Sweatt v. Painter Brief Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
March 31, 1950

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Sweatt v. Painter Brief Amici Curiae, 1950. bef84f97-c59a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/2681f13f-5e1e-4d38-a681-2b6ea5533af5/sweatt-v-painter-brief-amici-curiae. Accessed June 13, 2025.
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IN' THE Supreme Court of the United States October Term, 1949 No. 44 HEMAN MARION SWEATT, v. Petitioner, THEOPHILIS SHICKEL PAINTER et at., Respondents. On a Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of the State of Texas BRIEF ON BEHALF OF AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE AND B’ NAI B’RITH (ANTI-DEFAM ATION LEAGUE) AS AMICI CURIAE Makcus Cohn, Washington, D. C., J acob G-bum et , New York City, Attorneys for American Jewish Committee, B ’nai B ’ritJi (Anti-Defamation League). Sol Rabkin, Jacob Schatjm, of Counsel. BAR l 'RRSS INO., 5 4 LA FA Y E T T E ST. , N E W YOR K 1 3 ----- WA. 5 - 8 4 3 2 - 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS I nterest op the A m ici ........................................................... 1 Opinions B elow ......................................................................... 3 J urisdiction .................................................................................. 3 S tatement of F acts ................................................................ 3 Sum m ary of A rgument ............. 5 P oint I. The validity of racial segregation in pub lic educational facilities has never before been decided by this Court ............................................. 8 P oint II. Racial segregation in public educational institutions is an arbitrary and inadmissible classification under the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment ............................. 12 P oint III. The “ separate but equal” doctrine origi nated by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson had no basis in then-existing legal precedent, and is an anachronism in the light of present-day legal and sociological knowledge..................................... 17 P oint IV. Segregation necessarily imports discrim ination and therefore violates the requirements of the Fourteenth Amendment .............................. 28 (1) Equality is in fact impossible in racially segregated public educational facilities........ 29 (2) The economic, sociological and psychological consequences of racial segregation in and of themselves constitute a discrimination pro hibited by the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment ................................. 35 Conclusion .................................................................................. 39 A ppendix ...................................................................................... 40 PAGE 11 Index Table of Cases PAGE Acheson v. Murakami, 176 F. (2d) 953 ...................... 17 Atchison, Topeka etc. By. v. Mathews, 174 U. S. 96 ... 21 Berea College v. Kentucky, 211 U. S. 45 .................... 9 Bryant v. Zimmermann, 278 U. S. 63 .......................... 25 Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60 ..........................14, 24, 26 Butler v. Perry, Sheriff of Columbia County, Fla., 240 U. S. 328 ............................................................ 24 Chesapeake & Ohio By. v. Kentucky, 179 U. S. 388. .. 21 Chesapeake, 0. & S. By. Co. v. Wells, 85 Tenn. 613. .. 19 Chicago & N. W. By. Co. v. Williams, 55 111. 185...... 19 Chiles v. Chesapeake & O. By. Co., 218 U. S. 71...... 22 Civil Eights Cases, 109 U. S. 3 ................................... 18 Clyatt v. U. S., 197 U. S. 207 ....................................... 22 Colgate v. Harvey, 296 U. S. 404 ................................. 25 Camming v. County Board of Education, 175 U. S. 528 ............................................................................. 9 Day v. Owens, 5 Mich. 520 ............................................. 19 Fisher v. Hurst, 333 U. S. 147 ..................................... 11 Gong Lum v. Bice, 275 U. S. 7 8 ..........................2, 10, 11, 25 Hall v. DeCuir, 95 IT. S. 485 ....................................... 8,9,18 Heard v. Georgia By. Co., 1 I. C. C. B. 428.............. 20 Heard v. Georgia By. Co., 3 I. C. C. B. I l l .............. 20 Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400 ......................................... 14 Hirahayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81 ............................. 13,16 Houck v. Southern Pac. By. Co., 38 Fed. Bep. 226.... 19 Korematsu v. U. S., 323 U. S. 214 13,16 Index i l l Lindsley v. Natural Carbonic Gas Co., 220 U. S. 61. .. 12 Logwood etc. v. Memphis etc. Ry. Co., 23 Fed. Rep. 483 ....................................................................19,20 Louisville, New Orleans, and Texas Ry. Co. v. Mis sissippi, 133 U. S. 587 ........................................... 18 McCabe v. Atchison, T. & S. F. R. Co., 235 U. S. 151.....11, 23 McGuinn v. Forbes, 37 Fed. Rep. 639 ..........................19, 20 Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337. ..10,11, 25 Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U. S. 536 ................................. 14 PAGE Ohio ex rel. Clarke v. Deckenbach, 274 U. S. 392 ....... 13 Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633 ............................. 13, 29 Pace v. Alabama, 106 U. S. 583 ..................................... 21 Patsone v. Penna., 232 U. S. 138................................... 13 People v. King, 110 N. Y. 418 ..................................... 20 Perez v. Sharp, 32 Calif. (2d) 711 ............................. 21 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537 ...... 6, 7, 9,11,18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 37 Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U. S. 1................................... 15, 35 Sipuel v. Board of Regents of the University of Okla homa, 332 U. S. 631 ................................................ 11 Smith v. Allwright, 321 U. S. 649 ................................. 14 Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U. S. 303 .................. 14 Takahashi v. Fish and Game Commission, 334 U. S. 410 ........................................................................... 14 Terminiello v. City of Chicago, 337 U. S. 1 ................. 17 The Roanoke, 189 U. S. 185............................................. 22 The Sue, 22 Fed. Rep. 483 .........................................19, 20 Thomas v. Collins, 323 U. S. 516 ................................. 13 IV Index J?AGE West Chester etc. Ry. v. Miles, 55 Penn. St. 209 ...... 19 Westminster School District v. Mendez, 161 F. (2d) 774 ............................................................................ 2 Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356 .............................. 14 Yu Cong Eng v. Trinidad, 271 U. S. 356.................... 14 United States Constitution Fourteenth Amendment 5, 6, 7, 8,11,12,15,18,19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 29, 35, 37 Interstate Commerce Clause ................................. 18, 21, 22 Thirteenth Amendment .................................................22, 24 Federal Statutes Interstate Commerce Act, Sec. 3 ................................. 20 Federal Civil Rights Act ............................................. 18 State Constitutions and Statutes Constitution of Texas. Art. VII, Sec. 7 28 Oklahoma "Separate-coach statute” 23 Texas R v:- 1 Civil Statutes. Title 49. Chap. 19. Art. 2900 28 Other Authorities Bore. nuraee I t a nr . r ".or. of the Negro in (lie American Social Order (1934) 34,37 Boysm. Lean ueu . . Stores and 1'rouds ol Ihf -mthds Between White and Negro Teacher*• Salaries in S:e Sourer” States, t900 Index v Caliver, Ambrose, Availability of Education to Ne groes in Eural Communities, Office of Ed., Dept. PAGE of Interior, Bulletin No. 12 (1935) ........................ 32 Davis, A. and Dollard, I., Children of Bondag*e (1940) 37 Embree, Edwin R., Brown America (1931) .............. 33 Gallagher, B. G., American Caste and the Negro Col lege (1938) ..........................................................37,38 Johnson, Chas. S., The Negro in American Civiliza tion (1930) ................................................................ 33 Long, Some Psychogenic Hazards of Segregated Education of Negroes, 4 J. of Negro Ed. 336 (1935) 38 Long, The Intelligence of Colored Elementary Pupils in Washington, D. C., 3 J. of Negro Ed. 205-22 (1934) ........................................................................ 38 46 Mich. L. Rev. 639 (1948) ........................................... 9 Moton, Robert R., What the Negro Thinks (1929) 33,37 Newbold, N. C., Common Schools for Negroes in the South, The Annals of the Amer. Acad, of Polit. & Soc. Science, Vol. 140, No. 229 (Nov. 1928) 32 Phelps — Stokes Fund, Educational Adaptations: Report of Ten Years’ Work, 1910 1920 33 Report of a Survey of the Public Schools of (lie l)is trict of Columbia Conducted Under I,bo Auspices of the Chairmen of the Subeoounifleos on Ills trict of Columbia Appropriations Conmiiltoos of the Senate and House of Ifepn; eufnlives, U. H, Gov’t Printing ()1T, Washington, D (1949) .......... , 87 V I Index Report of the President’s Commission on Higher Education, Higher Education for American De mocracy: Vol. II, Equalizing and Expanding In PAGE dividual Opportunity (1947) .............................. 33 Segregation in Public Schools—A Violation of “ Equal Protection of the Laws” , 56 Yale L. J. 1059 (1947) .............................................................. 38 Survey of Higher Education for Negroes, H. S. Office of Ed., Misc. No. 6, Vol. II, U. S. Gov’t Print. Off., Wash. D. C. (1942) ..................................... 33 The Availability of Education in the Texas Negro Separate School, 16 J. of Negro Ed. 429 (1947) 33 Thompson, Chas. H., Court Action the Only Reason able Alternative to Remedy the Immediate Abuse of the Negro Separate School, 4 J. of Negro Ed. 419 (1935) ................................................................ 31 Thompson. Chas. H., The Critical Situation in Negro Higher and Professional Education, 15 J. of Negro Ed. 579 (1946) ............................................. 32 Waite. Edward F.. The Negro in the Supreme Court, 30 Minn. L. Rev. 219 (1946) ................................. 21 Woofter. Thomas J. Jr.. The Basis of Racial Adjust ment (1925) .................. _ .... ................................. 33 IN THE Supreme Court of the United States October Term, 1949 No. 44 HEMAN MARION SWEATT, v. Petitioner, THEOPHILIS SHICKEL PAINTER et al., Respondents. On a Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of the State of Texas BRIEF ON BEHALF OF AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE AND B’NAI B’RITH (ANTI-DEFAM ATION LEAGUE) AS AMICI CURIAE Interest of the Amici * This brief is filed, with the consent of both parties, on behalf of the American Jewish Committee, and the Anti- Defamation League of B ’nai B ’rith. * The Appendix contains a description of the organizations appearing as amici curiae. 2 Both of these organizations are dedicated to the preser vation of democratic rights guaranteed all citizens by onr Federal Constitution. Each has long since recognized that the invasion of the rights of any individual or group on the basis of race undermines the foundation of rights guaranteed to all groups in our democracy. The present case causes us deep concern because the pattern of discrimination in segregated educational facili ties has deprived millions of Americans of equality of op portunity and has perpetuated an abhorrent caste system. In the light of sociological and psychological insights gained from experience with segregated school systems it is clear that compulsory segregation results in physical, social, intellectual and economic inequality for the Negro and any other segregated group. These inequalities give rise to and strengthen the effect of inequalities in other areas of human activity, for such inequalities compound each other. Beyond this, we are concerned with the fact that segre gation has become an effective threat to the very founda tion of onr democratic way of life. If a State can require segregation in education for Negroes, it can also require it for Chinese, see G :h*j Lam v. Bice, 275 IT. 8. 78, for Mexitans. see BAsmAtst-'r School District v. Me mice, 161 F. id 774. or for any arbitrarily selected group. 8ogre cation tnauttains the racist doctrine that undesirable social traits and. inferior mental capacities inhere not in the individual, hut in the group. This concept must be excised "ram the fabric of onr society. Certainly « first step is to remove it from onr law. ® siawfti b% stntod finally that ttl ar© fully aware that by wntt nf and ft© sepjiTAir 1 equal duel vine is the fear that a dostrae- tion ©f barriers ©f segregation will give rise I© iat- oreasad racial lenniom* We believe that the ugly preju- dictiK which create such tensions batten on segrscation 3 A decision by this Court eliminating racial segregation in education will strengthen the democratic relationships among the various groups in our population. This issue must be faced honestly and boldly. Opinions Below The judgment of the Supreme Court of the State of Texas refusing the application for writ of error to the Court of Civil Appeals for the Third District, dated Sep tember 29, 1948, without opinion, appears on page 466 of the record. The order, dated October 27, 1948, overruling the motion for a rehearing, without opinion, appears on page 471 of the record. The opinion of the Court of Civil Appeals, dated February 25, 1948, appears at page 445 of the record, and that of the District Court of Travis County, dated June 17, 1947, is reported at page 438. Jurisdiction Jurisdiction is invoked under Title 28, United Stntea Code, section 1257 (3). Statement of J'act* The petHjwjer ;o ihh w w , iiemm MttrUfh > vwenti, jui gjit adumaou to A# Bdho&l ot Law *A the University of Texas. He eme&d&My met all (A the mmlenha quali fications, but the authorities o f the TTniversity denied him enrollment because he is a Negro. In the State of Texas in accordance with statutory and constitutional provisions the maintenance of separate schools for whites and Negroes is compulsory. The 4 University of Texas Law School which Sweatt sought to enter is maintained for white students only. On May 16,1946, Sweatt brought an action in mandamus in the District Court of Travis County, Texas, to compel the members of the Board of Regents of the University of Texas, and others, to admit him as a student. That court, after a hearing, entered an order finding that Sweatt was denied the equal protection of the laws since no provision had been made by the State of Texas for his legal training. The District Court did not, however, grant the writ of mandamus but rather adjourned further consideration of the action until December 17, 1946, giving the respond ents six months time within which to produce a course of legal instruction substantially equivalent to that provided for white students at the University of Texas. At the second hearing on the application for the writ, which took place December 17, 1946, the State of Texas attempted to show the availability of a law school for Sweatt by presenting to the court a copy of a resolution adopted November 27, 1946, by the Board of Directors of Texas A. & M. College to the effect that if Negro appli cants for law school training were to present proper evi dence of the required academic qualifications they would be admitted to a law school for Negroes to be established in Houston. Texas ter me semester beginning February 194,. There was no evicen.ce produced, however, to show mat a .aw school for N egrres rad actuary been established. On me rasis of mis representation at the December 1 m rearing me court erterec a final order denying me petition. Tims —icguient was set aside without opinion, bv tie qaum i t i t m Appeals* aim me cause was remanded tor f irm e r pm atedm is without prejudice t\> the right of any party. 5 Meanwhile, the State authorities established a separate Negro law school in premises rented in an office building in Austin, Texas, for a period to begin sometime in the latter part of February or early March 1947, and to end on August 31, 1947. A description of the facilities provided for this law school is given in Point IV of the argument, infra. In May 1947, by amendment and supplementation of the original pleadings, the petitioner and respondents joined issue on the question whether the establishment of this separate Negro law school during the period of pro ceedings on the appeal was sufficient compliance with the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and, therefore, whether the refusal to admit Sweatt to the School of Law of the University of Texas was arbitrary and in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment. The trial on this issue was held before the district court sitting without a jury. Judgment was rendered for respondents. This was affirmed on appeal to the Civil Court of Appeals. Writ of error was refused by the Supreme Court of the State of Texas. Summary of Argument The following arguments will be urged in this brief: I. This Court has never before decided on the consti tutional validity of racial segregation in public education. The Court has, in did inn, signified its approval of the “ separate but equal” doctrine as applied to education, but has never ruled specifically whether racial segrega tion in education is within (lie “ equal protection of the laws” provision of the Fourteenth Amendment. 6 II. Racial segregation in public educational institu tions is an arbitrary and inadmissible classification under the “ equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amend ment. This Court has ruled that legislative classification based on race alone is a denial of equal protection except where the national safety is imperilled or there is a pressing public necessity. Racial segregation in public educational facilities is clearly not accompanied by any “ pressing public necessity” and must, therefore, fall un der the ban of the Fourteenth Amendment. III. The “ separate but equal doctrine” originated by this Court in Plessg v, Ferguson had no basis in then- existing legal precedent and is an anachronism in the xga: of present-day legal and sociological knowledge. The eases cited by the majority of this Court to sup port its decision in tie ease of Plessg v. Ferguson set no precedent on the questions under consideration in the -ase v . e m t :- .: - - Vee sine cited the ■■separate Snrtt Jw h u ft o f the PJcssy ease it has never since :ecu. r-fMfxumred and affirmed by this Court, Xeither is the racial classification embodied in the statute under consideration justifiable as an exorcise of police poweT. IV. Racial segregation in public education results in inequality and is a form of discrimination. This Court has recently stricken down many forms of discrimination in such fields as housing, ownership of land, eligibility for employment and in jury duty. The Court has particularly opposed discriminatory practices “ rooted deeply in racial, economic and social antago nisms.” The “ separate but equal” doctrine urged here stresses that separation is not discrimination where physically 7 equal facilities are provided, but the ‘ ‘ separate but equal ’ ’ doctrine is a fiction which must be pierced. Segregation results in social, intellectual, physical and economic in equality and hence is discriminatory. Social inequality is an inevitable concomitant of seg regation. The premise of Plessy v. Ferguson that segre gation does “ not necessarily imply the inferiority of either race to the other” is invalid. Intellectual inequality results where students in one racial group are separated from others so that they can not share in intellectual discussion in law classes, in law review work, in moot courts and the like. The physical equality supposedly guaranteed by the “ separate but equal” doctrine does not exist in fact. The physical facilities afforded white students in Texas are far superior to those provided for Xegroes, and the Uni versity of Texas Law School for white students is incom parably superior to the law school provided for Xegroes. Xor can physical equality in dual school systems be achieved in the future. Economic inequality also inheres in racial segregation in education. The legal profession is peculiarly one in which social relationships lead to economic opportunities which shape a lawyer’s career. Xegroes denied the full est possible social relationships are deprived of economic rights. Therefore, this Court is asked to overrule its decision in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson and to hold that racial segregation in public education is violative of the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. 8 POINT I The validity of racial segregation in public edu cational facilities has never before been decided by this Court. This Court is here asked to determine the validity of constitutional and statutory provisions of the State of Texas which require racial segregation in public educa tional facilities. Despite the transcendent importance of the question, this Court has not yet ruled directly on the constitutionality of segregation in public education. It has decided similar problems, such as the validity of racial segregation in transportation and in housing. It has decided matters relating to educational segregation where the validity of segregation was assumed but not in question. But this Court has never before ruled flatly and specifically on the validity under the Fourteenth Amend ment of racial segregation in education. Following the adoption in 1868 of the Fourteenth Amendment, the earliest case in which some reference was made by this Court to racial segregation in education was Hall v. DeCuir. 95 F. S. 185, which involved the validity of a Soaoe staoute prohibiting segregation by race in public carriers. That staooioe was declared unconstitutional as an improper rsguia.-l-:r. of foreign and interstate commerce, b a m—TnriiiHg, Mr. Jsstk« Clifford reviewed wMt m m d f l e cndhsm s o f a number o f State eases ' : o a a ir iieu£ ore - of racial socrocnoicoo ■a edbrndlMmi « d adbM k dictum that segi e ration in the jufffip schools did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment of ptysacaliT equal school facilities for Negroes were pre served. 9 In 1896 this Court decided Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537, which sustained the constitutionality of a Louisiana statute which required public carriers to furnish separate but equal coach accommodations for whites and Negroes. The Court cited with approval several ancient State cases which had held that a State could require the segregation of racial groups in its educational system provided that facilities for all groups were physically equal.* The constitutionality of “ separate but equal” facilities in education was concededly not before the Court in either the Sail or the Plessy cases. Yet, although there was no basis for a discussion of equal facilities in education, and in spite of the fact that the statements of the Court were dicta, the Plessy case was subsequently employed by State and lower federal courts to proclaim the legality of segre gation in educational institutions. See cases cited in 46 mich. l. rev. 639, 643 (1948). Three years later, this Court decided Cumming v. County Board of Education, 175 U. S. 528. There, an in junction was sought to restrain the board of education from maintaining a high school for white children where none was maintained for Negro children. The State court had upheld the board of education, saying that its allocation of funds did not involve bad faith or abuse of discretion. In upholding the decision of the State court, Mr. Justice Harlan stated expressly that racial segregation in the school system of the State was not in issue. The next case before this Court which involved com pulsory educational segregation was Perea College v. Ken tucky, 211 U. S. 45, wherein the validity of a State statute which prohibited domestic corporations from teaching white and Negro pupils in the same private educational in stitution was attacked. While the scope of the statute was * See our fuller discussion of the Plessy case, Point Ml, infra. 10 broad enough to include individuals as well as corporations, this Court said, at 54, —it is unnecessary for us to consider anything more than the question of its validity as applied to corpora tions. * * * Even if it were conceded that its assertion of power over individuals cannot be sustained, still it must be upheld so far as it restrains corporations. This Court supported the reasoning of the State court that the statute could be upheld as coming within the power of a State over one of its own corporate creatures. The statute was considered not to have embodied a deprivation of property rights. The rights of individuals were not considered. Not until 1927 did racial segregation in educational in stitutions again become the subject of controversy before this Court. In Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 IT. S. 78 a Chinese contested the right of the State of Mississippi to exclude her from the high school for whites, and to assign her to the colored school under the State’s segregated school system. The State contended that under its constitutional provision requiring that separate schools he maintained fo r d f l b e t o f l i e l U e and colored races, the plaintiff jocLi not insist :u heang i.oe.sed with the whites and that the legisiitnr-e was not compelled to provide separate srhoojs for each of the colored races. The issue of segregation was not presented in this case. The plaintiff accepted the system of segregation in the public schools of the State, but contested her classification within that system. Since she did not contest the practice of segregating Negroes from whites, segregation was not in question. Nor was the validity of segregation before the Court in the case of Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337 in which the petitioner was refused admission to the University of Missouri Law School, a State supported in stitution, solely because be was a Negro. The State, having 11 no law school, for Negroes, sought to fulfill its obligation to provide equal educational facilities by paying the peti tioner ’s tuition for a legal education in another State. This the Court held did not satisfy the constitutional require ment. It said that the petitioner was entitled to be ad mitted to the University of Missouri Law School in the absence of other and proper provision for his legal train ing within the State of Missouri. Again, the issue was not segregation, but whether an otherwise qualified Negro applicant for law training could be excluded from the only State supported law school. This Court assumed that the validity of equal facilities in racially separate schools was settled by earlier decisions and cited the Plessy case and McCabe v. Atchison, T. & S. F. R. Co., 235 U. S. 151, both of which involved segre gation only in public carriers, and the Gong Lum case. But the validity of a state requirement of segregation was not decided. The most recent consideration of this problem was in 1948 in the University of Oklahoma Law School case, Sipuel v. Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma. 332 U. S. 631. This Court, in a per curiam decision, said that the State must provide law school facilities for the Negro petitioner “ in conformity with the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and provide it as soon as it does for applicants of any other group” (at 633). The facts in the Sipuel case were similar to those in the Gaines case, in that no law school facilities were afforded Negroes by the State of Oklahoma. Segregation was not at issue in (lie Sipuel case. This Court stated in Fisher v. Hurst, 333 IT. S. 147, 150, that: The petition for certiorari in Sipuel v. University of Oklahoma did not present the issue whether a state might not satisfy the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment by establishing a separate law school for Negroes. On submission, we were clear it was not an issue here. 12 In no case previously before this Court in which racial separation in education has been the subject of comment in an opinion has there been a record presented upon which the Court felt compelled to take cognizance of the issue of segregation per se in State supported educational insti tutions. The record in this case presents the issue squarely: Does segregation in State supported educational in stitutions meet the requirements of the “ equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment! POINT II Racial segregation in public educational institu tions is an arbitrary and inadmissible classification under the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In determining whether a particular legislative classi fication meets the requirements of the “ equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, this Court has applied two tests: first, whether the classification statute has a constitutionally permissible objective, and, second, whether the classification scheme is based upon differences between the groups classified which bear a substantial relation to an objective of the legislation. B efore this Court would invalidate legislative elassi- CkbAmb it has Ir a ■eeeosary to show a lack of any pos- aHe jprraiuls for hSrf is the ability of the statute to «Ht»s desired rad fegitnafte ends. This rule was applied nr L,mr,.£.{•? t. Xatural Ca-rbomf Cfas Co., 220 IT. 8L SI, 7A in the following terms: one who assails the classification * * * must, carry the burden of showing that it does not rest upon any reasonable basis, but is essentially arbi trary. 13 Moreover, the presumption of constitntionality and the rational basis test which have been applied to classifica tion statutes have been decisive to the degree that the Court has refused to invalidate such statutes unless there was a clear showing that the legislature was “ manifestly wrong” in its action. See Ohio ex rel. Clarice v. Dechen- bach, 274 U. S. 392, 397; Patsone v. Penna., 232 U. S. 138, 144. While these tests have always been, and are operative as to other legislative classifications, the history of the Court’s rulings involving the constitutional validity of governmental action based upon racial distinctions reveals that as to cases concerned with racial discrimination and other civil rights and liberties, the above presumptions are generally not applied. Thomas v. Collins, 323 U. S. 516. The propriety of classification on the basis of race has been the subject of separate and special vigilance. The Court has increasingly in recent years made searching inquiry into the sufficiency of any grounds asserted as justification for governmental distinctions based on race or color. It has stated that “ all legislative restrictions which curtail the civil rights of a single race group are immediately suspect.” Korematsu v. U. 8., 323 L . S. 214, 216. “ Only the most exceptional circumstances can ex cuse discrimination on that basis in the face of the equal protection clause.” Oyama v. California. 332 l . S. 633. 646. This Court has recognized that, as a general rale, Distinctions between citizens solely because of their ancestry are by their very nature odious to a free people whose institutions are founded upon the doctrine of equality. For that reason legislative classification or discrimination based on race alone has often been held to be a denial of equal protec tion. Ilirabayashi v. IJ. 8., 320 IT, 8, 81, 100. 14 In the application of these principles, the Court has consistently declared governmental classification based on race or color to he constitutionally invalid. This Court has struck down governmental action of a discriminatory character relating to the exclusion of Negroes from grand and petit juries. Strauder v. West Virginia. 100 U. S. 303; Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400; it has ruled that the right to qualify as a voter, even in primaries, may not he subject to racial classification. **I* too clear for extended argument,” said this Court, "tea* color cannot be made the basis of a statutory classi fication affecting the right set up in this case” Nixon v. Herndon. 273 I . S. 536, 541. In a more recent decision, this Court has held that the exclusion of Negroes from voting in a primary election by a political party consti tuted a denial by the State of the right to vote. Smith v. Allwright, 321 U. S. 649. This Court has also struck down laws which in their administration have been revealed as a racial classification resulting in the denial to persons of a particular race or color the right to carry on a busi ness or calling, Tick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356; Yu Cong Eng v. Trinidad, 271 U. S. 500; Takahashi v. Fish and Game Commission, 334 U. S. 410. This Court has protected the right to acquire, use and dispose of real property from infringement by State action effecting race classification. In Buchanan v. Warley, 245 IT. S. 60, which involved a racial residential zoning ordi nance, the State invoked its authority to pass laws in the exercise of its police power, and urged that this compul sory separation of the races in habitation be sustained because it would “ promote the public peace by prevent ing race conflicts” (at 81). This Court rejected that con tention, saying: The authority of the state to pass laws in the exercise of the police power * * * is very broad * * * [and] the exercise of this power is not to be inter fered with by the courts where it is within the scope 15 of legislative authority and the means adopted rea sonably tend to accomplish a lawful purpose. But it is equally well established that the police power * * * cannot justify the passage of a law or ordinance which runs counter to the limitations of the Federal Constitution * * *. (at 74). The Court rejected the consideration of the police power of the State, however legitimate the exercise of it, to jus tify a racial classification where rights created or pro tected by the Constitution were involved. In a more recent case, Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U. S. 1, this Court, by unanimous decision, held that the enforce ment of racial restrictive covenants by State courts is State action, prohibited by the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In the course of its decision, the Court measurably strengthened the equal protection clause as a formidable barrier to restrictions having the effect of racial segregation. The contention was there pressed that since the State courts stand ready to enforce racial covenants excluding white persons from occupancy or ownership, enforcement of covenants excluding Ne groes is not a denial of equal protection. This Court rejected the equality of application argument, decisively dismissing it in the following language: This contention does not bear scrutiny. * * * The rights created by the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment are, by its terms, guaranteed to the in dividual. The rights established are personal rights. It is, therefore, no answer to these petitioners to say that the courts may also be induced to deny while persons rights of ownership and occupancy on grounds of race or color. Equal protection of the laws is not, achieved through indiscriminate imposition of in equalities, (at 21, 22). 16 There has been but one recent deviation from this trend in civil rights cases. This Court has stated that “ in the crisis of war and of threatened invasion” when the national safety is imperilled, it will permit a racial classification by the Federal government. In Hirabayashi v. U. S., swpra, which involved a prosecution for failure to obey a curfew order directed against citizens of Jap anese ancestry, and in Korematsu v. U. S., supra, where a governmental order directing the exclusion of all persons of Japanese ancestry from the West Coast military area was contested, the Court recognized an overriding pressing public urgency in time of war. In doing so it made clear, however, that this was an extraordinary exception. “ Leg islative classification or discrimination based on race alone has often been held to he a denial of equal protection. * * * We may assume” , continued the Court, “ that these considerations would be controlling here were it not for the fact that the danger of espionage and sabotage, in time of war and of threatened invasion” has made neces sary this racial classification, which “ is not to he con demned merely because in other and in most circum stances racial distinctions are irrelevant.” Hirabayashi v. U. S., supra, at 100, 101. State laws providing for racial segregation in public educational facilities are clearly not accompanied by any “ pressing public necessity” . Rather, there is a pressing public necessity to give all American citizens their due equality of opportunity to utilize educational facilities established by the state for its inhabitants. The denial of such equality of opportunity serves only to create public unrest and disillusionment on the part of those denied in the strength and honesty of our democratic system of government. It serves also to weaken our efforts to pre serve peace and extend democracy abroad by exposing our government’s earnest efforts in this direction to a charge of hypocrisy. 17 It is argued by those who seek to justify racial segre gation that this Court’s declaration against the constitu tionality of State statutes requiring racial segregation would serve to touch off an explosion in some parts of our country. But among those who raise this bogey are many who do so for ulterior reasons, seeking to protect special privileges which they have seized as members of the favored racial group. Further, where segregation has been voluntarily abandoned in State-provided higher education as in Arkansas and Kentucky, the dire results predicted have failed to come to pass. And even if disorder does re sult, such disorder cannot justify the failure of the State to protect the constitutional rights of all of its citizens. Terminiello v. City of Chicago, 337 U. S. 1. It is noteworthy that since the termination of the war our federal courts have gone out of their way to condemn the action of the Army in ousting persons of Japanese ancestry from the West Coast military area solely on the basis of their national origin. Acheson v. Murakami, 176 F. (2d) 953. POINT III The “separate but equal” doctrine originated by this Court in Plessy v. Ferguson had no basis in then- existing legal precedent, and is an anachronism in the light of present-day legal and sociological knowledge. Apart from the wartime “ national peril” decisions, which are clearly inapplicable here, only one unfavorable precedent exists. This is Plessy v. Ferguson, which enunciated the ‘ ‘ separate but equal ’ ’ doctrine in 1896. This doctrine maintains that facilities can be constitutionally separate, or segregated, provided there is physical equality. We have already pointed out that the Plessy case, in volving railroad transportation, does not apply to questions of public education. But, assuming arguendo that Plessy 18 could apply, we submit that the Plessy case originally had no basis in legal precedent, and moreover is an anachronism in the light of present-day legal and sociological knowledge. The more recent decisions of this Court affecting racial classification have effectively undermined its authority. In consequence, the Plessy case is no longer good law, and is not controlling on the question of the constitutional validity of racial segregation. Plessy v. Ferguson held that a Louisiana “ separate- coach*'statute requiring “ equal accommodations for white and Negro passengers” did not violate the command of the Fourteenth Amendment that no State shall deny to any person the equal protection of the laws, because of race or color. In the Zhtsst? decision, three cases were cited as authority for the constitutionality of statutes requiring separation of the two races in “ schools, theatres, and rail way carriers.” None were in point. Hall v. DeCuir, 95 U. S. 485, was concerned solely with the question of whether a State statute prohibiting segregation was in violation of the Interstate Commerce Clause of the Fed eral Constitution, and did not deal with the interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment or its safeguards. The Civil Bights Cases, 109 U. S. 3, invalidated the Federal Civil Rights Act of March 1, 1875 on the sole basis that Congress had no authority to pass legislation under the Fourteenth Amendment, which was directed against dis crimination by private persons rather than by State action. Finally, Louisville, New Orleans, and Texas Ry. Co. v. Mississippi, 133 U. S. 587, was another case concerned solely with the effect of the Interstate Commerce Clause on State legislation. It held that a State segregation stat ute in terms applicable only to intrastate transportation did not unduly burden interstate commerce. The majority in the Plessy case (p. 548) claimed that “ statutes for the separation of the two races upon public 19 conveyances” were held to be constitutional in twelve named cases. An examination of these cases does not support the Court’s statement. The first two cases cited by the Court, West Chester etc. Ry. v. Miles, 55 Penn St. 209, and Day v. Owens, 5 Mich. 520, were pre-Civil War decisions, and hence could have set no precedent on the question. The West Chester case was a Pennsylvania common law action, which turned upon the reasonableness of segregation under a regulation of the carrier. The majority rested its conclusion on “ the law of races, established by the Creator Himself.” Chicago & N. W. Ry. Co. v. Williams, 55 111. 185, and Chesapeake, 0. & 8. Ry. Co. v. Wells, 85 Tenn. 613, although decided after the Fourteenth Amendment was passed, do not contain any discussion of the impact of that Amendment on the question. The Illinois court in the first case merely termed the discrimination unlawful, and awarded damages. In the Chesapeake case, the Tennessee court, in a one-paragraph opinion, held that the Kailway had acted reasonably under a State statute, and dismissed the complaint. Similarly, in Houck v. Southern Pac. Ry. Co., 38 Fed. Rep. 226, the court discussed the facts, and summarily awarded damages without even considering the Fourteenth Amendment. In The 8m , 22 Fed. Rep. 483, Logwood etc. v. Mem phis etc. Ry. Co., 23 Fed. Rep. 483, and McOuinn v. Forbes, 37 Fed. Rep. 639, there were involved only discussions of common law principles and private regulations; not of State statutes. The Sue was an action in Admiralty, involving transportation facilities employed in public navi gable waters between points in Maryland and Virginia. The court held that only the federal government could legislate in this field, but since it had failed to do so, the owners of the boat could adopt such reasonable regulations 2 0 as the common law allowed. One of the restrictions im posed by the common law was that “ accommodations equal in comfort and safety must be afforded to all alike who pay the same price.” Therefore the court’s holding that the accommodations offered to the plaintiff, a Negro pas senger, were unequal, and its award of damages, was based on an interpretation of common law, not of a State statute. Logwood etc. v. Memphis etc. Ry. Co., involved intra state railway transportation. The court simply charged the jury to adopt the rule of The Sue as proper law. Mc- Guinn v. Forbes was another action in Admiralty involving a steamer travelling between Maryland and Yirginia. The holding in the case was that the plaintiff’s proof was in sufficient to entitle him to a verdict. Again, The Sue was cited, and no constitutional issue was raised. People v. King, 110 N. Y. 418, involved a conviction un der the New York Penal Code provision forbidding dis crimination at amusement parks. The provision was sus tained against constitutional objection as a valid exercise of the police power, in light of “ the War Amendments.” Thus this case in no way supports the proposition for which it was cited by the majority. It is interesting to note that Justice Peckham, one of the majority in the Plessy case, was on the New York Bench at this time, and dissented without opinion in the King case. The last two cases cited as authority in the Plessy majority opinion were Interstate Commerce Commission decisions, and involved the same facts and parties. Heard v. Georgia Ry. Co., 1 ICCR 428, was a holding that Section 3 of the Interstate Commerce Act had been violated by the discriminatory practices of the defendant. No State statute, and hence no constitutional discussion was involved. Heard v. Georgia Ry. Co., 3 ICCR 111, merely reenforced the 21 prior holding. See, Edward F. Waite, The Negro in the Supreme Court, 30 Minn. Law Review 219, 248-251 (March, 1946). Additional lines of cases cited by the majority in the Plessy case involved the existence of “ separate schools for white and colored children, which has been held to be a valid exercise of the legislative power * * * ” (p. 544), and “ Laws forbidding the intermarriage of the two races’ ’ (p. 545). There is serious doubt of the validity of laws forbidding the intermarriage of races. The only Supreme Court decision on the subject was Pace v. Alabama, 106 U. S. 583, which is readily distinguishable as involving an indictment for the crime of “ adultery or fornication’ ’ be tween persons of different races; where the statute con taining this provision had a lesser punishment for the same crime between persons of the same race. The most recent decision on this subject was a very carefully reasoned one by the highest court of the State of California, which in validated an anti-miscegenation law as in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment, Perez v. Sharp, 32 Calif. (2d) 711. Although many cases have cited the “ separate but equal” doctrine of the Plessy case, it has never since been reexamined and affirmed by the Court. The first time the Supreme Court cited the “ Plessy doctrine” was in Atchison, Topeka etc. Ry. v. Mathews, 174 U. S. 96, 105. The holding therein was that the Plessy de cision did not forbid the imposition of “ unequal burdens” on specified corporations; and that the State legislature could validly allow the plaintiff in a suit against the rail roads for damages caused by fire, to obtain attorney’s fees. Racial discrimination or segregation statutes were not involved in the case. In Chesapeake <& Ohio Ry. v. Kentucky, 179 IT. S. 388, 392, the Court was concerned solely with the application of the Interstate Commerce clause. A Kentucky “ separate- 2 2 coach statute” was construed to apply solely to passengers both embarking and departing from depots within the State; the Court then saying, ‘ ‘ and so construing it, there can be no doubt as to its constitutionality. Plessy v. Ferguson.” Similarly, the Roanoke, 189 U. S. 185, 198, dealt primarily with the Interstate Commerce issue. Therein it was held that Congress, and not the states, could legislate regarding certain navigable waterways. The Court distinguished Plessy as involving State law “ requiring separate car riages for the white and colored races [which] were sus tained upon the ground that they applied only between places in the same state. ’ ’ Hence, neither of these decisions in any way validated that part of the majority decision in the Plessy case which purported to interpret the Four teenth Amendment. Clyatt v. U. S., 197 U. S. 207, 218, cited the Plessy case solely to uphold Congressional legislation punishing “ the arrest of any person in the Territory of New Mexico to a condition of involuntary servitude ’ ’ against attack on the grounds that it fell outside the scope of the Thirteenth Amendment. The Court quoted the statement that “ this [the Thirteenth] Amendment was said in the Slaughter House Cases to have been primarily intended to abolish slavery * * * but that it equally forbade Mexican peonage or the Chinese coolie trade when they amounted to slavery or involuntary servitude, and that the use of the word ‘ servitude’ was intended to prohibit the use of all forms of involuntary slavery, of whatever class or name. ’ ’ It was not at all concerned with the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court in Chiles v. Chesapeake & 0. By. Co., 218 U. S. 71, 77, emphasized the fact that it was dealing with “ the act of a private person, to wit, the Bailway Co. # * * and we must keep in mind that we are not dealing with the law of a state.” The Court thus escaped facing the issue of the Interstate Commerce Clause, as well as the 23 issue of the Fourteenth Amendment as applied to rail roads. On page 77 it quoted from the Plessy language the phrase “ the established usages, customs and tradi tions of the people” solely as a “ test of reasonableness of the regulations of a carrier.” McCabe v. Atchison, T. <& 8. F. By. Co., 235 U. S. 151, 160, involved the constitutionality of a clause in the Okla homa “ separate-coach statute” which provided that “ the provision requiring equal accommodations (earlier in the statute) should not be construed to prevent railway com panies from hauling sleeping cars, dining or chair cars attached to their trains to be used exclusively by either white or negro passengers, separately or jointly.” The defense maintained that the Oklahoma legislature could take note of the fact that the number of Negroes requir ing such service did not justify the use of separate facili ties in such cars. The actual holding in the McCabe case was that the petitioner failed to show sufficient standing to obtain in junctive relief. However, in addition, the Court rejected the defense argument, saying that it “ makes the consti tutional right depend upon the number of persons who may be discriminated against, whereas the essence of the constitutional right is that it is a personal one.” By way of further dictum, on page 160, the Court noted that “ there was no reason to doubt” the lower court’s finding that “ it has been decided by this court, so that the ques tion could no longer be considered an open one, that it was not an infraction of the Fourteenth Amendment for a state to require separate, but equal, accommodations for the two races. Plessy v. Ferguson.” This dictum was not only unnecessary for the decision in the case, but was irrelevant to the constitutional issue, in that by finding a lack of equality, the Court held that the “ separate but equal” doctrine spelled out by the majority in the Plessy case was inapplicable. Hence there was no need for the Court to re-examine it. 24 Butler v. Perry, Sheriff of Columbia County, Fla., 240 U. S. 328, 333, was another case which cited the Plessy case in connection with the Thirteenth Amendment. The issne involved was the constitutionality of a Florida stat ute providing that all able bodied men residing in Colum bia County would be subject to call to work on the public roads in the county. On page 333 the Court quoted the Plessy decision to show that the Thirteenth Amendment was designed “ to cover those forms of compulsory labor akin to African slavery, * * * and certainly was not in tended to interdict enforcement of those duties which in dividuals owe to the state.” The case of Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60, 79, supra, which cites the Plessy opinion, is indicative of the tendency of judicial sentiment to depart from the “ sep arate but equal” doctrine. In that case, the plaintiff, a white landowner, contracted to sell a plot of land to the defendant, a Negro. The defendant refused to pay on the grounds that a city ordinance of Louisville, which pro hibited colored persons from occupying houses in a block where the greater number of houses were occupied by whites, made performance of the contract impossible. In holding that this ordinance was in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment, the Court distinguished the Plessy case on the ground that in that case a “ classification of accommodations was permitted upon the basis of equality for both races.” However, the Court did not state that there was inequality in the case before it, but chose to rest its decision on broader grounds. On page 81 the Court said “ But in view of the rights secured by the Four teenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, such legis lation [as upheld in the Plessy case] must have its limi tation, and cannot be sustained where the exercise of authority exceeds the restraints of the Constitution. We think these limitations are exceeded in laws and ordi nances of the character now before us.” And again, on 25 page 76, that "the chief inducement to the passage of the [Fourteenth] Amendment was the desire to extend federal protection to the recently emancipated race from un friendly and discriminating legislation by the States.” In Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 U. S. 78, 86, this Court held that a child of Chinese blood, horn in, and a citizen of, the United States, is not denied the equal protection of the laws by being classed by a State among the colored races who are assigned to public schools separate from those provided for the whites, when equal facilities for educa tion are afforded to both classes. The Court was concerned primarily with the problem of construing the Plessy doc trine to cover the facts of the case. It relied upon the authority of the old State decisions cited in the Plessy case. Bryant v. Zimmerman, 278 U. S. 63, 70, involved a proceeding in habeas corpus in a State court where the detention on a criminal charge was alleged to be in vio lation of the United States Constitution. This Court cited the Plessy case as a holding that such a proceeding is a "su it” within the meaning of the jurisdictional statute, and that an order of the State court of last resort, refus ing to discharge the prisoner, is a final judgment in that action, and is, therefore, subject to review. That case, of course, was in no way related to the Fourteenth Amend ment. Similarly, in Colgate v. Harvey, 296 U. S. 404, 446, the dissenting opinion cited the Plessy case only to show the reluctance of the Supreme Court to extend the coverage of the "privileges and immunities” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337, 344, the Court, although talking the language of the Gong Lum and Plessy cases, found that there was "unequal” 2 6 legal instruction afforded in Missouri, and hence did not find it necessary to re-examine the old decisions. Thus it appears that this Court has never directly affirmed or re-examined the decision in Plessy v. Fer guson, and that to overrule it now would not result in the overthrow of a well-established line of legal precedents. Justification for the legislative classification in the Plessy case was that it was a valid exercise of the police power of the State, and that it was not discriminatory because it applied equally to both races. As to the exer cise of police power, the Court said, at 544, Laws permitting, and even requiring, their sepa ration in places where they are likely to be brought into contact * * * have been generally, if not uni versally. recognized as within the competency of the state legislatures in the exercise of their police power. This Court has since refused to recognize the police rower State as a justification for racial legislation. Brndhsmesr, u. W srk-'i. supra, is a complete answer (p. 74): The police power, broad as it is, cannot justify the passage of a law or ordinance which runs counter to the limitations of the Federal Constitution. The principal ground of decision in the Plessy case, that there is no discrimination where the separate facilities furnished to both races are on an equal basis, is open to attack on several counts. In the first place, the Plessy case assumed that segre gated facilities can he equal. As we have shown, the Court has since the Plessy case rejected the claim that there is any presumption of constitutionality attaching to such a statute. Rather, it has said that racial classifi cation laws must be viewed with great suspicion and bear 27 the closest scrutiny. They must overcome the strong inference of unconstitutionality. The Court would not today accept the factual assumption of the Plessy case without a showing that it rests upon a reasonable basis. Second, the fact of discriminatory application of “ se parate but equal” in the field of education is a knowledge so common and universal, that the Court cannot but dis miss as unfounded the assumption of Plessy, and take judicial notice that racial segregation in education, wher ever applied, is administered with an unequal hand and is unequal in result. In Washington, D. C., our national capital, these facts have been demonstrated recently by a survey of the segre gated school system in effect there. The survey was con ducted pursuant to a request by Congress by a “ person qualified by training and experience in the field of public- school education” (62 Stat. 542). Professor George D. Strayer of Columbia University was assisted by a staff of 22 specialists in his study. The findings of the survey are embodied in a report submitted to Congress, Report of a Survey of the Public Schools of the District of Columbia Conducted Under the Auspices of the Chairmen of the Subcommittees on District of Columbia Appropria tions of the Respective Appropriations Committees of the Senate and House of Representatives. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1949. The facts contained in this report demonstrate beyond doubt the inequality of the white and colored public school systems of the District of Colombia. If efforts to achieve a “ separate but equal” -segregated school system have failed in our nation's capital where it h subject to the control of our national Congress, car, it possibly succeed in those areas where a system of caste and race privilege is deeply intrenched ? Third, the expenditure by a State of its educational funds for racially segregated schooling will necessarily result in inferior quality and quantity of schooling for 28 both races, than if the same funds are spent for unsegre gated education. “ Separate but equal” in education results in an inferiority of facilities for both races. Legislative classification in educational facilities on the basis of race or color must therefore fall, as constitu tionally invalid, as an arbitrary and inadmissible classifi cation under the “ equal protection” clause. The racial distinction is “ irrelevant and therefore prohibited.” It is based upon factors which reflect concepts of racial superiority and inferiority and is thus rendered irrational as a justification under the Constitution. The decision of the major case supporting it was erroneous when originally decided, and has since been implicitly repudiated numerous times by this Court. A final and open repudiation is in order. POINT IV Segregation necessarily imports discrimination and therefore violates the requirements of the Four teenth Amendment. The State of Texas, by constitutional provision .Art. YU. See. 71 and statutory enactment (Eevised Civil Stat utes. Title 49. Chap. 19. Art. 2900) stipulates that separate schools be provided for white and colored students, "and impartial provision shall he made for both races. ’ ’ The contention is raised that, since the State law in sures physical equality of treatment within a segregated system, no violation of the equal protection of the laws is involved. Where a specific instance of inequality is proven, the remedy should be merely to “ equalize” ,—either by improving the educational facilities for Negroes, or by worsening those for whites to the level provided for Negroes. This reasoning does not have even a superficial appear ance of validity. Inherent therein are the erroneous as 29 sumptions that the State may, by virtue of its police power, establish racial classifications, and that there are differ ences between the two races which warrant making such classification. These contentions are dealt with elsewhere in this brief. What we are concerned with here is the false assump tion that, in the segregation of the races in educational facilities, there can be attained the equality of treatment which the Fourteenth Amendment requires. It is our con tention that educational facilities for Negroes in segregated areas have never been equal and could not possibly achieve an equality which would satisfy the dictate of the “ equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633, 636, Chief Justice Vinson made it clear that this Court may take cognizance of actual conditions and deal with realities. He said: In approaching cases, such as this one, in which federal constitutional rights are asserted, it is incum bent on us to inquire not merely whether those rights have been denied in express terms, but also whether they have been denied in substance and effect. We must review independently both the legal issues and those factual matters with which they are co-mingled. (1 ) Equality is in fact impossible in racially segregated public educational facilities. WTterever racial segregation in education lias been re quired by the State, the physical educational facilities al forded Negroes have been substantially and uniformly inferior and unequal to those enjoyed by whites. The di>.par:ty hi physical facilities ban been so great and so universally a concomitant of the Mg >• yated *f*tw that it need b&rdfy he preened here by extern we dee®- mentation. 30 Expert testimony in the record shows that the State of Texas regnlarly spends substantially less for Negro than for white education. The total assets of white insti tutions of higher learning amount to $28.66 for each white person in the State, but the assets of Negro schools amount to only $6.40 per Negro. The whites have almost four and one-half times as much in total educational institutional assets per capita of the population as do the Negroes {K. 241). In 1943-44. a typical year, Texas appropriated approxi mately Sll.X'i.AC in State, county and district funds for higher edtaeathm. Of this amount, about $10,800,000 went to white institutions, or 81.98 per capita of white popula tions ; the balance went to Negro institutions, or the equiva lent of ih. per capita of Negro population in the State. On this basis, white institutions of higher learning received eight times as much as Negro institutions (E. 246). The inequality in physical facilities is even far more pervasive than the statistics on appropriations for edu cation by the State indicate. The testimony in the trial court showed that the State of Texas provided a law school for the petitioner by leasing a suite of three rooms and toilet facilities in an office building, after the commence ment of the action, for a period beginning March 1, 1947. and ending August 31st of that same year (B. 29, 41b in the semi-basement of the building (B, 88). One room was to be an office and reading room and the other two were intended as classrooms. There was no private office or faculty room for any instructor, for administra tive personnel or for a dean (E. 47). Nor was there space for a library consistent with even the minimum needs of a law school. Some 200 text hooks were available on the premises to serve as a library (E. 21). There was no librarian (E. 96). There was no provision for scholarships, prizes, par ticipation in the production for the Texas Law Eeview, participation in the legal aid clinic, or opportunity to join 31 any honorary law society, such as the Order of the Coif, all of which were features of the School of Law of the University of Texas and consequently available only to white students (R. 103-105). The faculty of the “ school” offered to the petitioner consisted of three instructors assigned part-time from the University of Texas Law School (R. 92-93). Admittedly, the school established for the petitioner did not meet the requirements set by the Association of the American Law Schools for accreditation (R. 92). The State of Texas contends that this racially segre gated law school affords facilities equal to those enjoyed by white students at the University of Texas Law School. But it is quite obvious that the Negro law school cannot possibly afford even a minimal legal education. To claim that it is “ equal” to the University of Texas Law School is sheer hypocrisy. The treatment afforded Mr. Sweatt by the State of Texas is by no means a unique example of the treatment accorded Negroes in educational institutions of the South under the guise of equality of segregated facilities. In every instance of segregation in practice there are pro vided for Negro citizens fewer educational opportunities, and educational opportunities of poorer quality than are afforded to white citizens. The deficiencies are syste- matie and all-pervading. This is not confined to the level of higher education, nor to the State of Texas. The pattern is (he same when ever racially segregated schools exist. In the generation from 1900 to 1930 the disparity be tween the provision of public educational facilities t>r white and Negro children, where separate schools an-, legally mandatory, has increased at a tremendous ram “ In 1900, the disparity in the per capita expenditures upon the two racial groups was only 60 per cent in fa- of whites, but in 1930 this disparity had increased to f V per cent.” (Thompson, Chas. H., Court Action t/V 0*1 v 32 Reasonable Alternative to Remedy the Immediate Abuses of the Negro Separate School, 4 J. of Negro Ed. 419 (1935) ). For the ten year period, 1918-1928, $270,500,000 was spent on new school facilities by eight Southern states (including Texas) for white children, and $29,500,000 for Negro children. This is a ratio of 9 to 1 in favor of whites on appropriations, against a population ratio of 2 to 1 in favor of whites. (Newbold, N. C., Common Schools for Negroes in the South, The Annals of the Amer. Acad, of Polit. & Soc. Science, Yol. 140, No. 229, P. 209, 218 219 (Nov. 1928) ). Throughout the South there is a wide discrepancy in per capita expenditure for Negro teachers as compared to that for white. For Texas, in 1936, for every $1. spent for teachers' salaries for white students, only 61 r was ex pended for salaries tor Negro students. This ratio was the same as the average for the 17 southern states. By 1945. white teachers" salaries were in excess of Negro by 45*1. (Boykin, Leander L., The Status and Trends of Differentiate Between White and Negro Teach ers' Salaries in the Southern States, 1900-1946. IS J. of Negro Ed. 40 (1949)). There is also a marked inferiority in library facilities in Negro schools. (Thompson, Chas H„ The Critical Situ ation in Negro Higher and Professional Education. 15 J. of Negro Ed. 579, 581, 582 (1946) ). As to length ot school term, the Negro is attain dis advantaged, and especially so in the rural communities of (lie South. In a survey made for the United States Office ol Kducation in 193d, it was revealed that “ the average number of days schools are kept open for Negroes in 17 Hoiitliorn states is 135, which is approximately l 1! months less than (In' accepted standard in those states. The cumulative eflect ol (bis annual loss to Negroes over one hcIiooI general ion of 12 years means a difference of 18 mmilliH or ‘.1 school years.” (Caliver, Ambrose, Avail 33 ability of Education to Negroes in Rural Communities, 34, Office of Education, Dept, of Interior, Bulletin No. 12 (1935)). In comparison with the physical facilities available to white students, the segregated Negro student suffers from an inadequacy and inequality resulting from the segrega tion in every category of educational facility, and by every standard of measurement. See, Phelps-Stokes Fund, Edu cational Adaptations: Report of Ten Years’ Work, 1910- 1920; Johnson, Chas. S., The Negro in American Civilisa tion (1930) 261 et seq.; Embree, Edwin R., Brown America (1931); Moton, Robert R., What the Negro Thinks, 102-108 (1929); Survey of Higher Education for Negroes, 14 et seq., IT. S. Office of Ed., Misc. No. 6, Vol. II, U. S. Gov’t Print. Off., Wash. D. C. (1942); Woofter, Thomas J. Jr., The Basis of Racial Adjustment, 176-185 (1925); The Availability of Education in the Texas Negro Separate School, 16 J. of Negro Ed. 429 (1947). The President’s Commission on Higher Education, after thorough examination of the facts, found that: * * * the separate and equal principle has no where been fully honored. Educational facilities for Negroes in segregated areas are inferior to those provided for whites. Whether one considers enroll ment. over-all costs per student, teachers’ salaries, ttaBsporteiior facilities, availability of secondary or oppo.'-t v'.Ptes for undergraduate and grade i S '-".'.; fte m h ̂ aad mb'- ■ tM Uf the Negro citizen. " v r te r Arm-rvgm h>'mocmi,y ■ Vof 11, EfEsv-arnsr *rnv v; eg Opportunity 31 0 * 0 ) . . It might be contended that while educational teeili ties have been and are, in fact, unequal, equality *« ouvi-.i theless theoretically possible. There are two ftuewet*i u Edneatiowt: plants, like other physical facilities, de teriorate at varying rates. To maintain physical equality in a segregated Mkcational system, it would be necessary to f f̂fitimaaLy taJsmee the facilities of one system against the ether and to take steps to eliminate inequalities which necessarily develop from time to time. This is adminis tratively impossible. But there is even a more compelling factor which makes physical equality of facilities, without a substantial reduction of facilities now available to whites, a practical impossibility. The financial cost involved is beyond the capacity of the South to bear. Horace Mann Bond, in Education of the Negro in the American Social Order (1934) sums this up, at 231: If the South had an entirely homogeneous popu lation, it would not be able to maintain schools of high quality for the children unless its states and local communities resorted to heavy, almost crushing rates of taxation. The situation is further complicated by the fact that a dual system is maintained. Consider ing the expenditures made for Negro schools, it is clear that the plaint frequently made that this dual system is a burden is hardly true; but it is also clear that if an honest attempt were made to maintain ‘ equal, though separate schools’, the burden would be impossible even beyond the limitation of existing poverty. Physical equality can be achieved only when the walls separating the two systems are destroyed and students regardless of race or color, are permitted to use all avail able educational facilities. 35 (2 ) The economic, sociological and psychological conse quences of racial segregation in and of themselves constitute a discrimination prohibited by the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Aside from consideration of equality of physical facil ities. segregation. involves substantial factors -which duc-e a degree of inequality repugnant to the Cv-nsMEi Theme are discriminatory factors -which are preeinr in the very sekeoEag: afforded the Xegro, which have no relation to the “ equality” or adequacy of physical facil ities. Dr. Eokert Bedfleld, an education expert, testified in the tria l court, to the fact that segregation in educa tion deprives the Xegro of the “ opportunity to exchange professional and intellectual matters with members of the other major groups” in the nation (B. 200). Essential to the educational process is the intorpUn of contributions from all persons and all groups, Full equality in education is not attainable unless all students, regardless of race, have the fullest opportunity to asso ciate intellectually with each other, to express and coouvv divergent points of view which arise from their differing social backgrounds. The development of adequate educational faeilicos : - Negroes is greatly handicapped by their isolation im:ci white commn.ni.ty. This is not to mention the d,et : :“ rom to the white student of intellectual association with the Xegro student. Xor are these mutual deprivations an indication of equality. {Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 TL S. 1, 22, “ Equal protection of the laws is not achieved through indiscriminate imposition of inequalities.” ) Education for the legal profession, in particular, re quires the highest of standards. The study of law tra verses many fields of human knowledge. Yet the Xegro relegated to a jim-crow law school finds that there is an insufficient number of students to furnish the broad cross-section of intellectual interests and proficiencies 36 which are essential ingredients of successful law school training. Law school classes are most stimulating where they afford ample group discussion. It is a difficult task to attempt to study law alone, as the petitioner is being com pelled to do. Even were there a large enrollment at the Negro law school, the facilities for discussion among students would be limited and the Negro student deprived of needed intellectual challenges from white fellow students. In addition to this, the segregated Negro is deprived of the opportunity of participating with white students in production of their law review, in moot courts and mock trials, in such practice as is afforded by legal aid clinics and public defender societies and in all of the activities outside of the classroom which go to make up a rounded legal education. Furthermore, the Negro lacks the prestige which comes from being a graduate from accredited and well-known educational institutions. This prestige carries through in later life, especially in professional life, and has a substantial pecuniary value. It is common knowledge that in the eyes of the community, the Negro school has substantially less professional standing than has the “ equivalent” white school. But over and above these considerations, the very existence of segregation is a degrading and humiliating racial discrimination against the Negro, with all its re sultant evil effects. The stamp of inferiority implicit in the segregation is conclusively established in the mores of the communi ties where racial separation is practiced. There is no denying the fact that in those communities the attendance of a white person at a Negro school, or his being seated in the Negro section of a transportation facility (even if the physical equal of any) is not only illegal, but con 37 sidered to be degrading and a loss of caste. To ignore this is to ignore the history of community relations in this country. Moreover, the basic factual assumption upon which the rule in the Plessy case was predicated over half a century ago,—that a constitutional degree of equality is possible in racial segregation, is, in the light of modern sociologi cal and psychological data demonstrably false, and was, at all times, utterly without foundation. What the Court then maintained as a fallacious assumption, “ that the en forced separation of the two races stamps the colored race with a badge of inferiority” (at 551) is today an uncon troverted scientific fact. Moton, Robert R., What the Negro Thinks 99 (1929); Bond, Horace M., Education of the Negro in the American Social Order 385 (1934); Gallagher, B. G., American Caste and the Negro College (1938); Davis, A. and Dollard, J., Children of Bondage (1940). The consequences of the status of inferiority manifest themselves not only in economic limitations and in social impediments, but also in mental and emotional disturb ances and shortcomings in proper personality develop ment. These are discernable and measurable by the social scientist, and are matters of substance and sufficiently material to be given recognition as within the scope and intendment of the “ equal protection of the laws” clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. An excellent and authoritative Note published recently in the Yale Law Journal has pointed out that: The effects of a dual school system force a sense of limitations upon the child and destroy incentives, produce a sense of inferiority, give rise to mecha nisms of escape in fantasy and discourage racial self appreciation. These abnormal results, condoned by the implications of the Plessy case, deny to the Negro and Mexican child ‘ equal protection of the laws’ in every meaningful sense of the words. 38 Segregation in Public Schools—A Violation of “ Equal Protection of the Laws” , 56 Yale L. J. 1059, 1062 (1947), and authorities therein cited: Long, Some Psychogenic Hazards of Segregated Education of Negroes, 4 J. of Negro Ed. 336, 343 (1935); Long, The Intelligence of Col ored Elementary Pupils in Washington, D. C., 3 J. of Negro Ed. 205-22 (1934); Gallagher, American Caste and the Negro College, 109, 184, 321, 322 (1938). The offer of equality in physical facilities cannot affect these pernicious factors inherent in segregation. The economic, sociological and psychological consequences to the Negro of segregation of the races, where it is prac ticed, are actually far more substantially discriminatory than any inequality in physical facilities can ever he. Realistically, the unconstitutional discrimination consists of the inequalities which flow from enforced segregation, rather than the inequality of mere physical facilities. 39 Conclusion Racial segregation in our country is a threat to our leadership in international affairs. We have subscribed to international agreements and resolutions which are contradicted by our practices. A continuation of segrega tion gives the lie to our democratic protestations at a time when our leadership in world affairs is challenged. Finally, unless racial segregation in education is de clared unconstitutional now, we may expect a further crystallization of patterns of discrimination, inasmuch as governors of eleven Southern States are planning to im plement a regional compact which will provide higher education for Negroes on a segregated basis. For the reasons urged herein we respectfully request that the judgment of the Court below he reversed. Respectfully submitted, Marcus Cohn, Washington, D. C., Jacob G-rumet, New York City, Attorneys for American Jewish Committee, B ’nai B ’rith (Anti-Defamation League), Sol Rabkin, Jacob Schaum, of Counsel. Dated New York, N. Y., March 31, 1950. 40 APPENDIX American Jewish Committee The American Jewish Committee is a corporation cre ated by an Act of the Legislature of the State of New York in 1906. Its charter states: The object of this corporation shall be to prevent the infraction of the civil and religious rights of Jews, in any part of the world; to render all lawful assistance and to take appropriate remedial action in the event of threatened or actual invasion or re striction of such rights, or of unfavorable discrimina tion with respect thereto * * * During the forty-three years of our existence it has been one of the fundamental tenets of our organization that the welfare and security of Jews in America depend upon the preservation of constitutional guarantees. An invasion of the civil rights of any group is a threat to the safety of all groups. For this reason we have on many occasions fought in defense of civil liberties even though Jewish interests did not appear to be specifically involved. The present case, involving segregation in state-supported educational in stitutions, is one with which we are deeply concerned because such discrimination deprives millions of persons of rights that are freely enjoyed by others and adversely affects the entire democratic structure of our society. A question of transcendent public importance is thus pre. sented to this Court. 41 B’nai B’rith (Anti-Defamation League) B ’nai B ’rith, founded in 1843, is the oldest civic organ ization of American Jews. It represents a membership of 300,000 men and women and their families. The Anti- Defamation League was organized in 1913, as a section of the parent organization, in order to cope with racial and religious prejudice in the United States. The pro gram developed by the League is designed to achieve the following objectives: to eliminate and counteract defama tion and discrimination against the various racial, reli gious and ethnic groups which comprise our American people; to counteract un-American and anti-democratic activity; to advance goodwill and mutual understanding among American groups; and to encourage and translate into greater effectiveness the ideals of American democ racy. (1907)