Ming v. Horgan Brief of Plaintiff
Public Court Documents
March 20, 1957
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Ming v. Horgan Brief of Plaintiff, 1957. 34e1fad5-bd9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/26825cf7-199e-4e20-9796-22aa29ffc3a3/ming-v-horgan-brief-of-plaintiff. Accessed December 04, 2025.
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In the Superior Court
OF THE
State of California
IN AND FOR THE
County of Sacramento
N o . 97,130 Dept. 6
Honorable James H. Oakley, Judge.
O l iv e r A . M i n g ,
Plaintiff,
v s.
M il t o n G . H o r g a n , et a l.,
Defendants.
BRIEF OF PLAINTIFF.
N athaniel S. Collet,
621P Street, Sacramento, California,
L oren M iller,
524 South. Spring Street, Suite 311,
Los Angeles 13, California,
F ran k lin H. W illiam s,
690 Market Street, San Francisco 4, California,
Attorneys for Plaintiff.
Claren ceB. Canson ,
515 Broadway, Sacramento, California,
George I). Carroll,
347 6th Street, Richmond, California,
C harles A. J ames,
Bank of America Building, Stockton, California,
C harles W ilson,
3305 Sacramento Street, Berkeley, California,
Of Counsel.
Pernatt-'Wa l s h P r in ting Co., San F rancisco , California
Subject Index
Page
The historical background ................................................... .. 1
Statement of fa c t s ......................................................................... 5
The National Housing Act and Federal Housing Administra
tion ............................................................................................... 8
A. Housing and public interest............. ............................... 9
B. The growth of Congressional p o licy ................................ 12
1. The mortgage insurance program ............................ 13
2. The public housing program .................................... 15
3. The Home Loan Bank B oa rd .................................... 16
C. The crystallization of Congressional p o licy ...................... 16
D. Attaining the objectives ................................................... 19
E. The relationship between builder, FHA and V A ........ 22
1. Under Section 203 of the A c t .................................. 22
2. Other sections of the A c t .......................................... 30
(a) Property improvement loan s............................ 30
(b) Section 8—Building ........................................... 31
(c) Section 603—Housing ........................................ 31
(d) Section 611— Construction...................... 31
(e) Section 903— Homes............................................. 32
(f) Section 207—-The project housing................... 33
(g) Section 608—H ousing........................................ 33
(h) Section 610— Special program ........................ 34
(i) Section 908—Liberal terms .............................. 34
( j) Wherry military housing ................................ 34
(k) Section 213— Cooperative housing ................ 35
Summary ............................................................................. 35
F. FHA regulation and con tro l........................................... 36
G. The Congressional intent ................................................. 45
Operative builders may not practice racial discrimination.. . . 49
11 Subject Index
Page
77The conspiracy .............................. ................................... ..
Defendants’ conduct contravenes National and State public
policy ......................................................... 83
Plaintiff as a third party beneficiary.......................................... 88
The conspiracy in restraint of sa le .............................................. 90
This is a proper class action .......... ............................................... 92
Defendants are forbidden to discriminate in the ease of a
q o
de facto town .............................................................................
Federal statutes protect plaintiff’s right to purchase the
housing in question .................................................................... 98
To what relief is plaintiff entitled? ............................................. 101
Conclusion .......................................................................................
In the Superior Court
OF THE
State of California
IN AND FOR THE
County of Sacramento
No. 97,130 Dept. 6
Honorable James H. Oakley, Judge.
O l iv e r A. M in g ,
v s.
M il t o n G . H o r g a n , e t a l.,
Plaintiff,
Defendants.
BRIEF OF PLAINTIFF.
THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND.
This is another in that long series of judicial con
tests involving the claim of Negroes that they have
the constitutional right to purchase and occupy real
property, particularly urban land, on a basis of com
plete equality with all other Americans. Such litiga
tion is almost a half century old. In every instance
Negroes have faced bitter, sometimes hysterical, op
position but although relief has sometimes been de
layed the claimed right has been vindicated in every
instance by the Courts.
2
The issue is even older than the litigation. Congress
sought to secure the right beyond the possibility of
impairment in 1866—prior to the adoption of the
Fourteenth Amendment— when it enacted what is now
Section 1982, 42 USCA, which provides that:
“ All citizens of the United States shall have the
same right in every state and territory, as is en
joyed by white citizens thereof to inherit, pur
chase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and per
sonal property.” (Emphasis added.)
It is ironic that this same right should be in dispute
ninety years later.
Litigation involving purchase and occupancy of
urban property by Negroes has been many faceted. As
early as 1908 cities attempted to curtail Negro owner
ship, and consequent occupancy, of real property by
racial zoning ordinances1 which were ultimately con
demned in Buchancm v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60 (1917).
Undaunted, proponents of residential segregation
turned to increased use of racial restrictive covenants
and for almost a quarter of a century—from 1915 to
1948—courts enforced them by equitable decrees.2 The
Supreme Court finally interdicted judicial enforce
ment in Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948). Ad
vocates of racial covenants then sought indirect en-
iSan Francisco anticipated these ordinances with an ordinance
segregating Chinese which was invalidated in 1890. In re Lee
Sing, 43 Fed. 359.
2The first such case was Queensborough Land Co. v. Cazeaux,
139 La. (1914). California followed suit in 1919, L. A. Invest
ment Co. v. Gary, 181 Cal. 680. For complete history of covenant
litigation, see 33 Cal. Law Review 5.
3
forceinent through damage actions by signers against
covenantors who had sold to Negroes but the Supreme
Court made short shift of that effort by forbidding
judicial cognizance of such suits:3 Barrows v. Jack-
son, 346 U.S. 249 (1953).
Meanwhile, in the early 1930’s the federal govern
ment began augmenting the supply of housing, di
rectly to low income families through open subsidies
to local authorities for construction of low rent public
housing, and indirectly to middle income families
through the mortgage loan insurance system of the
National Housing Act of 1934 administered through
an arm of government, Federal Housing Administra
tion. Racial segregation, imposed by local housing
authorities with the consent of the federal government
was initially approved in Favors v. Randall, 40 Fed.
Supp. 734 (1941) and ultimately forbidden in Banks
v. San Francisco Housing Authority, et al., 120 Cal.
App. 2d 1 (1953); Cert. Denied: 347 H.S. 974 (1954).
Federal Housing Administration (F H A ), as we shall
show, has had a checkered career in this field, first
requiring the imposition of racial covenants as a con
dition of mortgage loan insurance, then relaxing that
rule and finally taking a non-discriminatory position.4
Always the rationalization for restraints on the
right of Negroes to purchase and occupy urban land
has been the same: the claim that such ownership or
3This ease originated in California, 112 CA2d 534.
4For history of FH A’s shifting positions see: The Negro Ghetto,
Robert Weaver, ITarcourt-Brace, 1948, particularly Chapter V,
and Forbidden Neighbors, Charles Abrams, Harper & Bros., 1955,
particularly Chapter XVI.
4
occupancy, in the words of the National Association
of Real Estate Boards, would “ clearly he detrimental
to property values.” 5 6 In every instance those who
sought to curtail ownership and occupancy of urban
land on the basis o f race have availed themselves of
the “ full panoply of state power” ,8 protesting at every
step of long drawn out litigation that the discrimina
tion they sought to vindicate was either compatible
with constitutional guarantees or that it was permis
sible within that area of individual action immunized
against constitutional interdiction by the Fourteenth
Amendment as interpreted in early cases.7 The task
of the courts has been that of stripping away the form
and laying bare the substance of the constitional evil
inherent in excluding the Negro from the free hous
ing market.
The case at bar must be put in that historical con
text. Seen in that perspective, it is readily apparent
that this Court will seldom be called upon to render
a decision fraught with greater legal significance than
the one it will pronounce here.
5NAREB, Cannon of Ethics, prior to 1950. See Abrams, op. cit.,
150 et seq.
6Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, uses this phrase.
7This theme runs through all housing cases: beginning with
Buchanan v. Worley, 1917, and ending with Banks v. San Fran
cisco, 1953. It will be asserted with vigor by defendants in this
case.
5
STATEMENT OP FACTS.
At trial of this action the Court indicated that it
had the facts well in mind, and suggested to counsel
for the respective parties that in their briefs they ad
dress themselves primarily to the law involved. We
atcept the suggestion of the Court, but since on some
major points there is substantial conflict in the evi
dence we feel compelled to make at least passing re
ference to considerations which seem to leave little
doubt that the facts of the case are as plaintiff alleged
them to 'be and as his witnesses testified.
W e must admit at the outset that we were quite
surprised, to put the matter mildly, that practically
every defendant who testified, denied that he had ever
refused to sell a house or lot to a prospective pur
chaser because of race or color, or that he had any
racial policy with regard to sale of houses. No defend
ant came into Court and admitted that he ever refused
to sell certain sub-division housing to Negroes, and
none asserted that he claimed any right to so refuse.
In fact, several defendants admitted on cross-examin
ation that they thought such a refusal would be un
lawful.
When one reads the verified answers filed by these
same defendants, our surprise at their testimony
should become understandable. The answers of each
of the principal defendants in this case “ admit plain
tiff claims the right to lease or rent any home without
reference to his race or color, and that defendants
claim and assert that they have the constitutional
right to refwse to sell, lease or rent property to whom
6
soever they desire not to sell, lease or rent.” While
the parties deny any concert of action, their pleadings
are almost identical in this respect.
In determining where the truth lies with respect to
any policy of defendants in refusing to sell to Ne
groes, the Court need only ask itself this question. Is
it likely that a defendant who has never refused to
sell a home to a ready, willing and able Negro pur
chaser, and who has no policy against such sales,
would file in Court a verified pleading setting up as
a defense to a charge of racial discrimination an asser
tion that he has a constitutional right to practice such
discrimination %
In addition to the admissions set forth hy defend
ants in their answers, we have the positive testimony
of the plaintiff himself and many members of the race
to which he belongs to the effect that defendants do
in fact consistently refuse to sell new sub-division
housing to Negroes. Coupled with this testimony is
the fact that no such housing, with the exception of
in one or two so-called “ open occupancy” sub-divi
sions, has been sold to a Negro. The testimony of
Professor Cy Record indicates that there are many
Negroes in Sacramento County able to buy such hous
ing. Furthermore, defendant Fernandez admitted that
while he had sold no unit in his Freeport Manor to
a Negro, soon after he made the initial sales to white
persons, Negroes purchased homes in that tract on a
re-sale basis from the original purchasers. It is hardly
reasonable to assume that Negroes would refuse to'
aPIJly for original purchase when no down payment
7
was required and terms were liberal, and yet rush in
to make such purchases at a time when they had to
pay premiums for equities of original buyers. At
least the evidence showed nothing which would sustain
an inference that Negroes have a bias against new
houses with low, or no, down payments.
It is also significant that the testimony of witnesses
Horgan and Frye (by way of deposition) admitted
that defendants Heraty and Gannon had a policy of
not selling their sub-division housing to Negroes. Also,
witness Turner, manager of defendant Larchmont
Village, Inc., admitted that he refused to sell a house
to a Colonel Evans, a Negro, because, as he put it,
“ the colored people’s association is suing us.” The
fact that Colonel Evans was not a member of the Asso
ciation (N AACP) made no difference to Mr. Turner.
No matter what the Colonel belonged to or didn’t be
long to, the fact is that he was a Negro, and hence
was a member of a group or class to which Larch
mont Village was not selling homes. While he denied
excluding anyone because of race, witness Frank
MacBride admitted that he felt that he had a moral
obligation to the white people to whom he sold houses
in Arden Oaks Vista to exclude Negroes. And last,
but not least, Real Estate Board member Eugene W il
liams denied ever having discussed the question of
racial policy or exclusion of certain persons from
some neighborhoods with anyone. He said he had
never had that much interest in the problem. Little
did he know that at that very moment we had in our
possession a letter written by him to Real Estate
8
Board member Tom Kiernan, in which Mr. Williams
advised Mr. Kiernan that a member of Kiernan’s
staff had been seen showing a house in a certain com
munity to a member of “ one of the inharmonious
groups” , and he urged Kiernan to help keep that area
“ free from this problem.” It is true that Mr. W il
liams said he did not know why he had written the
letter, nor did he know what he meant by the term
“ inharmonious group” , but the letter speaks for it
self.
For these and other reasons, the findings of fact on
the material issues in this case must be in favor of
plaintiff.
THE NATIONAL HOUSING ACT AND FEDERAL
HOUSING ADMINISTRATION.
There is a common content to the substance of the
arguments that we shall make that can best be dealt
with in a preface. Such treatment will avoid repeti
tion and make for clarity. That common content con
cerns the provisions of the National Housing Act, its
objectives and its provisions, and the administrative
agency, FH A as it is popularly called, through which
the legislative program is effectuated. Without an un
derstanding of the terms of the Act and of the kind,
character and quality of F H A ’s functioning in the
housing market the legal problem that confronts the
Court becomes difficult, almost impossible, of isola
tion and solution.8
8The Housing Act of 1934 was enacted as 48 Stat. 1246. It is
reproduced as amended at 12 United States Code Annotated (12
USCA) Sections 1721 ff.
9
In this preface we shall advert to many different
kinds of housing provided for in the Act and to a
number of FI1A activities and policies in respect to
those varying kinds of housing. However, it must be
borne in mind that the housing constructed by the
builder-defendants here was built for sale under Sec
tion 203 of the Act and is all ultimately designed for
sale to individual purchasers. The builder’s function
in this particular phase of housing consists o f con
structing that housing and of then putting it on the
market.
W e shall have to include historical material for the
light it may shed on present day practices and we
shall have to delve into the Congressional Record for
statements that will illuminate statutory language.
Our inquiry will be a lengthy, sometimes tedious one,
but, we believe, the end result will be that we will have
put the legal problem in its proper frame of refer
ence.
A. Housing and Public Interest.
The public concern with adequate housing for the
American family is reflected in the Declaration of
Rational Housing Policy written into the Housing
Act of 1949 where it is said that “ . . . the general
welfare and security of the Nation requires the reali
zation as soon as feasible of the goal of a decent home
and suitable living environment for every American
family.” (Title I, Bousing Act of 1949, Declaration
of Principles.) None can doubt that by this declara
tion, Congress intended to encompass all Americans
10
without reference to race or color, and by the same
token it is clear that Congress, by reason of the due
process clause of the Fifth Amendment, could not
enact legislation of such scope without making the
benefits open to all on a non-discriminatory basis.
However, all of us know that this goal has been
made difficult, if not impossible of attainment, through
what the Housing and Home Finance Administra
tion once aptly called a “ blockade o f custom and
code.” (Albert Cole, Speech, Detroit, 1954.) The evi
dence in this case well illustrates how that blockade
works and how it has operated to deny Sacramento
Negroes free access to the housing market on terms
of equality with other citizens. Thus our problem
meets us at the very threshold of the discussion. We
will deal with its specific manifestations later.
As we have pointed out, since the early 1930’s the
federal government, through the grant of direct sub
sidies, credits and powers has become increasingly
involved in the planning, marketing and managing of
dwellings. The scope of federal participation is wide.
It ranges from public housing, through slum clear
ance, urban renewal and guarantee of modernization
loans, to mortgage insurance and loan guarantees for
new housing. The means vary and have varied from
time to time; the goal has remained constant. But in
no instance, for policy reasons which need not con
cern us here, has federal assistance been granted di
rectly to individual home seekers. Rather it has been,
and is, made to private lenders, developers and build
ers and to local public agencies.
11
Obviously, Congressional enactments have been in
tended to confer benefits as inducements to private
lenders and developers and public agencies in order
to persuade them to participate in a program or pro
grams that will lead to attainment of the goal of a
decent home for every American family.”
It is ironic that these lenders and developers (and
even local public housing agencies until brought to
book by the courts) early arrogated to themselves the
authority—claimed by defendants in this case to be an
absolute right—of making the decision as to whether
or not non-whites, in our case Negroes, should be
excluded from the beneficences of Congressional leg
islation. They have translated their prejudices and
their fears into a set of exclusionary rules that have
all the force of law, even while operating under a law
that explicitly includes “ every American family” ,
and implicitly enacts the Constitutional command
against inequality of treatment.9 Racial discrimina
tion in Sacramento is now effectuated by quasi-ad-
ministrative action of builders, developers, selling
agents and lending institutions, all under the guise of
bona fide participation in reaching the objective of the
Congressional goals. How and why did Congress ar
rive at the policies it has enacted in our statutes ?
9The Housing Authority of the City of Sacramento, which ad
ministers the public housing program which flows from the Na
tional Housing Act is restrained by force of Banks v. San Fran
cisco, supra, from following the administrative practices of these
“ private” builders. It must bestow its benefits on all applicants
without reference to race. The thrifty Negro home seeker thus
meets racial discrimination that is not visited on his less eco
nomically fortunate fellow citizen.
12
B. The Growth of Congressional Policy.
In 1892, the federal government appropriated
$20,000 for an investigation of slums in cities of more
than 200,000 population. A report of this investiga
tion was made by the Commissioner of Labor and con
tains data on four cities, noting a higher incidence
of lawlessness in shun areas. (Federal Homing Pro
grams Committee Print, 81st Congress, 2nd session,
1950.)
W orld W ar I brought new housing problems and
congressional action resulted in construction of 9,000
houses, 1,100 apartments, 19 dormitories and eight
hotels for shipyard employees, and more than 5,000
single-family dwellings in addition to apartments,
dormitories and hotels for war workers. (Federal
Housing Programs, supra.)
The depression years added to the housing problem
that was accumulating as a result of increased urbani
zation of the nation. It was believed by Congress that
the federal government’s involvement in the provision
of housing was necessary for the economic survival
of the country. As a result, during the period from
1932 to 1934 more than one million homes were saved
through government refinancing, approximately 40,000
units of housing were provided by direct federal ac
tion for low and moderate income families, and more
than eight millions of dollars in loans were made to
corporations formed to provide housing for families
with low incomes. (Federal Housing Programs,
supra.) During this same period, the Federal Home
Loan Bank Board was authorized to make advances,
13
secured by first mortgages, to member borne-financing
institutions. As of June 30, 1949, there were eleven
regional banks providing a credit reservoir for 3,813
member institutions with assets totaling about thirteen
billion dollars. In addition, under the Home Owners
Loan Act $49,300,000 was appropriated to purchase
shares in savings and loan associations which were
members of the Federal Home Loan Bank. (Federal
Housing Programs, supra.)
History, and experience in the early depression
years, finally led Congress to establish three major
permanent federal housing programs—the mortgage
insurance system, public housing and the home loan
bank system, all dedicated to the Congressional objec
tives of that “ decent home for every American
family” .
1. The Mortgage Insurance Program.
The mortgage insurance program was established
in June 1934 for the purpose of insuring long-term
mortgage loans made by private lending institutions
to individual home seekers. The obvious intent was
to make home building attractive to, and possible by,
persons of limited means. Of course, incidental but
nonetheless substantial, benefits were conferred on
lending institutions through the minimization of the
risk entailed in making the loans, In their proper
turn, the builders received a boon because their market
was enormously expanded as home seekers found it
possible to engage in home building, and the mortgage
insurance system guaranteed a flow of credit to
builders.
14
Prom its inception through 1953, FHA, which was
constituted to administer the mortgage insurance pro
gram, has insured more than 33 billions of mortgages,
including insurance on more than three million homes
under the section providing for insurance on the type
of housing involved in this action. It has insured
millions of dollars for rental, cooperative, and pre
fabricated housing under other sections of the Na
tional Housing Act and has provided insurance
against loss on approximately 17,000,000 loans financ
ing home alterations, repairs and improvements.
(Seventh Annual Report, Housing and Home Finance
Agency, 1953, pp. 178-179.)
During World W ar II, mortgages were insured on
962,000 dwellings for war workers and, after the war,
for veterans. In connection with the mortgage insur
ance program, Congress authorized establishment of
a National Mortgage Association to provide a second
ary market for home mortgages, resulting in the later
establishment of the Federal National Mortgage Asso
ciation and the creation of the Federal Savings and
Loan Insurance Corporation to insure up to $5,000,
for any single individual, savings invested in savings
and loan associations. (Federal Housing Program,
supra.) As of June, 1949, the savings of 6,600,000
investors were insured with a total liability of $8,-
868,000,000. (Federal Housing Programs, supra.)
The mortgage insurance system and guarantee of
loans devices were adopted by Congress in 1944, to
aid former servicemen to acquire homes. As of June
30, 1954, 3,638,676 loans had been insured or guar
15
anteed for veterans. (Report, Administrator of Vet
erans Affairs, 1954.)
By any standard, these figures are impressive and
reflect a degree of government involvement in hous
ing that would have been unthinkable when the fed
eral government appropriated the modest sum of
$20,000 in 1892.
2. Tlie Public Housing Program.
The public housing program had its inception in
the National Industrial Recovery Act, providing for
the low income units we have referred to. In 1935,
the Emergency Relief Appropriations Act made an
appropriation of $450,000,000 for housing. In 1937,
the basic statute providing for loans and annual con
tributions to local public agencies for low rent hous
ing and slum clearance projects was enacted. Under
this Act, as amended, from 1937 to June 1955, 490,107
units of public housing have been, provided. (Homing
Statistics, Housing and Home Finance Agency.) Ad
ditionally, during W orld War II, 945,000 public war
housing accommodations were provided under various
statutes. After the war, Congress authorized use of
this war housing for distressed families of service
men, veterans and their families, and construction of
temporary housing from available funds for this pur
pose. Congress also authorized funds for dis-assem-
bling, transporting, re-erecting and converting surplus
war structures on land supplied by educational insti
tutions, State and local bodies, and non-profit organi
zations, for housing for veterans and their families,
16
and distressed families of servicemen. Under this
authorization, as of June 30, 1949, 267,000 temporary
units had been provided. (Housing Statistics, supra.)
These figures, too, bear statistical witness to the
fact that the nation was, and is, edging toward the
goal set by Congress.
3. The Home Loan Bank Board.
The Home Loan Bank Board’s function is to super
vise federal programs of credit, insurance of savings
accounts, and related aids to home-financing institu
tions, particularly savings and loan associations. It
is responsible for operations of the Federal Home
Loan Bank System, Federal Savings and Loan Insur
ance Corporation, and Home Owners’ Loan Corpora
tion. It charters and supervises Federal savings and
loan associations. The Federal Home Loan Bank Sys
tem is the oldest of the permanent federal housing
programs. It includes regional banks in eleven cities,
composed of regional member institutions. These in
stitutions supply approximately a third of all home-
mortgage financing in the country and in 1949 had
approximately $10,000,000,000 in home-mortgage loans
outstanding. In addition to supplying a reliable source
of credit for member institutions, the system encour
ages sound financial and operating practices in the
home-lending field. (Housing Statistics, supra.)
C. The Crystallization of Congressional Policy.
Faced with the serious shortage of housing for vet
erans after World W ar II, which resulted in grossly
inflated prices, Congress enacted the Veterans Emer
17
gency Housing Act of 1946. The Ojffi.ce of Housing
Expediter became statutory creature with power to
establish ceiling prices and rents for new housing,
and to allocate or establish priorities for delivery of
materials or facilities for housing. (Housing Statistics,
supra.) The Reconstruction Finance Corporation was
authorized by this Act to make premium payments
to producers of building materials, and to guarantee
markets for new-type building materials and pre
fabricated houses. The Act also amended and ex
tended the FH A mortgage insurance program for
benefit of veterans and granted them preference in
sales or rentals of new housing. (Housing Statistics,
supra.)
Finally, in 1949, Congress articulated the goals that
had been implicit in its theretofore patch work of
legislation and arrived at a definitive statement of
the housing aims of our national government. (Title I,
Housing Act, 1949, supra.) It said in so many words
what every student of its actions had already deduced,
that its goal was that of a “ decent home and suitable
living environment for every American family” . In
addition to re-enforcing the permanent Federal hous
ing programs that we have been discussing, Congress
authorized a new Federal housing program of loans
and capital grants to local communities for large
scale slum-clearance and urban redevelopment,10 au
10Testimony at the trial showed that Sacramento has availed
itself of these features of the Act and proposes a large scale re
development of a blighted section of the city. Ironically enough,
the working of that plan will expel Negro home owners who must
buy other housing. An official testified that 28% of the families
18
thorizing one billion dollars in loans and a half billion
dollars in capital grants over a five-year period for
this purpose. The Housing Act of 1954 broadened
this program to include rehabilitation of existing
housing in blighted, deteriorated, or deteriorating
areas. (Title III , Section 304, Housing Act of 1954;
68 Rev. Stat. 624, Title 42, TJSCA.) In “ so broaden
ing the provisions of the existing slum clearance and
urban redevelopment law . . . ” Congress, it was made
plain, did not change “ . . . in any way the primary
and principal objective of this law; namely, the im
provement of the housing conditions of American
families. Its primary and principal objective contin
ues to be the elimination of slums and other inade
quate housing and an increase in supply of good
housing.” (Senate Report No. 1472, 83rd Cong. 2nd
Session, U.S. Code, Cong, and Adm. News, 2757-2758.
W e have added the emphasis.)
By the Housing Act of 1955, Congress provided
for additional mortgage insurance, slum clearance
and urban renewal, and public housing. While this
Act was under consideration, Congress was compelled
to increase by $1.5 billion the mortgage authorization
of FHA. In this connection, the Senate committee
considering the housing bill noted that . . the ex
istence of FH A mortgage insurance has made possible
the addition of tens of billions of dollars worth of
adequate housing for United States residents.” (,Sen
ate Report 33, 84th Cong., 1st Session.)
to be relocated are Negro. The Court will recall that some of
these people testified that defendant-builders and brokers refused
to sell tract homes to these dispossessed persons on the basis of
raee.
19
The history we have just recited is abridged. It is
only a partial description of congressional action
taken to effectuate the housing goals envisioned by
Congress. It does not include a discussion of compan
ion executive action. However, it does serve to point
up the profound observation of the late Senator Rob
ert: A. Taft: “ Of course, in Congress we are faced
with the further question of whether the Federal Gov
ernment has any function in this program. Housing,
like food, relief, medicine, is primarily the obligation
of the States and local government. Even if these
programs are the proper function of government, it
is said that under our Constitution they do not fall
primarily within the duties or powers of the federal
government. It is a little late, however, for us to
argue the place of the Federal Government in this pic
t u r e (95, Gong. Rec. A343, 1949; emphasis added.)
D. Attaining the Objectives.
All governments, local, state, or federal, have cer
tain governmental objectives for attainment of which
government is pledged and which they further in
various ways. Some of these objectives are achieved
in. direct and obvious ways. The traditional method
is through individuals denominated officers and agents
of government who are employed to perform various
tasks designed to achieve the agreed-upon govern
mental objective.
On the other hand, there are other governmental
objectives which governments attempt to achieve in
an indirect manner. For policy reasons, it is some
20
times deemed wiser to attain these objectives by
granting substantial government aid to select private
persons or corporations who become chosen instru
ments of government.
In a democratic society, the legislature, as the in
strument of the people, must make the choice be
tween the direct and the indirect methods.
In the matter of housing, accommodations for the
lowest economic group in our population and for mod
erate income families is one of the objectives of our
national government, as we have just demonstrated.
With respect to the lowest income group, the national
government has determined that there is no alterna
tive for the provision of housing for this group except
by direct governmental action and it grants direct
subsidies to reach the end it has found desirable.
However, with respect to those families whose in
comes are too high to qualify for low-rent housing
but who, nevertheless, find it impossible, for economic
reasons over which they have no control, to secure
adequate housing without government intervention,
the national government has determined that there
are alternative methods of providing housing: by
direct action as in the case of low-rent public housing,
or by government insurance of loans made by lending
institutions. Either method will provide housing and
under our Constitutional system either choice is per
missible.
Economic policy considerations dictated the choice
of the latter alternative by Congress. (Senate Report
21
No. 1300. See also 84 Cong. Rec. 412, 1939; 87 Cong.
Rec. 1544, 1941; 90 Cong. Rec. 6661.) But when
World W ar I I created a housing crisis for defense
workers and then for returning servicemen and vet
erans, the national government found it expedient
to relieve the crisis by use of both methods. (90 Cong.
Rec. 6661, 1944.)
It is plain that the FH A mortgage insurance and
the VA loan guarantee programs were thus con
ceived and adopted ~by Congress as methods of pro
viding adequate housing within the financial reach
of moderate income families. It is equally demonstra
ble that the method has been an effective one, in pro
viding homes for the very group for which it was
devised, as shown by the statistics we have heretofore
cited. (78 Cong. Rec. 12013, 1934; 80 Cong. Rec. 4680,
1936; Senate Report 1300 supra; Sen. Rep. 1286, 81st
Cong. 2nd Session, 1950.)
In the case of low rent public housing adminis
tered by governmental officers, there is no question
but that racial discrimination falls under a Constitu
tional ban. (jBanks v. San Francisco, 120 Cal. App.
2d 1; Van v. Toledo, 113 Fed. Supp. 210.) The con
tention of suppliers of housing made possible under
the mortgage insurance system that they have the
“ right” to discriminate rests on the claim, solemnly
asserted and constantly reiterated, that the builder
is a private entrepreneur receiving no benefits from
the National Housing Act, getting no assistance from
FHA, and free of all social and constitutional respon
sibility except that of following his own whim and
22
caprice or bowing to Ms own fears, in the selection
of buyers. He claims the “ right” to make race a cri
terion in choosing who may or may not qualify for
federal mortgage insurance and thus purchase, or
occupy, housing that but for the mortgage insurance
system he would not have for sale. W e will be helped
in deciding the validity of this contention by laying
bare the relationship between builder and PHA.
E. The Relationship Between Builder, FHA and VA.
1. Under Section 203 of the Act.
Although we will discuss various relationships that
necessarily arise in respect of various housing pro
grams which are within the purview of the National
Housing Act and of PHA, it is well to remind our
selves at this point that the housing which is the sub
ject matter of this litigation is that type built for
sale under Section 203 of the Act. In the classic
instance, the individual home seeker who was at
tracted by the information that he could buy a home
through the PH A mortgage insurance program sim
ply had plans drawn up, secured cost estimates, en
tered into a contract with a builder of his choice
and then took the papers to his bank or building
and loan association. In its proper turn the lending
institution submitted the plans and cost estimates to
PH A which reviewed them and indicated approval
or disapproval. Upon approval, the home seeker ar
ranged for the loan, PH A made the commitment for
mortgage insurance and the home seeker executed
the proper mortgage papers. As building progressed,
PH A made detailed inspections and ultimately gave
23
final approval. The builder played a muted part in
the transaction: he was the workman who built the
house and ultimately received payments from the
proceeds of the insured loan. His only contact with
FH A was through the inspectors.
In time, the builder began to assume a more ag
gressive function. FH A had created a market; he
sought to avail himself of its advantages. The builder
himself drew the plans, found the lending institution
and then the home seeker. His acquired skill enabled
him to guide his customer through the paper maze
without difficulty. In reality, he was helping achieve
the objectives of the Act through a laudable profit
motive. He was doing more: he had become an opera
tive builder and was availing himself of the benefits
of the Act,11 and in order to do so he was acting in
concert with the lending institution and with FH A
through its proper officials. Under this arrange
ment, government and the operative builder were
becoming mutually dependent on each other; without
mortgage insurance the operative builder could not
function to attract the home seeker and without the
operative builder government could not pursue its
objective unless it substituted a direct subsidy.
The next step was forecast: the builder planned
a group of homes purely for sales purposes without
having the specific buyers in mind or, indeed, with
out trying to secure them beforehand. I f he could
build houses that he knew would meet FH A specifica
irWe shall use the term “ operative builder” to mean a builder
who constructs homes for sales purposes.
24
tions and hence would be acceptable to the lending
institution because federal mortgage insurance could
be secured he could build for the market instead of
for the individual. Building costs could be minimized.
New problems arose at this juncture because it was
imperative that the builder have absolute assurance
that his product was acceptable to FH A and hence
eligible for mortgage insurance. That problem could
be solved, and was, by getting prior FH A approval
of all plans, including site selection, financing, lender-
mortgagees, purchaser mortgagors and many other
governmental controls and standards. It is readily
apparent that an ever closer relationship would de
velop between builder and FHA. The inter-depend
ence between builder and government became ever
closer as each needed the other more and more to
further his, or its objective. The builder became a
co-partnership, or a corporation with a sales force
and public relations experts to attract the home
seeker. And above all, the builder now built increas
ingly for the market, as he put it, that is for the
class of persons defined as eligible by the National
Housing Act, and eligible for mortgage insurance.
And as the builder built for the class, rather than for
the individual home seeker he began to institute the
exclusionary practices that bottom this law suit—
and that without statutory authority which could
never have been given because the Constitution would
not, and will not, permit it.
The activities of the operative builder that we have
been discussing continued the seeds of their own ex
25
pansion. It was a step from building a small group
of homes to that of developing an entirely new tract
containing hundreds of homes and from that to the
construction of great new cities, like the Levittowns
in the east or Lakewood in Los Angeles county.12
In the matter of the operative builder-defendants
in this case, homes which are built for sale under Sec
tion 203 of the Act were constructed on an extensive
scale. At the time of their construction the PH A
Commissioner was authorized by statute to insure an
amount equal to 95% of the first $9,000 of F H A ’s
appraisal of the value and 75% of the amount in
excess of $9,000; he had to require the mortgagor-
buyer to pay at least 5%' of the Commissioner’s es
timate of cost of acquisition in cash or its equivalent
as a down payment; the builder was required to de
liver to the purchaser a written statement setting
forth the amount of the Commissioner’s appraisal
and a warranty that the house conformed to F H A ’s
approved plans and specifications. The Commissioner
must approve initial charges for the mortgage, ap
praisal and inspection fees. It is also statutory dicta
tion that so long as the mortgage is insured by PHA,
the dwelling may not be sold on credit terms less
favorable to the purchaser than those required by
PH A and the buyer may not levy a race restriction
during the life of the loan. (64 Statutes 68; 68 Stat
utes 591, 607, 642; Title 12 CSC A, Sections 1701,
1709, 1715g.)
12These are complete cities, each containing thousands of dwell
ings built to meet FHA specifications and sold under FHA mort
gage insurance.
26
The Court will recall testimony in this case that
operative builders who were before the Court held
pre-application discussions with FHA. This is the
“ land planning processing” stage and takes the form
of inspection and approval of the site by FH A Land
Planners and Subdivision Valuators. The purpose of
these discussions is to achieve the most desirable land
development plan, the most desirable and practical loca
tion of streets, lot grades, storm water drainage, san
itary sewage lines and the other incidents of sound
community planning. A subdivision report is then
submitted dealing with streets, grading, landscape,
material, lot size and similar items. Following this,
mortgagee-lender (the financial institution that will
finally furnish the mortgage money) files a formal
application for a prior commitment to insure. De
tailed plans and specifications, property descrip
tions, plot, etc., are submitted. In order for any
application to be approved for prior commitment,
land planning, proposed plans and specifications, con
struction and materials to be used must meet F H A ’s
Minimum Property Requirements. At this stage of
the proceedings no individual buyer has been secured.
Potential buyers are members of the class defined as
to eligibility by the Act without reference to race or
color. In essence, the operative builder has now ob
ligated himself to build houses which meet certain
standards set by F H A ; the lending institution has
agreed that as individual buyers are produced it will
lend them the necessary purchase-money funds on
the security of their individual mortgages on indi
vidual parcels of property (the so-called “ take out”
27
mortgages) in the tract, and FIT A has agreed that
it tvitt insure those mortgages if the borrower meets
its eligibility tests. The prime test is that the loan
must be “ economically sound” .
Assuming approval of the project and subsequent
construction, FH A inspectors take over. Their func
tion is to make sure that construction proceeds in
accordance with the contract documents on the basis
of which the commitment was issued. One to four
family dwellings are required to have at least three
inspections. After completion of construction, the
builder is required by statute to certify as to costs.
I f the house is constructed under FH A inspection, the
builder provides the Y A loan guaranty officer with
the required evidence of this fact, in which case Y A
compliance inspection becomes unnecessary. (Title 12
U.S.C. 1715r; VA Technical Bulletin 4A-14.) I f all
enumerated conditions are met, the mortgage insurance
will issue upon F H A ’s approval of the purchaser as to
credit. (Mutual Mortgage Insurance, Administrative
Buies and Regulations under Section 203 of the ATa-
tional Housing Act. Revised 1952 Form 2010, p. 14.)
Both FHA and Y A will now process complaints re
garding faulty construction within one year of convey
ance or initial occupancy. (Title 12 U.S.C. 1701; VA
Technical Bulletin 4A-127.)
It is hard to conjure up a more rigorous statutory
scheme than that devised by the Rational Housing
Act and administered by FHA from its approval to
final approval of the individual mortgagor. That the
builder submits to it is eloquent proof that it prom
28
ises advantages for him. That the Act and FH A
impose it is demonstrative of the fact that it promises
attainment of the goal of a “ decent home for every
American family” . The inter-dependence of govern
ment and builder has reached its zenith. Now it is
plain beyond the need of argument that the com
plementary activities of builder and government have
produced houses for sale to members of the class en
visioned by the Act itself and sought by the builder.
In the face of this rigorous statutory scheme; in
spite of the demonstrated inter-dependence of builder
and government in producing housing for the mass
market and apparently unmindful of the benefits be
stowed on the builder by government, the operative
builder-defendants in this case maintain that they
have complete freedom to decide who may secure
benefits of the mortgage insurance system and thus
buy this government-builder produced housing, and
to discriminate on a racial basis against some mem
bers of the very class for whom they have ostensibly
built.
This Alice-In-Wonderland claim of the right to
impose racial discrimination in the selection of pur
chasers is predicated on the fact that each of the
houses will be sold by the builder in his private
capacity to an individual who will execute an in
dividual mortgage with the house and land as secu
rity to a private lending institution. All that has gone
before—the cooperation between government and
builder in planning the development, the rigorous re
quirements imposed by government as a precondition
29
of the prior commitment without which not a single
house would have been produced, the lending institu
tion’s agreement to make the mortgage loan, condi
tioned as it was on the certain knowledge that it could
minimize its risk through the mortgage insurance
program, the close cooperation between builder and
government conforming the houses to standards set
by government, the conformity of the subdivision to
the overall county or city planning required by gov
ernment, the proviso that FH A must approve the ul
timate buyer, the requirements as to down payments
and interest rates to be assessed against the buyer-
mortgagor-—all these are brushed aside as matters of
no consequence. All that will come after-—the fact that
government credit stands behind the mortgage insur
ance, the requirement against sale on less favorable
credit terms, the pledge of government to process com
plaints of faulty construction for a year after sale
or initial occupancy—all these are relegated into the
unimportant. The blind man has seized the elephant’s
tail and is telling us that the animal resembles a rope.
It is also apparent that the operative builder-de
fendants have lost sight of the objectives of the Na
tional Housing Act. They have charmed themselves
into the pleasant belief that the Act was passed and
FH A was constituted to provide them a market for
their wares, freed of all social and constitutional re
sponsibility, and to minimize the risk of lending in
stitutions who may finance the home construction they
may undertake. They take it for granted that the
power to impose residential segregation—denied by
30
the Constitution to cities, to the courts, and to local
housing authorities—has been lodged with them by
virtue of a statute, the National Housing Act, enacted
pursuant to that same Constitution. Obviously, their
claims cry out for close scrutiny. For if these opera
tive builder-defendants have their way Congress has
but to channel government power into private hands
to rob Constitutional guarantees of all vitality.
2. Other Sections of the Act.
Our discussion of government-builder relationships
has been confined to the relationship that arises under
Section 203 of the Act because the housing involved
in this action was built under that section. Our dis
cussion of relationships that arise under other sec
tions of the Act will be short and is inserted here
simply for the purpose of illustrating the scope and
purpose of the Act, to show how the mortgage insur
ance system dovetails into the high public purpose
of the legislation and to lay bare the manner in which
FH A functions in shaping and directing housing pol
icy within the confines of the legislation under which
it was established.
(a ) Property Im provem ent Loans.
The property improvement provisions of the Act
were enacted in 1934, at least partially as an “ emer
gency” measure but have since come to be highly re
garded as a means of adequate maintenance of the
nation’s housing. Although the loan for improve
ments is insured, no mortgage is required of the
householder. (Property Improvement Loans, FH A
31
document FH-20, Aug. 1, 1950.) FH A says of this
program that “ . . . the building and allied industries,
and the Federal Government combined to assist bor
rowers to make eligible improvements to their prop
erty . .
(b ) Section 8— Building.
In operation since 1950, Section 8 was devised to
provide cheap homes in outlying areas “ where it is
not practicable to obtain conformity with many re
quirements essential to the insurance of housing in
built-up areas.” (12 USCA 1706c(a).) Some 12,000
homes were built under the program but it has not
been widely used.
(c ) Section 603— Housing.
During the period from 1943 through 1948 the bulk
of home mortgages were insured under World War I I
provisions of Section 603 of the Act, enacted in 1941
to stimulate building for war workers and revived
in 1946 as a program for veterans. A total of almost
700,000 homes were insured under Section 603 which
has since expired. Typically, Section 603 homes were
built by operative builders for ultimate sale. Vet
erans’ preferences were enforced.
(d ) Section 611— Construction.
The government’s use of the device of mortgage
insurance to accomplish a myriad of social objectives
is well illustrated by the FH A program under Section
611 which was designed “ to encourage the applica
tion of cost reduction techniques through large scale
32
modernized site construction” . Any project for build
ing 25 or more single family dwellings by modern
on-site construction methods was eligible for mortgage
insurance on very liberal terms. Individual dwellings
could later be released from the blanket mortgage
and sold to individuals who in turn could avail them
selves of the individually insured mortgage.
(e ) Section 903— Homes.
This program was devised in 1951 to relieve the
housing situation in critical defense areas. The area
must be designated by the president as critical. Mort
gage insurance is issued on one or two family units.
To be eligible for insurance a mortgage need not be
“ economically sound” (the requirement under Sec
tion 203) but it is sufficient if the proffered mortgage
is “ an acceptable risk in view of the needs of national
defense” .13 Credit terms are liberal. The statutory
regulatory features of housing built under this sec
tion is an almost complete one: Persons engaged in
defense had priority to purchase or rent; the prop
erty may be held for rent for such time as the Com
missioner determines; where properties are held for
rent the Commissioner may determine the rental and
prescribe operating methods and even prohibit or
restrict sale and the mortgagor may not discriminate
against families with children on penalty of $500 fine.
(12 USCA 1750a(d).)
13This requirement— that the mortgage be an “ acceptable
risk”— changes the class from that defined in Section 203 where
the loan must be “ economically sound” .
33
( f ) Section 207— The P ro ject Housing.
Housing built under Section 207, and the sections
that we will discuss following it, is so-called project
housing. The degree of FH A control over this kind
of housing is much greater than that exercised under
the various sales-housing programs. When Congress
set up the mutual mortgage system under Section
203 it created a system of mortgage insurance under
Section 207 for rental developments. Together Sec
tion 203 and Section 207 constitute the “ permanent”
FH A program. There must be at least twelve dwell
ing units; the builder must be a “ public corporation”
or a “ private corporation publicly regulated” . The
statute requires FH A regulation as to “ rents or sales,
charges, capital structure, rate and return and meth
ods of operation . . . to provide reasonable rentals . . . ”
The FH A Commissioner is authorized to hold such
stock (not to cost him more than $100) as will render
his regulation effective. FH A prescribes the method
and manner of bookkeeping and when there is any
violation of the terms the Commissioner may oust di
rectors and elect his own board. The social purpose
is explicit: “ Mortgage insurance under this section is
intended to facilitate rental accommodations at rea
sonable rents suitable for family living.”
(g ) Section 608— Housing.
Four-fifths of all project mortgages insured by
FH A have been insured under Section 608, a fact
traceable to its liberal terms. (Sixth Annual Report,
Housing Agency.) As established in 1941, Section 608
provided that “ the property shall be designed for
34
rent for residential use by war workers” and as re
vived in 1946 it was said to be designed to give prefer
ence to veterans. As in Section 207, the F H A Com
missioner is empowered to intervene in corporate af
fairs where there is a violation of regulations which
are substantially the same as in Section 207.
(h ) Section 610— Special Program.
Section 610 is a special program whereby FH A
mortgage insurance is provided to finance the sale
of so-called Greenbelt towns, TY A housing or Lan-
ham Act housing. There are the usual veteran prefer
ence provisions and power to require that the dwell
ings be held for rental.
( i ) Section 908— Liberal Terms.
Section 908 complements Section 903 in that it was
devised “ in view of the needs of national defense” .
The pattern of regulation is substantially the same
as that in Section 603 and 608, with the usual stock
holding powers vested in the Commissioner.
( j ) W herry M ilitary Housing.
The Wherry program originated in 1949 in order
to relieve the housing near military installations. Un
der this program, the military acquires the land, ap
proves the sponsor, draws the original plans and cer
tifies to FH A that the installation itself will not be
curtailed in the foreseeable future. FH A does not
even have to make a determination of acceptable risk.
It insures the loan and, as in Section 908, controls
the affairs of the corporation as to compliance with
35
its rules and regulations. Insurance is available on
a principal amount not exceeding 90% of replace
ment cost.
(k ) Section 213— Cooperative Housing.
Congress deliberated as to this program on the
issue of whether to grant direct public loans or to
provide for mortgage insurance for private loans. It
chose the latter. Housing is of two types: sales and
management. In the sales type, a non-profit corpora
tion builds the homes for members who take indi
vidual title to their homes. In the management type,
title remains vested in the corporation and member-
stockholders have permanent occupancy rights. FH A
is authorized to furnish technical advice and assist
ance in organization of the cooperatives, and in the
planning, development, construction and operation of
their housing projects. The loan may be amortized
in 40 years and mortgage insurance will issue on 90%
of replacement value. Under the 1956 amendments,
insurance will issue for 95% of replacement value
where 50% of member-stockholders are veterans.
Summary.
This rather detailed description of the manner in
which F HA and the operative builder complement
each other in the case of Section 203 housing (the
kind involved in this case) and the thumbnail
sketches of its functioning in other housing programs
reveals a federal, that is governmental, agency of
vast proportions and vast powers. Its regulatory
powers vary as the type of housing varies but none
36
can doubt that the mortgage insurance system it oper
ates and supervises is an important factor in the
housing market. It is time to take a closer look at
the scope of the agency’s power and how that power
is exerted.
P. FHA Regulation and Control.
The National Housing Act authorized the estab
lishment of a new agency of government in an area
in which there was little in the way of experience
to serve as guideposts. What Congress wanted was
an agency that would, as Senator Fletcher put it, help
achieve the objectives of the Act. (78 Cong. Rec.
12013, 1934.) From his statement, it was apparent
even then that the destiny of F H A was to be that
of the “ prime regulator” of the housing market. It
has fulfilled that destiny. FH A has dictated “ the
place where housing would be built, at what price and
rent ranges, for occupancy by whom, under what
tenure, at what standards of construction, in what
kind of neighborhoods” . (Siegel, Shirley, The Legal
Relationship of FH A to Housing Aided Under Its
Various Programs, 1953 unpublished manuscript,
New York.) Its very name has passed into our
idiom; the term “ F H A housing” has a real meaning
in common parlance. Billboards, radio, television,
shout the builder’s message that “ FH A housing”
is a special kind of housing, stamped with the Great
Seal of government approval.
F H A ’s minimum Property Requirements have in
fluenced the location, planning and development of
new subdivisions, and have influenced, even altered,
37
standards of construction and design for the whole
industry. (Siegel: Legal Relationships, etc., Supra.)
In addition to fostering the single, long term, to
tally amortized home mortgage with its low down pay
ment and low interest rate, which has become stand
ard, FHA, in minimizing risk of loss involved to
government and in providing for standardization of
mortgage instruments, has created a new liquid in
vestment market, national in scope and operation.
PH A is also responsible for the trend toward develop
ment of large suburban housing projects and toward
use of large institutional lenders. The volume of
new residential construction, its distribution between
renter- and owner-occupied, have also been influenced
by PH A. (Richards, How FH A Mortgage Insurance
Operates, supra.) “ I f you really want to face the facts
about the housing market today, the FH A itself, un
der its present regulations, says to the private
builder: “You must not sell to families whose income
does not allow them to meet your scale o f payments. ’ ’ ’
(95 Cong. Rec. 12268, 1949.)
P H A has managed to revolutionize our mortgage
credit system, regulate the housing market, and set
standards for the home building industry, not only
as the result of its effort to achieve express objectives
of the National Housing Act, but by enforcement of
its Administrative Rules and Regulations and its
Minimum Property Requirements—including its Min
imum Construction Requirements, which operate as
a super building code, and its Minimum Planning Re
quirements, which operate as a super zoning code.
38
Contrary to popular belief, FH A does not, as we
know, lend money. It insures mortgages. The mort
gagee pays an insurance premium of :1/i> of 1% of the
original face amount of the mortgage. Thereafter,
the mortgagee pays annually ^2 ° f 1% of the average
outstanding principal. While this premium is ac
tually paid by the mortgageee, in the long run it is
paid by the mortgagor as a part of the cost of bor
rowing money. The secret of FH A power and control
of the housing market is enfolded within this mort
gage insurance system.
In 1934, when the National Housing Act was
passed, the nation was still trying to recover from
the worst economic depression in its history. Home
construction had declined to an all-time low and mort
gage credit was almost completely frozen. (90 Cong.
Bee. A2984,1944.) The Act was designed to make home
construction possible by facilitating the flow of mort
gage credit. {Cong. Bee. 12013-12014,1934.) The device
proved so useful that when Congress was confronted
with the critical lack of housing for defense workers in
W orld W ar II, it utilized the same plan. The same
thing happened when there was a need for housing for
veterans. (96 Cong. Bee. 3152, 1956.) With respect to
all of these programs, Congress has clearly recognized
and understood that without government insurance or
guarantee, mortgage credit for construction and pur
chase of desperately needed housing would not be
available. (83 Cong. Bee. 1334, 1938; 87 Cong. Bee.
1544, 1944; Hearings Before Committee on Banking
and Currency, 78th Cong. 1st Session, 2, 7, 8, 1943;
39
90 Gong. Rec. A2985, 1947.) As one Congressman put
it:
“ For more than a decade now the housing in
dustry in this country has required Government
assistance and intervention for its very existence.
Only the tiniest fraction of the volume of housing
which has been erected in the past 10 years would
have actually been constructed without Govern
ment insurance of mortgages, and without the
massive governmental support behind the whole
mortgage market.
“ . . . It is a glaring fact that no practical person
can gainsay that few operative builders . . . con
duct their businesses with what is properly called
private capital . . . The average builder has very
little, i f any, risk capital involved in his busi
ness; he works with funds which he is able to
borrow because the Government has guaranteed
the lender against loss . . .” (Rep. Rodino, 95
Gong. Rec. 12268, 1949.)
In February, 1955, the Senate Committee on Bank
ing and Currency warned that “ to remove the sup
port of the FH A mortgage insurance programs from
the carrying out of these projects would cause unfair
and in some cases calamitous results.” (Senate Report
33, 84th Cong., 1st Session.)
Thus the first importance of federal assistance in
this case is that without it the operative builders
would not be able to obtain the necessary financing
for developments of the size that were involved in
this lawsuit. As one adverse witness put it in our
case, it would be “ virtually impossible” to build de
40
velopments of the size involved “ without FH A assist
ance” .
One of the basic purposes of the National Housing
Act was to introduce reforms in our mortgage proce
dure (78 Gong. Bee. 11973, 1934) in order to provide
home seekers with a mortgage credit system more
realistically designed to meet their needs, and it is
for that reason that F H A in the past twenty years
has completely revolutionized America’s mortgage
credit system. (90 Cong. Bee. A2984-A2985, 1944.)
As a result of reforms introduced, the home owner
today can get a fully amortized, long-term, low in
terest rate single mortgage at the lowest cost in his
tory. In place of the old first mortgage representing
50 to 60 per cent of the value, with second and third
mortgages at near-usurious interest rates, home own
ers today can obtain one loan up to 80 or 90, and
in some cases even 95, per cent of the FH A property
valuation. Parenthetically, the extent of FH A in
volvement in builder activities inheres in the very pro
cedures just referred to: it is FH A which sets the
valuation. The ratio of loan to valuation— whether 80
or 90 or 95 per cent—is determined toy FH A in accord
ance with statutory directive and the same is true as to
interest rates with the added feature that FH A may,
as it has recently done, raise the interest rate, within
statutory limits, for a social purpose, that is to curb
inflationary trends.
Where the traditional mortgage fell due in three
to five or ten years with uncertain and high renewal
fees, F H A mortgages are payable in equal monthly
41
installments over a period up to thirty years without
the necessity of renewal and without payment of a
premium for this privilege. Interest rates have been
reduced as a result of F H A action to such an extent
that the average home owner can pay for his prop
erty, pay the interest, taxes and insurances, often at
a lesser amount than he would pay for renting a com
parable house. (90 Cong. Bee. A2985, 1944.) In short,
“ In financing their home purchases with FH A in
sured mortgages borrowers have the satisfaction of
knowing that they are buying a home upon a basis
that is within their earning power.” (90 Cong. Bee.
A2985, 1944.)
Thus the second importance of the federal assist
ance in this case is that it expands an otherwise lim
ited market into a mass market. “ The mass market
thus created will be further augmented by the econ
omies incident to large scale building operations en
couraged under the bill.” (Sen. Beport No. 1300, 75th
Cong., 2nd Session, 4, 1937; 96 Cong. Rec. 3154, 1950.)
The operative builder’s ability to advertise that a
federal agency has approved his development is of
inestimable value as an inducement to the buyer who
can rely on the fact that the purchase of an PH A
insured or Y A guaranteed home meets certain high
governmental standards.
Mortgage insurance is crucial to the operative
builder’s ability to build for the mass market. It is
the sine qua non for tract development.
The fact of government mortgage insurance pro
vided by the statutory congressional scheme and ad
42
ministered by F H A cannot be gainsaid. It exists. It
is there. It minimizes risk of loss by the lender and
redounds to the builder’s advantage, as was intended,
by supplying a ready reservoir of credit which, in
essence, guarantees the builder that he can find a
market for his product. The sale of mortgage insur
ance differs from the sale of a commodity because it
involves the assumption of risk by the purveyor. Gov
ernment’s role as the purveyor of mortgage insur
ance is always recognized but the argument is made
that this does not import government involvement
because, it is said, the system is an actuarial one in
which the mortgagee (in reality the mortgagor-buyer
who pays the ultimate cost) is merely purchasing a
service at its legitimate cost. The purport of this
argument seems to be that there is no government in
volvement if government so orders its affairs that
the system is run on a sound business basis. The con
tention is without merit in light of the social, that
is governmental, purposes served and intended to be
served by the mortgage insurance system. Govern
ment is in the insurance business not to make money
but to further the ends of the National Housing Act.
In any event, the statement is speculative and may, or
may not, stand the test of time.
The very idea of mortgage insurance is relatively
new and the only body of actuarial standards that
exists is that which has been developed by FH A itself
since 1934. As of December 31, 1954, F H A ’s various
funds had 26% billions of dollars of insurance in
force and $390 million in earned surplus. {FHA
43
Statement, No. 55-57, FHA, June 18, 1955.) With re
spect to the Mutual Mortgage Insurance Fund, the
fund under which housing in our case is insured, a
comparatively recent FH A actuarial study purports
to show that this particular fund “ attained a balance
status” at the end of 1954—a balance status being
defined as the time when earned surplus is equal to
or larger than the contingent liabilities of the fund.
{FHA Statement, No. 55-57, FHA, June 18, 1955.)
This means that as of that date, all estimated losses
and expenses could have been paid out of the surplus
in the event of “ adverse economic conditions of ap
proximately depression magnitude were to develop
immediately.” (F HA Statement, No. 55-57, FHA,
June 18, 1955.) Even this pride-packed statement
does not rule out the contingency, always present in
FH A operation of the mortgage insurance system,
that resort might have to be made to the public treas
ury which is the ultimate guarantor of this insurance
system.
However, there are five mortgage insurance funds
—low cost housing, military housing, national de
fense housing, war housing and multi-family housing
projects—which have not attained a balance status,
and as to these funds the contingency of resort to the
public treasury is ever present.
Laying aside the issue of balance status, however,
the crucial consideration demonstrating government
involvement is that although FH A operations are in
the process of becoming self-sustaining and have re
paid to the United States treasury almost all moneys
44
originally advanced by it for initial operation of each
of the funds since the beginning of the program—a
total of some $65 million dollars (FH A Report, 55-57,
FH A, June 18, 1955) the stubborn fact remains that
the United States treasury is ultimately liable for
repayment to the mortgagee of every penny of the
mortgages insured by FHA. “ . . . Under the FH A
system, the federal government guarantees to pay
any loss which a lender sustains on any FH A insured
home mortgage loan. I f an insured loan is defaulted,
the FH A takes over the defaulted loan or property
and gives the lender F H A debentures in an amount
equal to the unpaid balance of the defaulted loan.
Those debentures are fully and unconditionally guar
anteed, as to payment of both principal and interest,
by the United States of America. The appropriate
FH A insurance fund, or reserve for losses, is pri
marily liable for payment of the debentures, but, if
for any reason funds sufficient for the payment of
both principal of, and interest on, those debentures
are not on hand, the debenture holder simply presents
them to the treasury for payment,” (96 Cong. Rec.
3164, 1950.)
It is obviously Congressional intent that the risk
of loss, the all important feature of insurance, falls
on the national government where it must be assumed,
and paid, by moneys gathered by the tax collector
from all citizen-taxpayers—white, and non-white
alike.
45
6. The Congressional Intent.
There can be no doubt that Congress conceived of
these programs as the means whereby the federal gov
ernment could be instrumental in providing moderate
income families, veterans and defense workers with
homes within their means. In 1937, the Congress
said:
“ The slum clearance law passed at the last ses
sion of Congress is now in active operation and
will stimulate the construction of housing by local
public authorities for the benefit of those fami
lies in the lowest income groups whose housing
needs cannot possibly be provided through profit
able private enterprise.”
“ The present bill, on the other hand, is concerned
with housing for the vast number of our families
of moderate means . . .” (Senate Report No. 1300,
75th Cong. 1937.)
In 1939, it was said that:
“ The primary purpose of the act is, of course,
to aid the home owner . . .” (84 Cong. Rec. A1432,
1939.)
During W orld W ar II, when the FH A mortgage
insurance system was being used to provide housing
in defense areas, the Housing Administrator told a
Congressional hearing that the purpose of legislation
under discussion “ is to get houses at a monthly cost
these workers can pay” . (.Hearings Before Banking
and Currency Committee on H.R. 1726, 78 Cong., 1st
Session 14, 1943.)
46
Following the war, Congress again made it clear
that it intended the FH A program to be the means
by which Veterans could obtain housing:
“ . . . Veterans are today America’s greatest asset
and most valuable resource . . . Our system must
provide for them an opportunity either to buy
or rent one of the most basic and essential neces
sities of life . . . ” (93 Cong. Bee. 11401-11402,
1947.)
Following enactment of the Housing Act of 1949,
which provided for the new federal slum clearance
and urban redevelopment program and for additional
public housing, Congress provided for additional
mortgage insurance with this thought in mind:
“ . . . we have enacted into law, now, slum clear
ance and public housing legislation w7hich pro
vides for long range housing programs for those
in the $2000 income level and below. Since the
year 1946, the private building industry has de
voted its effort largely to the higher price home
market. This level has been above the reach of
many of those in what is known as the middle
income group. It was the intention of this com
mittee in reporting legislation that wre would try
to cover that middle income bracket . . .” (95
Cong. Bee. 12079, 1949.)
In reporting the Housing Act of 1954, the Senate
Committee reiterated Congress’ consistent intention
in continually increasing F H A ’s mortgage insurance
authorizations:
“ The bill should facilitate and encourage the
construction of more and better homes in our
cities, suburbs and farm areas for the moderate
47
and low income groups.” (Senate Rep. No. 1472,
83rd Cong. 2nd Session.)
There is clearly implied in these statements a high
Congressional purpose: that of making homes avail
able to all persons who fall within the class defined,
on economic bases, by the detailed provisions of the
Act. It is the veriest nonsense to argue, or even sug
gest, that Congress could have intended, in a Con
stitutional sense, to define veterans as “ white veter
ans” , or middle income families as “ white middle in
come families” , or low income families as “ white
low income families” . Congress could not intend what
the Constitution forbids.
There is no compulsion on any operative builder
to avail himself of the provisions of the National
Housing Act. He is free to spurn FH A mortgage
insurance. He can build where he chooses without
paying the slightest heed to the theories of FH A
Land Planners and Subdivision Valuators. He can
brush aside FH A Minimum Construction Standards
at will. He can insist on the traditional 30 or 40 per
cent down payment. He can go to the private money
market and arrange loans for his buyers at whatever
the current interest may be. In short, he can function
as a private builder and as such can act as his whim
or caprice may dictate. While it is true that state
law or policy may still interdict racial discrimination,
no constitutional question would arise. The fact that
the builder-defendants in our case did not assume this
stance of the private builder was not due to accident
or inadvertence: their decision to avail themselves of
48
the provisions of the National Housing Act and to
use the full machinery of FH A power was a deliber
ate choice, designed to secure what they deemed to be,
and what are, the advantages that accrue from the
choice they made. Having made that choice they
cannot escape the responsibilities that devolved on
them. As was well said in American Communica
tions Association v. Bouds, 39 U.S. 382, 401:
“ But power is never without responsibility.
When authority derives in part from Govern
ment’s thumb on the scales, the exercise of that
power by private persons becomes closely akin,
in some respects, to its exercise by Government
itself. ’ ’
W e do not suppose that even the builder-defendants
in this case or their selling agents, the real estate
brokers, will contend that government’s thumb was
not laid heavily on the scales in the operative builder-
defendants’ production of housing for the mass mar
ket in Sacramento county. W e do not suppose that
even they will contend that the purposes of the Na
tional Housing Act did not comprehend plaintiff and
the class he represents equally with his white coun
terparts.
We have now isolated the fundamental issue that
undergirds this ease: May the operative builders who
produce the needed housing as envisioned by, and
which is the objective of, the National Housing Act
and who avail themselves of the facilities of FH A
in the production of that housing, discriminate
against intended Congressional beneficiaries solely on
49
the basis of race, and thus frustrate the desire of the
Negro buyer to obtain the advantages of the mortgage
insurance system and thus, through that system, ul
timately purchase a home offered for sale?
OPERATIVE BUILDERS MAY NOT PRACTICE
RACIAL DISCRIMINATION.
What FIIA has called ‘ ‘ the benefits of the mortgage
insurance system” to the individual are so obvious
that we will not detail them. The reverse side of that
coin is that any person or individual who is denied
those benefits suffers tremendous disadvantages.
Those benefits range from the low down payment and
low interest rate features of the mortgage loan through
the community planning that goes into the develop
ment of a new tract where homes are built for sale
under Section 203 of the Act to the fact that all such
homes are required to conform to standards that make
them attractive and enhance their value.
Nor will we take time here to point to the social
consequences that flow from the system of informal
residential segregation that results from continued ex
clusion of Negroes from the new suburban develop
ments. A glance at the map which is in evidence will
show the manner in which tract development has
grown in the Sacramento area during the past few
years. Those developments are closed to Negro occu
pancy. Residential segregation in its proper turn
fosters growth of a species of segregated public facili
ties which are provided for neighborhoods and com
munities.
50
A Negro, situated as plaintiff was in this case, also
suffers the disadvantage that he may he required to
live a long distance from his employment because he
is unable to secure a nearby home. It will be recalled
that the original purpose of plaintiff in this case was
to find a dwelling near McClellan Air Force Base
where he is employed.
As we have pointed out in detail, Congress has not
made federal assistance or subsidies available to indi
vidual home seekers. Rather, that assistance has been
and is granted to private lenders, developers and
builders, and to local public housing agencies. Obvi
ously, the objects of Congressional solicitude are not
these private persons, or public agencies, per se; they
are merely the instruments through which Congress
intended to effectuate its policy of providing a ‘ ‘ decent
home for every American family” . Whatever benefits
are conferred on these persons— and they are consi
derable in the case of operative builders—are inciden
tal to the realization of the national objective and are
held out as inducements, as the quid pro quo, to enlist
the cooperation of these builders.
Low rent public housing built under applicable sec
tions of the National Housing Act is designed for
rent to individuals. With the exception of a few spe
cial programs, the federal government resigns admin
istration of such housing to local public housing agen
cies. The class of persons eligible for occupancy of
such housing is defined, without reference to race, by
the economic attributes of individuals. Where a per
son desires to occupy a low rent housing unit he
51
phrases his request in the form of asking the local
housing agency to “ rent” him such a unit. That is
the common sense view of what he seeks but there is
more than that involved in the realization of his objec
tive. In a legal sense, what he asks is that the local
agency determine his eligibility for such occupancy
first and then rent him the unit he seeks if he meets
the test of eligibility. The local agency tests his eligi
bility by the statutory standards of the Act and by
appropriate administrative rules and regulations of
Public Housing Administration (P H A ).
Where as in the Banks case, supra, the local public
housing agency attempted to apply the constitution
ally irrelevant test of race to determine eligibility, the
applicant filed suit; alleging that the agency had re
fused to rent her the unit because it had applied the
racial test. In that case she prevailed. The practical
effect of her victory was that she was able to rent the
unit. However, what the Court did in the case was
to require the local agency to subject Banks’ appli
cation “ to the same rules, regulations and preferences
applicable to other applicants, without regard to race
or color.” (Banks v. Housing Authority, supra.) The
judgment was cast in that form because the applicant
could not rent the unit unless and until he had met,
and passed, the initial test of eligibility. Thus it is
apparent that the Negro’s right to rent a low rent
public housing unit was in turn dependent on his right
to have the opportunity to be measured by the same
eligibility standards as were applied to other mem
bers of the class defined by the National Housing Act.
52
The “ rights,” it is now plain, are hut reverse sides
of the same coin.
The ultimate end sought in the Banks case was that
of occupancy but the constitutional issue involved was
that of whether or not race was a relevant factor
which might be weighed by the local housing agency
in making the initial determination of eligibility.
Inherent in the case at bar is a constitutional issue
of the same import and magnitude. Housing built for
sale under Section 203 of the National Housing Act
is built for sale to individuals. When a person, situ
ated as was the plaintiff in this case and as are those
on whose behalf he sues, desires to secure one of the
dwellings built under Section 203 he phrases his de
sire in the form of requesting the operative builder,
or the builder’s agent, to sell him the unit, just as the
prospective tenant had asked the local public housing
agency to rent him a public housing unit. That, too,
is the common sense view of what the prospective
buyer seeks.
In the case of low rent public housing, the request
to rent is addressed to the local public housing agency;
in the case of housing built for sale under Section 203
of the Act the request to sell is addressed to the opera
tive builder or his selling agent. In each instance, the
person to whom the request is addressed is clothed
with the power, and with the ostensible authority, to
grant or deny the request contingent on the deter
mination of eligibility. The effect of the Banks case
was to strip the local housing agency of the authority
53
it had asserted to subject the applicant to a racial
test as to his eligibility and thus thwart his intention
to rent a housing unit.
Here the defendants assert the authority (claimed
by them to be an absolute right) to deny plaintiff’s
request that they sell him a housing unit under the
mortgage insurance system. The defendants seem to
be refusing to sell plaintiff a commodity, just as the
innkeeper in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, re
fused to sell food to a Negro, and they assert the same
constitutional privilege to do so. That assertion of
authority rests on defendants’ claim that they have a
right to choose their buyers on racial grounds, in the
absence of statutory prohibition. W e must examine
that claim.
As we have demonstrated, Congress has decided
that the most effective way to achieve its objective of
making housing available to middle income families
is through the statutory device of mortgage insurance
administered by an arm of federal government: Fed
eral Housing Administration. Once that system was
devised, the Negro home seeker who was situated as
was the plaintiff in this case and who wanted to buy
a home on terms of equality with other Americans
similarly situated, could do so only if he was afforded
equality of opportunity to qualify for mortgage insur
ance. Thus when plaintiff asked defendants to sell
him a dwelling he was in reality asking that a deter
mination be first made as to his eligibility for mort
gage insurance which is the sine qua non for home
purchase under his circumstances.
54
The evidence in this case shows that qualification
for mortgage insurance as a requisite for the pur
chase of the kind of housing involved here is a three-
step process: (1) The prospective buyer first asks the
operative builder to sell him a house and, in the case
of white persons, the builder takes an application
which contains complete credit information; (2) the
builder then refers the application together with the
pertinent credit information to the lender who decides
whether or not the loan is “ economically sound” as
that term is used in the National Housing Act and
interpreted by FHA and (3) the lender then passes
the pertinent papers to the FH A which makes its own
independent determination as to whether or not the
loan is “ economically sound” .
I f the builder takes the application and submits it
to the lender and if the lender finds the loan is “ eco
nomically sound” and if FH A also finds the loan is
“ economically sound” the escrow is opened and the
sale is consummated. The builder can abort the pro
posed sale; the lender can thwart it, or FH A can
stymie it. The builder is now seen to be the keeper
of the gate and unless he unlocks it the prospective
buyer can never secure a determination as to his eli
gibility for mortgage insurance. In other words, the
prospective buyer’s desire for ownership of one of
the dwellings through the device of mortgage insur
ance can never be realized unless the builder takes the
application and sets the machinery for determining
eligibility in motion.
Thus in the first stage of the prospective buyer’s
attempt to utilize the benefits of mortgage insurance
55
the defendants were clothed with the same kind of
power as that vested in the local public housing
agency in the Banks case: the power to frustrate the
intention of plaintiff to secure a home they offered
for sale through the provisions of the National Hous
ing Act establishing the mortgage insurance system.
Defendants in this case exercised the power momen
tarily vested in them in the same manner and for the
same reasons the local agency exercised comparable
power in the Banks case. They applied a racial test,
refused to take plaintiff’s application on that ground
and thus foreclosed his opportunity to secure the home
he wanted. They simply refused to apply to him “ the
same rules, regulations and preferences applicable”
to a white applicant who had every single one of his
economic attributes. The evidence in this case admits
of no interpretation other than that if plaintiff had
been given the opportunity to qualify he would have
met the tests imposed for eligibility for mortgage in
surance.
The issue that emerges is that of whether or not
the defendants had the constitutional authority to im
pose the racial test that frustrated plaintiff at the
outset o f his attempt to qualify for mortgage insur
ance.
It is quite apparent now that just as the local hous
ing agency did more than refuse to rent a housing
unit in the Banks case so the defendants in this case
did more than refuse to sell plaintiff a dwelling. The
analogy between the operative builder-owner’s posi
tion in respect of housing of the kind that concerns
us here and the position of the innkeeper is seen to
56
be a false one. The refusal to rent in the Banks case
and the refusal of defendants to sell a dwelling to
plaintiff each comprehended an assertion of author
ity to abort the rental or sale of a home, as the case
might be, by adding a racial test to federal statutory
and regulatory procedure designed to determine eli
gibility of the individual to avail himself of a benefit
extended by federal statute. This does not solve our
problem but it does narrow our question which now
appears in this form : Are the capacities of the build
ers on one hand and local public housing agencies on
the other so different, in a constitutional sense, that
the builder may assert the authority to engage in
racially discriminatory conduct which is denied in a
comparable situation to the local housing agency?
As we have shown, housing built for sale under Sec
tion 203 of the National Housing Act is constructed
under elaborate statutory directives and administra
tive rules and regulations prescribed to fit the con-
cededly valid notions of federal officials as to the kind
and type of housing that conforms to the Congres
sional standard of a “ decent home” . W e have pointed
out that it is if, and only if, the housing is built to
FH A specifications that FH A will insure the loan for
the buyer, that is extend the benefits of the Congres-
sionally devised, and federally administered, mort
gage insurance system to the buyer.
The class of persons eligible for this mortgage in
surance is defined effectively, even if indirectly, in the
case of housing built under Section 203 of the Act14 by
14See FH A Manual.
57
the provision that the loan must be “ economically
sound” . Those words are words of art because, in
the parlance of the market place, they mean that the
applicant mortgagor must have a good credit rating,
must be able to make the down payment prescribed
by the statute and must show ability to meet monthly
installment payments. When he meets those qualifica
tions he belongs to the class. The original judgment
is made by the lender; the final decision is reserved
for FH A which thus applies Congressional intent to
a determination of the class. Plainly, an individual,
and not a racial determination is required. FH A pre
scribes such a determination:
“ Underwriting considerations shall recognize the
right to equality of opportunity to receive the
benefits of the mortgage insurance system in ob
taining adequate housing accommodations irre
spective of race, color, creed or national origin.”
(Section 242, Underwriting Manual, Federal
Housing Administration.)
W e do not understand defendants in this case to
claim that they are coerced by FH A into refusing to
plaintiff the opportunity to avail himself of what
FH A describes as “ benefits of the mortgage insurance
system” or that it could do so. Nor do we understand
defendants to claim that FH A would have withheld
its approval o f mortgage insurance for plaintiff on
the basis of race as they did.
The harsh truth is that the decision to deprive
plaintiff of the “ benefits of the mortgage insurance
system” was exercised by defendants when they re
58
fused to take the initial and indispensable step of
accepting his application and submitting it to the
lender. They couched that decision in the form of
refusing to sell housing to plaintiff because of his
race. The substance of their action was to deny plain
tiff the opportunity to avail himself of “ the benefits
of the mortgage insurance system” provided by Con
gress to benefit the very class of which he is a mem
ber by statutory and regulatory definition. It is only
because defendants are intrigued by the form in
which their denials were cast and because they neg
lect substance of what they did that they advance the
sham claim that theirs was a mere exercise of a pri
vate privilege to choose their buyers at will.
At this point, defendants seemed to interject the
contention that the lender would not have accepted
plaintiff as a mortgagor in any event. That conten
tion impales them on the horns of a dilemma. Either
they are admitting the very discrimination they denied
so vociferously at the trial and are saying that their
culpability must be excused because of the speculative
dereliction of the lender or they are advancing the
claim that concerted discrimination with the lender
relieves them of responsibility. In any event, Con
gress foresaw, and forestalled, that excuse. The
Housing Act of 1954 established the Voluntary Home
Mortgage Credit Program (42 TT.S.C.A. 687) which
makes credit available to members of minority
groups where such credit is denied by discriminatory
lenders. It is comparable to California’s assigned risk
plan in the case of automobile insurance. Where a
59
prospective buyer is denied credit for racial reasons
he applies to the Program which finds a lender if the
loan is “ economically sound” . Either the builder or
the prospective buyer may avail himself of the Pro
gram but where, as here, the builder refuses out of
hand to take the application of the Negro there is no
basis upon which an appeal to the Program can be
made.
The question that confronts this Court has been
narrowed still further: Does the operative builder in
this case have the constitutional authority to clog
plaintiff’s undisputed right to claim the benefits of
the mortgage insurance system, and thus ultimately
defeat plaintiff’s opportunity to buy one of the homes
offered for sale by defendants, through a refusal to
perform the indispensable act of taking plaintiff’s
application for the purchase of one of those homes
when that refusal is based solely on plaintiff’s race?
The answer to that question dictates an inquiry into
the reach of Constitutional restraints on discrimina
tory conduct.
At trial, the defendants appeared to say that even
if particular operative builders excluded plaintiff
from the benefits of the mortgage insurance system in
the particular instances of housing owned by them he
was not damaged because he could secure such bene
fits in other instances. The contention is unsound.
Of course, plaintiff, and others similarly situated,
could find an individual lot, secure a contractor, ar
range a mortgage loan and ultimately get benefits of
the mortgage insurance system provided they met eli
60
gibility tests. Or, as appeared at the trial, he could
make an application to one of the two or three “ inter
racial projects” which were adverted to.
The Constitutional infirmity in defendants’ conten
tion is that it neglects both reality and the character
of Constitutional guarantees. The reality is that the
individual home seeker forced to find his owm lot will
not get the economic advantages that flow from mass
production techniques. ISTor will he be able to secure
for himself the advantage of living in a new com
munity with all of the land-planning and community
zoning that goes into a community such as North
Highlands, for example. Furthermore, housing is sui
generis and selection of a home is a highly individual
and many times whimsical act, based on the personal
predilections of the buyer. He who wants Blackacre
will have none of Whiteacre and will spurn Green-
acre. North Highlands is not Glen Elder, and vice
versa.
Of overweening importance is the fact that denial
of a Constitutional right by A can never be excused
on the ground that the same right may be granted by
B, or by A in another instance. (Banks v. Housing
Authority, 120 Cal. App. 2d 1, and cases cited.) In the
Banks case the local agency did not exclude the
plaintiff from all housing. It tried to confine his
selection to certain developments. The right vindi
cated there was the right to have eligibility determined
as to all available housing without reference to race.
Plaintiff’s right in this case is the right to have the
benefits of the mortgage insurance system in the case
61
of housing on terms of equality with other citizens.
That equality is lacking where he is denied access to
any parcel on the basis of his race or color. Defend
ants cannot escape their responsibility by the facile
claim that other persons or builders will accord plain
tiff the rights they deny him, or that they might do
so in other suppositious instances.
Because the National Housing Act is federal, rather
than state, legislation the Fifth Amendment, not the
Fourteenth, must be looked to as the source o f our
claim that there is a Constitutional command for
equality of treatment under the Act. The issue is not
difficult. As said by Chief Justice Warren in Bolling
v. Sharpe, supra:
“ The Fifth Amendment . . . does not contain an
equal protection clause as does the Fourteenth
Amendment which applies only to states. But the
concept of equal protection and due process, both
stemming from our American ideal of fairness,
are not mutually exclusive. The ‘ equal protec
tion of the laws’ is a more explicit safeguard of
prohibited unfairness than ‘ due process’ and,
therefore, we do not imply that the two are in
terchangeable phrases. But, as this Court has
recognized, discrimination may be so unjustifiable
as to be violative of due process.”
That assertion was made in the school segregation
cases, following the application of the same doc
trine in Hurd v. Hodge, supra, the race restric
tion case arising in the District of Columbia.
Its announcement in those comparable situations
makes it clearly applicable here. A right deriving
62
from the Federal Constitution may he vindicated in
a state court. See: Mooney v. Holohan, 294 U.S. 103;
Betts v. Easley, 161 Kan. 460.
Of course, it has been said many times that the Con
stitution proscribes state action rather than indi
vidual action and that is as true under the Fifth as
under the Fourteenth Amendment: Graham v. Broth
erhood, 338 U.S. 232. A t the outset we want to make
it plain that we are not here concerned with the ques
tion of whether or not the individual property owner
may discriminate in the choice of a buyer on racial
grounds. However, there are distinct limitations even
in that case. The seller, in that instance, must work
the racial discrimination “ unsupported by State au
thority in the shape of laws, customs or judicial or
executive proceedings” and without “ invoking the
action of state officers, executive or judicial” and with
out dependence on “ some shield of state authority” .
Those quotations repeat the restraints imposed in the
Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, 15, which is always
pointed to by lawyers as protecting what they like to
call the “ right” of the private individual to discri
minate at his own whim.
The fact of the matter is that there is no federally
protected “ right” to discriminate. At best it is a mere
privilege that may be curtailed by the federal or
state government at will. California has abolished
the privilege in the case of innkeepers in Sections
51 and 52 of the Civil Code and in other instances.
Other states have done it in the case of the now fam
iliar fair employment practices statutes and their ac
63
tion has been upheld: Railway Mail, etc., v. Corsi, 326
U.S. 88. President Eisenhower has done it in the case
of contractors furnishing goods or services to govern
ment through an executive order establishing the Con
tracts Compliance Committee.
The concept of state action is not a static one. As
a matter of fact, the courts have never been able to
establish any fundamental distinction between ‘ pub
lic ’ and ‘ private’ agencies. That which has generally
been considered to be ‘public’ is ‘ public’ and that
which is generally considered to be ‘private’ is ‘ pri
vate’. (24 Oregon Law Review 227.) The interwined
and inter-dependent activities of builders and FH A
officials in our case is an almost classic example of
the manner in which expanding governmental activ
ities tend to blur the distinctions between private ac
tion and state action. Discriminatory action under
“ color of state law” is forbidden and the concept of
“ color of law” is by no means limited to action of
state officials, qua officials, or to persons specifically
authorized by state law or persons acting pursuant to
state law.
The scope of this concept includes wrongful acts
of individuals, corporations or officials other than
state officials which are supported in “ some way by
the State” , or “ done under State authority” or “ pro
tected in these wrongful acts by some shield of State
law or State authority” . Civil Rights Case, supra;
Shelly v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1. It includes such acts
when they are in fact a part of the state function.
Smith v. Allwright, 321 U.S. 649; Rice v. Elmore, 165
64
Fed. 2d 387, cert, denied, 333 U.S. 875; K err v. Enoch
Pratt Library, 149 Fed. 2d 212; or are permitted or
condoned by the state in connection with such func
tion. Terry v. Adams, 345 U.S. 461. It includes
wrongful acts committed in connection with property
merely leased from the state. Muir v. Louisville, 347
U.S. 971, reversing 202 Fed. 2d 275; Department of
Conservation v. Tate, 231 Fed. 2d 615. It includes
wrongful acts coerced by the state, Barrows v. Jack-
son, 346 U.S. 249, affirming Barrows v. Jackson, 112
C.A. 2d 534; Truax v. Raich, 239 U.S. 33; or which
are aided or abetted by the state, Valle v. Stengel, 176
Fed. 2d 697, or which result from a conspiracy with
state officials, PicLering v. Penn, 151 Fed. 2d 240;
Condra v. Twslie & Clay Coal Co., 101 Fed. Supp. 774.
These cases demonstrate that the criterion for de
termining governmental action is not whether the
individual concerned—the operative builders and their
agents in our case—is denominated a state employee
or officer. Rather, the criterion is whether he is per
forming a function which is clearly governmental, or
his activities are governed and controlled by govern
ment to such an extent that their private character,
disappears and becomes merged with the interest of
the state.
Government has chosen the operative builder as one
of the instrumentalities to further the objectives of
the National Housing Act, One of the functions he
performs is that of accepting and submitting to the
lender the applications for purchase of housing, the
first step in the three-step process o f determining eli
65
gibility for mortgage insurance. His failure to accept
or submit such an application on the basis of the ap
plicant’s race is a wrongful act because he thereby
frustrates the applicant’s right to secure the benefits
o f the mortgage insurance system. I f he is “ protected
in this wrongful act by some shield of State law or
State authority” (Civil Rights Cases, supra) the
Fifth Amendment is invoked because the “ shielding”
of the act becomes, for constitutional purposes, the
act of the state and hence interdicted. Government
would “ shield” that act by its authority if it com
pleted the discrimination which he had activated and
thus ultimately connived at the denial of the benefits
of the mortgage system. But the Constitutional com
mand of equality voiced by the Fifth Amendment in
tervenes at this point. Because he is attempting to
use the “ shield of State law and State authority” for
the accomplishment of his discriminatory purpose the
operative builder is stripped of the privilege he might
otherwise claim to accomplish that purpose. He loses
no personal privilege by this intervention of the Con
stitution because, as we have pointed out, he can sim
ply forego building activity under the National Hous
ing Act and forswear the use of mortgage insurance
in favor of conventional building operations where he
will be unhampered by Constitutional restraints of the
kind under discussion.
The application of the principles we have just enun
ciated is sufficient to dictate a judgment in plain
tiff’s favor. There are other considerations that are
equally determinative.
66
As we have shown, the power of the operative
builder to further, or frustrate, the desire of the pro
spective buyer to avail himself o f the benefits of the
mortgage insurance system is at full flower at the
point where the application for purchase is made to
the builder. It was at that point that the builder in
our case assumed the authority to thwart plaintiff’s
intentions by refusing to take the application. That
power was thrust into the builder’s hands by the
statutory scheme of the National Housing Act and
the administrative devices of FIIA. But power is
never without responsibility. And when that power is
entrusted in the private individual by government its
exercise must conform to constitutional standards.
The individual so situated may not discriminate on
racial grounds.
Illustrative of this Constitutional principle is the
situation that is canvassed in American Communica
tions Ass’n v. Douds, 339 IT.S. 382. Congress required
a loyalty oath from officials of unions which desired
to take advantage of the provisions of the National
Labor Relations Act and to use the facilities of the
National Labor Relations Board. The union, point
ing out that it was a private organization, protested
that Congress could not ‘ ‘ exert these pressures upon
labor unions to deny positions of leadership to certain
persons.” It asserted the right to continue use of
facilities of the Labor Board even it its officers re
fused to take the oath. The Court pointed out that the
use of the facilities of the Labor Board vested the
union with certain power it would not otherwise have
had in the area of its functioning and said:
67
••'But power is never without responsibility.
When authority derives in part from Govern
ment’s thumb on the scales the exercise of that
power becomes closely akin, in some respects, to
its exercise by Government itself.”
The Court’s ultimate holding in the case was that be
cause of “ Government’s thumb on the scales” , that is
because the union was availing itself of the statutory
scheme of the Labor Act and the facilities of the
Labor Board, it could not claim for its officers unre
stricted freedom of speech. The Court added:
“ W e do not suggest that labor unions which
utilize the facilities of the National Labor Rela
tions Board become government agents as such.
But it is plain that with powers comparable to
those possessed by a legislative body both to
create and restrict the rights of those whom it
represents the public interest in the good faith
exercise of that power is very great.” (Italics
ours.)
Congress, it was decided by that case, could intervene
in the affairs of a private organization if that organi
zation used the facilities of a Federal administrative
agency.
The American Communications case was followed
by Byres v. Oil Workers Union, 350 U.S. 892 (1955).
In that case Negro members complained that the
union had entered into a contract with the employer
which discriminated against them on racial grounds.
The district Court dismissed the complaint on the
ground that the dispute was a mere private affair.
The Court of Appeals affirmed the dismissal in 223
68
Fed. 2d 739. On certiorari the Supreme Court re
versed in a per curiam opinion which relies on cases
(to be discussed later) which hold that unions that
“ enjoy the advantages of the Railway Labor A ct”
are subject to Constitutional restraints against racial
discrimination. When the American Communications
Ass’n and the Syres cases are collated it is ap
parent that (1) Congress may be statute intervene in
the purely private affairs of the union which “ utilizes
the facilities of the Rational Labor Relations Board”
and that (2) such a union may not practice racial dis
crimination in the context of the activities performed
under the federal statute. These restrictions on the
private organization are not imposed because it is a
“ government agent as such” but because “ the author
ity derives in part” —not wholly but in part—from
Government’s thumb on the scales.
It is more than apparent that Government’s thumb
is on the scales in the case of the construction of
homes for sale under Section 203 of the Rational
Housing Act. LHA lays that thumb on the scales in
its administration of the mortgage insurance system.
The practical effect of the mortgage insurance system
is to make credit available to the operative builder for
initial construction. Of course, that credit is an im
portant factor in his highly proper profit making ac
tivity. It is well to recall here that one of the defend
ants testified that home building activities of the kind
involved here would be “ virtually impossible” without
the assistance offered through the Rational Housing
Act and FHA. Government presses its thumb on the
69
scale throughout the planning stage through the serv
ices of land planners and subdivision valuators. The
mortgage insurance system makes mass production
of homes possible with its concomitant savings, and
similar advantages, to the operative builder. The pool
of prospective buyers is enormously expanded by the
low down payment and low interest rates of the mort
gage insurance system. The pledge of government
credit stands behind the loan until it is finally paid.
The very fact that builders have flocked to take ad
vantage of provisions of the National Housing Act
and FH A services is eloquent testimony of the advan
tages they offer them. The short of the matter is that
from the time a particular tract is conceived until it
goes on the market the activities of FH A redound to
the advantage of the operative builder and he recog
nizes, and capitalizes on, that fact by proudly an
nouncing that he has “ F H A ” homes for sale. The
National Labor Relations Act and the National Labor
Relations Board offer no more advantages to the
union, in its sphere, than the National Housing Act
and Federal Housing Administration offer to the
operative builder in his functioning.
Gfovernment’s thumb on the scale advantages the
builder and government also momentarily vests in him
the power to make an initial determination as to
whether or not a prospective buyer may secure the
benefits of the mortgage insurance system. He has the
power to accept, or reject, the application for purchase
of a home of the kind involved in this case. I f he ac
cepts it the prospective buyer has the opportunity to
70
qualify for mortgage insurance; if he rejects it the
prospective buyer is frustrated. With that great power
goes great responsibility. When it is exercised as the
defendants have exercised it in Sacramento county it
vests in them the authority to impose racial residential
segregation—an authority denied to the legislature
by Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60; to the courts by
Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, and to administrative
agencies by Banks v. Housing 'Authority, 120 Cal.
App. 2d 1. Exercised in the manner they claim is
proper it gives defendants the authority to create a
non-statutory class of persons composed of plaintiff
and those for whem he sues and exclude them from
the benefits of the mortgage insurance system insofar
as their particular housing is concerned. Moreover,
authority exercised in the manner which they claim
as their right vests in defendants the power to dis
criminate against Negro members of the very class
defined by Congress as eligible for mortgage insur
ance.
Neither Congress nor the state legislature nor any
administrative officer of local, state or federal gov
ernment could engage in the racially discriminatory
conduct indulged in by the defendants. And while it
is true that defendants are not “ government agents
as such” it is just as evident that in the context of
their activities in reference to home building under
Section 203 of the National Housing Act and in refer
ence to FH A they possess what were described in the
American Communications case as “ powers compar
able” to those possessed by administrative agencies of
71
government. They possess those “ comparable powers”
by virtue of Federal statute and by virtue of their use
of the facilities of FHA. Situated as they are in that
respect defendants cannot exercise their authority to
deprive plaintiff of the benefits of the mortgage insur
ance system. The restraint thus imposed is particu
larly appropriate because “ Distinctions based on color
or ancestry are utterly inconsistent with our tradi
tions and ideals” (Murphy, J., concurring in Hira-
bayashi v. United States, 320 U.S. 81, 110) and be
cause the Constitutional interdiction of discrimina
tion is “ reduced to a concrete statutory command
when cases involve race or color which is wanting in
every other case of alleged discrimination.” (Railway
Mail Handlers v. Cor si, supra.)
The remedy sought by plaintiff in this case is also
dictated by the holdings of the United States Supreme
Court in a series of decisions involving the attempts
of railroad unions and carriers to discriminate against
Negro employees. Carriers and unions alike were sub
ject to provisions of the Railway Labor Act and used
the facilities of the Railway Labor Board. The first
of these cases was Steele v. L <& N Railroad Go., 323
U.S. 192. There the union which was the statutory
bargaining agent for Steele, a Negro, entered into a
contract which had the effect of excluding Negroes
from certain jobs. He sued the carrier to restrain it
from enforcing the contract. The Court granted re
lief, saying:
“ W e think the Railway Labor Act imposes upon
a statutory representative of the craft at least
72
as exacting a duty to protect equally its members
as the Constitution imposes upon a legislature to
give equal protection to the interests of those for
whom it legislates.”
The Court predicated its decision upon the fact that
Congress could not have intended, in a constitutional
sense, to give the union the privilege of discrimina
tion. I f Congress had so intended, the Court said,
Constitutional questions would at once have arisen.
In his concurrence, Justice Murphy said that the case
invoked the protection of the Fifth Amendment.
The rationale of the Steele case is that where Con
gress vests what amounts to legislative authority in a
group of persons that authority must be exercised
within the Constitutional framework of equal protec
tion and due process. Applied to the case at bar, the
Steele case teaches us that Congress is restrained by
the Fifth Amendment from intending a discrimina
tory purpose in its legislative enactments and that a
private organization, or individual, is stripped of his
privilege of exercising racial discrimination within the
context of activities in which his power to act flows
from federal statutes. In our case, the defendants are
exercising the power to accept or reject applicants
who seek to avail themselves of the benefits of the
mortgage insurance system. Their power to perform
that function flows from the National Housing Act
and from their use of FH A facilities. Under those
circumstances they are performing a function compar
able to that performed by an administrative officer of
government. The same duty not to discriminate on a
73
racial basis is levied on tliem as is exacted of the
state officer. In the terms of our case, the defendants
can no more impose a racial test and thus deny plain
tiff the benefits of the mortgage insurance system
than the local public housing agency in the Banks case
could impose a like racial test and deny the applicant
the benefits o f public housing legislation.
The Steele case was followed by Tunstall v. Broth
e rh o o d 323 U.S. 210, which also involved a discrimi
natory agreement between the union and the carrier.
The defendant was the union itself which was also
TunstalPs statutory bargaining agent. Essentially the
same relief was given as in the Steele case. The Court
added that the right claimed by Tunstall to be free
from discrimination was a “ federal right implied
from the statute” —in that case the Railway Labor
Act. The case is important here because it recognizes
and underscores the claim plaintiff makes in the case
at bar that his right to be free from racial discrimi
nation in seeking to secure the benefits of the mort
gage insurance system is a “ federal right implied
from the statute” — in his case the National Housing
Act. Plaintiff here is entitled to the same judicial
protection as that afforded Tunstall.
The latest in the series of railroad cases is Railway
Trainmen v. Howard, 343 U.S. 768 (1952). The case
differs from the prior cases because the defendant
union was not Howard’s statutory bargaining agent
and on the surface of the matter owed him no duty
whatever. In fact, Howard was a member of another
union. The carrier and the defendant brakemen’s
74
union entered into an agreement under which the jobs
formerly held by porters were given to the brakemen
and the porters were notified that they would be dis
charged. Howard was a porter. He sued to enjoin
the 'brakemen’s union from accomplishing the terms
of the contract and relief was ordered by the Supreme
Court which said:
“ Bargaining agents who enjoy the advantages of
the Railway Labor Act must execute their trust
without lawless invasion of the rights of others.”
The District Court was ordered to “ enjoin petition
ing union from the use of contract or any other simi
lar bargaining device to oust Negro train porters” .
Justice Minton entered a vigorous dissent in which
he correctly pointed out that Howard had been “ dis
criminated against by the carrier at the behest of the
Brotherhood” and added that he did not “ under
stand that private parties may not discriminate on
the grounds of race.” His dissent points up the fact
that the brakemen’s union was a private organiza
tion and that it was not the statutory or voluntary
bargaining agent of the train porters. It owed no
duty to Howard as an individual. It was prohibited
from discriminating against Howard and other Ne
groes solely because it “ enjoyed the benefits of the
Railway Labor A ct” . That enjoyment was described
by the Court as “ a trust” and the rationale of the
case is that where power is thrust into the hands of
a private person or organization that power cannot
be used to effect a “ lawless invasion of the rights of
others” —the lawless invasion in that case being the
75
attempt to discriminate on racial grounds against
train porters. In the case at bar, the defendants who
owe no duty to plaintiff as an individual but who
“ enjoy the advantages” of the National Housing Act
and who use the facilities of FH A cannot effect “ a
lawless invasion” of the right of plaintiff to secure
advantages of the mortgage insurance system.
The Syres case, which we have previously discussed,
relied on the Steele, Tunstall and Howard cases as
authorities, and the Supreme Court thought that the
principles enunciated in those cases were so firmly
established that a per curiam opinion was all that was
necessary. When these cases are read in chronological
order and construed together it is apparent that they
evidence a growing awareness on the part of the
courts that (1) private organizations or individuals
are not exempt from constitutional prohibitions
against racial discrimination merely because they are
private but that in each instance an inquiry must be
made into the function they perform in relation to
government; (2) that when a private organization
or individual is entrusted by government with power
“ comparable” to that exercised by the legislative, ju
dicial or executive branches of government the pri
vate organization or individual can no more indulge
in racially discriminatory conduct than the comparable
branch of government ; (3) that whenever a private
organization or individual “ enjoys the advantages”
of a Federal statute he is a trustee for government
power and must “ execute (that) trust without law
less invasion of the rights of others” , and that indul
76
gence in racial discrimination is “ a lawless invasion”
of the rights of the Negro and (4) that the Courts
will enjoin attempts of private organizations and
individuals to impose racial discrimination under the
conditions just set forth.
In the case of labor relations, Congress decided to
effectuate its purposes through application of stat
utes to labor unions and employers. Those statutes
provided administrative facilities of the Railway La
bor Board and the National Labor Relations Board
which were designed to further the purposes of the
legislation. It was motivated by what it determined
were sound governmental objectives. The ultimate
objects of its solicitude were the individual workmen
and employers affected. Choice of labor unions and
employers as the instrumentalities through which
Congress decided to implement its policy-objectives
was the obvious expedient in the field of employee-
employer relations.
In the case of housing, Congress decided to effec
tuate its purposes through application of the Na
tional Housing Act to individual, and corporate build
ers and local public housing agencies. That statute
provides the administrative facilities of FHA, in the
instance of housing designed for sale, and of P H A
in the case of housing designed for rental to low in
come families. Here, too, Congress was motivated
by what it determined were sound governmental ob
jectives, and the ultimate objects of its solicitude
were the individuals eligible for housing. Choice of
individual and corporate builders and local public
77
housing agencies is an expedient that was within Con
gressional discretion in the field of housing.
Thus when the parallel of purpose between the
labor statutes and the housing statutes is examined
and the comparability of administrative agencies is
noted it becomes evident that the constitutional prin
ciples developed in the labor cases are applicable in
this case. The conclusion is inescapable that private
persons or organizations who “ enjoy the advantages”
of the National Housing Act and who “ use the facili
ties” of FHA without bowing to the Constitutional
mandate against racial discrimination.
THE CONSPIRACY.
The classic definition of conspiracy is that it is a
combination or agreement by two or more persons
to accomplish some unlawful purpose, or to accom
plish a lawful purpose by unlawful means. 8 Holds-
worth, History of English Law (1926) 381. The ele
ments of an action for civil conspiracy are:
(1) The agreement or combination (formation of
the conspiracy).
(2) An overt act (operation of the conspiracy),
and
(3) Damage or injury to plaintiff resulting from
acts in furtherance of the common design. Mox, Inc.,
v. Woods, 202 Cal. 675.
Once the existence of the conspiracy is established,
each member thereof is liable for all acts done by
78
each co-conspirator in furtherance of the common
plan, even though he commits no unlawful act per
sonally, and in no way reaps any benefit from the
conspiracy. Mox, Inc., v. Woods, Supra. Evidence of
the acts and admissions of every conspirator may be
introduced at the trial to bind the others. Mox, Inc.,
v. Woods, Supra; Zellerbach v. Allenberg, 99 Cal. 57;
People v. Curtis, 106 Cal. App. 2d 321; People v.
Steccone, 36 Cal. 2d 234.
It is submitted that every element of civil conspir
acy has been proved by plaintiff. He has shown by
the Code of Ethics of the National Association of
Real Estate Boards, by which code all members of the
Sacramento Real Estate Board are bound, that at
least up until the year 1950 an agreement did in fact
exist between Board members not to be instrumental
in introducing certain races or nationalities into
neighborhoods where they had not previously lived.
The by-laws of the Board are in evidence, and in addi
tion to showing qualifications for membership, they
are also competent to show the nature of the associa
tion. People v. Sacramento Butchers’ Protective As-
sociation, 12 Cal. App. 471.
While it is true that in 1950 the language of the
Code of Ethics of the Board was modified to eliminate
direct reference to race or nationality, it does not fol
low from this that the conduct of the Board or its
members changed thereafter. In fact, the evidence is
that the defendant Board members follow the same
racial policy now as they did prior to 1950. None
of them offered evidence to show any change of
79
policy. The only inference the Court can draw from
this is that there has been no change, and that the
modification of the language of the Code of Ethics
represents nothing more than verbal camouflage to
hide a still existing evil purpose. It was ineumbent
upon defendants to show that the conspiracy or agree
ment relative to racial exclusion which admittedly
existed up to 1950 ceased in that year. F.T.C. v. Ce
ment Institute, 333 U.S. 683, 704. The time at which
a conspiracy began and the termination date are fact
questions. People v. Kyneete, 15 Cal. 2d 731.
Proof of the existence of a conspiracy in this case
was also shown by the fact that the evidence sup
ports the inference that defendants followed a con
sciously parallel course of action in their policy of
excluding Negroes from the housing in question. It
is true that each defendant denied that he excluded
Negroes, or that he knew of others who did, but the
Court does not have to accept this testimony as the
truth. Since none of the defendants ever made initial
sales in their subdivisions to a Negro, and since there
were many such persons ready, willing and able to
purchase the housing, it is not reasonable to believe
that a policy of racial exclusion did not exist. Mil-
gram v. Loew’s, 192 Fed. 2d 579, 583; Theater En
terprises v. Paramount, 346 U.S. 537, 540.
Throughout the trial it seemed to be defendants’
theory that plaintiff had to show “ official action” ,
or that the defendants got together and drew in blue
print form their common plan, scheme or design. This
is obviously not the law. Conspiracies are almost uni
80
versally proved by circumstantial evidence. People v.
Campbell, 123 Cal. App. 2d 262.
It is submitted that proof of the existence and
discriminatory character of the Code of Ethics of the
Board, together with the fact that no initial sales
of subdivision housing was made to Negroes is suffi
cient to prove the conspiracy. When we add to this
the letter from Board member, Eugene Williams, to
Board member Tom Kiernan urging exclusion of
“ inharmonious groups” from a certain community,
we have a specific act pursuant to the conspiracy.
This letter, dated 1953, shows that no change of racial
policy was made by Board members after 1950. This
letter binds every member of the conspiracy to the
same extent as if he had written it himself. 11 Cal.
Jur. 2d 279.
The primary purpose of the National Housing Act,
as heretofore indicated, is to facilitate the construc
tion and sale of homes. How this purpose is accom
plished has already been shown. It would seem that
any course of conduct which would tend to frustrate
the purposes of the Act is unlawful. Since it must be
assumed that Congress intended that the Act should
operate without discrimination on account of race,
color or creed, it follows that any practice or policy
of subdividers or builders which substantially ex
cludes a whole racial group from the Federally as
sisted new housing market is unlawful. This is clearly
the rationale of the Steele case, supra. Thus when
the defendants agreed to exclude Negroes from this
market, they did in fact agree to do an unlawful
act. Not only did they agree to do an unlawful act,
81
but they also chose an unlawful means to accomplish
the unlawful purpose. They carried their plan into
operation by refusing to sell such housing to Negroes,
and such refusal amounts to an unlawful boycott.
Duplex Printing Press Go. v. Peering, 254 U.S. 443;
63 Yale Law Journal 1124, 1129-30.
The means chosen by the Board to carry out its
purposes was unlawful for another reason. Assuming
for purposes of argument only, that each member
of the Sacramento Real Estate Board could, acting
solely as an individual, refuse to make initial sales
of new subdivision housing to Negroes, it does not
follow that they may do this as an association. It is
true that defendants deny that they have refused
to sell such housing to Negroes, but the fact remains
that under their own code of ethics any member
selling to a Negro would become subject to expulsion
from the Board. This means that members are not
left free to sell to Negroes, or not as they voluntarily
choose, but are coerced, intimidated or forced to prac
tice discrimination by the rules of the Board. When
the individuals who constitute the Board, through
the coercive Code of Ethics, compel others to also
discriminate against Negroes, the means chosen to ef
fectuate the discrimination become illegal and the law
affords a remedy. Boutwell v. Marr, 71 Vermont 1.
In the Boutwell case the Granite Manufacturing
Association decided not to deal with a certain granite
polishing company, and imposed fines upon members
who dealt with it. The Court held that the system
of fines and other punitive action for dealing with
the particular company amounted to intimidation and
82
coercion of members of the association, and was hence
actionable. The Court went on to say that the victim
had some security in the fact that some members of
the association, if left to their own devices, would
probably deal with him, put that security was de
stroyed when the association, by its rules and regula
tions, applied pressure to bring all into line.
There can be no serious doubt on the question as to
whether plaintiff has suffered injury and damage by
the conduct of defendants. In addition to the damage
which has come to plaintiff and the class he repre
sents by reason of inability to purchase housing in
certain areas on the liberal terms and conditions of
equality with other citizens in federally assisted proj
ects, plaintiff has suffered specific pecuniary damage.
Had it not been for the refusal of defendants to sell
plaintiff a house, he would have been building up an
equity in a home of his own rather than collecting
rent receipts in which there is no equity. I f there is
any uncertainty in plaintiff’s proof of damage, as said
by the United States Supreme Court in Bigelow v.
RKO Radio Pictures, Inc., 327 H.S. 251,
‘ ‘The most elementary conception of justice and
public policy require that the wrongdoer shall
bear the risk of the uncertainty which his wrong
has created . . . That principle is an ancient one
and is not limited to proof of damages in anti
trust suits, although their character is such as fre
quently to call for its application.”
See Speegle v. Board of Fire Underwriters, 29 Cal.
2d 34, 46.
83
DEFENDANTS’ CONDUCT CONTRAVENES NATIONAL
AND STATE PUBLIC POLICY.
No area of our community has the impact upon the
structure and nature of community life and attitudes
as that wielded by housing. The racial complexion of
a housing area invariably dictates the racial com
plexion of recreational, health and welfare facilities,
educational and other public and semi-public institu
tions. These patterns then color and shape the racial
attitudes of our people; either toward racial under
standing and tolerance or toward suspicion, disrespect
and antagonism.
The public policy of this state and nation abhors
racial discrimination. A government’s policy upon
such matters can be readily ascertained by reference
to the language in its laws, its judicial decisions and
in the policy directives issued by its executives.
That our national public policy rooted, as it is, in
our fundamental law, frowns upon and condemns ra
cial discrimination is beyond debate. In a statement
commemorating National Brotherhood Week, 1951,
President Eisenhower called racial bigotry spiritual
treason. Mr. Justice Murphy said, concurring in
Ilirabayashi v. U.S.:
“ Distinctions based on color and ancestry are ut
terly inconsistent with our traditions and ideals.”
(320 U.S. 81 (a) 110.)
Such a policy has consistently been operative in limit
ing and controlling governmental or state action in
relation to the public. It has been extended to Federal
governmental activity. Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S.
84
497. It has interdicted state legislative acts as in Monk
v. Birmingham, 341 U.S. 940, and Buchanan v. War-
ley, 245 U.S. 60, and state judicial action as in Sipes
v. McGhee, 334 U.S. 1. Our national policy as reflected
by the interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment,
has recently resulted in the destruction of concept that
racial equality can he assured within a framework of
enforced racial separation in education. Brown v.
State, 347 U.S. 483, in golf, 250 U.S. 879; beach, 76
S. Ct. 133, and swimming pool facilities 347 U.S. 971
as well as in transportation facilities, both interstate,
Morgan v. Virginia, 328 U.S. 373, and intrastate 77
S. Ct. 145.
Equally with our national government, California
has reflected a public policy condemning racial dis
crimination through its statutes, decisions and admin
istrative orders. As stated by Mr. Justice Frankfurter
in Hughes v. Superior Court, 339 U.S. 460 (a) 463:
“ California has been sensitive to these problems
and decisions of its Supreme Court have been hos
tile to discrimination on the basis of color.”
The determination of our legislature to have the
consideration of race as a factor in the extension or
withholding of opportunities is amply reflected by ref
erence to our statutes. See: Secs. 51-54, Civil Code
(prevents racial segregation or discrimination in
places of public accommodation) ; Secs. 8271-8272, Edu
cation Code (bans use of discriminatory texts and
references by teachers) ; Sec. 14123, Education Code
(prevents racial discrimination in employment of
teachers by school districts); Sec. 8400, Government
85
Code (prevents racial discrimination in applications
for public employment) ; Sec. 1735, Labor Code (pre
vents racial discrimination by private employers on
public works); Sec. 1777.6, Labor Code (forbids dis
crimination in selection and training of apprentices
on public w orks); Sec. 11628, Insurance Code (pro
hibits racial discrimination by public liability automo
bile insurance carriers); Sec. 130, Military and
Veterans Code (prohibits racial segregation or dis
crimination in the National Guard) ; Sec. 365, Penal
Code, (makes it a crime for any hotel, inn or common
carrier to discriminate because of race, color or
creed); Sec. 19, W elfare and Institutions Code (bans
discrimination on account of race or color in distribu
tion of welfare benefits).
Similarly our Courts have consistently struck down
racially discriminatory practices even when rising out
of a quota or racially proportionate system. Hughes v.
Superior Court, 32 Cal. 2d 850.
In the Hughes case, the California Supreme Court
condemned the objective of pieketers seeking racially
proportionate hiring by a retail store labelling it “ an
arbitrary discrimination upon the basis of race and
color alone . . . they would, to the extent of the fixed
proportion, make the right to work for Lucky de
pendent not on fitness for the work nor an equal right
of all, regardless of race, to compete in an open mar
ket, but, rather, on membership in a particular race. ’ ’
This clear reflection of California policy, judicially
enunciated, should be no less applicable to a situation
where the opportunity to purchase a home was not
86
made dependent upon one’s ability to pay, “ nor on
an equal right of all, regardless of race, to compete
in an open market, but rather on membership in a
particular race.”
The point to be remembered is that the Courts, by
reason of public policy, will interdict racial discrim
ination by private as well as by public agencies. This
has been clearly indicated in the series of cases dealing
with the right of Negroes to earn a living without un
reasonable discrimination by labor unions or em
ployers. The leading case in this regard is James v.
Marinship Corp., 25 Cal. 2d 721. In the James case the
union had a closed shop, but excluded Negroes from
membership. The shipyard would not employ Negroes
because they were not union members, and they could
not become union members because they were Negroes.
In condemning this situation the California Supreme
Court said:
“ The discriminatory practices involved in this
case are, moreover, contrary to the public policy
of the United States and this state . . . Although
the constitutional provisions have been said to
apply to state action, they nevertheless evidence
a definite national policy against discrimination
because of race or color. ’ ’
In a later case petitioners for a writ of mandate to
compel their re-admission to a labor union alleged
that they had been expelled because they were Ne
groes. The Court held that if the allegation be true it
would be actionable as violative of the public policy
of this state. Griffin v. I.L.W.U., 109 Cal. App. 2d 823.
87
The rationale of these decisions is that the state has
an interest in preventing use of concentrated economic
power to deprive arbitrarily any citizen or group of
citizens, because of race or color, of the right to em
ployment. W e submit that the Court intervenes here
because of the importance of employment to each citi
zen and to society as a whole. The entire community
would suffer if large numbers are excluded from the
labor market because of race or color. The hordes of
unemployed would likely become public charges. Can
it be said that the right to shelter is not equally im
portant as the right to a job? There appears to be no
logical reason why public policy of the state will at
one and the same time prohibit racial discrimination
by combinations of laborers and employers, and allow
such discrimination by combinations of real estate sub
dividers and lenders. To allow either would be to con
done the use of concentrated economic power to inflict
mortal wounds upon minority ethnic groups, and
eventually upon our democratic society itself.
There can be no real doubt that the defendants in
this case represent a concentration of economic power.
By their own testimony they have constructed most of
the new residential housing erected in Sacramento
County during the past ten years. That they have
used this concentrated economic power to exclude Ne
groes from the new housing market is also clear. In
legal contemplation, the discriminatory code of ethics
of the Sacramento Real Estate Board is not unlike
the labor union by-laws and practices excluding Ne
groes involved in James v. Marinship, supra. The
Court here should follow the enlightened path charted
in that case.
PLAINTIFF AS A THIRD PARTY BENEFICIARY.
Since February 15, 1950, one of the rules and regu
lations of the Federal Housing Administration (Rule
14, Administrative Rules and Regulations under Sec
tion 8 of the Rational Housing Act) which each person
securing an insurance guarantee from said agency
must agree in writing to comply, reads as follows:
“ The mortgage shall contain a covenant by the
mortgagor (the one securing the guarantee) that
until the mortgage has been paid in full, or the
contract of insurance otherwise terminated, he
will not execute or file for record any instrument
which imposes a restriction upon the sale or oc
cupancy of the mortgaged property on the basis
of race, color or creed.”
The question arises, is the plaintiff a third party
beneficiary under this covenant? In deciding whether
a contract inures to the benefit of a third party, the
test is whether an intent so to benefit appears from
the terms of the contract. LeBallister v. Redwood
Theatres, 1 C.A. 2d 447.
The inclusion of a covenant in the contract between
the Federal Housing Administration and the mortga
gor clearly manifests an intent to make contractual
benefits inure to plaintiff and the class to which he
belongs. Plaintiff, though not a party thereto, may
sue as a third party beneficiary to enforce his rights
under the contract.
89
The only reasonable interpretation of Rule 14 and
Section 8 of the Rational Housing Act, is that its pur
pose was to make housing developed with the assist
ance of the Federal Housing Authority available to
members of minority groups. Any other construction
would render this rule idle and meaningless. Since
racial restrictive covenants were by the time of the
adoption of the rule unenforceable, no purpose could
be served by merely preventing their recordation.
FH A must have had some useful purpose in mind.
That purpose was to make certain that plaintiff’s class
would no longer suffer racial discrimination in the
administration of the program. Even though the
agreement between the F H A and the lender is not for
the exclusive benefit o f plaintiff it need not be exclu
sively for his benefit in order to give him rights
thereon. Hartman Ranch Co. v. Associated Oil Co., 10
Cal. 2d 232; Miles v. Miles, 77 C.A. 219; LeBallister v.
Redwood Theatres, 1 C.A. 2d 447. The agreement here
would appear to be expressly for the benefit of plain
tiff’s class, and a person not a party to a contract may
sue for its enforcement where it is made expressly for
his benefit and has not been rescinded. Civil Code, Sec.
1559 ; Dick v. Woolson, 106 C.A. 2d 415; Bacon v.
David, 9 C.A. 83; Woodhead Lumber Co. v. E. G. Nie
mann Investments, 99 C.A. 456; Garrott v. Baker, 5 C.
2d 745.
Plaintiff’s testimony and testimony of other mem
bers of his class (Negroes) shows that they visited
approximately every subdivision in. the County of Sac
ramento seeking to purchase new homes. Although
90
they were willing, ready and able to purchase said
new homes, no subdivision home in the County of
Sacramento up to the date o f this trial, has been sold
to a Negro by any defendant on its initial sale. This
fact evidences a breach, on the part of the mortgagors,
of the spirit and intent of Rule 14 under Section 8 of
the National Housing Act. The breach of said cove
nant has, as a result, excluded Negroes from participat
ing in the program of Federal assistance to American
citizens in the purchase of new homes. Plaintiff as a
member of the class for whose protection Rule 14 and
other non-discriminatory agreements were promul
gated may sue for its breach.
THE CONSPIRACY IN RESTRAINT OF SALE.
Section 16720 of the California Business and P ro
fessions Code (The Cartwright Act) provides in part
as follows:
“ A trust is a combination of capital, skill or acts
by two or more persons for any of the following
purposes:
(a) To create or carry out any restrictions in
trade or commerce;
(b) To limit or reduce the production or in
crease the price of merchandise or of any com
modity ;
(c ) To prevent competition in manufacturing,
making transportation, sale or purchase of mer
chandise, produce or any commodity.”
The evidence shows that there are approximately
8,000 Negroes in Sacramento, California, a city of ap
91
proximately 170,000 people. This means that Negroes
make up roughly 5% of the total city population. It
should become apparent at once that any plan, practice
or policy which arbitrarily eliminates 5% of the popu
lation from the new housing market tends to restrain
trade, limit production of houses, increases the price
of old houses available to the excluded group, and
tends to prevent competition in the sale and purchase
of new housing by Negroes.
W e submit that defendants, by their refusal to sell
to Negroes, have formed a combination of capital,
skill or acts to do the very things forbidden by the
Cartwright Act, I f the combined action is in restraint
of trade, the law is violated, regardless of the objec
tives of the parties. Kold Kist v. Amalgamated Meat
Gutters, supra ; People v. Sacramento Butchers’ Pro
tective Association, 12 Cal. App. 47; Overland Pub.
Co. v. H. S. Crocker Co., 193 Cal, 109.
For the restraint of trade effected by the conduct of
defendants, plaintiff is entitled to the two-fold dam
ages provided by Section 16750 of the Business and
Professions Code, and in addition thereto, injunctive
relief. It is well settled in our law that whenever a
remedy, be it statutory or otherwise, is inadequate,
injunctive relief will be granted. Such relief is also
available to prevent multiplicity of suits. Kold Kist
v. Amalgamated Meat Cutters, supra. Orloff v. Los
Angeles Turf Glut), 30 Cal. 2d 110. The Kold Kist case
was an. action brought by a private concern under the
Cartwright Act, and injunctive relief was granted
even though the Act itself made no reference to in
92
junctions. The Orloff case was an action to prevent
continued discrimination under Section 51, et seq., of
the Civil Code, and again an injunction was granted
even though the statute provided for money damages
only.
Since plaintiff’s objective is to purchase a home, no
amount of money damages would he an adequate rem
edy for him. He can only get meaningful relief by
a decree of this Court enjoining defendants from re
fusing to deal with him on a basis of equality with
other citizens in the sale and purchase of housing con
structed pursuant to Federal programs. Since every
act of refusal to sell plaintiff a house gives rise to a
new cause of action, an inj miction is needed to prevent
a multiplicity of judicial proceedings. Sec. 526 (6)
Code of Civil Procedure.
It thus appears that the conduct of defendants is
actionable under the Cartwright Act and should be
enjoined.
THIS IS A PROPER CLASS ACTION.
The use of the class action to vindicate civil rights,
in both state and Federal Courts, is so commonplace
that its propriety is not open to serious doubt.
A class action was held proper in Banks v. Housing
Authority, 120 Cal. App. 2d 1 (1953). Plaintiffs
sought mandate on behalf of themselves and other Ne
groes similarly situated to compel the local public
housing agency to rent them existing units in low-rent
public housing. As we have pointed out the thrust of
93
the action was against the imposition of a racial test
to determine their eligibility for such rental. It was
argued there, as here, that disparate personal circum
stances of individual Negroes precluded use of the
class action. The Court summarily rejected this argu
ment with the remark that the propriety of a class suit
in such a situation is so well settled that the point
did not merit further discussion. Hearing was denied
by the State Supreme Court and certiorari was denied
by the United States Supreme Court.
In urging the class character of this action we agree
that the claim of plaintiff for damages does not fall
within that category. I f he is permitted recovery that
recovery must be for himself alone. It may be that
defendants had the right to ask that plaintiff separ
ately state and number his count for damages. I f so,
they should have demurred specially. They cannot now
be heard to complain. However, this Court must segre
gate the damage issue in any judgment it may render.
Some recent examples of the use of class actions in
civil rights cases are: Brown v. Board of Education,
347 U.S. 483; Siveatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629; Mc-
Laurin v. Board of Regents, 332 U.S. 629; Detroit
Commission v. Lewis, 226 Fed. 2d 180; Romero v.
Weakley, 226 Fed. 2d 399.
d e f e n d a n t s a r e f o r b id d e n to d is c r im in a t e
IN THE CASE OF A DE FACTO TOWN.
The complaint alleged, and the evidence showed,
that North Highlands, the area in which plaintiff first
94
attempted to purchase a home, was in all respects and
purposes like any other town or city in the state. The
evidence showed that North Highlands contains
schools, recreation areas and similar public facilities
and that it has been assigned a postal designation. The
facts are that it is not incorporated and was not in
corporated at the time plaintiff, and others, made re
quests to purchase homes there. With the single
exception of lack of incorporation it does not differ
in any degree from any other town or city of its size
in the state.
Justice Robert H. Jackson wrote shortly before his
death:
“ It is my basic view that whenever any organiza
tion or combination of individuals, whether in a
corporation, a labor union or other body obtains
such economic control or legal advantage that it
can control or in effect govern the lives of other
people, it is subject to the control of Government
. . . for the Government can suffer no rivals in
the field of coercion. Liberty requires that coer
cion be applied to the individual, not by other
individuals but by the Government . . . ” ( The
Supreme Court in the American. System, Robert
H. Jackson, 1955.)
An example of the application of the doctrine just
enunciated by Justice Jackson is furnished by Marsh
v. Alabama, 326 U.S. 501. The case went to the Su
preme Court on the appeal of the defendant, Marsh,
a Jehovah’s Witness, who had been convicted by the
state of a charge of criminal trespass. The trespass
consisted of attempting to distribute literature on the
95
sidewalks of Chickasaw, an entirely company-owned
town, without a permit from the owners of the town.
Alabama law required her to get a permit before go
ing on private property.
Miss Marsh claimed that the First Amendment pro
tected her right of free speech and that the Fourteenth
Amendment applied to protect her against the action
of the state in trying to prevent her from exercising
her First Amendment freedom of speech.
The Court reversed her conviction. In reaching this
conclusion, the Court held in essence that the Four
teenth Amendment was applicable to the activities of
the private company which owned the town since it
was performing the functions of a municipality.
A reading of the opinion demonstrates that the
gravamen of the decision is rooted in the fact that the
company is not a “ private” company, in a Constitu
tional sense, but “ govern(s) a community of citizens” .
Remove that fact from the logical structure of the
opinion, and the conclusion will not stand. I f the com
pany had been within its rights in seeking to exclude
the defendant after due warning, the state could prop
erly have convicted her for trespassing. I f the State
had not been involved and the company had excluded
Miss Marsh from the streets of the company-owned
town, the First Amendment would still have been vio
lated.
Indeed, as the Court saw the question in the Marsh
case, it was from this perspective rather than that of
state action in the ordinary sense. “ Our question,”
wrote Justice Black for the Court, “ narrows down to
96
this: Can those people who live in or come to Chicka
saw be denied freedom of press and religion simply
because a single company has title to the town?” The
Court answered “ No.” Since all the homeowners act
ing together, acting through a municipal corporation,
could not have done what the company had sought to
do, neither could the company, acting in effect as a
municipal corporation, bar Miss Marsh f rom the town.
That is the only reason given to support the conclu
sion that the state could not convict her for violating
a statute which by its express terms forbade trespass
on private property.
What the Court decided in the Marsh case was that
the rights of the private corporation—not those of the
state—had become circumscribed by the Constitutional
rights o f others. The decision is a logical development
of a path first taken by the Supreme Court at a time
when the Fourteenth Amendment was “ almost too re
cent to be called history” . (Slaughter House Cases, 16
Wall. 36, 71; 1873). There the Court said that the “ one
pervading purpose found in (all of the Civil War
Amendments), lying at the foundation of each, and
without which none of them would have been sug
gested” to be ‘ The security and firm establishment”
of the freedom of the Negro and “ the protection of
the newly made citizen from the oppressions of those
who had formerly exercised unlimited dominion over
him” . As we have shown, the logic of that principle
is not limited to discrimination by state officials, act
ing pursuant to statute, or even to state officials vio
lating state law, (Screws v. U. S., 325 U.S. 91), but
97
extends as well to private persons exercising govern
ment-like powers.
It is, of course, settled that all of the people of
North Highlands could not have enacted an ordinance
excluding Negroes from purchasing homes in that
town. (Buchanan v. Warley, 145 U.S. 60). Nor can the
individual builder, whether acting by himself or in
concert with other builders. For, as pointed out by
Justice Black:
“ It is clear that had the people of Chickasaw
owned all the homes, and all the stores, and all
the streets, and all the sidewalks, all those owners
together could not have set up a municipal or
dinance completely barring the distribution of
religious literature. Ownership does not always
mean complete dominion. The more an owner, for
his advantage, opens up his property for use by
the public in general, the more do his rights be
come circumscribed by the statutory and constitu
tional rights of those who do use it.” (Marsh v.
Alabama, supra, 505, et seq.)
The law in this phase of the case is as simple as
this: a community, whether it exercises that power
through all of the owners of property within its con
fines or through one or two owners momentarily vested
with complete ownership, cannot exclude persons
solely because of race or color.
98
FEDERAL STATUTES PROTECT PLAINTIFF’ S RIGHT TO
PURCHASE THE HOUSING IN QUESTION.
Prior to the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment,
Congress took steps to protect the right of Negroes to
own and occupy real property. It provided:
“ All citizens of the United States shall have the
same right in every state and territory, as is en
joyed by white citizens thereof, to inherit, pur
chase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and
personal property.” (8 USGA 42).
Back of this statute lay the realization that no man
is free in a free enterprise economy unless he can com
pete in the open market for the purchase and sale of
commodities. That is especially true of land which is,
by its nature, a limited kind of a commodity. (Morris
v. United States, supra.)
The statute was re-enacted after the Fourteenth
Amendment to remove all possible doubts of its con
stitutionality, although it seems to us that no such
question could arise since one of the indispensable
elements of the freedom guaranteed under the Thir
teenth Amendment is the freedom to buy and sell in
the open market. (.Morris v. United States, supra.)
Defendants argue that this statute is a restraint on
the states and has no applicability to private individ
uals. That issue need not concern us in the context
of this case. As we have shown, the benefits of the
National Housing Act are extended to all citizens. The
Act does not purport to have been enacted for the
benefit of white persons and, indeed, Congress could
not have intended such a discriminatory purpose.
99
(.Steele v. L Ac N Railway Go., supra). Nor does the
Federal Housing Administration, as the administra
tive agency set up under the Act, claim the right to
deny “ the benefits of the mortgage insurance system”
to Negroes. Indeed it professes the very opposite, as
it is Constitutionally required to do.
Thus we have a situation in which private individ
uals, acting singly or in concert in our case, seek to
interfere with the right lodged in plaintiff to avail
himself of the benefits of Federal legislation.
The efficacy of the statute was tested in United
States v. Waddell, 112 U.S. 76. There individuals were
indicted for interfering with the right of a Negro to
purchase property under the Homestead Act, a Fed
eral statute. The indictment was laid under what is
now 18 USCA 241 which levied penalties in the case
of a conspiracy to injure or oppress any citizen “ in
the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privi
lege secured to him by the constitution or laws of the
United States.” In reversing a District Court order
of dismissal, the Supreme Court said:
“ The right here guaranteed is not a mere right of
protection against personal violence. This, if the
result of an ordinary quarrel or malice would be
cognizable under the laws of the State and its
courts. But it is something different from that.
It is the right to remain on the land in order to
perform the requirements of the acts of Congress,
and according to its rules, perfect incipient title
. . . The United States can protect individuals
against acts which prevent performance under
such a law.” ( United States v. Waddell, supra).
100
Of course, the prosecution in that case was a criminal
one, but the importance of the case here is that it
holds that “ The United States can protect individuals
against acts which prevent” an individual from secur
ing the benefits of Federal legislation. This case recog
nizes that since a Federal statute, the Homestead Act,
gives a specific method of obtaining land, this right
can he protected by the Federal Government against
the acts of private individuals.
By the enactment of the National Housing Act, the
Federal Government has shown a concern about the
living conditions of its citizens. Since it has granted
the privilege of mortgage insurance to purchasers,
free from any racial restrictions, the Federal law—8
USCA 42—protects plaintiff in the exercise of “ the
same right . . . as is enjoyed by white citizens . . . to
. . . purchase” real property made available under
Section 203 of the National Housing Act. That right
to “ purchase” cannot be secured to plaintiff without
protection of the threshold right to obtain the benefits
of the mortgage insurance system, just as in the Wad
dell case the Negro had to remain on the land to per
fect title.
It is plain, beyond all argument, that in Sacramento
County the defendants in this case did not extend the
“ same” right to plaintiff, and to members of the class
on whose behalf he sues, as they did to white pur
chasers. Their discrimination is condemned by Fed
eral statute, quite without reference to any question
of state action.
101
TO WHAT RELIEF IS PLAINTIFF ENTITLED?
The final procedural question is the kind of relief
available to plaintiff in the event he prevails.
1. As to Damages: Damages for the denial of a
civil right, per se, are hard to fix. In the case of pub
lic facilities, Section 52 of the Civil Code fixes the
minimum at one hundred dollars. The Section speci
fically empowers the Court to add to that sum what
ever damages it may find. In comparable federal
litigation where an amount in excess of three thousand
dollars is always claimed in order to confer jurisdic
tion it has been held that such a claim is permissible.
See: McDonald v. K ey, 224 Fed. 2d 608; Holmes v.
City of Atlanta, U. S. District Court, Northern Dis
trict Ga., No. 4621 (reported 1 Race Relations Law
Reporter, 1950). There are other elements of damage
to plaintiff. He has since been required to rent a
dwelling for himself and family at $65.00 per month,
a sum equal to or in excess of the amount he could
have been paying to acquire ownership in a home if
defendants, Horgan, Frye, and Herraty and Hannon
had not denied his request in the first instance. There
can be no doubt that the refusal as to plaintiff was
willful and deliberate and based on his race and color.
Under those circumstances he is entitled to punitive
damages. (Sec. 3294, Civil Code).
2. As to injunctive relief: Injunctive relief is ap
propriate in cases of this kind. See: James v. Marin-
ship, 25 Cal. 2d 721; Williams v. Boilermakers, 27 Cal.
2d 586; Thompson v. Moore Drydock Co., 27 Cal. 2d
102
595. It is also noteworthy that injunctive relief has
been sought in the leading cases in Federal Courts
where vindication of civil rights has been sought. See:
Brown v. Board of Education, supra; etc.
3. As to declaratory relief: The right to declara
tory relief is statutory: Sections 1060, 1062, Code of
Civil Procedure. Such relief may be sought in a class
action: Maxwell v. Branglur, 99 Cal. App. 208, 222
Pac. 2d 910, where it is said that the interests of the
representatives must be identical with that of other
members of the class. It is the general rule that in an
action for declaratory relief the complaint is sufficient
if it sets forth facts showing the existence o f a con
troversy relating to the legal rights and duties of the
respective parties. Bennett v. Hibernia, 47 AC No. 20,
547, 557; Anderson v. Stanbury, 38 Cal. 2d 707, 717;
Essick v. Los Angeles, 34 Cal. 2d 614, 624. An action
for declaratory relief may include other counts:
Coruccini v. Lambert, 113 Cal. App. 2d 486. Nor may
declaratory relief be denied merely because other rem
edies are available: Columbia v. B e Toth, 26 Cal. 2d
753. The statutes should be liberally construed: Hess
v. Country Club Park, 213 Cal. 613. The underlying
purpose of the statute is to provide the parties with
a knowledge of their rights and obligations: Kessloff
v. Pearson, 37 Cal. 2d 609. Again, it is worth observing
that suits involving civil rights in federal Courts
have made extensive use of declaratory relief. See:
Lucye v. Adams, 134 Fed. Supp. 235; Frasier v. Board
of Trustees, 134 Fed. Supp. 589; Whitmore v. Stilwell,
227 Fed. 2d 187; Romero v. Weakley, supra. See also:
McKinney v. Blankenship, 282 S.W. 2d 691 (Texas).
103
In the case at bar, defendants joined issue directly
on the declaratory relief count and it is obvious that
this issue requires adjudication.
CONCLUSION.
W e have discussed many theories which we think
clearly indicate that judgment must be for plaintiff
in this case. The facts and the law are in his favor.
We have also discussed the type of relief we think
plaintiff should receive. These are (1) Injunction,
(2) Declaration of Rights, and (3) Damages.
W e wish to stress in conclusion, however, that we
do not now ask, nor have we ever asked, that defend
ants, or any of them, be enjoined specifically from
refusing to sell plaintiff Oliver Ming, or any other
specific person, a house. All we ask in this connection
is that defendants be enjoined from refusing to offer
housing referred to herein to plaintiff and other mem
bers of the ethnic group to which he belongs, solely
because of race or color. No defendant would be com
pelled to sell any person a specific house, but all de
fendants would be enjoined from using race or color
as a test of eligibility for purchase of such housing.
Just as in Banks v. Housing Authority, supra, race
as a test for eligibility for rental of public housing
was invalidated, here we seek to eliminate race as a
test for eligibility for purchase of housing, construc
tion of which was made possible by the mortgage in
surance features of the National Housing Act.
104
W e submit that plaintiff is entitled under the law
and evidence for the declaration of rights specified
in the prayer of his complaint. Certainly a contro
versy exists between the parties, and the Court should
dispose of it by its Decree setting forth the respective
rights and duties of those involved.
It is our contention that any of the causes of action,
except perhaps the one seeking merely declaratory re
lief, would entitle plaintiff to damages. Plaintiff is
entitled to compensatory as well as punitive damages.
So far as we have been able to discover, this case is
one of first impression. No case has been tried on the
merits wherein a Court was called upon to meet
squarely the issues presented here. Yet the conflict
indicated by this litigation is far from being an iso
lated encounter. It, in reality, represents another step
by an American Negro, in a representative suit, in
the direction of total freedom from restraints imposed
because of race or color by Government or those act
ing pursuant to Governmental powers, or with the
Government’s “ thumb on the scale” .
When viewed in this context it is easy to see that
all other steps toward freedom made by American Ne
groes in recent years may be nullified if sub-dividers
and builders are permitted, with Governmental par
ticipation and assistance, to construct whole new com
munities and exclude Negroes and other minority
ethnic groups from them. In these racially segregated
communities the schools will naturally be segregated
by race or color, since children go to school in the
communities in which they live. In the now famous
school desegregation cases the United States Supreme
Court has declared that enforced racial segregation
in schools may inflict injury upon children from which
they might never recover. Could the injury be less
if the racial segregation results from the bigotry of
subdividers, lenders and builders rather than from the
order of a school board or a legislative act? It is from
the fact of legally enforced separation that the feel
ings of inferiority and hostility springs, and the child
will hardly know or care who enforces it. All he knows
is that because of his race or color he is set apart from
other children.
Not only will schools inevitably be segregated by
race unless housing segregation is interdicted, but such
racial segregation will follow in parks, playgrounds
and all other public facilities.
It is true that this nation has become great, while at
the same time harboring some racial segregation and
discrimination. W e submit, however, that this great
ness has come about despite rather than because of
racial segregation. To the whole world we hold out
the hope that mankind can live free from restraints
based upon such arbitrary factors as race or color.
Up to this time men throughout the world have ac
cepted our leadership because of the essential appeal
of our fundamental doctrines of equality of oppor
tunity for all people, without regard to race, color or
creed. It is imperative that we should reconcile our
principles with our practices. W e are fully aware of
the fact that democracy in its pure form is strong
106
medicine, but in an adulterated form it is no longer
democracy.
Judgment should be for plaintiff as prayed.
Dated, March 20,1957.
Respectfully submitted,
N a t h a n i e l S . C o l l e t ,
L o r e n M il l e r ,
F r a n k l i n H. W i l l i a m s ,
Attorneys for Plaintiff.
C l a r e n c e B. Ca n s o n ,
G e o r g e D. C a r r o l l ,
C h a r l e s A. J a m e s ,
C h a r l e s W il s o n ,
Of Counsel.