Greenberg Remarks at the LDF Capital Punishment Conference
Press Release
May 15, 1971

Cite this item
-
Press Releases, Volume 6. Greenberg Remarks at the LDF Capital Punishment Conference, 1971. 890b9582-ba92-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/28241521-2497-4abf-b1d8-abaed2211e38/greenberg-remarks-at-the-ldf-capital-punishment-conference. Accessed May 18, 2025.
Copied!
119 rent. Approx 3, 1967, we had obtained t first class stay of first articulated 0 ° 1) a: jie f b ° bs ® a , asa four b a si lec executi in t Fe tc yu c the dez ro yD) ic i w. a1 than 650, ta I n d-1 an j input continues at a stez ill. The death row population now is ndication of those few like Freddie natural death and by tt Lee Pitts and Wilbert Lee in Florida who were fortunate enough their innocence after sentence to death and before unity to establish the truth could be precluded by electrocution. And this morning's newspaper tells us that Edgar Smith of New Jersey, after 14 years on death row, has been his conviction eld to have been convicted illegally becaus for murder was based on a coerced confession. Any of us here would agree that 650 deaths woulil be more than we could bear, and that the horrible prospect of so many should be enough bring capital burnings and gassing punishment to a halt. But perhaps the grisly Dow Jones must -ther. Will 800 or 900 be more than the country can punishment, mean y, bears close resemblance to ritual human in other cultures and other times, and indeed, may be the same ng. The sheer lunacy of deliberately taking the life of a caged man - who can be caged forever - when we cannot and do not know that it deters others any more than keeping imprisoned, taking his life so long after the commission of his at those who crave revenge cannot possibly be gratified, crime causes wonder at what the death penalty is all about. It continues, of course, partly because of inertia, the difficulty of stopping doing what we always have done. It takes a great wrench to stop. But it expresses, mixed with tual human sacrifice, that, I think, too much of the quality of r which every culture has known and which most have rejected over vilization. Capital iries with the developr too mucl nent in America makes as much sé the human s of victims by the girl to pieces to fertilize y sown croy of human lives in Greece and Rome, Iran and India, and at one time or another, everywhere in the world. The j fications make no rational sense. Something else is going on. Anthropologists and psychoanalysts may identify those deep human urges which have cropped out in different ways and different times, taking li e under justification It is enough that we recognize the constant of irrationality and subject our ritual killings to the same test of reason and objectivity to which we would subject, say, the Aztec. That is wk t we have been doing in this campaign since 1967. We have been doing it with a broad collection of magnifying lenses and brill ant illumination. In asking that standards be demanded e have asked the court ay sentence to death, wv citute allowed ience be after judicial proceedings and up intell and objectivity be assured up until the la sanity takes over. In pointing to the enormous racial imbalance ama indeed, in the death row population generally, perhaps we too close a link between theemotions of raci jive content to the constitu- ment we tional p urge common sense prevail over ancient history, that words like "cruel" be accorded intelligent understanding and "unusua We stand almost alone in the to mean what it mus civilized world in treating crime by taking life. It is no accident that the principal legal engine o campaign is the Fourteenth Amendm ‘he Fourteenth Amendment, process and equal protection clauses, were written into and reason to another gigant an inferior, in return for c economic, political, social, and biological arguments were offered in support of slavery and racial segregation; and we still hear some of them today. They turn out, in the light of reason and objectivity, to make as much sense as taking life to nourish the sun, or to deter crime and make some of us feel ing a passion for retribution. It occurred to me the other day to look at the brief in the original 1954 School Segregation Cases and that portion of the cases which dealt with the history of the Fourteenth Amendment. While that Amendment, of course, focused on the heritage of slavery, it derived from much broader religious and philosophical doctrines. And, of course, since its adoption, it has been applied far beyond racial questions themselves. Some the language of the School Segregation brief, which discu ation, applic in 1834 and "as based on broad natural ri hical interpretation of American ori Four ideals were central and interrelated: the ideal of human equality, the ideal of a general and equal law, the ideal of reciprocal protection and allegiance, and the ideal of rea and substantiality as the true bases for the necessary discriminations and classifications by government. Race as a standard breached every one of these ideas, as did color. drafted and many of us will use. we can be certain will end all capital punishment right now. There is, however, the array of techniques represented in the hundreds of pounds of papers we are distributing to participants. After this conference each of us will go forth armed with legal arguments which will keep alive a potential victim of the atavistic impulse that is capital punishment. Many cases will be the same, many will be different. Each will call for specific, detailed, careful analysis and attention to its individual facts and issues. When we started this campaign over four years ago, the forum was two or three United States district courts. Now it is di trict courts all over the United States, the courts the state courts and the Supreme Court of the tes where 120 cases now awé Ss was involved. Now here there he clemenc who is unconstitutional in th overnor has made no move to r Governor Gilligan of Ohio had said that he will sign no death warra until the current campaign in the courts is final and, we hope, will never sign one. The campaign to bring reason, light and objectivity is perhaps epitomiz bill introduced today by Senator Hart and Congressman Cellar, ch would require that there be no executions until Congre completes an examination of capital punishment and whether it should legislate on the subject under Section 5 of the 14th Amendment. Now there may be a definitive, nationally recognized answer to the question of why do we ta lives in the name of law? And what good does it do? nd what harm does it do? now arity. It is no accident that the se and Educati 1t racism through the courts first beg discrimination in capital sentence ag and then found that we must expand that campaign to all capital punishment if it is to make sense. We pledge all of our resources to the successful completion of this effort. We will leave no stone unturned in the struggle to bring light and reason to expose the irrationality and superstition that can survive only by hiding beneath those stones. We have called you together today to exchange ideas on the total range effort, and to equip each other to function as effectively as possible in the If our success over the next ved so far, we comy will succeed. And in that aved not of some ecent and y mex d women, but v e a major step towards making this the humane lar