drew on this issue seems an appropriate one in the present state of knowledge: The general conclusion which we reach, after care ful review of all the evidence we have been able to obtain as to the deterrent effect of capital pun ishment, may be stated as follows. Prima facie the penalty of death is likely to have a stronger effect as a deterrent to normal human beings than any other form of punishment, and there is some evi dence (though no convincing statistical evidence) that this is in fact so. But this effect does not op erate universally or uniformly, and there are many offenders on whom it is limited and may often be negligible. It is accordingly important to view this question in a just perspective and not to base a penal policy in relation to murder on exaggerated estimates of the uniquely deterrent force of the death penalty. Id. at 24,1 68. I f this Court were to reach the same conclusion as did the Royal Commission, it would have to say that — 18 — a legislature could rationally choose to retain the death penalty because it believed that to some extent that penalty is a more effective deterrent than any other form of punishment. But that would also be the result here even if there was less evidence than there is to support a finding of deterrent effect. In connection with whether obscenity has a harmful effect, the Court has noted that there is a growing consensus that while a causal link has not been demonstrated it has not been disproved either. In that situation, the Court said, leg islation that proceeds on the premise that obscenity is harmful has a rational basis. Ginsberg v. New York, 390 TJ.S. 629, 641-643 (1968). At least as much can be said for legislation premised on the deterrent effect of capital punishment. The legislative judgment inherent in provisions for the death penalty may he open to question, but that hardly seems enough to make it impermissible. One may wonder whether a constitution “ that does not enact Mr. Herbert Spencer’s Social Statics” can fruitfully be thought of as enacting Mr. Thor- sten Sellin on the death penalty. Packer, Making the Punishment Fit the Crime, 77 H arv.L.Rev. 1071, 1079-1080 (1964). There is, however, another argument against the constitutionality of capital punishment that is men tioned by petitioner in this ease (Branch Br. 12) and that is central to the position of the petitioners in the companion cases. We have shown earlier that a sub stantial portion of the public and the great majority of legislatures accept death as a penalty. The argument now to be considered concedes that society tolerates having death penalty statutes on the books but that it would not tolerate their widespread use. It is as 19 serted that death is a cruel and unusual punishment because contemporary standards of decency, univers ally felt, would condemn the use of death as a penalty if the penalty were uniformly, regularly, and even- handedly applied to all persons found guilty of a crime for which death is made a possible penalty or even to a reasonable proportion of them (Aikens Br. 24). With the utmost respect for the able and dedicated counsel who have put forward this argument, we sub mit that it has even less persuasive force than do the more usual arguments against capital punishment that have already been considered. The present argument relies, in the first place, on an assumption that is un documented and that many persons would reject. W e are told that “ standards of decency, universally felt,” would condemn the regular use of the death pen alty (Aikens Br. 24). Again it is said that if 184 criminals were to be executed in 1971, as happened in 1935, “ it is palpable that the public conscience of the Nation would be profoundly and fundamentally re volted * * *” (Aikens Br. 26). At another place it is said that there is “ an overwhelming national repulsion against actual use of the penalty of death” (Aikens Br. 42), and that it is “ a punishment which, if applied regularly, would make the common gorge rise” (Aikens Br. 54). Finally Aikens asserts that “ if it were usually used, it would affront universally shared standards of public decency” (Aikens Br. 61). There is a similar suggestion from the present petitioner (Branch Br. 12). The various petitioners offer no evidence whatever in support of this assertion. It is wholly possible that a substantial portion of the public would think the — 20 — development hypothesized by petitioners a salutary one and a constructive step in the direction of a no-non sense “ war on crime.” It is wholly possible that, as Warden Clinton Duffy has lamented, “ the public doesn’t care” one way or the other. D uffy, 88 Men and 2 W omen 258 (1962). An unsupported assertion remains only an assertion though it is iterated six times in varying and forceful language. Even if petitioners were right in their supposition, it is difficult to see what that would establish as a mat ter of law. The public may think it wise to retain the death penalty on the books as a warning to all would-be murderers and rapists, even though application of the penalty is reserved for only the most serious offenders. It is then left to the sentencing authority, commonly the jury, in each particular case to “ express the con science of the community on the ultimate question of life or death.” Witherspoon v. Illinois, 391 U.S. 510, 519 (1968). That petitioners do not trust juries to perform this function and believe that a death sentence is given to a small number of persons arbitrarily chosen from a much larger group who might have been sen tenced to death is merely another form of the argument that was made and rejected in McGautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183 (1971). It can be conceded, as the figures of the Bureau of Prisons presented by the petitioners show, that there has been a decreasing number of executions in the last 40 years, although the figures for the last decade are entitled to little weight on this point. In addition to the de facto moratorium that has existed for the last four years while cases challenging the procedures for and the constitutionality of capital punishment 21 — were pending in this Court, earlier cases such as Mapp, Miranda, and others, which limited the kinds of evi dence that can be heard in criminal cases, undoubtedly aborted prosecutions or required vacation of convic tions that would otherwise have led to an execution, and cases such as Fay, Townsend, and Sanders en larged the possibilities for delay in carrying out a death sentence by collateral attacks on convictions. A decade ago nearly one person per week was being exe cuted in the United States. It hardly seems right to call something that happened that frequently “ an almost indescribably uncommon event” (Aikens Br. 38). The conscience of the community, as expressed by those who impose sentence in capital cases, has taken an increasingly rigorous view of the extreme cases in which the death penalty will be used. It has shown no disposition to abandon the death penalty entirely. Re taining it on the books for classes of the most serious crimes and applying it to the most extreme of the cases that fall within those classes is consistent with both the conscience of the connnunity and the Eighth Amend ment to the Constitution. II. Capital Punishment in Rape Cases Is Justified by the Seriousness of the Crime and Is Not “ Cruel and Unusual” Within the Meaning of the Eighth Amend ment. The argument is made in this case and in Jackson that even if death is a constitutionally permissible punishment for some crimes it is cruel and unusual for some or all rapes. The Jewish religious and civic organizations that are amici here contend that death is an unconstitutional punishment for any rapes that do not result in death (Synagogue Council Br. 13). — 22 — Petitioner in the present ease argues that death is un constitutional as punishment in rape eases “ where life is not taken nor endangered” (Branch Br. 28) or “ where no life has been taken or seriously endangered” (Branch Br. 29). The first of those formulations, “ when the victim’s life is neither taken nor endan gered,” was held to be the point at which the Con stitution prohibits a death sentence for rape by a majority of the Fourth Circuit, speaking through Judge Butzner, in Ralph v. Warden, Maryland Peni tentiary, 438 F.2d 786, 793 (4th Cir. 1970). Chief Judge Haynsworth, concurring in the result in that decision, would allow a death sentence “ if the victim suffered grievious physical or psychological harm whether or not it clearly appeared that her life had been endangered.” Id. at 794. I f a rape results in loss of life it would be murder under the felony-murder doctrine and so it adds nothing to speak of allowing the death penalty for rapes in which a life has been taken. The various arguments then are that capital punishment is unconstitutional in any rape case, or in rape eases in which the victim’s life has not been seriously endangered, or in which her life has not been endangered at all, or in which she has not suf fered grievous physical or psychological harm. The argument proceeds from the premise that the Eighth Amendment bars both those punishments that are inherently cruel and those that are cruelly ex cessive. See Comment, Revival of the Eighth Amend ment: Development of Gruel-Punishment Doctrine by the Supreme Court, 16 Stan.L.Bev. 996 (1964). There is ample support for the notion that the Amendment prohibits inherently cruel punishments— Wither son v. Utah, 99 U.S. 130, 135-136 (1879) ; In re Kemmler, — 28 136 IJ.S. 436, 447 (1890) ; State ex rel. Francis v. Resweber, 329 U.S. 459, 464 (1947)—though the death penalty has never been thought to run afoul of this aspect of the Amendment and, for the reasons set forth in Point One of this Brief, should not be held to do so. The notion that the Amendment also bars cruelly excessive punishments is derived primarily from Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349 (1910), though it is supported also by the dissents in O’Neil v. Vermont, 144 U.S. 323, 340, 370-371 (1892), and by the decisions of the Court in Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86 (1958) and perhaps Robinson v. California, 370 U.S. 660 (1962). There is much to be said for the idea that the Weems case has been misread and that it is much closer to the conventional view that cruel and unusual punishment is a matter of mode of punish ment rather than proportion. Packer, Making the Pun ishment Fit the Crime, 77 H arv.L .R ev. 1071, 1075 (1964). Nevertheless we assume for purposes of this argument that a punishment disproportionate to the gravity of the offense might for that reason be held to be cruel and unusual. If, as is argued in Point One, a legislature could reasonably find that capital punishment has some de terrent effect on crime, it could reasonably find that it has some deterrent effect on rape. Though it may be, as argued by petitioner (Branch Br. 26), that the nature of sex crimes is such that any punishment has little or no deterrent value, “ very little is actually known about the relationship between rape and penal sanction.” Schwartz, The Effect in Philadelphia of Pennsylvania’s Increased Penalties for Rape and A t tempted Rape, 59 J. Grim. L. C. & P. S. 509, 515 (1968). The statistical studies on the effect of capital _ 2 4 — punishment have been confined to homicide and there are no figures one way or the other on whether capital punishment deters rapes. Indeed petitioner’s belief that sex offenders cannot be deterred by threat of any punishment and his related belief that there is little or no recidivism among rapists (Branch Br. 26)—a belief that is not as widely accepted as he suggests, see M acdonald, R ape— Offenders and T heir V ictims 314 (1971); Gebhard, Gagnon, P omeroy & Christenson, Sex Offenders 193 (1965)—would, if accepted, lead quite logically to the conclusion he draws, “ that- rapists need little rehabilitation or punishment” (Branch Br. 28). Society would overwhelmingly disagree. The position of the Jewish religious organizations, that death is never a constitutional punishment for any rape, has the merit of being a clear and workable test. It also has a certain attractive logic. The Biblical ref erence to a life for a life, Deut. 19:21, surely was not meant restrictively. The death penalty was also called for in the ancient law for adultery, Lev. 20:21, bes tiality, Ex. 22:18, and rape of a betrothed woman, Deut. 22:15. But undoubtedly there is appeal to the notion that just retribution permits the taking of a life only when life has been taken. But the Eighth Amendment did not enact the Book of Deuteronomy and the difficulty is in establishing that death is so “ greatly disproportioned” to any rape, re gardless of its circumstances, that a legislature acts unconstitutionally if it permits some rapists to be executed. The several formulations of petitioner and of the judges of the Fourth Circuit seek to distinguish among rapes for which death is an appropriate pen alty and those for which it is not. The Jewish re- — 25 ligious organizations reject any distinction of this kind. Thus they must take the view that there is no rape in which the victim survives for which the criminal can he put to death. No matter how seriously the vic tim’s life was endangered, no matter how revolting and barbarous the circumstances of the crime, no matter how grievous the permanent physical and psychological harm visited on the victim, so the argument runs, death would be so excessive a penalty that the Constitution forbids it. It may be asked where in the Constitution this re striction on the state and federal governments can be found. W e have conceded for the purposes of argument that a cruelly excessive punishment may be uncon stitutional but there is ambiguity in speaking of a punishment as being proportioned to a crime. The punishment may be considered “ in relation to the harm actually resulting from a criminal act, to the risk of harm caused by the actor, to the degree of temptation he faced, or to his 4moral fault.’ ” Note, The Gruel and Unusual Punishment Clause and the Substantive Criminal Law, 79 H arv.L.Rev. 635, 636 (1966). To draw a line between rapes resulting in death and other murders, on the one hand, and rapes not resulting in death, on the other, requires looking to the first of these concepts to the exclusion of the other three. Other observers who have taken a broader outlook have thought that “ capital punishment for rape is justi fiable, if capital punishment is ever justifiable, as a matter of legislative choice because of the danger to life and limb as well as to other interests that a forcible sexual attack may involve.” Packer, Making the Pun ishment Fit the Crime, 77 H arv.L.Rev. 1071, 1077 26 (1964) ; see also Note, 79 H arv.L.Rev. 635, 642-643 (1966). Society lias always regarded forcible rape as among the most serious and most reprehensible of crimes. It, along with willful homicide, aggravated assault, and robbery are the most threatening and the most strongly con demned in the entire criminal calendar. # * These four offenses are supremely threatening for dif fering reasons, but in each case one’s physical security is placed at the mercy of a person intent on violating that security. Nothing makes either the victim or the community feel more helpless than an occasion on which someone has used force to work his will on another. Violent injury or the threat of it is the brute negation of the mini mum that all of us—from the most self-sufficient to the most dependent—expect from life in organ ized society. P acker, T he L imits op the Criminal Sanction 297 (1968). Even where the death penalty is not imposed society shows the seriousness with which it considers rape by the length of sentences it imposes for this crime. The average time served before release is longer for rapists, than for men convicted of manslaughter, robbery, aggravated assault, or any offense other than murder. M acdonald, R ape— Offenders and T heir V ic tims 298 (1971). There is another, less agreeable, in dication of how society views rape. Between 1872 and 1951, 1,198 persons suspected of rape or attempted rape were lynched in the United States. Id. at 301. The incidence of rape is sharply rising. In the last decade the number of rapes has increased 121% and the rate in relation to the population has increased 27 — 95%. In 1970 36 out of every 100,000 females in the country was a reported forcible rape victim and it is well understood that, because of fear and embarrass ment, this offense is probably one of the most under reported crimes. FBI, U niform Crime R eports for the U nited States 1970 14 (1971). The past decade is not unusual in this respect. Rape is the only crime of violence that has shown a clear tendency to increase in frequency over the last century. M acdonald, R ape— Offenders and T heir V ictims 25 (1971). Given these figures, it would be doctrinaire in the extreme to say that Congress and the legislatures of 17 states are acting unconstitutionally when they provide the death penalty in an effort to deter all forcible rapes and im pose it in those cases in which a lesser penalty would not be sufficient for retribution. It is appropriate to consider here the argument that death for rape is cruel and unusual because the death penalty is carried out on Negro rapists far more often than white rapists and thus is “ a thinly veiled attempt to legitimize racial homicide” (Branch Br. 19). That argmnent comes in at this point because, if it has any validity, it must be valid against any use of the death penalty for rape. Surely it would not be permissible for a state to legitimize racial homicide against those rap ists who have seriously harmed their victim or endan gered their lives but not against other rapists. It would seem that the racial argument is more prop erly directed to the Equal Protection Clause than to the Cruel and Unusual Punishment Clause. Never theless we will assume that it has sufficient relation to. the Eighth Amendment to be within the limited grant of certiorari in this case. 28 — Undoubtedly the statistics are suggestive that juries have taken race into account in imposing the death pen alty for rape. Figures provided counsel by the Texas Department of Corrections show that 97 persons have been executed for rape in Texas since 1924. Of these 14 were white, 80 were black, and three were Latins. Eight of the 42 persons now under sentence of death in Texas were convicted for rape. Of these one is white, five are black, and two are Latins. See also Koeninger, Capital Punishment in Texas, 1924-1968, 15 Crime & D el. 132 (1969). We have no doubt but that race is “ constitutionally impermissible” as a consideration in sentencing con victed offenders, McGautha v. California, 402 U.S. 183, 207 (1971), though we think that this is true of all sentences:, and not merely of death sentences, and that it is the result of the Equal Protection Clause rather than of the Eighth Amendment as absorbed into the Due Process Clause. Clearly the figures on numbers of executions by race are suggestive that race has been considered, but this has not been a problem confined to rape cases or to use of the death sentence. Professor Henry Bullock’s sophisticated study of 3,644 persons under prison sentence at Huntsville would support a conclusion that in the past race has played a part in sentencing in Texas, with Negroes receiving shorter sentences than whites for some of fenses and longer sentences for others. Bullock, Sig nificance of the Bacial Factor in the Length of Prison Sentences, 52 J. Crim . L., C. & P. S. 411 (1961). In understanding this historical fact it cannot be for gotten that until 1954 segregation of the races was le gally required in Texas. At a time when the law pro hibited racial intermingling even in a schoolroom or 29 — on a bus, and when miscegenation was a crime, it is hardly surprising that an interracial offense, and par ticularly an interracial rape, was perceived as an espe- cially traumatic event and an especially serious breach of the good order of the state. In understanding these figures from the past another fact must be taken into account. The rape rate is much higher among Negroes than among whites. Studies both in Denver and Philadelphia, based on figures that eliminated any possibility of racial discrimination on the part of .judges and jurors, showed in each in stance that the rape rate was 12 times as high among Negroes: as among whites. M acdonald, R ape— Offend- ees AND T heib Y ictims 51-54 (1971). That this is so says nothing about comparative morality of different races. It may well be a function of poverty rather than of race. “ * * * [T]he rich kid can use flowers, candy, wining and dining and a shiny automotive super-phallus to ‘ seduce’ the girl whom the slum kid ‘ rapes.’ Seney, The Sibyl at Cumae—Our Criminal Law’s Moral Obsolescence, 17 W ayne L.Rev. 777, 793 n. 76 (1971). I f the disparity between the incidence of rape among whites and Negroes was one to twelve in Texas, as it was found to be in Denver and Phila delphia studies, then a disparity of less than one to six in the numbers executed is less persuasive of dis criminatory practices than the figures would seem at first blush. Those courts that have considered the statistical argument about death sentences in rape cases have found them insufficient to show that the Negro de fendants who were before them received the death penalty because of their race. Ralph v. Warden, Mary — 30 — land Penitentiary, 438 F.2d 786, 793 n. 24 (4th Cir. 1970) ; Maxwell v. Bishop, 398 F.2d 138, 149 (8th Cir. 1968), vacated on other grounds 398 U.S. 262 (1970). Even counsel who has been most imaginative in mak ing and seeking to document this argument concedes that an irrefutable statistical showing that a particu lar state has discriminated on racial grounds in the administration of the death penalty is difficult to estab lish, because the number of death sentences is so ex ceedingly small in comparison to the number of factors that may properly be considered at every stage of the criminal process in deciding whether to impose capital punishment (Aikens Br. 53). In any event, as the Eighth Circuit noted in the Maxwell case, “ improper state practice of the past does not automatically in validate a procedure of the present.” Ibid. If, for the reasons we have stated, the Constitution is not a bar against capital punishment for any rape case, are there some rapes that are sufficiently inof fensive that to impose death for them is grossly dis proportionate to the crime and, for that reason, cruelly excessive? Interestingly the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals has held that there are. In Calhoun v. State, 85 Tex.Cr. 496, 503, 214 S.W. 335, 338 (1919), that court said: We take it to be clear that the extreme penalty should only be inflicted in an extreme case, and we do not believe this is such a case. Our Constitu tion (section 13 of the Bill of Bights) forbids the infliction of excessive fines or cruel or unusual punishment. Though the Calhoun case has never been overruled and is even occasionally cited, it is very doubtful that 31 — it represents Texas law. It has never actually been followed and it is quite plain on the face of the opinion that the court simply did not believe the testimony of the complaining witness. Since it could not reverse on that ground, it hunted for some seemingly plausible ground on which it could save the life of a defendant whom the court thought to be not guilty. In fact it sent the case back for a new trial, at which the state had already predicted it could not get a conviction, rather than merely setting aside the sentence. Petitioner argues, and the Fourth Circuit has held, that “ the death sentence is so disproportionate to the crime of rape when the victim’s life is neither taken nor endangered that it violates the Eighth Amend ment.” Ralph v. Warden, Maryland Penitentiary, 438 E.2d 786, 793 (4th Cir. 1970). The dissenting judges in the Fourth Circuit pointed out the extreme impre cision of the term “ endangered.” Id. at 796. Professor Packer also has questioned how a court is to tell in any given case whether human life was “ endan gered.” There is a sense in which life is always endangered by sexual attack, just as there is a sense in which it is always endangered by robbery, or by burglary of a dwelling, or by any physical assault. The threat of violence too is not the less a threat for being conditional, and violence always carries the possibility of a fatal outcome. Packer, Making the Punishment Fit the Grime, 77 H arv.L.Rev. 1071, 1077 (1964). This is consistent with all that is known about rape and about rapists. Dr. Kinsey’s associates have found in their study that in 40% of the cases the rapists made threats of - 3 2 - — a major sort, such as of serious physical damage or threats of injuring the victim’s children. Gebhard, Gagnon, P omeroy & Christenson, Sex Offenders 196 (1965). The most common type of rapist is the assaultive variety. These are men whose be havior includes unnecessary violence; it seems, that sexual activity alone is insufficient and in order for it to be maximally gratifying it must be accompanied by physical violence or by serious threat. In brief, there is a strong sadistic element in these men and they often feel pronounced hos tility to women (and possibly to men also) at a conscious or unconscious level. They generally do not know their victim; they usually commit the of fense alone, without accomplices; preliminary at tempts at seduction are either absent or extremely brief and crude; the use of weapons is common; the man usually has a past history of violence; he seemingly selects his victim with less than normal regard for her age, appearance, and deportment. Lastly, there is a tendency for the offense to be accompanied by bizarre behavior including unnec essary and trivial threats. Id. at 197-198. Other studies have noted that rape often does lead to murder. Williams, Rape-Murder, in Sex ual B ehavior and the L aw 563 (Slovenko ed. 1965). Dr. John Macdonald’s recent comprehensive examina tion of rapes reports that in order to secure submis sion and compliance, the rapist will often threaten or physically assault his victim, and that even in the absence of threats or blows the offender may convey to his victim by his facial appearance and general be havior the impression that resistance will lead to vio lence. M acdonald, B are— Offenders and T heir V ic tims 63 (1971). In a study he made of 200 rape victims in Denver almost half were either struck with a fist — 33 — or choked. Id. at 64. He finds, too, that the force nsed to subdue the woman may he fatal, though the rapist did not intend this, since pressure on the neck of the victim, though insufficient to cause strangulation, may cause death from reflex causes. Id. at 180. Whether or not the Fourth Circuit test is a usable standard can profiably be considered in the light of the facts of the present case. Was Mrs. Stowe’s life endangered when Elmer Branch broke into her rural house in the dead of night and raped her ? Defendant, who was 20 or 21 years old, is virtually the prototype of the “ assaultive variety” of rapist described by Gfeb- hard and his colleagues. He committed the offense alone, with no preliminary attempt at seduction, and he selected his victim without regard to her age. The events following the assault are characterized by his own counsel as “ bizarre” (Branch Br. 3). He used brute force to accomplish his will with Mrs. Stowe (A. 19). She was 65 years old and was unable to do anything because “ he was just so strong: I have never seen a man with that kind of power in his hands. * * *” ( A. 19). Prior to accomplishing penetration he had Mrs. Stowe’s head hanging off the bed while he pressed down harder and harder on her throat (A. 19). After the attack she was “ coughing and choking. He had hurt my throat and I was hurting all over really. My throat was hurting and I couldn’t hardly get my breath * * *” (A. 22). When Branch finally left he told her he would kill her if she told about the attack (A. 23). Was Mrs. Stowe’s life endangered? Was there a risk that he might have suffocated her had she con tinued to resist? Was there a risk that the pressure on — 34 — lier neck might cause death from reflex causes? I f he had heard her slipping out the hack door immediately after he went out the front and had seen her running to her son’s house, was there danger that he would have carried out his threat and have killed her? These are the kinds of questions that must be answered in this and every other rape case if the Fourth Circuit test should he adopted as a constitutional rule. One could reason ably answer each of these questions in the affirmative, given what we know about rape and rapists, but if we do so the protection supposedly afforded by the Fourth Circuit rule is wholly illusory. Indeed similar questions could just as well be answered in the affirma tive on the facts of the Ralph case itself. But how can the questions possibly or rationally be answered in the negative? I f the line is a constitutional one, as the Ralph holding and the argument here would require, they will be questions that must ultimately be answered by appellate judges, who would be required to de cide in each instance whether a particular set of facts came within or without the area in which the victim’s life was “ endangered” and the Constitution would al low a death sentence to stand. It seems quite odd that the Constitution should require appellate judges to speculate on what might have happened though, by hypothesis, it did not. Would the ease be in a different posture if the prose cutor had asked Mrs. Stowe if she thought that her life was, in danger and she had said: “ Oh, yes. I felt that if I didn’t give in he would certainly kill me” ? Or if she had said: “ I f he had kept his arm on my throat a minute longer I would have suffocated.” I f so, any protection from the Fourth Circuit rule would again be illusory. Prosecutors would ask the ritual — 35 questions to establish that the victim’s life was en dangered just as they now put a ritual question to establish penetration (A. 28). Would this be a different case if, at the outset of the encounter, Branch had said: “ I ’ll show you what I want and I ’ll kill you, if I have to, to get it” ? (Cf. A. 18.)I f so, why? I f so, what in the Eighth Amend ment requires the drawing of such subtle and meaning less distinctions? The Fourth Circuit test is neither workable, logical, nor required by the Eighth Amend ment. A legislature may reasonably believe, with Pro fessor Packer, that “ there is a sense in which life is always endangered by sexual attack.” In the Ralph case Chief Judge Haynsworth chose a different test. He though it was decisive that the vic tim’s doctor had testified that she had suffered no last ing physical or psychological harm, and could find no bar in the Eighth Amendment against the im position of the death penalty for rape if the vic tim suffered grievous physical or psychological harm whether or not it clearly appeared that her life had been endangered. 438 F.2d at 795. This appears to point to a more objective inquiry than does the “ endangered” test and Chief Judge Haynsworth is certainly right that “ the nature, degree and duration of the harm have long been recognized as important criteria in determining the appropriate ness of punishment.” Ibid. But it does not follow from this that they are constitutionally-imposed criteria. The victim of any rape, as Chief Judge Haynsworth himself noted, “ suffers harm and great indignity.” Ibid. Serious physical harm can be recognized and _ 3 6 — measured. Lasting psychological harm is less easy to identify and may he even more grievous. In the present case, for example, Mrs. Stowe is what Dr. Seymour L. Halleek refers to as an “ accidental” victim, one who did not know her attacker and who made some effort to resist the assault. Such a woman has undergone an experience in which she is aware of overwhelmingly angry feel ings but is helpless in dealing with them. She re peatedly searches her own motivations to discover if there was something she might have done to pre vent the attack. Often she blames herself for hav ing neglected a minor defensive effort that she feels might have been protective. She is uncertain as to her role as a woman and such a role does appear to her at that moment as a degraded and helpless one. She wonders if she will again he at tracted to men or interested in normal sexual relations. A wide variety of pathological reactions may de velop following sexual assault. Women with pre viously vulnerable personalities are likely to de velop neurotic symptoms including anxiety at tacks, phobias, hypochondriasis or depression. Oc casionally psychotic reactions are seen. Less com monly transient characterological difficulties such as excessive drinking or promiscuity appear. The previously well adjusted woman may also become disturbed. It is indeed difficult to conceive of any woman going through this experience without de veloping some symptoms. While many symptoms may be transient and not incapacitating those pa tients who relate chronic symptoms to previous sexual assault suggest that this is not always the case. The patient’s guilt following an attack is often intense. Psychiatrists believe that most normal — 37 — women experience masochistic fantasies at some times in their lives. The victim may, therefore, fear that she might have willingly invited or pro voked the attack, She is then tortured with self accusation. Halleck, Emotional Effects of Victimization, in Sex ual B ehavior and the L aw 673, 675-676 (Slovenko ed. 1965). Which of these ill effects is sufficiently “ griev ous” that the death penalty could he imposed? Will victims, notoriously reluctant to complain of rape be cause of the embarrassment it causes them, be even more reluctant to do so if they are to be required to take the stand and he examined about whether they are interested in normal sexual relations or whether they are experiencing masochistic fantasies? Given the already common and unavoidable practice of try ing the prosecutrix, can a rule whose harmful effect is directly proportional to the victim’s susceptibility to psychological damage, be sound? The pattern of response of rape victims creates further difficulties. In the first phase there is an acute reaction, including shock, disbelief, and dismay. The victim often is in an agitated, incoherent, and highly volatile state. This is often succeeded by gross anxiety. In the second phase the victim shows an outward ad justment. She announces all is well and says she needs no further help. This pseudo-adjustment covers up a heavy measure of denial or suppression. This is suc ceeded by a third phase in which the victim develops an inner sense of depression and a need to talk. The victim finds herself thinking increasingly about what has happened and functioning progressively less well. From that point either she recovers or the neurotic symptoms become chronic. Sutherland & Scherl, Pat — 38 terns of Response Among Victims of Rape, 40 A mer. J. Orthopsychiat. 503 (1970). Adopted of the test proposed by Chief Judge Havnsworth would make Eighth Amendment rights turn on complicated ques tions of this kind on which psychiatrists are only now beginning to grapple for answers. Given the present state of knowledge, a legislature does not act irration ally if it concludes that all rapes involve a large risk of serious psychological damage and if it thus author izes juries to impose the death sentence in those ex treme cases in which it seems justified. We cannot yet say with assurance that Shakespeare was wrong when he wrote in The Rape of Lucrece that rape inflicts * * *the wound that nothing healeth, The sear that will, despite of cure, remain. One final argument suggested by the opinions in the Ralph case should be mentioned. The majority there thought that most jurisdictions now consider death an excessive penalty for rape, and believed that this was demonstrated “ by the legislative trend to abolish cap ital punishment for this crime and by the infrequency of its infliction in jurisdictions that still authorize it.” 438 E.2d at 793. It is true that only 16 states and the federal government allow the death penalty for rape. This does not show that those jurisdictions, or the citizens in them, would think that death is an excessive penalty for that crime. There are a variety of reasons why a state might choose to remove one or another of fense from the catalogue of capital crimes. Those states that have abolished capital punishment entirely have not made any judgment about the ex cessiveness of the death penalty for rape. The incidence of rape is closely related to geography, and is highest — 39 — in the west while much less common in the northeast. FBI, U niform Crime R eports for the U nited States 1970, 14 (1971). In places where rape is uncommon there may not he felt need to deal with it as severely as in other areas. A state may have reduced the num ber of capital offenses for wholly pragmatic reasons, which have nothing to do with the supposed excessive ness of the penalty. What many informed persons think is the strongest argument against capital punishment has nothing to do with the moral or utilitarian ob jections to death sentences. This is that capital pun ishment sensationalizes the entire judicial process. As astute and realistic an observer as Mr. Justice Jackson, observed to the Reporter shortly prior to his death that he opposed capital punishment because of its deleterious effects on the judicial process and stated that he would appear and urge the Institute to favor abolition. M odel P enal Code 64 (Tent.Dr. No. 9, 1959). This was also Justice Frankfurter’s position. F rankfurter, The Problem of Capital Punishment, in Of L aw and M en 77, 81 (1956). Those who take that view would be making no judgment about the excessiveness of the death penalty for particular crimes if they deter mined to reduce the classes of cases in which this ef fect on the judicial process might occur. The infrequency of the infliction of the death sen tence in rape cases does not indicate that it is regarded as an excessive penalty, any more than the infrequency of any executions indicates a view that death for any crime is excessive. We have discussed that contention under Point One of this Brief. Here, as there, society is entitled to have the death penalty for rape on the books as a deterrent to all rapes and to have it actually — 40—- carried out in those extreme eases in which the con science of the community, speaking through the jury, concludes that the defendant’s life should be forfeit. Finally, it is simply incorrect to speak, as the Fourth Circuit did, of “ the legislative trend to abolish capital punishment for this crime * * *. 438 F.2d at 793. The only jurisdictions in which capital punishment for rape has been abolished in many years have been West Vir ginia, where this was a part of a total abolition of capital punishment, and the District of Columbia, where the statute suffered the same defect that was held to be unconstitutional in United States v. Jackson, 390 U.S. 570 (1969). See 438 F.2d at 791 n. 13. But if, as appears to be true, for a number of years the situation has been relatively stable, with 19 American jurisdictions permitting imposition of the death penalty for rape, then it is hard to see how “ evolving standards of decency,” let alone “ standards of decency more or less universally ac cepted,” can be said to be violated. On the evidence available it does not appear that this is a case for due process by headcount. Packer, Making the Punishment Fit the Grime. 77 H arv.L.Rev. 1071, 1073 (1964). Recent events in Texas are of interest in this con nection. A distinguished group, sponsored by the State Bar of Texas and financed by the legislature, has worked for five years on revision of the Texas Penal Code. In its published draft rape would ordinarily have been a felony of the second degree punishable by not more than twelve years in prison. Aggravated rape would have been a felony of the first degree, punish able by life imprisonment. T exas P enal Code: A P ro posed R evision §§ 21.02, 21.03, 12.31 (Final Draft, — 41 — 1970). But the committee that prepared the proposed revision, prior to its introduction in the legislature in 1971, itself reconsidered and concluded to retain death as a possible penalty for aggravated rape.* As the Texas experience shows, responsible and en lightened people can and do still conclude in 1971 that the best interests of society require provision for the death penalty for some rape cases. This should he left a matter for choice and sound judgment by legislatures rather than resolved by reading into the Constitution of the United States limitations that cannot readily he perceived. III. The Other Contentions of Petitioner Are Not Properly in Issue Here. In what has gone before we have sought to deal with the arguments advanced by petitioner under Points One, Three, and Pour of his Brief. In Point Two he contends that to subject him to the death pen alty, while persons convicted of rape in many other states are not subject to that penalty, is a denial of equal protection of the laws. In Point Five he attacks the constitutionality of article 1.14 of the T exas Code op Criminal. P rocedure, which commits the question of capital punishment initially to the discretion of the prosecutor and bars a death sentence unless the prose *The fact that the Texas draftsmen propose to distinguish between simple rape and aggravated rape is not inconsistent with our position that the distinctions suggested by Judge Butzner and Chief Judge Haynsworth are not viable. Making these distinctions by statute permits much more precision than constitutional construction would provide and the dif ference between the two classes then becomes a question for the jury rather than a question of law for appellate courts, as it must be if the distinction is given constitutional stature. — 42 — cutor lias given advance notice of Ms intention to seek the death, penalty. These questions are not properly here. The writ of certiorari was limited to whether the imposition and carrying out of the death penalty in this case consti tutes cruel and unusual punishment. 403 U .S ._ (1971). The matters raised by petitioner in his Points Two and Five are not witMn that limited question, nor, for that matter, were they among the six questions he sought to bring here in his petition for eertiorari. “ We disapprove the practice of smuggling additional questions into a case after we grant eertiorari.” Irvine v. California, 347 U.S. 128,129 (1954). Nevertheless the temptation to respond to them is strong. Those points are readily answered. Strict ad herence to the rules of practice of this Court seems less important here than resolving these matters, so that no false glimmer of hope is left for those con demned to death and no new round of stays, appeals, and collateral attacks begun to have these questions resolved. There is, however, another objection that makes it improper for us to argue or for the Court to decide these new questions. The interstate equal protection argument and the attack on article 1.14 were neither raised nor decided at any stage of the state proceedings. It is not a mere rule of practice that prevents their consideration hut the limits on the jurisdiction of tMs Court in reviewing eases from state courts. 28 U.S.C. § 1257(3). — 43 CONCLUSION For the reasons here given, the judgment of the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals should be affirmed. Respectfully submitted, Cra wford C. M artin Attorney General of Texas N ola W hite First Assistant A lfred W alker Executive Assistant R obert C. F lowers Assistant Attorney General Glenn R. B rown Assistant Attorney General Box “ R ,” Capitol Station Austin, Texas 78711 Charles A lan W right 2500 Red River Street Austin, Texas 78705 Attorneys for Respondent September, 1971