Ming v. Horgan Brief of Plaintiff
Public Court Documents
March 20, 1957

Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Ming v. Horgan Brief of Plaintiff, 1957. 34e1fad5-bd9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/26825cf7-199e-4e20-9796-22aa29ffc3a3/ming-v-horgan-brief-of-plaintiff. Accessed April 27, 2025.
Copied!
In the Superior Court OF THE State of California IN AND FOR THE County of Sacramento N o . 97,130 Dept. 6 Honorable James H. Oakley, Judge. O l iv e r A . M i n g , Plaintiff, v s. M il t o n G . H o r g a n , et a l., Defendants. BRIEF OF PLAINTIFF. N athaniel S. Collet, 621P Street, Sacramento, California, L oren M iller, 524 South. Spring Street, Suite 311, Los Angeles 13, California, F ran k lin H. W illiam s, 690 Market Street, San Francisco 4, California, Attorneys for Plaintiff. Claren ceB. Canson , 515 Broadway, Sacramento, California, George I). Carroll, 347 6th Street, Richmond, California, C harles A. J ames, Bank of America Building, Stockton, California, C harles W ilson, 3305 Sacramento Street, Berkeley, California, Of Counsel. Pernatt-'Wa l s h P r in ting Co., San F rancisco , California Subject Index Page The historical background ................................................... .. 1 Statement of fa c t s ......................................................................... 5 The National Housing Act and Federal Housing Administra tion ............................................................................................... 8 A. Housing and public interest............. ............................... 9 B. The growth of Congressional p o licy ................................ 12 1. The mortgage insurance program ............................ 13 2. The public housing program .................................... 15 3. The Home Loan Bank B oa rd .................................... 16 C. The crystallization of Congressional p o licy ...................... 16 D. Attaining the objectives ................................................... 19 E. The relationship between builder, FHA and V A ........ 22 1. Under Section 203 of the A c t .................................. 22 2. Other sections of the A c t .......................................... 30 (a) Property improvement loan s............................ 30 (b) Section 8—Building ........................................... 31 (c) Section 603—Housing ........................................ 31 (d) Section 611— Construction...................... 31 (e) Section 903— Homes............................................. 32 (f) Section 207—-The project housing................... 33 (g) Section 608—H ousing........................................ 33 (h) Section 610— Special program ........................ 34 (i) Section 908—Liberal terms .............................. 34 ( j) Wherry military housing ................................ 34 (k) Section 213— Cooperative housing ................ 35 Summary ............................................................................. 35 F. FHA regulation and con tro l........................................... 36 G. The Congressional intent ................................................. 45 Operative builders may not practice racial discrimination.. . . 49 11 Subject Index Page 77The conspiracy .............................. ................................... .. Defendants’ conduct contravenes National and State public policy ......................................................... 83 Plaintiff as a third party beneficiary.......................................... 88 The conspiracy in restraint of sa le .............................................. 90 This is a proper class action .......... ............................................... 92 Defendants are forbidden to discriminate in the ease of a q o de facto town ............................................................................. Federal statutes protect plaintiff’s right to purchase the housing in question .................................................................... 98 To what relief is plaintiff entitled? ............................................. 101 Conclusion ....................................................................................... In the Superior Court OF THE State of California IN AND FOR THE County of Sacramento No. 97,130 Dept. 6 Honorable James H. Oakley, Judge. O l iv e r A. M in g , v s. M il t o n G . H o r g a n , e t a l., Plaintiff, Defendants. BRIEF OF PLAINTIFF. THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. This is another in that long series of judicial con tests involving the claim of Negroes that they have the constitutional right to purchase and occupy real property, particularly urban land, on a basis of com plete equality with all other Americans. Such litiga tion is almost a half century old. In every instance Negroes have faced bitter, sometimes hysterical, op position but although relief has sometimes been de layed the claimed right has been vindicated in every instance by the Courts. 2 The issue is even older than the litigation. Congress sought to secure the right beyond the possibility of impairment in 1866—prior to the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment— when it enacted what is now Section 1982, 42 USCA, which provides that: “ All citizens of the United States shall have the same right in every state and territory, as is en joyed by white citizens thereof to inherit, pur chase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and per sonal property.” (Emphasis added.) It is ironic that this same right should be in dispute ninety years later. Litigation involving purchase and occupancy of urban property by Negroes has been many faceted. As early as 1908 cities attempted to curtail Negro owner ship, and consequent occupancy, of real property by racial zoning ordinances1 which were ultimately con demned in Buchancm v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60 (1917). Undaunted, proponents of residential segregation turned to increased use of racial restrictive covenants and for almost a quarter of a century—from 1915 to 1948—courts enforced them by equitable decrees.2 The Supreme Court finally interdicted judicial enforce ment in Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948). Ad vocates of racial covenants then sought indirect en- iSan Francisco anticipated these ordinances with an ordinance segregating Chinese which was invalidated in 1890. In re Lee Sing, 43 Fed. 359. 2The first such case was Queensborough Land Co. v. Cazeaux, 139 La. (1914). California followed suit in 1919, L. A. Invest ment Co. v. Gary, 181 Cal. 680. For complete history of covenant litigation, see 33 Cal. Law Review 5. 3 forceinent through damage actions by signers against covenantors who had sold to Negroes but the Supreme Court made short shift of that effort by forbidding judicial cognizance of such suits:3 Barrows v. Jack- son, 346 U.S. 249 (1953). Meanwhile, in the early 1930’s the federal govern ment began augmenting the supply of housing, di rectly to low income families through open subsidies to local authorities for construction of low rent public housing, and indirectly to middle income families through the mortgage loan insurance system of the National Housing Act of 1934 administered through an arm of government, Federal Housing Administra tion. Racial segregation, imposed by local housing authorities with the consent of the federal government was initially approved in Favors v. Randall, 40 Fed. Supp. 734 (1941) and ultimately forbidden in Banks v. San Francisco Housing Authority, et al., 120 Cal. App. 2d 1 (1953); Cert. Denied: 347 H.S. 974 (1954). Federal Housing Administration (F H A ), as we shall show, has had a checkered career in this field, first requiring the imposition of racial covenants as a con dition of mortgage loan insurance, then relaxing that rule and finally taking a non-discriminatory position.4 Always the rationalization for restraints on the right of Negroes to purchase and occupy urban land has been the same: the claim that such ownership or 3This ease originated in California, 112 CA2d 534. 4For history of FH A’s shifting positions see: The Negro Ghetto, Robert Weaver, ITarcourt-Brace, 1948, particularly Chapter V, and Forbidden Neighbors, Charles Abrams, Harper & Bros., 1955, particularly Chapter XVI. 4 occupancy, in the words of the National Association of Real Estate Boards, would “ clearly he detrimental to property values.” 5 6 In every instance those who sought to curtail ownership and occupancy of urban land on the basis o f race have availed themselves of the “ full panoply of state power” ,8 protesting at every step of long drawn out litigation that the discrimina tion they sought to vindicate was either compatible with constitutional guarantees or that it was permis sible within that area of individual action immunized against constitutional interdiction by the Fourteenth Amendment as interpreted in early cases.7 The task of the courts has been that of stripping away the form and laying bare the substance of the constitional evil inherent in excluding the Negro from the free hous ing market. The case at bar must be put in that historical con text. Seen in that perspective, it is readily apparent that this Court will seldom be called upon to render a decision fraught with greater legal significance than the one it will pronounce here. 5NAREB, Cannon of Ethics, prior to 1950. See Abrams, op. cit., 150 et seq. 6Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, uses this phrase. 7This theme runs through all housing cases: beginning with Buchanan v. Worley, 1917, and ending with Banks v. San Fran cisco, 1953. It will be asserted with vigor by defendants in this case. 5 STATEMENT OP FACTS. At trial of this action the Court indicated that it had the facts well in mind, and suggested to counsel for the respective parties that in their briefs they ad dress themselves primarily to the law involved. We atcept the suggestion of the Court, but since on some major points there is substantial conflict in the evi dence we feel compelled to make at least passing re ference to considerations which seem to leave little doubt that the facts of the case are as plaintiff alleged them to 'be and as his witnesses testified. W e must admit at the outset that we were quite surprised, to put the matter mildly, that practically every defendant who testified, denied that he had ever refused to sell a house or lot to a prospective pur chaser because of race or color, or that he had any racial policy with regard to sale of houses. No defend ant came into Court and admitted that he ever refused to sell certain sub-division housing to Negroes, and none asserted that he claimed any right to so refuse. In fact, several defendants admitted on cross-examin ation that they thought such a refusal would be un lawful. When one reads the verified answers filed by these same defendants, our surprise at their testimony should become understandable. The answers of each of the principal defendants in this case “ admit plain tiff claims the right to lease or rent any home without reference to his race or color, and that defendants claim and assert that they have the constitutional right to refwse to sell, lease or rent property to whom 6 soever they desire not to sell, lease or rent.” While the parties deny any concert of action, their pleadings are almost identical in this respect. In determining where the truth lies with respect to any policy of defendants in refusing to sell to Ne groes, the Court need only ask itself this question. Is it likely that a defendant who has never refused to sell a home to a ready, willing and able Negro pur chaser, and who has no policy against such sales, would file in Court a verified pleading setting up as a defense to a charge of racial discrimination an asser tion that he has a constitutional right to practice such discrimination % In addition to the admissions set forth hy defend ants in their answers, we have the positive testimony of the plaintiff himself and many members of the race to which he belongs to the effect that defendants do in fact consistently refuse to sell new sub-division housing to Negroes. Coupled with this testimony is the fact that no such housing, with the exception of in one or two so-called “ open occupancy” sub-divi sions, has been sold to a Negro. The testimony of Professor Cy Record indicates that there are many Negroes in Sacramento County able to buy such hous ing. Furthermore, defendant Fernandez admitted that while he had sold no unit in his Freeport Manor to a Negro, soon after he made the initial sales to white persons, Negroes purchased homes in that tract on a re-sale basis from the original purchasers. It is hardly reasonable to assume that Negroes would refuse to' aPIJly for original purchase when no down payment 7 was required and terms were liberal, and yet rush in to make such purchases at a time when they had to pay premiums for equities of original buyers. At least the evidence showed nothing which would sustain an inference that Negroes have a bias against new houses with low, or no, down payments. It is also significant that the testimony of witnesses Horgan and Frye (by way of deposition) admitted that defendants Heraty and Gannon had a policy of not selling their sub-division housing to Negroes. Also, witness Turner, manager of defendant Larchmont Village, Inc., admitted that he refused to sell a house to a Colonel Evans, a Negro, because, as he put it, “ the colored people’s association is suing us.” The fact that Colonel Evans was not a member of the Asso ciation (N AACP) made no difference to Mr. Turner. No matter what the Colonel belonged to or didn’t be long to, the fact is that he was a Negro, and hence was a member of a group or class to which Larch mont Village was not selling homes. While he denied excluding anyone because of race, witness Frank MacBride admitted that he felt that he had a moral obligation to the white people to whom he sold houses in Arden Oaks Vista to exclude Negroes. And last, but not least, Real Estate Board member Eugene W il liams denied ever having discussed the question of racial policy or exclusion of certain persons from some neighborhoods with anyone. He said he had never had that much interest in the problem. Little did he know that at that very moment we had in our possession a letter written by him to Real Estate 8 Board member Tom Kiernan, in which Mr. Williams advised Mr. Kiernan that a member of Kiernan’s staff had been seen showing a house in a certain com munity to a member of “ one of the inharmonious groups” , and he urged Kiernan to help keep that area “ free from this problem.” It is true that Mr. W il liams said he did not know why he had written the letter, nor did he know what he meant by the term “ inharmonious group” , but the letter speaks for it self. For these and other reasons, the findings of fact on the material issues in this case must be in favor of plaintiff. THE NATIONAL HOUSING ACT AND FEDERAL HOUSING ADMINISTRATION. There is a common content to the substance of the arguments that we shall make that can best be dealt with in a preface. Such treatment will avoid repeti tion and make for clarity. That common content con cerns the provisions of the National Housing Act, its objectives and its provisions, and the administrative agency, FH A as it is popularly called, through which the legislative program is effectuated. Without an un derstanding of the terms of the Act and of the kind, character and quality of F H A ’s functioning in the housing market the legal problem that confronts the Court becomes difficult, almost impossible, of isola tion and solution.8 8The Housing Act of 1934 was enacted as 48 Stat. 1246. It is reproduced as amended at 12 United States Code Annotated (12 USCA) Sections 1721 ff. 9 In this preface we shall advert to many different kinds of housing provided for in the Act and to a number of FI1A activities and policies in respect to those varying kinds of housing. However, it must be borne in mind that the housing constructed by the builder-defendants here was built for sale under Sec tion 203 of the Act and is all ultimately designed for sale to individual purchasers. The builder’s function in this particular phase of housing consists o f con structing that housing and of then putting it on the market. W e shall have to include historical material for the light it may shed on present day practices and we shall have to delve into the Congressional Record for statements that will illuminate statutory language. Our inquiry will be a lengthy, sometimes tedious one, but, we believe, the end result will be that we will have put the legal problem in its proper frame of refer ence. A. Housing and Public Interest. The public concern with adequate housing for the American family is reflected in the Declaration of Rational Housing Policy written into the Housing Act of 1949 where it is said that “ . . . the general welfare and security of the Nation requires the reali zation as soon as feasible of the goal of a decent home and suitable living environment for every American family.” (Title I, Bousing Act of 1949, Declaration of Principles.) None can doubt that by this declara tion, Congress intended to encompass all Americans 10 without reference to race or color, and by the same token it is clear that Congress, by reason of the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, could not enact legislation of such scope without making the benefits open to all on a non-discriminatory basis. However, all of us know that this goal has been made difficult, if not impossible of attainment, through what the Housing and Home Finance Administra tion once aptly called a “ blockade o f custom and code.” (Albert Cole, Speech, Detroit, 1954.) The evi dence in this case well illustrates how that blockade works and how it has operated to deny Sacramento Negroes free access to the housing market on terms of equality with other citizens. Thus our problem meets us at the very threshold of the discussion. We will deal with its specific manifestations later. As we have pointed out, since the early 1930’s the federal government, through the grant of direct sub sidies, credits and powers has become increasingly involved in the planning, marketing and managing of dwellings. The scope of federal participation is wide. It ranges from public housing, through slum clear ance, urban renewal and guarantee of modernization loans, to mortgage insurance and loan guarantees for new housing. The means vary and have varied from time to time; the goal has remained constant. But in no instance, for policy reasons which need not con cern us here, has federal assistance been granted di rectly to individual home seekers. Rather it has been, and is, made to private lenders, developers and build ers and to local public agencies. 11 Obviously, Congressional enactments have been in tended to confer benefits as inducements to private lenders and developers and public agencies in order to persuade them to participate in a program or pro grams that will lead to attainment of the goal of a decent home for every American family.” It is ironic that these lenders and developers (and even local public housing agencies until brought to book by the courts) early arrogated to themselves the authority—claimed by defendants in this case to be an absolute right—of making the decision as to whether or not non-whites, in our case Negroes, should be excluded from the beneficences of Congressional leg islation. They have translated their prejudices and their fears into a set of exclusionary rules that have all the force of law, even while operating under a law that explicitly includes “ every American family” , and implicitly enacts the Constitutional command against inequality of treatment.9 Racial discrimina tion in Sacramento is now effectuated by quasi-ad- ministrative action of builders, developers, selling agents and lending institutions, all under the guise of bona fide participation in reaching the objective of the Congressional goals. How and why did Congress ar rive at the policies it has enacted in our statutes ? 9The Housing Authority of the City of Sacramento, which ad ministers the public housing program which flows from the Na tional Housing Act is restrained by force of Banks v. San Fran cisco, supra, from following the administrative practices of these “ private” builders. It must bestow its benefits on all applicants without reference to race. The thrifty Negro home seeker thus meets racial discrimination that is not visited on his less eco nomically fortunate fellow citizen. 12 B. The Growth of Congressional Policy. In 1892, the federal government appropriated $20,000 for an investigation of slums in cities of more than 200,000 population. A report of this investiga tion was made by the Commissioner of Labor and con tains data on four cities, noting a higher incidence of lawlessness in shun areas. (Federal Homing Pro grams Committee Print, 81st Congress, 2nd session, 1950.) W orld W ar I brought new housing problems and congressional action resulted in construction of 9,000 houses, 1,100 apartments, 19 dormitories and eight hotels for shipyard employees, and more than 5,000 single-family dwellings in addition to apartments, dormitories and hotels for war workers. (Federal Housing Programs, supra.) The depression years added to the housing problem that was accumulating as a result of increased urbani zation of the nation. It was believed by Congress that the federal government’s involvement in the provision of housing was necessary for the economic survival of the country. As a result, during the period from 1932 to 1934 more than one million homes were saved through government refinancing, approximately 40,000 units of housing were provided by direct federal ac tion for low and moderate income families, and more than eight millions of dollars in loans were made to corporations formed to provide housing for families with low incomes. (Federal Housing Programs, supra.) During this same period, the Federal Home Loan Bank Board was authorized to make advances, 13 secured by first mortgages, to member borne-financing institutions. As of June 30, 1949, there were eleven regional banks providing a credit reservoir for 3,813 member institutions with assets totaling about thirteen billion dollars. In addition, under the Home Owners Loan Act $49,300,000 was appropriated to purchase shares in savings and loan associations which were members of the Federal Home Loan Bank. (Federal Housing Programs, supra.) History, and experience in the early depression years, finally led Congress to establish three major permanent federal housing programs—the mortgage insurance system, public housing and the home loan bank system, all dedicated to the Congressional objec tives of that “ decent home for every American family” . 1. The Mortgage Insurance Program. The mortgage insurance program was established in June 1934 for the purpose of insuring long-term mortgage loans made by private lending institutions to individual home seekers. The obvious intent was to make home building attractive to, and possible by, persons of limited means. Of course, incidental but nonetheless substantial, benefits were conferred on lending institutions through the minimization of the risk entailed in making the loans, In their proper turn, the builders received a boon because their market was enormously expanded as home seekers found it possible to engage in home building, and the mortgage insurance system guaranteed a flow of credit to builders. 14 Prom its inception through 1953, FHA, which was constituted to administer the mortgage insurance pro gram, has insured more than 33 billions of mortgages, including insurance on more than three million homes under the section providing for insurance on the type of housing involved in this action. It has insured millions of dollars for rental, cooperative, and pre fabricated housing under other sections of the Na tional Housing Act and has provided insurance against loss on approximately 17,000,000 loans financ ing home alterations, repairs and improvements. (Seventh Annual Report, Housing and Home Finance Agency, 1953, pp. 178-179.) During World W ar II, mortgages were insured on 962,000 dwellings for war workers and, after the war, for veterans. In connection with the mortgage insur ance program, Congress authorized establishment of a National Mortgage Association to provide a second ary market for home mortgages, resulting in the later establishment of the Federal National Mortgage Asso ciation and the creation of the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation to insure up to $5,000, for any single individual, savings invested in savings and loan associations. (Federal Housing Program, supra.) As of June, 1949, the savings of 6,600,000 investors were insured with a total liability of $8,- 868,000,000. (Federal Housing Programs, supra.) The mortgage insurance system and guarantee of loans devices were adopted by Congress in 1944, to aid former servicemen to acquire homes. As of June 30, 1954, 3,638,676 loans had been insured or guar 15 anteed for veterans. (Report, Administrator of Vet erans Affairs, 1954.) By any standard, these figures are impressive and reflect a degree of government involvement in hous ing that would have been unthinkable when the fed eral government appropriated the modest sum of $20,000 in 1892. 2. Tlie Public Housing Program. The public housing program had its inception in the National Industrial Recovery Act, providing for the low income units we have referred to. In 1935, the Emergency Relief Appropriations Act made an appropriation of $450,000,000 for housing. In 1937, the basic statute providing for loans and annual con tributions to local public agencies for low rent hous ing and slum clearance projects was enacted. Under this Act, as amended, from 1937 to June 1955, 490,107 units of public housing have been, provided. (Homing Statistics, Housing and Home Finance Agency.) Ad ditionally, during W orld War II, 945,000 public war housing accommodations were provided under various statutes. After the war, Congress authorized use of this war housing for distressed families of service men, veterans and their families, and construction of temporary housing from available funds for this pur pose. Congress also authorized funds for dis-assem- bling, transporting, re-erecting and converting surplus war structures on land supplied by educational insti tutions, State and local bodies, and non-profit organi zations, for housing for veterans and their families, 16 and distressed families of servicemen. Under this authorization, as of June 30, 1949, 267,000 temporary units had been provided. (Housing Statistics, supra.) These figures, too, bear statistical witness to the fact that the nation was, and is, edging toward the goal set by Congress. 3. The Home Loan Bank Board. The Home Loan Bank Board’s function is to super vise federal programs of credit, insurance of savings accounts, and related aids to home-financing institu tions, particularly savings and loan associations. It is responsible for operations of the Federal Home Loan Bank System, Federal Savings and Loan Insur ance Corporation, and Home Owners’ Loan Corpora tion. It charters and supervises Federal savings and loan associations. The Federal Home Loan Bank Sys tem is the oldest of the permanent federal housing programs. It includes regional banks in eleven cities, composed of regional member institutions. These in stitutions supply approximately a third of all home- mortgage financing in the country and in 1949 had approximately $10,000,000,000 in home-mortgage loans outstanding. In addition to supplying a reliable source of credit for member institutions, the system encour ages sound financial and operating practices in the home-lending field. (Housing Statistics, supra.) C. The Crystallization of Congressional Policy. Faced with the serious shortage of housing for vet erans after World W ar II, which resulted in grossly inflated prices, Congress enacted the Veterans Emer 17 gency Housing Act of 1946. The Ojffi.ce of Housing Expediter became statutory creature with power to establish ceiling prices and rents for new housing, and to allocate or establish priorities for delivery of materials or facilities for housing. (Housing Statistics, supra.) The Reconstruction Finance Corporation was authorized by this Act to make premium payments to producers of building materials, and to guarantee markets for new-type building materials and pre fabricated houses. The Act also amended and ex tended the FH A mortgage insurance program for benefit of veterans and granted them preference in sales or rentals of new housing. (Housing Statistics, supra.) Finally, in 1949, Congress articulated the goals that had been implicit in its theretofore patch work of legislation and arrived at a definitive statement of the housing aims of our national government. (Title I, Housing Act, 1949, supra.) It said in so many words what every student of its actions had already deduced, that its goal was that of a “ decent home and suitable living environment for every American family” . In addition to re-enforcing the permanent Federal hous ing programs that we have been discussing, Congress authorized a new Federal housing program of loans and capital grants to local communities for large scale slum-clearance and urban redevelopment,10 au 10Testimony at the trial showed that Sacramento has availed itself of these features of the Act and proposes a large scale re development of a blighted section of the city. Ironically enough, the working of that plan will expel Negro home owners who must buy other housing. An official testified that 28% of the families 18 thorizing one billion dollars in loans and a half billion dollars in capital grants over a five-year period for this purpose. The Housing Act of 1954 broadened this program to include rehabilitation of existing housing in blighted, deteriorated, or deteriorating areas. (Title III , Section 304, Housing Act of 1954; 68 Rev. Stat. 624, Title 42, TJSCA.) In “ so broaden ing the provisions of the existing slum clearance and urban redevelopment law . . . ” Congress, it was made plain, did not change “ . . . in any way the primary and principal objective of this law; namely, the im provement of the housing conditions of American families. Its primary and principal objective contin ues to be the elimination of slums and other inade quate housing and an increase in supply of good housing.” (Senate Report No. 1472, 83rd Cong. 2nd Session, U.S. Code, Cong, and Adm. News, 2757-2758. W e have added the emphasis.) By the Housing Act of 1955, Congress provided for additional mortgage insurance, slum clearance and urban renewal, and public housing. While this Act was under consideration, Congress was compelled to increase by $1.5 billion the mortgage authorization of FHA. In this connection, the Senate committee considering the housing bill noted that . . the ex istence of FH A mortgage insurance has made possible the addition of tens of billions of dollars worth of adequate housing for United States residents.” (,Sen ate Report 33, 84th Cong., 1st Session.) to be relocated are Negro. The Court will recall that some of these people testified that defendant-builders and brokers refused to sell tract homes to these dispossessed persons on the basis of raee. 19 The history we have just recited is abridged. It is only a partial description of congressional action taken to effectuate the housing goals envisioned by Congress. It does not include a discussion of compan ion executive action. However, it does serve to point up the profound observation of the late Senator Rob ert: A. Taft: “ Of course, in Congress we are faced with the further question of whether the Federal Gov ernment has any function in this program. Housing, like food, relief, medicine, is primarily the obligation of the States and local government. Even if these programs are the proper function of government, it is said that under our Constitution they do not fall primarily within the duties or powers of the federal government. It is a little late, however, for us to argue the place of the Federal Government in this pic t u r e (95, Gong. Rec. A343, 1949; emphasis added.) D. Attaining the Objectives. All governments, local, state, or federal, have cer tain governmental objectives for attainment of which government is pledged and which they further in various ways. Some of these objectives are achieved in. direct and obvious ways. The traditional method is through individuals denominated officers and agents of government who are employed to perform various tasks designed to achieve the agreed-upon govern mental objective. On the other hand, there are other governmental objectives which governments attempt to achieve in an indirect manner. For policy reasons, it is some 20 times deemed wiser to attain these objectives by granting substantial government aid to select private persons or corporations who become chosen instru ments of government. In a democratic society, the legislature, as the in strument of the people, must make the choice be tween the direct and the indirect methods. In the matter of housing, accommodations for the lowest economic group in our population and for mod erate income families is one of the objectives of our national government, as we have just demonstrated. With respect to the lowest income group, the national government has determined that there is no alterna tive for the provision of housing for this group except by direct governmental action and it grants direct subsidies to reach the end it has found desirable. However, with respect to those families whose in comes are too high to qualify for low-rent housing but who, nevertheless, find it impossible, for economic reasons over which they have no control, to secure adequate housing without government intervention, the national government has determined that there are alternative methods of providing housing: by direct action as in the case of low-rent public housing, or by government insurance of loans made by lending institutions. Either method will provide housing and under our Constitutional system either choice is per missible. Economic policy considerations dictated the choice of the latter alternative by Congress. (Senate Report 21 No. 1300. See also 84 Cong. Rec. 412, 1939; 87 Cong. Rec. 1544, 1941; 90 Cong. Rec. 6661.) But when World W ar I I created a housing crisis for defense workers and then for returning servicemen and vet erans, the national government found it expedient to relieve the crisis by use of both methods. (90 Cong. Rec. 6661, 1944.) It is plain that the FH A mortgage insurance and the VA loan guarantee programs were thus con ceived and adopted ~by Congress as methods of pro viding adequate housing within the financial reach of moderate income families. It is equally demonstra ble that the method has been an effective one, in pro viding homes for the very group for which it was devised, as shown by the statistics we have heretofore cited. (78 Cong. Rec. 12013, 1934; 80 Cong. Rec. 4680, 1936; Senate Report 1300 supra; Sen. Rep. 1286, 81st Cong. 2nd Session, 1950.) In the case of low rent public housing adminis tered by governmental officers, there is no question but that racial discrimination falls under a Constitu tional ban. (jBanks v. San Francisco, 120 Cal. App. 2d 1; Van v. Toledo, 113 Fed. Supp. 210.) The con tention of suppliers of housing made possible under the mortgage insurance system that they have the “ right” to discriminate rests on the claim, solemnly asserted and constantly reiterated, that the builder is a private entrepreneur receiving no benefits from the National Housing Act, getting no assistance from FHA, and free of all social and constitutional respon sibility except that of following his own whim and 22 caprice or bowing to Ms own fears, in the selection of buyers. He claims the “ right” to make race a cri terion in choosing who may or may not qualify for federal mortgage insurance and thus purchase, or occupy, housing that but for the mortgage insurance system he would not have for sale. W e will be helped in deciding the validity of this contention by laying bare the relationship between builder and PHA. E. The Relationship Between Builder, FHA and VA. 1. Under Section 203 of the Act. Although we will discuss various relationships that necessarily arise in respect of various housing pro grams which are within the purview of the National Housing Act and of PHA, it is well to remind our selves at this point that the housing which is the sub ject matter of this litigation is that type built for sale under Section 203 of the Act. In the classic instance, the individual home seeker who was at tracted by the information that he could buy a home through the PH A mortgage insurance program sim ply had plans drawn up, secured cost estimates, en tered into a contract with a builder of his choice and then took the papers to his bank or building and loan association. In its proper turn the lending institution submitted the plans and cost estimates to PH A which reviewed them and indicated approval or disapproval. Upon approval, the home seeker ar ranged for the loan, PH A made the commitment for mortgage insurance and the home seeker executed the proper mortgage papers. As building progressed, PH A made detailed inspections and ultimately gave 23 final approval. The builder played a muted part in the transaction: he was the workman who built the house and ultimately received payments from the proceeds of the insured loan. His only contact with FH A was through the inspectors. In time, the builder began to assume a more ag gressive function. FH A had created a market; he sought to avail himself of its advantages. The builder himself drew the plans, found the lending institution and then the home seeker. His acquired skill enabled him to guide his customer through the paper maze without difficulty. In reality, he was helping achieve the objectives of the Act through a laudable profit motive. He was doing more: he had become an opera tive builder and was availing himself of the benefits of the Act,11 and in order to do so he was acting in concert with the lending institution and with FH A through its proper officials. Under this arrange ment, government and the operative builder were becoming mutually dependent on each other; without mortgage insurance the operative builder could not function to attract the home seeker and without the operative builder government could not pursue its objective unless it substituted a direct subsidy. The next step was forecast: the builder planned a group of homes purely for sales purposes without having the specific buyers in mind or, indeed, with out trying to secure them beforehand. I f he could build houses that he knew would meet FH A specifica irWe shall use the term “ operative builder” to mean a builder who constructs homes for sales purposes. 24 tions and hence would be acceptable to the lending institution because federal mortgage insurance could be secured he could build for the market instead of for the individual. Building costs could be minimized. New problems arose at this juncture because it was imperative that the builder have absolute assurance that his product was acceptable to FH A and hence eligible for mortgage insurance. That problem could be solved, and was, by getting prior FH A approval of all plans, including site selection, financing, lender- mortgagees, purchaser mortgagors and many other governmental controls and standards. It is readily apparent that an ever closer relationship would de velop between builder and FHA. The inter-depend ence between builder and government became ever closer as each needed the other more and more to further his, or its objective. The builder became a co-partnership, or a corporation with a sales force and public relations experts to attract the home seeker. And above all, the builder now built increas ingly for the market, as he put it, that is for the class of persons defined as eligible by the National Housing Act, and eligible for mortgage insurance. And as the builder built for the class, rather than for the individual home seeker he began to institute the exclusionary practices that bottom this law suit— and that without statutory authority which could never have been given because the Constitution would not, and will not, permit it. The activities of the operative builder that we have been discussing continued the seeds of their own ex 25 pansion. It was a step from building a small group of homes to that of developing an entirely new tract containing hundreds of homes and from that to the construction of great new cities, like the Levittowns in the east or Lakewood in Los Angeles county.12 In the matter of the operative builder-defendants in this case, homes which are built for sale under Sec tion 203 of the Act were constructed on an extensive scale. At the time of their construction the PH A Commissioner was authorized by statute to insure an amount equal to 95% of the first $9,000 of F H A ’s appraisal of the value and 75% of the amount in excess of $9,000; he had to require the mortgagor- buyer to pay at least 5%' of the Commissioner’s es timate of cost of acquisition in cash or its equivalent as a down payment; the builder was required to de liver to the purchaser a written statement setting forth the amount of the Commissioner’s appraisal and a warranty that the house conformed to F H A ’s approved plans and specifications. The Commissioner must approve initial charges for the mortgage, ap praisal and inspection fees. It is also statutory dicta tion that so long as the mortgage is insured by PHA, the dwelling may not be sold on credit terms less favorable to the purchaser than those required by PH A and the buyer may not levy a race restriction during the life of the loan. (64 Statutes 68; 68 Stat utes 591, 607, 642; Title 12 CSC A, Sections 1701, 1709, 1715g.) 12These are complete cities, each containing thousands of dwell ings built to meet FHA specifications and sold under FHA mort gage insurance. 26 The Court will recall testimony in this case that operative builders who were before the Court held pre-application discussions with FHA. This is the “ land planning processing” stage and takes the form of inspection and approval of the site by FH A Land Planners and Subdivision Valuators. The purpose of these discussions is to achieve the most desirable land development plan, the most desirable and practical loca tion of streets, lot grades, storm water drainage, san itary sewage lines and the other incidents of sound community planning. A subdivision report is then submitted dealing with streets, grading, landscape, material, lot size and similar items. Following this, mortgagee-lender (the financial institution that will finally furnish the mortgage money) files a formal application for a prior commitment to insure. De tailed plans and specifications, property descrip tions, plot, etc., are submitted. In order for any application to be approved for prior commitment, land planning, proposed plans and specifications, con struction and materials to be used must meet F H A ’s Minimum Property Requirements. At this stage of the proceedings no individual buyer has been secured. Potential buyers are members of the class defined as to eligibility by the Act without reference to race or color. In essence, the operative builder has now ob ligated himself to build houses which meet certain standards set by F H A ; the lending institution has agreed that as individual buyers are produced it will lend them the necessary purchase-money funds on the security of their individual mortgages on indi vidual parcels of property (the so-called “ take out” 27 mortgages) in the tract, and FIT A has agreed that it tvitt insure those mortgages if the borrower meets its eligibility tests. The prime test is that the loan must be “ economically sound” . Assuming approval of the project and subsequent construction, FH A inspectors take over. Their func tion is to make sure that construction proceeds in accordance with the contract documents on the basis of which the commitment was issued. One to four family dwellings are required to have at least three inspections. After completion of construction, the builder is required by statute to certify as to costs. I f the house is constructed under FH A inspection, the builder provides the Y A loan guaranty officer with the required evidence of this fact, in which case Y A compliance inspection becomes unnecessary. (Title 12 U.S.C. 1715r; VA Technical Bulletin 4A-14.) I f all enumerated conditions are met, the mortgage insurance will issue upon F H A ’s approval of the purchaser as to credit. (Mutual Mortgage Insurance, Administrative Buies and Regulations under Section 203 of the ATa- tional Housing Act. Revised 1952 Form 2010, p. 14.) Both FHA and Y A will now process complaints re garding faulty construction within one year of convey ance or initial occupancy. (Title 12 U.S.C. 1701; VA Technical Bulletin 4A-127.) It is hard to conjure up a more rigorous statutory scheme than that devised by the Rational Housing Act and administered by FHA from its approval to final approval of the individual mortgagor. That the builder submits to it is eloquent proof that it prom 28 ises advantages for him. That the Act and FH A impose it is demonstrative of the fact that it promises attainment of the goal of a “ decent home for every American family” . The inter-dependence of govern ment and builder has reached its zenith. Now it is plain beyond the need of argument that the com plementary activities of builder and government have produced houses for sale to members of the class en visioned by the Act itself and sought by the builder. In the face of this rigorous statutory scheme; in spite of the demonstrated inter-dependence of builder and government in producing housing for the mass market and apparently unmindful of the benefits be stowed on the builder by government, the operative builder-defendants in this case maintain that they have complete freedom to decide who may secure benefits of the mortgage insurance system and thus buy this government-builder produced housing, and to discriminate on a racial basis against some mem bers of the very class for whom they have ostensibly built. This Alice-In-Wonderland claim of the right to impose racial discrimination in the selection of pur chasers is predicated on the fact that each of the houses will be sold by the builder in his private capacity to an individual who will execute an in dividual mortgage with the house and land as secu rity to a private lending institution. All that has gone before—the cooperation between government and builder in planning the development, the rigorous re quirements imposed by government as a precondition 29 of the prior commitment without which not a single house would have been produced, the lending institu tion’s agreement to make the mortgage loan, condi tioned as it was on the certain knowledge that it could minimize its risk through the mortgage insurance program, the close cooperation between builder and government conforming the houses to standards set by government, the conformity of the subdivision to the overall county or city planning required by gov ernment, the proviso that FH A must approve the ul timate buyer, the requirements as to down payments and interest rates to be assessed against the buyer- mortgagor-—all these are brushed aside as matters of no consequence. All that will come after-—the fact that government credit stands behind the mortgage insur ance, the requirement against sale on less favorable credit terms, the pledge of government to process com plaints of faulty construction for a year after sale or initial occupancy—all these are relegated into the unimportant. The blind man has seized the elephant’s tail and is telling us that the animal resembles a rope. It is also apparent that the operative builder-de fendants have lost sight of the objectives of the Na tional Housing Act. They have charmed themselves into the pleasant belief that the Act was passed and FH A was constituted to provide them a market for their wares, freed of all social and constitutional re sponsibility, and to minimize the risk of lending in stitutions who may finance the home construction they may undertake. They take it for granted that the power to impose residential segregation—denied by 30 the Constitution to cities, to the courts, and to local housing authorities—has been lodged with them by virtue of a statute, the National Housing Act, enacted pursuant to that same Constitution. Obviously, their claims cry out for close scrutiny. For if these opera tive builder-defendants have their way Congress has but to channel government power into private hands to rob Constitutional guarantees of all vitality. 2. Other Sections of the Act. Our discussion of government-builder relationships has been confined to the relationship that arises under Section 203 of the Act because the housing involved in this action was built under that section. Our dis cussion of relationships that arise under other sec tions of the Act will be short and is inserted here simply for the purpose of illustrating the scope and purpose of the Act, to show how the mortgage insur ance system dovetails into the high public purpose of the legislation and to lay bare the manner in which FH A functions in shaping and directing housing pol icy within the confines of the legislation under which it was established. (a ) Property Im provem ent Loans. The property improvement provisions of the Act were enacted in 1934, at least partially as an “ emer gency” measure but have since come to be highly re garded as a means of adequate maintenance of the nation’s housing. Although the loan for improve ments is insured, no mortgage is required of the householder. (Property Improvement Loans, FH A 31 document FH-20, Aug. 1, 1950.) FH A says of this program that “ . . . the building and allied industries, and the Federal Government combined to assist bor rowers to make eligible improvements to their prop erty . . (b ) Section 8— Building. In operation since 1950, Section 8 was devised to provide cheap homes in outlying areas “ where it is not practicable to obtain conformity with many re quirements essential to the insurance of housing in built-up areas.” (12 USCA 1706c(a).) Some 12,000 homes were built under the program but it has not been widely used. (c ) Section 603— Housing. During the period from 1943 through 1948 the bulk of home mortgages were insured under World War I I provisions of Section 603 of the Act, enacted in 1941 to stimulate building for war workers and revived in 1946 as a program for veterans. A total of almost 700,000 homes were insured under Section 603 which has since expired. Typically, Section 603 homes were built by operative builders for ultimate sale. Vet erans’ preferences were enforced. (d ) Section 611— Construction. The government’s use of the device of mortgage insurance to accomplish a myriad of social objectives is well illustrated by the FH A program under Section 611 which was designed “ to encourage the applica tion of cost reduction techniques through large scale 32 modernized site construction” . Any project for build ing 25 or more single family dwellings by modern on-site construction methods was eligible for mortgage insurance on very liberal terms. Individual dwellings could later be released from the blanket mortgage and sold to individuals who in turn could avail them selves of the individually insured mortgage. (e ) Section 903— Homes. This program was devised in 1951 to relieve the housing situation in critical defense areas. The area must be designated by the president as critical. Mort gage insurance is issued on one or two family units. To be eligible for insurance a mortgage need not be “ economically sound” (the requirement under Sec tion 203) but it is sufficient if the proffered mortgage is “ an acceptable risk in view of the needs of national defense” .13 Credit terms are liberal. The statutory regulatory features of housing built under this sec tion is an almost complete one: Persons engaged in defense had priority to purchase or rent; the prop erty may be held for rent for such time as the Com missioner determines; where properties are held for rent the Commissioner may determine the rental and prescribe operating methods and even prohibit or restrict sale and the mortgagor may not discriminate against families with children on penalty of $500 fine. (12 USCA 1750a(d).) 13This requirement— that the mortgage be an “ acceptable risk”— changes the class from that defined in Section 203 where the loan must be “ economically sound” . 33 ( f ) Section 207— The P ro ject Housing. Housing built under Section 207, and the sections that we will discuss following it, is so-called project housing. The degree of FH A control over this kind of housing is much greater than that exercised under the various sales-housing programs. When Congress set up the mutual mortgage system under Section 203 it created a system of mortgage insurance under Section 207 for rental developments. Together Sec tion 203 and Section 207 constitute the “ permanent” FH A program. There must be at least twelve dwell ing units; the builder must be a “ public corporation” or a “ private corporation publicly regulated” . The statute requires FH A regulation as to “ rents or sales, charges, capital structure, rate and return and meth ods of operation . . . to provide reasonable rentals . . . ” The FH A Commissioner is authorized to hold such stock (not to cost him more than $100) as will render his regulation effective. FH A prescribes the method and manner of bookkeeping and when there is any violation of the terms the Commissioner may oust di rectors and elect his own board. The social purpose is explicit: “ Mortgage insurance under this section is intended to facilitate rental accommodations at rea sonable rents suitable for family living.” (g ) Section 608— Housing. Four-fifths of all project mortgages insured by FH A have been insured under Section 608, a fact traceable to its liberal terms. (Sixth Annual Report, Housing Agency.) As established in 1941, Section 608 provided that “ the property shall be designed for 34 rent for residential use by war workers” and as re vived in 1946 it was said to be designed to give prefer ence to veterans. As in Section 207, the F H A Com missioner is empowered to intervene in corporate af fairs where there is a violation of regulations which are substantially the same as in Section 207. (h ) Section 610— Special Program. Section 610 is a special program whereby FH A mortgage insurance is provided to finance the sale of so-called Greenbelt towns, TY A housing or Lan- ham Act housing. There are the usual veteran prefer ence provisions and power to require that the dwell ings be held for rental. ( i ) Section 908— Liberal Terms. Section 908 complements Section 903 in that it was devised “ in view of the needs of national defense” . The pattern of regulation is substantially the same as that in Section 603 and 608, with the usual stock holding powers vested in the Commissioner. ( j ) W herry M ilitary Housing. The Wherry program originated in 1949 in order to relieve the housing near military installations. Un der this program, the military acquires the land, ap proves the sponsor, draws the original plans and cer tifies to FH A that the installation itself will not be curtailed in the foreseeable future. FH A does not even have to make a determination of acceptable risk. It insures the loan and, as in Section 908, controls the affairs of the corporation as to compliance with 35 its rules and regulations. Insurance is available on a principal amount not exceeding 90% of replace ment cost. (k ) Section 213— Cooperative Housing. Congress deliberated as to this program on the issue of whether to grant direct public loans or to provide for mortgage insurance for private loans. It chose the latter. Housing is of two types: sales and management. In the sales type, a non-profit corpora tion builds the homes for members who take indi vidual title to their homes. In the management type, title remains vested in the corporation and member- stockholders have permanent occupancy rights. FH A is authorized to furnish technical advice and assist ance in organization of the cooperatives, and in the planning, development, construction and operation of their housing projects. The loan may be amortized in 40 years and mortgage insurance will issue on 90% of replacement value. Under the 1956 amendments, insurance will issue for 95% of replacement value where 50% of member-stockholders are veterans. Summary. This rather detailed description of the manner in which F HA and the operative builder complement each other in the case of Section 203 housing (the kind involved in this case) and the thumbnail sketches of its functioning in other housing programs reveals a federal, that is governmental, agency of vast proportions and vast powers. Its regulatory powers vary as the type of housing varies but none 36 can doubt that the mortgage insurance system it oper ates and supervises is an important factor in the housing market. It is time to take a closer look at the scope of the agency’s power and how that power is exerted. P. FHA Regulation and Control. The National Housing Act authorized the estab lishment of a new agency of government in an area in which there was little in the way of experience to serve as guideposts. What Congress wanted was an agency that would, as Senator Fletcher put it, help achieve the objectives of the Act. (78 Cong. Rec. 12013, 1934.) From his statement, it was apparent even then that the destiny of F H A was to be that of the “ prime regulator” of the housing market. It has fulfilled that destiny. FH A has dictated “ the place where housing would be built, at what price and rent ranges, for occupancy by whom, under what tenure, at what standards of construction, in what kind of neighborhoods” . (Siegel, Shirley, The Legal Relationship of FH A to Housing Aided Under Its Various Programs, 1953 unpublished manuscript, New York.) Its very name has passed into our idiom; the term “ F H A housing” has a real meaning in common parlance. Billboards, radio, television, shout the builder’s message that “ FH A housing” is a special kind of housing, stamped with the Great Seal of government approval. F H A ’s minimum Property Requirements have in fluenced the location, planning and development of new subdivisions, and have influenced, even altered, 37 standards of construction and design for the whole industry. (Siegel: Legal Relationships, etc., Supra.) In addition to fostering the single, long term, to tally amortized home mortgage with its low down pay ment and low interest rate, which has become stand ard, FHA, in minimizing risk of loss involved to government and in providing for standardization of mortgage instruments, has created a new liquid in vestment market, national in scope and operation. PH A is also responsible for the trend toward develop ment of large suburban housing projects and toward use of large institutional lenders. The volume of new residential construction, its distribution between renter- and owner-occupied, have also been influenced by PH A. (Richards, How FH A Mortgage Insurance Operates, supra.) “ I f you really want to face the facts about the housing market today, the FH A itself, un der its present regulations, says to the private builder: “You must not sell to families whose income does not allow them to meet your scale o f payments. ’ ’ ’ (95 Cong. Rec. 12268, 1949.) P H A has managed to revolutionize our mortgage credit system, regulate the housing market, and set standards for the home building industry, not only as the result of its effort to achieve express objectives of the National Housing Act, but by enforcement of its Administrative Rules and Regulations and its Minimum Property Requirements—including its Min imum Construction Requirements, which operate as a super building code, and its Minimum Planning Re quirements, which operate as a super zoning code. 38 Contrary to popular belief, FH A does not, as we know, lend money. It insures mortgages. The mort gagee pays an insurance premium of :1/i> of 1% of the original face amount of the mortgage. Thereafter, the mortgagee pays annually ^2 ° f 1% of the average outstanding principal. While this premium is ac tually paid by the mortgageee, in the long run it is paid by the mortgagor as a part of the cost of bor rowing money. The secret of FH A power and control of the housing market is enfolded within this mort gage insurance system. In 1934, when the National Housing Act was passed, the nation was still trying to recover from the worst economic depression in its history. Home construction had declined to an all-time low and mort gage credit was almost completely frozen. (90 Cong. Bee. A2984,1944.) The Act was designed to make home construction possible by facilitating the flow of mort gage credit. {Cong. Bee. 12013-12014,1934.) The device proved so useful that when Congress was confronted with the critical lack of housing for defense workers in W orld W ar II, it utilized the same plan. The same thing happened when there was a need for housing for veterans. (96 Cong. Bee. 3152, 1956.) With respect to all of these programs, Congress has clearly recognized and understood that without government insurance or guarantee, mortgage credit for construction and pur chase of desperately needed housing would not be available. (83 Cong. Bee. 1334, 1938; 87 Cong. Bee. 1544, 1944; Hearings Before Committee on Banking and Currency, 78th Cong. 1st Session, 2, 7, 8, 1943; 39 90 Gong. Rec. A2985, 1947.) As one Congressman put it: “ For more than a decade now the housing in dustry in this country has required Government assistance and intervention for its very existence. Only the tiniest fraction of the volume of housing which has been erected in the past 10 years would have actually been constructed without Govern ment insurance of mortgages, and without the massive governmental support behind the whole mortgage market. “ . . . It is a glaring fact that no practical person can gainsay that few operative builders . . . con duct their businesses with what is properly called private capital . . . The average builder has very little, i f any, risk capital involved in his busi ness; he works with funds which he is able to borrow because the Government has guaranteed the lender against loss . . .” (Rep. Rodino, 95 Gong. Rec. 12268, 1949.) In February, 1955, the Senate Committee on Bank ing and Currency warned that “ to remove the sup port of the FH A mortgage insurance programs from the carrying out of these projects would cause unfair and in some cases calamitous results.” (Senate Report 33, 84th Cong., 1st Session.) Thus the first importance of federal assistance in this case is that without it the operative builders would not be able to obtain the necessary financing for developments of the size that were involved in this lawsuit. As one adverse witness put it in our case, it would be “ virtually impossible” to build de 40 velopments of the size involved “ without FH A assist ance” . One of the basic purposes of the National Housing Act was to introduce reforms in our mortgage proce dure (78 Gong. Bee. 11973, 1934) in order to provide home seekers with a mortgage credit system more realistically designed to meet their needs, and it is for that reason that F H A in the past twenty years has completely revolutionized America’s mortgage credit system. (90 Cong. Bee. A2984-A2985, 1944.) As a result of reforms introduced, the home owner today can get a fully amortized, long-term, low in terest rate single mortgage at the lowest cost in his tory. In place of the old first mortgage representing 50 to 60 per cent of the value, with second and third mortgages at near-usurious interest rates, home own ers today can obtain one loan up to 80 or 90, and in some cases even 95, per cent of the FH A property valuation. Parenthetically, the extent of FH A in volvement in builder activities inheres in the very pro cedures just referred to: it is FH A which sets the valuation. The ratio of loan to valuation— whether 80 or 90 or 95 per cent—is determined toy FH A in accord ance with statutory directive and the same is true as to interest rates with the added feature that FH A may, as it has recently done, raise the interest rate, within statutory limits, for a social purpose, that is to curb inflationary trends. Where the traditional mortgage fell due in three to five or ten years with uncertain and high renewal fees, F H A mortgages are payable in equal monthly 41 installments over a period up to thirty years without the necessity of renewal and without payment of a premium for this privilege. Interest rates have been reduced as a result of F H A action to such an extent that the average home owner can pay for his prop erty, pay the interest, taxes and insurances, often at a lesser amount than he would pay for renting a com parable house. (90 Cong. Bee. A2985, 1944.) In short, “ In financing their home purchases with FH A in sured mortgages borrowers have the satisfaction of knowing that they are buying a home upon a basis that is within their earning power.” (90 Cong. Bee. A2985, 1944.) Thus the second importance of the federal assist ance in this case is that it expands an otherwise lim ited market into a mass market. “ The mass market thus created will be further augmented by the econ omies incident to large scale building operations en couraged under the bill.” (Sen. Beport No. 1300, 75th Cong., 2nd Session, 4, 1937; 96 Cong. Rec. 3154, 1950.) The operative builder’s ability to advertise that a federal agency has approved his development is of inestimable value as an inducement to the buyer who can rely on the fact that the purchase of an PH A insured or Y A guaranteed home meets certain high governmental standards. Mortgage insurance is crucial to the operative builder’s ability to build for the mass market. It is the sine qua non for tract development. The fact of government mortgage insurance pro vided by the statutory congressional scheme and ad 42 ministered by F H A cannot be gainsaid. It exists. It is there. It minimizes risk of loss by the lender and redounds to the builder’s advantage, as was intended, by supplying a ready reservoir of credit which, in essence, guarantees the builder that he can find a market for his product. The sale of mortgage insur ance differs from the sale of a commodity because it involves the assumption of risk by the purveyor. Gov ernment’s role as the purveyor of mortgage insur ance is always recognized but the argument is made that this does not import government involvement because, it is said, the system is an actuarial one in which the mortgagee (in reality the mortgagor-buyer who pays the ultimate cost) is merely purchasing a service at its legitimate cost. The purport of this argument seems to be that there is no government in volvement if government so orders its affairs that the system is run on a sound business basis. The con tention is without merit in light of the social, that is governmental, purposes served and intended to be served by the mortgage insurance system. Govern ment is in the insurance business not to make money but to further the ends of the National Housing Act. In any event, the statement is speculative and may, or may not, stand the test of time. The very idea of mortgage insurance is relatively new and the only body of actuarial standards that exists is that which has been developed by FH A itself since 1934. As of December 31, 1954, F H A ’s various funds had 26% billions of dollars of insurance in force and $390 million in earned surplus. {FHA 43 Statement, No. 55-57, FHA, June 18, 1955.) With re spect to the Mutual Mortgage Insurance Fund, the fund under which housing in our case is insured, a comparatively recent FH A actuarial study purports to show that this particular fund “ attained a balance status” at the end of 1954—a balance status being defined as the time when earned surplus is equal to or larger than the contingent liabilities of the fund. {FHA Statement, No. 55-57, FHA, June 18, 1955.) This means that as of that date, all estimated losses and expenses could have been paid out of the surplus in the event of “ adverse economic conditions of ap proximately depression magnitude were to develop immediately.” (F HA Statement, No. 55-57, FHA, June 18, 1955.) Even this pride-packed statement does not rule out the contingency, always present in FH A operation of the mortgage insurance system, that resort might have to be made to the public treas ury which is the ultimate guarantor of this insurance system. However, there are five mortgage insurance funds —low cost housing, military housing, national de fense housing, war housing and multi-family housing projects—which have not attained a balance status, and as to these funds the contingency of resort to the public treasury is ever present. Laying aside the issue of balance status, however, the crucial consideration demonstrating government involvement is that although FH A operations are in the process of becoming self-sustaining and have re paid to the United States treasury almost all moneys 44 originally advanced by it for initial operation of each of the funds since the beginning of the program—a total of some $65 million dollars (FH A Report, 55-57, FH A, June 18, 1955) the stubborn fact remains that the United States treasury is ultimately liable for repayment to the mortgagee of every penny of the mortgages insured by FHA. “ . . . Under the FH A system, the federal government guarantees to pay any loss which a lender sustains on any FH A insured home mortgage loan. I f an insured loan is defaulted, the FH A takes over the defaulted loan or property and gives the lender F H A debentures in an amount equal to the unpaid balance of the defaulted loan. Those debentures are fully and unconditionally guar anteed, as to payment of both principal and interest, by the United States of America. The appropriate FH A insurance fund, or reserve for losses, is pri marily liable for payment of the debentures, but, if for any reason funds sufficient for the payment of both principal of, and interest on, those debentures are not on hand, the debenture holder simply presents them to the treasury for payment,” (96 Cong. Rec. 3164, 1950.) It is obviously Congressional intent that the risk of loss, the all important feature of insurance, falls on the national government where it must be assumed, and paid, by moneys gathered by the tax collector from all citizen-taxpayers—white, and non-white alike. 45 6. The Congressional Intent. There can be no doubt that Congress conceived of these programs as the means whereby the federal gov ernment could be instrumental in providing moderate income families, veterans and defense workers with homes within their means. In 1937, the Congress said: “ The slum clearance law passed at the last ses sion of Congress is now in active operation and will stimulate the construction of housing by local public authorities for the benefit of those fami lies in the lowest income groups whose housing needs cannot possibly be provided through profit able private enterprise.” “ The present bill, on the other hand, is concerned with housing for the vast number of our families of moderate means . . .” (Senate Report No. 1300, 75th Cong. 1937.) In 1939, it was said that: “ The primary purpose of the act is, of course, to aid the home owner . . .” (84 Cong. Rec. A1432, 1939.) During W orld W ar II, when the FH A mortgage insurance system was being used to provide housing in defense areas, the Housing Administrator told a Congressional hearing that the purpose of legislation under discussion “ is to get houses at a monthly cost these workers can pay” . (.Hearings Before Banking and Currency Committee on H.R. 1726, 78 Cong., 1st Session 14, 1943.) 46 Following the war, Congress again made it clear that it intended the FH A program to be the means by which Veterans could obtain housing: “ . . . Veterans are today America’s greatest asset and most valuable resource . . . Our system must provide for them an opportunity either to buy or rent one of the most basic and essential neces sities of life . . . ” (93 Cong. Bee. 11401-11402, 1947.) Following enactment of the Housing Act of 1949, which provided for the new federal slum clearance and urban redevelopment program and for additional public housing, Congress provided for additional mortgage insurance with this thought in mind: “ . . . we have enacted into law, now, slum clear ance and public housing legislation w7hich pro vides for long range housing programs for those in the $2000 income level and below. Since the year 1946, the private building industry has de voted its effort largely to the higher price home market. This level has been above the reach of many of those in what is known as the middle income group. It was the intention of this com mittee in reporting legislation that wre would try to cover that middle income bracket . . .” (95 Cong. Bee. 12079, 1949.) In reporting the Housing Act of 1954, the Senate Committee reiterated Congress’ consistent intention in continually increasing F H A ’s mortgage insurance authorizations: “ The bill should facilitate and encourage the construction of more and better homes in our cities, suburbs and farm areas for the moderate 47 and low income groups.” (Senate Rep. No. 1472, 83rd Cong. 2nd Session.) There is clearly implied in these statements a high Congressional purpose: that of making homes avail able to all persons who fall within the class defined, on economic bases, by the detailed provisions of the Act. It is the veriest nonsense to argue, or even sug gest, that Congress could have intended, in a Con stitutional sense, to define veterans as “ white veter ans” , or middle income families as “ white middle in come families” , or low income families as “ white low income families” . Congress could not intend what the Constitution forbids. There is no compulsion on any operative builder to avail himself of the provisions of the National Housing Act. He is free to spurn FH A mortgage insurance. He can build where he chooses without paying the slightest heed to the theories of FH A Land Planners and Subdivision Valuators. He can brush aside FH A Minimum Construction Standards at will. He can insist on the traditional 30 or 40 per cent down payment. He can go to the private money market and arrange loans for his buyers at whatever the current interest may be. In short, he can function as a private builder and as such can act as his whim or caprice may dictate. While it is true that state law or policy may still interdict racial discrimination, no constitutional question would arise. The fact that the builder-defendants in our case did not assume this stance of the private builder was not due to accident or inadvertence: their decision to avail themselves of 48 the provisions of the National Housing Act and to use the full machinery of FH A power was a deliber ate choice, designed to secure what they deemed to be, and what are, the advantages that accrue from the choice they made. Having made that choice they cannot escape the responsibilities that devolved on them. As was well said in American Communica tions Association v. Bouds, 39 U.S. 382, 401: “ But power is never without responsibility. When authority derives in part from Govern ment’s thumb on the scales, the exercise of that power by private persons becomes closely akin, in some respects, to its exercise by Government itself. ’ ’ W e do not suppose that even the builder-defendants in this case or their selling agents, the real estate brokers, will contend that government’s thumb was not laid heavily on the scales in the operative builder- defendants’ production of housing for the mass mar ket in Sacramento county. W e do not suppose that even they will contend that the purposes of the Na tional Housing Act did not comprehend plaintiff and the class he represents equally with his white coun terparts. We have now isolated the fundamental issue that undergirds this ease: May the operative builders who produce the needed housing as envisioned by, and which is the objective of, the National Housing Act and who avail themselves of the facilities of FH A in the production of that housing, discriminate against intended Congressional beneficiaries solely on 49 the basis of race, and thus frustrate the desire of the Negro buyer to obtain the advantages of the mortgage insurance system and thus, through that system, ul timately purchase a home offered for sale? OPERATIVE BUILDERS MAY NOT PRACTICE RACIAL DISCRIMINATION. What FIIA has called ‘ ‘ the benefits of the mortgage insurance system” to the individual are so obvious that we will not detail them. The reverse side of that coin is that any person or individual who is denied those benefits suffers tremendous disadvantages. Those benefits range from the low down payment and low interest rate features of the mortgage loan through the community planning that goes into the develop ment of a new tract where homes are built for sale under Section 203 of the Act to the fact that all such homes are required to conform to standards that make them attractive and enhance their value. Nor will we take time here to point to the social consequences that flow from the system of informal residential segregation that results from continued ex clusion of Negroes from the new suburban develop ments. A glance at the map which is in evidence will show the manner in which tract development has grown in the Sacramento area during the past few years. Those developments are closed to Negro occu pancy. Residential segregation in its proper turn fosters growth of a species of segregated public facili ties which are provided for neighborhoods and com munities. 50 A Negro, situated as plaintiff was in this case, also suffers the disadvantage that he may he required to live a long distance from his employment because he is unable to secure a nearby home. It will be recalled that the original purpose of plaintiff in this case was to find a dwelling near McClellan Air Force Base where he is employed. As we have pointed out in detail, Congress has not made federal assistance or subsidies available to indi vidual home seekers. Rather, that assistance has been and is granted to private lenders, developers and builders, and to local public housing agencies. Obvi ously, the objects of Congressional solicitude are not these private persons, or public agencies, per se; they are merely the instruments through which Congress intended to effectuate its policy of providing a ‘ ‘ decent home for every American family” . Whatever benefits are conferred on these persons— and they are consi derable in the case of operative builders—are inciden tal to the realization of the national objective and are held out as inducements, as the quid pro quo, to enlist the cooperation of these builders. Low rent public housing built under applicable sec tions of the National Housing Act is designed for rent to individuals. With the exception of a few spe cial programs, the federal government resigns admin istration of such housing to local public housing agen cies. The class of persons eligible for occupancy of such housing is defined, without reference to race, by the economic attributes of individuals. Where a per son desires to occupy a low rent housing unit he 51 phrases his request in the form of asking the local housing agency to “ rent” him such a unit. That is the common sense view of what he seeks but there is more than that involved in the realization of his objec tive. In a legal sense, what he asks is that the local agency determine his eligibility for such occupancy first and then rent him the unit he seeks if he meets the test of eligibility. The local agency tests his eligi bility by the statutory standards of the Act and by appropriate administrative rules and regulations of Public Housing Administration (P H A ). Where as in the Banks case, supra, the local public housing agency attempted to apply the constitution ally irrelevant test of race to determine eligibility, the applicant filed suit; alleging that the agency had re fused to rent her the unit because it had applied the racial test. In that case she prevailed. The practical effect of her victory was that she was able to rent the unit. However, what the Court did in the case was to require the local agency to subject Banks’ appli cation “ to the same rules, regulations and preferences applicable to other applicants, without regard to race or color.” (Banks v. Housing Authority, supra.) The judgment was cast in that form because the applicant could not rent the unit unless and until he had met, and passed, the initial test of eligibility. Thus it is apparent that the Negro’s right to rent a low rent public housing unit was in turn dependent on his right to have the opportunity to be measured by the same eligibility standards as were applied to other mem bers of the class defined by the National Housing Act. 52 The “ rights,” it is now plain, are hut reverse sides of the same coin. The ultimate end sought in the Banks case was that of occupancy but the constitutional issue involved was that of whether or not race was a relevant factor which might be weighed by the local housing agency in making the initial determination of eligibility. Inherent in the case at bar is a constitutional issue of the same import and magnitude. Housing built for sale under Section 203 of the National Housing Act is built for sale to individuals. When a person, situ ated as was the plaintiff in this case and as are those on whose behalf he sues, desires to secure one of the dwellings built under Section 203 he phrases his de sire in the form of requesting the operative builder, or the builder’s agent, to sell him the unit, just as the prospective tenant had asked the local public housing agency to rent him a public housing unit. That, too, is the common sense view of what the prospective buyer seeks. In the case of low rent public housing, the request to rent is addressed to the local public housing agency; in the case of housing built for sale under Section 203 of the Act the request to sell is addressed to the opera tive builder or his selling agent. In each instance, the person to whom the request is addressed is clothed with the power, and with the ostensible authority, to grant or deny the request contingent on the deter mination of eligibility. The effect of the Banks case was to strip the local housing agency of the authority 53 it had asserted to subject the applicant to a racial test as to his eligibility and thus thwart his intention to rent a housing unit. Here the defendants assert the authority (claimed by them to be an absolute right) to deny plaintiff’s request that they sell him a housing unit under the mortgage insurance system. The defendants seem to be refusing to sell plaintiff a commodity, just as the innkeeper in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, re fused to sell food to a Negro, and they assert the same constitutional privilege to do so. That assertion of authority rests on defendants’ claim that they have a right to choose their buyers on racial grounds, in the absence of statutory prohibition. W e must examine that claim. As we have demonstrated, Congress has decided that the most effective way to achieve its objective of making housing available to middle income families is through the statutory device of mortgage insurance administered by an arm of federal government: Fed eral Housing Administration. Once that system was devised, the Negro home seeker who was situated as was the plaintiff in this case and who wanted to buy a home on terms of equality with other Americans similarly situated, could do so only if he was afforded equality of opportunity to qualify for mortgage insur ance. Thus when plaintiff asked defendants to sell him a dwelling he was in reality asking that a deter mination be first made as to his eligibility for mort gage insurance which is the sine qua non for home purchase under his circumstances. 54 The evidence in this case shows that qualification for mortgage insurance as a requisite for the pur chase of the kind of housing involved here is a three- step process: (1) The prospective buyer first asks the operative builder to sell him a house and, in the case of white persons, the builder takes an application which contains complete credit information; (2) the builder then refers the application together with the pertinent credit information to the lender who decides whether or not the loan is “ economically sound” as that term is used in the National Housing Act and interpreted by FHA and (3) the lender then passes the pertinent papers to the FH A which makes its own independent determination as to whether or not the loan is “ economically sound” . I f the builder takes the application and submits it to the lender and if the lender finds the loan is “ eco nomically sound” and if FH A also finds the loan is “ economically sound” the escrow is opened and the sale is consummated. The builder can abort the pro posed sale; the lender can thwart it, or FH A can stymie it. The builder is now seen to be the keeper of the gate and unless he unlocks it the prospective buyer can never secure a determination as to his eli gibility for mortgage insurance. In other words, the prospective buyer’s desire for ownership of one of the dwellings through the device of mortgage insur ance can never be realized unless the builder takes the application and sets the machinery for determining eligibility in motion. Thus in the first stage of the prospective buyer’s attempt to utilize the benefits of mortgage insurance 55 the defendants were clothed with the same kind of power as that vested in the local public housing agency in the Banks case: the power to frustrate the intention of plaintiff to secure a home they offered for sale through the provisions of the National Hous ing Act establishing the mortgage insurance system. Defendants in this case exercised the power momen tarily vested in them in the same manner and for the same reasons the local agency exercised comparable power in the Banks case. They applied a racial test, refused to take plaintiff’s application on that ground and thus foreclosed his opportunity to secure the home he wanted. They simply refused to apply to him “ the same rules, regulations and preferences applicable” to a white applicant who had every single one of his economic attributes. The evidence in this case admits of no interpretation other than that if plaintiff had been given the opportunity to qualify he would have met the tests imposed for eligibility for mortgage in surance. The issue that emerges is that of whether or not the defendants had the constitutional authority to im pose the racial test that frustrated plaintiff at the outset o f his attempt to qualify for mortgage insur ance. It is quite apparent now that just as the local hous ing agency did more than refuse to rent a housing unit in the Banks case so the defendants in this case did more than refuse to sell plaintiff a dwelling. The analogy between the operative builder-owner’s posi tion in respect of housing of the kind that concerns us here and the position of the innkeeper is seen to 56 be a false one. The refusal to rent in the Banks case and the refusal of defendants to sell a dwelling to plaintiff each comprehended an assertion of author ity to abort the rental or sale of a home, as the case might be, by adding a racial test to federal statutory and regulatory procedure designed to determine eli gibility of the individual to avail himself of a benefit extended by federal statute. This does not solve our problem but it does narrow our question which now appears in this form : Are the capacities of the build ers on one hand and local public housing agencies on the other so different, in a constitutional sense, that the builder may assert the authority to engage in racially discriminatory conduct which is denied in a comparable situation to the local housing agency? As we have shown, housing built for sale under Sec tion 203 of the National Housing Act is constructed under elaborate statutory directives and administra tive rules and regulations prescribed to fit the con- cededly valid notions of federal officials as to the kind and type of housing that conforms to the Congres sional standard of a “ decent home” . W e have pointed out that it is if, and only if, the housing is built to FH A specifications that FH A will insure the loan for the buyer, that is extend the benefits of the Congres- sionally devised, and federally administered, mort gage insurance system to the buyer. The class of persons eligible for this mortgage in surance is defined effectively, even if indirectly, in the case of housing built under Section 203 of the Act14 by 14See FH A Manual. 57 the provision that the loan must be “ economically sound” . Those words are words of art because, in the parlance of the market place, they mean that the applicant mortgagor must have a good credit rating, must be able to make the down payment prescribed by the statute and must show ability to meet monthly installment payments. When he meets those qualifica tions he belongs to the class. The original judgment is made by the lender; the final decision is reserved for FH A which thus applies Congressional intent to a determination of the class. Plainly, an individual, and not a racial determination is required. FH A pre scribes such a determination: “ Underwriting considerations shall recognize the right to equality of opportunity to receive the benefits of the mortgage insurance system in ob taining adequate housing accommodations irre spective of race, color, creed or national origin.” (Section 242, Underwriting Manual, Federal Housing Administration.) W e do not understand defendants in this case to claim that they are coerced by FH A into refusing to plaintiff the opportunity to avail himself of what FH A describes as “ benefits of the mortgage insurance system” or that it could do so. Nor do we understand defendants to claim that FH A would have withheld its approval o f mortgage insurance for plaintiff on the basis of race as they did. The harsh truth is that the decision to deprive plaintiff of the “ benefits of the mortgage insurance system” was exercised by defendants when they re 58 fused to take the initial and indispensable step of accepting his application and submitting it to the lender. They couched that decision in the form of refusing to sell housing to plaintiff because of his race. The substance of their action was to deny plain tiff the opportunity to avail himself of “ the benefits of the mortgage insurance system” provided by Con gress to benefit the very class of which he is a mem ber by statutory and regulatory definition. It is only because defendants are intrigued by the form in which their denials were cast and because they neg lect substance of what they did that they advance the sham claim that theirs was a mere exercise of a pri vate privilege to choose their buyers at will. At this point, defendants seemed to interject the contention that the lender would not have accepted plaintiff as a mortgagor in any event. That conten tion impales them on the horns of a dilemma. Either they are admitting the very discrimination they denied so vociferously at the trial and are saying that their culpability must be excused because of the speculative dereliction of the lender or they are advancing the claim that concerted discrimination with the lender relieves them of responsibility. In any event, Con gress foresaw, and forestalled, that excuse. The Housing Act of 1954 established the Voluntary Home Mortgage Credit Program (42 TT.S.C.A. 687) which makes credit available to members of minority groups where such credit is denied by discriminatory lenders. It is comparable to California’s assigned risk plan in the case of automobile insurance. Where a 59 prospective buyer is denied credit for racial reasons he applies to the Program which finds a lender if the loan is “ economically sound” . Either the builder or the prospective buyer may avail himself of the Pro gram but where, as here, the builder refuses out of hand to take the application of the Negro there is no basis upon which an appeal to the Program can be made. The question that confronts this Court has been narrowed still further: Does the operative builder in this case have the constitutional authority to clog plaintiff’s undisputed right to claim the benefits of the mortgage insurance system, and thus ultimately defeat plaintiff’s opportunity to buy one of the homes offered for sale by defendants, through a refusal to perform the indispensable act of taking plaintiff’s application for the purchase of one of those homes when that refusal is based solely on plaintiff’s race? The answer to that question dictates an inquiry into the reach of Constitutional restraints on discrimina tory conduct. At trial, the defendants appeared to say that even if particular operative builders excluded plaintiff from the benefits of the mortgage insurance system in the particular instances of housing owned by them he was not damaged because he could secure such bene fits in other instances. The contention is unsound. Of course, plaintiff, and others similarly situated, could find an individual lot, secure a contractor, ar range a mortgage loan and ultimately get benefits of the mortgage insurance system provided they met eli 60 gibility tests. Or, as appeared at the trial, he could make an application to one of the two or three “ inter racial projects” which were adverted to. The Constitutional infirmity in defendants’ conten tion is that it neglects both reality and the character of Constitutional guarantees. The reality is that the individual home seeker forced to find his owm lot will not get the economic advantages that flow from mass production techniques. ISTor will he be able to secure for himself the advantage of living in a new com munity with all of the land-planning and community zoning that goes into a community such as North Highlands, for example. Furthermore, housing is sui generis and selection of a home is a highly individual and many times whimsical act, based on the personal predilections of the buyer. He who wants Blackacre will have none of Whiteacre and will spurn Green- acre. North Highlands is not Glen Elder, and vice versa. Of overweening importance is the fact that denial of a Constitutional right by A can never be excused on the ground that the same right may be granted by B, or by A in another instance. (Banks v. Housing Authority, 120 Cal. App. 2d 1, and cases cited.) In the Banks case the local agency did not exclude the plaintiff from all housing. It tried to confine his selection to certain developments. The right vindi cated there was the right to have eligibility determined as to all available housing without reference to race. Plaintiff’s right in this case is the right to have the benefits of the mortgage insurance system in the case 61 of housing on terms of equality with other citizens. That equality is lacking where he is denied access to any parcel on the basis of his race or color. Defend ants cannot escape their responsibility by the facile claim that other persons or builders will accord plain tiff the rights they deny him, or that they might do so in other suppositious instances. Because the National Housing Act is federal, rather than state, legislation the Fifth Amendment, not the Fourteenth, must be looked to as the source o f our claim that there is a Constitutional command for equality of treatment under the Act. The issue is not difficult. As said by Chief Justice Warren in Bolling v. Sharpe, supra: “ The Fifth Amendment . . . does not contain an equal protection clause as does the Fourteenth Amendment which applies only to states. But the concept of equal protection and due process, both stemming from our American ideal of fairness, are not mutually exclusive. The ‘ equal protec tion of the laws’ is a more explicit safeguard of prohibited unfairness than ‘ due process’ and, therefore, we do not imply that the two are in terchangeable phrases. But, as this Court has recognized, discrimination may be so unjustifiable as to be violative of due process.” That assertion was made in the school segregation cases, following the application of the same doc trine in Hurd v. Hodge, supra, the race restric tion case arising in the District of Columbia. Its announcement in those comparable situations makes it clearly applicable here. A right deriving 62 from the Federal Constitution may he vindicated in a state court. See: Mooney v. Holohan, 294 U.S. 103; Betts v. Easley, 161 Kan. 460. Of course, it has been said many times that the Con stitution proscribes state action rather than indi vidual action and that is as true under the Fifth as under the Fourteenth Amendment: Graham v. Broth erhood, 338 U.S. 232. A t the outset we want to make it plain that we are not here concerned with the ques tion of whether or not the individual property owner may discriminate in the choice of a buyer on racial grounds. However, there are distinct limitations even in that case. The seller, in that instance, must work the racial discrimination “ unsupported by State au thority in the shape of laws, customs or judicial or executive proceedings” and without “ invoking the action of state officers, executive or judicial” and with out dependence on “ some shield of state authority” . Those quotations repeat the restraints imposed in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, 15, which is always pointed to by lawyers as protecting what they like to call the “ right” of the private individual to discri minate at his own whim. The fact of the matter is that there is no federally protected “ right” to discriminate. At best it is a mere privilege that may be curtailed by the federal or state government at will. California has abolished the privilege in the case of innkeepers in Sections 51 and 52 of the Civil Code and in other instances. Other states have done it in the case of the now fam iliar fair employment practices statutes and their ac 63 tion has been upheld: Railway Mail, etc., v. Corsi, 326 U.S. 88. President Eisenhower has done it in the case of contractors furnishing goods or services to govern ment through an executive order establishing the Con tracts Compliance Committee. The concept of state action is not a static one. As a matter of fact, the courts have never been able to establish any fundamental distinction between ‘ pub lic ’ and ‘ private’ agencies. That which has generally been considered to be ‘public’ is ‘ public’ and that which is generally considered to be ‘private’ is ‘ pri vate’. (24 Oregon Law Review 227.) The interwined and inter-dependent activities of builders and FH A officials in our case is an almost classic example of the manner in which expanding governmental activ ities tend to blur the distinctions between private ac tion and state action. Discriminatory action under “ color of state law” is forbidden and the concept of “ color of law” is by no means limited to action of state officials, qua officials, or to persons specifically authorized by state law or persons acting pursuant to state law. The scope of this concept includes wrongful acts of individuals, corporations or officials other than state officials which are supported in “ some way by the State” , or “ done under State authority” or “ pro tected in these wrongful acts by some shield of State law or State authority” . Civil Rights Case, supra; Shelly v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1. It includes such acts when they are in fact a part of the state function. Smith v. Allwright, 321 U.S. 649; Rice v. Elmore, 165 64 Fed. 2d 387, cert, denied, 333 U.S. 875; K err v. Enoch Pratt Library, 149 Fed. 2d 212; or are permitted or condoned by the state in connection with such func tion. Terry v. Adams, 345 U.S. 461. It includes wrongful acts committed in connection with property merely leased from the state. Muir v. Louisville, 347 U.S. 971, reversing 202 Fed. 2d 275; Department of Conservation v. Tate, 231 Fed. 2d 615. It includes wrongful acts coerced by the state, Barrows v. Jack- son, 346 U.S. 249, affirming Barrows v. Jackson, 112 C.A. 2d 534; Truax v. Raich, 239 U.S. 33; or which are aided or abetted by the state, Valle v. Stengel, 176 Fed. 2d 697, or which result from a conspiracy with state officials, PicLering v. Penn, 151 Fed. 2d 240; Condra v. Twslie & Clay Coal Co., 101 Fed. Supp. 774. These cases demonstrate that the criterion for de termining governmental action is not whether the individual concerned—the operative builders and their agents in our case—is denominated a state employee or officer. Rather, the criterion is whether he is per forming a function which is clearly governmental, or his activities are governed and controlled by govern ment to such an extent that their private character, disappears and becomes merged with the interest of the state. Government has chosen the operative builder as one of the instrumentalities to further the objectives of the National Housing Act, One of the functions he performs is that of accepting and submitting to the lender the applications for purchase of housing, the first step in the three-step process o f determining eli 65 gibility for mortgage insurance. His failure to accept or submit such an application on the basis of the ap plicant’s race is a wrongful act because he thereby frustrates the applicant’s right to secure the benefits o f the mortgage insurance system. I f he is “ protected in this wrongful act by some shield of State law or State authority” (Civil Rights Cases, supra) the Fifth Amendment is invoked because the “ shielding” of the act becomes, for constitutional purposes, the act of the state and hence interdicted. Government would “ shield” that act by its authority if it com pleted the discrimination which he had activated and thus ultimately connived at the denial of the benefits of the mortgage system. But the Constitutional com mand of equality voiced by the Fifth Amendment in tervenes at this point. Because he is attempting to use the “ shield of State law and State authority” for the accomplishment of his discriminatory purpose the operative builder is stripped of the privilege he might otherwise claim to accomplish that purpose. He loses no personal privilege by this intervention of the Con stitution because, as we have pointed out, he can sim ply forego building activity under the National Hous ing Act and forswear the use of mortgage insurance in favor of conventional building operations where he will be unhampered by Constitutional restraints of the kind under discussion. The application of the principles we have just enun ciated is sufficient to dictate a judgment in plain tiff’s favor. There are other considerations that are equally determinative. 66 As we have shown, the power of the operative builder to further, or frustrate, the desire of the pro spective buyer to avail himself o f the benefits of the mortgage insurance system is at full flower at the point where the application for purchase is made to the builder. It was at that point that the builder in our case assumed the authority to thwart plaintiff’s intentions by refusing to take the application. That power was thrust into the builder’s hands by the statutory scheme of the National Housing Act and the administrative devices of FIIA. But power is never without responsibility. And when that power is entrusted in the private individual by government its exercise must conform to constitutional standards. The individual so situated may not discriminate on racial grounds. Illustrative of this Constitutional principle is the situation that is canvassed in American Communica tions Ass’n v. Douds, 339 IT.S. 382. Congress required a loyalty oath from officials of unions which desired to take advantage of the provisions of the National Labor Relations Act and to use the facilities of the National Labor Relations Board. The union, point ing out that it was a private organization, protested that Congress could not ‘ ‘ exert these pressures upon labor unions to deny positions of leadership to certain persons.” It asserted the right to continue use of facilities of the Labor Board even it its officers re fused to take the oath. The Court pointed out that the use of the facilities of the Labor Board vested the union with certain power it would not otherwise have had in the area of its functioning and said: 67 ••'But power is never without responsibility. When authority derives in part from Govern ment’s thumb on the scales the exercise of that power becomes closely akin, in some respects, to its exercise by Government itself.” The Court’s ultimate holding in the case was that be cause of “ Government’s thumb on the scales” , that is because the union was availing itself of the statutory scheme of the Labor Act and the facilities of the Labor Board, it could not claim for its officers unre stricted freedom of speech. The Court added: “ W e do not suggest that labor unions which utilize the facilities of the National Labor Rela tions Board become government agents as such. But it is plain that with powers comparable to those possessed by a legislative body both to create and restrict the rights of those whom it represents the public interest in the good faith exercise of that power is very great.” (Italics ours.) Congress, it was decided by that case, could intervene in the affairs of a private organization if that organi zation used the facilities of a Federal administrative agency. The American Communications case was followed by Byres v. Oil Workers Union, 350 U.S. 892 (1955). In that case Negro members complained that the union had entered into a contract with the employer which discriminated against them on racial grounds. The district Court dismissed the complaint on the ground that the dispute was a mere private affair. The Court of Appeals affirmed the dismissal in 223 68 Fed. 2d 739. On certiorari the Supreme Court re versed in a per curiam opinion which relies on cases (to be discussed later) which hold that unions that “ enjoy the advantages of the Railway Labor A ct” are subject to Constitutional restraints against racial discrimination. When the American Communications Ass’n and the Syres cases are collated it is ap parent that (1) Congress may be statute intervene in the purely private affairs of the union which “ utilizes the facilities of the Rational Labor Relations Board” and that (2) such a union may not practice racial dis crimination in the context of the activities performed under the federal statute. These restrictions on the private organization are not imposed because it is a “ government agent as such” but because “ the author ity derives in part” —not wholly but in part—from Government’s thumb on the scales. It is more than apparent that Government’s thumb is on the scales in the case of the construction of homes for sale under Section 203 of the Rational Housing Act. LHA lays that thumb on the scales in its administration of the mortgage insurance system. The practical effect of the mortgage insurance system is to make credit available to the operative builder for initial construction. Of course, that credit is an im portant factor in his highly proper profit making ac tivity. It is well to recall here that one of the defend ants testified that home building activities of the kind involved here would be “ virtually impossible” without the assistance offered through the Rational Housing Act and FHA. Government presses its thumb on the 69 scale throughout the planning stage through the serv ices of land planners and subdivision valuators. The mortgage insurance system makes mass production of homes possible with its concomitant savings, and similar advantages, to the operative builder. The pool of prospective buyers is enormously expanded by the low down payment and low interest rates of the mort gage insurance system. The pledge of government credit stands behind the loan until it is finally paid. The very fact that builders have flocked to take ad vantage of provisions of the National Housing Act and FH A services is eloquent testimony of the advan tages they offer them. The short of the matter is that from the time a particular tract is conceived until it goes on the market the activities of FH A redound to the advantage of the operative builder and he recog nizes, and capitalizes on, that fact by proudly an nouncing that he has “ F H A ” homes for sale. The National Labor Relations Act and the National Labor Relations Board offer no more advantages to the union, in its sphere, than the National Housing Act and Federal Housing Administration offer to the operative builder in his functioning. Gfovernment’s thumb on the scale advantages the builder and government also momentarily vests in him the power to make an initial determination as to whether or not a prospective buyer may secure the benefits of the mortgage insurance system. He has the power to accept, or reject, the application for purchase of a home of the kind involved in this case. I f he ac cepts it the prospective buyer has the opportunity to 70 qualify for mortgage insurance; if he rejects it the prospective buyer is frustrated. With that great power goes great responsibility. When it is exercised as the defendants have exercised it in Sacramento county it vests in them the authority to impose racial residential segregation—an authority denied to the legislature by Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60; to the courts by Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, and to administrative agencies by Banks v. Housing 'Authority, 120 Cal. App. 2d 1. Exercised in the manner they claim is proper it gives defendants the authority to create a non-statutory class of persons composed of plaintiff and those for whem he sues and exclude them from the benefits of the mortgage insurance system insofar as their particular housing is concerned. Moreover, authority exercised in the manner which they claim as their right vests in defendants the power to dis criminate against Negro members of the very class defined by Congress as eligible for mortgage insur ance. Neither Congress nor the state legislature nor any administrative officer of local, state or federal gov ernment could engage in the racially discriminatory conduct indulged in by the defendants. And while it is true that defendants are not “ government agents as such” it is just as evident that in the context of their activities in reference to home building under Section 203 of the National Housing Act and in refer ence to FH A they possess what were described in the American Communications case as “ powers compar able” to those possessed by administrative agencies of 71 government. They possess those “ comparable powers” by virtue of Federal statute and by virtue of their use of the facilities of FHA. Situated as they are in that respect defendants cannot exercise their authority to deprive plaintiff of the benefits of the mortgage insur ance system. The restraint thus imposed is particu larly appropriate because “ Distinctions based on color or ancestry are utterly inconsistent with our tradi tions and ideals” (Murphy, J., concurring in Hira- bayashi v. United States, 320 U.S. 81, 110) and be cause the Constitutional interdiction of discrimina tion is “ reduced to a concrete statutory command when cases involve race or color which is wanting in every other case of alleged discrimination.” (Railway Mail Handlers v. Cor si, supra.) The remedy sought by plaintiff in this case is also dictated by the holdings of the United States Supreme Court in a series of decisions involving the attempts of railroad unions and carriers to discriminate against Negro employees. Carriers and unions alike were sub ject to provisions of the Railway Labor Act and used the facilities of the Railway Labor Board. The first of these cases was Steele v. L <& N Railroad Go., 323 U.S. 192. There the union which was the statutory bargaining agent for Steele, a Negro, entered into a contract which had the effect of excluding Negroes from certain jobs. He sued the carrier to restrain it from enforcing the contract. The Court granted re lief, saying: “ W e think the Railway Labor Act imposes upon a statutory representative of the craft at least 72 as exacting a duty to protect equally its members as the Constitution imposes upon a legislature to give equal protection to the interests of those for whom it legislates.” The Court predicated its decision upon the fact that Congress could not have intended, in a constitutional sense, to give the union the privilege of discrimina tion. I f Congress had so intended, the Court said, Constitutional questions would at once have arisen. In his concurrence, Justice Murphy said that the case invoked the protection of the Fifth Amendment. The rationale of the Steele case is that where Con gress vests what amounts to legislative authority in a group of persons that authority must be exercised within the Constitutional framework of equal protec tion and due process. Applied to the case at bar, the Steele case teaches us that Congress is restrained by the Fifth Amendment from intending a discrimina tory purpose in its legislative enactments and that a private organization, or individual, is stripped of his privilege of exercising racial discrimination within the context of activities in which his power to act flows from federal statutes. In our case, the defendants are exercising the power to accept or reject applicants who seek to avail themselves of the benefits of the mortgage insurance system. Their power to perform that function flows from the National Housing Act and from their use of FH A facilities. Under those circumstances they are performing a function compar able to that performed by an administrative officer of government. The same duty not to discriminate on a 73 racial basis is levied on tliem as is exacted of the state officer. In the terms of our case, the defendants can no more impose a racial test and thus deny plain tiff the benefits of the mortgage insurance system than the local public housing agency in the Banks case could impose a like racial test and deny the applicant the benefits o f public housing legislation. The Steele case was followed by Tunstall v. Broth e rh o o d 323 U.S. 210, which also involved a discrimi natory agreement between the union and the carrier. The defendant was the union itself which was also TunstalPs statutory bargaining agent. Essentially the same relief was given as in the Steele case. The Court added that the right claimed by Tunstall to be free from discrimination was a “ federal right implied from the statute” —in that case the Railway Labor Act. The case is important here because it recognizes and underscores the claim plaintiff makes in the case at bar that his right to be free from racial discrimi nation in seeking to secure the benefits of the mort gage insurance system is a “ federal right implied from the statute” — in his case the National Housing Act. Plaintiff here is entitled to the same judicial protection as that afforded Tunstall. The latest in the series of railroad cases is Railway Trainmen v. Howard, 343 U.S. 768 (1952). The case differs from the prior cases because the defendant union was not Howard’s statutory bargaining agent and on the surface of the matter owed him no duty whatever. In fact, Howard was a member of another union. The carrier and the defendant brakemen’s 74 union entered into an agreement under which the jobs formerly held by porters were given to the brakemen and the porters were notified that they would be dis charged. Howard was a porter. He sued to enjoin the 'brakemen’s union from accomplishing the terms of the contract and relief was ordered by the Supreme Court which said: “ Bargaining agents who enjoy the advantages of the Railway Labor Act must execute their trust without lawless invasion of the rights of others.” The District Court was ordered to “ enjoin petition ing union from the use of contract or any other simi lar bargaining device to oust Negro train porters” . Justice Minton entered a vigorous dissent in which he correctly pointed out that Howard had been “ dis criminated against by the carrier at the behest of the Brotherhood” and added that he did not “ under stand that private parties may not discriminate on the grounds of race.” His dissent points up the fact that the brakemen’s union was a private organiza tion and that it was not the statutory or voluntary bargaining agent of the train porters. It owed no duty to Howard as an individual. It was prohibited from discriminating against Howard and other Ne groes solely because it “ enjoyed the benefits of the Railway Labor A ct” . That enjoyment was described by the Court as “ a trust” and the rationale of the case is that where power is thrust into the hands of a private person or organization that power cannot be used to effect a “ lawless invasion of the rights of others” —the lawless invasion in that case being the 75 attempt to discriminate on racial grounds against train porters. In the case at bar, the defendants who owe no duty to plaintiff as an individual but who “ enjoy the advantages” of the National Housing Act and who use the facilities of FH A cannot effect “ a lawless invasion” of the right of plaintiff to secure advantages of the mortgage insurance system. The Syres case, which we have previously discussed, relied on the Steele, Tunstall and Howard cases as authorities, and the Supreme Court thought that the principles enunciated in those cases were so firmly established that a per curiam opinion was all that was necessary. When these cases are read in chronological order and construed together it is apparent that they evidence a growing awareness on the part of the courts that (1) private organizations or individuals are not exempt from constitutional prohibitions against racial discrimination merely because they are private but that in each instance an inquiry must be made into the function they perform in relation to government; (2) that when a private organization or individual is entrusted by government with power “ comparable” to that exercised by the legislative, ju dicial or executive branches of government the pri vate organization or individual can no more indulge in racially discriminatory conduct than the comparable branch of government ; (3) that whenever a private organization or individual “ enjoys the advantages” of a Federal statute he is a trustee for government power and must “ execute (that) trust without law less invasion of the rights of others” , and that indul 76 gence in racial discrimination is “ a lawless invasion” of the rights of the Negro and (4) that the Courts will enjoin attempts of private organizations and individuals to impose racial discrimination under the conditions just set forth. In the case of labor relations, Congress decided to effectuate its purposes through application of stat utes to labor unions and employers. Those statutes provided administrative facilities of the Railway La bor Board and the National Labor Relations Board which were designed to further the purposes of the legislation. It was motivated by what it determined were sound governmental objectives. The ultimate objects of its solicitude were the individual workmen and employers affected. Choice of labor unions and employers as the instrumentalities through which Congress decided to implement its policy-objectives was the obvious expedient in the field of employee- employer relations. In the case of housing, Congress decided to effec tuate its purposes through application of the Na tional Housing Act to individual, and corporate build ers and local public housing agencies. That statute provides the administrative facilities of FHA, in the instance of housing designed for sale, and of P H A in the case of housing designed for rental to low in come families. Here, too, Congress was motivated by what it determined were sound governmental ob jectives, and the ultimate objects of its solicitude were the individuals eligible for housing. Choice of individual and corporate builders and local public 77 housing agencies is an expedient that was within Con gressional discretion in the field of housing. Thus when the parallel of purpose between the labor statutes and the housing statutes is examined and the comparability of administrative agencies is noted it becomes evident that the constitutional prin ciples developed in the labor cases are applicable in this case. The conclusion is inescapable that private persons or organizations who “ enjoy the advantages” of the National Housing Act and who “ use the facili ties” of FHA without bowing to the Constitutional mandate against racial discrimination. THE CONSPIRACY. The classic definition of conspiracy is that it is a combination or agreement by two or more persons to accomplish some unlawful purpose, or to accom plish a lawful purpose by unlawful means. 8 Holds- worth, History of English Law (1926) 381. The ele ments of an action for civil conspiracy are: (1) The agreement or combination (formation of the conspiracy). (2) An overt act (operation of the conspiracy), and (3) Damage or injury to plaintiff resulting from acts in furtherance of the common design. Mox, Inc., v. Woods, 202 Cal. 675. Once the existence of the conspiracy is established, each member thereof is liable for all acts done by 78 each co-conspirator in furtherance of the common plan, even though he commits no unlawful act per sonally, and in no way reaps any benefit from the conspiracy. Mox, Inc., v. Woods, Supra. Evidence of the acts and admissions of every conspirator may be introduced at the trial to bind the others. Mox, Inc., v. Woods, Supra; Zellerbach v. Allenberg, 99 Cal. 57; People v. Curtis, 106 Cal. App. 2d 321; People v. Steccone, 36 Cal. 2d 234. It is submitted that every element of civil conspir acy has been proved by plaintiff. He has shown by the Code of Ethics of the National Association of Real Estate Boards, by which code all members of the Sacramento Real Estate Board are bound, that at least up until the year 1950 an agreement did in fact exist between Board members not to be instrumental in introducing certain races or nationalities into neighborhoods where they had not previously lived. The by-laws of the Board are in evidence, and in addi tion to showing qualifications for membership, they are also competent to show the nature of the associa tion. People v. Sacramento Butchers’ Protective As- sociation, 12 Cal. App. 471. While it is true that in 1950 the language of the Code of Ethics of the Board was modified to eliminate direct reference to race or nationality, it does not fol low from this that the conduct of the Board or its members changed thereafter. In fact, the evidence is that the defendant Board members follow the same racial policy now as they did prior to 1950. None of them offered evidence to show any change of 79 policy. The only inference the Court can draw from this is that there has been no change, and that the modification of the language of the Code of Ethics represents nothing more than verbal camouflage to hide a still existing evil purpose. It was ineumbent upon defendants to show that the conspiracy or agree ment relative to racial exclusion which admittedly existed up to 1950 ceased in that year. F.T.C. v. Ce ment Institute, 333 U.S. 683, 704. The time at which a conspiracy began and the termination date are fact questions. People v. Kyneete, 15 Cal. 2d 731. Proof of the existence of a conspiracy in this case was also shown by the fact that the evidence sup ports the inference that defendants followed a con sciously parallel course of action in their policy of excluding Negroes from the housing in question. It is true that each defendant denied that he excluded Negroes, or that he knew of others who did, but the Court does not have to accept this testimony as the truth. Since none of the defendants ever made initial sales in their subdivisions to a Negro, and since there were many such persons ready, willing and able to purchase the housing, it is not reasonable to believe that a policy of racial exclusion did not exist. Mil- gram v. Loew’s, 192 Fed. 2d 579, 583; Theater En terprises v. Paramount, 346 U.S. 537, 540. Throughout the trial it seemed to be defendants’ theory that plaintiff had to show “ official action” , or that the defendants got together and drew in blue print form their common plan, scheme or design. This is obviously not the law. Conspiracies are almost uni 80 versally proved by circumstantial evidence. People v. Campbell, 123 Cal. App. 2d 262. It is submitted that proof of the existence and discriminatory character of the Code of Ethics of the Board, together with the fact that no initial sales of subdivision housing was made to Negroes is suffi cient to prove the conspiracy. When we add to this the letter from Board member, Eugene Williams, to Board member Tom Kiernan urging exclusion of “ inharmonious groups” from a certain community, we have a specific act pursuant to the conspiracy. This letter, dated 1953, shows that no change of racial policy was made by Board members after 1950. This letter binds every member of the conspiracy to the same extent as if he had written it himself. 11 Cal. Jur. 2d 279. The primary purpose of the National Housing Act, as heretofore indicated, is to facilitate the construc tion and sale of homes. How this purpose is accom plished has already been shown. It would seem that any course of conduct which would tend to frustrate the purposes of the Act is unlawful. Since it must be assumed that Congress intended that the Act should operate without discrimination on account of race, color or creed, it follows that any practice or policy of subdividers or builders which substantially ex cludes a whole racial group from the Federally as sisted new housing market is unlawful. This is clearly the rationale of the Steele case, supra. Thus when the defendants agreed to exclude Negroes from this market, they did in fact agree to do an unlawful act. Not only did they agree to do an unlawful act, 81 but they also chose an unlawful means to accomplish the unlawful purpose. They carried their plan into operation by refusing to sell such housing to Negroes, and such refusal amounts to an unlawful boycott. Duplex Printing Press Go. v. Peering, 254 U.S. 443; 63 Yale Law Journal 1124, 1129-30. The means chosen by the Board to carry out its purposes was unlawful for another reason. Assuming for purposes of argument only, that each member of the Sacramento Real Estate Board could, acting solely as an individual, refuse to make initial sales of new subdivision housing to Negroes, it does not follow that they may do this as an association. It is true that defendants deny that they have refused to sell such housing to Negroes, but the fact remains that under their own code of ethics any member selling to a Negro would become subject to expulsion from the Board. This means that members are not left free to sell to Negroes, or not as they voluntarily choose, but are coerced, intimidated or forced to prac tice discrimination by the rules of the Board. When the individuals who constitute the Board, through the coercive Code of Ethics, compel others to also discriminate against Negroes, the means chosen to ef fectuate the discrimination become illegal and the law affords a remedy. Boutwell v. Marr, 71 Vermont 1. In the Boutwell case the Granite Manufacturing Association decided not to deal with a certain granite polishing company, and imposed fines upon members who dealt with it. The Court held that the system of fines and other punitive action for dealing with the particular company amounted to intimidation and 82 coercion of members of the association, and was hence actionable. The Court went on to say that the victim had some security in the fact that some members of the association, if left to their own devices, would probably deal with him, put that security was de stroyed when the association, by its rules and regula tions, applied pressure to bring all into line. There can be no serious doubt on the question as to whether plaintiff has suffered injury and damage by the conduct of defendants. In addition to the damage which has come to plaintiff and the class he repre sents by reason of inability to purchase housing in certain areas on the liberal terms and conditions of equality with other citizens in federally assisted proj ects, plaintiff has suffered specific pecuniary damage. Had it not been for the refusal of defendants to sell plaintiff a house, he would have been building up an equity in a home of his own rather than collecting rent receipts in which there is no equity. I f there is any uncertainty in plaintiff’s proof of damage, as said by the United States Supreme Court in Bigelow v. RKO Radio Pictures, Inc., 327 H.S. 251, ‘ ‘The most elementary conception of justice and public policy require that the wrongdoer shall bear the risk of the uncertainty which his wrong has created . . . That principle is an ancient one and is not limited to proof of damages in anti trust suits, although their character is such as fre quently to call for its application.” See Speegle v. Board of Fire Underwriters, 29 Cal. 2d 34, 46. 83 DEFENDANTS’ CONDUCT CONTRAVENES NATIONAL AND STATE PUBLIC POLICY. No area of our community has the impact upon the structure and nature of community life and attitudes as that wielded by housing. The racial complexion of a housing area invariably dictates the racial com plexion of recreational, health and welfare facilities, educational and other public and semi-public institu tions. These patterns then color and shape the racial attitudes of our people; either toward racial under standing and tolerance or toward suspicion, disrespect and antagonism. The public policy of this state and nation abhors racial discrimination. A government’s policy upon such matters can be readily ascertained by reference to the language in its laws, its judicial decisions and in the policy directives issued by its executives. That our national public policy rooted, as it is, in our fundamental law, frowns upon and condemns ra cial discrimination is beyond debate. In a statement commemorating National Brotherhood Week, 1951, President Eisenhower called racial bigotry spiritual treason. Mr. Justice Murphy said, concurring in Ilirabayashi v. U.S.: “ Distinctions based on color and ancestry are ut terly inconsistent with our traditions and ideals.” (320 U.S. 81 (a) 110.) Such a policy has consistently been operative in limit ing and controlling governmental or state action in relation to the public. It has been extended to Federal governmental activity. Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 84 497. It has interdicted state legislative acts as in Monk v. Birmingham, 341 U.S. 940, and Buchanan v. War- ley, 245 U.S. 60, and state judicial action as in Sipes v. McGhee, 334 U.S. 1. Our national policy as reflected by the interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment, has recently resulted in the destruction of concept that racial equality can he assured within a framework of enforced racial separation in education. Brown v. State, 347 U.S. 483, in golf, 250 U.S. 879; beach, 76 S. Ct. 133, and swimming pool facilities 347 U.S. 971 as well as in transportation facilities, both interstate, Morgan v. Virginia, 328 U.S. 373, and intrastate 77 S. Ct. 145. Equally with our national government, California has reflected a public policy condemning racial dis crimination through its statutes, decisions and admin istrative orders. As stated by Mr. Justice Frankfurter in Hughes v. Superior Court, 339 U.S. 460 (a) 463: “ California has been sensitive to these problems and decisions of its Supreme Court have been hos tile to discrimination on the basis of color.” The determination of our legislature to have the consideration of race as a factor in the extension or withholding of opportunities is amply reflected by ref erence to our statutes. See: Secs. 51-54, Civil Code (prevents racial segregation or discrimination in places of public accommodation) ; Secs. 8271-8272, Edu cation Code (bans use of discriminatory texts and references by teachers) ; Sec. 14123, Education Code (prevents racial discrimination in employment of teachers by school districts); Sec. 8400, Government 85 Code (prevents racial discrimination in applications for public employment) ; Sec. 1735, Labor Code (pre vents racial discrimination by private employers on public works); Sec. 1777.6, Labor Code (forbids dis crimination in selection and training of apprentices on public w orks); Sec. 11628, Insurance Code (pro hibits racial discrimination by public liability automo bile insurance carriers); Sec. 130, Military and Veterans Code (prohibits racial segregation or dis crimination in the National Guard) ; Sec. 365, Penal Code, (makes it a crime for any hotel, inn or common carrier to discriminate because of race, color or creed); Sec. 19, W elfare and Institutions Code (bans discrimination on account of race or color in distribu tion of welfare benefits). Similarly our Courts have consistently struck down racially discriminatory practices even when rising out of a quota or racially proportionate system. Hughes v. Superior Court, 32 Cal. 2d 850. In the Hughes case, the California Supreme Court condemned the objective of pieketers seeking racially proportionate hiring by a retail store labelling it “ an arbitrary discrimination upon the basis of race and color alone . . . they would, to the extent of the fixed proportion, make the right to work for Lucky de pendent not on fitness for the work nor an equal right of all, regardless of race, to compete in an open mar ket, but, rather, on membership in a particular race. ’ ’ This clear reflection of California policy, judicially enunciated, should be no less applicable to a situation where the opportunity to purchase a home was not 86 made dependent upon one’s ability to pay, “ nor on an equal right of all, regardless of race, to compete in an open market, but rather on membership in a particular race.” The point to be remembered is that the Courts, by reason of public policy, will interdict racial discrim ination by private as well as by public agencies. This has been clearly indicated in the series of cases dealing with the right of Negroes to earn a living without un reasonable discrimination by labor unions or em ployers. The leading case in this regard is James v. Marinship Corp., 25 Cal. 2d 721. In the James case the union had a closed shop, but excluded Negroes from membership. The shipyard would not employ Negroes because they were not union members, and they could not become union members because they were Negroes. In condemning this situation the California Supreme Court said: “ The discriminatory practices involved in this case are, moreover, contrary to the public policy of the United States and this state . . . Although the constitutional provisions have been said to apply to state action, they nevertheless evidence a definite national policy against discrimination because of race or color. ’ ’ In a later case petitioners for a writ of mandate to compel their re-admission to a labor union alleged that they had been expelled because they were Ne groes. The Court held that if the allegation be true it would be actionable as violative of the public policy of this state. Griffin v. I.L.W.U., 109 Cal. App. 2d 823. 87 The rationale of these decisions is that the state has an interest in preventing use of concentrated economic power to deprive arbitrarily any citizen or group of citizens, because of race or color, of the right to em ployment. W e submit that the Court intervenes here because of the importance of employment to each citi zen and to society as a whole. The entire community would suffer if large numbers are excluded from the labor market because of race or color. The hordes of unemployed would likely become public charges. Can it be said that the right to shelter is not equally im portant as the right to a job? There appears to be no logical reason why public policy of the state will at one and the same time prohibit racial discrimination by combinations of laborers and employers, and allow such discrimination by combinations of real estate sub dividers and lenders. To allow either would be to con done the use of concentrated economic power to inflict mortal wounds upon minority ethnic groups, and eventually upon our democratic society itself. There can be no real doubt that the defendants in this case represent a concentration of economic power. By their own testimony they have constructed most of the new residential housing erected in Sacramento County during the past ten years. That they have used this concentrated economic power to exclude Ne groes from the new housing market is also clear. In legal contemplation, the discriminatory code of ethics of the Sacramento Real Estate Board is not unlike the labor union by-laws and practices excluding Ne groes involved in James v. Marinship, supra. The Court here should follow the enlightened path charted in that case. PLAINTIFF AS A THIRD PARTY BENEFICIARY. Since February 15, 1950, one of the rules and regu lations of the Federal Housing Administration (Rule 14, Administrative Rules and Regulations under Sec tion 8 of the Rational Housing Act) which each person securing an insurance guarantee from said agency must agree in writing to comply, reads as follows: “ The mortgage shall contain a covenant by the mortgagor (the one securing the guarantee) that until the mortgage has been paid in full, or the contract of insurance otherwise terminated, he will not execute or file for record any instrument which imposes a restriction upon the sale or oc cupancy of the mortgaged property on the basis of race, color or creed.” The question arises, is the plaintiff a third party beneficiary under this covenant? In deciding whether a contract inures to the benefit of a third party, the test is whether an intent so to benefit appears from the terms of the contract. LeBallister v. Redwood Theatres, 1 C.A. 2d 447. The inclusion of a covenant in the contract between the Federal Housing Administration and the mortga gor clearly manifests an intent to make contractual benefits inure to plaintiff and the class to which he belongs. Plaintiff, though not a party thereto, may sue as a third party beneficiary to enforce his rights under the contract. 89 The only reasonable interpretation of Rule 14 and Section 8 of the Rational Housing Act, is that its pur pose was to make housing developed with the assist ance of the Federal Housing Authority available to members of minority groups. Any other construction would render this rule idle and meaningless. Since racial restrictive covenants were by the time of the adoption of the rule unenforceable, no purpose could be served by merely preventing their recordation. FH A must have had some useful purpose in mind. That purpose was to make certain that plaintiff’s class would no longer suffer racial discrimination in the administration of the program. Even though the agreement between the F H A and the lender is not for the exclusive benefit o f plaintiff it need not be exclu sively for his benefit in order to give him rights thereon. Hartman Ranch Co. v. Associated Oil Co., 10 Cal. 2d 232; Miles v. Miles, 77 C.A. 219; LeBallister v. Redwood Theatres, 1 C.A. 2d 447. The agreement here would appear to be expressly for the benefit of plain tiff’s class, and a person not a party to a contract may sue for its enforcement where it is made expressly for his benefit and has not been rescinded. Civil Code, Sec. 1559 ; Dick v. Woolson, 106 C.A. 2d 415; Bacon v. David, 9 C.A. 83; Woodhead Lumber Co. v. E. G. Nie mann Investments, 99 C.A. 456; Garrott v. Baker, 5 C. 2d 745. Plaintiff’s testimony and testimony of other mem bers of his class (Negroes) shows that they visited approximately every subdivision in. the County of Sac ramento seeking to purchase new homes. Although 90 they were willing, ready and able to purchase said new homes, no subdivision home in the County of Sacramento up to the date o f this trial, has been sold to a Negro by any defendant on its initial sale. This fact evidences a breach, on the part of the mortgagors, of the spirit and intent of Rule 14 under Section 8 of the National Housing Act. The breach of said cove nant has, as a result, excluded Negroes from participat ing in the program of Federal assistance to American citizens in the purchase of new homes. Plaintiff as a member of the class for whose protection Rule 14 and other non-discriminatory agreements were promul gated may sue for its breach. THE CONSPIRACY IN RESTRAINT OF SALE. Section 16720 of the California Business and P ro fessions Code (The Cartwright Act) provides in part as follows: “ A trust is a combination of capital, skill or acts by two or more persons for any of the following purposes: (a) To create or carry out any restrictions in trade or commerce; (b) To limit or reduce the production or in crease the price of merchandise or of any com modity ; (c ) To prevent competition in manufacturing, making transportation, sale or purchase of mer chandise, produce or any commodity.” The evidence shows that there are approximately 8,000 Negroes in Sacramento, California, a city of ap 91 proximately 170,000 people. This means that Negroes make up roughly 5% of the total city population. It should become apparent at once that any plan, practice or policy which arbitrarily eliminates 5% of the popu lation from the new housing market tends to restrain trade, limit production of houses, increases the price of old houses available to the excluded group, and tends to prevent competition in the sale and purchase of new housing by Negroes. W e submit that defendants, by their refusal to sell to Negroes, have formed a combination of capital, skill or acts to do the very things forbidden by the Cartwright Act, I f the combined action is in restraint of trade, the law is violated, regardless of the objec tives of the parties. Kold Kist v. Amalgamated Meat Gutters, supra ; People v. Sacramento Butchers’ Pro tective Association, 12 Cal. App. 47; Overland Pub. Co. v. H. S. Crocker Co., 193 Cal, 109. For the restraint of trade effected by the conduct of defendants, plaintiff is entitled to the two-fold dam ages provided by Section 16750 of the Business and Professions Code, and in addition thereto, injunctive relief. It is well settled in our law that whenever a remedy, be it statutory or otherwise, is inadequate, injunctive relief will be granted. Such relief is also available to prevent multiplicity of suits. Kold Kist v. Amalgamated Meat Cutters, supra. Orloff v. Los Angeles Turf Glut), 30 Cal. 2d 110. The Kold Kist case was an. action brought by a private concern under the Cartwright Act, and injunctive relief was granted even though the Act itself made no reference to in 92 junctions. The Orloff case was an action to prevent continued discrimination under Section 51, et seq., of the Civil Code, and again an injunction was granted even though the statute provided for money damages only. Since plaintiff’s objective is to purchase a home, no amount of money damages would he an adequate rem edy for him. He can only get meaningful relief by a decree of this Court enjoining defendants from re fusing to deal with him on a basis of equality with other citizens in the sale and purchase of housing con structed pursuant to Federal programs. Since every act of refusal to sell plaintiff a house gives rise to a new cause of action, an inj miction is needed to prevent a multiplicity of judicial proceedings. Sec. 526 (6) Code of Civil Procedure. It thus appears that the conduct of defendants is actionable under the Cartwright Act and should be enjoined. THIS IS A PROPER CLASS ACTION. The use of the class action to vindicate civil rights, in both state and Federal Courts, is so commonplace that its propriety is not open to serious doubt. A class action was held proper in Banks v. Housing Authority, 120 Cal. App. 2d 1 (1953). Plaintiffs sought mandate on behalf of themselves and other Ne groes similarly situated to compel the local public housing agency to rent them existing units in low-rent public housing. As we have pointed out the thrust of 93 the action was against the imposition of a racial test to determine their eligibility for such rental. It was argued there, as here, that disparate personal circum stances of individual Negroes precluded use of the class action. The Court summarily rejected this argu ment with the remark that the propriety of a class suit in such a situation is so well settled that the point did not merit further discussion. Hearing was denied by the State Supreme Court and certiorari was denied by the United States Supreme Court. In urging the class character of this action we agree that the claim of plaintiff for damages does not fall within that category. I f he is permitted recovery that recovery must be for himself alone. It may be that defendants had the right to ask that plaintiff separ ately state and number his count for damages. I f so, they should have demurred specially. They cannot now be heard to complain. However, this Court must segre gate the damage issue in any judgment it may render. Some recent examples of the use of class actions in civil rights cases are: Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483; Siveatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629; Mc- Laurin v. Board of Regents, 332 U.S. 629; Detroit Commission v. Lewis, 226 Fed. 2d 180; Romero v. Weakley, 226 Fed. 2d 399. d e f e n d a n t s a r e f o r b id d e n to d is c r im in a t e IN THE CASE OF A DE FACTO TOWN. The complaint alleged, and the evidence showed, that North Highlands, the area in which plaintiff first 94 attempted to purchase a home, was in all respects and purposes like any other town or city in the state. The evidence showed that North Highlands contains schools, recreation areas and similar public facilities and that it has been assigned a postal designation. The facts are that it is not incorporated and was not in corporated at the time plaintiff, and others, made re quests to purchase homes there. With the single exception of lack of incorporation it does not differ in any degree from any other town or city of its size in the state. Justice Robert H. Jackson wrote shortly before his death: “ It is my basic view that whenever any organiza tion or combination of individuals, whether in a corporation, a labor union or other body obtains such economic control or legal advantage that it can control or in effect govern the lives of other people, it is subject to the control of Government . . . for the Government can suffer no rivals in the field of coercion. Liberty requires that coer cion be applied to the individual, not by other individuals but by the Government . . . ” ( The Supreme Court in the American. System, Robert H. Jackson, 1955.) An example of the application of the doctrine just enunciated by Justice Jackson is furnished by Marsh v. Alabama, 326 U.S. 501. The case went to the Su preme Court on the appeal of the defendant, Marsh, a Jehovah’s Witness, who had been convicted by the state of a charge of criminal trespass. The trespass consisted of attempting to distribute literature on the 95 sidewalks of Chickasaw, an entirely company-owned town, without a permit from the owners of the town. Alabama law required her to get a permit before go ing on private property. Miss Marsh claimed that the First Amendment pro tected her right of free speech and that the Fourteenth Amendment applied to protect her against the action of the state in trying to prevent her from exercising her First Amendment freedom of speech. The Court reversed her conviction. In reaching this conclusion, the Court held in essence that the Four teenth Amendment was applicable to the activities of the private company which owned the town since it was performing the functions of a municipality. A reading of the opinion demonstrates that the gravamen of the decision is rooted in the fact that the company is not a “ private” company, in a Constitu tional sense, but “ govern(s) a community of citizens” . Remove that fact from the logical structure of the opinion, and the conclusion will not stand. I f the com pany had been within its rights in seeking to exclude the defendant after due warning, the state could prop erly have convicted her for trespassing. I f the State had not been involved and the company had excluded Miss Marsh from the streets of the company-owned town, the First Amendment would still have been vio lated. Indeed, as the Court saw the question in the Marsh case, it was from this perspective rather than that of state action in the ordinary sense. “ Our question,” wrote Justice Black for the Court, “ narrows down to 96 this: Can those people who live in or come to Chicka saw be denied freedom of press and religion simply because a single company has title to the town?” The Court answered “ No.” Since all the homeowners act ing together, acting through a municipal corporation, could not have done what the company had sought to do, neither could the company, acting in effect as a municipal corporation, bar Miss Marsh f rom the town. That is the only reason given to support the conclu sion that the state could not convict her for violating a statute which by its express terms forbade trespass on private property. What the Court decided in the Marsh case was that the rights of the private corporation—not those of the state—had become circumscribed by the Constitutional rights o f others. The decision is a logical development of a path first taken by the Supreme Court at a time when the Fourteenth Amendment was “ almost too re cent to be called history” . (Slaughter House Cases, 16 Wall. 36, 71; 1873). There the Court said that the “ one pervading purpose found in (all of the Civil War Amendments), lying at the foundation of each, and without which none of them would have been sug gested” to be ‘ The security and firm establishment” of the freedom of the Negro and “ the protection of the newly made citizen from the oppressions of those who had formerly exercised unlimited dominion over him” . As we have shown, the logic of that principle is not limited to discrimination by state officials, act ing pursuant to statute, or even to state officials vio lating state law, (Screws v. U. S., 325 U.S. 91), but 97 extends as well to private persons exercising govern ment-like powers. It is, of course, settled that all of the people of North Highlands could not have enacted an ordinance excluding Negroes from purchasing homes in that town. (Buchanan v. Warley, 145 U.S. 60). Nor can the individual builder, whether acting by himself or in concert with other builders. For, as pointed out by Justice Black: “ It is clear that had the people of Chickasaw owned all the homes, and all the stores, and all the streets, and all the sidewalks, all those owners together could not have set up a municipal or dinance completely barring the distribution of religious literature. Ownership does not always mean complete dominion. The more an owner, for his advantage, opens up his property for use by the public in general, the more do his rights be come circumscribed by the statutory and constitu tional rights of those who do use it.” (Marsh v. Alabama, supra, 505, et seq.) The law in this phase of the case is as simple as this: a community, whether it exercises that power through all of the owners of property within its con fines or through one or two owners momentarily vested with complete ownership, cannot exclude persons solely because of race or color. 98 FEDERAL STATUTES PROTECT PLAINTIFF’ S RIGHT TO PURCHASE THE HOUSING IN QUESTION. Prior to the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment, Congress took steps to protect the right of Negroes to own and occupy real property. It provided: “ All citizens of the United States shall have the same right in every state and territory, as is en joyed by white citizens thereof, to inherit, pur chase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property.” (8 USGA 42). Back of this statute lay the realization that no man is free in a free enterprise economy unless he can com pete in the open market for the purchase and sale of commodities. That is especially true of land which is, by its nature, a limited kind of a commodity. (Morris v. United States, supra.) The statute was re-enacted after the Fourteenth Amendment to remove all possible doubts of its con stitutionality, although it seems to us that no such question could arise since one of the indispensable elements of the freedom guaranteed under the Thir teenth Amendment is the freedom to buy and sell in the open market. (.Morris v. United States, supra.) Defendants argue that this statute is a restraint on the states and has no applicability to private individ uals. That issue need not concern us in the context of this case. As we have shown, the benefits of the National Housing Act are extended to all citizens. The Act does not purport to have been enacted for the benefit of white persons and, indeed, Congress could not have intended such a discriminatory purpose. 99 (.Steele v. L Ac N Railway Go., supra). Nor does the Federal Housing Administration, as the administra tive agency set up under the Act, claim the right to deny “ the benefits of the mortgage insurance system” to Negroes. Indeed it professes the very opposite, as it is Constitutionally required to do. Thus we have a situation in which private individ uals, acting singly or in concert in our case, seek to interfere with the right lodged in plaintiff to avail himself of the benefits of Federal legislation. The efficacy of the statute was tested in United States v. Waddell, 112 U.S. 76. There individuals were indicted for interfering with the right of a Negro to purchase property under the Homestead Act, a Fed eral statute. The indictment was laid under what is now 18 USCA 241 which levied penalties in the case of a conspiracy to injure or oppress any citizen “ in the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privi lege secured to him by the constitution or laws of the United States.” In reversing a District Court order of dismissal, the Supreme Court said: “ The right here guaranteed is not a mere right of protection against personal violence. This, if the result of an ordinary quarrel or malice would be cognizable under the laws of the State and its courts. But it is something different from that. It is the right to remain on the land in order to perform the requirements of the acts of Congress, and according to its rules, perfect incipient title . . . The United States can protect individuals against acts which prevent performance under such a law.” ( United States v. Waddell, supra). 100 Of course, the prosecution in that case was a criminal one, but the importance of the case here is that it holds that “ The United States can protect individuals against acts which prevent” an individual from secur ing the benefits of Federal legislation. This case recog nizes that since a Federal statute, the Homestead Act, gives a specific method of obtaining land, this right can he protected by the Federal Government against the acts of private individuals. By the enactment of the National Housing Act, the Federal Government has shown a concern about the living conditions of its citizens. Since it has granted the privilege of mortgage insurance to purchasers, free from any racial restrictions, the Federal law—8 USCA 42—protects plaintiff in the exercise of “ the same right . . . as is enjoyed by white citizens . . . to . . . purchase” real property made available under Section 203 of the National Housing Act. That right to “ purchase” cannot be secured to plaintiff without protection of the threshold right to obtain the benefits of the mortgage insurance system, just as in the Wad dell case the Negro had to remain on the land to per fect title. It is plain, beyond all argument, that in Sacramento County the defendants in this case did not extend the “ same” right to plaintiff, and to members of the class on whose behalf he sues, as they did to white pur chasers. Their discrimination is condemned by Fed eral statute, quite without reference to any question of state action. 101 TO WHAT RELIEF IS PLAINTIFF ENTITLED? The final procedural question is the kind of relief available to plaintiff in the event he prevails. 1. As to Damages: Damages for the denial of a civil right, per se, are hard to fix. In the case of pub lic facilities, Section 52 of the Civil Code fixes the minimum at one hundred dollars. The Section speci fically empowers the Court to add to that sum what ever damages it may find. In comparable federal litigation where an amount in excess of three thousand dollars is always claimed in order to confer jurisdic tion it has been held that such a claim is permissible. See: McDonald v. K ey, 224 Fed. 2d 608; Holmes v. City of Atlanta, U. S. District Court, Northern Dis trict Ga., No. 4621 (reported 1 Race Relations Law Reporter, 1950). There are other elements of damage to plaintiff. He has since been required to rent a dwelling for himself and family at $65.00 per month, a sum equal to or in excess of the amount he could have been paying to acquire ownership in a home if defendants, Horgan, Frye, and Herraty and Hannon had not denied his request in the first instance. There can be no doubt that the refusal as to plaintiff was willful and deliberate and based on his race and color. Under those circumstances he is entitled to punitive damages. (Sec. 3294, Civil Code). 2. As to injunctive relief: Injunctive relief is ap propriate in cases of this kind. See: James v. Marin- ship, 25 Cal. 2d 721; Williams v. Boilermakers, 27 Cal. 2d 586; Thompson v. Moore Drydock Co., 27 Cal. 2d 102 595. It is also noteworthy that injunctive relief has been sought in the leading cases in Federal Courts where vindication of civil rights has been sought. See: Brown v. Board of Education, supra; etc. 3. As to declaratory relief: The right to declara tory relief is statutory: Sections 1060, 1062, Code of Civil Procedure. Such relief may be sought in a class action: Maxwell v. Branglur, 99 Cal. App. 208, 222 Pac. 2d 910, where it is said that the interests of the representatives must be identical with that of other members of the class. It is the general rule that in an action for declaratory relief the complaint is sufficient if it sets forth facts showing the existence o f a con troversy relating to the legal rights and duties of the respective parties. Bennett v. Hibernia, 47 AC No. 20, 547, 557; Anderson v. Stanbury, 38 Cal. 2d 707, 717; Essick v. Los Angeles, 34 Cal. 2d 614, 624. An action for declaratory relief may include other counts: Coruccini v. Lambert, 113 Cal. App. 2d 486. Nor may declaratory relief be denied merely because other rem edies are available: Columbia v. B e Toth, 26 Cal. 2d 753. The statutes should be liberally construed: Hess v. Country Club Park, 213 Cal. 613. The underlying purpose of the statute is to provide the parties with a knowledge of their rights and obligations: Kessloff v. Pearson, 37 Cal. 2d 609. Again, it is worth observing that suits involving civil rights in federal Courts have made extensive use of declaratory relief. See: Lucye v. Adams, 134 Fed. Supp. 235; Frasier v. Board of Trustees, 134 Fed. Supp. 589; Whitmore v. Stilwell, 227 Fed. 2d 187; Romero v. Weakley, supra. See also: McKinney v. Blankenship, 282 S.W. 2d 691 (Texas). 103 In the case at bar, defendants joined issue directly on the declaratory relief count and it is obvious that this issue requires adjudication. CONCLUSION. W e have discussed many theories which we think clearly indicate that judgment must be for plaintiff in this case. The facts and the law are in his favor. We have also discussed the type of relief we think plaintiff should receive. These are (1) Injunction, (2) Declaration of Rights, and (3) Damages. W e wish to stress in conclusion, however, that we do not now ask, nor have we ever asked, that defend ants, or any of them, be enjoined specifically from refusing to sell plaintiff Oliver Ming, or any other specific person, a house. All we ask in this connection is that defendants be enjoined from refusing to offer housing referred to herein to plaintiff and other mem bers of the ethnic group to which he belongs, solely because of race or color. No defendant would be com pelled to sell any person a specific house, but all de fendants would be enjoined from using race or color as a test of eligibility for purchase of such housing. Just as in Banks v. Housing Authority, supra, race as a test for eligibility for rental of public housing was invalidated, here we seek to eliminate race as a test for eligibility for purchase of housing, construc tion of which was made possible by the mortgage in surance features of the National Housing Act. 104 W e submit that plaintiff is entitled under the law and evidence for the declaration of rights specified in the prayer of his complaint. Certainly a contro versy exists between the parties, and the Court should dispose of it by its Decree setting forth the respective rights and duties of those involved. It is our contention that any of the causes of action, except perhaps the one seeking merely declaratory re lief, would entitle plaintiff to damages. Plaintiff is entitled to compensatory as well as punitive damages. So far as we have been able to discover, this case is one of first impression. No case has been tried on the merits wherein a Court was called upon to meet squarely the issues presented here. Yet the conflict indicated by this litigation is far from being an iso lated encounter. It, in reality, represents another step by an American Negro, in a representative suit, in the direction of total freedom from restraints imposed because of race or color by Government or those act ing pursuant to Governmental powers, or with the Government’s “ thumb on the scale” . When viewed in this context it is easy to see that all other steps toward freedom made by American Ne groes in recent years may be nullified if sub-dividers and builders are permitted, with Governmental par ticipation and assistance, to construct whole new com munities and exclude Negroes and other minority ethnic groups from them. In these racially segregated communities the schools will naturally be segregated by race or color, since children go to school in the communities in which they live. In the now famous school desegregation cases the United States Supreme Court has declared that enforced racial segregation in schools may inflict injury upon children from which they might never recover. Could the injury be less if the racial segregation results from the bigotry of subdividers, lenders and builders rather than from the order of a school board or a legislative act? It is from the fact of legally enforced separation that the feel ings of inferiority and hostility springs, and the child will hardly know or care who enforces it. All he knows is that because of his race or color he is set apart from other children. Not only will schools inevitably be segregated by race unless housing segregation is interdicted, but such racial segregation will follow in parks, playgrounds and all other public facilities. It is true that this nation has become great, while at the same time harboring some racial segregation and discrimination. W e submit, however, that this great ness has come about despite rather than because of racial segregation. To the whole world we hold out the hope that mankind can live free from restraints based upon such arbitrary factors as race or color. Up to this time men throughout the world have ac cepted our leadership because of the essential appeal of our fundamental doctrines of equality of oppor tunity for all people, without regard to race, color or creed. It is imperative that we should reconcile our principles with our practices. W e are fully aware of the fact that democracy in its pure form is strong 106 medicine, but in an adulterated form it is no longer democracy. Judgment should be for plaintiff as prayed. Dated, March 20,1957. Respectfully submitted, N a t h a n i e l S . C o l l e t , L o r e n M il l e r , F r a n k l i n H. W i l l i a m s , Attorneys for Plaintiff. C l a r e n c e B. Ca n s o n , G e o r g e D. C a r r o l l , C h a r l e s A. J a m e s , C h a r l e s W il s o n , Of Counsel.