Alice Love v. Dade County School Board Petition for Writ of Certiorari
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1971

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Thomasville Branch NAACP v. Thomas County, Georgia Brief of Appellants, 1977. 6bb8b204-c69a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/c6c19361-f467-4b9b-879a-3675ab2579b7/thomasville-branch-naacp-v-thomas-county-georgia-brief-of-appellants. Accessed August 19, 2025.
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IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT No. 77-1196 THOMASVILLE BRANCH OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, et al., Appellants, versus THOMAS COUNTY, GEORGIA, et al.. Appellees. BRIEF OF APPELLANTS DAVID F. WALBERT 3100 Peachtree Summit Atlanta, Georgia 30308 HERBERT E. PHIPPS P.O. Drawer 3468 Albany, Georgia 31706 ATTORNEYS FOR APPELLANTS UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT No. 77-1196 THOMASVILLE BRANCH OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, et al., CERTIFICATE PURSUANT TO LOCAL RULE 13(a) The undersigned counsel of record certifies that the following individuals or entities have an interest in this case: Thomasville N.A.A.C.P., Elijah Hill, Jr., Rev. I. L. Mullins, William A. Morris, Curtis Thomas, Thomas County, Georgia, Theron 0. Davis, Lowell Clark, James Hay, F. V. Hancock, Edward A. Mitchell, H. Rodney Bannister, Mac L. Parrish, W. Gerald Tuck, Leon Hurst, and Billy Carter. All of the parties named were plaintiffs or defendants in the original complaint. The last two named individuals have taken office as Thomas County Commissioners since the trial of this case. Appellants versus THOMAS COUNTY, GEORGIA, et al. Appellees. DAVID F . WALBERT Attorney for Appellants REQUEST FOR ORAL ARGUMENT Plaintiffs request that oral argument in this case be granted. The action of the District Court was contrary to law, and the case is of public importance to all residents of Thomas County, Georgia. Moreover, the issues presented in this case are common to a substantial amount of litigation in the Fifth Circuit, and those issues are of sufficient im portance to warrant this Court's considered treatment. -li- TABLE OF CONTENTS QUESTIONS PRESENTED ON APPEAL..............................i v TABLE OF AUTHORITIES...................................... V STATEMENT OF THE CASE . . . . . . . . . ................... 1 SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT................. .. ............... 5 ARGUMENT I. THE DISTRICT COURT ERRED IN REQUIRING PLAINTIFFS TO PROVE THAT A DISCRIMIN ATORY PURPOSE OR MOTIVE UNDERLAY THE CREATION OF THOMAS COUNTY'S ELECTION SYSTEM. ........................ .....................7 A. The Washington v. Davis "Purpose and Intent" Standard Is Irrelevant In Dilu tion Cases Under The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. . . . ............. . . . 7 B. Discriminatory Purpose and Motive Need Not Be Shown In An Action Under 42 U.S.C. §§1971 (a) (1) or 1973........................... 15 II. PLAINTIFFS ARE ENTITLED TO AN ORDER INSTITUTING THE REAPPORTIONMENT PLAN PRESENTED IN THE DISTRICT COURT.................... 19 A. The White v. Regester Test Was Satisfied In This Case.......... 19 B. Further Proceedings In The District Court Are Unnecessary. . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 III. PLAINTIFFS ARE ENTITLED TO AN AWARD OF ATTORNEYS' FEES, AND THE DISTRICT COURT ERRED IN FAILING TO GRANT PLAINTIFFS' MOTION TO AMEND THEIR COMPLAINT TO SET FORTH 42 U.S.C. §1973 1(e) AS A BASIS FOR A FEE AWARD. . ........... .....................51 CONCLUSION ................. .54 -iii- IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT No. 77-1196 THOMASVILLE BRANCH OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, et al., Appellants, versus THOMAS COUNTY, GEORGIA, et al., Appellees. BRIEF OF APPELLANTS QUESTIONS PRESENTED ON APPEAL I. WHETHER THE DISTRICT COURT ERRED IN REQUIRING PLAINTIFFS TO PROVE THAT A DISCRIMINATORY PURPOSE OR MOTIVE UNDER LAID THE CREATION OF THOMAS COUNTY'S ELECTION SYSTEM. II. WHETHER PLAINTIFFS ARE ENTITLED TO AN ORDER INSTITUTING THE REAPPORTIONMENT PLAN PRESENTED IN THE DISTRICT COURT III. WHETHER PLAINTIFFS ARE ENTITLED TO AN AWARD OF ATTORNEYS FEES, AND WHETHER THE DISTRICT COURT ERRED IN FAILING TO GRANT PLAINTIFFS' MOTION TO AMEND THEIR COMPLAINT TO SET FORTH 42 U.S.C. SECTION 1973 L(e) AS A BASIS FOR A FEE AWARD. -iv- TABLE OP AUTHORITIES Allen v. State Bd. of Elections, 393 uTs. Z44'"'(1969) ......................................... 33 Alyeska Pipeline Co. v. Wilderness Society, 421 U.S. 240 (1975) ............... 7 ~ 7 T ...............51 Arlington Heights v. MHDC, 45 U.S.L.W. 4073 (U.S. Jan. 11, 1977) .................... 9,16 Burns v. Richardson, 384 U.S. 73 (1966) ................. 13 Chapman v. King, 154 F.2d 460 (5th Cir. 1 9 4 6 ) ............. 22 Dallas County v, Reese, 421 U.S. 477 (1975) . . . . . . .35,37 Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U.S. 330 (1972)..................... 12 Dusch v. Davis, 387 U.S. 112 (1967) ........................ 13 East v. Romine, Inc., 518 F .2d 332 (5th Cir. 1975). . . . . 47 Fortson v. Dorsey, 379 U.S. 433 (1965) .................. 12-13 Graves v. Barnes, 378 F.Supp 640 (W.D.Tex. 1974).......... 24 Gremillion v. Rinaudo, 325 F.Supp. 375 (E.D.La. 1971) . . . 19 Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U.S. 424 (1971)............. 16 Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 (1915).............14,21 Hill y. Stone, 421 U.S. 289 (1975) .......... ............ 12 Johnson v. Georgia Highway Express, 488 F.2d 714 (5th Cir. 1974) .............................. 53 Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268 (1939)........ .............. 14 Local 189, Papermakers v. United States, 416 F . 2d 980 (5th Cir. 1969) ............................ 16-17 Lucas v. Forty-Fourth General Assembly, 377 U.S. 713 (1964)........ ......................... .. 12 CASES: -v- McGill v. Gadsden County, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976) . . 15 Miller v. Amusement Enterprises, Inc., 426 F . 2d 534 (5th Cir. 1970) . .“ . ........................ 54 Nevett v. Sides, 533 F.2d 1361 (5th Cir. 1 9 7 6 ) .......... 15 0 ‘Brien v. Skinner, 414 U.S. 524 (1974)................... 11 Paige v. Gray, 538 F.2d 1109 (5th Cir. 1976) . 13,15,37,48,49 Pitts v. Busbee, 395 F.Supp 35 (N.D.Ga. 1975)............. 31 Ratliff v. Beale, 74 Miss. 247 (1896)..................... 21 Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964).......... 9,10,12,13,18 Rodriquez v. East Texas Motor Freight, 505 F . 2d 40 (5th Cir. 1974) .......... ................... 44 Smith v. Allwright, 321 U.S. 649 (1944)................... 29 South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301 (1966). . . .15,17 Terry v. Adams, 345 U.S. 641 (1953) ........................ 29 Toney v. White, 476 F.2d 203, modified, en banc, 488 F.2d 310 (5th Cir. 1973) ............. 18,19,48 Turner v. McKeithen, 490 F.2d 191 (5th Cir. 1973) . . . . . 29 United Jewish Organizations v. Carey, 45 U.S.L.W. 4221 (U.S. March 1, 1977). .................. 9,17 United States v. Cohan, 358 F.Supp 1217 (S.D.Ga. 1973) . . 48 United States v. Garner, 349 F.Supp 1054 (N.D.Ga. 1972) . 48 Wade v. Mississippi Cooperative, 528 F . 2d 508 (5th Cir. 1 9 7 6 ) .............................. 47 Wallace v. House, 538 F.2d 1138 (5th Cir. 1976), 515 F . 2d 619, modified................................49,52 Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976).............passim Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964) ....... 11,12 Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124 (1971)................... 13 -vi- White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973)................. passim Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (5th Cir. 1973) , affirmed, 424 U.S. 636 (1976) ......................... passim STATUTES 42 U.S.C. § 1971 .. ....................................... 15-19 42 U.S.C. § 1973 .. ................................... 15-19,51 42 U.S.C. § 1988 .. ......................................... 53 42 U.S.C. §2000e-5 (g) ................. ............ .. 16 CONGRESSIONAL REPORTS: S. Rep. No. 94-1011, 94th Cong., 2d Sess. (1976)........... 53 H. Rep. No. 94-1558, 94th Cong., 2d Sess. (1976)........... 53 -vii- STATEMENT OF THE CASE Plaintiffs filed this action in the District Court in August, 1975, challenging the legality of the method of electing county commissioners in Thomas County, Georgia. Plaintiffs asserted that the election system used was dis criminatory, and that it was unconstitutional under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. Plaintiffs also based their claims on various statutory provisions of the civil rights acts. By way of substantive relief, plaintiffs re quested that the District Court enjoin all further at-large election of county commissioners. Plaintiffs requested an order reapportioning the county into separate and distinct districts and providing that candidates would be elected solely by the voters of the particular district in which they ran. Both plaintiffs and defendants filed interrogatories. Defendants objected to all of the interrogatories served, by plaintiffs, and plaintiffs moved to compel answers to these interrogatories on the grounds that their objections were insufficient. The District Court refused to grant plaintiffs' motion. Both plaintiffs and defendants took extensive depositions of the opposite parties. Subsequent to those depositions, plaintiffs moved for a preliminary and permanent injunction -1- and for summary judgment on all their claims. In addition to the deposition testimony, plaintiffs filed extensive docu mentary evidence and affidavits supporting their motion. Judge J. Robert Elliott refused to grant the relief requested by plairtiffs. The court took this action without a hearing and without findings of fact or conclusions of law. In the absence of a preliminary injunction, Thomas County primary and general elections were conducted in August and November, 1976, on an at-large basis pursuant to the statutes challenged by plaintiffs. A final hearing on the merits was held on December 1, 1976, and plaintiffs introduced further live testimony. For the most part, however, the evidence in this case has been introduced through depositons , affidavits, authenticated documents, and various stipulations. The de fendants presented no live testimony at the December 1, 1976, hearing. By agreement, specific additional documentary evi dence was introduced subsequent to that hearing. On December 29, 1976, Judge Elliott issued an opinion and order dismissing plaintiffs complaint. The Court ruled that plaintiffs' challenge to the election system in Thomas County was deficient, as a matter of law, because no evidence was introduced by the plaintiffs explicitly showing that the legisla ture created the Thomas County Commission in 1898 with the express motivation of discriminating against Black voters. (App. 56-61.) Final judgment was filed conforming to that opinion and order on January 4, 1977. Plaintiffs filed a notice of appeal on January 7, 1977. -2 The facts presented in the trial court conclusively show that the election system used in Thomas County is discriminatory. Plaintiffs showed that they are denied equal access to the political system under the at-large election system used in Thomas County to elect county commissioners. In particular, plaintiffs have shown that the state has had an extreme history of discrimination against Blacks, and that this discrimination has directly affected the right to vote. Discrimination in registration in Thomas County has been extensive over the years, and it has not abated entirely to this day. Past election evidence was introduced to show that Black candidates are effectively precluded from the system. Evidence of racist campaign tactics was introduced. Plaintiffs also testified that they have not had the luxury of voting for White candidates who might be sympathetic to Black issues, such that their voting for a White is usually just the choice of the "lesser of two evils". The election system in Thomas County contains certain discriminatory election features in addition to the at-large requirement. These features are the "place requirement", a majority vote requirement, and the fact that candidates must run in a large geographic area. Plaintiffs also introduced prior actions taken by the Department of Justice, pursuant to Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, concerning the School Board of the City of Thomasville. Members of that board are elected from the city at-large, and the General Assembly attempted to add majority vote and numbered post requirements in addition. The Justice Department refused to -3- allow those amendments, and plaintiffs contend that the Depart ment's actions are relevant evidence of the discriminatory effect of the county's at-large system in the present case. Plaintiffs also introduced much evidence in establishing that the county commission has been, and continues to be, un responsive to the interest of Black residents. The commission currently maintains discriminatroy hiring policies, it has appointed virtually no Blacks to various boards and offices over the years, and the road paving decisions by the county have been overtly discriminatory. The county maintained its facilities on a segregated basis until prohibited by the Civil Rights Act several years ago. Other local government bodies in Thomas County have been equally racist in their actions. The school systems were not desegregated until the first part of this decade. One rural school was sold to a group of Whites for a nominal sum during desegregation to be used as a private institution. The Housing Authorities in the county are still segregated by race. Virtually all of plaintiffs' evidence stands uncontra dicted by the defendants. At the hearing, defendants did intro duce certain historical evidence indicating the substance of the business conducted by the county commission in the latter part of the 19th century, when the laws at issue in this case were first enacted. However, defendants introduced no evidence indicating the motives or intentions of the legislators in creating an at-large system of elections. No specific evidence of their intentions has been found by either plaintiffs or defendants. -4- SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT The District Court dismissed plaintiffs' complaint on the basis of Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976). The at-large system by which Thomas County Commissioners are elected has been in effect since 1898. The court concluded that, as a matter of law, it is plaintiffs' burden to show that the "authors [of the legislation] were motivated by racial considerations." (App.57 .) Since no direct evidence was introduced by either party concerning the motives of the legislators in 1898, the court concluded that plaintiffs had failed to meet their burden. Plaintiffs contend that the District Court erred in re quiring a showing of discriminatory motive. The controlling cases on this issue are White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973) and Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (5th Cir. 1973) (en banc). Those cases clearly establish that no showing of pur pose or intentional discrimination is required in the kind of dilution case plaintiffs are presenting here. Washington v. Davis does not affect the prior dilution decisions. Washington involved a completely different kind of discrimination claim. In that case Black applicants challenged the constitutionality of a verbal test used by a police department in selecting employees. All Black appli cants and all White applicants were treated identically if they performed the same on the various tests. The same -5- reasoning does not apply in Thomas County. Plaintiffs have conclusively shown that a Black person's vote is only worth some small fraction of a White person's vote in Thomas County. This is a case where Blacks and Whites are treated differently under a statutory scheme, and race is the sole basis of distinction. Washington v. Davis did not involve discrimination of this sort. Plaintiffs' position is consistent with many prior Supreme Court decisions and with the decisions of this Court. Since the Washington v. Davis case was decided, this Court has re affirmed the principle that an "effect test" controls in dilu tion cases. See, e.g., Paige v, Gray, 538 F.2d 1109 (5th Cir. 1976). Once access to the political system is denied, the election system cannot be sustained. Plaintiffs also contend that no remand for further pro ceedings is necessary here, and that this Court should order relief at this time. The evidence of discrimination and dilu tion is overwhelming in this case, and it is almost entirely uncontradicted. Since the question of "access to the political system" is an "ultimate" issue of fact, this Court has the same authority to determine that issue as does the District Court. East v. Rornine, Inc., 518 F.2d 332, 338-39 (5th Cir. 1975). And since most of the evidence in this case has been presented by depositions, documents, affidavits and stipula tions, this is not a case requiring deference to the observa tions of the trial judge. -6- I. THE DISTRICT COURT ERRED IN REQUIRING PLAINTIFFS TO PROVE THAT A DISCRIMIN ATORY PURPOSE OR MOTIVE UNDERLAY THE CREATION OF THOMAS COUNTY'S ELECTION SYSTEM. A. The Washington v. Davis "Purpose and Intent" Standard Is Irrelevant In Dilution Cases Under The Fourteenth And Fifteenth Amendments. Plaintiffs produced voluminous evidence in the Lower Court that, under the at-large system in Thomas County, Black voters were denied equal access to the political system. Although most of this evidence was entirely undisputed, Judge Elliott nevertheless rejected plaintiffs' claim on the basis of Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976). He concluded that plaintiffs must show not only dilution, but that "a discrimin atory purpose prompted the establishment of the election system under attack." (App.60 ). Because plaintiffs introduced no evidence of the motives of the 19th century legislators involved, the Court dismissed the complaint. Plaintiffs contend that Washington v. Davis is entirely irrelevant in the kind of dilution case presented here. Plain logic dictates this result, and plaintiffs' position is supported by many past decisions of this Court and the Supreme Court. In Washington v. Davis, Black applicants challenged the constitutionality of a verbal skills test used by the Washington, D. C. Police Department in selecting applicants for employment. The sole evidence presented by the plaintiffs was that, of the Blacks and Whites who took the test, the White applicants passed at a higher rate. The Supreme Court held that the test was job-related because police officers needed verbal skills and -7- that, absent a greater showing of discrimination, plaintiffs' constitutional attack was insufficient. The essential distinction between Washing ton and the pre sent dilution case is clear. In Washington, ail Black appli cants and all White applicants were treated identically. Ary two individuals were subjected to the same evaluation procedures and tests, and one person had exactly the same chance of employ ment as another if their scores were the same. A Black applicant was treated no differently than a White applicant if the Black's performance on "Test 21" was the same as the White's. The same reasoning does not apply in Thomas County, however. In Thomas County elections, plaintiffs have proved that a Black person's vote is only worth some small fraction of a White person's vote. When a Black person's vote is cast in Thomas County, it does not carry the same significance because of the at-large system of election. Indeed, once dilution has been proved under White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973), and Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (5th Cir. 1973) (en banc), it necessarily follows that the plaintiffs' votes are worth less than those of their White counterparts. The essence of a dilution case is that "an apportionment scheme operates to minimize or cancel out the voting strength of racial or poli tical elements of the voting population." 485 F.2d at 1300. Thus, because dilution has been shown in Thomas County, plaintiffs have proved that their votes are treated differently than the votes of Whites, and this difference is explainable solely on the basis of race. This is the controlling factor that makes Washington v. Davis completely inapplicable. In Washington, similarly situated Blacks and Whites were treated identically. In the present case, similarly situated Blacks and Whites are treated completely differently, and there is no need to reach the "purposeful discrimination" test created in Washington. Indeed, although the Washington opinion did not mention any dilution cases, it clearly contemplated a strictly "effect" test when a statute treats Blacks differently than Whites and race is the only differentiating criterion. "A statute, otherwise neutral on its face, must not be applied so as invidiously to discriminate on the basis of race." 426 U.S. at 241. Washington v. Davis and its progeny hold that, under most circumstances, "official action will not be held unconstitutional solely because it results in a racially disproportionate impact." Arlington Heights v . Metropolitan Bousing Development Corp., 45 U.S.L.W. 4073, 4077 (U.S. Jan. 11, 1977). But neither Washington v. Davis nor any other case has ever upheld a statutory scheme that treats Blacks differently than Whites and race, is the only basis of distinction. Plaintiffs’ position is commanded not only by logic, but by many election cases decided by this Court and the Supreme Court. From Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964), to the High Court's most recent election case, United Jewish Organiza tions v. Carey, 45 U.S.L.W. 4221 (U.S. March 1, 1977), the Supreme Court has never required any showing of intentional discrimination in order to prove unconstitutionality where -9- Blacks have shown differential treatment. The Court's position was clearly stated in the Reynolds case. The votes of one group cannot be overweighted, even when the suspect ground of race is not the distinguishing factor, because "the achieving of fair and effective representation for all citizens is . . . the basic aim of legislative apportionment." 377 U.S. at 565-66. "Simply stated, an individual's right to vote for state legislators is unconstitutionally impaired when its weight is in a substantial fashion diluted when compared with votes of citizens living in other parts of the state." Id. at 568. Of course, the decision in Reynolds rested in large part on the peculiarly important nature of the right to vote, a right jealously guarded by the courts and subject to abridgement only under the most compelling circumstances. No right is more precious in a free country than that of having a voice in the election of those who make the laws under which, as good citizens, we must live. Other rights, even the most basic, are illusory if the right to vote is undermined. Our Constitution leaves no room for classification of people in a way that unnecessarily abridges this right. Id. at 560. The Reynolds decision did not look to any alleged "purpose" of discrimination or to the motives of the legislature. Indeed, since the apportionment statutes in Reynolds stemmed from 1901 and since the character of the state of Alabama had changed so drastically during the intervening 60 years, the legislators of that era could not have conceived of the effects their ac tion could have produced in a later, urbanizing society. The absence of a discriminatory purpose was of no consequence to the Supreme Court. Id. at 567. -10- The Supreme Court's logic has been equally clear in any number of other reapportionment cases, including the early Georgia decision in Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964). It would be extraordinary to suggest that in such statewide [congressional] elections the votes of inhabitants of some parts of a State, for example, Georgia's thinly populated Ninth District, could be weighted at two or three times the value of the votes of people in more populous parts of the State, for example, the Fifth District around Atlanta. . . . . We do not believe that the Framers of the Constitution intended to permit the same vote-diluting discrimination to be accomplished through the device of districts containing widely varied numbers of inhabitants. To say that a vote is worth more in one district than in another would not only run counter to our fundamental ideas of democratic government, it would cast aside the principle of a House of Representatives elected "by the People," a principle tenaciously fought for and established at the constitutional conven tion. Id. at 8. The Court's reasoning is clear. Where a statute operates to give differential weight to different people's votes, the Constitution is violated without any further inquiry. And where race is the basis of the distinction, of course, the constitutional test is necessarily even more stringent. The Supreme Court’s indifference to motive and purpose in voting cases is proved again, outside the reapportionment context, in O'Brien v. Skinner, 414 U.S. 524 (1974). The Court there enjoined use of a provision governing absentee balloting that, in its effect, distinguished between two groups of pre-trial detainees. Those incarcerated in their own county could not vote by absentee ballot, while prisoners incarcerated outside their home county were eligible to use absentee ballots. Although no claim of purposeful discrimina- -11- tion against out-of-county detainees could have been seriously raised, the court proceeded to invalidate the restriction solely because of its effect. Even more recently, the Supreme Court has reaffirmed its long standing rule that classifications and differential treat ment among voters "must meet a stringent test of justification." Hill v. Stone, 421 U.S. 289, 298 (1975). This "stringent test" demands that the state prove a compelling interest to support the discriminatory treatment. Id. at 301. See also Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U.S. 330, 337 (1972) . And again, since the pre sent case involves racial discrimination, the constitutional demand for equality is at its highest level. The Supreme Court's many opinions concerning racial dilu tion in election cases reaffirms the position of Reynolds and Wesberry, that discriminatory effect alone is sufficient to invalidate the offensive statutory scheme. The first case in the Supreme Court attacking multi-member districts subsequent t° Reynolds -̂ was Fortson v. Dorsey, 379 U.S. 433 (1965). Although rejecting plaintiff's claim because of a lack of evidence, Fortson recognized the standard that was expanded later in White v. Regester and Zimmer v. McKeithen: In a companion case to Reynolds, the court declined to hold multi-member districts unconstitutional per se. Lucas v. Forty-Fourth General Assembly of Colorado, 377 U.S. 713 (1964). -12- It might well be that, designedly or other wise , a mutli-member constituency apportionment scheme, under the circumstances of a particular case, would operate to minimize or cancel out the voting strength of racial or political elements of the voting population. 379 U.S. at 439. The same standard was reaffirmed in Burns v. Richardson, 384 U.S. 73, 88 (1966), Dusch v. Davis, 387 U.S. 112 (1967), and Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 143-44 (1971), all cases lost for lack of proof of dilution. Then, in White v. Regester, the court upheld a dilution claim, again applying the basic standard enunciated first in Fortson. The plaintiffs' burden is to show that they "had less opportunity than did other re sidents in the district to 'participate in the political processes and to elect legislators of their choice." 4l2 U.S. at 766. The importance of the White decision for the present case, of course, is the total absence of any requirement of proving motive, intent or purpose. Indeed, as in Reynolds v. Sims, proof of motive and purpose probably could not be found since the offending provision dated back decades. The Texas counties involved in White had used at-large voting since at least 1914, Paige v. Gray, 538 F.2d 1109, 1111 (5th Cir. 1976), a time when Blacks were disfranchised through much cruder methods than at-large and multi-member districts. Since Blacks were generally not able to vote at all, there would have been some difficulty in concluding that the multi-member districts in White were created with a discriminatory purpose in mind. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court was not detered by the absence of discrimina tory purpose or intent. The trial court's decision in the instant appeal is flatly contrary to the holding in White. -13 The facts of White well illustrate the absurd results that would follow if defendants' view of the law here were correct. First, since most local charters date back decades or more, purpose and intent would be illusive or utterly impossible to establish. Second, the rights of both Black and White citizens would be dependent upon the unrelated actions of legislators who have long passed away. To effectively immunize jurisdic tions, such as Thomas County, that have long had at-large elec tion would produce a kind of bizarre "grandfathering" no less foolish and discriminatory than the schemes struck down in Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347.(1915), and Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268 (1939). Third, it would be entirely irrational to allow one jurisdiction to prevail in a dilution case because there is proof of "purpose", where Blacks in the next county are subject to identical discrimination but have no "purpose" or "motive" evidence. These very undesirable possibilities are precluded by the Supreme Court's decision in White v. Regester, which adopts an effect test. The Fifth Circuit, too, has repeatedly affirmed the effect test, both before and after the Washington v. Davis decision. Paige v. Gray, supra, involved a 1947 charter amendment in Albany, Georgia, which switched the city from ward to at-large elections. This court refused to re quire a showing of purpose or motive and remanded instead for an evaluation under Zimmer's effect test. 538 F.2d at 1110. This Circuit has also reaffirmed Zimmer's effect test in at least two other cases decided after Washington v. Davis. -14- McGill v. Gadsden County Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976); Nevett v. Sides, 533 F.2d 1361 (5th Cir. 1976). Paige, McGill and Nevett should absolutely control the present case. There is no room whatsoever for the position taken by the District Court here. Whatever the eventual scope of Washington v. Davis, its purpose and intent requirement have no role in dilution cases. B . Discriminatory Purpose and Motive need not be shown in an Action under 42 U.S.C. §§1971(a) (1) or 1973. The equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment prohibits the states from denying "any person within [their] jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." The Fifteenth Amendment provides that the "right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged . . . on account of race." While plaintiffs have clearly shown that these pro visions prohibit discriminatory at-large systems, regardless of purpose or intent, the same result could be reached on a statu tory basis. In addition to their constitutional claims, plain tiffs have plead and relied on 42 U.S.C. §§1971(a)(1) and 1973. (App.l-7). Plantiffs are entitled to prevail on the basis of these laws independent of any constitutional basis for relief. Even if the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments required a showing of purposeful discrimination, it is indisputable that Congress has the power to provide, by legislation, greater protection than exists by the force of the Constitution itself. South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301 (1966). In parti- -15- cular, it is clear that Congress has the power to omit any re quirement of "purposeful discrimination" from the civil rights acts. Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U.S. 424, 432 (1971); Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 45 U.S.L.W. at 4078-79. Sections 1971(a)(1) and 1973 have that very effect, for neither requires proof of purpose or intent. Section 1971(a) (1) provides that citizens "shall be en titled and allowed to vote . . . without distinction of race." Section 1973 states that, "No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State . . . to deny or abridge the right . . . to vote on account of race or color." Under the rule of construc tion the Supreme Court historically has applied to Congress' civil rights acts, which is a rule of liberal and expansive interpretation, no showing of purpose should be required under either of these laws. The language of these statutes is much more "effect oriented", for example, than is section 706(g) of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. §2000e-5(g). Section 706(g) requires a finding, in an employment discri mination case, "that the respondent has intentionally engaged in or is intentionally engaging in an unlawful employment practice." Nevertheless, the courts have uniformly interpreted this provision as requiring no more than the occurrence of discrimination as a matter of fact, regardless of motive. Griggs v. Duke Power Co., supra. The requirement of intent has been narrowly construed to provide employers with a defense in the event of accidental or inadvertent discrimina tion, but nothing more. Local 189, Papermakers v. United -16- States, 416 F .2d 980, 996 (5th Cir. 1969), cert, denied, 397 U.S. 919 (1970). Given such a liberal construction of a provision like 706(g), proof of the kind of discrimination present in a dilution case must satisfy sections 1971(a) (1) and 1973. There is no basis for engrafting a burdensome requirement of proving invidious racial motivations as well. That section 1973 imposes a simple effect test is especially evident from the legislative origin of that statute. Section 1973 was enacted as section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The purpose of that Act was to arrest the pervasive racial discrimination that had dominated voting in the South since Reconstruction. The prohibitions of the Constitution and other statutes had proved far too weak, and Congress concluded that strong new powers were necessary to create an effective remedy. South Carolina v. Katzenbach, supra. It is undisputed that the Voting Rights Act generally, and section 5 in particular, 42 U.S.C. §1973c, prohibit practices whenever their effect is discriminatory. Intent is not a required element of proof. United Jewish Organiza tions v. Carey, 45 U.S.L.W. at 4225. Yet the general "coverage clause" of both sections 2 and 5 are the same. They both regulate any "voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure." The language is identical in both sections, and there is no reason to imply that Congress intended their substantive coverage to be different. The rules of construction alone, such as the -17- requirement of construing statutes in pari materia, demand that the two sections be read to have the: same meaning since their origin and language are the same. Section 1973 provides that no device "shall be imposed or applied" to deny or abridge the right to vote on account of race. This language clearly points to an effect test. More over, a different reading would produce strange and undesir able results. Since section 5 covers only post-1965 amend ments, a different interpretation of section 2 would produce completely different substantive standards for laws enacted before and after that date. Identical laws in similar communities would be treated differently in the courts where one was older than the other. Anomalies of that sort should be avoided in any area of the law, but they would be especially intolerable here because the public's right to vote is involved, and that right must be treated more judiciously than all others. In deed, to apply different substantive standards in adjacent counties would fly in the face of years of reapportionment decisions which rest entirely on the obligation of the courts to insure that voters in all areas are treated alike. Reynolds v. Sims, supra. This Court has come to the same conclusion. In Toney v. White, 476 F.2d 203 (5th Cir. 1973), plaintiffs challenged discriminatory election practices on both statutory and consti tutional grounds. The court held that any intent to discriminate was irrelevant: The Civil Rights Act of 1870, as amended, 42 U.S.C. §1971 (a) forbids any distinctions based on race in 18- the voting process. And Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. &1973, prohibits im position of any practice or procedure which has the effect of denying or abridging the right of any citizen to vote on account of race or color. Id. at 207. This reasoning, of course, was subsequently affirmed by the Fifth Circuit en banc, 488 F.2d 310 (5th Cir. 1973), and only one judge, Judge Gee, expressed any reservation about the adoption of a pure effect test. 488 F .2d at 316-17. Judge Gee's concurence makes it absolutely clear that the en banc decision of the court was based on the conclusion that effect alone was sufficient to prove voting discrimination. Id. See also Gremillion v. Rinaudo, 325 F.Supp. 375, 377 (E.D. La. 1971). Thus, whatever the effect of Washington v. Davis on consti tutional litigation, it is always within the power of Congress to enact more powerful legislation, legislation independent of motive. That has occurred here, and these statutes provide an independent basis for reversing the District Court. II. PLAINTIFFS ARE ENTITLED TO AN ORDER INSTITUTING THE REAPPORTIONMENT PLAN PRESENTED IN THE DISTRICT COURT. A. The White v. Regester Test Was Satisfied In This Case. Under the White v. Regester decision, at-large elections are unconstitutional where Blacks have not had an equal chance to participate in the political process and elect representa tives of their choice. Based on the standards set forth in the White case, and elaborated in subsequent Fifth Circuit -19- decisions, there can be no question but that the Thomas County election system is discriminatory. Black citizens of Thomas County have never had equal access to the political system, they continue to be denied equal access, and they will be denied access until a reapportionment plan is instituted by court order. The evidence of dilution is voluminous and, for the most part, completely undisputed. 1. Historical state discrimination affecting the right to vote. The history of Georgia's efforts to negate the poli tical power of Blacks is well known. The State and its poli tical subdivisions have used both legal devices and extralegal actions to accomplish this goal. Following the first election during Reconstruction where Blacks were allowed to vote in Georgia, April 20, 1868, twenty-eight Blacks were elected to the Georgia General Assembly. But on September 3rd, the House of Representatives adopted a resolution expelling twenty-five Black members on the theory that they were not privileged to hold office in the State. R. Wardlaw, Negro Suffrage In Georgia, 1867-1930, 33 Bull. Univ. Ga. No. 22 at 7 (1932). Some of these individuals were ultimately seated when the legislature met on January 10, 1870, pursuant to a general reorganization. Disfranchisement began promptly, however, and by 1972 only four Black representatives were elected, and no Black senators. Id. at 33. The election of a Democrat to the governorship of Georgia in 1872 signaled the decline of Reconstruction and the beginning of the end of Black political power in Georgia. See Atlanta Constitution, October 13, 1872. -20- Various legal schemes were enacted early on in an effort to circumvent the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. For example, on February 24, 1873, the Georgia General Assembly passed an act to increase residency requirements in the counties from 30 days to six months. Because of slavery few Blacks were land owners, and Blacks inevitably tended to be more mobile for that reason. The increased residency requirement had a clearly racial purpose and effect. R. Wardlaw, supra, at 37. Georgia also adopted the "Mississippi solution" at its 1908 State Constitutional Convention. The Mississippi solution was to disfranchise voters for various reasons, that, although neutral on their face, had a strong racial effect. Both the purpose and effect of this approach was described by the Mississippi Supreme Court in Ratliff v. Beale, 74 Miss. 247, 266-67, 20 So. 865, 868 (1896). Indeed, the 1908 Constitutional provision was blatantly discriminatory on its face, since it contained grandfather clauses similar in effect to those struck down in Guinn v. United States, supra. For those who could not satisfy the grandfather provisions, qualification was possible if they were "of good character" and could "understand the duties and obligations of citizenship". Another provision established the literacy test barrier. Both of these, of course, were administered discriminatorily by hostile White registrars. Finally, subdivision 5 of the 1908 Act required ownership of sub stantial land as a condition for voting. Given their dis -21- advantaged economic position, few Blacks could qualify under that provision. R. Wardlaw, supra at 62-63. The most powerful method of legal discrimination, of course, was the White primary. This was in effect everywhere in the State by rule of the democratic party, and it excluded all Blacks from any meaningful participation in the political process. The White primary in Georgia was not struck down by the courts, until 1946. Chapman v. King, 134 F.2d 460 (5th Cir.), cert, denied, 327 U.S. 800 (1946). With the outlawing of the White primary, the State again turned its attention to the literacy test as the means of discrimination. The legislature enacted a law in 1949 re quiring re-registration of all voters, and the registrants were required to read and write or to answer ten of thirty different questions. Ga. L. 1949, at 1204-27. Because the re-registration requirement was also burdensome to many Whites, a new act was passed in 1950 grandfathering in those persons who had already registered before the White primary was struck down. Ga. L. 1950, at 126-31. The Registration Act of 1958 was eventually passed with strict new require ments for those who could not read and write. Illiterates were required to answer 20 of 30 questions, some of which were sufficiently difficult to avoid even well-educated people. See generally, Brend & Holland, Recent Restrictions Upon Negro Suffrage: The Case of Georgia, 21 J. Politics 487 (1959). The use of literacy tests, with their discriminatory pur pose and effect, was not suspended in Georgia until passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. -22- 2. Registration Discrimination in Thomas County. Ac- cording to the records of the Secretary of State, these various devises were very effective in Thomas County. Although the total population of the county was about 40% Black, only 15.8% of the county's registered voters were Black in 1958. (PI. Ex. 5.) This past history of discrimination, of course, is entitled to substantial weight even if the discriminatory practices have been discontinued. Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d at 1307. But in Thomas County and in Georgia generally, discriminatory practices have by no means been discontinued. There are still statewide legal barriers, one of which is the State's prohibition on house-to-house voter registration. Georgia only allows registration by the Registrar, or by a Deputy Registrar, at a fixed physical location. Ga. Code §34-610(a). This seriously impedes registration drives, and it is especially inhibiting for the many poor, rural Blacks without transportation. (App. 20, 45 ). Not a single one of the county commissioners could testify to any effort that they had ever made to increase voter registration in the county. Indeed, they were completely unconcerned and un interested in the voter registration problem. (See, e.g., Hancock Depo. at 16-17; Parrish Depo. at 19; Clark Depo. at 19-21; Hay Depo. at 31-32.) Neither the commissioners nor the other county officials could testify to a commitment to aggressive voter registration, and they felt registration was adequately taken care of by the League of Women Voters. (See generally, Vann Depo.) But a representative from the League testified that their efforts were minimal and that 23- they never reached a large segment of the Thomas County community. In particular, "we have had relatively little effect on rural registration in the county. . . . and many rural Blacks, many of whom may never have been registered in their lives, are also untouched by our work." (App.45 .} The present restrictions on voter registration in Thomas County are particularly persuasive when compared to much milder evidence deemed relevant by other courts. See, e.g., Graves v. Barnes, 378 F.Supp. 640, 656-57 (W.D. Tex. 1974) (3 Judge Court), remanded for mootness, 422 U.S. 935 (1975). The difficulty in registering is compounded by the county's biennial purge of people who have not voted recently. This too is dictated by a State law of general application, and little justification. Ga. Code §34-620. Purging particularly increases the burden on poor rural Blacks who have a difficult time re registering. And since Blacks often do not vote in the absence of a Black candidate in a particular election — because White candidates are simply so unresponsive that one is little more preferable than the other to the Black voter -- many Blacks are purged soon after registering. (App. 20.) In addition to these legal barriers to voter participation, there has been outright intimidation and the threat of violence, even since passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In 1968, one Black man "had gone into the Barwick area with some other people to get a busload of residents of the Barwick area and bring them to Thomasville to register them. [They] were driven off by armed Whites who physically threatened [them]." (App. 19 .) This man and his companions returned to the Barwick area -24- later on with their own weapons, but when they arrived, "only one person of the original group of Blacks who were to register still had the courage to come forward and go to Thomasville." (App. 19 - 20.) Physical intimidation has been combined with economic sanctions. "Not many years ago it was common, if a Black in a rural part of the county registered to vote, for him to be thrown off his landlord's property." (App. 19) The sum effect of these factors is easily predictable. Only about 4,023 Blacks are registered to vote in Thomas County out of a total of 14,977 registered voters, which amounts to 26.9%. (App. 29, 43, 47.) This figure compares to the total Black population, according to the 1970 census, of 39.7%. (PI. Ex. 18.) Of course, this Court has already concluded that low registration among Blacks is deemed evidence of the continuing effects of past discrimination and a lack of equal access to the political system. 485 F.2d at 1306. In addition to this presumption, the evidence presented by plaintiffs clearly shows that the present system still remains actively discri minatory. Indeed, at no time have defendants offered any con- trary explanation for the differential registration rates. 2. At trial, plaintiff intended to present further testimony of the continuing effect of past discrimination. The testimony was to show the high degree of alienation that some Blacks in Thomas County still feel because of the past and present discrimination, which leaves them dis inclined to register. This testimony was to be presented through a Black man who had recently worked in a registra tion drive. He was going to testify to statements by Black residents that indicated their present state of mind. The trial court erroneously ruled this evidence of the state of mind inadmissible hearsay. Fed. R. Evid. 803(3). The trial court even refused to allow counsel to make the required offer of proof. (T. 75.) 3. Past elections. Thomas County provides what some political scientists have termed the "traditional southern rural model" of elections. The campaign is largely word of mouth, issues are usually unimportant, and winning is generally based on personalities and long-standing personal preferences towards friends. (Hancock Depo. at 9-11; Clark Depo. at 15-18; Parrish Depo. at 4-6; Hay Depo. 5-6). The racial effect of such election patterns is overwhelming for Black people. Since the county was segregated by law until recently, Blacks and Whites rarely intermingled and there was no opportunity for Whites to know Blacks. Indeed, since school desegration occurred in Thomas County only a few years ago (App.26 ), there is still no one who has grown up entirely in an integrated school system in Thomas County. Moreover, segregation in all aspects of social and private life re mains to this day. (App. 18-19 )- Given the present segrega tion and the fact that elections turn on personal friendship and contacts, the Black minority cannot possibly command equal political access in an at-large election. The problem of segregation, of course, goes much deeper than this. Since the effect of segregation is to create and re-enforce racist attitudes, Black candidates cannot hope to obtain many White votes even when they are more qualified than their White opponents. Dramatic proof of the racist atti tudes of many Thomas County voters can be seen in the election returns from J. B. Stoner's 1974 statewide race. Stoner ran for Lieutenant Governor on a promise to "take the fear of -26- black savages out of White people, and put it back into the blacks, where it belongs." (PI. Ex. 47.) These racist posi tions allowed him to run either first or second in nearly every Thomas County precinct, outside the City of Thomasville, in a field of ten candidates. Even in the predominantly White precincts in and around Thomasville, Stoner received a substantial vote. (PI. Ex. 16.) Racial attitudes in the county have other inhibitory election consequences. For one thing, no White has ever run who has supported positions that were generally satisfactory to the Black community. When Blacks do choose between White candidates, they are simply voting for the "lesser of two evils". (App.20 .) Racial attitudes preclude the possibility of effective Black/White coalitions, and Black candidates cannot even campaign in some areas of the county without fear of bodily harm. (Thomas Depo. at 36-37.) The substantial vote for Stoner clearly shows that the fear of Black candidates to campaign in certain areas is justified. One of the White defendants here was relatively candid about the racial attitudes than preclude effective Black political action. Commissioner Tuck testified that in Thomas County: There's some people thats been hell bent against Negroes; why, I don't know. I never studied the research on that particular program. But you can mention the name, even if you was going to loan him money, they just . . . some people get jittery. They are just disturbed in that way. (Tuck Depo. at 12.) Tuck also testified to the obvious fact that the problem is one of indoctrination and socialization from generation to generation. 27- "Now where they don't take their offsprings and indoctrinate them against the coloreds, then you will be able to infiltrate without any problem." Id. Election results in Thomas County and in Thomasville confirm these facts. Because of racial bloc voting, no Black has ever won a county commission race or any other elected county office. Nor has a Black ever been the nominee of a political party for any such office. A total of two Blacks have run for the county commission, and one other Black has run for the office of Justice of the Peace. (App. 21.) In the races for county commission, the precinct returns show clear racial bloc voting since the vote received by Black candidates correlates in each precinct to. the percentage of registered Black voters. In those precincts with few Blacks, the Black candidates received virtually no votes. (PI. Ex. 1; App. 29, 43, 47.) Both of the Black candidates for county commission were defeated in the democratic primary and never reached the general election. Georgia law requires primaries of this sort for county office, and the exact kind of slating shown in White v. Regester does not occur here. Ga. Code §34- 1001. However, the discriminatory effect is no different here because control over the primaries rests in the hands of the White majority that plaintiffs have shown will not vote for Black candidates. Indeed, the difference between Thomas County and the Texas counties parallels the distinction between the traditional White primary and Texas' Jaybird 28- primary. Compare Terry v . Adams, 345 U.S. 461 (1953) with Smith v. Allwright, 321 U.S. 649 (1944). And the Supremo Court held, in those cases, that the distinct ion was one without legal significance. The crucial fact is whether the State allows a nomination process that discriminates against Black voters. Defendants have suggested that plaintiffs' case is weakened because relatively few Blacks have run for county office. But this court has held that the absence of elected Black officials is the key element of proof, even where no Blacks have ever run. E.g., Turner v. McKeithen, 490 F.2d 191, 195 n. 15 (5th Cir. 1973) . Indeed, the absence of Black candidates, like the absence of Black registered voters, is simply proof of the continuing effects of past discrimination. See Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F. 2d at 1306. More importantly, many Blacks have run for office in the City of Thomasville, and those elections are very relevant proof in the present case. Since Blacks comprise a greater percentage of the registered voters in the city than in the county at-large (App. 29, 43, 47 ) , the failure to elect Blacks to city offices is compelling evidence of the impossibility of winning a countywide race. In city races, Blacks have run for office (school board, city commission, or both) in every election since 1965. A total of twelve Blacks ran between 1965 and 1973, and none were suc cessful. (App. 21 ? PI. Ex. 2). In 1975, the first Black was elected to a Thomasville office when William A. Morris won -29 - a seat on the city school board. His election is further evidence that the Thomas County system is discriminatory, because Mr. Morris was elected under a system which no longer requires either a majority vote or numbered posts. (App. 26-27) Finally, the evidence is undisputed that Blacks have not run more often for county office because they know full well that the chance of success for a Black candidate is extremely low, or nonexistent, in comparison with the chance of success of a White opponent. (App.22 ; Mullins Depo. at 20). Thus, the at-large system acts as a strong and active deterent to Black participation in the political system. 4. Other discriminatory election features. In addition to the at-large voting requirement, there are other requirements in Thomas County that dilute the voting strength of Blacks. These should be considered by the Court as further evidence of the overall discriminatory effect of the county election system. Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d at 1305; Turner v. McKeithen, 490 F.2d at 196. These requirements are the majority vote rule and what is effectively a numbered-post system. Majority vote is required by state law, Ga. Code §34-1513, and many cases have recognized the discriminatory effect of this requirement when added to an at-large election system. E.g., White v. Regester, 412 U.S. at 766. A numbered-post system is also discriminatory because it requires all Black candidates to run "head on head" against 30- White opponents. E.g., White v. Regester, 412 U.S. at 766; Pitts v. Busbee, 395 F.Supp. 35, 40 (N.P. G.i. 1975), vacated on other grounds, 536 F .2d 56 {5th Cir. 197b). 5- State policy. The Fifth Circuit has stated that a strong state policy in favor of at-large elections may weigh in favor of the constitutionality of systems. 485 F.2d at 1305. Although that logic may well be undercut by subsequent Supreme Court decisions and by this Court's decision in Wallace v. House, 538 F.2d 1138, 1140 (5th Cir. 1976), state policy is not a factor in this case in any event. In Georgia, there is no policy favoring at-large elections in local government. County commissions are established by local legislation; there is no general statewide law that in any way pertains to the issue of at-large versus district elections. Thus, historical state policy provides the defendants with no supportive evidence here. See also, Pitts v. Busbee, 395 F.Supp. at 39. 3 Six of the geographical residency districts in Thomas County have one commissioner each, so each of these operates exactly like a numbered-post system. The Thomasville district has two commissioners but they run in alternate elections, so these seats are also like numbered posts. Finally, there are two representatives from the Boston- Metcalf area, but by tradition and electoral practice these two seats have always been split, one for Boston and one for Metcalf. (Parrish Depo. at 17-18). Thus, all eight commission seats operate like a numbered-post system. -31- 6. Department of Justice findings under Section 5. As pointed out above, William Morris is the first Black elected to a Thomasville or Thomas County office, and he was elected to the city school board. Prior to the effective date of section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. §1973c, members of the Thomasville City School Board were elected without either numbered posts or a majority vote requirement. The candidates would simply run and the top vote receivers were the winners. The General Assembly attempted to change this system in 1968 to require that a candidate run for a specific numbered post and to require that he or she receive a majority vote in order to win. Ga. L. 1968, Act 765. When this Act was finally submitted to the Attorney General under section 5, he entered an objection because of the discriminatory effect of the numbered-post and majority-vote features. This objection was entered on August 24, 1972. The General Assembly attempted a similar change in the school board in the 1973 session. Ga. L. 1973, Act 418. This Act was also objected to, by letter dated August 27, 1973. (App. 35-39) This administrative finding by the United States Attorney General provides further evidence of discrimination in the present case. If a numbered—post, majority—vote system is discriminatory in the City of Thomasville, a similar at-large system in the entire county is necessarily even more discri minatory because of the lower level of Black voter registration -32- in the rural areas and because of the greater levels of segrega tion and racist attitudes that persist in those areas. And of course, the at-large feature itself is far more discriminatory in its effect than the numbered-post or majority-vote require ments objected to by the Department of Justice. It is the at-large system which places political control in the White majority. The numbered post and majority vote requirements are merely additional devices that further shore up dis- 4crimination under the at-large system. Moreover, it is important to consider the fact that the numbered-post, majority-vote system for a school board election was used illegally until 1975. Section 5 prohibits the enforce ment of any voting change absent prior approval. Allen v. State Board of Elections, 393 U.S. 544 (1969). Nevertheless, the school board elections were conducted under the illegal system in both 1969 and 1971. (PI. Ex. 2.) The discriminatory effect of using the illegal system is apparent from the 1969 school board returns. Elijah Hill, Jr. was the leading candidate in the general election for the Board of Education, Post 1, but he was subsequently defeated in the run-off. (PI. Ex. 2.) Mr. Hill would thus have been elected in 1969, and he would have been the first Black elected to office of any sort in that County, had the school board election been conducted in con formity with the requirements of the Voting Rights Act. 4. The relative degree of discrimination under the county system is also enhanced by the much greater geographical area the candidates must campaign in compared to Thomasville City elections. Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d at 1305. -33- While the City school board is a distinct entity from the County Commission, this recent example of Illegal and dis criminatory elections in the County is certainly relevant evidence of voting discrimination in the present case. 7. Racial Campaign Tactics. A number of related decisions, including White v. Regester, indicate that evidence of racial campaign tactics provides indirect evidence by which the Court can infer that the effect of an at-large system is discriminatory. Because of the overwhelming direct evidence of discrimination under the at-large system, plaintiffs doubt that there should be much significance placed on racial cam paign tactics in this case. Nevertheless, since other decisions do rely on such evidence, counsel will point to some of the evidence in the record here that pertains to this aspect of proof. In the past in Thomas County, local elections had overtly racial appeals to White voters. (App. 28 ) More importantly, even to the present day, the evidence reveals that there has been no instance of a White candidate "ever taking a pro integration stand or favoring the Black position in any [contro versial] issues involving race." (App.20) The fact that a White candidate could not openly embrace Black support and Black positions, of course, is just as much evidence of unequal political access as would be directly racial overtures during a campaign. As late as 1974 J. B. Stoner ran a purely racist campaign for Lieutenant Governor. He ran State-wide and in Thomas County both. Stoner ran racist advertisements in the media -34 and distributed materials in Thomas County (App. 25.) 8. Discriminatory district alignments. In addition to challenging the Thomas County election system because it is an at-large system, count two of plaintiffs' complaint alleges that the district lines are drawn in a way that violates the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The Supreme Court has recognized that residential requirements can be established in an at-large election system in such a way that a segment of the electorate might be subjected to "invidious discrimination." Dallas County v. Reese, 421 U.S. 477 (1975). Invidious discri mination of that sort is present here. The number of registered voters, by race, in each district, were obtained and introduced into evidence. (App.29, 43, 47) The election district boundaries correspond precisely to the county commission residency districts, except that certain residency districts represent the sum of more than one election district. Thus, it was possible to determine the number of registered voters, by race, for each commission residency district, and those figures are as follows:^ REGISTERED VOTERS COMMISSION DISTRICT White Black Thomasville Division 6,524 3,394 Boston 873 222 Metcalf 161 24 Coolidge-Merrillville-Ellabelle 775 152 Ochlocknee 514 69 Pavo-Ways-Barwick 797 102 Meigs 480 60 ^The Thomasville Division is a total of the East Side Balfour, Jerger, Harper and Outside Thomasville election districts. -35- This district breakdown shows that very few registered Black voters live in the rural election districts. In three of the six rural districts, there are fewer than 70 registered Blacks. In two of the others, there are just over 100. Only in the Boston district are there over 200. The significance of these figures is obvious. Since there are so few potential Black candidates living in these districts, it is relatively certainly that Whites will rarely be opposed by Blacks and that Whites will win these posts. That, of course, is precisely what has happened, ahd it is completely supported by defendant's own testimony. Several of the commissioners testified to the obvious fact that a fair degree of independence, financial and otherwise, is necessary in order to serve as an effective commissioner because the job pays virtually nothing and requires a good deal of time. Black candidates must also be independent of the control of White employers if they are to be able to enter the political arena unrestricted. The defendants also testified that they could think of few, if any, Blacks in their election district who had the requisite time and independence to be able to serve as commissioner, at least without making undue personal sacrifices. (Davis depo. at 118; Bannister depo. at 14-16; Parrish depo. at 18-19) Thus, the system as presently apportioned gives Blacks a reasonable opportunity to field candidates in only a small fraction of the districts. Black candidates are largely restricted to the Thomasville division, which contains eighty-four per cent (84%) of the Black voters in the County, but only two -36- of the eight county commissioners. As a practical matter, Blacks tend to be precluded from six of eight, or sevenly-f iv< • percent (75%) of the districts, even before the other mechanisms of dilution take effect. An apportionment structure that operates this way clearly provides additional evidence of discrimination and dilution under plaintiffs' White v. Regester claim. Plaintiffs have also asserted throughout this case that this apportionment structure constitutes "invidious discrimination" in its own right because it is drawn in such a way that Black candidates have realistic access to disproportionately few elections sposts in tne County Dallas County v. Reese, supra. This constitutional theory provides an alternative ground for reversing the judgment of the District Court and invalidating the election system in Thomas County. The relief would be the same under this theory, reappor tionment into equally populated districts where the candidates run only within their district. This would be required because of the "rule of preference" that applies in all reappor tionment cases, regardless of whether racial discrimination has been proven, for single-member districts. East Carroll Parrish v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976); Paige v. Gray, 538 F.2d 1108, 1111-13 (5th Cir. 1976). 9. General Discrimination and Segregation. Thomas County has a history of thorough segregation in its schools, in the courthouse, in public businesses and in social and priviate life as well. Many of the technical barriers to segregation 37- have been formally eliminated because of the civil rights laws, but much still remains as a matter of fact. (App. 18-19) This is further evidence of the present lack of access to the political system. 485 F.2d at 1306. Plaintiffs have pointed out the importance of continuing segregation in private and social life in Thomas County. Because elections depend upon personal contacts and friendships, the Black minority in the County will necessarily remain at a disadvantage as long as at-large elections are maintained in the segregated environment that exists. This environment of segregation, of course, is intimately connected to the past discrimination and segregation that has been imposed by the State and the various agencies of local government. Even to this day, for example, the public housing authorities in Thomas County are nearly as segregated as they were when Brown v. Board of Education was decided by the Supreme Court in 1954. (PI. Ex. 14) Similarly, present housing segregation is closely related to the County's history of school segregation. Both Black and White parents naturally located near their respective schools, and this inevitably created and reinforced segregated housing patterns. These are simply some of the examples of the connection between present racial attitudes and segregation and past discrimination by local government. -38- Turner v. McKeithen, 490 F.2d at 195- Moreover, unresponsiveness is really just an indirect method of proving that the political system does not afford Blacks equal access. It is evidence that the Black electorate cannot extract from the candidates commit ments in proportion to the number of Blacks in the County. Such indirect evidence of non-access is hardly necessary here because the plaintiffs have proved unequal access by overwhelming direct evidence. Nevertheless, plaintiffs have also produced clear and uncontradicted evidence of unresponsiveness in this case. (1) Possibly the most glaring fact of unresponsiveness is the attitude of every single defendant in this case. With the end of the Civil War, Blacks in Thomas County were neces sarily propertyless and poor. One hundred years later, Blacks in Thomas County are still far from attaining equality with their White counterparts. The extensive Census information produced in this case by plaintiffs shows that Blacks suffer deprivations across the social and economic scale. (PI. Exs. 20-39) This difference can be explained solely by slavery and the continuing discrimination that has existed since that time. Yet defendants expressed complete indifference to these obvious needs and interests of the Black community. Indeed, some of the defendants professed ignorance of the relative deprivations faced by Black citizens of the County. (Bannister depo. at 19) Although defendants have suggested that they have no power to alleviate any of the difficulties that may exist for Blacks, -39- The record in this case is replete with other examples of discrimination in the County that supplement the general testimony concerning present day segreation. Among these is the sale of a public school to a group of Whites, at a nominal sum, to be used as a private school when integration was finally required a few years ago. (Davis depo. at 128-33). Public housing was actively segregated in the County, as evidenced by the testimony of one of the defendants who also serves as the Housing Authority Commissioner in the City of Boston. The projects maintain their racial identity to this day. When questioned whether there was only one housing project in Boston, Defendant Hancock testified, "No. We have two; a White and a Colored." (Hancock depo. at 18.) Defendant Tuck testified to the strong resistance of Whites to the appointment of a Black to the very important area planning and development commission. Only with hard persuasion by him and another member of the APDC, plus an order from the authorities in Atlanta, did a Black get appointed to that position. (Tuck depo. at 7-8). Also, Ku Klux Klan activity persisted until fairly recently, when their activities were replaced by the actions of "White citizens' councils." (App.19). 10. Responsiveness. The only remaining area of proof is whether the county commission has been responsive to Black interests. Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d at 1305-07. Of course, this Court has recognized that proof of unresponsiveness is not a necessary element of plaintiffs' case, in part because it is often difficult to present relevant evidence. Id. at 1306-07. -40- the evidence is to the contrary. First, as the political leaders of the county, they should have been working to minimize discrimination and racist attitudes. The contrary is true. No effort has ever been made by the county commis sioners , for example, to encourage equal opportunity hiring by county government, an area which is particularly within their responsibility. In the recent push to provide a publicly supported junior college in the county, which would admittedly be of particularly great interest and benefit to the Black community (Hay depo. at 14-15, 24), the county commissioners were generally opposed to the idea because it would increase the property owners' tax burden. (Bannister depo. at 10-12; Parrish depo at 23-24). Of course, as the Census exhibits show, the property owners who would have been paying for the college are overwhelmingly White. Even the commissioners who supported the junior college merely pushed to submit the idea to a referendum (Mitchell depo. at 10-11), but that just left the fate of the college in the hands of the same White majority that has shown little sympathy for any program of predominant benefit to the Black community. The County also could have made efforts to seek federal assistance to alleviate the economic problems that affect Black citizens. Over the years, however, the county has taken virtually no action in this direction. For example, a county housing authority was not established until federal funds were no longer available. (Davis depo. at 32-35) The few federal grants applied for by the county have had little -41- or no relevance to the lives of the many poor Blacks living there. (Jones depo., April 29, 1976). Indeed, the county commission has been so unresponsive that Black residents have tried to do the county's work for it and arrange federal grants for the area on their own. These efforts, too, have been stimied by unresponsive officials.(App, 30-32; PI. Ex. 7, 8) (2) Unresponsiveness is also shown by the simple fact that county facilities were maintained on a segregated basis until recently. The courthouse sign for the "Colored Restroom" was not even removed until 1968. (App.18) (3) The appointments made by the county commissioners to various boards and offices have been grossly discriminatory. Over the past ten years, the evidence shows that a total of 61 people were either appointed by the county commission, or recommended by the county for appointment by another authority. And it is undisputed that there are Blacks in Thomas County that are qualified for any job or position in the County. (Hancock depo. at 23-25) The names of appointees were gotten through personal contacts, and this procedure naturally produced a predominantly White group given the segregation in the county. Of these 61 people only six were Black (Jones depo. at 20-21, 35-36), and of these six, three were appointed to the newly created county housing authority which never, functioned for lack of funds. (Davis depo. at 32-35). Of the remaining three Black appointees, two were from the very same family (the Mclvers) . -42- One of the most important appointments made by the commission in recent years has been the appointment of a successor to a vacant seat on the commission. Defendant Hancock was appointed to this position. Notwithstanding the historical exclusion of Blacks from public office and the obvious need for Black representation, the commission chose a White to fill the unexpired term. There is no issue here of the "qualifications" for the position. Defendant Hancock himself admits that he was completely uninterested in politics, that he had no idea how his name could have come up, and that he had no qualifications that any other citizen would not have had. (Hancock depo. 3-5) Hancock was subsequently reelected in 1972. (Id. at 6). (4) Employment discrimination is equally serious. Of the iOl people whose salaries are paid in whole or in part by the 5 County, only twenty are Black. Everyone in a position to hire, fire or promote is White. Blacks occupy the lowest jobs. Of the twenty Blacks employed, five are maids or janitors, and no White works as a maid or janitor. (Fielding and Jones depo. at 6 20). There is no set procedure for hiring and deciding job qualifications; everything is done on a subjective basis. Most hiring is by word-of-mouth when openings occur; only rarely is a job advertised. (Id. at 37-63). The county commissioners have never taken any steps to encourage equal opportunity in the hiring process. (id. at 79) . ^These figures exclude all elected officials and the five White court reporters, who are paid by the piece. -43 - In the rare case where a Black was hired into a traditionally White job, he was approved only after special scrutiny. Defendant Davis testified that the commissioners do not personally review the choice of deputies by the county sheriff. (Davis depo. at 40ff) But when the first (and only) Black was hired as a deputy, the commission specifically discussed whether hiring a Black was appropriate. (Pis. Ex. 6) Thus, special burdensome procedures were expressly used in hiring this Black person into a position of responsibility. The evidence of employment practices in Thomas County, established from defendants1 own testimony and admissions, clearly amounts to an overwhelming Title VII case. Rodriquez v. East Texas Motor Freight, 505 F.2d 40 (5th Cir. 1974) A typical example of the closed, subjective, and discrimina tory hiring practices occurred during the summer of 1974 in the county tax office. At least a dozen assistants were hired that summer, and they were all White. No qualifications were required for the work they performed.(T.80-81) In another example, a Black man applied to work in the tax appraiser's office, which historically has been all White, and he was told that he would have to own real property in the county to obtain a job. (T.90) No such qualification exists in fact. (T.84). This man happened to be very well educated for the appraiser job he was seeking, since he had a Master's degree and only a high school ducation was required.(T.89-90) Again, the continuing effects of segregation are evident in the testimony of the chief tax appraiser who was responsible for hiring. Although he testified that he advertised a position in the Times Enterprise, a White-owned county newspaper, he did not place a similar ad in the county's Black newspaper. He was not even aware that such a paper existed. (T.88-89) (5) There are instances in the County where roads are paved in a discriminatory fashion. In some cases, roads are paved right past the last White residence, and then they turn to dirt where Black residents live. In other cases where the county had to pave a route between two locations the commissioners opted to pave the road on which Whites pre dominated rather than a similar or better route where Blacks were living. No explanation for these actions exists other than race. (App.23 ) 11. Defendants' Evidence. Defendants have produced little evidence here, but what they have produced is exceptionally beneficial to plaintiffs' case. Defendants established at the hearing that some Blacks had been elected to the Thomas County Democratic Executive Committee.(T.111-12) However, these individuals were elected under a ward election system, and that system in turn is required under the affirmative action demands of the National Democratic Party. By stipulation, State and National Democratic Party documents were submitted ~4 5“ to the Court as supplementary evidence after the hearing. Ironically, defendants have proven the very point of the case with their evidence, that ward elections in Thomas County will elect at least some Blacks, while at-large elections will elect none. It was an oversight by plaintiffs' counsel that plaintiffs did not introduce this very testimony. Indeed, it is probably not seriously disputed here that at-large elections in the county greatly impede, or preclude, the election of a Black candidate. Counsel for defendants admitted in his opening statement that, "possibly the Blacks cannot elect a Black. " ( T. 17) . Virtually no evidence was produced by defendants that could be construed to indicate that Blacks have equal access to the political system in Thomas County. During the depositions of the named plaintiffs, counsel sought to prove that these particular individuals had not been precluded from voting and that they personally had not been discriminated against in applying for any county job. That, however, is not the test of "access of the political system." To prove dilution, it is certainly not necessary that all Black persons in the ^Authenticated copies of the Charter of the Democratic Party of the United States, the Charter of the Democratic Party of Georgia, and the By-laws of the Democratic Party of Georgia are attached to a letter to the Clerk from counsel dated December 10, 1976. However, although exhibit stickers were affixed to these documents, they were never numbered by the Clerk. The Nationally imposed affirmative action require ment is codified in the State Party's By-laws in Article IX, 1(11, which sets out the requirement for district based election of the members of the Party's county executive committee. -46- county be unable to vote, nor that all Black persons be refused county employment on racial grounds. In addition to this testimony, counsel introduced an af fidavit of each of the county commissioners stating that Blacks had equal access to the political system and that the commis sioners had not been unresponsive. Of course, such general denials have no significance in light of the detailed deposi tions of defendants and the great amount of particularized and unrebutted evidence to the contrary produced by plaintiffs. See, e.g., Wade v. Mississippi Cooperative, 528 F.2d 508, 517 (5th Cir. 1976) B . Further Proceedings In The District Court Are Unnecessary. At-large elections are unconstitutional where Blacks have not had an equal chance to participate in the political process and elect representatives of their choice. Whether Blacks have had equal access in Thomas County is an "ultimate".issue of fact and, as such, this Court must evaluate that question in dependent of any decision by the trial court, without regard to the clearly erroneous standard. East v. Romine, Inc., 518 F.2d 332, 338-39 (5th Cir. 1975). For that reason and because there is more than enough uncontested evidence in the record to uphold plaintiffs' White v. Regester claim, plaintiffs contend this Court should enter judgment now on their dilution claims, rather than remanding for any further findings of fact or con clusions of law by Judge Elliott. That course is especially proper here since the vast majority of evidence was presented through depositions, affidavits, and documents, and the trial -47- court is in no better position to evaluate that evidence than • • 7is this Court. This Court should also direct that the proposed election plan presented by plaintiffs be implemented upon remand, to gether with an order shortening the terms of the current county commissioners and providing for special elections at the earlie practicable time. The complaint in this case was filed on August 11, 1975. Since that time, both primary and general elections for several of the county commissioners have been held. Prior to those elections, plaintiffs moved for a preli minary and permanent injunction on the basis of their dilution claims. (App. 16 .) Without a hearing and without findings of fact or conclusions of law, Judge Elliott denied the requested preliminary injunction on July 27, 1976. (App. 48-49 .) Be cause plaintiffs have taken every possible step to secure enforcement of their constitutional and statutory rights, they are entitled to implementation of a reapportionment plan at the earliest possible time. E.g., Toney v. White, 488 F.2d 310 (5th Cir. 1973) (en banc); Paige v. Gray, 399 F. Supp. 459, 466-67 (M.D. Ga. 1975), remanded on other grounds, 538 F.2d 1108 (5th Cir. 1976); United States v, Cohan, 358 F.Supp. 1217, 1220 (S.D. Ga. 1973) (three-judge court); United States v. Garner, 349 F.Supp. 1054, 1056 (N.D. Ga. 1972) (three-judge court). Moreover, there is no need for any further hearing con cerning the details of an appropriate reapportionment order. -J— ------------------------------------- • The district court's denial of plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment, Rule 56, is subject to reversal, as well as the denial of the final injunctive and declaratory relief under Rules 52 and 65. -48- In the trial court, plaintiffs presented a reapportionment plan based on Census figures, personal knowledge, and prior experience in drafting reapportionment plans. (Pis. Exs. 10-11) The population breakdown for the eight districts included in that plan are as follows: District Total Pop. % Deviation Black Pop. % Black 1 4082 -5.5% 2721 66.7% 2 4441 2.8% 2590 58.3% 3 4329 0.0% 3268 75.5% 4 4101 -5.1% 6 25 15.2% 5 4178 -3.3% 495 11.8% 6 4552 5.4% 1459 32.1% 7 4441 2.8% 1106 24.9% 8 4438 2.7% 1469 33.1% As the exhibits reflect, the district lines in the proposed plan were drawn primarily along Census lines. In the City of Thomas- ville, in fact, every district line follows Census lines. (PI. Exs. 10, 11, 12 and 13) In the rural parts of the County, the districts deviate from Census lines in a few cases. This was done in order to: (1) more closely equalize population in adjoining districts; (2) follow along natural boundaries where the Census lines failed to do so; or (3) provide a continuous line between two abutting election districts. It is beyond dispute, of course, that any court-ordered reapportionment plan here must be based entirely on district elections. There should be no at-large seat whatsoever. Wallace v. House, 538 F.2d 1138 (5th Cir. 1976); Paige v. Gray, 538 F.2d 1108, 1111-12 (5th Cir. 1976) . No special circumstances have been shown that could permit the retention of any at- large seats under the standards set forth in the Paige and Wallace decisions. -49- The sole evidence of appropriate relief in this case was presented by plaintiffs, although defendants certainly had every opportunity to present their own proposed plan. Unless plaintiffs' proposed relief were manifestly improper on some ground, there would be no basis for deviating from this plan, and it would be an abuse of discretion to do so. There is no evidence in the record to support any other position. To allow a remand now for further hearings on relief would simply allow defendants' tactics to unjustifiably burden and delay the right to relief established by the county's Black voters. There are other compelling reasons why the proposed plan should be implemented immediately. First, even if plaintiffs' plan is adopted by this Court, the General Assembly will always retain its power to modify the election districts, and the election system itself, in any nondiscriminatory way. Thus, this Court would not be imposing a particular permanent reap portionment plan on Thomas County. Because any court-ordered plan is an interim plan by nature (if only because of reappor tionment after the 1980 Census), the equities strongly favor the granting of prompt and sure relief now. This Court must also consider the peculiar position of the defendants. Plaintiffs have shown that the election system is discriminatory and illegal, and that the eight defendants are not representative of the county's overall population. They greatly over-represent the interests of the White residents. Thus, the Court is faced with a unique situation where the de fendants' position on issues of relief is entitled to far -50- less weight than is normally the case. In virtually all other litigation, the defendants at least are rightfully in their position of authority, even if they have acted wrongly, and their views on appropriate equitable relief are therefore entitled to certain weight. That is not true here. Defendant are the product of a discriminatory and illegal system, and this Court need not give them whatever deference and considera tion might otherwise be appropriate. III. PLAINTIFFS ARE ENTITLED TO AN AWARD OF ATTORNEYS' FEES, AND THE DISTRICT COURT ERRED IN FAILING TO GRANT PLAIN TIFFS' MOTION TO AMEND THEIR COMPLAINT TO SET FORTH 42 U.S.C. §1973 1(e) AS A BASIS FOR A FEE AWARL. Plaintiffs filed their complaint in this case subsequent to the Supreme Court's decision in Alyeska Pipeline Co. v. Wilderness Society, 421 U.S. 240 (1975). The complaint prayed for substantive declaratory and injunctive relief, and "such other additional relief as the interest of justice may require together with the costs and disbursements of this action." (App. 7 .) By way of that general prayer, plaintiffs intended to seek attorneys’ fees. On August 10, 1976, plaintiffs served a motion to amend their complaint to specifically assert section 207 of Pub. L. No. 94-73, 42 U.S.C. §1973 1(e), as a basis for an award of attorneys' fees. (App.52 .) That provision, which became law August 6, 1975, provides authority in voting cases for "a reasonable attorney's fee as part of the costs." The District Court did not rule on plaintiffs' motion to amend. Plain- tiffs' appeal from the court's failure to allow that motion, and they contend that they are entitled to an award of fees in this case. The motion to amend should have been allowed pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 15, which requires that leave to amend "be freely given when justice so requires." See, e .g ., Foman v ■ Davis, 371 U.S. 173 (1962). Moreover, this Court has recently held that'section 1973 1(e) applies to cases that were on appeal when the statute was enacted. Wallace v. House, 538 F.2d at 1147-48. Wallace held that an attorney's fee provi sion should be applied to a pending case "unless doing so would result in manifest injustice or there is statutory direction or legislative history to the contrary." Id. at 1148. The Court concluded that there was no contrary legi slative history and that traditional principles required a fee award there. The propriety of a fee award in the instant case is even greater than in Wallace. Wallace had already been decided once by the Fifth Circuit before the enactment of 1973 1(e). See Wallace v. House, 515 F.2d 619 (5th Cir. 1975). There is no such retroactivity problem here since the present' case was filed at nearly the same time as the enactment of the attorney's fee statute. Another more recent act of Congress provides an alternative basis for the same conclusion. On October 19, 1976, the Civil Rights Attorney's Fees Awards Act became law. This legislation amended 42 U.S.C. §1988 to authorize an attorney's fee, as part of costs, in cases such as the present one that are brought under 42 U.S.C. §1983. The legislative history of that Act expressly requires retroactive application to pending cases. 122 Cong. Rec. H12160-66 (1976). Moreover, as with other civil rights fee provisions, the courts' "discretion" in awarding fees is limited. Prevailing plaintiffs must receive fees, as a matter of course, "unless special circumstances would render such an award unjust." H.R. Rep. No. 94-1558, 94th Cong., 2nd Sess. at 6-7 (1976). In regard to the particular issue of awarding fees against local government bodies, Congress emphasized the need to grant sufficiently large fees to encourage experienced counsel to undertake the litigation. The House Committee expressed con cern that inadequate fee awards "would further widen the gap between citizens and government officials and would exacerbate the inequality of litigating strength." Id. at 7. Governmental entities and officials have substantial resources available to them through funds in the common treasury, including the taxes paid by the plaintiffs themselves. . . . The greater resources available to governments provide an ample base from which fees can be awarded to the prevailing plain tiff in suits against officials or entities. Id. The Senate Report expresses similar concerns. S .Rep. No. 94- 1011, 94th Cong., 2nd Sess., at 4-5 (1976). Thus, it is clear that plaintiffs here are entitled to an award of their costs of litigation and their attorneys’ fees. The fee award must be adequate to ensure that counsel will be remunerated according to their skill and the time involved. Johnson v. Georgia Highway Express, 488 F .2d 714 (5th Cir. 1974). The hourly rate in voting cases is necessarily high -53- since only injunctive relief is sought. There is no common fund of damages recovered by the plaintiff which could provide another source of fê .s. In similar situations in the past, this Court has recognized that where injunctive relief alone is available in a civil rights case, "the statutory allowance of attorney fees [is] a vital part of the whole scheme" of substantive law and enforcement. Miller v. Amusement Enterprises Inc., 426 F .2d 534, 538 (5th Cir. 1970). Appellants pray that this Court reverse the judgment of the District Court; find the Thomas County election system iliegal because it is discriminatory; direct that special elections be held at the earliest practicable time pursuant to the election plans presented by plaintiffs; and award plaintiffs costs and attorneys' fees. CONCLUSION Respectfully submitted NEELY, NEELY & PLAYER 3100 Peachtree Summit Atlanta, Georgia 30308 404/681-2600 DAVID F. WALBERT KING, PHIPPS & ASSOCIATES P. 0. Drawer 3468 Albany, Georgia 31706 CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE I HEREBY CERTIFYthat I have this day served two copies of the foregoing brief on Mr. A.J. Whitehurst, P.0. Drawer 47, Thomasville, Georgia, 31792, counsel for defendants, by depositing same in the United States Mail, properly addressed and with adequate postage affixed. Dated this 14th day of 1977. David F . Walbert