Sweatt v. Painter Brief Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
March 31, 1950
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Sweatt v. Painter Brief Amici Curiae, 1950. bef84f97-c59a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/2681f13f-5e1e-4d38-a681-2b6ea5533af5/sweatt-v-painter-brief-amici-curiae. Accessed October 30, 2025.
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IN' THE
Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1949
No. 44
HEMAN MARION SWEATT,
v.
Petitioner,
THEOPHILIS SHICKEL PAINTER et at.,
Respondents.
On a Writ of Certiorari to the
Supreme Court of the State of Texas
BRIEF ON BEHALF OF
AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE
AND
B’ NAI B’RITH (ANTI-DEFAM ATION LEAGUE)
AS AMICI CURIAE
Makcus Cohn,
Washington, D. C.,
J acob G-bum et ,
New York City,
Attorneys for
American Jewish Committee,
B ’nai B ’ritJi (Anti-Defamation League).
Sol Rabkin,
Jacob Schatjm,
of Counsel.
BAR l 'RRSS INO., 5 4 LA FA Y E T T E ST. , N E W YOR K 1 3 ----- WA. 5 - 8 4 3 2 - 3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I nterest op the A m ici ........................................................... 1
Opinions B elow ......................................................................... 3
J urisdiction .................................................................................. 3
S tatement of F acts ................................................................ 3
Sum m ary of A rgument ............. 5
P oint I. The validity of racial segregation in pub
lic educational facilities has never before been
decided by this Court ............................................. 8
P oint II. Racial segregation in public educational
institutions is an arbitrary and inadmissible
classification under the equal protection clause
of the Fourteenth Amendment ............................. 12
P oint III. The “ separate but equal” doctrine origi
nated by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson had
no basis in then-existing legal precedent, and is
an anachronism in the light of present-day legal
and sociological knowledge..................................... 17
P oint IV. Segregation necessarily imports discrim
ination and therefore violates the requirements
of the Fourteenth Amendment .............................. 28
(1) Equality is in fact impossible in racially
segregated public educational facilities........ 29
(2) The economic, sociological and psychological
consequences of racial segregation in and of
themselves constitute a discrimination pro
hibited by the equal protection clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment ................................. 35
Conclusion .................................................................................. 39
A ppendix ...................................................................................... 40
PAGE
11 Index
Table of Cases
PAGE
Acheson v. Murakami, 176 F. (2d) 953 ...................... 17
Atchison, Topeka etc. By. v. Mathews, 174 U. S. 96 ... 21
Berea College v. Kentucky, 211 U. S. 45 .................... 9
Bryant v. Zimmermann, 278 U. S. 63 .......................... 25
Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60 ..........................14, 24, 26
Butler v. Perry, Sheriff of Columbia County, Fla.,
240 U. S. 328 ............................................................ 24
Chesapeake & Ohio By. v. Kentucky, 179 U. S. 388. .. 21
Chesapeake, 0. & S. By. Co. v. Wells, 85 Tenn. 613. .. 19
Chicago & N. W. By. Co. v. Williams, 55 111. 185...... 19
Chiles v. Chesapeake & O. By. Co., 218 U. S. 71...... 22
Civil Eights Cases, 109 U. S. 3 ................................... 18
Clyatt v. U. S., 197 U. S. 207 ....................................... 22
Colgate v. Harvey, 296 U. S. 404 ................................. 25
Camming v. County Board of Education, 175 U. S.
528 ............................................................................. 9
Day v. Owens, 5 Mich. 520 ............................................. 19
Fisher v. Hurst, 333 U. S. 147 ..................................... 11
Gong Lum v. Bice, 275 U. S. 7 8 ..........................2, 10, 11, 25
Hall v. DeCuir, 95 IT. S. 485 ....................................... 8,9,18
Heard v. Georgia By. Co., 1 I. C. C. B. 428.............. 20
Heard v. Georgia By. Co., 3 I. C. C. B. I l l .............. 20
Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400 ......................................... 14
Hirahayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81 ............................. 13,16
Houck v. Southern Pac. By. Co., 38 Fed. Bep. 226.... 19
Korematsu v. U. S., 323 U. S. 214 13,16
Index i l l
Lindsley v. Natural Carbonic Gas Co., 220 U. S. 61. .. 12
Logwood etc. v. Memphis etc. Ry. Co., 23 Fed.
Rep. 483 ....................................................................19,20
Louisville, New Orleans, and Texas Ry. Co. v. Mis
sissippi, 133 U. S. 587 ........................................... 18
McCabe v. Atchison, T. & S. F. R. Co., 235 U. S. 151.....11, 23
McGuinn v. Forbes, 37 Fed. Rep. 639 ..........................19, 20
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337. ..10,11, 25
Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U. S. 536 ................................. 14
PAGE
Ohio ex rel. Clarke v. Deckenbach, 274 U. S. 392 ....... 13
Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633 ............................. 13, 29
Pace v. Alabama, 106 U. S. 583 ..................................... 21
Patsone v. Penna., 232 U. S. 138................................... 13
People v. King, 110 N. Y. 418 ..................................... 20
Perez v. Sharp, 32 Calif. (2d) 711 ............................. 21
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537 ...... 6, 7, 9,11,18, 20, 21,
22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 37
Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U. S. 1................................... 15, 35
Sipuel v. Board of Regents of the University of Okla
homa, 332 U. S. 631 ................................................ 11
Smith v. Allwright, 321 U. S. 649 ................................. 14
Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U. S. 303 .................. 14
Takahashi v. Fish and Game Commission, 334 U. S.
410 ........................................................................... 14
Terminiello v. City of Chicago, 337 U. S. 1 ................. 17
The Roanoke, 189 U. S. 185............................................. 22
The Sue, 22 Fed. Rep. 483 .........................................19, 20
Thomas v. Collins, 323 U. S. 516 ................................. 13
IV Index
J?AGE
West Chester etc. Ry. v. Miles, 55 Penn. St. 209 ...... 19
Westminster School District v. Mendez, 161 F. (2d)
774 ............................................................................ 2
Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356 .............................. 14
Yu Cong Eng v. Trinidad, 271 U. S. 356.................... 14
United States Constitution
Fourteenth Amendment 5, 6, 7, 8,11,12,15,18,19, 21, 22, 23,
24, 25, 29, 35, 37
Interstate Commerce Clause ................................. 18, 21, 22
Thirteenth Amendment .................................................22, 24
Federal Statutes
Interstate Commerce Act, Sec. 3 ................................. 20
Federal Civil Rights Act ............................................. 18
State Constitutions and Statutes
Constitution of Texas. Art. VII, Sec. 7 28
Oklahoma "Separate-coach statute” 23
Texas R v:- 1 Civil Statutes. Title 49. Chap. 19. Art.
2900 28
Other Authorities
Bore. nuraee I t a nr . r ".or. of the Negro in (lie
American Social Order (1934) 34,37
Boysm. Lean ueu . . Stores and 1'rouds ol Ihf
-mthds Between White and Negro Teacher*•
Salaries in S:e Sourer” States, t900
Index v
Caliver, Ambrose, Availability of Education to Ne
groes in Eural Communities, Office of Ed., Dept.
PAGE
of Interior, Bulletin No. 12 (1935) ........................ 32
Davis, A. and Dollard, I., Children of Bondag*e (1940) 37
Embree, Edwin R., Brown America (1931) .............. 33
Gallagher, B. G., American Caste and the Negro Col
lege (1938) ..........................................................37,38
Johnson, Chas. S., The Negro in American Civiliza
tion (1930) ................................................................ 33
Long, Some Psychogenic Hazards of Segregated
Education of Negroes, 4 J. of Negro Ed. 336
(1935) 38
Long, The Intelligence of Colored Elementary Pupils
in Washington, D. C., 3 J. of Negro Ed. 205-22
(1934) ........................................................................ 38
46 Mich. L. Rev. 639 (1948) ........................................... 9
Moton, Robert R., What the Negro Thinks (1929) 33,37
Newbold, N. C., Common Schools for Negroes in the
South, The Annals of the Amer. Acad, of Polit.
& Soc. Science, Vol. 140, No. 229 (Nov. 1928) 32
Phelps — Stokes Fund, Educational Adaptations:
Report of Ten Years’ Work, 1910 1920 33
Report of a Survey of the Public Schools of (lie l)is
trict of Columbia Conducted Under I,bo Auspices
of the Chairmen of the Subeoounifleos on Ills
trict of Columbia Appropriations Conmiiltoos
of the Senate and House of Ifepn; eufnlives,
U. H, Gov’t Printing ()1T, Washington, D
(1949) .......... , 87
V I Index
Report of the President’s Commission on Higher
Education, Higher Education for American De
mocracy: Vol. II, Equalizing and Expanding In
PAGE
dividual Opportunity (1947) .............................. 33
Segregation in Public Schools—A Violation of
“ Equal Protection of the Laws” , 56 Yale L. J.
1059 (1947) .............................................................. 38
Survey of Higher Education for Negroes, H. S. Office
of Ed., Misc. No. 6, Vol. II, U. S. Gov’t Print.
Off., Wash. D. C. (1942) ..................................... 33
The Availability of Education in the Texas Negro
Separate School, 16 J. of Negro Ed. 429 (1947) 33
Thompson, Chas. H., Court Action the Only Reason
able Alternative to Remedy the Immediate Abuse
of the Negro Separate School, 4 J. of Negro Ed.
419 (1935) ................................................................ 31
Thompson. Chas. H., The Critical Situation in Negro
Higher and Professional Education, 15 J. of
Negro Ed. 579 (1946) ............................................. 32
Waite. Edward F.. The Negro in the Supreme Court,
30 Minn. L. Rev. 219 (1946) ................................. 21
Woofter. Thomas J. Jr.. The Basis of Racial Adjust
ment (1925) .................. _ .... ................................. 33
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1949
No. 44
HEMAN MARION SWEATT,
v.
Petitioner,
THEOPHILIS SHICKEL PAINTER et al.,
Respondents.
On a Writ of Certiorari to the
Supreme Court of the State of Texas
BRIEF ON BEHALF OF
AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE
AND
B’NAI B’RITH (ANTI-DEFAM ATION LEAGUE)
AS AMICI CURIAE
Interest of the Amici *
This brief is filed, with the consent of both parties, on
behalf of the American Jewish Committee, and the Anti-
Defamation League of B ’nai B ’rith.
* The Appendix contains a description of the organizations
appearing as amici curiae.
2
Both of these organizations are dedicated to the preser
vation of democratic rights guaranteed all citizens by onr
Federal Constitution. Each has long since recognized that
the invasion of the rights of any individual or group on
the basis of race undermines the foundation of rights
guaranteed to all groups in our democracy.
The present case causes us deep concern because the
pattern of discrimination in segregated educational facili
ties has deprived millions of Americans of equality of op
portunity and has perpetuated an abhorrent caste system.
In the light of sociological and psychological insights
gained from experience with segregated school systems it is
clear that compulsory segregation results in physical,
social, intellectual and economic inequality for the Negro
and any other segregated group. These inequalities give
rise to and strengthen the effect of inequalities in other
areas of human activity, for such inequalities compound
each other.
Beyond this, we are concerned with the fact that segre
gation has become an effective threat to the very founda
tion of onr democratic way of life. If a State can require
segregation in education for Negroes, it can also require
it for Chinese, see G :h*j Lam v. Bice, 275 IT. 8. 78, for
Mexitans. see BAsmAtst-'r School District v. Me mice, 161
F. id 774. or for any arbitrarily selected group. 8ogre
cation tnauttains the racist doctrine that undesirable social
traits and. inferior mental capacities inhere not in the
individual, hut in the group. This concept must be excised
"ram the fabric of onr society. Certainly « first step is to
remove it from onr law.
® siawfti b% stntod finally that ttl ar© fully aware that
by wntt nf and ft©
sepjiTAir 1 equal duel vine is the fear that a dostrae-
tion ©f barriers ©f segregation will give rise I© iat-
oreasad racial lenniom* We believe that the ugly preju-
dictiK which create such tensions batten on segrscation
3
A decision by this Court eliminating racial segregation
in education will strengthen the democratic relationships
among the various groups in our population. This issue
must be faced honestly and boldly.
Opinions Below
The judgment of the Supreme Court of the State of
Texas refusing the application for writ of error to the
Court of Civil Appeals for the Third District, dated Sep
tember 29, 1948, without opinion, appears on page 466 of
the record. The order, dated October 27, 1948, overruling
the motion for a rehearing, without opinion, appears on
page 471 of the record. The opinion of the Court of Civil
Appeals, dated February 25, 1948, appears at page 445 of
the record, and that of the District Court of Travis
County, dated June 17, 1947, is reported at page 438.
Jurisdiction
Jurisdiction is invoked under Title 28, United Stntea
Code, section 1257 (3).
Statement of J'act*
The petHjwjer ;o ihh w w , iiemm MttrUfh > vwenti,
jui gjit adumaou to A# Bdho&l ot Law *A the University
of Texas. He eme&d&My met all (A the mmlenha quali
fications, but the authorities o f the TTniversity denied him
enrollment because he is a Negro.
In the State of Texas in accordance with statutory
and constitutional provisions the maintenance of separate
schools for whites and Negroes is compulsory. The
4
University of Texas Law School which Sweatt sought to
enter is maintained for white students only.
On May 16,1946, Sweatt brought an action in mandamus
in the District Court of Travis County, Texas, to compel
the members of the Board of Regents of the University
of Texas, and others, to admit him as a student. That
court, after a hearing, entered an order finding that
Sweatt was denied the equal protection of the laws since
no provision had been made by the State of Texas for
his legal training.
The District Court did not, however, grant the writ
of mandamus but rather adjourned further consideration
of the action until December 17, 1946, giving the respond
ents six months time within which to produce a course of
legal instruction substantially equivalent to that provided
for white students at the University of Texas.
At the second hearing on the application for the writ,
which took place December 17, 1946, the State of Texas
attempted to show the availability of a law school for
Sweatt by presenting to the court a copy of a resolution
adopted November 27, 1946, by the Board of Directors of
Texas A. & M. College to the effect that if Negro appli
cants for law school training were to present proper evi
dence of the required academic qualifications they would
be admitted to a law school for Negroes to be established
in Houston. Texas ter me semester beginning February
194,. There was no evicen.ce produced, however, to show
mat a .aw school for N egrres rad actuary been established.
On me rasis of mis representation at the December
1 m rearing me court erterec a final order denying me
petition.
Tims —icguient was set aside without opinion, bv tie
qaum i t i t m Appeals* aim me cause was remanded tor
f irm e r pm atedm is without prejudice t\> the right of any
party.
5
Meanwhile, the State authorities established a separate
Negro law school in premises rented in an office building in
Austin, Texas, for a period to begin sometime in the latter
part of February or early March 1947, and to end on
August 31, 1947. A description of the facilities provided
for this law school is given in Point IV of the argument,
infra.
In May 1947, by amendment and supplementation of
the original pleadings, the petitioner and respondents
joined issue on the question whether the establishment of
this separate Negro law school during the period of pro
ceedings on the appeal was sufficient compliance with the
equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and,
therefore, whether the refusal to admit Sweatt to the
School of Law of the University of Texas was arbitrary
and in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment.
The trial on this issue was held before the district
court sitting without a jury. Judgment was rendered for
respondents. This was affirmed on appeal to the Civil
Court of Appeals. Writ of error was refused by the
Supreme Court of the State of Texas.
Summary of Argument
The following arguments will be urged in this brief:
I. This Court has never before decided on the consti
tutional validity of racial segregation in public education.
The Court has, in did inn, signified its approval of the
“ separate but equal” doctrine as applied to education,
but has never ruled specifically whether racial segrega
tion in education is within (lie “ equal protection of the
laws” provision of the Fourteenth Amendment.
6
II. Racial segregation in public educational institu
tions is an arbitrary and inadmissible classification under
the “ equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amend
ment.
This Court has ruled that legislative classification
based on race alone is a denial of equal protection except
where the national safety is imperilled or there is a
pressing public necessity. Racial segregation in public
educational facilities is clearly not accompanied by any
“ pressing public necessity” and must, therefore, fall un
der the ban of the Fourteenth Amendment.
III. The “ separate but equal doctrine” originated by
this Court in Plessg v, Ferguson had no basis in then-
existing legal precedent and is an anachronism in the
xga: of present-day legal and sociological knowledge.
The eases cited by the majority of this Court to sup
port its decision in tie ease of Plessg v. Ferguson set no
precedent on the questions under consideration in the
-ase v . e m t :- .: - - Vee sine cited the ■■separate
Snrtt Jw h u ft o f the PJcssy ease it has never since
:ecu. r-fMfxumred and affirmed by this Court, Xeither is
the racial classification embodied in the statute under
consideration justifiable as an exorcise of police poweT.
IV. Racial segregation in public education results in
inequality and is a form of discrimination.
This Court has recently stricken down many forms of
discrimination in such fields as housing, ownership of
land, eligibility for employment and in jury duty. The
Court has particularly opposed discriminatory practices
“ rooted deeply in racial, economic and social antago
nisms.”
The “ separate but equal” doctrine urged here stresses
that separation is not discrimination where physically
7
equal facilities are provided, but the ‘ ‘ separate but equal ’ ’
doctrine is a fiction which must be pierced. Segregation
results in social, intellectual, physical and economic in
equality and hence is discriminatory.
Social inequality is an inevitable concomitant of seg
regation. The premise of Plessy v. Ferguson that segre
gation does “ not necessarily imply the inferiority of either
race to the other” is invalid.
Intellectual inequality results where students in one
racial group are separated from others so that they can
not share in intellectual discussion in law classes, in law
review work, in moot courts and the like.
The physical equality supposedly guaranteed by the
“ separate but equal” doctrine does not exist in fact. The
physical facilities afforded white students in Texas are
far superior to those provided for Xegroes, and the Uni
versity of Texas Law School for white students is incom
parably superior to the law school provided for Xegroes.
Xor can physical equality in dual school systems be
achieved in the future.
Economic inequality also inheres in racial segregation
in education. The legal profession is peculiarly one in
which social relationships lead to economic opportunities
which shape a lawyer’s career. Xegroes denied the full
est possible social relationships are deprived of economic
rights.
Therefore, this Court is asked to overrule its decision
in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson and to hold that racial
segregation in public education is violative of the equal
protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
8
POINT I
The validity of racial segregation in public edu
cational facilities has never before been decided by
this Court.
This Court is here asked to determine the validity of
constitutional and statutory provisions of the State of
Texas which require racial segregation in public educa
tional facilities. Despite the transcendent importance of
the question, this Court has not yet ruled directly on the
constitutionality of segregation in public education. It
has decided similar problems, such as the validity of
racial segregation in transportation and in housing. It
has decided matters relating to educational segregation
where the validity of segregation was assumed but not in
question. But this Court has never before ruled flatly and
specifically on the validity under the Fourteenth Amend
ment of racial segregation in education.
Following the adoption in 1868 of the Fourteenth
Amendment, the earliest case in which some reference was
made by this Court to racial segregation in education was
Hall v. DeCuir. 95 F. S. 185, which involved the validity
of a Soaoe staoute prohibiting segregation by race in public
carriers. That staooioe was declared unconstitutional as an
improper rsguia.-l-:r. of foreign and interstate commerce,
b a m—TnriiiHg, Mr. Jsstk« Clifford reviewed
wMt m m d f l e cndhsm s o f a number o f State eases
' : o a a ir iieu£ ore - of racial socrocnoicoo
■a edbrndlMmi « d adbM k dictum that segi e ration in the
jufffip schools did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment
of ptysacaliT equal school facilities for Negroes were pre
served.
9
In 1896 this Court decided Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S.
537, which sustained the constitutionality of a Louisiana
statute which required public carriers to furnish separate
but equal coach accommodations for whites and Negroes.
The Court cited with approval several ancient State cases
which had held that a State could require the segregation
of racial groups in its educational system provided that
facilities for all groups were physically equal.*
The constitutionality of “ separate but equal” facilities
in education was concededly not before the Court in either
the Sail or the Plessy cases. Yet, although there was no
basis for a discussion of equal facilities in education, and
in spite of the fact that the statements of the Court were
dicta, the Plessy case was subsequently employed by State
and lower federal courts to proclaim the legality of segre
gation in educational institutions. See cases cited in 46
mich. l. rev. 639, 643 (1948).
Three years later, this Court decided Cumming v.
County Board of Education, 175 U. S. 528. There, an in
junction was sought to restrain the board of education from
maintaining a high school for white children where none
was maintained for Negro children. The State court had
upheld the board of education, saying that its allocation of
funds did not involve bad faith or abuse of discretion. In
upholding the decision of the State court, Mr. Justice
Harlan stated expressly that racial segregation in the
school system of the State was not in issue.
The next case before this Court which involved com
pulsory educational segregation was Perea College v. Ken
tucky, 211 U. S. 45, wherein the validity of a State statute
which prohibited domestic corporations from teaching
white and Negro pupils in the same private educational in
stitution was attacked. While the scope of the statute was
* See our fuller discussion of the Plessy case, Point Ml, infra.
10
broad enough to include individuals as well as corporations,
this Court said, at 54,
—it is unnecessary for us to consider anything more
than the question of its validity as applied to corpora
tions. * * * Even if it were conceded that its assertion
of power over individuals cannot be sustained, still it
must be upheld so far as it restrains corporations.
This Court supported the reasoning of the State court
that the statute could be upheld as coming within the power
of a State over one of its own corporate creatures. The
statute was considered not to have embodied a deprivation
of property rights. The rights of individuals were not
considered.
Not until 1927 did racial segregation in educational in
stitutions again become the subject of controversy before
this Court. In Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 IT. S. 78 a Chinese
contested the right of the State of Mississippi to exclude
her from the high school for whites, and to assign her to
the colored school under the State’s segregated school
system. The State contended that under its constitutional
provision requiring that separate schools he maintained
fo r d f l b e t o f l i e l U e and colored races, the plaintiff
jocLi not insist :u heang i.oe.sed with the whites and that
the legisiitnr-e was not compelled to provide separate
srhoojs for each of the colored races.
The issue of segregation was not presented in this case.
The plaintiff accepted the system of segregation in the
public schools of the State, but contested her classification
within that system. Since she did not contest the practice
of segregating Negroes from whites, segregation was not
in question.
Nor was the validity of segregation before the Court
in the case of Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S.
337 in which the petitioner was refused admission to the
University of Missouri Law School, a State supported in
stitution, solely because be was a Negro. The State, having
11
no law school, for Negroes, sought to fulfill its obligation to
provide equal educational facilities by paying the peti
tioner ’s tuition for a legal education in another State. This
the Court held did not satisfy the constitutional require
ment. It said that the petitioner was entitled to be ad
mitted to the University of Missouri Law School in the
absence of other and proper provision for his legal train
ing within the State of Missouri.
Again, the issue was not segregation, but whether an
otherwise qualified Negro applicant for law training could
be excluded from the only State supported law school.
This Court assumed that the validity of equal facilities in
racially separate schools was settled by earlier decisions
and cited the Plessy case and McCabe v. Atchison, T. &
S. F. R. Co., 235 U. S. 151, both of which involved segre
gation only in public carriers, and the Gong Lum case.
But the validity of a state requirement of segregation was
not decided.
The most recent consideration of this problem was in
1948 in the University of Oklahoma Law School case,
Sipuel v. Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.
332 U. S. 631. This Court, in a per curiam decision, said
that the State must provide law school facilities for the
Negro petitioner “ in conformity with the equal protection
clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and provide it as soon
as it does for applicants of any other group” (at 633).
The facts in the Sipuel case were similar to those in the
Gaines case, in that no law school facilities were afforded
Negroes by the State of Oklahoma.
Segregation was not at issue in (lie Sipuel case. This
Court stated in Fisher v. Hurst, 333 IT. S. 147, 150, that:
The petition for certiorari in Sipuel v. University of
Oklahoma did not present the issue whether a state
might not satisfy the equal protection clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment by establishing a separate law
school for Negroes. On submission, we were clear it
was not an issue here.
12
In no case previously before this Court in which racial
separation in education has been the subject of comment
in an opinion has there been a record presented upon which
the Court felt compelled to take cognizance of the issue of
segregation per se in State supported educational insti
tutions.
The record in this case presents the issue squarely:
Does segregation in State supported educational in
stitutions meet the requirements of the “ equal protection”
clause of the Fourteenth Amendment!
POINT II
Racial segregation in public educational institu
tions is an arbitrary and inadmissible classification
under the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment.
In determining whether a particular legislative classi
fication meets the requirements of the “ equal protection”
clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, this Court has
applied two tests: first, whether the classification statute
has a constitutionally permissible objective, and, second,
whether the classification scheme is based upon differences
between the groups classified which bear a substantial
relation to an objective of the legislation.
B efore this Court would invalidate legislative elassi-
CkbAmb it has Ir a ■eeeosary to show a lack of any pos-
aHe jprraiuls for hSrf is the ability of the statute to
«Ht»s desired rad fegitnafte ends. This rule was applied
nr L,mr,.£.{•? t. Xatural Ca-rbomf Cfas Co., 220 IT. 8L SI,
7A in the following terms:
one who assails the classification * * * must,
carry the burden of showing that it does not rest
upon any reasonable basis, but is essentially arbi
trary.
13
Moreover, the presumption of constitntionality and the
rational basis test which have been applied to classifica
tion statutes have been decisive to the degree that the
Court has refused to invalidate such statutes unless there
was a clear showing that the legislature was “ manifestly
wrong” in its action. See Ohio ex rel. Clarice v. Dechen-
bach, 274 U. S. 392, 397; Patsone v. Penna., 232 U. S. 138,
144.
While these tests have always been, and are operative
as to other legislative classifications, the history of the
Court’s rulings involving the constitutional validity of
governmental action based upon racial distinctions reveals
that as to cases concerned with racial discrimination and
other civil rights and liberties, the above presumptions
are generally not applied. Thomas v. Collins, 323 U. S.
516.
The propriety of classification on the basis of race has
been the subject of separate and special vigilance. The
Court has increasingly in recent years made searching
inquiry into the sufficiency of any grounds asserted as
justification for governmental distinctions based on race
or color. It has stated that “ all legislative restrictions
which curtail the civil rights of a single race group are
immediately suspect.” Korematsu v. U. 8., 323 L . S. 214,
216. “ Only the most exceptional circumstances can ex
cuse discrimination on that basis in the face of the equal
protection clause.” Oyama v. California. 332 l . S. 633.
646. This Court has recognized that, as a general rale,
Distinctions between citizens solely because of
their ancestry are by their very nature odious to a
free people whose institutions are founded upon the
doctrine of equality. For that reason legislative
classification or discrimination based on race alone
has often been held to be a denial of equal protec
tion. Ilirabayashi v. IJ. 8., 320 IT, 8, 81, 100.
14
In the application of these principles, the Court has
consistently declared governmental classification based on
race or color to he constitutionally invalid.
This Court has struck down governmental action of a
discriminatory character relating to the exclusion of
Negroes from grand and petit juries. Strauder v. West
Virginia. 100 U. S. 303; Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400; it
has ruled that the right to qualify as a voter, even in
primaries, may not he subject to racial classification.
**I* too clear for extended argument,” said this Court,
"tea* color cannot be made the basis of a statutory classi
fication affecting the right set up in this case” Nixon v.
Herndon. 273 I . S. 536, 541. In a more recent decision,
this Court has held that the exclusion of Negroes from
voting in a primary election by a political party consti
tuted a denial by the State of the right to vote. Smith v.
Allwright, 321 U. S. 649. This Court has also struck down
laws which in their administration have been revealed as
a racial classification resulting in the denial to persons
of a particular race or color the right to carry on a busi
ness or calling, Tick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356; Yu
Cong Eng v. Trinidad, 271 U. S. 500; Takahashi v. Fish
and Game Commission, 334 U. S. 410.
This Court has protected the right to acquire, use and
dispose of real property from infringement by State action
effecting race classification. In Buchanan v. Warley, 245
IT. S. 60, which involved a racial residential zoning ordi
nance, the State invoked its authority to pass laws in the
exercise of its police power, and urged that this compul
sory separation of the races in habitation be sustained
because it would “ promote the public peace by prevent
ing race conflicts” (at 81). This Court rejected that con
tention, saying:
The authority of the state to pass laws in the
exercise of the police power * * * is very broad * * *
[and] the exercise of this power is not to be inter
fered with by the courts where it is within the scope
15
of legislative authority and the means adopted rea
sonably tend to accomplish a lawful purpose. But it
is equally well established that the police power * * *
cannot justify the passage of a law or ordinance
which runs counter to the limitations of the Federal
Constitution * * *. (at 74).
The Court rejected the consideration of the police power
of the State, however legitimate the exercise of it, to jus
tify a racial classification where rights created or pro
tected by the Constitution were involved.
In a more recent case, Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U. S. 1,
this Court, by unanimous decision, held that the enforce
ment of racial restrictive covenants by State courts is
State action, prohibited by the equal protection clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment. In the course of its decision,
the Court measurably strengthened the equal protection
clause as a formidable barrier to restrictions having the
effect of racial segregation. The contention was there
pressed that since the State courts stand ready to enforce
racial covenants excluding white persons from occupancy
or ownership, enforcement of covenants excluding Ne
groes is not a denial of equal protection. This Court
rejected the equality of application argument, decisively
dismissing it in the following language:
This contention does not bear scrutiny. * * * The
rights created by the first section of the Fourteenth
Amendment are, by its terms, guaranteed to the in
dividual. The rights established are personal rights.
It is, therefore, no answer to these petitioners to say
that the courts may also be induced to deny while
persons rights of ownership and occupancy on grounds
of race or color. Equal protection of the laws is not,
achieved through indiscriminate imposition of in
equalities, (at 21, 22).
16
There has been but one recent deviation from this
trend in civil rights cases. This Court has stated that
“ in the crisis of war and of threatened invasion” when
the national safety is imperilled, it will permit a racial
classification by the Federal government. In Hirabayashi
v. U. S., swpra, which involved a prosecution for failure
to obey a curfew order directed against citizens of Jap
anese ancestry, and in Korematsu v. U. S., supra, where a
governmental order directing the exclusion of all persons
of Japanese ancestry from the West Coast military area
was contested, the Court recognized an overriding pressing
public urgency in time of war. In doing so it made clear,
however, that this was an extraordinary exception. “ Leg
islative classification or discrimination based on race alone
has often been held to he a denial of equal protection.
* * * We may assume” , continued the Court, “ that these
considerations would be controlling here were it not for
the fact that the danger of espionage and sabotage, in
time of war and of threatened invasion” has made neces
sary this racial classification, which “ is not to he con
demned merely because in other and in most circum
stances racial distinctions are irrelevant.” Hirabayashi
v. U. S., supra, at 100, 101.
State laws providing for racial segregation in public
educational facilities are clearly not accompanied by any
“ pressing public necessity” . Rather, there is a pressing
public necessity to give all American citizens their due
equality of opportunity to utilize educational facilities
established by the state for its inhabitants. The denial of
such equality of opportunity serves only to create public
unrest and disillusionment on the part of those denied in
the strength and honesty of our democratic system of
government. It serves also to weaken our efforts to pre
serve peace and extend democracy abroad by exposing our
government’s earnest efforts in this direction to a charge
of hypocrisy.
17
It is argued by those who seek to justify racial segre
gation that this Court’s declaration against the constitu
tionality of State statutes requiring racial segregation
would serve to touch off an explosion in some parts of our
country. But among those who raise this bogey are many
who do so for ulterior reasons, seeking to protect special
privileges which they have seized as members of the
favored racial group. Further, where segregation has been
voluntarily abandoned in State-provided higher education
as in Arkansas and Kentucky, the dire results predicted
have failed to come to pass. And even if disorder does re
sult, such disorder cannot justify the failure of the State
to protect the constitutional rights of all of its citizens.
Terminiello v. City of Chicago, 337 U. S. 1.
It is noteworthy that since the termination of the war
our federal courts have gone out of their way to condemn
the action of the Army in ousting persons of Japanese
ancestry from the West Coast military area solely on the
basis of their national origin. Acheson v. Murakami, 176 F.
(2d) 953.
POINT III
The “separate but equal” doctrine originated by
this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson had no basis in then-
existing legal precedent, and is an anachronism in the
light of present-day legal and sociological knowledge.
Apart from the wartime “ national peril” decisions,
which are clearly inapplicable here, only one unfavorable
precedent exists. This is Plessy v. Ferguson, which
enunciated the ‘ ‘ separate but equal ’ ’ doctrine in 1896. This
doctrine maintains that facilities can be constitutionally
separate, or segregated, provided there is physical equality.
We have already pointed out that the Plessy case, in
volving railroad transportation, does not apply to questions
of public education. But, assuming arguendo that Plessy
18
could apply, we submit that the Plessy case originally had
no basis in legal precedent, and moreover is an anachronism
in the light of present-day legal and sociological knowledge.
The more recent decisions of this Court affecting racial
classification have effectively undermined its authority.
In consequence, the Plessy case is no longer good law, and
is not controlling on the question of the constitutional
validity of racial segregation.
Plessy v. Ferguson held that a Louisiana “ separate-
coach*'statute requiring “ equal accommodations for white
and Negro passengers” did not violate the command of
the Fourteenth Amendment that no State shall deny to
any person the equal protection of the laws, because of
race or color.
In the Zhtsst? decision, three cases were cited as
authority for the constitutionality of statutes requiring
separation of the two races in “ schools, theatres, and rail
way carriers.” None were in point. Hall v. DeCuir, 95
U. S. 485, was concerned solely with the question of
whether a State statute prohibiting segregation was in
violation of the Interstate Commerce Clause of the Fed
eral Constitution, and did not deal with the interpretation
of the Fourteenth Amendment or its safeguards. The
Civil Bights Cases, 109 U. S. 3, invalidated the Federal
Civil Rights Act of March 1, 1875 on the sole basis that
Congress had no authority to pass legislation under the
Fourteenth Amendment, which was directed against dis
crimination by private persons rather than by State action.
Finally, Louisville, New Orleans, and Texas Ry. Co. v.
Mississippi, 133 U. S. 587, was another case concerned
solely with the effect of the Interstate Commerce Clause
on State legislation. It held that a State segregation stat
ute in terms applicable only to intrastate transportation
did not unduly burden interstate commerce.
The majority in the Plessy case (p. 548) claimed that
“ statutes for the separation of the two races upon public
19
conveyances” were held to be constitutional in twelve
named cases. An examination of these cases does not
support the Court’s statement.
The first two cases cited by the Court, West Chester etc.
Ry. v. Miles, 55 Penn St. 209, and Day v. Owens, 5 Mich. 520,
were pre-Civil War decisions, and hence could have set
no precedent on the question. The West Chester case was a
Pennsylvania common law action, which turned upon the
reasonableness of segregation under a regulation of the
carrier. The majority rested its conclusion on “ the law
of races, established by the Creator Himself.”
Chicago & N. W. Ry. Co. v. Williams, 55 111. 185, and
Chesapeake, 0. & 8. Ry. Co. v. Wells, 85 Tenn. 613,
although decided after the Fourteenth Amendment was
passed, do not contain any discussion of the impact of
that Amendment on the question. The Illinois court in the
first case merely termed the discrimination unlawful, and
awarded damages. In the Chesapeake case, the Tennessee
court, in a one-paragraph opinion, held that the Kailway
had acted reasonably under a State statute, and dismissed
the complaint. Similarly, in Houck v. Southern Pac. Ry.
Co., 38 Fed. Rep. 226, the court discussed the facts,
and summarily awarded damages without even considering
the Fourteenth Amendment.
In The 8m , 22 Fed. Rep. 483, Logwood etc. v. Mem
phis etc. Ry. Co., 23 Fed. Rep. 483, and McOuinn v. Forbes,
37 Fed. Rep. 639, there were involved only discussions of
common law principles and private regulations; not of
State statutes. The Sue was an action in Admiralty,
involving transportation facilities employed in public navi
gable waters between points in Maryland and Virginia.
The court held that only the federal government could
legislate in this field, but since it had failed to do so, the
owners of the boat could adopt such reasonable regulations
2 0
as the common law allowed. One of the restrictions im
posed by the common law was that “ accommodations equal
in comfort and safety must be afforded to all alike who
pay the same price.” Therefore the court’s holding that
the accommodations offered to the plaintiff, a Negro pas
senger, were unequal, and its award of damages, was based
on an interpretation of common law, not of a State statute.
Logwood etc. v. Memphis etc. Ry. Co., involved intra
state railway transportation. The court simply charged
the jury to adopt the rule of The Sue as proper law. Mc-
Guinn v. Forbes was another action in Admiralty involving
a steamer travelling between Maryland and Yirginia. The
holding in the case was that the plaintiff’s proof was in
sufficient to entitle him to a verdict. Again, The Sue was
cited, and no constitutional issue was raised.
People v. King, 110 N. Y. 418, involved a conviction un
der the New York Penal Code provision forbidding dis
crimination at amusement parks. The provision was sus
tained against constitutional objection as a valid exercise
of the police power, in light of “ the War Amendments.”
Thus this case in no way supports the proposition for which
it was cited by the majority. It is interesting to note that
Justice Peckham, one of the majority in the Plessy case,
was on the New York Bench at this time, and dissented
without opinion in the King case.
The last two cases cited as authority in the Plessy
majority opinion were Interstate Commerce Commission
decisions, and involved the same facts and parties. Heard v.
Georgia Ry. Co., 1 ICCR 428, was a holding that Section 3
of the Interstate Commerce Act had been violated by the
discriminatory practices of the defendant. No State statute,
and hence no constitutional discussion was involved. Heard
v. Georgia Ry. Co., 3 ICCR 111, merely reenforced the
21
prior holding. See, Edward F. Waite, The Negro in the
Supreme Court, 30 Minn. Law Review 219, 248-251 (March,
1946).
Additional lines of cases cited by the majority in the
Plessy case involved the existence of “ separate schools for
white and colored children, which has been held to be a
valid exercise of the legislative power * * * ” (p. 544), and
“ Laws forbidding the intermarriage of the two races’ ’
(p. 545). There is serious doubt of the validity of laws
forbidding the intermarriage of races. The only Supreme
Court decision on the subject was Pace v. Alabama, 106
U. S. 583, which is readily distinguishable as involving an
indictment for the crime of “ adultery or fornication’ ’ be
tween persons of different races; where the statute con
taining this provision had a lesser punishment for the same
crime between persons of the same race. The most recent
decision on this subject was a very carefully reasoned one
by the highest court of the State of California, which in
validated an anti-miscegenation law as in violation of the
Fourteenth Amendment, Perez v. Sharp, 32 Calif. (2d)
711.
Although many cases have cited the “ separate but
equal” doctrine of the Plessy case, it has never since been
reexamined and affirmed by the Court.
The first time the Supreme Court cited the “ Plessy
doctrine” was in Atchison, Topeka etc. Ry. v. Mathews, 174
U. S. 96, 105. The holding therein was that the Plessy de
cision did not forbid the imposition of “ unequal burdens”
on specified corporations; and that the State legislature
could validly allow the plaintiff in a suit against the rail
roads for damages caused by fire, to obtain attorney’s fees.
Racial discrimination or segregation statutes were not
involved in the case.
In Chesapeake <& Ohio Ry. v. Kentucky, 179 IT. S. 388,
392, the Court was concerned solely with the application of
the Interstate Commerce clause. A Kentucky “ separate-
2 2
coach statute” was construed to apply solely to passengers
both embarking and departing from depots within the State;
the Court then saying, ‘ ‘ and so construing it, there can be
no doubt as to its constitutionality. Plessy v. Ferguson.”
Similarly, the Roanoke, 189 U. S. 185, 198, dealt primarily
with the Interstate Commerce issue. Therein it was held
that Congress, and not the states, could legislate regarding
certain navigable waterways. The Court distinguished
Plessy as involving State law “ requiring separate car
riages for the white and colored races [which] were sus
tained upon the ground that they applied only between
places in the same state. ’ ’ Hence, neither of these decisions
in any way validated that part of the majority decision in
the Plessy case which purported to interpret the Four
teenth Amendment.
Clyatt v. U. S., 197 U. S. 207, 218, cited the Plessy case
solely to uphold Congressional legislation punishing “ the
arrest of any person in the Territory of New Mexico to
a condition of involuntary servitude ’ ’ against attack on
the grounds that it fell outside the scope of the Thirteenth
Amendment. The Court quoted the statement that “ this
[the Thirteenth] Amendment was said in the Slaughter
House Cases to have been primarily intended to abolish
slavery * * * but that it equally forbade Mexican peonage
or the Chinese coolie trade when they amounted to slavery
or involuntary servitude, and that the use of the word
‘ servitude’ was intended to prohibit the use of all forms
of involuntary slavery, of whatever class or name. ’ ’ It was
not at all concerned with the Fourteenth Amendment.
The Court in Chiles v. Chesapeake & 0. By. Co., 218
U. S. 71, 77, emphasized the fact that it was dealing with
“ the act of a private person, to wit, the Bailway Co. # * *
and we must keep in mind that we are not dealing with
the law of a state.” The Court thus escaped facing the
issue of the Interstate Commerce Clause, as well as the
23
issue of the Fourteenth Amendment as applied to rail
roads. On page 77 it quoted from the Plessy language
the phrase “ the established usages, customs and tradi
tions of the people” solely as a “ test of reasonableness
of the regulations of a carrier.”
McCabe v. Atchison, T. <& 8. F. By. Co., 235 U. S. 151,
160, involved the constitutionality of a clause in the Okla
homa “ separate-coach statute” which provided that “ the
provision requiring equal accommodations (earlier in the
statute) should not be construed to prevent railway com
panies from hauling sleeping cars, dining or chair cars
attached to their trains to be used exclusively by either
white or negro passengers, separately or jointly.” The
defense maintained that the Oklahoma legislature could
take note of the fact that the number of Negroes requir
ing such service did not justify the use of separate facili
ties in such cars.
The actual holding in the McCabe case was that the
petitioner failed to show sufficient standing to obtain in
junctive relief. However, in addition, the Court rejected
the defense argument, saying that it “ makes the consti
tutional right depend upon the number of persons who
may be discriminated against, whereas the essence of the
constitutional right is that it is a personal one.” By way
of further dictum, on page 160, the Court noted that
“ there was no reason to doubt” the lower court’s finding
that “ it has been decided by this court, so that the ques
tion could no longer be considered an open one, that it
was not an infraction of the Fourteenth Amendment for
a state to require separate, but equal, accommodations
for the two races. Plessy v. Ferguson.” This dictum
was not only unnecessary for the decision in the case,
but was irrelevant to the constitutional issue, in that
by finding a lack of equality, the Court held that the
“ separate but equal” doctrine spelled out by the majority
in the Plessy case was inapplicable. Hence there was no
need for the Court to re-examine it.
24
Butler v. Perry, Sheriff of Columbia County, Fla., 240
U. S. 328, 333, was another case which cited the Plessy
case in connection with the Thirteenth Amendment. The
issne involved was the constitutionality of a Florida stat
ute providing that all able bodied men residing in Colum
bia County would be subject to call to work on the public
roads in the county. On page 333 the Court quoted the
Plessy decision to show that the Thirteenth Amendment
was designed “ to cover those forms of compulsory labor
akin to African slavery, * * * and certainly was not in
tended to interdict enforcement of those duties which in
dividuals owe to the state.”
The case of Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60, 79,
supra, which cites the Plessy opinion, is indicative of the
tendency of judicial sentiment to depart from the “ sep
arate but equal” doctrine. In that case, the plaintiff, a
white landowner, contracted to sell a plot of land to the
defendant, a Negro. The defendant refused to pay on the
grounds that a city ordinance of Louisville, which pro
hibited colored persons from occupying houses in a block
where the greater number of houses were occupied by
whites, made performance of the contract impossible.
In holding that this ordinance was in violation of the
Fourteenth Amendment, the Court distinguished the Plessy
case on the ground that in that case a “ classification of
accommodations was permitted upon the basis of equality
for both races.” However, the Court did not state that
there was inequality in the case before it, but chose to
rest its decision on broader grounds. On page 81 the
Court said “ But in view of the rights secured by the Four
teenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, such legis
lation [as upheld in the Plessy case] must have its limi
tation, and cannot be sustained where the exercise of
authority exceeds the restraints of the Constitution. We
think these limitations are exceeded in laws and ordi
nances of the character now before us.” And again, on
25
page 76, that "the chief inducement to the passage of the
[Fourteenth] Amendment was the desire to extend federal
protection to the recently emancipated race from un
friendly and discriminating legislation by the States.”
In Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 U. S. 78, 86, this Court held
that a child of Chinese blood, horn in, and a citizen of, the
United States, is not denied the equal protection of the
laws by being classed by a State among the colored races
who are assigned to public schools separate from those
provided for the whites, when equal facilities for educa
tion are afforded to both classes. The Court was concerned
primarily with the problem of construing the Plessy doc
trine to cover the facts of the case. It relied upon the
authority of the old State decisions cited in the Plessy
case.
Bryant v. Zimmerman, 278 U. S. 63, 70, involved a
proceeding in habeas corpus in a State court where the
detention on a criminal charge was alleged to be in vio
lation of the United States Constitution. This Court cited
the Plessy case as a holding that such a proceeding is a
"su it” within the meaning of the jurisdictional statute,
and that an order of the State court of last resort, refus
ing to discharge the prisoner, is a final judgment in that
action, and is, therefore, subject to review. That case, of
course, was in no way related to the Fourteenth Amend
ment.
Similarly, in Colgate v. Harvey, 296 U. S. 404, 446, the
dissenting opinion cited the Plessy case only to show the
reluctance of the Supreme Court to extend the coverage of
the "privileges and immunities” clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment.
In Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337,
344, the Court, although talking the language of the Gong
Lum and Plessy cases, found that there was "unequal”
2 6
legal instruction afforded in Missouri, and hence did not
find it necessary to re-examine the old decisions.
Thus it appears that this Court has never directly
affirmed or re-examined the decision in Plessy v. Fer
guson, and that to overrule it now would not result in the
overthrow of a well-established line of legal precedents.
Justification for the legislative classification in the
Plessy case was that it was a valid exercise of the police
power of the State, and that it was not discriminatory
because it applied equally to both races. As to the exer
cise of police power, the Court said, at 544,
Laws permitting, and even requiring, their sepa
ration in places where they are likely to be brought
into contact * * * have been generally, if not uni
versally. recognized as within the competency of the
state legislatures in the exercise of their police
power.
This Court has since refused to recognize the police
rower State as a justification for racial legislation.
Brndhsmesr, u. W srk-'i. supra, is a complete answer (p. 74):
The police power, broad as it is, cannot justify
the passage of a law or ordinance which runs counter
to the limitations of the Federal Constitution.
The principal ground of decision in the Plessy case,
that there is no discrimination where the separate facilities
furnished to both races are on an equal basis, is open to
attack on several counts.
In the first place, the Plessy case assumed that segre
gated facilities can he equal. As we have shown, the
Court has since the Plessy case rejected the claim that
there is any presumption of constitutionality attaching
to such a statute. Rather, it has said that racial classifi
cation laws must be viewed with great suspicion and bear
27
the closest scrutiny. They must overcome the strong
inference of unconstitutionality. The Court would not
today accept the factual assumption of the Plessy case
without a showing that it rests upon a reasonable basis.
Second, the fact of discriminatory application of “ se
parate but equal” in the field of education is a knowledge
so common and universal, that the Court cannot but dis
miss as unfounded the assumption of Plessy, and take
judicial notice that racial segregation in education, wher
ever applied, is administered with an unequal hand and
is unequal in result.
In Washington, D. C., our national capital, these facts
have been demonstrated recently by a survey of the segre
gated school system in effect there. The survey was con
ducted pursuant to a request by Congress by a “ person
qualified by training and experience in the field of public-
school education” (62 Stat. 542). Professor George D.
Strayer of Columbia University was assisted by a staff
of 22 specialists in his study. The findings of the survey
are embodied in a report submitted to Congress, Report
of a Survey of the Public Schools of the District of
Columbia Conducted Under the Auspices of the Chairmen
of the Subcommittees on District of Columbia Appropria
tions of the Respective Appropriations Committees of
the Senate and House of Representatives. Washington,
Government Printing Office, 1949. The facts contained
in this report demonstrate beyond doubt the inequality of
the white and colored public school systems of the District
of Colombia. If efforts to achieve a “ separate but
equal” -segregated school system have failed in our
nation's capital where it h subject to the control of our
national Congress, car, it possibly succeed in those areas
where a system of caste and race privilege is deeply
intrenched ?
Third, the expenditure by a State of its educational
funds for racially segregated schooling will necessarily
result in inferior quality and quantity of schooling for
28
both races, than if the same funds are spent for unsegre
gated education. “ Separate but equal” in education
results in an inferiority of facilities for both races.
Legislative classification in educational facilities on the
basis of race or color must therefore fall, as constitu
tionally invalid, as an arbitrary and inadmissible classifi
cation under the “ equal protection” clause. The racial
distinction is “ irrelevant and therefore prohibited.” It
is based upon factors which reflect concepts of racial
superiority and inferiority and is thus rendered irrational
as a justification under the Constitution. The decision of
the major case supporting it was erroneous when originally
decided, and has since been implicitly repudiated numerous
times by this Court. A final and open repudiation is in
order.
POINT IV
Segregation necessarily imports discrimination
and therefore violates the requirements of the Four
teenth Amendment.
The State of Texas, by constitutional provision .Art.
YU. See. 71 and statutory enactment (Eevised Civil Stat
utes. Title 49. Chap. 19. Art. 2900) stipulates that separate
schools be provided for white and colored students, "and
impartial provision shall he made for both races. ’ ’
The contention is raised that, since the State law in
sures physical equality of treatment within a segregated
system, no violation of the equal protection of the laws is
involved. Where a specific instance of inequality is proven,
the remedy should be merely to “ equalize” ,—either by
improving the educational facilities for Negroes, or by
worsening those for whites to the level provided for
Negroes.
This reasoning does not have even a superficial appear
ance of validity. Inherent therein are the erroneous as
29
sumptions that the State may, by virtue of its police power,
establish racial classifications, and that there are differ
ences between the two races which warrant making such
classification. These contentions are dealt with elsewhere
in this brief.
What we are concerned with here is the false assump
tion that, in the segregation of the races in educational
facilities, there can be attained the equality of treatment
which the Fourteenth Amendment requires. It is our con
tention that educational facilities for Negroes in segregated
areas have never been equal and could not possibly achieve
an equality which would satisfy the dictate of the “ equal
protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
In Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633, 636, Chief Justice
Vinson made it clear that this Court may take cognizance
of actual conditions and deal with realities. He said:
In approaching cases, such as this one, in which
federal constitutional rights are asserted, it is incum
bent on us to inquire not merely whether those rights
have been denied in express terms, but also whether
they have been denied in substance and effect. We
must review independently both the legal issues and
those factual matters with which they are co-mingled.
(1 ) Equality is in fact impossible in racially segregated
public educational facilities.
WTterever racial segregation in education lias been re
quired by the State, the physical educational facilities al
forded Negroes have been substantially and uniformly
inferior and unequal to those enjoyed by whites.
The di>.par:ty hi physical facilities ban been so great
and so universally a concomitant of the Mg >• yated *f*tw
that it need b&rdfy he preened here by extern we dee®-
mentation.
30
Expert testimony in the record shows that the State
of Texas regnlarly spends substantially less for Negro
than for white education. The total assets of white insti
tutions of higher learning amount to $28.66 for each white
person in the State, but the assets of Negro schools amount
to only $6.40 per Negro. The whites have almost four and
one-half times as much in total educational institutional
assets per capita of the population as do the Negroes
{K. 241).
In 1943-44. a typical year, Texas appropriated approxi
mately Sll.X'i.AC in State, county and district funds for
higher edtaeathm. Of this amount, about $10,800,000 went
to white institutions, or 81.98 per capita of white popula
tions ; the balance went to Negro institutions, or the equiva
lent of ih. per capita of Negro population in the State.
On this basis, white institutions of higher learning received
eight times as much as Negro institutions (E. 246).
The inequality in physical facilities is even far more
pervasive than the statistics on appropriations for edu
cation by the State indicate. The testimony in the trial
court showed that the State of Texas provided a law school
for the petitioner by leasing a suite of three rooms and
toilet facilities in an office building, after the commence
ment of the action, for a period beginning March 1,
1947. and ending August 31st of that same year (B. 29,
41b in the semi-basement of the building (B, 88). One
room was to be an office and reading room and the other
two were intended as classrooms. There was no private
office or faculty room for any instructor, for administra
tive personnel or for a dean (E. 47). Nor was there space
for a library consistent with even the minimum needs of a
law school. Some 200 text hooks were available on the
premises to serve as a library (E. 21). There was no
librarian (E. 96).
There was no provision for scholarships, prizes, par
ticipation in the production for the Texas Law Eeview,
participation in the legal aid clinic, or opportunity to join
31
any honorary law society, such as the Order of the
Coif, all of which were features of the School of Law of
the University of Texas and consequently available only
to white students (R. 103-105).
The faculty of the “ school” offered to the petitioner
consisted of three instructors assigned part-time from the
University of Texas Law School (R. 92-93). Admittedly,
the school established for the petitioner did not meet the
requirements set by the Association of the American Law
Schools for accreditation (R. 92).
The State of Texas contends that this racially segre
gated law school affords facilities equal to those enjoyed
by white students at the University of Texas Law School.
But it is quite obvious that the Negro law school cannot
possibly afford even a minimal legal education. To claim
that it is “ equal” to the University of Texas Law School
is sheer hypocrisy.
The treatment afforded Mr. Sweatt by the State of
Texas is by no means a unique example of the treatment
accorded Negroes in educational institutions of the South
under the guise of equality of segregated facilities. In
every instance of segregation in practice there are pro
vided for Negro citizens fewer educational opportunities,
and educational opportunities of poorer quality than
are afforded to white citizens. The deficiencies are syste-
matie and all-pervading.
This is not confined to the level of higher education,
nor to the State of Texas. The pattern is (he same when
ever racially segregated schools exist.
In the generation from 1900 to 1930 the disparity be
tween the provision of public educational facilities t>r
white and Negro children, where separate schools an-,
legally mandatory, has increased at a tremendous ram
“ In 1900, the disparity in the per capita expenditures
upon the two racial groups was only 60 per cent in fa-
of whites, but in 1930 this disparity had increased to f V
per cent.” (Thompson, Chas. H., Court Action t/V 0*1 v
32
Reasonable Alternative to Remedy the Immediate Abuses
of the Negro Separate School, 4 J. of Negro Ed. 419
(1935) ).
For the ten year period, 1918-1928, $270,500,000 was
spent on new school facilities by eight Southern states
(including Texas) for white children, and $29,500,000 for
Negro children. This is a ratio of 9 to 1 in favor of whites
on appropriations, against a population ratio of 2 to 1
in favor of whites. (Newbold, N. C., Common Schools
for Negroes in the South, The Annals of the Amer. Acad,
of Polit. & Soc. Science, Yol. 140, No. 229, P. 209, 218
219 (Nov. 1928) ).
Throughout the South there is a wide discrepancy in
per capita expenditure for Negro teachers as compared
to that for white. For Texas, in 1936, for every $1. spent
for teachers' salaries for white students, only 61 r was ex
pended for salaries tor Negro students. This
ratio was the same as the average for the 17 southern
states. By 1945. white teachers" salaries were in excess
of Negro by 45*1. (Boykin, Leander L., The Status and
Trends of Differentiate Between White and Negro Teach
ers' Salaries in the Southern States, 1900-1946. IS J. of
Negro Ed. 40 (1949)).
There is also a marked inferiority in library facilities
in Negro schools. (Thompson, Chas H„ The Critical Situ
ation in Negro Higher and Professional Education. 15 J.
of Negro Ed. 579, 581, 582 (1946) ).
As to length ot school term, the Negro is attain dis
advantaged, and especially so in the rural communities of
(lie South. In a survey made for the United States Office
ol Kducation in 193d, it was revealed that “ the average
number of days schools are kept open for Negroes in 17
Hoiitliorn states is 135, which is approximately l 1! months
less than (In' accepted standard in those states. The
cumulative eflect ol (bis annual loss to Negroes over one
hcIiooI general ion of 12 years means a difference of 18
mmilliH or ‘.1 school years.” (Caliver, Ambrose, Avail
33
ability of Education to Negroes in Rural Communities, 34,
Office of Education, Dept, of Interior, Bulletin No. 12
(1935)).
In comparison with the physical facilities available to
white students, the segregated Negro student suffers from
an inadequacy and inequality resulting from the segrega
tion in every category of educational facility, and by every
standard of measurement. See, Phelps-Stokes Fund, Edu
cational Adaptations: Report of Ten Years’ Work, 1910-
1920; Johnson, Chas. S., The Negro in American Civilisa
tion (1930) 261 et seq.; Embree, Edwin R., Brown America
(1931); Moton, Robert R., What the Negro Thinks, 102-108
(1929); Survey of Higher Education for Negroes, 14 et
seq., IT. S. Office of Ed., Misc. No. 6, Vol. II, U. S. Gov’t
Print. Off., Wash. D. C. (1942); Woofter, Thomas J. Jr.,
The Basis of Racial Adjustment, 176-185 (1925); The
Availability of Education in the Texas Negro Separate
School, 16 J. of Negro Ed. 429 (1947).
The President’s Commission on Higher Education,
after thorough examination of the facts, found that:
* * * the separate and equal principle has no
where been fully honored. Educational facilities for
Negroes in segregated areas are inferior to those
provided for whites. Whether one considers enroll
ment. over-all costs per student, teachers’ salaries,
ttaBsporteiior facilities, availability of secondary
or oppo.'-t v'.Ptes for undergraduate and grade
i S '-".'.;
fte m h ̂ aad mb'- ■ tM Uf the Negro citizen.
" v r te r Arm-rvgm h>'mocmi,y ■ Vof 11,
EfEsv-arnsr *rnv v; eg Opportunity
31 0 * 0 ) . .
It might be contended that while educational teeili
ties have been and are, in fact, unequal, equality *« ouvi-.i
theless theoretically possible. There are two ftuewet*i
u
Edneatiowt: plants, like other physical facilities, de
teriorate at varying rates. To maintain physical equality
in a segregated Mkcational system, it would be necessary
to f f̂fitimaaLy taJsmee the facilities of one system against
the ether and to take steps to eliminate inequalities which
necessarily develop from time to time. This is adminis
tratively impossible.
But there is even a more compelling factor which
makes physical equality of facilities, without a substantial
reduction of facilities now available to whites, a practical
impossibility. The financial cost involved is beyond the
capacity of the South to bear. Horace Mann Bond, in
Education of the Negro in the American Social Order
(1934) sums this up, at 231:
If the South had an entirely homogeneous popu
lation, it would not be able to maintain schools of high
quality for the children unless its states and local
communities resorted to heavy, almost crushing rates
of taxation. The situation is further complicated by
the fact that a dual system is maintained. Consider
ing the expenditures made for Negro schools, it is
clear that the plaint frequently made that this dual
system is a burden is hardly true; but it is also clear
that if an honest attempt were made to maintain
‘ equal, though separate schools’, the burden would be
impossible even beyond the limitation of existing
poverty.
Physical equality can be achieved only when the walls
separating the two systems are destroyed and students
regardless of race or color, are permitted to use all avail
able educational facilities.
35
(2 ) The economic, sociological and psychological conse
quences of racial segregation in and of themselves
constitute a discrimination prohibited by the equal
protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Aside from consideration of equality of physical facil
ities. segregation. involves substantial factors -which
duc-e a degree of inequality repugnant to the Cv-nsMEi
Theme are discriminatory factors -which are preeinr
in the very sekeoEag: afforded the Xegro, which have no
relation to the “ equality” or adequacy of physical facil
ities. Dr. Eokert Bedfleld, an education expert, testified
in the tria l court, to the fact that segregation in educa
tion deprives the Xegro of the “ opportunity to exchange
professional and intellectual matters with members of the
other major groups” in the nation (B. 200).
Essential to the educational process is the intorpUn
of contributions from all persons and all groups, Full
equality in education is not attainable unless all students,
regardless of race, have the fullest opportunity to asso
ciate intellectually with each other, to express and coouvv
divergent points of view which arise from their differing
social backgrounds.
The development of adequate educational faeilicos : -
Negroes is greatly handicapped by their isolation im:ci
white commn.ni.ty. This is not to mention the d,et : :“ rom
to the white student of intellectual association with the
Xegro student. Xor are these mutual deprivations an
indication of equality. {Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 TL S.
1, 22, “ Equal protection of the laws is not achieved through
indiscriminate imposition of inequalities.” )
Education for the legal profession, in particular, re
quires the highest of standards. The study of law tra
verses many fields of human knowledge. Yet the Xegro
relegated to a jim-crow law school finds that there is an
insufficient number of students to furnish the broad
cross-section of intellectual interests and proficiencies
36
which are essential ingredients of successful law school
training.
Law school classes are most stimulating where they
afford ample group discussion. It is a difficult task to
attempt to study law alone, as the petitioner is being com
pelled to do. Even were there a large enrollment at the
Negro law school, the facilities for discussion among
students would be limited and the Negro student deprived
of needed intellectual challenges from white fellow
students.
In addition to this, the segregated Negro is deprived
of the opportunity of participating with white students
in production of their law review, in moot courts and
mock trials, in such practice as is afforded by legal aid
clinics and public defender societies and in all of the
activities outside of the classroom which go to make up
a rounded legal education.
Furthermore, the Negro lacks the prestige which comes
from being a graduate from accredited and well-known
educational institutions. This prestige carries through
in later life, especially in professional life, and has a
substantial pecuniary value. It is common knowledge
that in the eyes of the community, the Negro school has
substantially less professional standing than has the
“ equivalent” white school.
But over and above these considerations, the very
existence of segregation is a degrading and humiliating
racial discrimination against the Negro, with all its re
sultant evil effects.
The stamp of inferiority implicit in the segregation
is conclusively established in the mores of the communi
ties where racial separation is practiced. There is no
denying the fact that in those communities the attendance
of a white person at a Negro school, or his being seated
in the Negro section of a transportation facility (even if
the physical equal of any) is not only illegal, but con
37
sidered to be degrading and a loss of caste. To ignore
this is to ignore the history of community relations in this
country.
Moreover, the basic factual assumption upon which the
rule in the Plessy case was predicated over half a century
ago,—that a constitutional degree of equality is possible
in racial segregation, is, in the light of modern sociologi
cal and psychological data demonstrably false, and was,
at all times, utterly without foundation. What the Court
then maintained as a fallacious assumption, “ that the en
forced separation of the two races stamps the colored race
with a badge of inferiority” (at 551) is today an uncon
troverted scientific fact. Moton, Robert R., What the
Negro Thinks 99 (1929); Bond, Horace M., Education of
the Negro in the American Social Order 385 (1934);
Gallagher, B. G., American Caste and the Negro College
(1938); Davis, A. and Dollard, J., Children of Bondage
(1940).
The consequences of the status of inferiority manifest
themselves not only in economic limitations and in social
impediments, but also in mental and emotional disturb
ances and shortcomings in proper personality develop
ment. These are discernable and measurable by the social
scientist, and are matters of substance and sufficiently
material to be given recognition as within the scope and
intendment of the “ equal protection of the laws” clause
of the Fourteenth Amendment.
An excellent and authoritative Note published recently
in the Yale Law Journal has pointed out that:
The effects of a dual school system force a sense
of limitations upon the child and destroy incentives,
produce a sense of inferiority, give rise to mecha
nisms of escape in fantasy and discourage racial self
appreciation. These abnormal results, condoned by
the implications of the Plessy case, deny to the Negro
and Mexican child ‘ equal protection of the laws’ in
every meaningful sense of the words.
38
Segregation in Public Schools—A Violation of “ Equal
Protection of the Laws” , 56 Yale L. J. 1059, 1062 (1947),
and authorities therein cited: Long, Some Psychogenic
Hazards of Segregated Education of Negroes, 4 J. of
Negro Ed. 336, 343 (1935); Long, The Intelligence of Col
ored Elementary Pupils in Washington, D. C., 3 J. of
Negro Ed. 205-22 (1934); Gallagher, American Caste and
the Negro College, 109, 184, 321, 322 (1938).
The offer of equality in physical facilities cannot affect
these pernicious factors inherent in segregation. The
economic, sociological and psychological consequences to
the Negro of segregation of the races, where it is prac
ticed, are actually far more substantially discriminatory
than any inequality in physical facilities can ever he.
Realistically, the unconstitutional discrimination consists
of the inequalities which flow from enforced segregation,
rather than the inequality of mere physical facilities.
39
Conclusion
Racial segregation in our country is a threat to our
leadership in international affairs. We have subscribed
to international agreements and resolutions which are
contradicted by our practices. A continuation of segrega
tion gives the lie to our democratic protestations at a
time when our leadership in world affairs is challenged.
Finally, unless racial segregation in education is de
clared unconstitutional now, we may expect a further
crystallization of patterns of discrimination, inasmuch as
governors of eleven Southern States are planning to im
plement a regional compact which will provide higher
education for Negroes on a segregated basis.
For the reasons urged herein we respectfully request
that the judgment of the Court below he reversed.
Respectfully submitted,
Marcus Cohn,
Washington, D. C.,
Jacob G-rumet,
New York City,
Attorneys for
American Jewish Committee,
B ’nai B ’rith (Anti-Defamation League),
Sol Rabkin,
Jacob Schaum,
of Counsel.
Dated New York, N. Y., March 31, 1950.
40
APPENDIX
American Jewish Committee
The American Jewish Committee is a corporation cre
ated by an Act of the Legislature of the State of New
York in 1906. Its charter states:
The object of this corporation shall be to prevent
the infraction of the civil and religious rights of
Jews, in any part of the world; to render all lawful
assistance and to take appropriate remedial action
in the event of threatened or actual invasion or re
striction of such rights, or of unfavorable discrimina
tion with respect thereto * * *
During the forty-three years of our existence it has been
one of the fundamental tenets of our organization that the
welfare and security of Jews in America depend upon the
preservation of constitutional guarantees. An invasion of
the civil rights of any group is a threat to the safety of
all groups.
For this reason we have on many occasions fought in
defense of civil liberties even though Jewish interests did
not appear to be specifically involved. The present case,
involving segregation in state-supported educational in
stitutions, is one with which we are deeply concerned
because such discrimination deprives millions of persons
of rights that are freely enjoyed by others and adversely
affects the entire democratic structure of our society. A
question of transcendent public importance is thus pre.
sented to this Court.
41
B’nai B’rith (Anti-Defamation League)
B ’nai B ’rith, founded in 1843, is the oldest civic organ
ization of American Jews. It represents a membership
of 300,000 men and women and their families. The Anti-
Defamation League was organized in 1913, as a section
of the parent organization, in order to cope with racial
and religious prejudice in the United States. The pro
gram developed by the League is designed to achieve the
following objectives: to eliminate and counteract defama
tion and discrimination against the various racial, reli
gious and ethnic groups which comprise our American
people; to counteract un-American and anti-democratic
activity; to advance goodwill and mutual understanding
among American groups; and to encourage and translate
into greater effectiveness the ideals of American democ
racy.
(1907)