St. Cyr v Hays Jurisdictional Statement
Public Court Documents
October 24, 1994
138 pages
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. St. Cyr v Hays Jurisdictional Statement, 1994. 08c88b6d-c39a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/2904052f-fd5f-44c1-9f14-66824510d47b/st-cyr-v-hays-jurisdictional-statement. Accessed December 04, 2025.
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No. 94-
In The
Suprem e Court of tfje Untteb ^ ta teg
October Term, 1994
Bernadine St . Cyr, et al.,
Appellants,
v.
Ray Hays, et al.,
Appellees.
On A ppeal F rom The U nited S ta te s D is tric t
C ourt F o r The W estern D is tric t Of L ou isiana
JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT
Elaine R. J ones
Director-Counsel
Theodore M. Shaw
Clyde E. Murphy
Charles Stephen Ralston
Eric Schnapper
*Judith Reed
NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc.
99 Hudson Street
Suite 1600
New York, New York 10013
(212) 219-1900
William P. Quigley
Loyola Law Clinic
7214 St. Charles Avenue
New Orleans, Louisiana 70118
Pamela S. Kajrlan
1525 Massachusetts Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138
*(Counsel of Record)
Counsel for Appellants
PRESS OF BYRON S. ADAMS, WASHINGTON, D.C. 1-800-347-8208
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
1. Whether Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 24
entitles African American voters residing in a majority black
congressional district to intervene for the purpose of
defending that district when the district is challenged by
voters who argue that the creation of that majority black
district was unconstitutional.
2. Where a three-judge court denies a motion to
intervene and an appeal to this Court is taken from that
court’s decision issuing an injunction, pursuant to 28 U.S.C.
§ 1253, does jurisdiction over an appeal from the denial of
intervention lie with (a) the court of appeals or (b) this
Court.
11
PARTIES TO THE PROCEEDING
Plaintiffs are Ray Hays, Edward Adams, Susan Shaw
Singleton, and Gary Stokely.
Defendants are Edwin Edwards, Governor of the
State of Louisiana; Samuel B. Nunez, President of the
Louisiana State Senate; John A. Alario, Speaker of the
Louisiana House of Representatives; W. Fox McKiethen,
Secretary of State of Louisiana; and Jerry Fowler, the
Commissioner of Elections for the State of Louisiana.
Defendant intervenor is the United States.
Appellants, Bemadine St. Cyr, Donald Thibodeax,
Patrick Fontenot, Hazel Freeman, Janice Frazier, and Ralph
Wilson, are six black voters residing in Congressional
District 4, who unsuccessfully sought intervention as
defendants in the district court.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Questions P resen ted ....................................... i
Jurisdictional Statement .................................................... 1
Opinions B e lo w ................ 1
Jurisdiction .......................................................... 2
Constitutional and
Statutory Provisions Involved................................ 2
Statement ........................................................................... 3
The Questions Presented Are Substantial ....................... 7
Conclusion......................................................................... 18
Appendix A ......................................................................... la
Appendix B ........................................................................... 2a
Appendix C ...................................................................... 22a
Appendix D ...................................................................... 37a
Appendix E ...................................................................... 38a
Appendix F ....................... 43a
Appendix G .................................................................... 108a
IV
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases: Pages:
Bolling v. Sharpe,
347 U.S. 497 (1954) ....................... .. .............. 14
Cascade Natural Gas Corp. v. El Paso Natural Gas
Co., 386 U.S. 129 (1967) ....... ...................... .. 9
Doe v. Bolton,
410 U.S. 179 (1973) ......................... ............. .. 17
Donaldson v. United States,
400 U.S. 517 (1971) .......................................... .. 9
Fiandaca v. Cunningham,
827 F.2d 825 (1st Cir. 1987)......................... 13
Fusari v. Steinberg,
419 U.S. 379 (1975) ....... ........................... .. 18
Gerstein v. Coe,
417 U.S. 279 (1974) 17
Gunn v. University Committee,
399 U.S. 383 (1970) .......................................... 16
Hays v. Louisiana,
839 F. Supp. 1188 (W.D.La. 1993), vacated,
114 S. Ct. 2731 (1 9 9 4 ).................................. passim
Hays v. State of Louisiana, 18 F.3d
1319 (5th Cir. 1994)......................................... 5
Hays v. State of Louisiana, 1994
WL 477159 (W.D. La.) ................ ............. .. passim
V
Pages:
International Union, Local 238 v. Scofield,
382 U.S. 205 (1965) .......................................... 17
Johnson v. DeGrandy,
512 U .S .___, 129 L. Ed. 2d 775 (1994).............. 9
Johnson v. Miller, 1994 WL 506780 (S.D. Ga.) ----- 9, 10
Major v. Treen,
574 F. Supp. 325 (E.D.La. 1983) ................... 7, 12
Mitchell v. Donovan,
398 U.S. 427 (1970) ........................................ 5, 16
NAACP v. New York,
413 U.S. 345 (1973) ........................................ 9, 17
Poe v. Gerstein, , 417 U.S. 281 (1974)....... ..................... 17
Supreme Court of Virginia v. Consumers Union,
446 U.S. 719 (1980) ..................................... 17, 18
Rockefeller v. Catholic Medical Center
of Brooklyn & Queens, Inc.,
397 U.S. 820 (1970) ........................................ 5, 16
Roe v. Wade,
410 U.S. 113 (1973) .......................................... 16
Sagebrush Rebellion, Inc. v. Watt,
713 F.2d 525 (9th Cir. 1983) ............................ 13
Shaw v. Hunt, 1994 WL 457269 (E.D. N .C .) ................ 8
Shaw v. Reno,
509 U .S .____, 125 L. Ed. 2d 511 (1993) . . passim
Socialist Workers Party v. March Fong Eu,
591 F.2d 1252 (9th Cir. 1978), cert, denied,
441 U.S. 946 (1979) .............. ........................... 17
State of South Carolina v. Katzenbach,
383 U.S. 301 (1966) ................................... .. 11
Trbovich v. United Mine Workers,
404 U.S. 528 (1972) ................................... .. 14
University of California Regents v. Bakke,
438 U.S. 265 (1978) .......................................... 11
Vance v. Universal Amusement Co., Inc.,
587 F.2d 159 (5th Cir. 1978), aff’d, 445 U.S.
308 (1980)............................................................. 16
Vera v. Richards, 1994 WL 484492 (S.D. Tex.) . . . . . . 8
Whitcomb v. Chavis,
403 U.S. 124 (1971) 16
White v. Regester,
412 U.S. 755 (1973) 10
Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education,
476 U.S. 267 (1986) 11
Statutes and Rules:
28 U.S.C. § 1253 ......................................................... passim
28 U.S.C. § 1254(1) ......................................................... 17
vi
Pages:
28 U.S.C. § 2284 ............................................................... 3
42 U.S.C. § 1973 ........................................................... 3, 8
42 U.S.C. 1973(b) ........................................................... 11
42 U.S.C. 1973b(a)........................................................... 17
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24 ....................................................... passim
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a) ................................................... 4, 11
Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(b) ........................................................ 4
Miscellaneous:
Karlan, All Over the Map: The Supreme Court’s Voting
Rights Trilogy, 1993 Sup. Ct. Rev. 245 .............. 14
United States, 99th Cong., 1st Sess. p. 440 (1985)
(reprinting section 5 submission analysis
prepared by Robert N. Kwan, attorney, Voting
Section, Civil Rights Div., U.S. Dept, of
Ju s tic e ) .................................................................. 12
Vll
Pages:
No. 94-
In The
Supreme Court of tfje Untteb States;
October Term, 1994
Bernadine St . Cyr, et al., Appellants,
v.
Ray Hays, et al., Appellees.
ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES
DISTRICT COURT FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT
OF LOUISIANA
JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT
OPINIONS BELOW
The opinion of the three-judge district court
invalidating Louisiana’s 1994 districting plan (App., infra, 2a-
21a) is not yet reported. The order of that three-judge
district court denying appellants’ motion to intervene to
defend that districting plan is reproduced at App., infra, la.
An earlier opinion of the United States Court of Appeals for
the Fifth Circuit regarding appellants’ 1993 application to
intervene in a prior phase of this litigation (App., infra, 38a-
42a) is reported at 18 F.3d 1319 (5th Cir. 1994). The 1993
order of the three-judge district court denying that earlier
application is reproduced at App., infra, 7>1&. The first
opinion of the three-judge district court on the merits of the
1992 districting plan (App., infra, 43a-107a) is reported at
839 F.Supp. 1188 (W.D. La. 1993), vacated, 114 S.Ct. 2731
(1994).
2
JURISDICTION
The judgment of the three-judge district court on the
merits was entered on July 26, 1994. App., infra, 22a to 36a.
A notice of appeal was filed on August 23, 1994. App.,
infra, 108a to 109a. The jurisdiction of this Court is invoked
under 28 U.S.C. § 1253.
CONSTITUTIONAL AND
STATUTORY PROVISIONS INVOLVED
Rule 24, Fed. R. Civ. P., states in pertinent part:
(a) Intervention of Right. Upon timely
application anyone shall be permitted to
intervene in an action . . . when the applicant
claims an interest relating to the property or
transaction which is the subject of the action
and the applicant is so situated that the
disposition of the action may as a practical
matter impair or impede the applicant’s
ability to protect that interest, unless the
applicant’s interest is adequately represented
by existing parties.
(b) Permissive Intervention. Upon timely
application anyone may be permitted to
intervene in an action: (1) when a statute of
the United States confers a conditional right
to intervene; or (2) when an applicant’s claim
or defense and the main action have a
question of law or fact in common . . . . In
exercising its discretion the court shall
consider whether the intervention will unduly
delay or prejudice the adjudication of the
rights of the original parties.
Section 1253 of 28 U.S.C. provides as follows:
3
Except as otherwise provided by law, any
party may appeal to the Supreme Court from
an order granting or denying, after notice and
hearing, an interlocutory or permanent
injunction in any civil action, suit or
proceeding required by any Act of Congress
to be heard and determined by a district court
of three judges.
STATEMENT
This case involves the validity of Louisiana’s post-
1990 congressional redistricting. The plaintiffs, appellees in
this Court, are registered voters who object to the creation
of certain majority black districts. Appellants in this case,
unsuccessful defendant-intervenors in the court below, are
African American voters who live in the principal majority
black district under challenge, which was invalidated by the
three-judge District Court for the Western District of
Louisiana. Appellants appeal from the order by the three-
judge district court denying their motion to intervene. They
also appeal from final judgment on the merits entered July
26,1994. The State of Louisiana was a defendant below; the
United States was a defendant-intervenor below. Each of
these parties has taken an appeal to this Court from the
judgment on the merits. Nos. 94-558 and 94-627.
The instant action arose out of a challenge under the
Constitution and the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973,
as amended, to the 1992 Louisiana congressional
redistricting plan (Act 42). The plaintiffs, four registered
voters residing in Lincoln Parish, brought this action against
various Louisiana state officials and agencies, challenging
Act 42 under the Constitution and the Voting Rights Act.
App. 42a.
A three-judge court, convened pursuant to 28 U.S.C.
4
§ 2284, held a trial in August 1992. On August 27, 1992,
the court issued a memorandum ruling and order denying
plaintiffs’ request for an injunction and allowed the 1992
congressional elections to go forward. The court also denied
the state and federal constitutional claims, taking the Voting
Rights Act issues under advisement. App. 45-46a.
On June 28, 1993, this Court decided Shaw v. Reno,
509 U .S .___ , 125 L.Ed. 2d 511 (1993). One day later, the
district court indicated its intent to reconsider the dismissal
of the federal constitutional claims. App. 46a. Within a
month, appellants moved to intervene as defendants in the
Louisiana litigation. They sought to represent themselves
and other African American voters in Congressional District
4 and in the State of Louisiana. The motion sought
intervention both as of right pursuant to Rule 24(a), and
permissively, pursuant to Rule 24(b), Fed. R. Civ. P.
Plaintiffs opposed intervention, while the State took no
position on the intervention. In an order signed by Judge
Walter of the three-judge panel on July 29, 1993, the district
court denied the motion to intervene. Appellants
immediately, and prior to the issuance of final judgment on
the merits, appealed from that order to United States Court
of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. Appellants’ motion to
expedite the appeal was granted.
During the pendency of that appeal, the three-judge
court, after an evidentiary hearing in August 1993,
invalidated Act 42 and enjoined the holding of further
elections pursuant to that plan. Hays v. Louisiana, 839 F.
Supp. 1188 (W.D.La. 1993),'vacated, 114 S.Ct. 2731 (1994)
("Hays F) App. 87-88a. The State appealed that December
1993 decision to this Court, pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1253.
It was not until oral argument in the Court of
Appeals on the intervention, in early February of 1994, that
the question of whether jurisdiction to decide the
intervention appeal belonged in the Court of Appeals or the
5
Supreme Court arose. The Fifth Circuit requested briefing
on the issue. Appellants took the position that by virtue of
the limitations of section 1253, and because the appeal had
been perfected long before the district court issued its
decision on the merits, the Court of Appeals had jurisdiction
to decide the collateral issue of intervention. The plaintiffs
asserted that because of the State’s appeal to this Court,
only this Court had jurisdiction.
The Court of Appeals dismissed the intervention
appeal, holding that it lacked jurisdiction to decide such an
appeal once final judgment had been issued and a proper
appeal taken to the Supreme Court. Hays v. State o f
Louisiana, 18 F.3d 1319 (5th Cir. 1994); App. 38a. The
Court of Appeals recognized that the intervention appeal,
"when noticed, very likely was properly before" it. The
Court of Appeals concluded, however, that with the "lodging
of [the merits appeal in the Supreme Court] [its] appellate
jurisdiction was impacted." App. 42a. The Court of Appeals
read this Court’s decisions in Mitchell v. Donovan, 398 U.S.
427 (1970) and Rockefeller v. Catholic Medical Center o f
Brooklyn & Queens, Inc., 397 U.S. 820 (1970) as "indicating
that when presented as a part of the appeal of the judgment
on the merits by the three-judge court [the Supreme Court]
will consider other rulings and orders of the trial court."
App. 41a, n. 9.
While the first appeal on the merits to this Court was
pending, and only two days after the dismissal of the
intervention appeal by the Court of Appeals, the Louisiana
Legislature passed a new redistricting plan (Act 1) on April
6
22, 1994. The Governor signed the bill into law on April 29,
and Act 1 was precleared by the Department of Justice on
June 3, 1994.1
On June 20, 1994, plaintiffs moved to amend their
complaint and for preliminary and permanent injunctive
relief against the newly enacted Act 1. App. 3a. The
district court declined to act on the motions, stating that it
was without jurisdiction. App. 3a. On June 27, 1994, this
Court vacated the district court’s judgment and remanded
the case for further proceedings, thereby investing the
district court with jurisdiction. Within ten days of this
Court’s order and only two days after the district court
accepted the amended complaint, St. Cyr and the other
appellants again moved to intervene. At the time of the
motion to intervene, no answer had been filed to the
amended pleading; indeed, the time for doing so had not yet
passed. No discovery had been taken. The only action
taken had been the district court’s setting of trial for July 21,
1994.
The district court took no action on the motion to
intervene until the beginning of the two-day hearing on the
merits on July 21, 1994. The district court denied the
motion in open court. App. la. At the conclusion of the
hearing, the court found the new plan unconstitutional. In
its opinion, filed on July 29, 1994, the court adopted by
1 Appellants correctly foresaw that this Court would
vacate Hays I in light of the passage of Act 1. Accordingly,
appellants filed a petition in the Court of Appeals seeking
rehearing of that court’s dismissal of the appeal of the denial
of intervention. Appellants argued that once this Court
vacated the judgment in Hays I, the Court of Appeals would
have jurisdiction over the appeal of the denial of
intervention. The petition for rehearing was denied on May
17, 1994. App. 38a.
7
reference its December 28, 1993, opinion. App. 3a. On July
26, 1994, the court entered judgment invalidating Act 1,
enjoining further use of the new plan, and directing that
1994 elections be held under a plan drawn by the court.
Hays v. State o f Louisiana, 1994 WL 477159 (W.D. La.)
("Hays IF) (App. 24-24a).
The district court’s seven-district plan resulted in six
predominantly white districts and one majority black
district.2 App. 33a. District 4, which under Act 42 had been
63 percent black registered voter population and 55 percent
black registered voter population under Act 1, was now 28
percent black registered voter population. App. 5a, 31a, 89a.
This Court granted a stay of the district court’s order.
Both the State defendant and the federal defendant-
intervenor in Hays I I have filed jurisdictional statements with
this Court. Accordingly, based on its earlier holding in this
case, the Court of Appeals will not hear the appeal of the
denial of intervention. Nonetheless, because of the
uncertainty in the case law as to where an appeal of the
denial of intervention by a three-judge court should be
heard, appellants have filed two appeals: to this Court and
to the Fifth Circuit.
THE QUESTIONS PRESENTED ARE SUBSTANTIAL
This appeal raises serious questions regarding the
relationship between Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 24 and
the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution and the
cause of action recognized by this Court in Shaw v. Reno.
The appellants in this case are black registered voters who
2 The single majority black district in the Court’s plan,
District 1, was originally created as a result of litigation
following the 1980 census. Major v. Treen, 51A F. Supp. 325
(E.D.La. 1983) (three-judge court).
8
live in Louisiana Congressional District 4. As a result of
redistricting, appellants now enjoy, for the first time, the
equal opportunity to participate in the political process and
elect to Congress candidates of their choice, a right
guaranteed by section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42
U.S.C. § 1973. They live in a district that is 55 percent black
registered voters, which offers them — and has resulted in --
a realistic opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice to
Congress. The plaintiffs in Hays II do not live in
Congressional District 4 but nonetheless sought an
injunction against the use of that district. The plaintiffs’
challenge led to the creation of a district that is 28 percent
black registered voters -- a district that offers appellants no
reasonable opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice
to Congress. The entitlement of black voters to participate
in a judicial proceeding that may result in a denial of their
rights under section 2 is an important question under both
the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure and the Constitution.
In addition, this appeal raises a serious issue
regarding judicial administration of three-judge court cases
that only this Court can answer: under the circumstances
and posture of this case, does this Court or the Court of
Appeals have jurisdiction over appeals from a denial of
intervention by a three-judge court, once an appeal has been
taken to this Court on the merits of the grant of an
injunction?
1. In light of this Court’s recognition of a new,
"analytically distinct" cause of action in Shaw, 125 L.Ed.2d at
532, conflict has emerged among the three-judge courts as
to the proper standard for intervention by black voters under
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 24. In virtually every other
case in which black voters have sought intervention, the
three-judge court has permitted intervention to individuals
who live in the challenged district and who sought to
represent directly the interests of black voters. Shaw v.
Hunt, 1994 WL 457269 (E.D. N.C.); Vera v. Richards, 1994
9
WL 484492 (S.D. Tex.); Johnson v. Miller, 1994 WL 506780
(S.D. Ga.). Thus a conflict exists, which only this Court can
resolve, as to the proper standard for intervention by black
voters in lawsuits raising Shaw-type claims.
Rule 24 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure
provides that any person who makes a timely application
shall be permitted to intervene in an action upon a showing
of "an interest relating to" the subject matter, so long as the
"disposition of the action may as a practical matter impair or
impede the applicant’s ability to protect that interest, unless
the applicant’s interest is adequately represented by existing
parties."
Appellants’ applications were clearly timely.
Appellants attempted to intervene in Hays I within a month
after this Court’s decision in Shaw, before the constitutional
claims, which had been dismissed a year earlier, had been
reinstated. The timeliness of their second attempt to
intervene, in Hays II, was not questioned by any party.
Appellants moved to intervene to defend newly enacted Act
1 within little more than a month from the time the Act
became effective and only two days after the district court
permitted the filing of the amended complaint to challenge
the new plan. Cf. NAACP v. New York, 413 U.S. 345, 367
(1973) (intervention untimely when appellants waited three
months after learning of pendency of action).
Appellants met the other requirements for
intervention as of right, and, a fortiori, permissively.
Appellants established a "significantly protectable" interest
in the action. See Donaldson v. United States, 400 U.S. 517,
531 (1971); Cascade Natural Gas Corp. v. El Paso Natural
Gas Co., 386 U.S. 129, 154 (1967) (Stewart, J., dissenting).
Appellants have a right to equal electoral opportunity in
congressional elections. Johnson v. DeGrandy, 512 U .S.___,
129 L.Ed.2d 775 (1994). They have a cognizable interest
10
under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments as well as
the Voting Rights Act. See White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755
(1973). Appellants in this case clearly have an interest in
the subject matter of this litigation, given that, had they filed
a separate challenge, any complaint would have stated a
cause of action under the Voting Rights Act and the
Constitution, had the State not drawn a district like District
4.3 Unquestionably, black voters have an interest in
whether a congressional districting plan is so configured as
to offer them an opportunity to elect a candidate of their
choice to Congress, or whether a district should be redrawn
to deny them that very opportunity.4
3 The strength of that interest was recognized by the
three-judge district court in Johnson v. Miller:
For many blacks Jim Crow is living memory,
and the presence of black luminaries and
ordinary citizens at our hearings is a
testament to their concern. This Court does
not underestimate the emotional investment
in our decision of blacks still resisting the
vestiges of racial discrimination . . . .
Slip. Op. at 28.
4 Under the plan drawn by the three-judge court,
District 4, which under Act 1 had been 55 percent black
registered voter population, was now 28 percent black
registered voter population. No black candidate in this
century has been elected to Congress from a majority white
district in the State of Louisiana. Under the plan drawn by
the three-judge court, the black-sponsored candidate,
Representative Cleo Fields, would surely lose in a race
against incumbent Richard Baker, the bulk of whose voters
would reside in the court-ordered District 4. Moreover, the
court-drawn plan led to the announcement by David Duke,
former high-ranking official of the Ku Klux Klan, that he
was considering running in the resulting open seat in the
11
Appellants’ cognizable interest in defending the
challenged congressional district is separate and apart from
the concerns of either the State or the United States. This
is clear from the explicit language of the Voting Rights Act
itself, which states that one of the purposes of the Act is
"[t]o assure that the right of citizens of the United States to
vote is not denied or abridged on account of race or color."
42 U.S.C. 1973(b). The Act was intended to protect the
franchise of African American voters and other minority
groups. See State o f South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S.
301 (1966).
The last criterion of Rule 24(a) concerns whether the
applicants’ interests are adequately represented by existing
parties. A recurring and important question is whether the
interests of the non-party beneficiaries of affirmative steps
to redress discrimination can ever be represented adequately
by others in cases where plaintiffs challenge those actions on
the part of a state or other governmental actor. This Court
has repeatedly recognized the reluctance of defendants in
such cases to vigorously defend challenges by proclaiming
one’s status as a wrongdoer, making those defendants
unlikely to represent the interests of African Americans
adequately. See, e.g., Wygant v. Jackson Board o f Education,
476 U.S. 267, 290-91 (1986) (O’Connor, J., concurring) ("a
requirement that public employers make findings that they
have engaged in illegal discrimination before they engage in
affirmative action programs would severely undermine public
employers’ incentive to meet voluntarily their civil rights
obligations"); University o f California Regents v. Bakke, 438
U.S. 265, 364 (1978).
The likelihood that the State would not adequately
represent appellants’ interests in this case was far from
speculative. First, as recently as 1981, the State starkly
northeastern portion of the State.
12
demonstrated its unwillingness to protect appellants’ interest
in fair participation in the congressional election process
when it created a congressional plan found by a federal
district court to be in violation of the Voting Rights Act.
During the 1980 redistricting, white legislators and
other state officials drew the congressional plan in a process
that deliberately excluded African American lawmakers. See
Major v. Treen, 574 F. Supp. 325, 334-35 (E.D. La. 1983).
No black legislators were appointed to congressional
reapportionment subcommittees. Id. at 330. After then
Governor Treen’s announcement of his intention to veto any
plan that created a majority black district, the Louisiana
Senate President called a "private" meeting — one to which
black legislators were not invited. Id. at 334. The three-
judge district found the Governor’s opposition to be
"predicated in significant part on [a proposed plan’s]
delineation of a majority black district centered in Orleans
Parish." Id. Indeed, that sentiment was echoed loudly by
one of the six members of the Louisiana joint conference
committee, which was responsible for drawing the post-1980
congressional districts. This State senator was heard to say
that he opposed creating a majority black congressional
district in the New Orleans area, because, "we already have
a nigger mayor, and we don’t need another nigger bigshot."5
In the face of then Governor Treen’s threatened veto, white
legislators determined that black "interest in obtaining a
predominantly black district would have to be sacrificed . .
. ." 574 F. Supp. at 334.
Second, apart from the State’s well-known and
5 Hearings on the Nomination of William Bradford
Reynolds’ to be Associate Attorney General of the United
States, 99th Cong., 1st Sess. p. 440 (1985) (reprinting section
5 submission analysis prepared by Robert N. Kwan, attorney,
Voting Section, Civil Rights Div., U.S. Dept, of Justice).
13
considerable history of discrimination and the 1980’s
redistricting, more recent events shed further light on the
depth of Louisiana’s commitment to its African American
voters. In 1991, the Department of Justice found that the
State had protected white incumbents at the expense of
black voters, in redistricting the state senate. As recently as
March 1992, the Justice Department refused to preclear the
submitted redistricting plan for the Board of Elementary and
Secondary Education in the State of Louisiana, finding that
the State had not met its burden of demonstrating that the
plan had neither discriminatory purpose nor effect. DX 16-
17.
Third, during the pendency of Hays I, appellants
sought to have the State introduce affidavits from witnesses
appellants would have called to testify had they been
permitted to intervene. The attorney representing
Louisiana advised counsel for appellants that he could not
introduce certain declarations that would have addressed,
inter alia, the "responsiveness" of legislators elected from the
district created by Act 42 when it was majority white. This
refusal was based on his view that the testimony was
objectionable to the State defendants because it contained
statements critical of certain elected state officials and
congressional representatives.6 The district court’s denial of
6 Motion to Intervene, Declaration of Judith Reed. In
determining the ability of the State to represent adequately
the interests of African American voters, the district court
should have considered whether the State would
"undoubtedly make all of the intervenor’s arguments,
whether [the State] is capable and willing to make [certain]
arguments, and whether the intervenor offers a necessary
element to the proceedings that would be neglected."
Sagebrush Rebellion, Inc. v. Watt, 713 F.2d 525, 528 (9th Cir.
1983); Fiandaca v. Cunningham, 827 F.2d 825 (1st Cir. 1987)
(likelihood that applicants would introduce additional
14
intervention is thus not only contrary to Rule 24, it is
inconsistent with decisions of this Court.
Under the circumstances in this case, and given
Louisiana’s history of discrimination, appellants were entitled
to intervene. Trbovich v. United Mine Workers, 404 U.S. 528,
538 n.10 (1972) ("the requirement of the Rule is satisfied if
the applicant shows that representation of his interests may
be inadequate") (emphasis added).
Moreover, to deny black voters intervention under
these circumstances would raise serious questions of equal
protection under the Fifth Amendment. Bolling v. Sharpe,
347 U.S. 497 (1954). Plaintiffs in the series of cases that
have been brought in the wake of Shaw have advanced an
extraordinarily expansive claim for standing to challenge a
states’ determination of its districting.7 The interests of
black voters which will be impaired by the elimination of the
Fourth District are every bit as important and clearly more
concrete than the speculative, and perhaps nonjusticiable,
harm suffered by white voters who claim the right to a
"colorblind" electoral process. . . ." App. 47a. Yet black
voters in this case have not been allowed to be heard.
The right of black voters who live in a predominantly
black congressional district should not be determined in
litigation conducted between a proven discriminator and
plaintiffs who do not live in the district. If white voters or
voters who do not live in the district are entitled to litigate
the constitutionality of a congressional district, then black
evidence favors intervention).
7 See Karlan, All Over the Map: The Supreme Court’s
Voting Rights Trilogy, 1993 Sup. Ct. Rev. 245, 278-80
(pointing out that this Court has not yet addressed the
question of standing in 5/iaw-type cases).
15
voters who live in the district must be accorded an equal
right to participate in such proceedings. The district court’s
decision in this case, by granting rights to the plaintiffs that
it denies to black voters, raises serious questions under the
equal protection guarantee of the Fifth Amendment.
2. This Court has not yet addressed the important
question of whether a denial of intervention by a three-judge
court is appealable directly to this Court or should be
appealed to the Court of Appeals, once an appeal of the
merits under section 1253 is properly before the Court.8
Appellants maintained in the Court of Appeals without
success that jurisdiction to decide the intervention issue lay
with that court. The Court of Appeals rejected that view
and insisted that review could be had only in this Court.
Appellants seek review in this Court of this question
because, as matters now stand, this is the only Court from
which they can obtain review. The purpose of this appeal is
not to urge that this Court, as opposed to the Court of
Appeals, decide the merits of the intervention question, but,
rather, to obtain a definitive resolution of the issue of where
jurisdiction to review the denial of intervention by a three-
judge court lies. The determination of this issue rests on a
series of not entirely consistent lines of precedent, and this
Court needs to clarify the law.
The result of appellants’ first attempt to intervene
and obtain review of the denial of that intervention
illustrates the problem. At the time appellants took an
appeal of the July 1993 denial of intervention, trial of the
constitutional and Voting Rights Act claims relating to Act
8 Section 1253 provides that "any party may appeal to
the Supreme Court from an order granting or denying" an
injunction in an action required to be heard by a three-judge
court.
16
42 had yet to be held. At the time the intervention order
was entered in July 1993, an appeal could go only to the
Court of Appeals not to this Court. The Court of Appeals
raised the question of whether it or this Court had
jurisdiction of the intervention appeal at a time when it was
no longer possible to appeal the denial of the intervention
to this Court. The Court of Appeals decision on the first
denial of intervention has had the effect of precluding an
appeal. The decision of the Court of Appeals is inconsistent
with a number of decisions of this Court.
Section 1253 by its terms "authoriz[es] a direct appeal
to [the Supreme Court] only from an order of a three-judge
district court ‘granting or denying . . . an interlocutory or
permanent injunction.’" Gunn v. University Committee, 399
U.S. 383, 386-87 (1970). This Court has held that where a
district court withholds injunctive relief, the plaintiff may
appeal the grant or denial of an injunction, but that an
appeal of the declaratory judgment must be appealed to the
court of appeals. See, Mitchell v. Donovan, 398 U.S. 427
(1970); Rockefeller v. Catholic Medical Center, 397 U.S. 820
(1970); Gunn v. University Committee, supra-, Whitcomb v.
Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 138 n.19 (1971); Vance v. Universal
Amusement Co., Inc., 587 F.2d 159,163 (5th Cir. 1978), aff’d,
445 U.S. 308 (1980).
Yet another decision of this Court suggests another
alternative. This Court has found that when the issue
sought to be reviewed is inextricably intertwined with the
injunction issues it is appropriate to exercise its jurisdiction
under section 1253 to review both the merits of the issuance
of the injunction and the declaratory judgment. Roe v.
Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 123 (1973) (both aspects would be
reviewed when the "arguments as to both aspects are
17
necessarily identical").9 However, even under those
circumstances, this Court indicated a preference for the
party seeking review of the non-injunction aspects to file
instead of an appeal, a petition for certiorari before
judgment. Id. Yet, under what appeared to be similar
circumstances, the Court dismissed an appeal by defendants
of a declaratory judgment to this Court after an appeal had
been taken from the denial of an injunction for lack of
jurisdiction. See Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973); see also
Gerstein v. Coe, 417 U.S. 279 (1974), accompanied by Poe v.
Gerstein, 417 U.S. 281 (1974); Socialist Workers Party v.
March Fong Eu, 591 F.2d 1252 (9th Cir. 1978), cert, denied,
441 U.S. 946 (1979).
On the other hand, in analogous circumstances, this
Court has exercised appellate jurisdiction over a variety of
appeals. For example, in appeals arising under both 28
U.S.C. § 1254(1) and 42 U.S.C. 1973b(a), this Court directly
reviewed the denial of intervention. International Union,
Local 238 v. Scofield, 382 U.S. 205, 208-09 (1965) (phrase,
"any party," in 28 U.S.C. 1254(1) may include an
unsuccessful intervenor); NAACP v. New York, 413 U.S. 345
(1973) (would-be intervenors allowed to appeal denial of
intervention under section 4(a), 42 U.S.C. 1973b(a), which
provides that "[a]n action pursuant to this subsection shall be
heard and determined by a court of three judges in
accordance with the provisions of section 2284 of Title 28
and any appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court.") Similarly,
9 It may well be that in this case a single appeal to this
Court is appropriate, because the question of the interest of
black voters in the survival of Congressional District 4 is a
central element in both reviewing the propriety of the grant
of an injunction in Hays II — since the defenders of that
district all argue that it was required to comply with section
2 of the Voting Rights Act — and in deciding the question
of the entitlement of appellants to intervene under Rule 24.
18
in Supreme Court o f Virginia v. Consumers Union, 446 U.S.
719 (1980), this Court held that review of collateral matters
was appropriate where an appeal on the merits under
section 1253 had been taken. Id. at 737 n.16 (jurisdiction to
decide whether attorneys fees had been properly awarded).
Earlier in Fusari v. Steinberg, 419 U.S. 379 (1975), this Court
noted that an appeal of the merits issues necessarily "brings
the ‘whole case’ before the Court." Id. at 387 (citation
omitted). The applicability of a general rule to appeals
under section 1253 thus raises important and unsettled
issues.
The sequence of events in this case and the question
of whether jurisdiction of the intervention appeal belongs in
this Court or the Court of Appeals has led to an anomalous
juncture. At this point the case is about to be resolved on
the merits without an opportunity for appellants to be heard.
A holding that the denials of intervention were erroneous
would provide an independent basis for a reversal of the
district court’s decision on the merits. It is surely
inappropriate for this Court to resolve the question of the
merits without there having been a decision on who the
parties should be. If this Court does not clarify the
jurisdiction over the merits of the intervention question,
review of that issue may be effectively foreclosed.
CONCLUSION
For the above reasons, the Court should note
probable jurisdiction. We also urge the Court to grant
19
certiorari before judgment in order to avoid any question as
to jurisdiction of the denial of intervention in this case.
Respectfully submitted,
Elaine R. Jones
Director-Counsel
Theodore M. Shaw
Associate Director-Counsel
Clyde E. Murphy
Eric Schnapper
Judith Reed
(Counsel o f Record)
NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc.
99 Hudson Street
Suite 1600
New York, New York 10013
(212) 219-1900
William P. Quigley
Loyola Law Clinic
7214 St. Charles Avenue
New Orleans, LA 70118
(504) 861-5550
October 24, 1994
Attorneys for Appellants
APPENDIX
APPENDIX A
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR
THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA
SHREVEPORT DIVISION
RAY HAYS, et al. CIVIL ACTION NO. 92-1522S
Plaintiffs
VERSUS
STATE OF LOUISIANA, et al.
Defendants,
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Defendant-Intervenor.
Opening statements held in the above matter on the
21st day of July, 1994. Morning Session.
* * *
MS. REED: Your Honor, . . . I am Judith Reed
from the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and we also sought
intervention on behalf of the St. Cyr intervenor [sic].
If it’s convenient for the Court at this time I would
like to note for the record that our motion has not yet been
ruled upon. So we would request a ruling on that.
JUDGE WIENER: Thank you. The motion is
denied.
[Tr. 4.]
2a
APPENDIX B
[Filed July 29, 1994]
Ray HAYS, et al., Plaintiffs,
v.
STATE of Louisiana, et al., Defendants.
No. 92-1522.
United States District Court,
W.D. Louisiana.
Before WIENER, Chief Judge, and SHAW, Chief District
Judge and WALTER, District Judge. Walter, Wiener and
Shaw, JJ. concurring, with Shaw concurring specially with
whom Wiener, J. concurs:
By order dated June 27, 1994, this case was
remanded from the United States Supreme Court for further
proceedings. For the following reasons, Act 1 of the Second
Extraordinary Session of the 1994 Louisiana Legislature is
null and void. The State of Louisiana is hereby enjoined
from holding any future Congressional elections based upon
the redistricting scheme embodied by Act 1.
I
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
Ray Hays, Edward Adams, Susan Singleton, and Gary
Stokely ("Plaintiffs") brought this suit in state court in
August 1992 challenging Act 42 of 1992. The case was
removed to this Court by the State of Louisiana. After one
trial and an evidentiary hearing, we struck down Act 42 as
3a
an impermissible racial gerrymander violative of Plaintiffs’
equal protection rights. TTie State of Louisiana et al.
(’Defendants’) pursued their appeal directly to the Supreme
Court. Meanwhile, during an extraordinary session, the
Louisiana Legislature enacted Act 1, repealing Act 42 and
creating a new Congressional redistricting scheme. Plaintiffs
filed supplemental pleadings seeking to amend their
complaint. The amended pleadings challenged Act 1 and
sought injunctive relief. As the case was on appeal to the
Supreme Court, the motions were returned unsigned for lack
of jurisdiction. On June 27, 1994, the Supreme Court
vacated our judgment of December 29,1993; remanded the
case to this Court "for further consideration in light of Act
1 of the Second Extraordinary Session of the 1994 Louisiana
Legislature and the parties’ filings in this Court concerning
Act 1." Consistent with that order, this Court permitted the
previously filed amended complaint and a two-day trial was
held to determine the constitutionality of Act 1.
II
FINDINGS OF FACT AND CONCLUSIONS OF LAW
In the interest of brevity, we reiterate and adopt by
reference our December 28, 1993 opinion. Our conclusions
regarding Plaintiffs’ standing to bring an equal protection
challenge are adopted as well. With that in mind, we make
the following findings:
A
"The Act (1) speaks for itself’
The districting map of Louisiana, created under Act
1, reflects a racial gerrymander. Specifically the bizarre and
irregular shape of District Four raises the inference that the
Louisiana Legislature classified its citizens along racial lines
and segregated them into voting districts accordingly. The
district cuts across historical and cultural divides, splits
twelve of its fifteen parishes and divides four of the seven
4a
major cities of the State. The statistical evidence showing
the racial composition of the districts further supports the
finding that District Four is "so extremely irregular on its
face that it rationally can be viewed only as an effort to
segregate the races for purposes of voting." Shaw v. Reno,
113 S.Ct. 2816 (1993).1 Plaintiffs, by submitting the new
map with their supplemental pleadings, stated a claim upon
which relief can be granted under the Equal Protection
Clause. We ordered the State of Louisiana and
Defendant-Intervenor United States to begin the trial by
rebutting this inference.
Defendants offered the testimony of two State
Senators, the State Senate’s assistant secretary, a
geographer, and a sociologist in an effort to explain the
shape of the district on other than impermissible racial
grounds. Those persons involved directly with the formation
of Act 1 acknowledged that the creation of a second
majority-minority district was the specific intent of the
Legislature. Two race-neutral explanations were submitted
by the defense. First, the geographer opined that as District
Four followed the Red River valley, it endowed all its
residents with a commonality of interest. Second, the
various witnesses asserted that District Four was inspired by
"the old Eighth" district thereby satisfying the concept of
"traditional" districting principles.
The starting point, following the 1990 census, was to
redistrict for seven congressional districts, instead of eight,
Louisiana having lost one member of Congress. Next, the
State sought to comply with the Constitutional requirement
of one man—one vote. In this case, each district should
contain, as closely as practicable, 603,853 citizens. The
‘The State now concedes that Act 42 was bizarre. In our opinion
of December 28, 1993, we called for major surgery. Act 1 is at best
a cosmetic makeover.
Sa
State’s evidence clearly shows what happened next:
Misinterpreting our opinion of December 1993 as approving
a racially gerrymandered district if it contained no more than
55 % minority registered voters; and remaining convinced
that the Department of Justice would not pre-clear any plan
that did not contain two majority/minority districts, the
Legislature embarked on an endeavor to comply with those
demands and still secure adoption. These were the only
inflexible features given to the cartographer/demographer in
charge of generating the seven districts.
After reviewing the evidence, we find that Act 1 can
only be explained credibly as the product of race-conscious
decisionmaking. The Senators themselves admitted that race
played a large if not dominant role in the map as it is now
drawn. The Red River valley theory is clearly a post hoc
rationalization similar to the Mississippi River theory offered
to support Act 42 and equally unbelievable. The State did
not imitate the "old Eighth" for tradition’s sake.2 The "old
Eighth," certainly bizarre, before Shaw and never challenged,
was crafted for the purpose of ensuring the reelection of
Congressman Gillis Long. New District Four was drafted
with the specific intent of ensuring a second
majority-minority Congressional district. The State’s
purported reliance on District Four’s similarity to the "old
Eighth" is mere pretext. Although the witnesses highlighted
other factors that carved the contours of the awkward
district, the fundamental factor driving Act I was race.
B
ACT 1 IS SUBJECT TO STRICT SCRUTINY
Race-conscious redistricting, while not always
2In fact, District Four incorporates the "old Eighth" only in part.
It shoves the top further north into Shreveport, further south into
Baton Rouge and shortens it to the east.
6a
unconstitutional, is always subject to strict scrutiny. This
conclusion has troubled legislators, scholars, litigators, and
judges alike. T. Alexander Aleinikoff, Samuel Issacharoff,
Race and Redistricting: Drawing Constitutional Lines After
Shaw v. Reno, 92 Mich. L.Rev. 588, 602 ("Aleinikoff'). The
problem is caused by the incomplete constitutional status of
affirmative action plans in the voting rights realm. In United
Jewish Organization v. Carey, 430 U.S. 144 (1977), the
Supreme Court applied a more deferential standard to what
the plurality deemed "benign" measures. One year later, the
Court decided Regents of the University of California v.
Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978) following the theory that "the
right not to be injured on the basis of one’s skin color was
a personal right secured by the Constitution, and the
asserted lack of an invidious purpose could not be a
sufficient reason for reducing the level of judicial scrutiny
applied to measures that disadvantaged persons on the basis
of race." Aleinikoff, 92 Mich. L.Rev. at 592. Eleven years
later, City o f Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469
(1989) confirmed the notion that, since Bakke, the scrutiny
applied under the Fourteenth Amendment Equal Protection
Clause will not vary based on the race of the preferred
group. 488 U.S. at 493. Shaw is consistent with the more
recent equal protection precedents, focusing on individual
rights as opposed to UJO’s group-based approach.
Aleinikoff, 92 Mich. L.Rev. at 600. By not overruling UJO,
Shaw v. Reno can be read to ratify "the earlier group-based
decisions which focus on whether electoral schemes ’dilute’
the voting strength of protected minorities [while making
clear] that the fact of non-dilution does not immunize
districting plans from constitutional challenge." Id.
"A racial classification, despite purported motivation,
is presumptively invalid and can be upheld only upon an
extraordinary justification." Personnel Administrator o f
Massachusetts v. Feeny, 442 U.S. 256, 272, 99 S.Ct. 2282,
2293 (1979). Therefore, such legislation must be narrowly
7a
tailored to further a compelling governmental interest if it is
to pass constitutional muster.
C
COMPELLING GOVERNMENTAL INTEREST
Defendants have proved no compelling governmental
interest in distinguishing among citizens of Louisiana
because of their race. Defendants contend that incumbency
politics, the Voting Rights Act, and remedying past legal and
social or continuing social discrimination justified the racial
segregation of voters. We disagree. We note at the outset
that incumbency politics cannot justify racial classifications.
Adhering to federal anti-discrimination laws and remedying
past or continuing discrimination could constitute compelling
governmental interests if the State could "demonstrate a
strong basis in evidence for its conclusion that remedial
action was necessary." Croson, 488 U.S. at 510, 109 S.Ct. at
730. Such a basis may be drawn from judicial, legislative, or
administrative findings of constitutional or statutory
violations.
1
Voting Rights Act
The State Legislature believed that the Voting Rights
Act compelled the creation of a second majority-minority
district.3 A careful review of those statutes and the caselaw
This belief was encouraged, if not demanded, by the Department
of Justice, under an actual or implied threat of withholding Section
5 pre-clearance. The shield became a sword. Whether the Attorney
General had the right to withhold pre-clearance may be open to
question, but she certainly had the power, and the threat, whether
issued by her or some middle level bureaucrat, was a matter of real
concern to the State. Litigation in the District of Columbia, and
everywhere else is expensive. We hold, however, that a real concern
8 a
interpreting them reveals that the State’s belief was
misplaced.
Under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C
s 1973c, the State has an affirmative duty to avoid
retrogression or enactment of a plan that has the purpose or
effect of denying or abridging the right to vote because of
race or color. Neither the State nor the Department of
Justice offered any evidence suggesting that failure to create
a second majority-minority district would either be a
retrogression of minority strength or have an illegal purpose
or effect. Not surprisingly, we can find no support for such
a claim either. Section 5 cannot be read to compel the
results of Act 1.
A Voting Rights Act Section 2 violation occurs when,
under the totality of the circumstances, a State’s
apportionment scheme has the effect of diminishing or
abridging the voting strength of a protected class. In
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30,106 S.Ct. 2752 (1986), the
Supreme Court enumerated three conditions to a Section 2
"dilution" claim: (1) a numerous and compact minority, that
is (2) politically cohesive, and (3) subject to majority bloc
voting usually defeating the minority’s preferred candidate.
438 U.S. at 50-51, 106 S.Ct at 2766. The evidence
convincingly proves that the State cannot clear the first
Gingles hurdle.* 4 Accordingly, Section 2 cannot serve as a
compelling justification for Act 1. Certainly the Voting
Rights Act would permit the creation of a second
is not a compelling one.
4Despite a minority population of approximately 30, demographic
distribution is simply too diffuse (See Gov’t Exhibit 2) to generate
a majority voting age population in any district outside of the Orleans
Parish region. The State’s own expert confirmed that Louisiana’s
minority population is simply not sufficiently concentrated to meet
Gingles minimum requirements.
9a
majority-minority district, but the fact that such a district is
permitted does not compel its creation. Shaw demands that
we distinguish between what the Voting Rights Act requires
and what it permits. 113 S.Ct at 2830. As for any
arguments that Section 2 compels maximization of minority
voting strength, the Supreme Court recently held:
(R)eading Section 2 to define dilution as any
failure to maximize tends to obscure the very
object of the statute and to run counter to its
textually stated purpose. One may suspect
vote dilution from political famine, but one is
not entitled to suspect (much less infer)
dilution from mere failure to guarantee a
political feast ... Failure to maximize cannot
be the measure of Section 2.
Johnson v. DeGrady, — U.S. — , — S.Ct. — 1994 WI
285792 (1994). Hence, did not have a basis in law or fact to
believe that the Voting Rights Act required the creation of
two majority-minority districts.5
2
Remediation of Past or Present Discrimination
Defendants elicited testimony that the sordid history
of unconstitutional treatment of black citizens in Louisiana
prompted the State to tinker with district lines in order to
ensure minority control at the polls. Using the disease as a
cure is a dangerous antidote, one that must be absolutely
warranted before being administered. Ironically, one witness
contended that the days of "white" and "colored" water
3 A strong basis under Gingles does exist, however, to warrant the
creation of a majority-minority district in the Orleans Parish region,
where one has existed since 1983. See M ajor v. Treen, 574 F.Supp.
325 (E.D. La. 1983).
10a
fountains and bus seats justify distinct "white" and
"African-American" congressional districts. What the
defense failed to establish is where the Civil Rights Act of
1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 have failed to
accomplish what the State now sets out to do. Without
concrete evidence of the lingering effects of past
discrimination or continuing legal prejudice in voting laws
and procedures, coupled with specific remedies, we cannot
agree that the re-segregation of Louisiana by racially
configured voting districts is warranted.6 Croson and Bakke
dictate this result.
Finally, we refuse to accept the explanation that
citizen response to issues such as education, crime and
health care is driven by skin pigmentation. Legitimation of
that notion would herald the demise of equal protection.
Ill
THE COURT’S PLAN
Our strong preference is to leave to the Legislature
the task of drawing election districts. We reluctantly set our
hands to the task, considering the lateness of the hour, the
dismal history of the Legislature in two previous attempts,
foot-dragging by the defendants in the appeals and the risk
that Louisiana might be without Congressional
representation in January 1995. The districts that we drew
split only 6 parishes of the sixty-four, followed traditional
6We also note, that, accepting arguendo the remediation
argument as compelling, the defendants utterly failed to demonstrate
how gerrymandering could remedy the problems asserted as
compelling interests. That is exactly the problem with a sweeping
remedy to an amorphous concept. Without properly defining the
compelling interest, it is impossible for the State to narrowly tailor
any plan.
11a
lines, only one town of approximately 3000 was divided, and
the plan met all Constitutional one man-one vote
requirements. It did ignore all political considerations.
And, instructed by Gingles, we did not carve districts along
race lines, except in District 2, where the Constitution and
fairness requires us to consider it.7
IV
CONCLUSION
The Equal Protection Clause demands strict scrutiny
of government use of race as a dividing line. This is an
individual right in addition to any group-based protections
that the Amendment affords. When voting districts are
carefully planned like racial wards, an individual injury
occurs. All citizens are stigmatized by the notion that their
"interests" can be defined by race or will be represented
adequately only if a member of their racial "group" holds a
particular office. To reinforce such racial notions by
operation of law seems to fly in the face of Justice Thurgood
Marshall’s expressed hope in his argument in Cooper v.
Aaron that we "learn to live together with fellow citizens,
and above all to learn to obey the law."
I find a contrary position strangely at odds with the
desires so eloquently voiced, not so long ago, in Shreveport,
in Jackson, in Selma, in countless towns across the South, at
schools and lunch counters, at voter registrar’s offices. They
stood there, black and white, certain in the knowledge that
the Dream was coming; determined that no threat, no
spittle, no blow, no gun, no noose, no law could separate us
because of the color of our skin. To say now: "Separate!"
"Divide!" "Segregate!" is to negate their sacrifice, mock their
dream, deny that self-evident truth that all men are created
equal and that no government may deny them the equal
7See M ajor v. Treen, note 5 supra.
12a
protection of its laws.
The validity of equal protection and the systemic
legitimacy of our electoral process are threatened when a
State sculpts voting districts along race lines. As here, when
the State cannot, or has not, offered and supported an
extraordinary justification for these questionable measures,
the race-conscious enactments must fall.
13a
SHAW, Chief District Judge, concurring:
I concur in the able opinion of the majority. It is an
honest effort to provide a suitable plan for Congressional
districts in Louisiana within the restraints of the
Constitution. I would, however, like to add a few words
which may be somewhat repetitive but which address matters
in our December 28, 1993 ruling which we have adopted by
reference as well as additional findings supported by the
evidence. Applying the same constitutional analysis to Act
1 has led us to a similar conclusion.
Again, this Court is called upon to answer the same
question, "Does a state have the right to create a second
racial majority-minority Congressional district by racial
gerrymandering?"
The United States Supreme Court has answered that
question for this court in Shaw v. Reno,1 "Yes, but only if
the plan is narrowly tailored to further a compelling state
interest."
For the following reasons, this Court finds that the
Congressional Redistricting Plan embodied in Act 1 and
District 4, in particular, is the product of racial
gerrymandering and is not narrowly tailored to further any
compelling governmental interests. The plaintiffs’ right to
equal protection as guaranteed by the United States
Constitution is violated by this redistricting plan, and as
such, the plan is null and void.
‘508 U.S. —, 113 S.Ct. — , 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993).
14a
Racial gerrymandering
As stated in our previous opinion, racial
gerrymandering is defined as the intentional segregation of
voters on the basis of race. This Court is called upon to first
determine whether the redistricting plan is the result of
racial gerrymandering.
At trial, the witnesses for the State readily admitted
that the purpose of District 4 was to create a second black
majority district. The testimony of the state legislators and
the State Senate Assistant Secretary confirmed that the
district lines were driven by the fact that the black
population in the State of Louisiana was sufficiently
dispersed through the State that it was impossible to create
a second majority black district without skewing the lines
into a long irregular shape, as demonstrated by District 4 of
the plan.
The districting plan embodied in Act 1 is highly
irregular in its shape. Though it may be less bizarre than
the plan created in Act 42, the physiognomy of District 4
still strongly suggests that the Legislature engaged in racial
gerrymandering in creating the district. Looking at District
4 on a map of Louisiana, it appears as if someone knocked
over an inkwell somewhere around Waskom, Texas, spilling
ink aimlessly across the map of Louisiana. There is simply
nothing regular about the contours of District 4.
This court acknowledges that the appearance or
beauty of a district is irrelevant to a constitutional analysis;
however, the irregularity in shape of a district is suspect and
can indicate racial gerrymandering.
Although Shaw discusses the concept of bizarre or
irregular shape as a means of demonstrating or inferring
15a
racial gerrymandering, the high court in no way indicated
that shape alone was a determining factor in a finding of
racial gerrymandering.
This Court finds, aside from the irregularity of the
shape of this district, the evidence at trial clearly supported
a finding of racial gerrymandering. The Louisiana
Legislature abandoned traditional districting principles to
arrive at a Plan which created two majority black voting
districts. Act 1, like Act 42, completely disregards the
traditional districting principles of compactness, respect for
political subdivisions, and respect for commonality of
interests.
a. Compactness
District 4, under Act 1, begins in Caddo Parish, and
includes the Parishes of DeSoto, Red River, Sabine, and
Natchitoches, all located in clearly defined North Louisiana,
and ends in Ascension Parish, after cutting through the
French region of Louisiana called "Acadiana," which includes
Lafayette, St. Martin, St. Landry, and Evangeline Parishes.
The district is approximately 250 miles long, and meanders
through 15 parishes, making it considerably longer than any
other district in the State. District 4 cuts up four major
population centers of Louisiana, including Shreveport,
Alexandria, Lafayette, and Baton Rouge, in its efforts to
capture sufficient pockets of African-American voters,
paying no respect to parish lines.2 The district points
fingers out into Caddo, Rapides, and Lafayette Parishes,
while taking small bites out of St. Martin and Iberville
2This court notes that District 4 covers, not only four major
population centers of Louisiana, but includes four separate and major
media centers of this state. Congressional candidates would be
required to spend substantial amounts of money and time covering
the voters in four major areas of the state.
16a
Parishes. A district that stretches over as much territory,
touching so many media and population centers, cannot be
said to be
compact.
b. Respect for Political Subdivisions
Although Act 1 is an improvement from Act 42, the state
legislature continues to disregard the parish lines in
fashioning a plan to create a second minority district.
In the creation of District 4, the State found it
necessary to fragment twelve of the fifteen parishes
comprising District 4, splitting sixteen parishes statewide
under the plan. District 4 is made up of pieces and parts of
twelve parishes and splits four of the State’s largest cities,
outside of New Orleans-Shreveport, Baton Rouge,
Lafayette, and Alexandria. Clearly, Act 1 has no respect for
Louisiana’s political subdivisions.
c. Commonality o f Interests
To say that District 4 comprises voters with common
interests violates all traditional north-south, ethno-religious,
economic and historical distinctions in Louisiana which
created this State’s diverse personality.
D i s t r i c t 4 i nc ludes N o r t h L o u i s i a na
English-Scotch-Irish, mainline Protestants, South Louisiana
French-Spanish-German Roman Catholics, traditional rural
black Protestants, and Creoles. The district encompasses
North, Central, and South Louisiana, each of which has its
own unique identity, interests, culture, and history. The
agricultural regions of District 4 include cotton, soybean,
rice, sugar cane, and timber. Such diverse agricultural
constituency have few common interests. We continue to
question how one Congressional representative could
17a
adequately represent the varying interests of residents in
such far-flung areas of the State.
A district which disregards commonality of interests
and stretches across the State in a haphazard manner
without regard to political subdivisions can only be explained
as the result of racial gerrymandering.
Justification for Defendant’s Plan
The State attempted to put forth a race-neutral
explanation for its plan by the use of a geographer who
testified that District 4 was drawn along the Red River
Valley demonstrating a commonality of interest. The State
failed in its burden of proof to show that the Red River
Valley region in the State of Louisiana demonstrated a
commonality of interests.
Secondly, the State offered as support for its plan,
that District 4 of the plan was modeled after the old eighth
district in Louisiana which was created for and represented
by Congressman Gillis Long.
This Court is not swayed by the assertion that the
tradition of the past regarding the old eighth district is
binding on this Court, due to the fact that the old eighth
district was never challenged on constitutionality by any
court in the United States. This Court is not called upon to
determine the constitutionality of the old eighth district, and
does not rely on the fact that such a district existed in
Louisiana. What was done by the Louisiana Legislature in
the old eighth has no application to this case before this
Court, and cannot be used as a comparable for the plan
before this Court.
Accordingly, this Court finds that the only
explanation of the State’s Redistricting Plan was racial
gerrymandering. The State intentionally segregated voters
18a
into Congressional districts on the basis of race, in order to
intentionally create a second black majority voting district.
Narrowly Tailored
A racially gerrymandered plan is subject to strict
scrutiny, and as such it violates the Equal Protection Clause
of the Fourteenth Amendment unless it is narrowly tailored
to further a compelling governmental interest.
Again, the State advances two possible compelling
state interests to justify their racial gerrymandering: (1)
compliance with the Voting Rights Act, and (2) remedying
the effects of past discrimination.
a. Compliance with the Voting Rights Act
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act provides that a
state has an affirmative duty to avoid retrogression or to
avoid enactment of a plan that has the purpose or effect of
denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race.
The defendants established that the Louisiana
Legislature was operating under the belief that a second
majority-black district was mandated by the Department of
Justice to avoid retrogression, and obtain preclearance.
Without commenting further regarding the role of the
Department of Justice in affecting the plan enacted in Act
1, this Court finds no evidence to support a finding that a
second majority-black district is required by Section 5 of the
Voting Rights Act, to avoid retrogression. Prior to the
census, Louisiana’s congressional delegation had only one
black representative out of eight congressmen. Certainly,
one congressman out of seven cannot constitute
retrogression. Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act does not
constitute a compelling governmental interest in this case.
19a
Additionally, Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act
prohibits a plan that has the effect of diminishing or
abridging the voting strength of a protected class. However,
this claim must fall in the face of the Supreme Court’s ruling
in Thornburg v. Gingles?
This Court finds that Section 2 of the Voting Rights
Act is not implicated by this plan. Although the Voting
Rights Act would permit a second minority district, such a
district is not compelled by the Act.
b. Remedy Past Discrimination
The State advanced, as justification for its racially
gerrymandered district, the belief that the creation of a
second minority district in Louisiana is mandated to remedy
the past discrimination which has existed in Louisiana.
This Court struggled with the concept of how to
define "past discrimination" in Louisiana. Certainly, the
histoiy of Louisiana, as of most states in the deep South
with respect to its treatment of blacks, is indelibly imprinted
in our memories. This State, having inflicted great atrocities
against minorities, has made great strides in remedying past
discrimination, being ever vigilant of its current existence in
the attitudes of many of its residents today. Louisiana, in
the sense of its history, will always have a history of past
discrimination. However, this Court must determine
whether this State has a history of past legal discrimination
in the voting laws and procedures which compels it to make
reparations and remediation.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the voting Rights
Act of 1965 have mandated the elimination of obstacles to
minority participation at the polls. Since those turbulent
3478 U.S. 30, 106 S.Ct. 2752 (1986).
20a
times in Louisiana, and through the efforts of many black
and white leaders in this State, we have seen the elimination
of poll taxes, literacy tests, and violence to reduce or
prohibit African-American participation in our elections
process. Louisiana has minority representation in nearly
every level of government, in almost every area of the State.
Speaking only in the sense of the voting rights of minorities
in Louisiana, this Court finds that there exist no significant
obstacles for minorities in this State to participate in the
elections process which have not been remedied by the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Accordingly, the concept of remedying past discrimination is
not a compelling governmental interest in the recent history
of Louisiana in the area of voting rights.
This Court acknowledges the great benefits that are
derived by an increase in minority representation in
government, not only for those who are represented but also
to the process of government itself. Given the opportunity
to serve, minorities have shown that they perform admirably.
A greater number of African-American leaders in the
government process not only provide positive role models
for all black citizens, but their efforts in government will
insure that the legal obstacles to minority advancement in all
areas of life will be eliminated. However, to disregard the
rights of all citizens of the State of Louisiana would violate
the Equal Protection Clause of the United States
Constitution, and such a plan would do further violence to
the ultimate goal of a colorblind system.
Although we found that the evidence presented at
the hearing did not support the contention that the
Legislature was operating pursuant to a compelling state
interest, even if there had been satisfactory evidence at trial
that there is a compelling state interest in creating a second
majority-minority Congressional district, the plan embodied
by Act 1 was not narrowly tailored to effect that interest.
The fact that outside of the Orleans Parish area, the
21a
minority black population is relatively dispersed throughout
the rest of the State, elicited the question of whether it was
even possible to develop a districting plan that creates a
second majority-minority district and is narrowly tailored, in
the sense that the plan in total does not unduly burden the
rights of third parties.
The Court Imposed Plan
This Court, with the assistance and guidance of our
appointed special master, devised a Congressional Districting
Plan. This plan was created from a computer program
which included the demographics of the State of Louisiana.
This Court started with the goal of creating seven
Congressional districts, remaining true to the "one man, one
vote" requirement, and the constraints of Shaw and Gingles.
After considering every combination available, this
Court reached the conclusion that the diffused population of
black voters in Louisiana, outside of District 2, makes it
impossible to draw a Congressional plan which contains two
minority-majority districts and passes constitutional muster.
Act 1 clearly does not.
Conclusion
While this Court finds that the creation of a second
minority-majority district in Louisiana is permissive and
advantageous, we do not find it compelling, under the
constraints of the Constitution.
This Court applauds the Louisiana Legislature in its
efforts to create a second minority district; however, such
efforts run aground of the Constitution and the dictates of
Shaw v. Reno.
22a
APPENDIX C
[Filed Jul. 25, 1994]
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
WESTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA
SHREVEPORT DIVISION
Civil Action No. CV 92-1522S
RAY HAYS, ET AL., PLAINTIFFS
versus
EDWIN W. EDWARDS, in his official
capacity as Governor of the State of
Louisiana, ET AL., DEFENDANTS
ORDER
IT IS ORDERED that Plaintiffs’ Motion for
Judgment as a Matter of Law be and it is hereby
GRANTED.
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that Act 1 of the
Second Special Session of the 1994 Louisiana Legislature
(the Act) is unconstitutional, in that it violates the Equal
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the
United States Constitution, and the redistricting plan
embodied in the Act is null and void.
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that the State of
23a
Louisiana is permanently enjoined from holding any
elections under the Act.
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that, although we do
not invalidate the 1992 congressional elections, the term of
office of each member of the United States House of
Representatives from Louisiana who represents a district
created under the plan in Act 42 of 1992 of the State of
Louisiana, and each district created under such plan, shall
expire, ipso facto, at noon on the 3rd day of January, 1995,
and such terms of office and such districts shall not be
extended or carried over into the next Congress in any
manner whatsoever.
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that a congressional
redistricting plan for the State of Louisiana is hereby
provided, as set forth in Appendix A, on the basis of which
all congressional elections for the seven (7) United States
Representatives from the State of Louisiana to the One
Hundred Fourth Congress shall be conducted, with the dates
for qualifying and for holding such elections to be
established by the cognizant officials of the State of
Louisiana according to law; and that all subsequent elections
of United States Representatives from the State of Louisiana
shall be conducted under the plan provided by this court
until and unless a congressional districting plan enacted by
the State of Louisiana according to law is submitted to this
court and is determined by it to be constitutionally valid.
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that, as prevailing
parties in all phases of this case to date, the Plaintiffs are
entitled to recover all reasonable costs, attorneys’ fees and
expenses, including reasonable expert witness fees, pursuant
to 42 U.S.C. 1988, in amounts to be determined by reference
to United States Magistrate Judge Roy S. Payne for review
and recommendations; provided, however, that such
determination shall not prevent this Order from becoming
final immediately upon its being filed.
24a
This court reserves the right to issue, and intends to
issue, a memorandum opinion consistent with this Order.
FOR THE COURT:
/s/ Donald E. Walter
DONALD E. WALTER
District Judge
[Judgment Entered 7-26-94]
25a
LOUISIANA CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS
The State of Louisiana is divided into the following
seven Congressional Districts:
DISTRICT 1
District 1 is composed of Precincts 3-G, 5-G, 8-G,
9-G, 10-G, 1-H, 2-H, 3-H, 4-H, 5-H, 6-H, 7-H, 8-H,
9- H, 1-K, 2-K, 3-K, 4-K, 5-K, 6-K, 7-K, 8-K, 9-K,
10- K, 11-K, 12-K, 13-KA, 15-K, 16-K, 17-K, 18-K,
19-K, 20-K, 25-K, 27-K, 28-K, 34-K, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,
6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20,
21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33,
34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46,
51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63,
64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76,
77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89,
90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102,
103, 105, 106, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122,
123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 134,
135, 136, 137, 170, 171, 174B, 175, 176, 177, 178,
182, 183, 184, 185, 193, 194A, 195, 210, 211, 225,
226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, and 234 of Jefferson
Parish; Precincts 3-20, 4-8, 4-9, 4-10, 4-10A, 4-11,
4-12, 4-13, 4-13A, 4-14, 4-14A, 4-15, 4-16, 4-16A,
4-17, 4-17A, 4-18, 4-18A, 4-19, 4-20, 4-20A, 4-21,
4- 21A, 4-22, 4-23, 5-12, 5-13, 5-14, 5-15, 5-16, 5-17,
5- 18, 5-19, 7-33A, 7-40, 7-41, 7-42, 12-4, 13-1, 14-1,
14-2, 14-3, 14-4, 14-8, 14-9, 14-10, 14-11, 16-2, 17-1,
17-17, 17-18, 17-18A, 17-18B, 17-19, 17-19A, 17-20,
and 17-21 of Orleans Parish; St. Tammany Parish;
Tangipahoa Parish; and Washington Parish.
26a
DISTRICT 2
District 2 is composed of Precincts 1-G, 2-G, 4-G,
6-G, 7-G, 11-G, 13-KB, 14-K, 21-K, 22-K, 23-K, 24-K,
26-K, 29-K, 30-K, 31-K, 32-K, 33-K, 1-W, 2-W, 3-W,
4- W, 5-W, 6-W, 7-W, 8-W, 9-W, 104, 107, 115,
131, 133, 138, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156,
157A, 157B, 172, 173, 174A, 179A, 179B, 180, 181,
186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194B, 196, 197,
198, 212, 213A, 213B, 213C, 214, 215, 232, 233,
235, 236, 237, 246A, and 246B of Jefferson Parish
and Precincts 1-1, 1-2, 1-5, 1-6, 1-7, 2-1, 2-2, 2-3,
2- 4, 2-5, 2-6, 2-6A, 2-7, 3-1, 3-3, 3-4, 3-5, 3-6,
3- 7, 3-8, 3-9, 3-10, 3-12, 3-13, 3-14, 3-15, 3-16, 3-17,
3-18, 3-19, 4-2, 4-3, 4-4, 4-5, 4-6, 4-7, 5-1, 5-2, 5-3,
5- 4, 5-5, 5-6, 5-7, 5-8, 5-9, 5-10, 5-11, 6-1, 6-2, 6-4,
6- 5, 6-6, 6-7, 6-8, 6-9, 7-1, 7-2, 7-4, 7-4A, 7-5, 7-6,
7- 7, 7-8, 7-9, 7-9A, 7-10, 7-11, 7-12, 7-13, 7-14, 7-15,
7-16, 7-17, 7-18, 7-19, 7-20, 7-20A, 7-21, 7-22, 7-23,
7-24, 7-25, 7-25A, 7-26, 7-26A, 7-27, 7-27A, 7-27B,
7-28, 7-28A, 7-29, 7-30, 7-31, 7-32, 7-33, 7-34, 7-35,
7- 36, 7-36A, 7-37, 7-37A, 7-38, 7-38A, 7-39, 8-1, 8-2,
8- 4, 8-5, 8-6, 8-7, 8-8, 8-9, 8-10, 8-11, 8-12, 8-13,
8-14, 8-15, 8-16, 8-17, 8-18, 8-19, 8-20, 8-21, 8-22,
8-23, 8-24, 8-25, 8-25A, 8-26, 8-26A, 8-27, 8-27A,
8- 28, 8-29, 8-30, 9-1, 9-2, 9-3, 9-3A, 9-3B, 9-4, 9-5,
9- 5A, 9-6A, 9-6B, 9-6C, 9-6D, 9-6E, 9-6F, 9-7, 9-8,
9-8A, 9-8B, 9-9, 9-10, 9-11, 9-12, 9-13, 9-14, 9-15,
9-16, 9-17, 9-18, 9-19, 9-20, 9-21, 9-22, 9-23, 9-24,
9-25, 9-25A, 9-26, 9-26A, 9-27, 9-28, 9-28A, 9-28B,
9-28C, 9-28D, 9-28E, 9-28F, 9-29, 9-29A, 9-30, 9-30A,
9-31, 9-31A, 9-31B, 9-31C, 9-31D, 9-31E, 9-32, 9-33,
9-33A, 9-34, 9-34A, 9-35, 9-35A, 9-36, 9-36A, 9-36B,
9-36C, 9-37, 9-37A, 9-38, 9-38A, 9-38B, 9-39, 9-39A,
9-39B, 9-40, 9-40A, 9-40B, 9-40C, 9-41, 9-41 A, 9-41B,
27a
9-41C, 9-41D, 9-42, 9-42A, 9-42B, 9-42C, 9-42D,
9-42E, 9-43, 9-43A, 9-43B, 9-43C, 9-43D, 9-43E, 9-43F,
9-43G, 9-43H, 9-431, 9-43J, 9-43K, 9-43L, 9-43M,
9-43N, 9-44, 9-44A, 9-44B, 9-4C, 9-44D, 9-44E,
9-44F, 9-44G, 9-44H, 9-441, 9-44J, 9-44K, 9-44L,
9- 44M, 9-44N, 9-440, 9-44P, 9-44Q, 9-45, 9-45A,
10- 3, 10-4, 10-5, 10-6, 10-7, 10-8, 10-9, 10-10, 10-11,
10- 12, 10-13, 10-14, 11-1, 11-2, 11-3, 11-4, 11-5, 11-6,
11- 7, 11-8, 11-9, 11-10, 11-11, 11-12, 11-13, 11-14,
11- 15, 11-16, 11-17, 11-18, 11-19, 12-1, 12-2, 12-3,
12- 5, 12-6, 12-7, 12-8, 12-9, 12-10, 12-11, 12-12,
12- 13, 12-14, 12-15, 12-16, 12-17, 12-18, 12-19, 12-20,
13- 2, 13-3, 13-4, 13-5, 13-6, 13-7, 13-8, 13-9, 13-10,
13- 11, 13-12, 13-13, 13-14, 13-14A, 13-15, 13-16,
14- 5, 14-6, 14-7, 14-12, 14-13, 14-13A, 14-14, 14-15,
14-16, 14-17, 14-18, 14-18A, 14-19, 14-20, 14-21,
14- 22, 14-23, 14-24, 14-24A, 14-25, 14-26, 14-26A,
15- 1, 15-2, 15-3, 15-4, 15-5, 15-6, 15-7, 15-8, 15-9,
15-10, 15-11, 15-11A, 15-12, 15-12A, 15-13, 15-13A,
15-13B, 15-14, 15-14A, 15-14B, 15-14C, 15-14D,
15-14E, 15-14F, 15-14G, 15-15, 15-15A, 15-15B,
15-16, 15-17, 15-17A, 15-17B, 15-18, 15-18A, 15-18B,
15-18C, 15-18D, 15-18E, 5-18F, 15-19, 15-19A,
15- 19B, 15-19C, 16-1, 16-1A, 16-3, 16-4, 16-5, 16-6,
16- 7, 16-8, 16-9, 17-2, 17-3, 17-4, 17-5, 17-6, 17-7,
17- 8, 17-9, 17-10, 17-11, 17-12, 17-13, 17-13A, 17-14,
17-15, and 17-16 of Orleans Parish.
DISTRICT 3
District 3 is composed of Precints 13, 14, 15, 16A &
16B, 27A, 27B, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35A, 35B, 36,
37, 40, 41, and 42 of Ascension Parish; Assumption
Parish; Iberia Parish; Precinct 1-GI, 1-LA, 1-LB,
2-L, 216, 217, 238, 247, 248, 249, and 250 of Jeffer
28a
son Parish; Lafourche Parish; Plaquemines Parish;
St. Bernard Parish; St. Charles Parish; St. James
Parish; St. John the Baptist Parish; Precincts 1-1,
1-2, 1-3, 1-4, 1-5, 1-6, 1-7, 2-1 & 2-3, 2-2, 2-4, 3-1,
3- 2, 3-3, 3-4, 3-5, 3-6, 3-7, 3-8, 3-9, 4-1, 4-2, 4-3, 4-4,
4- 5, 4-6, 5-1, 5-2, 5-3 & 5-4, 6-1, 6-2, 6-3, 6-4, 7-1,
7-2, 7-3, 7-4, 8-1, 8-2, 8-3, 8-4, 9-1, 9-4, and 9-5 of
St. Martin Parish; St. Mary Parish; and Terrebonne
Parish.
DISTRICT 4
District 4 is composed of Precincts 1-1, 1-3, 1-4. 1-6,
1-7, 2-6-0, 3-1, 4-1, 4-2, 4-3, 5-2, 5-2A*, 5-5, and 5-10
of Allen Parish; Beauregard Parish; Bienville Par
ish; Bossier Parish; Caddo Parish; Claiborne Parish;
De Soto Parish; Natchitoches Parish; Red River Par
ish; Sabine Parish; Vernon Parish; and Webster
Parish.
DISTRICT 5
District 5 is composed of Avoyelles Parish; Caldwell
Parish; Catahoula Parish; Concordia Parish; East
Carroll Parish; Precincts 1-2, 1-13-0, 1-13-1, 4-1-2R,
4- 1-3R, 4-1C, 4-2-0, 4-2-1, 4-3, 4-4, 5-1, 5-2-0, 5-2-1,
5- 2-2, 5-3, 5-4C, 5-4R, and 5-5 of Evangeline Parish;
Franklin Parish; Grant Parish; Jackson Parish;
La Salle Parish; Lincoln Parish; Madison Parish;
Morehouse Parish; Ouachita Parish; Rapides Parish;
Richland Parish; Tensas Parish; Union Parish; West
Carroll Parish; and Will Parish.
DISTRICT 6
District 6 is composed of Precincts 1, 2A & B, 3, 4A,
4B, 5A, 5B, 6, 7A, 8A & 8B, 9, 10A & 10B, 11A &
11B, 12, 21A & 21B, 22A, 22B, and 23 of Ascension
29a
Parish; East Baton Rouge Parish; East Feliciana
Parish; Iberville Parish; Livingston Parish; Pointe
Coupee Parish; St. Helena Parish; West Baton Rouge
Parish; and West Feliciana Parish.
DISTRICT 7
District 7 is composed of Acadia Parish; Precincts
1- 2, 1-5, 2-1, 2-2-C, 2-2-0, 2-3, 2-4-C, 2-4-0, 2-5,
2- 6-C, 3-2, 5-1, 5-3, 5-3A*, 5-4-C, 5-4-0, 5-4-X*,
5-4-Y*, 5-6, 5-7, 5-8, 5-8A*, 5-9, 5-11, 5-12 and 5-13
of Allen Parish; Calcasieu Parish; Cameron Parish;
Precincts 1-1, 1-3, 1-4-OR, 1-4-1R, 1-4C, 1-5-0, 1-5-1,
1-6, 1-7, 1-8-0, 1-8-1, 1-8-2, 1-9-OC, 1-9-1C, 1-9-2-C,
1-9-3C, 1-9R, 1-10-0, 1-10-1, 1-11, 1-12, 1-14, 1-15,
1-16, 1-17-OR, 1-17-1R, 1-17C, 1-18-OC, 1-18-1C,
1-18R, 1-19, 2-1, 2-2, 2-3, 2-4, 2-5, 3-1-0, 3-1-1, 3-2-0,
3- 2-1, 3-2-2, 3-3, 3-4, 3-5, 3-6-0, 3-6-1, 3-6-2, 3-7, 3-8,
4- 1-OR, and 4-1-1R of Evangeline Parish; Jefferson
Davis Parish; Lafayette Parish; St. Landry Parish;
Precincts 9-2, and 9-3 of St. Martin Parish; and Ver
milion Parish.
The precincts enumerated herein are the precincts
existing on April 17, 1994 established by the respec
tive parish governing authority and used by the
Louisiana Legislature in Act 1 of the Second Extraor
dinary Session of 1994.
30a
DB: LA SEN 1994
Congressional District Statistics
Total Population
Total Ideal %
District Number Popu Popu District District
Name Members lation lation Variance Variance
District 1 1 602,842 602,853 -1 1 0.00%
District 2 1 602,877 602,853 24 0.00%
District 3 1 602,839 602,853 - 1 4 0.00%
District 4 1 602,876 602,853 23 0.00%
District 5 1 602,933 602,853 80 0.01%
District 6 1 602,774 602,853 -7 9 -0.01%
District 7 1 602,832 602,853 -2 1 0.00%
602,774 to 602,933
1.0003
- 7 9 to 80
159
-0 .0 1 to 0.01%
0.03%
36.00
0.01%
PLANWIDE STATISTICS:
Range of populations:
Ratio range:
Absolute range:
Absolute overall range:
Relative range:
Relative overall range:
Absolute mean deviation:
Relative mean deviation:
D B : L A S E N 1 9 9 4 Congressional District Summary
Total Population and 1994 Registered Voters
District
Name
Total
Pop.
Total
White
Total
Black
District 1 602,842
100.00%
515,665
85.54%
72,979
12.11%
District 2 602,877
100.00%
215,630
35.77%
365,874
60.69%
District 3 602,839
100.00%
443,616
73.59%
142,167
23.58%
District 4 602,876
100.00%
397,629
65.96%
195,980
32.51%
District 5 602,933
100.00%
410,725
68.12%
187,223
31.05%
District 6 602,774
100.00%
402,995
66.86%
191,421
31.76%
District 7 602,832
100%
452,878
75.13%
143,637
23.83%
Total
4,219,973
100.00%
2,839,138
67.28%
1,299,281
30.79%
Total
Reg. Vot. Reg. Wh.
Total
Reg. Blk.
332,945
100.00%
296,205
88.97%
32,354
9.72%
292,713
100.00%
110,239
37.66%
176,552
60.32%
330,048
100.00%
250,432
75.88%
76,915
23.30% u>
299,652
100.00%
214,031
71.43%
82,876
27.66%
>—* w
333,182
100.00%
239,419
71.86%
92,379
27.73%
332,407
100.00%
238,560
71.77%
91,507
27.53%
336,429
100.00%
258,583
76.86%
76,329
22.69%
2,257,376
100.00%
1,607,469
71.21%
628,912
27.86%
D B : L A S E N 19 9 4 Parish Population by Congressional District
Total Population and 1994 Registered Voters
Census Total Total Total Total Total Total
Unit Pop. White Black Reg. Vot. Reg. Wh. Reg. Blk.
District 1
Jefferson Parish 289,679 261,785 16,940 153,838 145,986 5,351
Orleans Parish 39,761 36,804 2,219 26,264 24,516 1,318
St. Tammany Parish 144,508 126,806 15,917 82,209 73,706 7,225
Tangipahoa Parish 85,709 60,601 24,527 45,988 84,015 11,831
Washington Parish 43,185 29,669 13,376 24,646 17,982 6,629
Total District 1 602,842 515,665 72,979 332,945 296,205 32,354
District 2
Jefferson Parish 145,700 78,880 60,365 63,586 86,331 25,897
Orleans Parish 457,177 136,750 305,509 229,127 73,908 150,655
Total District 2 602,877 215,630 365,874 292,713 110,239 176,552
District 3
Ascension Parish 21,079 10,831 10,107 13,202 7,186 5,983
Assumption Parish 22,753 15,273 7,349 13,823 9,411 4,410
Iberia Parish 68,297 46,940 20,154 38,442 27,371 10,951
Jefferson Parish 12,927 10,505 1,737 6,940 6,011 737
Lafourche Parish 85,860 72,371 10,703 43,794 39,464 4,243
Plaquemines Parish 25,575 18,522 5,944 14,589 10,454 3,137
St. Bernard Parish 66,631 62,199 3,111 39,195 37,308 1,754
St. Charles Parish 42,437 31,638 10,253 25,533 19,315 6,184
St. James Parish
St. John the Baptist Parish
St. Martin Parish
St. Mary Parish
Terrebonne Parish
Total District 3
District 4
Allen Parish
Beauregard Parish
Bienville Parish
Bossier Parish
Caddo Parish
Claiborne Parish
De Soto Parish
Natchitoches Parish
Red River Parish
Sabine Parish
Vernon Parish
Webster Parish
Total District 4
District 5
Avoyelles Parish
Caldwell Parish
Catahoula Parish
Concordia Parish
East Carroll Parish
Evangeline Parish
20,879 10,484
39,996 25,039
41,337 27,044
68,086 37,688
96,982 75,082
602,839 443,616
7,050 6,049
30,083 25,242
15,979 8,986
86,088 67,030
248,253 146,580
17,405 9,313
25,346 14,003
36,689 22,357
9,387 5,752
22,646 17,939
61,961 45,828
41,989 28,550
602,876 397,629
39,159 28,324
9,810 7,970
11,065 8,136
20,828 13,164
9,709 3,355
6,405 5,776
10,357 13,676
14,419 22,263
13,664 24,405
18,337 30,986
16,032 43,200
142,167 330,048
972 4,794
4,489 16,481
6,949 9,883
17,381 39,519
99,511 123,515
8,041 9,228
11,141 14,403
13,779 20,534
3,589 5,997
3,984 13,586
12,867 20,275
13,277 21,437
195,980 299,652
10,585 23,253
1,760 6,397
2,874 7,573
7,596 12,063
6,291 5,774
613 4,234
7,093 6,567
13,593 8,580
16,495 7,850
21,270 9,508
35,461 7,011
250,432 76,915
4,114 663
14,255 2,125
5,606 4,270
83,037 6,146
81,992 40,524
5,348 3,871
8,429 5,489
13,096 7,146
3,848 2,144
11,310 2,206
17,723 2,135
15,273 6,157
214,031 82,876
17,472 5,729
5,357 1,031
5,738 1,822
7,868 4,184
2,303 3,436
3,858 371
Census
Unit
Franklin Parish
Grant Parish
Jackson Parish
La Saile Parish
Lincoln Parish
Madison Parish
Morehouse Parish
Ouachita Parish
Rapides Parish
Richland Parish
Tensas Parish
Union Parish
West Carroll Parish
Winn Parish
Total District 5
District 6
Ascension Parish
East Baton Rouge Parish
East Feliciana Parish
Iberville Parish
Livingston Parish
Pointe Coupee Parish
St. Helena Parish
West Baton Rouge Parish
West Feliciana Parish
Total District 6
Total Total
Pop. White
22,387 15,278
17,526 14,860
15,705 11,065
13,662 12,271
41,745 24,620
12,463 4,961
31,938 18,584
142,191 96,870
131,556 92.989
20,629 13,020
7,103 3,292
20,690 14,850
12,093 9,997
16,269 11,343
602,933 410,725
37,135 33,649
380,105 240,614
19,211 10,022
31,049 16,519
70,526 66,269
22,540 13,196
9,874 4,725
19,419 12,329
12,915 5,672
602,774 402,995
Total Total
Black Reg. Vot.
7,040 13,240
2,540 10,566
4,589 9,297
1,257 10,185
16,590 20,477
7,415 7,834
13,263 17,008
44,096 70,344
36,805 68,931
7,539 11,586
3,785 4,503
5,767 12,816
2,020 6,808
4,798 10,844
187,223 333,182
3,161 21,626
132,328 199,491
9,083 10,844
14,385 20,020
3,920 40,589
9,275 14,550
5,127 7,834
6,993 11,645
7,149 5,808
191,421 332,407
Total Total
Reg. Wh. Reg. Blk.
9,682 3,549
9,015 1,523
6,663 2,620
8,748 1,324
12,814 7,450
3,597 4,207
10,816 6,178
51,233 18,890
51,287 17,105
7,835 3,726
2,217 2,283
9,449 3,347
5,809 986
6,129 3,804
239,419 92,379
20,151 1,402
139,379 58,868
6,129 1,804
10,953 9,058
38,303 2,232
8,899 5,644
3,831 3,996
7,473 4,154
3,442 2,349
238,560 91,507
Bi
District 7
Acadia Parish
Allen Parish
Calcasieu Parish
Cameron Parish
Evangeline Parish
Jefferson Davis Parish
Lafayette Parish
St. Landry Parish
St. Martin Parish
Vermilion Parish
Total District 7
55,882 45,532
14,176 10,259
168,134 128,181
9,260 8,685
26,869 18,629
30,722 24,721
164,762 125,340
80,331 47,532
2,641 1,762
50,055 42,237
602,832 452,878
10,179 32,718
3,524 8,177
88,445 84,484
503 6,125
8,088 17,546
5,836 17,704
36,846 89,268
32,392 48,634
868 1,498
6,956 30,285
143,637 336,429
26,875 5,817
6,126 1,896
66,510 17,423
5,776 342
12,336 5,193
14,562 3,116
70,268 18,467
28,873 19,638
1,021 474
26,236 3,963
258,583 76,829
u>
Os
to
37a
[F IL E D - Ju ly 29 , 1993]
IN T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S D IS T R IC T C O U R T F O R
T H E W E S T E R N D IS T R IC T O F L O U IS IA N A
S H R E V E P O R T D IV IS IO N
H A Y S , E T A L .
V S C IV IL A C T IO N N O . 9 2 -1 5 2 2
S T A T E O F L O U IS IA N A , E T A L .
O R D E R
APPENDIX D
P e tit io n e r s B e m a d in e St. Cyr, e t a l.’s Ju ly 27 , 1993
M o tio n to In ter v en e is D E N I E D . T h ey m ay a p p ea r as am ici
for b r iefin g p u rp o ses only.
T h is m a tter is se t for an E v id en tiary h earin g o n th e
19th d ay o f A u g u st, 1993 at 2 :00 P .M . in th e U n ite d S ta te s
D istr ic t C ou rt in S h revep ort, L o u isia n a , lim ited to an
op p o rtu n ity for th e P a rtie s to sh ow w h e th e r th e ex istin g p lan
w as "narrowly ta ilo red to fu rth er a c o m p e llin g g o v ern m en ta l
interest."
T H U S D O N E A N D S IG N E D , in S h revep ort,
L o u is ia n a th is 2 9 th day o f July, 1993.
D o n a ld E . W a lter /si
D O N A L D E . W A L T E R
U N I T E D S T A T E S D IS T R IC T J U D G E
38a
APPENDIX E
R ay H A Y S , e t a l., P la in t if fs -A p p e lle e s ,
v .
S T A T E O F L O U IS IA N A , e t al.,
D e fe n d a n ts -A p p e lle e s ,
v.
B e m a d in e ST . C Y R , e t a l.,
M o v a n ts-A p p e lla n ts .
N o . 9 3 -5 1 9 2 .
U n ite d S ta te s C ou rt o f A p p ea ls ,
F ifth C ircuit.
A p ril 20 , 1994.
R e h e a r in g D e n ie d M ay 17, 1994 .
B e fo r e P O L IT Z , C h ie f Ju d ge , K IN G an d D A V I S , C ircuit
Ju d ges.
P O L IT Z , C h ie f Judge:
B e m a d in e St. Cyr and o th ers ("St. Cyr") a p p e a l th e d en ia l by
a th re e - ju d g e d istrict cou rt o f th e ir a ttem p t to in terv e n e in
l i t ig a t io n c h a lle n g in g th e L o u is ia n a L e g is la tu r e ’s
co n g re ss io n a l red istr ic tin g p lan . L ack in g ju risd ic tion w e
d ism iss th e ap p ea l.
B A C K G R O U N D
T h e p la in tiffs c h a lle n g e d th e leg is la tiv e red istr ic tin g
p lan for a lleg ed ly em p lo y in g racial gerrym an d erin g in
39a
v io la tio n o f th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t an d th eir fifth and
fo u r teen th a m e n d m e n t rights to eq u a l p ro te c tio n . A
th ree-ju d g e d istrict cou rt w as co n v e n e d u n d er 2 8 U .S .C . s
2284 . A trial w as h e ld in A u g u st 1992 an d th e cou rt d en ie d
th e co n stitu tio n a l c la im s an d p rayer for an in jun ction . T h e
cou rt re ta in e d ju risd ic tion o v er th e ca se , h ow ever , co n tin u in g
to co n s id e r p la in tiffs ’ c la im s u n d er th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t.
In J u n e 1993 th e S u p rem e C ou rt ren d ered its
d ec is io n in Shaw v. Reno,1 h o ld in g th at co n stitu tio n a l eq u a l
p ro te c tio n c la im s ap ply to ap p o rtio n m en t sch em es. T h e
fo llo w in g m o n th St. Cyr f iled a m o tio n to in terv en e . In a
sin g le -ju d g e o rd er th e cou rt prom p tly d en ie d th at m o tio n
but sch ed u le d an ev id en tiary h earin g in w h ich St. Cyr and
o th e r in te r e ste d p arties w ere in v ited to p artic ip a te as amici.
St. Cyr a p p e a le d th e d istrict co u rt’s d en ia l o f in terv en tio n to
th is cou rt. S u b seq u en t to th at a p p ea l th e d istrict cou rt
d e c la r e d th e L o u is ia n a a p p o r t io n m e n t s c h e m e
u n co n stitu tio n a l an d en jo in ed fu tu re e le c tio n s th ereu n d er .
T h e S ta te o f L o u isia n a n o tic e d its a p p ea l o f th a t d ec is io n to
th e S u p rem e C ou rt.2
A N A L Y S IS
St. Cyr co m p la in s th at th e th ree-ju d ge d istrict cou rt
im p rop erly d en ie d h er m o tio n to in terv en e . B e fo r e
a d d ressin g th e m erits o f h er ap p ea l w e m u st first d ete rm in e
w h e th e r w e h a v e a p p e lla te ju risd iction in th is m atter . W e
n o w co n fro n t th e con u n d ru m p rev iou sly h yp oth esized : a
c a se w h ich is "fragm ented or sp lit in to p ie c e s for p u rp o ses o f
appeal," w ith th e "order gran tin g th e in jun ction ... b efin g]
a p p e a le d d irectly to th e S u p rem e Court" w h ile re la ted
1 — U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993).
2 See 28 U.S.C. s 1253.
40a
n o n -in ju n ctio n issu es are a p p e a le d to u s.3 W e c o n c lu d e th a t
w e m ay n o t ex e rc ise ju r isd ic tion o v e r S t. C yr’s a p p e a l.
S t. C yr u n d erstan d ab ly a rg u es th e g en er a l ru le th at
u n d er 2 8 U .S .C . s 1253 th is cou rt is th e a p p ro p r ia te foru m
fo r th e a p p ea l o f a th re e -ju d g e d istrict cou rt d en ia l o f an
in terv e n tio n .4 S h e p ersu asive ly argu es th a t th e S u p rem e
C ou rt w ill n o t a cc ep t a d irect a p p e a l a b sen t a fin a l ju d g m en t
o n th e in ju n ctive r e lie f by th e th ree-ju d g e co u rt.5 T h e c a se s
c ite d , h o w ev er , d iffer fac tu a lly an d leg a lly from th e c a se at
bar.6
3 Jagnandan v. Giles, 538 F.2d 1166, 1171 (5th Cir.1976), cert,
denied, 432 U.S. 910, 97 S.Ct. 2959, 53 L.Ed.2d 1083 (1977).
*See U nited States v. Louisiana, 543 F.2d 1125 (5th Cir.1976)
(citing M TM , Inc. v. Baxley, 420 U.S. 799, 95 S.Ct. 1278, 43 L.Ed.2d
636 (1975)). While the court of appeals is generally the proper forum
for appealing a denial of intervention, we have not considered a
possible exhaustion of remedies prerequisite. Section 2284(b)(3)
provides that single-judge orders may be reviewed by the full
three-judge district court panel. St. Cyr did not avail herself of this
option. We have imposed exhaustion requirements where the body
whose decision we are reviewing has a pre-appeal mechanism through
which it might "correct its own errors." Cf. Parisi v. D avidson, 405
U.S. 34, 37, 92 S.Ct. 815, 818, 31 L.Ed.2d 17 (1972). Whether the
opportunity to appeal the single- judge order to the three-judge
district court creates a responsibility to do so before appealing to this
court is an open question. Given our conclusion on jurisdiction,
however, we do not reach this issue.
5The Supreme Court has narrowly construed its ability to take
direct appeals under section 1253. M TM ; G onzalez v. A u tom atic
E m ployees Credit Union, 419 U.S. 90, 95 S.Ct. 289, 42 L.Ed.2d 249
(1974).
6E.g., Jagnandan, 538 F.2d at 1171 ("The absence of an appeal
from the injunctive relief eliminates that hypothetical [of
simultaneous appeals in separate courts] from surfacing here.").
41a
W e are aw are o f n o "G oose"7 c a se by th e S u p rem e
C ou rt d isp o sin g o f th is issu e . W e are a id ed , h o w ev er , by a
d ec is io n o f ou r c o lle a g u e s in th e E igh th C ircu it8 w h o
d ec lin e d to act o n an a p p e a le d d en ia l o f in terv en tio n w h ere
th e m er its o f a th ree-ju d g e cou rt ru ling w as o n a p p e a l to th e
S u p rem e C ou rt. T h e factu a l situ a tio n at b ar is th e sam e;
on ly th e tim in g o f th e n o tic e s o f a p p ea l d iffer .
W e c o n c lu d e th at o n c e th er e h as b e e n a tim e ly and
a p p rop r ia te a p p ea l to th e S u p rem e C ou rt o f a th ree-ju d g e
co u rt’s ru ling o n th e m erits, n e ith e r 28 U .S .C . s 1253 n o r th e
S u p rem e C o u rt’s narrow in g g lo ss su ggest th at th e S u p rem e
C ou rt restra in from a lso con sid er in g in ter locu tory ord ers
p rop erly a p p e a le d . W e u n d erstan d th e S u p rem e C ou rt as
in d ica tin g th a t w h en p rese n ted as a part o f th e a p p ea l o f th e
ju d g m en t o n th e m erits by th e th ree-ju d g e cou rt it w ill
co n s id e r o th e r ru lings an d ord ers o f th e trial cou rt. 9 W e
are p ersu a d ed th at w e h ave n o ju r isd ic tion o f a m a tter
7The terminology for a commanding precedent, factually on all
fours, varies, being referred to as a "Goose" case in Louisiana, a
"Spotted Horse" or "Spotted Dog" case in Alabama, a "Cow” case in
Kansas, and a "White Horse" or "White Pony" case in Texas. Jefferson
v. Ysleta Independent School D ist., 817 F.2d 303, 305 n. 1 (5th
Cir.1987).
B en so n v. Beens, 456 F.2d 244 (8th Cir.1972).
9See M itchell v. D onovan, 398 U.S. 427, 90 S.Ct. 1763, 26 L.Ed.2d
378 (1970) (a direct appeal which includes "only a declaratory
judgment" is unreviewable) (emphasis added); Rockefeller v. Catholic
M edical Center o f Brooklyn &. Queens, Inc., 397 U.S. 820, 90 S.Ct.
1517, 25 L.Ed.2d 806 (1970) ("The judgment appealed from does not
include an order granting or denying an interlocutory or permanent
injunction and is therefore not appealable to this Court under 28
U.S.C. s 1253.") (emphasis added). The Supreme Court’s language
strongly implies that it would accept an appeal of some matter by
itself normally unreviewable on direct appeal if that appeal is
included in an appeal from an injunctive order.
42a
p rop erly o n a p p ea l b e fo r e th e S u p rem e C o u rt.10
W h en th e in stan t a p p ea l w a s n o tic e d th e th ree-ju d g e
co u rt h ad n o t issu ed its final ju d g m en t o n th e m erits. B u t
b e fo r e th is cou rt co u ld a d d ress th e a p p e a l w h ich , w h en
n o tic e d , v ery lik e ly w a s p rop erly b e fo r e u s, th e trial cou rt
ru led o n th e m erits an d an a p p ea l w a s lo d g e d th e r e o n w ith
th e S u p rem e C ou rt. W ith th a t lo d g in g o u r a p p e lla te
ju r isd ic tion w a s im p acted . W er e w e to ru le o th er w ise ou r
d e c is io n o n th e m erits o f th e in terv en tio n o rd er co u ld cast
a sh a d o w o r im p in ge u p o n th e S u p rem e C o u rt’s fu n ction in g .
A s a lo w er fed era l cou rt w e h a v e n e ith e r th e au th o rity n or
in c lin a tio n to d o so .
W e c o n c lu d e th a t w e lack a p p e lla te ju r isd ic tio n o v er
th e a p p ea l o f th e d en ia l o f in terv en tio n to th e a p p e lla n ts
h ere in an d , accord in gly , th e ir a p p ea l is D IS M IS S E D .
1028 U.S.C. s 1291 ("The courts of appeals ... shall have
jurisdiction of appeals from all final decisions of the district courts ...
except where a direct review may be had in the Supreme Court.").
43a
[F iled D e c e m b e r 28 , 1993]
R a y H A Y S , e t a l., P la in tiffs ,
APPENDIX F
v.
S T A T E O F L O U IS IA N A , e t a l., D e fe n d a n ts .
N o . 9 2 -C V -1 5 2 2 .
U n ite d S ta te s D istr ic t C ourt,
W .D . L ou isian a ,
S h revep ort D iv is io n .
B e fo r e W IE N E R , C ircuit Ju d ge , S H A W , C h ie f D istr ic t
Ju d ge , an d W A L T E R , D istr ic t Ju d ge .
M E M O R A N D U M O P IN IO N
W IE N E R , C ircuit Judge:
P la in tiffs R a y H ays, e t al. (P la in tiffs ) c h a lle n g e th e
co n g ress io n a l red istr ic tin g p lan (th e P la n ) a d o p te d by th e
L o u is ia n a S ta te L eg isla tu re (th e L eg is la tu re) w h en , fo llo w in g
th e 1990 cen su s, it en a c te d A c t 42 o f 1992 (A c t 4 2 ) .1 In its
‘A technical distinction can be drawn between the terms
"apportionment" and "reapportionment," on the one hand, and
"districting" and "redistricting" on the other:
apportionm ent and reapportionm ent involve the
allocation [by Congress] of a finite number of
representatives among a fixed number of
pre-established areas. D istricting and redistricting ...
refer to the process by which the lines separating
44a
p resen t p o stu re , th is c a se co n sid e rs th e co n stitu tio n a lity o f
th e P lan , a d m itted ly d es ig n e d inter alia t o in c rea se th e
n u m b er o f b lack rep r esen ta tiv e s in L o u is ia n a ’s co n g re ss io n a l
d e le g a tio n from o n e ou t o f e ig h t to tw o o u t o f se v e n . T h e
P la in tiffs insist th at th e P lan a cc o m p lish es th is resu lt by
em p lo y in g im p erm issib le racial gerrym an d erin g to c r e a te a
n ew m ajority-b lack v o tin g d istrict, th ereb y v io la tin g th e
E q u a l P ro te c t io n C la u se o f th e U n ite d S ta te s C o n stitu tio n .
In s im p lest form , th is c a se p o se s th e q u e stio n , " D o es
a s ta te h a v e th e right to c r e a te a racial m ajority -m in ority
c o n g re ss io n a l d istrict by racial gerrym andering?" In s im p lest
form , th e an sw er--largely su p p lied by th e U n ite d S ta te s
S u p rem e C o u rt’s o p in io n in Shaw v. Reno* 2, r e n d er ed durin g
th e p e n d e n c y o f th is c a s e ~ is "Y es, but o n ly i f th e s ta te d o e s
it right.”
F in d in g th at th e P lan in g en era l an d L o u is ia n a ’s
C o n g ress io n a l D istr ic t 4 in p articu lar are p rod u cts o f racial
g e n y m a n d e r in g an d are not narrow ly ta ilo re d to fu rth er any
c o m p e llin g g o v ern m en ta l in terest, w e c o n c lu d e th a t th e
L eg is la tu re d id n o t "do it right." W e h o ld , th e r e fo r e , th at
P la in t if fs ’ right to eq u a l p ro te c tio n as g u a ra n tee d by th e
U n ite d S ta te s C o n stitu tio n is v io la te d by th e P lan .
C o n seq u e n tly , w e d ec la re A c t 4 2 o f 1992 to b e
u n c o n stitu tio n a l an d th e red istr ic tin g p lan e m b o d ie d th er e in
to b e null an d void ; en jo in th e S ta te o f L o u is ia n a from
h o ld in g any fu tu re co n g ress io n a l e le c t io n s b a sed o n th e P lan;
an d , a lth o u g h w e d o n o t in v a lid a te th e 1992 co n g re ss io n a l
legislative districts are drawn [by states].
See M ajor v. Treen, 574 F.Supp. 325, 328 (E.D.La.1983) (quoting
Backstrom et al., Issues in Gerrymandering: A n Exploratory M easure
o f Partisan Gerrym andering A pp lied to M innesota, 62 Minn.L.Rev.
1121, 1121 n. 1 (1978). For simplicity, however, we use both terms
interchangeably.
2Shaw v. R eno, 508 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511
(1993).
45a
e le c tio n s h e ld th ereu n d er , h o ld th at th e term o f o ff ic e o f
each m e m b er o f th e U n ite d S ta te s H o u se o f R e p r e se n ta tiv e s
from L o u is ia n a w h o rep resen ts a d istrict cr e a te d u n d er th e
P lan sh a ll exp ire , ipso facto, at n o o n o n th e 3rd day o f
January, 199 5 ,3 such term s o f o ff ic e n o t to b e e x te n d e d or
carried o v e r in to th e n ext C o n g ress in any m a n n er
w h a tso ev er .
I
S T A T E M E N T O F T H E C A S E
T h e P lan co m p r ises five m ajority-w h ite d istricts
(D istr ic ts 1, 3 , 5 , 6 & 7 ) an d tw o m ajority-b lack d istricts
(D istr ic ts 2 an d 4 ) .4 D istr ic t 2 h as a m in ority v o tin g a ge
p o p u la tio n o f 56% , w h ile D istr ic t 4 h as a m in ority v o tin g a ge
p o p u la tio n o f 63% . N e w D istr ic t 2 co v ers e sse n tia lly th e
sa m e g eo g ra p h ic a rea as d id o ld D istr ic t 2 in th e p rev iou s
plan: a lm o st th e en tire p o p u la tio n o f O rlea n s P arish and
rou gh ly o n e-th ird o f th e p o p u la tio n o f J e ffer so n P arish .
D istr ic t 2 is n o t ch a llen g ed in th e in stan t law su it, n or
e lse w h e r e to o u r k n o w led g e . R a th er , D istr ic t 4 , a p p earin g
fo r th e first t im e in A c t 42 , is th e prim ary fo cu s o f th is
co n stitu tio n a l ch a llen g e .
S h ortly a fter th e en a c tm en t o f A c t 4 2 , th e P la in tiffs
f iled th is su it see k in g to h ave 1) th e P lan d ec la red u nlaw ful,
2 ) th e D e fe n d a n ts en jo in ed from u sin g th e P lan in th e
im p en d in g co n g ress io n a l e le c tio n s , 3 ) th e L eg isla tu re
o rd ered to cr e a te a n ew p lan that w ou ld n ot seg r eg a te sta te
resid en ts in to v o tin g d istricts o n th e b asis o f race, an d 4 ) th e
D e fe n d a n ts p relim in arily en jo in ed "from tak in g any a ctio n in
p rep a ra tio n for th e prim ary or g en era l e le c t io n s fo r th e U .S .
H o u se o f R ep resen ta tives...." In th e ir co m p la in t th e
P la in tiffs—w h o are b lack , w h ite , an d A sia n resid en ts o f e ith er * *
3See U.S. Const, amend. XX, s 1.
*See Table, Appendix A
46a
D istr ic t 4 o r D istr ic t 5 — a lle g e th at th e P la n v io la te s S e c t io n
3 o f th e L o u is ia n a S ta te C o n stitu tio n , S e c t io n 2 o f th e
V o tin g R ig h ts A c t, an d th e F ifth , F o u r te e n th a n d F ifte e n th
A m e n d m e n ts o f th e U n ite d S ta te s C o n stitu tio n .
A s req u ired by th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t, th e c h ie f ju d g e
o f th e U n ite d S ta te s C ou rt o f A p p e a ls fo r th e F ifth Ju d icia l
C ircu it a p p o in ted th e in stant p a n e l to h ea r th is ca se . It w a s
tr ied on A u g u st 2 6 an d 27 , 1992 (th e T r ia l). A t th e
co n c lu s io n o f th e T ria l, w e issu ed an in ter lo cu to ry
M e m o ra n d u m R u lin g an d O rd er ( th e 1992 O rd er ) in w h ich
w e d e n ie d P la in tiffs ’ req u est fo r an in ju n ction , a llo w e d th e
1992 C o n g ress io n a l e le c t io n s to g o forw ard u n d er th e P lan ,
re fu sed to c o n s id e r P la in tiffs ’ s ta te an d fe d e ra l co n stitu tio n a l
c la im s, an d to o k P la in tiffs ’ V o tin g R ig h ts A c t c la im s u n d er
a d v ise m en t. W e a lso r e q u ested p ost-tr ia l b r ie fin g o n th e
q u e stio n w h e th e r th e P lan d ilu te s th e v o tin g stren g th o f
e ith e r b lack s o r w h ite s in co n tr a v en tio n o f th e V o tin g R ig h ts
A c t.
B e in g aw are o f an esse n tia lly id en tica l c a se
orig in a tin g in N o r th C aro lin a -- n o w k n ow n as Shaw v.
Reno—w hich h ad p rogressed fu rth er th an h ad th e in stan t
c a se , w e h e ld th is o n e u n d er su b m ission u ntil th e resu lts o f
Shaw b e c a m e k n ow n . O n J u n e 2 9 ,1 9 9 3 , th e S u p rem e C ou rt
ren d ered its d ec is io n in Shaw, p ro fou n d ly a ffe c tin g th is c a se
an d sim ilar o n e s p en d in g in o th e r sta te s . W e re q u e ste d th e
p a rties an d in v ited am ici cu riae to file su p p lem e n ta l b riefs,
gen era lly d iscu ssin g th e im p lica tio n s o f Shaw an d sp ec ifica lly
a d d ressin g w h e th e r —in th e term in o lo g y o f Shaw—th e P lan
w a s "narrowly ta ilo re d to fu rther a c o m p e llin g g o v er n m en t
in terest." In A u g u st 1993 , w e h e ld tw o a d d itio n a l d ays o f
trial ( th e E v id en tiary H ea r in g ) to assist us in d ete rm in in g
w h e th e r th e P lan is in fact th e p rod u ct o f racial
gerrym an d erin g , an d , i f so , w h e th e r it sh o u ld n o n e th e le s s b e
su sta in e d b e c a u se it is narrow ly ta ilo re d to fu rth er a
c o m p e llin g s ta te in terest.
47a
II
P R E L IM IN A R Y L E G A L M A T T E R S
A . Standing
E arly in th is c a se D e fe n d a n ts su g g ested th a t th e
w h ite P la in tiffs in trin sica lly lack sta n d in g to ch a lle n g e th e
P lan . T h e D e fe n d a n ts ev id en tly b e lie v e th at o n ly h istorica lly
d isa d v a n ta g ed m in o r ities h ave stan d in g to a ttack sta te law s
th a t se g r e g a te c itiz en s o n th e b asis o f race. B u t th a t is n ot
th e ca se .
In Shaw, th e S u p rem e C ou rt rea ffirm ed th e
im p ortan t p r in c ip le "that eq u a l p ro te c tio n an a lysis is n o t
d e p en d a n t o n th e race o f th o se b e n e fite d o r b u r d e n e d by a
p articu lar c lassification ."5 "The g u a ra n tee s o f th e
F o u r te e n th A m e n d m e n t ex ten d to all p erson s. Its la n gu age
is exp licit: ’N o sta te shall ... d en y to any person w ith in its
ju risd ic tion th e eq u a l p ro te c tio n o f th e law s.’ T h e g u a ra n tee
o f eq u a l p ro te c tio n ca n n o t m ea n o n e th in g w h en a p p lied to
o n e ind iv idu al an d so m e th in g e ls e w h en a p p lied to a p erson
o f a n o th e r co lo r . I f b o th are n o t a cco rd ed th e sa m e
p ro te c tio n , th e n it is n o t equal."6 W h ite c itiz en s th u s c lear ly
h a v e sta n d in g to ch a llen g e red istr ic tin g p lan s u n d er th e
E q u a l P ro te c t io n C la u se o f th e F o u rte en th A m e n d m e n t, just
as d o b lack c itizen s, H isp a n ic c itizen s, A s ia n c itizen s, N a tiv e
5Id. 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2829, 125 L.Ed.2d at 531 (citing
R ichm ond v. J A . Croson C o., 488 U.S. 469, 494, 109 S.Ct. 706, 722,
102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989) (internal quotations omitted).
6Regents o f the Univ. o f CaL v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 290-91, 98
S.Ct. 2733, 2748, 57 L.Ed.2d 750 (1978). Indeed, laws that entail
overt racial classifications are subject to strict scrutiny, even when
they burden or benefit different races equally. See, e.g., Powers v.
O hio, 499 U.S. 400, 111 S.Ct. 1364,113 L.Ed.2d 411 (1991). "[Rjacial
classifications do not become legitimate on the assumption that all
persons suffer them in equal degree." Powers, 499 U.S. at 410, 111
S.Ct. at 1370, 113 L.Ed.2d at 425.
48a
A m e r ic a n c itiz en s, an d c itiz en s o f an y o th e r race . W e reject
o u t o f h an d th e im p lica tio n th a t, a lth o u g h a ll are eq u a l
u n d er th e law , "som e ... are m o r e eq u a l th an others."7
B . Survival o f Plaintiffs’ Equal Protection Claim
T h e D e fe n d a n ts a ssert th a t th e P la in t if fs ’ eq u a l
p r o te c tio n c la im d o e s n o t c o n fo r m to th e stru ctu re o f th e
a rg u m en t a p p ro v ed by th e C ou rt in Shaw an d , co n seq u en tly ,
th a t th e P la in tiffs fa il to s ta te an eq u a l p r o te c tio n c la im
u n d er Shaw. T h e D e fe n d a n ts a lso argu e th a t o u r 1992
O rd er, in w h ich w e d e n ie d P la in tiffs ’ s ta te an d fe d e ra l
co n stitu tio n a l c la im s, e ffe c tiv e ly d isp o sed o f th e P la in t if fs ’
E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se c la im w ith finality; an d th a t w e
th e r e fo r e m ay o n ly c o n sid e r th e P la in tiffs ’ c la im th a t th e
P lan v io la te s th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t. W e d isa g ree w ith b o th
o f th e se a sser tio n s.
A lth o u g h Shaw h ad n o t y e t b e e n d e c id e d at th e tim e
th e P la in tiffs in itia ted th e in stant su it, th e a lle g a tio n s in th e
P la in tiffs ’ c o m p la in t are c lear ly su ffic ien t to m a k e o u t a
co g n iza b le c la im o f racial gerrym an d erin g u n d er Shaw. T h e
n arrow h o ld in g o f Shaw is th at a c itiz en s ta te s a c la im u n d er
th e E q u a l P r o tec tio n C la u se by a lleg in g th a t th e
rea p p o rtio n m e n t sc h e m e a d o p te d by h is s ta te is so irrational
o n its fa c e , s o b izarrely sh a p ed an d co n v o lu te d , "that it ca n
o n ly b e u n d er sto o d as an e ffo rt to se g r e g a te v o te r s in to
sep a ra te v o tin g d istricts b e c a u se o f th e ir race...."8 T h e r e is
n o q u e stio n th a t th e P la in tiffs m a k e su ch a lle g a tio n s in th e ir
co m p la in t.
F o r ex a m p le , th e P la in tiffs a lle g e th a t "[t]he a d o p tio n
7George Orwell, Animal Farm 123 (Penguin Books 1972) (1946).
sShaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d at 536
(indicating that irregular shapes may imply impermissible racial
gerrymandering). See also id . a t .............~, 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27,
528-29.
49a
o f A c t 4 2 ... h as re su lted in th e cr ea tio n o f at lea st tw o o f
sev en d istricts w h ich are d ev o id o f any c o m m o n a lity o f
in terest ... g eo g ra p h ica l co m p a c tn ess , c o n tig u o u sn e ss [sic],
co n sisten cy w ith ex istin g p o litica l, so c ie ta l, g o v ern m en ta l or
e c o n o m ic d istricts o r ju risd iction a l b o u n d a ries , o th e r th an
th e racial d es ig n a tio n o f th e m ajority therein." S im ilarly, th e
p la in tiffs a lle g e th a t "Act 4 2 cr e a te d tw o a m o rp h o u s d istricts
w h ich em b o d y a sch em e fo r seg r eg a tio n o f v o te r s by race in
o rd er to m e e t a racial q u o ta for r e p r esen ta tio n o f th e S ta te
o f L o u is ia n a in th e U n ite d S ta te s H o u s e o f R ep resen ta tives."
A n d aga in , P la in tiffs a lle g e th a t "[t]he d e fe n d a n ts en a c te d
an d in ten d to im p lem en t A c t 42 w ith th e in ten t to c r e a te a
C o n g ress io n a l P la n co n ce n tra tin g v o te rs o f a p articu lar race
in d es ig n a ted districts...." W e find th at th e se s ta te m e n ts
clear ly a m o u n t to a lleg a tio n s th at th e S ta te o f L o u is ia n a
"ad op ted a rea p p o rtio n m en t sch em e so irrational o n its fa ce
th at it ca n b e u n d er sto o d on ly as an e ffo rt to seg r eg a te
v o te r s in to sep a ra te v o tin g d istricts b e c a u se o f th e ir race."9
W e c o n c lu d e th at th e P la in tiffs h a v e sta te d an E q u a l
P r o te c t io n C la u se c la im essen tia lly id en tica l to th e c la im
a lle g e d by th e p la in tiffs in Shaw.
M o r eo v er , ou r 1992 O rd er, d en y in g P la in tiffs ’ s ta te
an d fe d e ra l co n stitu tio n c la im s, w o rk ed a te m p o r a iy
d ism issa l o f P la in tiffs ’ eq u a l p ro te c tio n c la im , n o t a final
o n e . It w a s c lear ly an in te r lo c u to iy ruling.
In an o rd er d a ted Ju n e 2 9 , 1993 (1 9 9 3 O rd er) w e
re q u e ste d su p p lem en ta l b r ie fin g to clarify th e r e le v a n c e o f
Shaw t o th e in stan t c a se an d to ap p ea r at th e E v id en tiary
H ea r in g to e lu c id a te w h e th e r th e P lan w a s "narrowly ta ilo re d
to fu rth er a c o m p e llin g g o v ern m en t interest," as req u ired by
th e C ou rt in Shaw. O f n ece ss ity ou r 1993 O rd er m o d ified
ou r 1992 O rd er an d reactiva ted th e P la in tiffs ’ eq u a l
p r o te c tio n c la im in light o f Shaw. A s su ch a resu sc ita tio n is
sp ecifica lly c o n te m p la te d an d au th o r ized by R u le 5 4 (b ) o f
9Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d at 536.
50a
th e F e d e r a l R u le s o f C ivil P r o c e d u r e ,10 th e P la in t if fs ’ eq u a l
p r o te c tio n c la im p ersists an d d em a n d s a d ju d ica tio n b y th is
cou rt.
I l l
F I N D I N G S O F F A C T A N D C O N C L U S IO N S O F L A W
A s th e fin d in gs o f fact an d co n c lu s io n s o f law in th is
c a se are in extricab ly in tertw in ed , w e d o n o t p rese n t th e m in
sep a ra te se c tio n s . S u ch sep a ra te p r e se n ta tio n w o u ld
in crea se th e len g th an d red u n d an cy o f o u r d iscu ssio n .
R a th er , o u r la n g u a g e w ill in d ica te w h e th e r w e fin d a
p articu lar o b serv a tio n to b e a fin d in g o f fac t o r a co n c lu s io n
o f law . T o th e ex ten t th at a fin d in g o f fact is a lso a
co n c lu s io n o f law , w e a d o p t it a s b o th a fin d in g o f fac t an d
a co n c lu s io n o f law . T o th e ex ten t th a t a co n c lu s io n o f law
is a lso a fin d in g o f fact, w e a lso em b r a ce it a s b o th a
co n c lu s io n o f law an d a fin d in g o f fact.
A . Racial Gerrymandering: General
P la in tiffs a lle g e th a t th e P lan is a p rod u ct o f racial
gerrym an d erin g . C o n seq u e n tly , a s n o te d a b o v e , th is c a se fa lls
sq u arely w ith in th e am b it o f Shaw v. Reno. In Shaw, th e
C ou rt h e ld th at p la in tiffs s ta te a ju stic ia b le c la im u n d er th e
E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se by a lleg in g th at a red istr ic tin g
sc h e m e is "so irrational o n its fa c e th at it ca n b e u n d er sto o d
o n ly as an e ffo r t to se g r e g a te v o te r s in to sep a ra te v o tin g
10Rule 54(b) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure reads in
pertinent part: "[A]ny order or other form of decision, however
designated, which adjudicates fewer than all the claims ... shall not
terminate the action as to any of the claims ... and the order ... is
subject to revision at any time before the entry of judgment
adjudicating all the claims ..." Fed.R.Civ.P. 54(b).
51a
districts b e c a u se o f th e ir race.... u " A s Shaw w a s an a p p ea l
o f th e d istrict c o u r t’s d ism issa l o f th e p la in tiffs ’ c a se for
fa ilu re to s ta te a c la im , h o w ev er , th e C ou rt d id n o t h a v e to
reso lv e th a t cla im ; it h ad o n ly to r e co g n iz e it. T h u s, th e
road m ap sk e tc h e d by th e C o u r t - a s h e lp fu l as it i s - le a v e s
so m e q u e stio n s to b e an sw ered in c a se s such as th is.
1. Racial Gerrymandering Defined
A leg is la tu re cr e a te s a rac ia lly -gerrym and ered
d istr ictin g p lan w h en it intentionally draw s o n e o r m o re
d istricts a lo n g racial l in e s o r o th erw ise in ten tio n a lly
se g r e g a te s c itiz en s in to v o tin g d istricts b a sed o n th eir
ra ce .12 T h u s, "racial gerrym andering" re fers to th e
intentional, n o t th e acc id en ta l, seg r eg a tio n o f v o te r s o n th e
b a sis o f ra c e .13
nShaw v. R eno, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d.
at 536.
nSee, e.g., Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 66-67, 84 S.Ct. 603,
610-11,11 L.Ed.2d 512 (1964) (in which the Court examined whether
the plaintiffs had sustained their burden of proving "that the New
York legislature was either motivated by racial considerations or in
fact drew districts on racial lines"). See also Shaw, 508 U.S. — , 113
S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (in which "racially gerrymandering" and
"intentional segregation of voters into separate voting districts" are
used interchangeably throughout).
I3For example, if a legislature devises a redistricting plan that
separates river districts from mountain districts, and more blacks
happen to live along the rivers, and more whites happen to live in the
mountains, then the plan is not a product of racial gerrymandering,
even though it entails some coincidental segregation. In short, de
fa c to or accidental segregation is not constitutionally suspect, but
state-sponsored intentional segregation is, irrespective of the
legislature’s underlying motives.
52a
2 . Racially Gerrymandered Plans are Subject to Strict
Scrutiny
T h e b ed ro ck p rin c ip le u n d erly in g th e C o u rt’s d e c is io n
in Shaw is th a t racially gerrym an d ered red istr ic tin g p la n s are
su b ject to th e sa m e strict scrutin y th a t a p p lie s to o th e r sta te
le g is la tio n c la ssify in g c it iz e n s o n th e b a sis o f ra c e .14 A s
su ch , racia lly gerrym an d ered p la n s v io la te th e E q u a l
P r o te c t io n C la u se o f th e F o u r te e n th A m e n d m e n t u n le ss th ey
are n arrow ly ta ilo re d to fu rth er a c o m p e llin g g o v er n m en ta l
in te r e st.15
S uch p lan s re ce iv e "careful scrutin y u n d er th e E q u a l
P r o te c t io n C la u se regard less o f th e m o tiv a tio n s u n d erly in g
th e ir ad op tion ." 16 T h is in te n se scrutin y is ju stified by th e
"Shaw v. R eno, 508 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511;
accord City o f M obile v. B olden, 446 U.S. 55, 67,100 S.Ct. 1490,1499,
64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980) (indicating that claims of racial discrimination
in the reapportionment context are resolved in the same way as other
claims of racial discrimination); Washington v. D avis, 426 U.S. 229,
240, % S.Ct. 2040, 2047, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976) (referring to Wright
v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. at 58, 84 S.Ct. at 606, and pointing out that
every member of the Court believed that plaintiffs stated a claim by
alleging that "boundaries were purposefully drawn on racial lines").
In its supplemental brief to this court, the United States (which
entered this case as amicus curiae) agrees that racially gerrymandered
redistricting plans must be strictly scrutinized.
15See Shaw, 508 U.S. at — 113 S.Ct. at 2826,125 L.Ed.2d at 528.
i6Id . at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 527. Thus, even if
benign or benevolent motives underlie a legislature’s decision to
racially gerrymander a redistricting plan, that plan is still subject to
strict judicial scrutiny. As discussed below, good motives may allow
a plan to survive strict scrutiny, if they rise to the level of a
compelling state interest, and if the plan is narrowly tailored to
further such an interest. But such motives—however unspotted—do
not automatically exempt the plan from what amounts to a
53a
grave d a n g e r th at is p o se d to ou r co n stitu tio n a l o rd er an d
n a tio n a l co m m u n ity w h en a sta te c r e a te s an d a d m in isters
law s b a sed o n th e race o f its c it iz e n s .17
3. Racial Gerrymandering May be Proved Either
Inferential or Directly
W e h a v e a lread y n o te d th e n arrow h o ld in g o f Shaw:
a p la in tiff m ay sta te a c la im u n d er th e E q u a l P ro te c t io n
C la u se by a lleg in g th a t th e rea p p o rtio n m en t sc h e m e a d o p te d
by h is s ta te is so irrational o n its fa c e "that it can o n ly b e
u n d er sto o d as an effo rt to seg r eg a te v o te r s in to sep a ra te
v o tin g d istricts b e c a u se o f th e ir race...."18 Shaw prim arily
d ea ls w ith th e p rob lem o f p roving racial gerrym an d erin g
indirectly o r inferentially. R a c ia l gerrym an d erin g—says th e
C ou rt in Shaw—can b e in ferred w h en d istricts are so
b izarrely sh a p ed th a t th ey p resu m p tive ly b e sp e a k an
im p erm issib le p u rp ose .
B u t racial gerrym an d erin g m ay—a fortiori- a l s o b e
p ro v ed by direct e v id e n c e th at a leg is la tu re e n a c te d a
presumption of unconstitutionality.
17In Wright v. Rockefeller, Justice Douglas discusses the dangers of
racial gerrymandering. Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 66-67, 84
S.Ct. 603, 610-11 (Douglas, J., dissenting) ("When racial... lines are
drawn by the State, the multiracial ... communities that our
Constitution seeks to weld together as one become separatist;
antagonisms that relate to race ... rather than to political issues are
generated; communities seek not the best representative but the best
racial... partisan."). In Shaw, Justice O’Connor echoes these same
concerns. Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2827, 125 L.Ed.2d. at
529 (Redistricting plans that segregate citizens primarily on the basis
of race bear "an uncomfortable resemblance to political apartheid.").
lsShaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832,125 L.Ed.2d at 536; see
id. a t............. , 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27,125 L.Ed.2d at 528-29 (indicating
that irregular shapes may reflect impermissible racial
gerrymandering).
54a
d istr ic tin g p lan w ith th e sp ec ific in ten t o f seg r eg a tin g c itiz e n s
in to v o tin g d istricts b a sed o n th e ir race. I f e v e r y o n e ~ o r
n ea rly e v e r y o n e —in v o lv ed in th e d es ig n an d p a ssa g e o f a
red istr ic tin g p la n a sser ts o r c o n c e d e s th a t d es ig n o f th e p lan
w a s d riven by race, th en racial gerrym an d erin g m ay b e fo u n d
w ith o u t reso rtin g to th e in feren tia l a p p roach a p p ro v ed by
th e C ou rt in Shaw.19 T h e C ou rt re co g n iz ed in Shaw th a t
"[n]o inquiry in to leg is la tiv e p u rp o se is n e c e s sa iy w h e n th e
racial c la ss ifica tio n a p p ea rs o n th e fa c e o f th e statu te ."20
T h e sa m e is eq u a lly tru e w h e n v irtu a lly u n a n im o u s,
e sse n tia lly u n c o n tro v er ted direct trial e v id e n c e es ta b lish e s
racial c la ss ifica tio n , as it d id h ere . In th is c a se , w e find
o v erw h elm in g e v id e n c e —b o th indirect an d direct—th at th e
P lan is a p rod u ct o f racial gerrym an d erin g .
4. Intent Distinguished from Motive
In a b r ie f a s id e , w e draw o n th e fam iliar cr im e o f
h o m ic id e as a d id actic an a lo g y to clarify th e im p ortan t
d istin ctio n b e tw e e n intent an d motive for p u r p o se s o f th is
ca se . B y d e fin itio n , o n e w h o k n ow in g ly co ck s , a im s, an d
fire s a lo a d e d gu n at a n o th er h as th e intent t o k ill o r ca u se
grea t b o d ily harm . T h at is th e purpose for sh o o tin g . B u t th e
sh o o te r m ay h a v e any n u m b er o f m o tiv e s fo r in ten tio n a lly
sh o o tin g th e v ictim : to e lim in a te a rom an tic rival; to c o lle c t
in su ran ce p ro ceed s; to a v en g e so m e actu a l o r p er c e iv e d
w rong; to rep e l aggression ; to p rev en t th e v ic tim from
p erp etra tin g a cr im e o r m isd eed ; an d o n an d on . T h e
'9See id . a t .............., — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27, 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d
at 528-29, 536 (regardless of how a racial gerrymander is created, it
should receive strict scrutiny); accord City of M obile v. B olden, 446
U.S. 55, 67, 100 S.Ct. 1490, 1499, 64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980).
“ 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2824, 125 L.Ed.2d at 525 (citing
Personnel A dm inistrator o f M assachusetts v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256, 272,
99 S.Ct. 2282, 2292, 60 L.Ed.2d 870 (1979)).
55a
ap p lica b le motive is th e goal sou gh t to b e a cc o m p lish ed
th rou gh th e intentional k illin g o f th e v ictim .
W e b e la b o r th e d istin ctio n b e tw e e n in ten t an d m o tiv e
b e c a u se it p ro v id es a m o r e reco g n iza b le w ay o f lo o k in g at
tw o sep a ra te a sp ec ts o f th is case : 1 ) th e intent o f th e
L eg is la tu re in c r ea tin g th e P lan o n th e b a sis o f race (racia l
g e n y m a n d e r in g ); 2 ) th e motives o f th e L eg is la tu re o r o f
in d iv id u a l o r grou p s o f le g is la to r s -w h e th e r c o m p e llin g or
n o t—fo r e n g a g in g in racial gerrym an d erin g . W h a tev e r th e
motivations o f th e L eg isla tu re o r o f th e ind iv idu al leg is la to rs
w h o p a ssed th e P lan , th e ev id e n c e overw h elm in g ly in d ica tes
th at th e specific intent o f th e L e g is la tu r e -a s an in d ep en d en t,
c o lle c tiv e o r g a n ism -w a s in d isp utab ly to en a ct a p lan that
in c lu d ed tw o b lack an d five w h ite m ajority d istricts.
A t th e E v id en tiary H ea r in g so m u ch o f th e te stim o n y
p u rp ortin g to d iscu ss th e intent o f th e L eg isla tu re , o r th o se
w h o sou gh t to in flu e n c e L o u is ia n a ’s 1992 red istr ictin g ,
c o n fo u n d e d an d c o n fu se d in ten t o r p u rp o se w ith motive or
g oa l. M o r e te llin g (an d m o re ca n d id ) w as th e te s tim o n y at
th e T ria l, a y ea r ear lier , co n cern in g th e m o tiv e fo r crea tin g
a se c o n d m ajority-b lack co n g ressio n a l d istrict. T h at
te stim o n y d iffered m arked ly from its cou n terp art a t th e
E vid en tiary H earin g . In b o th p ro ce ed in g s th e te stim o n y o n
m o tiv e w a s con sid erab ly le ss u n iform th an w as th e v irtually
u n a n im o u s te stim o n y regard in g th e L eg is la tu re ’s intent to
c r e a te a se c o n d sa fe , b lack m ajority d istrict. A t lea st by
im p lica tio n , h ow ever , fou r im m u tab le e le m e n ts p rov id ed a
c o m m o n p o in t o f d ep artu re for all w itn esses: 1 ) L o u isia n a
h ad an u n a v o id a b le leg a l ob lig a tio n to rea p p o rtio n its
co n g re ss io n a l d e leg a tio n ; 2 ) rea p p o rtio n m en t h ad to b e in
strict c o m p lia n ce w ith th e co n stitu tio n a l im p era tive o f
o n e-p er so n , o n e -v o te , m e a n in g th at ea c h o f L o u is ia n a ’s
sev e n co n g ress io n a l d istricts h ad to co n ta in rou gh ly 6 0 3 ,0 0 0
resid en ts; 3 ) g iven its fa ilu re to a d op t a rea p p o rtio n m en t
p lan in 1991 , th e L eg isla tu re w ou ld h a v e to a d o p t a p lan in
its 1992 se ss io n th at w ou ld b e certa in to re ce iv e im m e d ia te
p rec le a ra n ce so th at th e con g ress io n a l e le c tio n , sch ed u le d
fo r th e fall o f th at year, co u ld b e h eld ; an d 4 ) to ob ta in
56a
tim e ly p rec lea ra n ce , i.e ., v o lu n tar ily an d n o t b y co u rt d e c r e e ,
any plan w ould have to include tw o safe, black majority districts.21
21 Even though the Legislature put itself under severe time
constraints by failing to redistrict in 1991, the United States
Department of Justice- not a party to this litigation-must be
regarded as an active player in this case. As Louisiana is covered by
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, the Legislature must either (1)
have any proposed plan precleared by the Department of Justice, or
(2) seek a judgment from the United States District Court for the
District of Columbia declaring that the plan "does not have the
purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right
to vote on account of race or color...." Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42
U.S.C. s 1973c. The testimony at the Trial and at the Evidentiary
Hearing reflected overwhelmingly that the Attorney General’s Office
(AGO) had let it be known that preclearance would not be
forthcoming for any plan that did not include at least tw o "safe" black
districts out of seven. But neither Section 2, nor Section 5 of the
Voting Rights Act justifies the AGO’s insistence upon two black
districts.
To challenge a redistricting plan under Section 2 successfully,
plaintiffs who are members of a cognizable racial group must
demonstrate that their group is num erous enough an d geographically
com pact enough to be a majority in a district. G row e v. E m ison , 507
U.S. — , — , 113 S.Ct. 1075, 1083, 122 L.Ed.2d 388, 403 (1993)
(extending the threshold requirements elaborated in Thornburg v.
Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 46-47, 106 S.Ct. 2752, 2764, 92 L.Ed.2d 25
(1986), to single member, as well as multimember, districts).
Obviously, however, black voters in District 4 do not constitute a
geographically com pact body as required by Gingles. Neither would any
district resembling District 4 be geographically compact.
Consequently, the AGO cannot legitimately claim that Section 2 of
the Voting Rights compels the creation of any redistricting plan that
contains a tortured district like District 4. Unless a second
geographically compact black majority district is possible, the State’s
failure to create one does not violate Section 2. G row e, 507 U.S. at
—.........., 113 S.Ct. at 1084-85, 122 L.Ed.2d at 404. This is not to say
that Section 2 forbids the creation of such a plan; simply that Section
2 does not require it. Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , ---------- , 113
S.Ct. 1149, 1156-58, 122 L.Ed.2d 500, 513-14 (1993). Consequently,
the AGO cannot rely on Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act to force
57a
a state to adopt a plan containing an additional majority-minority
district with a geographically dispersed black majority.
Additionally, Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act expressly
states that "[njothing in this section establishes a right to have
members of a protected class elected in numbers equal to their
proportion in the population." Voting Rights Act of 1965, Section 2,
42 U.S.C. s 1973. Section 2 refuses to transform the individual right
to vote into a group right to elect. Thus, Section 2 emphatically does
not authorize the AGO to reject plans that fafl to "give full effect" to
minority voters, or otherwise to create a de fa c to requirement of
proportional representation by rejecting all plans that fail to maximize
the concentration of minority voters. The text of Section 2 of the
Voting Rights Act expressly declares that proportional representation
is not required. Neither can Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act—on
the basis of the 1990 Census-justify the AGO’s insistence that
Louisiana adopt a congressional redistricting plan with two safe,
black-majority districts. In Beer v. United States, the Supreme Court
stated that "the purpose of Section 5 has always been to insure that
no voting-procedure changes would be made that would lead to a
retrogression in the position of racial minorities with respect to their
effective exercise of the electoral franchise." Beer v. United States, 425
U.S. 130, 141, % S.Ct. 1357, 1364, 47 L.Ed.2d 629 (1976) (emphasis
added); accord Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2830,125 L.Ed.2d
at 533. In this case, however, a redistricting Plan for the State of
Louisiana that provided for one black majority district would have
satisfied the requirement of nonretrogression.
As a result of the 1990 Census, Louisiana lost a seat in the
United States House of Representatives: previously it had eight
seats, now it has seven. Thus, even if the Legislature had adopted a
plan with a single black majority district, that plan would have
satisfied the Section 5 nonretrogression principle: whereas before
black majority districts comprised one-eighth of all districts, under a
new plan with one black majority district, such districts would
constitute one-seventh of all districts, an increase of nearly two
percent. Thus, the Section 5 nonretrogTession principle does not, on
the instant facts, require Louisiana to adopt a redistricting plan with
a second black-majority district. Any suggestion by the AGO to the
contrary was incorrect.
In summary, neither Section 2 nor Section 5 of the Voting
Rights Act justify the AGO’s insistence that Louisiana adopt a plan
58a
with two safe, black majority districts. Yet members of the
Legislature uniformly believed that they needed to create such a
redistricting plan to secure preclearance. The letters sent by the
Office of the Assistant Attorney General (AAGO) in response to
redistricting plans for the Louisiana Senate and the Board of
Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE) show how Louisiana
legislators got this mistaken impression.
In these letters, the AAGO acknowledged that the plans
"appealed] to have no retrogressive effect" and met "in large part ...
Section 5 preclearance requirements." Yet the AAGO refused to
preclear the plans because-in its apparent judgment—they could have
been drawn "in a manner that would more effectively provide to black
voters an equal opportunity ... to elect candidates of their choice,"
there a euphemism for black candidates. But, again, the Voting
Rights Act does not require that a plan be drawn to maximize the
efficacy of the black vote, and we perceive the AAGO’s insistence
upon such a result to be tantamount to an insistence upon
proportional representation: an insistence that is expressly forbidden
by Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.
In one letter the AAGO went so far as to suggest how the
plan should be drawn to secure early preclearance by combining
"significant concentrations of black voters in northeastern Louisiana
and in the parishes bordering the State of Mississippi, both along the
river and the state’s southern border." Here—in a nutshell—was a
blueprint for the highly irregular district known as District 4: a
district that runs through the length and breadth of the State, a
district that ignores traditional geographical and political boundaries,
yet a district that the AAGO inappropriately hinted would have to be
created if Louisiana was to secure preclearance. What was the
authority for the AAGO’s insistence? The answer presents itself:
none.
When State authorities wrote back, explaining the historical,
cultural, political, economic, and religious significance of the
north-south divide in Louisiana, as a means of explaining and
defending its proposed plan, the AAGO dismissed the explanation
and concluded that lumping black voters together in a district
"transcends the distinction between northern and southern parishes."
What was the authority for this judgment: again, none! To reiterate,
neither Section 2 nor Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act requires that
geographically dispersed black voters be lumped together to maximize
59a
B . Shaw v. Reno: Inferential Proof o f Racial
Gerrymandering
Shaw d e a ls prim arily w ith p rov in g racial
gerrym an d erin g inferentially. W e p ro ce ed to ex a m in e th e
in d irect o r c ircu m stan tia l e v id e n c e o f racial gerrym an d erin g
in th e in stan t ca se .
1. The Shifting Evidentiary Burden
T h e C ou rt in Shaw ap p aren tly in ten d e d to estab lish
an ev id en tia ry "minuet" for racial gerrym an d erin g c a se s
a n a lo g o u s to th e o n e esta b lish ed by McDonnell Douglas v.
the efficacy of their vote. That is nothing more than an AAGO
"gloss" on the Voting Rights Act-a gloss unapproved by Congress and
unsanctioned by the courts.
The Department of Justice did not conclude that Louisiana’s
concern with preserving its historic parishes was pretextual; it decided
that creating black districts trumped traditional redistricting criteria.
What was the authority for this policy decision? Yet again, none! As
the AAGO concluded that the State BESE plan was not retrogressive
with respect to the black vote, it necessarily admitted that the plan
had no discriminatory effect. See Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130,
140, % S.Ct. 1357, 1363, 47 L.Ed.2d 629, 639. Thus, the AAGO
could legally reject the plan only if it determined—and presumably for
non-arbitrary reasons—that the plan reflected discriminatory motives.
Georgia v. United States, 411 U.S. 526, 93 S.Ct. 1702, 36 L.Ed.2d 472
(1973). But the AAGO did not so conclude.
Rather, the AAGO arrogated the power to use Section 5
preclearance as a sword to implement forcibly its own redistricting
policies, rather than as a shield to prevent lamentable historical
abuses. The Attorney General’s Office has no authority to withhold
preclearance for reasons outside the ambit of the Voting Rights Act.
Indeed, because any plan that entails more racial gerrymandering
than is absolutely necessary to pass Voting Rights Act muster is
potentially unconstitutional, Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2831,
125 L.Ed.2d at 534, the AGO will risk encouraging unconstitutional
conduct if it pressures states to gerrymander their districts to
maximize the concentration of minority voters.
60a
Green an d Texas Department o f Community Affairs v. Burdine
in th e T itle V II co n te x t.22 A fte r a c it iz e n e s ta b lish e s a
ca u se o f a c tio n by a lleg in g th a t th e re a p p o rtio n m e n t sc h e m e
a d o p te d by h is s ta te is so irration a l o n its fa c e th a t it can
o n ly b e u n d er sto o d as an e ffo r t to se g r e g a te v o te r s o n th e
b a sis o f r a c e -th e r e b y cr ea tin g a p resu m p tio n o f
u n co n stitu tio n a lity 23 —th e b u rd en sh ifts to th e s ta te to
p ro ffer a le g it im a te , n on -racia l e x p la n a tio n fo r th e
irra tion a lly sh a p ed d istricts in its p la n .24 If, p er c h a n c e , th e
s ta te sh o u ld an sw er, gen era lly d en y in g gerrym an d erin g , and
m o v e fo r su m m ary ju d g m en t, th e p la in tiff p resu m ab ly w o u ld
n e e d to su p p ort su ch a p resu m p tio n w ith su m m ary ju d g m en t
e v id e n c e , e .g ., a ffid av its an d d e p o s it io n s d e m o n stra tin g
leg is la tiv e in ten t, v io la tio n o f red istr ic tin g p rin c ip les , o r th e
lik e . B u t i f th e s ta te a d v a n ces a le g it im a te , n on -racia l
22M cD onnell D ouglas v. G reen, 411 U.S. 792, 93 S.Ct. 1817, 36
L.Ed.2d 668 (1973); Texas D ep ’t o f C om m unity Affairs v. Burdine, 450
U.S. 248, 101 S.Ct. 1089, 67 L.Ed.2d 207 (1981). The three-step
McDonnell- Douglas-Burdine "minuet" structures the basic allocation
of burdens and order of presentation of proof in the Title VII
context. Burdine, 450 U.S. at 252-53, 101 S.Ct. at 1093. This minuet
requires (1) the plaintiff to prove—by a preponderance of the
evidence-a prima facie case of disparate treatment that contravenes
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, (2) the defendant to proffer
a legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason for the employee’s rejection,
and (3) the plaintiff to demonstrate that the defendant’s proffered
explanation is pretextual. Id. at 253, 101 S.Ct. at 1093. At the end
of the day, however, the plaintiff has the burden of proving that a
violation of Title VII occurred. See St. Mary's H onor Center v. H icks,
509 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2742, 125 L.Ed.2d 407 (1993).
™Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832,125 L.Ed.2d at 536; See
also id. a t ----------- ,113 S.Ct. at 2826-27, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528- 29
(indicating that irregular shapes may imply impermissible racial
gerrymandering).
u Id.
61a
ex p la n a tio n fo r th e p la n ’s irregularity, th e n th e fa c tfin d er
m u s t - a s a lw a y s -w e ig h th e e v id e n c e o n b o th s id e s and
d e c id e w h e th e r th e p la in tiff h as m e t h is b u rd en o f
d em o n stra tin g th a t th e p la n ’s irrational sh a p e r e flec ts racial
gerrym an d erin g .25
A lth o u g h th e C ou rt in Shaw d o e s n o t d iscu ss th e
re sp ectiv e b u rd en s b o rn e by th e p arties in th is sh iftin g
p ro to c o l, S u p rem e C ou rt p rec ed en t c lear ly in d ica tes that
p la in tiffs h a v e th e u lt im a te b u rd en o f p roving—by a
p rep o n d e ra n ce o f th e e v id e n c e - th a t th e irregularity o f th e
c h a lle n g e d d istricts re flec ts racial gerrym an d erin g .26 P r o o f
on th e m erits w o u ld lik e ly fo c u s o n th e p retex t o f th e s ta te ’s
p ro ffere d n on -d iscr im in atory reason s. N e v e r th e le ss , p lac in g
th e b u rd en o f p r o o f o n th e p la in tiffs re flec ts a b asic te n e t o f
eq u a l p ro te c tio n analysis: th er e can b e n o v io la tio n o f th e
E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se u n le ss th o se w h o co m p la in
d em o n stra te th at th e sta te h as en g a g ed in p u rp osefu l
15See, e.g., Wright, 376 U.S. 52, 84 S.Ct. 603 (in which the Court
held that the plaintiffs had not "sustained their burden of proving that
... [the plan] ... segregates eligible voters by race and place of origin
in violation of the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses....");
accord W hitcom b v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 91 S.Ct. 1858, 29 L.Ed.2d
363 (1971). To clarify this minuet further, if a plaintiff comes into
court with a map bearing hideously contorted districts and evidence
that the state legislature drew those districts on the basis of race, and
if the plaintiff complains that those districts lack a non-racial
explanation— i.e., cannot be explained or understood without
hypothesizing racial gerrymandering—then the plaintiff has stated a
prima facie case under Shaw. If the state then introduces evidence
that tends to show that the legislature was actuated by other motives
that can explain the bizarre contours of the districts without resorting
to race, the state has created a competing inference. The factfinder
must then decide, on the basis of all available evidence, who is right.
62a
d iscr im in a tio n .27 T h u s, in th is c a se , P la in tiffs h a v e th e
b u rd en o f d em o n stra tin g by a p r e p o n d e ra n ce o f th e e v id e n c e
th a t th e L eg is la tu re w a s " m otivated by racial con sid eration s"
w h e n it a d o p te d A c t 4 2 .28 W e fin d th a t th e p la in tiffs h a v e
m e t th a t b u r d e n -c o m fo r ta b ly .
2 . Plaintiffs’ Cause o f Action
In a d d itio n to sta tin g a ca u se o f a c tio n by a lleg in g
e x trem e irregularity o f sh a p e , a p la in tiff m ay, u n d er Shaw,
str en g th e n th e in fere n c e th at th e s ta te e n g a g e d in
c o n s t itu t io n a lly su sp e c t ra c ia l g e r r y m a n d e r in g by
d em o n stra tin g th e s ta te ’s d isregard o f tra d itio n a l d istr ictin g
p rin c ip les .29 A s d iscu ssed a b o v e in se c tio n II B , th e
P la in tiffs h a v e c lear ly a lle g e d b o th th a t th e P la n —p articu larly
D istr ic t 4 —is h igh ly irregular o n its fa c e , an d th a t th e P lan
d isregard s trad ition a l d istr ictin g p rin c ip les .30 W e th e r e fo r e
c o n c lu d e th at th e P la in tiffs e sta b lish e d a ca u se o f a c tio n
71 City o f M obile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 66, 100 S.Ct. 1490, 1499,
64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980) (citing Washington v. D avis, 426 U.S. 229, %
S.Ct. 2040, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976)); Plaintiffs also have the burden
of proving the invalidity of a reapportionment plan under Section 2
of the Voting Rights Act. Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , — , 113
S.Ct. 1149, 1156, 122 L.Ed.2d 500, 512 (1993).
28Wright, 376 U.S. at 55, 84 S.Ct. at 604.
NShaw, 508 U.S. at — 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528.
"For example, Plaintiffs allege that "[t]he adoption of Act 42 ...
has resulted in the creation of at least two of seven districts which are
devoid of any commonality of interest... geographical compactness,
contiguousness [sic], consistency with existing political, societal,
governmental or economic districts or jurisdictional boundaries, other
than the racial designation of the majority therein." See discussion in
section II B of this Memorandum Opinion for other examples of
Plaintiffs’ allegations.
63a
esse n tia lly id en tica l to that a lle g e d by th e p la in tiffs in Shaw.
It c o n se q u e n tly d ev o lv ed u p on th e D e fe n d a n ts e ith e r to
r e fu te th e a lleg a tio n s d irectly o r to p rov id e leg itim a te ,
n o n -ra cia l ex p la n a tio n s for th e P la n ’s irrational sh a p e an d its
d isregard o f trad ition a l d istrictin g cr iteria .31
3 . Defendants’ Proffered Justifications
A p p a ren tly reco g n iz in g th e im p ossib ility o f d irectly
re fu tin g h igh irregularity an d v io la tio n o f trad ition a l
d istr ictin g criteria , th e D e fe n d a n ts a tte m p te d to ju stify th e
P lan . D u rin g th e en tire T rial, n o t o n e w itn ess ev er
su g g ested th at th e L eg is la tu re ’s intent in crea tin g D istr ic t 4
w as an yth in g o th e r th an to cr ea te a sec o n d d istrict w ith a
su p er-m ajority o f b lack v o te r s by draw ing its b o u n d a r ies
a lo n g racial lin es. In d e ed , m ost o f th e te stim o n y o f th e
D e fe n d a n ts ’ w itn e sse s co n ce rn ed h o w n u m erica lly large a
b lack m ajority w a s n e e d e d to en su re th e e f fe c t iv e n e s s o f th e
P lan , w h ich ev ery o n e c o n c e d e d to b e a p rod u ct o f racial
gerrym an d erin g .
A t th e E v id en tiary H earin g , h o w ev er , fo llo w in g as it
did o n th e h e e ls o f th e S u p rem e C o u rt’s d ec is io n in Shaw,
th e D e fe n d a n ts -w ith th e b e n e fit o f h in d s ig h t-a tte m p te d to
d en y th e racial gerrym an d erin g th at th ey so can d id ly
p ro c la im ed an d avidly d e fe n d e d a yea r ea r lier at th e T rial.
S p ecifica lly , th e D e fe n d a n ts n o w su ggest th at tw o n on -racia l
fac tors p layed k ey ro les in th e cr ea tio n o f th e P lan:
p a r t i s a n / in c u m b e n t p o l i t i c s a n d s o c i o e c o n o m ic
co m m o n a litie s . A s d iscu ssed in th e fo llo w in g sec tio n , w e
’‘Recalling our pedagogic comparison with homicide, when the
state attempts to convict a defendant of homicide using circumstantial
evidence- essentially arguing that the facts are consistent with
homicide, the defendant may attempt to show that the evidence is
consistent with a far more innocent hypothesis: for example, an
accident. The Defendants’ opportunity to provide legitimate,
non-racial explanations for the Plan’s irrational shape is analogous.
64a
fin d th e D e fe n d a n ts ’ ex p la n a tio n s w h o lly u n co n v in c in g an d
in m an y re sp e c ts d is in g en u o u s.
4. Choosing Between the Competing Inferences
B e c a u se o f th e p roced u ra l p o stu re o f Shaw, th e C ou rt
did n o t h a v e to g o b ey o n d reversin g th e d istrict c o u r t’s grant
o f th e d e fe n d a n ts ’ m o tio n to d ism iss. F o llo w in g a fu ll m erits
tr ia l h ere , h o w ev er , w e are o b lig ed to d e c id e w h e th e r th e
P la in tiffs h a v e carried th e ir b u rd en o f p rov in g—by a
p rep o n d e ra n ce o f th e e v id e n c e - th a t th e P la n ’s irregularity
an d its d isregard o f trad ition a l red istr ic tin g p r in c ip les re flec t
racial gerrym an d erin g . A s w e fin d th a t th e only sensible
e x p la n a tio n for th e P la n ’s ex trem e fac ia l irregularity an d its
flagran t d ev ia tio n from trad ition a l d istr ictin g cr iteria is th at
th e L eg is la tu re in ten tio n a lly seg r eg a te d v o te r s in to
c o n g re ss io n a l d istricts b a sed o n th e ir race, w e c o n c lu d e th at
th e P la in tiffs h a v e o v erw h elm in g ly sa tis fied th e ir b u rd en o f
p rov in g racial gerrym an d erin g .
a. Plaintiffs’ Inferential Evidence
1. The Plan is Highly Irregular
T h e m o st cursory in sp ec tio n o f th e d istricts
esta b lish e d by A c t 42 rev ea ls severa l o f th e m to b e irregular,
an d D istr ic t 4 to b e h igh ly irregular.32 L ik e th e fic tio n a l
sw ord sm an Z o rro , w h en m ak in g h is sign a tu re m ark, D istr ic t
4 s la sh e s a g ian t b u t so m ew h a t shaky "Z" across th e s ta te , as
it cu ts a sw ath th rou gh m u ch o f L o u is ia n a .33 It b eg in s
n orth o f S h rev ep o rt--in th e n o rth w estern c o m e r o f
L o u is ia n a , ju st ea st o f th e T e x a s b o rd er an d flush aga in st th e
A rk an sas b o rd er—an d sw ee p s ea st a lo n g th a t b ord er,
32See Map, Appendix B.
33Id.
65a
p er io d ica lly ex ten d in g p seu d o p o d s sou th w ard to e n g u lf sm all
p o c k e ts o f b lack v o ters , all th e w ay to th e M ississ ip p i R iver.
T h e d istrict th en turns so u th an d m e a n d er s d ow n th e w est
b an k o f th e M ississip p i R iv er in a n arrow b an d , g o b b lin g up
m o r e an d m o r e b lack v o te rs a s it g o e s . A s it n ea rs B a to n
R o u g e , th e d istrict ju ts abruptly ea st to sw allow
p red o m in a n tly b lack p o rtio n s o f severa l m o r e p arish es.
S im u lta n eo u sly , it h o o k s in a n orth w ester ly arc,
a p p rop r ia tin g still m o r e b lack v o te rs o n its w ay to
A lex a n d ria , w h ere it se lec tiv e ly in c lu d es o n ly p red o m in a n tly
b lack res id en tia l n e ig h b o rh o o d s. F in ally , at its so u th ern
extrem ity , th e d istrict ex ten d s y e t a n o th er p r o je c t io n -th is
o n e w estw ard tow ard s L a fa y e tte—ad d in g still m o re
co n c e n tr a tio n s o f b lack resid en ts. O n th e b asis o f D istr ic t
4 ’s p h ysiogn om y a lo n e , th e P lan is th u s h igh ly irregular,
su g g estin g strongly that th e L eg isla tu re en g a g ed in racial
gerrym an d erin g .34
2 . The Plan Violates Traditional Redistricting
Principles
In Shaw, th e C ou rt re itera tes th e n o tio n th a t s ta te s
are n o t co n stitu tio n a lly required to a d h ere to th e trad ition a l
red istr ic tin g p rin c ip les o f co m p a ctn ess , con tigu ity , re sp ect for
esta b lish e d p o litica l su b d iv ision s, an d co m m o n a lity o f
in terests .35 T h e C ourt a lso ob serv es th a t a s ta te ’s adherence
24See generally Shaw, 508 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d
511.
25Shaw, 508 U.S. a t .............., 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27,125 L.Ed.2d at
528-29 (citing Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735, 752, n. 18, 93 S.Ct.
2321, 2331, n. 18, 37 L.Ed.2d 298 (1973)). The seminal case of M ajor
v. Treen also discusses these traditional redistricting criteria and
applies them to the Louisiana context. M ajor v. Treen, 574 F.Supp.
325 (E.D.La.1983).
66a
to trad ition a l d istr ictin g cr iteria "may serv e to d e fe a t a c la im
th a t a d istrict h as b e e n g errym an d ered o n racial lines."36
Y e t a s ta te ’s disregard o f su ch criteria , e m p h a s iz e s th e Shaw
o p in io n , m ay b e e v id e n c e o f c o n stitu tio n a lly -su sp ec t racial
gerrym an d erin g .37
In d e e d , th e C ou rt in Shaw re fers to a s itu a tio n "in
w h ich a S ta te c o n c e n tr a te d a d isp ersed m in ority p o p u la tio n
in a s in g le d istrict b y d isregard in g trad ition a l d istr ictin g
p rin c ip les ..." as a c ircu m sta n ce in w h ich racial
gerrym an d erin g can b e ea s ily in ferred , p rec ise ly b e c a u se th e
sta te ig n o red su ch p rin c ip les .3* * A s a s ta te ’s d e c is io n to
d isregard trad ition a l red istr ic tin g cr iteria is p ro b a tiv e o f
co n stitu tio n a lly -su sp ec t racial gerrym an d erin g , w e c lo se ly
ex a m in e th e P la n ’s a d h e ren ce (or , m o r e accu ra te ly ,
n o n -a d h e r e n c e ) to th o se p rincip les; an d w e fin d th a t, for
th e m o st part, th e P lan cava lier ly d isregard s th em .
a. Compactness
D istr ic t 4 sn a k es narrow ly across L o u is ia n a so il from
e n d to en d for m o re th an 600 m ile s .39 A recta n g le
su p e r im p o sed o n th e Z -sh a p e d figu re fo rm ed by D istr ic t 4
w o u ld o ver lay tw o-th ird s o f th e S ta te . A d d itio n a lly , a s it
w in d s a lo n g its erratic p ath , D istr ic t 4 p ro jects m yriad
d iv erticu la e to en ca p su la te sm all sa cs o f o th er w ise w id e ly
d isp ersed b lack v o ters . N o o n e co u ld c la im th a t D istr ic t 4
is co m p a c t, a t lea st n o t w ith a straight fa ce .
“ Id. 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2827,125 L.Ed.2d at 529 (citing
Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725, 755, 103 S.Ct. 2653, 2672, 77
L.Ed.2d 133 (1983)).
s7« . at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528.
*Id .
i9See Map, Appendix B.
67a
b. Contiguity
D istr ic t 4 w as c o n fe c te d to satisfy th e trad ition a l
d istr ictin g cr iter ion o f con tigu ity , but o n ly h yp ertech n ica lly
an d th u s cyn ically . W h en d isp layed o n a m ap o f th e S ta te ,
th e d istr ic t’s b o u n d a r ies s e e m severa l t im e s to n arrow to a
s in g le p o in t. T h is im p ression re flec ts reality , fo r at so m e
p la c e s a lo n g its a tten u a te d path , D istr ic t 4 is n o m o r e th an
80 fe e t w id e . S uch to k en ism m o ck s th e trad ition a l cr iter ion
o f con tigu ity .40
c. Respect For Political Subdivisions
A s o n e w itn ess ex p la in ed at th e E v id en tiary H earin g ,
th er e is n o m o re fu n d a m en ta l unit o f so c ie ta l org a n iza tio n
in th e h istory o f L ou isian a th an th e p arish .41 W h ere a s th e
p rev io u s con g ress io n a l p lan d iv id ed o n ly sev e n o f m o d e m
L o u is ia n a ’s 64 p arish es, sca tter in g fraction s o f th e sa m e
p arish in m o re th an o n e con g ress io n a l d istrict, A c t 4 2 sp lits
an d sca tters 28 . D istr ic t 4 is p articu larly aggressive in
v io la tin g th e b o u n d a r ies o f th e se trad ition a l p o litica l and
g o v ern m en ta l u n its o f th e S ta te: o f th e 28 p arish es to u ch ed
by D istr ic t 4 , o n ly fou r w h o le p arish es are in c lu d ed ; but th e
d istrict a n n e x es o n ly shards o f 2 4 a d d ition a l p arish es, u sually
in corp ora tin g n o n e but th e p red o m in a n tly b lack fragm en ts
o f th o se sh a tter ed reg ion s. A d d itio n a lly , for th e first t im e in
L o u is ia n a history, w ith th e ad ven t o f A c t 42 a d istr ictin g
p la n v io la te s th e b o u n d a r ies o f n early all m ajor
^In complementary fashion, District 6 maintains contiguity only
by employing gossamer connections at several junctions.
41A parish is analogous to a county, but it has its roots in, and
takes its name from, the ministrations of the Catholic Church in early
Louisiana history.
68a
m u n ic ip a litie s in th e S ta te . W ith th e e x c e p tio n o f L a k e
C h arles, th e P la n fragm en ts a ll m ajor m u n ic ip a litie s in to
m o r e th an o n e co n g re ss io n a l d istrict, th ereb y d estro y in g th e
c o m m o n r e p r esen ta tio n h istor ica lly en jo y e d by re s id en ts o f
th e sa m e m u n ic ip a lity .42
d. Commonality o f Interests
W ith in its irregular b o u n d a r ies , D is tr ic t 4 su b su m es
b its o f every re lig iou s, e th n ic , e c o n o m ic , so c ia l, an d
to p o g ra p h ica l typ e fo u n d in L o u isia n a .
( i) Religion and Ethnicity
D istr ic t 4 v io la te s th e trad ition a l n o rth -so u th
e th n o -r e lig io u s d iv ision o f th e S ta te . A lo n g its c ircu ito u s
rou te , th is n ew d istrict co m b in e s E n g lish - S co tch -Ir ish ,
m a in lin e P ro testa n ts , trad ition a l rural b lack P ro testa n ts ,
S o u t h L o u is ia n a b la c k C a t h o l i c s , C o n t i n e n t a l
F ren ch -S p a n ish -G erm a n R o m a n C a th o lics , su i g en er ic
C r eo les , an d th orou gh ly m ixed p o ly g lo ts, e a c h from an
h istor ica lly d isc re te an d d istin ctiv e reg io n o f L o u isia n a , as
n ev er h e r e to fo r e s o ex ten siv e ly a g g lo m er a ted .
( ii) Economic Base
C o tto n an d so y b ea n p la n ta tio n s , c e n te r s o f
p etr o ch em ica l p ro d u ctio n , urban m an u factu rin g co m p lex e s ,
tim b er lan d s, saw m ills an d p a p er m ills, river b arge d e p o ts ,
an d rice an d su garcan e f ie ld s are strun g to g e th e r to form th e
e c le c t ic an d in c o h e ren t indu stria l b a se o f D istr ic t 4 . T h e s e
^Disregarding New Orleans, which comprises the majority of
District 2, the major municipalities of Shreveport, Baton Rouge,
Lafayette, Monroe, Alexandria, and Ruston are all rent asunder in
this manner.
69a
diverse segments of the State economy have little in
common. Indeed, their interests more often conflict than
harmonize.
(iii) Geography and Topography
Red clay hills and pinelands, hardwood bottomlands
and forests, alluvial floodlands, coastal plains, marshes,
swamps and wetlands—all are present in District 4, which—as
noted above-stretches more than half a thousand miles from
end to end. What did the Legislature intend when it created
District 4— this non-traditional, little-in-common
"un-district"? The indirect evidence overwhelmingly
indicates that the Legislature specifically intended to create
a plan with at least two majority black districts. Given the
pre-existence of District 2, we find beyond cavil that the
Legislature accomplished this by parceling voters into the
remaining six districts on the basis of race.
b. Defendants’ Counter-Proof
In contrast, we have been shown no credible evidence
supporting the defense witnesses’ proffered motivations of
party and incumbency protection and socioeconomic
commonality. Their explanations ring hollow. We find them
to be no more than disingenuous, post hoc rationalizations.
In particular, we find that neither partisan nor incumbency
politics was a significant factor in the core decision
intentionally to create a plan containing a second black
majority district. At the Trial, the Defendants never
suggested that partisan or incumbent politics played a role
in the determination to create District 4.43 Indeed,
43At the Evidentiary Hearing, Defendants introduced evidence of
the role of incumbency, but it proved irrelevant to the issue of
intentional segregation of voters by race. Such evidence showed, at
most, that incumbency affected only the general location of the
70a
Defendants’ counsel objected to Plaintiffs’ counsel’s
questions aimed at eliciting testimony about the Black
Caucus- Republican Caucus alliance that supported Act 42,
arguing that such testimony was political and therefore
irrelevant to the case. Moreover, even though party and
incumbency protection play some role-- large or small—in
virtually everything done in the legislative branches (and
executive branches, for that matter) of our contemporary
governments, this universal truism does not negate the
compelling inference that Act 42 in general, and District 4
in particular, are products of racial gerrymandering.
Additionally, without for a moment granting that
incumbency politics played a significant role in the decision
to create a second majority black district, we question
whether the Defendants could prevail in this litigation even
if it had.
The Defendants seem to believe that they can defeat
a claim of racial gerrymandering under Shaw if any factor
other than race played any cognizable role in the creation of
a challenged redistricting plan. Although we need not
correct such a misconstruction of Shaw to find racial
gerrymandering in this case, we briefly address this legal
issue—obiter dictum—in hopes of shedding a little additional
light on this difficult area of the law.
The Defendants evidently base their belief—that the
gerrymander that is District 4, i.e., the effective efforts of
Congressional incumbents in "pushing" the pre-ordained second black
majority district generally as far north and east as possible. Thus it
follows largely the northern boundary of Louisiana with Arkansas and
the eastern boundary of Louisiana, i.e., the Mississippi River. But, as
Louisiana had already lost one of its eight seats in the House of
Representatives, creating a game of incumbents’ "musical chairs,"
none should be surprised by the interesting but irrelevant fact that,
once the decision to create a second minority- majority district had
been made, each incumbent did what he could to keep his traditional
geographical base and see that the new district was located anywhere
but in his.
71a
presence of any non-racial motivating factor will excuse
racial gerrymandering—on language found at the end of the
Shaw opinion. There the Court indicates that a plaintiff
states a claim under the Equal Protection Clause by alleging
that a reapportionment plan is so irrational on its face "that
it can be understood only as an effort to segregate
voters...."44 This emphatically does not mean that if any
other factor influenced the legislature the plaintiff is unable
to establish a racial gerrymander. Rather, it means that if
the contours and content of a redistricting plan can be
wholly explained to be the product of one or more factors
other than race, then the defendants have created a
competing inference. The court must then weigh the
competing inferences--as indeed it usually must—to decide
whether the plaintiff has proved his inference by a
preponderance of the evidence.45 Thus, accurately stated,
the question posed by Shaw is whether a redistricting plan
can be reasonably conceived as the product of non-racial
factors. In this case the Plan cannot.46
“ Shaw, 508 U.S. at , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d at 536
(emphasis added).
* Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 57, 84 S.Ct. 603, 605, 11
L.Ed.2d 512 (1964).
46At the risk of flaying a dead horse, we point out that logic
demands that the Defendants’ reading of Shaw be rejected. Suppose
a state legislature came right out and admitted that it racially
gerrymandered districts in a reapportionment plan, thereby obviating
the plaintiffs need to show racial gerrymandering inferentially.
Could the state then say, "but we also drew a few district lines to
protect incumbents, or to follow a river, or to put a state wildlife park
in the district of a congressman who likes migratory birds," and
thereby defeat plaintiffs claim because race was n o t the only factor
involved in the delineation of districts? Race will never be literally
the only factor. So Shaw requires only that race be an important
factor. If the plaintiffs evidence shows that the plan cannot be
understood without postulating that the legislature was significantly
72a
No one claims that the contours of District 4 can be
wholly and alternately explained as a product of partisan or
incumbency politics. Every single witness who addressed the
issue either proclaimed or acknowledged that the creation of
a second black majority district was the primary factor~or at
least a substantial and important factor--in the creation of
the Plan. We agree. There is no way that a rational
factfinder-looking at the map and reviewing the credible
evidence with care—could conclude that Act 42 can be
explained entirely without reference to racial
gerrymandering.
At the Evidentiary Hearing, Dr. Alan Lichtman, an
expert witness for the Defendants, opined that District
4—which appears so violative of traditional redistricting
principles—actually possesses socioeconomic commonality
and coherence. Dr. Lichtman contended that District 4 was
distinguishable from other districts because its residents were
relatively poor, relatively under-educated, and owned fewer
telephones and automobiles than did the residents of other
districts established by the Plan. The Defendants offered
this evidence to suggest "a rational basis [for District 4]
actuated by racial motives, then the plaintiff has made out a case of
racial gerrymandering.
The cases of Wright v. Rockefeller and Arlington H eights v.
M etropolitan H orn. Dev. Corp. support this interpretation. In Wright
every member of the court accepted that the plaintiffs stated a claim
by alleging that the "New York Legislature was either m otiva ted by
racial considerations, or in fact drew the districts on racial lines." 376
U.S. at 54, 84 S.Ct. at 604. Similarly, the Court in Arlington Heights
noted that invidious discriminatory intent need not be the legislature’s
dominant purpose: proof that such discriminatory intent was "a
motivating factor" in the legislation is sufficient. 429 U.S. 252, 265,
97 S.Ct. 555, 563, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977).
73a
other than race."47 We do not gainsay the conclusions of
this witness, but we disagree that they have significance.
Any able statistician who looks at enough statistical
characteristics (multivariate analysis) can find something
distinctive about any district. In this case District 4 was
found to be fairly poor, although poverty is not particularly
distinctive in any region of Louisiana. Had District 4 been
a fairly wealthy district, the Defendants’ expert could have
opined that the citizens of District 4 shared the common
interest of wealth. And had District 4 fallen right in the
middle, he could have explained that District 4 was
distinctive in being the most solidly middle class. But all
these observations are irrelevant because we find them to
rise to no level higher than post hoc rationalization.48
47The Defendants also offered this evidence to argue (1) that Act
42 served a compelling state interest by enhancing the representation
for poor people-especially poor black people-and (2) that the Plan
adhered to the traditional redistricting principle of "commonality of
interests" and thus was narrowly tailored.
"An additional criticism of Mr. Lichtman’s statistical legerdemain
is that the socioeconomic characteristics he analyzes are themselves
strongly correlated with race, a classic chicken-or-egg fallacy. At this
moment in history black people in the South (and generally in
America) are—on the average-poorer and less well-educated than
their white counterparts. Moreover, blacks in largely segregated
communities are probably poorer-on the average-than blacks in
more integrated communities. Consequently, racially gerrymandered
plans, which seek to draw boundaries around various concentrations
of black persons, will inevitably tend to concentrate the poorer, less
well-educated blacks.
The Defendants’ conclusions therefore have a tautological
quality: to prove that factors other than race can explain District 4,
the Defendants analyze socioeconomic factors that correlate strongly
with race. Of course District 4 is relatively poor and relatively
uneducated: it was intentionally filled with relatively poor and
uneducated minorities. To use statistical parlance, Dr. Lichtman’s
conclusions are spurious: they tell us nothing that we could not have
predicted based on the Legislature’s decision to pack District 4 with
74a
The Defendants admit that the socioeconomic
profiles of the Plan’s districts were not actually used by the
Legislature: the census data used in Defendants’ statistical
analyses were not even available to the Legislature when it
passed Act 42. More specifically, freshman Louisiana State
Senator Tom Greene testified that no socioeconomic data
was submitted with the various redistricting plans when they
were considered by the Legislature. Thus, the allegedly
distinctive socioeconomic profile of District 4 is factually
unconvincing, methodologically flawed, irrelevant, and
unquestionably a hindsight rationalization of a plan that
everyone understands to have been principally designed to
create two majority-black districts. More simply, the
socioeconomic profile of District 4 is an effect of District 4’s
design, not a cause.
We see, then, that the Defendants’ proffer of
protection of incumbent politicians and distinctive
socioeconomic profiles as alternative explanations for the
peculiar contours of the Plan simply do not ring true. Faced
with competing inferences, this court--as fact finder—must
determine the credibility of witnesses, weigh the evidence,
and choose between those inferences.49 Concluding that
the facts and inferences overwhelmingly favor the Plaintiffs,
we find that the Plan is undeniably a child of racial
gerrymandering.50 Defendants must therefore demonstrate
black voters. For a more scientific discussion of such spurious
correlations, see Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics 44348
(McGraw-Hill 1972).
*9Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 57, 84 S.Ct. 603, 605, 11
L.Ed.2d 512 (1964).
50In finding that racial gerrymandering exists in this case, we feel
confident that we are faithfully following the Supreme Court’s temper
in Shaw. In that case, the Court gives two examples of fact patterns
75a
that Act 42 is narrowly tailored to satisfy a compelling state
interest, as required by Shaw and other applicable Equal
Protection Clause cases.51
C. Direct Proof o f Racial Gerrymandering
We need not even consider the kind of indirect or
inferential proof approbated in Shaw to reach the same
point--a finding of racial gerrymandering. In this case, we
also reach that junction when we consider the great weight
of the direct evidence elicited at both the Trial and the
Evidentiary Hearing.52 Regardless of whether we reach a
finding of racial gerrymandering by the inferential approach
elaborated in Shaw, or by direct testimony and documentary
evidence, the Defendants have the burden of justifying that
gerrymandering.
In this case, direct evidence clearly and forcefully
demonstrates that the Plan is a product of racial
in which proving racial gerrymandering "will not be difficult at all."
Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528. One
example is when "a State concentratefs] a dispersed minority
population in a single district by disregarding traditional districting
principles such as compactness, contiguity, and respect for
subdivisions." Id . Those facts squarely conform to this case. In the
instant case, the Louisiana State Legislature created a serpentine belt
600 miles long to engulf enough blacks (actually, more than enough)
to create a single super-majority district. According to the Court, this
case presents a textbook example of racial gerrymandering that can
be easily proved by application of the Shaw inferential minuet.
n Shaw, 508 U.S. at , 113 S.Ct. at 2826,125 L.Ed.2d at 528; see
also supra note 13.
>2See Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826,125 L.Ed.2d at 528
(implying that however a racial gerrymander is established, it should
receive strict scrutiny). See also supra note 17 and accompanying
text.
76a
gerrymandering. Virtually every witness who testified at the
Trial (all without the benefit of a retrospective, self- serving
view of Shaw) either affirmatively stated or accepted as
gospel that the Plan was drawn with the specific intent of
ensuring the creation of a second, safe, black majority
congressional district: namely, District 4. The Defendants’
witnesses either stated or conceded that the districts created
by Act 42 were racially gerrymandered. Indeed, those
witnesses, both lay and expert, spent most of their time at
the Trial discussing how large the percentage of registered
black voters needed to be in the new majority black district
to guarantee the efficacy of their racial gerrymander~an
efficacy they viewed as the sine qua non of preclearance.
In response to this court’s query whether the
Legislature had created a racial gerrymander, Defendants’
counsel~Mr. Mongrue—said, "[a]nd [racial gerrymandering]^
exactly what [the Legislature] can do...." Similarly, Mr.
Willie Hunter, a black state legislator and a fact witness for
the Defendants, testified that the Legislature’s intention "was
to create a district where there was an excellent possibility
of having another black elected ..., and that to accomplish
this they [the legislators] "looked at numbers [of black
voters] period." Professor Engstrom, an expert witness for
the defense, stated unabashedly that "race drove ... [the
creation of] ... the Districts."
Not surprisingly, the Plaintiffs’ witnesses were at least
equally convinced that considerations of race motivated the
creation of Act 42. State Representative Adley, a white
legislator from Northwest Louisiana, testified that "the only
issue presented to us was a racial issue" and stated that
District 4 was created "for the sole purpose of making sure
that an additional black district got created regardless of
what it looked like and what parishes it ran through ..." Dr.
Gary Stokley agreed that "this plan is [based on] race."
At the more recent Evidentiary Hearing, however,
the Defendants attempted to recast their arguments in light
of Shaw and to gainsay the racial gerrymandering that they
so readily approbated during the pre-Shaw Trial. But even
77a
at this latter hearing the witnesses agreed that race was the
overarching factor that drove the actual creation of the Plan,
and that the Legislature had specifically intended to assort
voters into districts based on race. Senator Marc Morial, a
black legislator from New Orleans who appeared on behalf
of the Defendants, testified that ”[i]t was the intent of the
Legislature to create ... [a ]... second majority black district."
This is perhaps the clearest, most direct post-S/zatv statement
of intent, and the best illustration of the difference between
intent and motive. Similarly, United States Congressman
James A. Hayes (D. La) stated that the politics of race "was
the major element" that drove the creation of the Fourth
District. Dr. Lawrence N. Powell, one of Defendants’ expert
witnesses, agreed that "the primary determinant" of the
shapes of Districts 2 and 4 was race.
During four full days of testimony, two in 1992 and
two more in 1993, some witnesses stated that race was the
only factor, while others said that race was the primary
factor. One witness—apparently uncomfortable with saying
race was the primary factor-admitted that race was a veiy
important factor. Not one witness, Plaintiffs’ or Defendants’,
testified that Act 42 was not largely a product of racial
gerrymandering-not one.
Harking back to our homicide analogy, we note that
although witnesses at the Evidentiary Hearing voiced various
altruistic motives—or accused others of various ulterior
motives—for intentionally employing racial gerrymandering to
create voting districts on the basis of race,53 everyone
agreed that the intent of the Legislature-analyzed as a whole
rather than from the point of view of its constituent
members or caucuses—was to create a redistricting plan with
33Among the positive goals thus voiced were promoting racial
harmony, increasing racial fairness, eradicating vestiges of past de
jure segregation, and "obeying the law" in the sense of complying with
the Voting Rights Act in a way that would justify preclearance, to
name a few.
78a
a second majority black district.
The evidence showed that the Plan passed the
Legislature by virtue of an uncommon alliance of legislators:
Some who supported the Plan wanted a second
super-majority black district to increase the number of black
representatives in Louisiana’s congressional delegation.
Other supporters of the Plan perceived various benefits in
the correlative whitening of some districts that attends the
intentional segregation of black voters into other adjacent
districts.54 But there is absolutely no doubt that the
immediate intent of the Legislature as a whole was to enact
a plan containing two black majority districts, essentially
without regard to any other considerations and interests.
Viewed in any light, the direct evidence in this case
proves the presence of racial gerrymandering. Thus, even in
the event that we may have somehow misconstrued the
Court’s opinion in Shaw, or misapplied the inferential
minuet established therein, the direct evidence that Act 42
was a product of racial gerrymandering is overwhelming.
Two independent evidentiary bases (inferential and direct)
thus support our finding that Act 42 reflects racial
gerrymandering. Each is sufficient on its own to subject Act
42 to strict scrutiny, and each is consequently sufficient to
require the Defendants to demonstrate that Act 42 is
"narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental
interest," as required by Shaw and other applicable Equal
Protection Clause precedents.55
3‘Testimony at the trial revealed that Act 42 was passed by a
legislative alliance between the Black and the Republican Caucuses,
historically uncommon bedfellows but, according to expert testimony,
a phenomenon occurring with increasing frequency across the
country.
iSShaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct, at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528.
79a
D. Strict Scrutiny o f the Plan
Again, the core principle underlying the Supreme
Court’s decision in Shaw is that racially gerrymandered
redistricting plans are subject to the same strict scrutiny that
applies to other state legislation classifying citizens on the
basis of race.56 To survive such scrutiny, racially
gerrymandered redistricting plans must be narrowly tailored
to further a compelling governmental interest.57
1. Compelling Governmental Interest
Defendants advance four possible compelling state
interests to justify their racial gerrymandering: (1)
conformity with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, (2)
conformity with Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, (3)
proportional representation of Louisiana blacks in
Congress,58 and (4) remedying the effects of past racial
>6See supra note 13.
57Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528.
55At the Trial, Legislator Willie Hunter strongly advocated a
second black majority district for the expressed goal of achieving
black proportionality in congress. Without commenting—one way or
another—on proportional representation’s viability as a "compelling
governmental interest," we foresee serious constitutional problems in
accomplishing that goal through creation of a second black majority
district. Evidence adduced here demonstrates that, of Louisiana
black voting age population outside New Orleans, even the
overloaded 63% black District 4 would produce the election of the
[black] candidate of choice of fewer than 40% of those blacks whom
the proponents of proportional representation want to be thus
represented in Congress. Consequently, the Plan would constitute
state action that, in effect, grants voting "proxies" from the black
voters residing in Districts 1, 3, 5, 6 and 7 to the black voters of
District 4— clearly a disenfranchisement implicating equal protection
and possibly due process as well.
80a
discrimination. Witnesses also made oblique references to
various other admirable but nebulous—and often question
begging—motives, like promoting racial harmony and
ensuring fairness. As we conclude, however, that Act 42 is
not narrowly tailored to further these or any other
compelling state interests, we need not decide here whether
any one or more of them-properly clarified-is such an
interest. For the sake of judicial economy, then, we do not
analyze them in detail. Rather, we assume- without
granting-that one or all of them constitutes a compelling
state interest.
2. Narrowly Tailored
By thus assuming—again, without granting—that the
Defendants have articulated one or more compelling state
interests that the Plan might further, we have shifted the
focus of our strict scrutiny to the final aspect of Shaw:
whether the Plan is narrowly tailored. In our final
illustrative comparison with homicide, we note the
parallelism between the hypothetical criminal defendant’s
burden—at common law—of establishing an affirmative
defense—such as justifiable homicide—and the State’s burden
here of establishing the affirmative justification of a
compelling state interest.59 But even such affirmative
39We realize that many states choose to make the absence of
justification an element of the actus reus, thereby imposing upon the
prosecution the burden of proving that the criminal defendant did not
act in self-defense. As the Supreme Court has lately declined to
review whether the Due Process Clause requires the burden of
persuasion in self- defense cases to be placed on the prosecution, see,
e.g., M oran v. O hio, 469 U.S. 948, 105 S.Ct. 350, 83 L.Ed.2d 285
(1984) (Brennan, J., dissenting), state legislatures remain free to
allocate burdens of proof "by labeling as affirmative defenses" aspects
of a case that could alternatively be considered elements of a crime.
81a
defenses contain crucial limiting elements: the requirement
of applying only reasonable force in the self-defense context,
and the requirement of narrow tailoring in the compelling
state interest context.
A homicide defendant, relying for acquittal on
self-defense or justifiable homicide, must show not only that
he had a reasonable fear of imminent harm from the
aggressor/victim, but also that he used no more force than
was reasonably necessary under the circumstances. If a
single, deterrent gunshot to the aggressor/victim’s leg
happens to cause death from uncontrollable hemorrhaging,
the homicide may well be justified; but if the defendant
fires two or three or four additional, immediately-fatal shots
into vital areas of that same aggressor/victim’s body after he
has been neutralized by the first shot in the leg, the
defendant is likely to find that the affirmative defense is
unavailing.
In close parallel, Shaw tells us that, even in
retrogression cases under Section 5, the State does not have
carte blanche to engage in racial gerrymandering; its
reapportionment plan must not go "beyond what [is]
reasonably necessary" to further the compelling
governmental interest. 60 That is the essence of narrow
tailoring in the redistricting context: just as a homicide
defendant may not use excessive force to stop an aggressor,
neither may a state burden the rights and interests of its
citizens more than is reasonably necessary to further the
compelling governmental interest advanced by the state.
Patterson v. N ew York, 432 U.S. 197, 210, 97 S.Ct. 2319, 2327, 53
L.Ed.2d 281 (1977); see also M cElroy v. H olloway, 451 U.S. 1028,
1029-31,101 S.Ct. 3019,3019-21,69 L.Ed.2d398,399-400 (Rehnquist,
J., dissenting). For our purposes, however, such subtleties are
irrelevant: as noted above, we are merely using classic common law
homicide/self-defense as an instructive analogy.
MShaw , 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2831, 125 L.Ed.2d at 534.
82a
In this case, uncontroverted evidence from both the
Trial and the Evidentiary Hearing convinces us that the Plan
is not narrowly tailored to satisfy any of the supposedly
compelling state interests advanced by the Defendants.61
We reach that conclusion first because the Plan entails
considerably more segregation than is necessary to satisfy the
need for a second black majority district—even assuming
arguendo that such a second district were itself justified—and
second because the Plan excessively burdens a variety of
third party interests-dramatically so.
In its Shaw opinion, the Supreme Court provides one
example to illustrate how to apply the requirement that a
racially gerrymandered plan be narrowly tailored to satisfy
one or more compelling state interests: "A reapportionment
plan would not be narrowly tailored to avoiding the goal of
retrogression if the state went beyond what was reasonably
necessary to avoid retrogression."62 Thus, if providing a
single majority-minority district satisfies the nonretrogression
requirement imposed by Section 5 of the Voting Rights
Act,63 then a racially gerrymandered redistricting plan
comprising more than one minority-majority district is not
narrowly tailored to satisfy the compelling state interest of
61 As noted above, in this section we assume—arguendo—that the
State has demonstrated a compelling state interest, although, in fact,
we have not so found. Neither could we on the evidence here
presented. That is a judgment for the Legislature to make and the
courts to review.
62Shaw, 508 U.S. at , 113 S.Ct. at 2831, 125 L.Ed.2d at 534.
a Beer v. U nited States, 425 U.S. 130, 141, 96 S.Ct. 1357, 1364
(interpreting Section 5 as prohibiting voting-procedure changes that
"lead to a retrogression in the position of racial minorities....").
83a
comporting with Section 5.M Stated more broadly, as
voters have an equal protection right not to be segregated by
their state legislatures or local governments into various
voting districts on the basis of race, only a plan that
segregates to no greater extent than is reasonably necessary
to further a compelling governmental interest can survive
constitutional scrutiny. The same can be said for a plan that
supersaturates a majority-minority district, while
concomitantly depleting adjacent majority- majority districts
of minority voters.
In this case, we find that the Plan entails more
constitutionally suspect segregation than necessary, and is
therefore not narrowly tailored. Continuing to assume
arguendo that some state interest had been identified which
could justify the creation of a second black-majority district,
this Plan would have to be rejected as insufficiently narrowly
tailored. It packs more black voters into a District 4 than
are reasonably necessary to give blacks a realistic chance to
determine the outcome of elections there, providing that
they exercise their right to vote. Also, the boundaries of the
district violate traditional districting principles to a
substantially greater extent than is reasonably necessary.
District 4 contains 63% registered black voters, significantly
more than are needed to elect representatives of their
choice. To greater or lesser degrees, all expert witnesses
acknowledged—some only reluctantly under cross *
^The Court’s example clearly indicates that the State of Louisiana
may not justify the Plan, or any other racially gerrymandered plan
with more than one black majority district, by reference to the need
to comply with the Section 5 nonretrogression principle. As noted
above, because Louisiana lost a seat in the United States House of
Representatives, a plan with one black majority district would satisfy
the Section 5 nonretrogression requirement given no more dramatic
shift in the statewide ratio of white-to-black voters than is
demonstrated by a comparison of the 1980 and 1990 census figures.
See supra note 21.
84a
examination--that 63% black voting age population was well
in excess of the percentage needed for reasonable comfort
in creating a safe voting-age majority-minority district. For
further confirmation that this is so we need only ask
rhetorically "If 54% is sufficient in District 2, why must
District 4 be supersaturated with 63% black voting age
citizens?" No evidence was adduced by the Defendants to
demonstrate a substantial difference between the voting
patterns in the areas covered respectively by Districts 2 and
4—either in white crossover or black block voting—to
rationalize the 54%-63% disparity in black voting age
populations.
Although the witnesses at trial disagreed on the exact
percentage of net white cross-over votes for black candidates,
we find that the evidence supported an average, net white
cross-over vote in non-judicial elections of between 10% and
25%.65 The evidence at trial also indicated that minority
voter registration is now comparable to white registration.
Clearly, District 4 need not contain a black voting age
population of 63% to satisfy the interest of a second district
in which black officials can be readily elected. And,
although it is not the province of this court in this case to
establish the demographic specifications of the State’s
congressional redistricting plan, we find on the basis of the
credible testimony and documentary evidence, that in this
instance a district with a black voting age population of not
more than 55%—and probably less-would have been
adequate to ensure that blacks could elect a candidate of
their choice, assuming they chose to exercise their franchise
65. In other words, on the average-for non-judicial elections in
Louisiana—black candidates will gain more votes from white
cross-over voters (whites voting for black candidates) than they will
lose from black cross-over voters (blacks voting for white candidates):
thus, there is a positive net white cross-over vote. To put it another
way, black voters are—again on the average—more racially
coherent/conscious than white voters.
85a
and assuming the candidate of their choice had more than
a modicum of appeal for non-black voters.
Additional confirmation that the Plan is not narrowly
tailored lies in its excessive disregard of traditional
redistricting criteria and its derogation from third-party
interests. Supreme Court precedent indicates that a variety
of factors, both relative and absolute, are germane to
analyzing whether a government measure is narrowly
tailored. These factors include (1) the necessity of the
measure, (2) the efficacy of alternative race-neutral
measures, (3) the availability of more narrowly tailored (less
intrusive) measures, (4) the flexibility and duration of the
measure, and (5) the impact o f the measure on the rights o f
third parties.66 Relevant Supreme Court jurisprudence thus
suggests that-in essence—a plan is not narrowly tailored if it
adversely affects more interests, if it generally wreaks more
havoc, than it reasonably must to accomplish the articulated
compelling state interest. We find that the Plan thus
offends.
Whether under a relative or a comparative analysis,
the evidence adduced at Trial and at the Evidentiary
Hearing undeniably established that, even in the face of the
black population’s wide dispersion in Louisiana (outside New
Orleans), a second black majority district could have been
drawn that would have done substantially less violence to
traditional redistricting principles. For example, Marc
Morial stated that "[tjhere were alternatives which would
have created a more compact black district that were not
enacted...." Similarly, Congressman Hayes admitted that a
more compact plan could have been enacted. Freshman
United States Congressman Cleo Fields-the former state
66See, e.g., R ichm ond v. J-A. Croson C o., 488 U.S. 469, 510-511,
109 S.Ct. 706, 730-31, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989); United S tates v.
Paradise, 480 U.S. 149, 171, 107 S.Ct. 1053, 1066, 94 L.Ed.2d 203
(1987); FuUilove v. KLutznick, 448 U.S. 448, 510-15, 100 S.Ct. 2758,
2791-93, 65 L.Ed.2d 902 (1980).
86a
senator and incumbent congressman from new District 4,
who testified for the Defendants-also acknowledged that "it
would have been possible to fulfill the desire of a second
[black] majority district ... and pay more attention than this
District [District 4] does to both compactness and
contiguity."
Dr. Alan Lichtman-one of the Defendants’ expert
witnesses at the Evidentiary Hearing-likewise testified that,
were he to sit down with Dr. Ronald Weber (the expert on
the other side) they "could create a [second black majority]
district that looked better than this one [district 4]." And
Dr. W eber-the Plaintiffs’ expert witness at both the trial and
the evidentiary hearing- testified that a plan could be
devised that would include a second black majority district,
yet still be significantly more compact and comport much
more closely with other traditional redistricting principles.
The testimony of freshman state Senator Tom
Greene at the Evidentiary Hearing was perhaps the most
enlightening on this point. He stated that, with the neutral
assistance of the Legislature’s redistricting computer
technician, he (Greene) actually created a plan that evinced
greater respect for Louisiana’s traditional parish boundaries
than the Plan, and still included a second majority-black
district. Finally, Mr. Glenn Koepp, who is the Assistant
Secretary of the Senate and the technician in charge of
reapportionment activity in Louisiana since 1981, testified
that computer-supported mathematical modeling programs
gave the State the tools to create several plans—including
several with a second black district—that would respect
traditional redistricting criteria to a much greater degree
than does the Plan. Thus, the great weight of the credible
evidence indicates that the Legislature could have developed
and adopted a redistricting plan-even one with a second
majority black district—that reflected greater respect for
traditional redistricting criteria and that was less disruptive
to the traditional political, social, economic, ethnic,
geographical, and religious organization of the State. In
short, substantially less extreme racially gerrymandered plans
87a
are readily available; plans without such obviously
overbroad, overarching overkill.
In summary, we hold that the Plan is not narrowly
tailored, either relatively or absolutely. This is so because it
embraces considerably more racial gerrymandering-and thus
more segregation--than is needed to satisfy any advanced
state interest, and because the Plan unnecessarily violates a
host of historically important redistricting principles, thereby
adversely affecting countless third party interests. These
several and varied interests--some constitutionally protected
and others merely important-may not be callously sacrificed
on the altar of political expediency, particularly when less
broadly tailored plans are conceivable.67
IV
CONCLUSION
We find that the Plan in general and Louisiana’s
Congressional District 4 in particular are the products of
racial gerrymandering and are not narrowly tailored to
further any compelling governmental interest. We are
therefore constrained to conclude that the Plaintiffs’ right to
67We offer no opinion as to how much more narrowly tailored a
plan would have to be to survive strict scrutiny. Indeed, we cannot
say whether it is even possible-based on the 1990 Census-to devise
a plan that would have two majority-minority districts and still be
narrowly tailored vel non. Even a plan that under the circumstances
is as narrowly tailored as possible—in a relative sense (i.e., the least
invasive and damaging plan available to further a compelling state
interest)—may fail to be sufficiently narrowly tailored—on an absolute
basis—to pass constitutional muster. For example, when the minority
population is spread so evenly throughout a state that a
majority-minority district cannot be drawn without dramatically
impairing the constitutional rights of the citizens of that state, there
may simply be no constitutionally permissible way to draw such a
district, no matter how defensible the legislature’s motives for wishing
to do so, or how bona fid e its efforts to tailor the plan narrowly.
88a
equal protection as guaranteed by the United States
Constitution is violated by the Plan. Consequently, we
declare Act 42 of 1992 to be unconstitutional and the
redistricting plan embodied therein to be null and void; and
we enjoin the State of Louisiana from holding any future
congressional elections based on the Plan. We do not,
however, invalidate the 1992 congressional elections held
thereunder, but we do hold that the term of office of each
member of the United States House of Representatives from
Louisiana who represents a district created under the
Plan-and each district thus created-shall expire, ipso facto,
at noon on the 3rd day of January, 1995, such terms of office
and such districts not to be extended or carried over into the
next Congress in any manner whatsoever.
A P P E N D I X A
The Seven Districts Created by Act 42
District
Total
Pop.
Total
White
Total
Black
Total
Reg. Vot.
Total
Reg. Wh.
Total
Reg. Blk.
District 1 602,859
100.00%
528,079
87.60%
60,895
10.10%
325,140
100.00%
296,356
91.15%
26,238
8.07%
District 2 602,689
100.00%
213,832
35.48%
367,460
60.97%
295,953
100.00%
113,917
38.49%
177,634
60.02%
District 3 602,950
100.00%
454,235
75.34%
131,735
21.85%
329,451
100.00%
256,990
78.01%
70,016
21.25%
District 4 602,884
100.00%
198,389
32.91%
400,493
66.43%
309,357
100.00%
112,241
36.28%
195,351
63.15%
District 5 602,816
100.00%
463,168
76.83%
133,329
22.12%
321,508
100.00%
259,986
80.86%
59,748
18.58%
District 6 602,854
100.00%
502,982
83.43%
87,718
14.55%
329,071
100.00%
289,575
88.00%
38,032
11.56%
District 7 602,921
100.00%
478,453
79.36%
117,651
19.51%
331,814
100.00%
271,798
81.91%
58,944
17.76%
Total 4,219,973
100.00%
2,839,138
67.28%
1,299,281
30.79%
2,242,294
100.00%
1,600,863
71.39%
625,963
27.92%
CO
APPEN
D
IX
91a
WALTER, District Judge, concurring:
I concur with the result of the majority opinion.
However, since my examination of the case differs somewhat
analytically, I write separately.
This court considered several questions: May a State
enact a race-based reapportionment plan? If so, under what
circumstances are race-conscious measures allowed? Finally,
how do these requirements apply to Act 42?
I
LAW
[I]n view of the constitution, in the eye of the
law, there is no superior, dominant, ruling
class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our
constitution is color blind, and neither knows
nor tolerates classes among citizens. In
respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal
before the law. The humblest is the peer of
the most powerful. The law regards man as
man, and takes no account of his
surroundings or of his color when his civil
rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of
the land are involved ... The destinies of the
two races, in this country, are indissolubly
linked together, and the interests of both
require that the common government of all
shall not permit the seeds of race hate to be
planted under the sanction of law ... The sure
guaranty of the peace and security of each
race is the clear, distinct, unconditional
recognition by our governments, national and
state, of every right that inheres in civil
freedom, and of the equality before the law of
all citizens of the United States, without
regard to race. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S.
537, 558, 16 S.Ct. 1138, 1146, 41 L.Ed. 256
92a
(1896) (Harlan, dissenting).
A
CONSIDERATION OF RACE IN REDISTRICTING
LEGISLATION
Despite the legislation enacted to promote racial
equality, many states remained recalcitrant to the Civil War
amendments’ mandates. Among the methods used by the
states to evade the fifteenth amendment were poll taxes,
literacy tests, and gerrymandered1 districts. Responding to
this perversion, Congress enacted the Voting Rights Act of
1965 "as a dramatic and severe response to the situation."
Shaw v. Reno, 508 U.S. — , — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 2823, 125
L.Ed.2d 511 (1993). Amended in 1982, section 2 of the
Voting Rights Act prohibits the dilution of a minority
group’s voting strength while section 5 mandates
pre-clearance of newly created districts for those states that
employed disenfranchising schemes in the past. The purpose
of the voting rights legislation is to prohibit State efforts to
abridge or deny minority representation. To this end, when
pre-clearance is sought under section 5, the Department of
Justice usually seeks maximization of minority voting
strength to promote minority representation.2 Since
'Gerrymander is ”[a] name given to the process of dividing state
or other territory into the authorized civil or political divisions, but
with such a geographical arrangement as to accomplish an ulterior or
unlawful purpose, as for instance, to secure a majority for a given
political party in districts where the result would be otherwise if they
were divided according to obvious natural lines." Black’s Law
Dictionary (5th Ed.).
2It is my opinion that Shaw v. R eno did not fully address the
constitutional or statutory authority behind Department of Justice
pre-clearance requirements that arguably go beyond the Voting
Rights Act. Thus, the Supreme Court may very well hold the
93a
legislators are thus obligated to consider racial factors when
redistricting, a delicate balance arises between promotion of
minority suffrage and the color-blind strictures of equal
protection.
B
EQUAL PROTECTION
"No State shall ... deny to any person within its
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." U.S. Const.,
Arndt. 14 s 1. Interpreting this clause nearly a century ago,
the Supreme Court held in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537,
558, 16 S.Ct. 1138, 1146, 41 L.Ed. 256 (1896) that the
separate but equal doctrine comported fully with the
Fourteenth Amendment. Id. at 548, 16 S.Ct. at 1142. "The
majority [in Plessy] held that persons could be legally
classified and treated in such a manner because of their race
when the classifying law was a reasonable exercise of the
police power. This meant that such laws must be
reasonable, good faith attempts to promote the public good
and not be designed to oppress a particular class." John E.
Nowak, Ronald D. Rotunda, Constitutional Law, 618 (1991).
As the Court itself stated:
[W]e think the enforced separation of the
races, as applied to the internal commerce of
the state, neither abridges the privileges or
immunities of the colored man, deprives him
of his property without due process of law,
nor denies him the equal protection of the
laws, within the meaning of the fourteenth
Department of Justice’s reliance on minimum "safe" percentages
unconstitutional. I do not reach that question today but am troubled
by the effect that these demands are having upon states seeking
administrative pre-clearance rather than a declaratory judgment from
the District Court of the District of Columbia.
94a
amendment.
Plessy, 163 U.S. at 548, 16 S.Ct. at 1142.
Fifty-eight years later, Plessy’s flawed concept of
equal protection was rejected. Although Brown v. Board of
Education o f Topeka, 347 U.S. 483, 74 S.Ct. 686, 98 L.Ed.
873 (1954) did not expressly overrule Plessy outside the
realm of education, that case heralded the demise of
separate but equal treatment of the races by the states.
Over the past four decades, the Supreme Court has
confronted the consideration of. race in State and federal
legislation and has fashioned specific guidelines for testing
the constitutionality of such considerations.
The central purpose of the Equal Protection Clause
"is to prevent the States from purposefully discriminating
between individuals on the basis of race." Shaw v. Reno, 508
U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2824. "Classifications based on race
carry a danger of stigmatic harm. Unless they are strictly
reserved for remedial settings, they may in fact promote
notions of racial inferiority and lead to politics of racial
hostility." City o f Richmond v. J.A. Croson Company, 488
U.S. 469, 493, 109 S.Ct. 706, 722, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989).
Accordingly, the Court has "held that the Fourteenth
Amendment requires state legislation that expressly
distinguishes among citizens because of their race to be
narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental
interest." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2825. This test
is known as strict or heightened scrutiny and is justified
because:
[ajbsent searching judicial inquiry into the
justification for such race- based measures,
there is simply no way of determining what
classifications are ’benign’ or ’remedial’ and
what classifications are in fact motivated by
illegitimate notions of racial inferiority or
simple racial politics. Indeed, the purpose of
95a
strict scrutiny is to "smoke out" illegitimate
uses of race by assuring that the legislative
body is pursuing a goal important enough to
warrant use of a highly suspect tool. The test
also ensures that the means chosen "fit" this
compelling goal so closely that there is little
or no possibility that the motive for the
classification was illegitimate racial prejudice
or stereotype.
Croson, 488 U.S. at 493, 109 S.Ct. at 721. These equal
protection principles apply to statutes that "although
race-neutral, are, on their face, ’unexplainable on grounds
other than race,’ " and classifications that are ostensibly
neutral but are an obvious pretext for racial discrimination.
Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2825 (citing Arlington
Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S.
252, 266, 97 S.Ct. 555, 564, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977); Yick Wo
v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 6 S.Ct. 1064, 30 L.Ed. 220 (1886)).
Under current equal protection doctrine,
"race-conscious state decisionmaking is [not] impermissible
in all circumstances." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at
2824 (emphasis in original). If State legislation contains
explicit racial classifications, if it is inexplicable on grounds
other than race, or if it contains race-neutral classifications
that serve as mere pretext for racial discrimination, then
courts are bound to apply the strict scrutiny regime. The
classification must be justified by a compelling state interest,
and then be narrowly tailored to fit that interest in order to
survive constitutional scrutiny.
C
RACIAL GERRYMANDERING UNDER EQUAL
PROTECTION
Redistricting legislation is almost always race-neutral
on its face. Before Shaw, the Supreme Court had
96a
held that only two types of state voting
practices could give rise to a constitutional
claim. The first involves direct and outright
deprivation of the right to vote, for example
by means of a poll tax or literacy test ... The
second type of unconstitutional practice is
that which affects the political strength of
various groups in violation of the Equal
Protection Clause. As for this latter category,
[the Court] insisted that members of the
political or racial group demonstrate that the
challenged action have the intent and effect
of unduly diminishing their influence on the
political process.
Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2834 (White, J.
dissenting). The latter category, known as "dilution," arises
when voters are not deprived of the right to vote, but,
through methods such as "cracking," "stacking," and
"packing," certain groups are denied an effective vote. See,
United Jewish Organizations o f Williamsburgh, Inc. v. Carey,
430 U.S. 144, 97 S.Ct. 996, 51 L.Ed.2d 229 (1977) ("UJO");
Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 1149, 122
L.Ed.2d 500 (1993). Acknowledging UJO and its progeny,
Shaw went further, holding that "district lines obviously
drawn for the purpose of separating voters by race require
careful scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause
regardless of the motivations underlying their adoption." Id.
508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826.
Supporting this holding is the now famous case of
Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339, 81 S.Ct. 125, 5 L.Ed.2d
110 (1960) in which the Alabama legislature redefined the
boundaries of Tuskegee, essentially excluding all but a few
black citizens from the district. The result was "a strangely
irregular twenty-eight-sided figure." Id., at 341, 81 S.Ct. at
127. The Court found the scheme repugnant to the
Fifteenth Amendment, holding:
97a
... Act 140 was not an ordinary geographic
redistricting measure even within familiar
abuses of gerrymandering. If these
allegations upon a trial remain uncontradicted
or unqualified, the conclusion would be
irresistible, tantamount for all practical
purposes to a mathematical demonstration,
that the legislation is solely concerned with
segregating white and colored voters ... It is
difficult to appreciate what stands in the way
of adjudging a statute having this inevitable
effect invalid in light of the principles by
which this Court must judge, and uniformly
has judged, statutes that, howsoever
speciously defined, obviously discriminate
against colored citizens.
Id. at 341, 342, 81 S.Ct. at 127, 127. Therefore, racial
gerrymandering, or legislation that manipulates district lines
to achieve a predetermined racial result is subject to strict
scrutiny.
D
PROVING A RACIAL GERRYMANDER
"Proof of racially discriminatory intent or purpose is
required to show a violation of the Equal Protection Clause."
Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp.,
429 U.S. 252, 265, 97 S.Ct. 555, 563. Such invidious
discriminatory intent or purpose need not be the legislature’s
dominant or primary consideration. Rather, proof that
invidious discriminatory purpose was a motivating factor in
the legislation will suffice. Id. Because improper racial
classifications rarely appear on the face of legislation, the
Supreme Court has identified subjects of proper inquiry in
determining whether racially discriminatory intent existed.
For example, legislation that "bears more heavily on one
race than another" may indicate discrimination, Washington
98a
v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 96 S.Ct. 2040, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976),
as will historical patterns, Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan
Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 267, 97 S.Ct. 555,
564, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977), legislative history, Id.,
irrationality pointing to nothing but racial classification, Yick
Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 6 S.Ct. 1064, 30 L.Ed. 220
(1886), and direct evidence adduced, as in this case, before
a three judge panel. Shaw stands for the proposition that
bizarre reapportionment schemes such as that challenged in
North Carolina and Act 42 fall into the Yick Wo category
and may, in and of themselves, be evidence of invidious
discrimination.
Of course, these indicators may be rebutted by
evidence of wholly legitimate purposes. "The district lines
may be drawn, for example, to provide for compact districts
of contiguous territory, or to maintain the integrity of
political subdivisions." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at
2826. When such legitimate purposes are disclosed and
accepted by the court, heightened scrutiny is inappropriate.
However, if the grounds asserted are an obvious pretext for
racial discrimination or are simply post hoc arguments
contrived to shield the segregation from judicial inquiry, the
court must pursue the strict scrutiny regime.
E
STRICT SCRUTINY: WHEN IS A STATE INTEREST
COMPELLING AND WHAT DETERMINES
NARROW TAILORING?
1
COMPELLING STATE INTEREST
Few interests will be deemed "compelling" enough to
justify State classifications according to race. The Supreme
Court has given little indication as to what satisfies this
portion of the strict scrutiny regime. However, the Court has
accepted the correction of past governmental and private
99a
sector discrimination, Richmond v. J.A. Croson, 488 U.S. 469,
109 S.Ct. 706, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989), ethnic and racial
diversification in the faculty and student bodies of state
operated universities and professional schools, see Regents o f
the University o f California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 98 S.Ct.
2733, 57 L.Ed.2d 750 (1978), and has suggested that States
have a "very strong interest in complying with federal
antidiscrimination laws that are constitutionally valid as
interpreted and applied." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at
2830. Despite the language in Bakke, the Court seems
unwilling to allow any race-based measures outside a
remedial setting3. Croson, 488 U.S. at 493, 109 S.Ct. at 721.
Although the States and their subdivisions may take
action to remedy discrimination, "they must identify that
discrimination, public or private, with some specificity before
they may use race-conscious relief." Croson, 488 U.S. at 503,
109 S.Ct. at 727. That identification occurs when "judicial,
legislative, or administrative findings of constitutional or
statutory violations" are made. Bakke, 438 U.S. at 308-309,
98 S.Ct. at 2757-2758. Otherwise, "the dream of a Nation of
equal citizens in a society where race is irrelevant to
personal opportunity and achievement would be lost in a
mosaic of shifting preferences based on inherently
unmeasurable claims of past wrongs." Croson, 488 U.S. at
504, 109 S.Ct. at 728.
2
NARROWLY TAILORED
Once an interest has been properly identified and
accepted as compelling, the court must examine the
classification in order to determine whether it is narrowly
3Compliance with federal law under the Voting Rights Act may
be viewed as remedial and, therefore a state interest and perhaps
compelling.
100a
tailored to "fit" the interest involved. In deciding whether
race- conscious remedies are appropriate, the court may
consider several factors. Among these are the necessity for
the relief and the efficacy of alternative remedies; the
flexibility and duration of the relief; and the impact of the
relief on the rights of third parties. U.S. v. Paradise, 480
U.S. 149, 169, 107 S.Ct. 1053, 1066, 94 L.Ed.2d 203 (1987).
However, the relief must not go beyond what is reasonably
necessary to accomplish the compelling interests. See, Shaw,
508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2831.
Therefore, this court must first determine how the
districts were drawn, that is, whether they were drawn along
race lines or not. To do so, this Court will examine the
factors listed in section D above. If the State counters with
a legitimate non-racial explanation for Act 42’s
configuration, this Court will defer to the Legislature and
refrain from reviewing the merits of their decisions.
However, if a motivating factor behind the reapportionment
scheme was racial, strict scrutiny applies. Then we turn to
whether the State had a compelling interest supporting racial
discrimination. We will expect the State to provide specific
evidence warranting its action and require a nexus between
the action and the interest. Finally, we will examine whether
Act 42 itself was narrowly tailored to fit the compelling
interest in light of the factors discussed above.
II
ANALYSIS
A
AC T 42 IS A RACIAL GERRYMANDER
This court found the evidence to indicate
overwhelmingly that the intent of legislature was to divide
Louisiana’s congressional districts along racial lines. The
inferential evidence and the direct testimony of legislators
101a
for both the plaintiffs and the State allow no other
conclusion. It is true that the State attempted to
demonstrate non-racial explanations for the highly irregular
districts. In light of the testimony at both the trial and
evidentiary hearing, these suggestions are but post hoc
rationalizations.
The evidence before the Court demonstrated that the
State Legislature acted as it did to gain pre-clearance and
contrived the interest of correcting past discrimination for
the purpose of the evidentiaiy hearing alone. Finally, as the
majority notes above, most witnesses readily admitted to the
availability of other plans less offensive to traditional
districting patterns and or smaller racial discrepancies.
B
AC T 42 IS SUBJECT TO STRICT SCRUTINY
As our factual findings denote, Act 42 is a clear
example of a racial gerrymander. Specifically, District 4
permits no conclusion other than classic segregation. Both
the facial irregularity without plausible non-racial
explanation4 and the explicit testimony of the legislators
4The defense elicited testimony that District 4 actually represents
certain commonalities of interest. Essentially, the State suggested
that certain interests are predominantly shared by Blacks and
therefore District 4 has a sufficient non-racial justification. This is
exactly the type State action that our color-blind Constitution
prohibits. As the Shaw Court held:
"A reapportionment plan that includes in one district
individuals who belong to the same race, but who
are otherwise widely separated by geographical and
political boundaries, and who may have little in
common but the color of their skin, bears an
uncomfortable resemblance to political apartheid. It
reinforces the perception that members of the same
racial group—regardless of their age, education,
economic status, or the community in which they
live-think alike, share the same political interests,
102a
require this finding. Since redistricting along racial lines was
a motivating factor, Act 42 is subject to strict scrutiny. This
panel must now determine whether Act 42 was justified by
a compelling governmental interest and that the means
chosen by the State to effectuate its purpose were narrowly
tailored to the achievement of that goal.
1
COMPELLING INTERESTS
The State advanced two main compelling interests
behind the racial gerrymander. I discussed the findings
required by Croson, Wygant, and Bakke when a State
attempts to rely on prior discrimination as a foundation for
remedial action. I see no reason why the same analysis
and will prefer the same candidates at the polls. We
have rejected such perceptions elsewhere as
impermissible racial stereotypes. By perpetuating
such notions, a racial gerrymander may exacerbate
the very patterns of racial bloc voting that
majority-minority districting is sometimes said to
counteract.
The message that such districting sends to
elected representatives is equally pernicious. When
a district is obviously created solely to effectuate the
perceived common interests of one racial group,
elected officials are more likely to believe that their
primary obligation is to represent only the members
of that group, rather than their constituency as a
whole. This is altogether antithetical to our system
of representative democracy." Id . 508 U.S. at — ,
113 S.Ct. at 2827.
I agree with what I perceive to be Justice O’Connor’s views. If a
multi- cultural State in which voters shared interests not according to
the color of their skin but the content of their lives and experiences
was the Legislature’s goal, the tampering would have resulted in more
evenly split districts. The races would then have to reconcile their
differences with one another and move forward on common ground.
103a
should not apply when a state argues that compliance with
federal anti-discrimination law mandated the jurisdiction’s
race-based action. In order to rely on "remedying past
discrimination" and "obeying the law," a State must
"demonstrate a strong basis in evidence for its conclusion
that remedial action was necessary." Croson, 488 U.S. at 510,
109 S.Ct. at 730. I examine each purported interest in turn
to see if the State has met this burden.
a
Past or Present Discrimination
"Societal discrimination, without more, is too
amorphous a basis for imposing a racially classified remedy."
Wygant v. Jackson Bd. ofEduc., 476 U.S. 267,106 S.Ct. 1842,
90 L.Ed.2d 260 (1986). The Supreme Court has firmly held
that States must have "convincing evidence that remedial
action is warranted." Id. While there is no doubt that
Louisiana has a sorry history of race relations, the defense
did not provide evidence that the Legislature had before it
the necessary factual predicate warranting a voluntary
affirmative action redistricting plan. In fact, the evidence
supports the conclusion that the Legislature did not create
Act 42 for the purpose of remedying past discrimination at
all. Thus, if the State does intend to redistrict along racial
lines with the goal of correcting past electoral discrimination,
it must demonstrate what evidence warrants a finding of
discrimination and how a specific plan relates to the
elimination thereof.
b
Pre-clearance from the Department of Justice
The State legislators acted under the assumption that
failure to create a second majority-minority district would
result in the denial of pre-clearance by the Department of
Justice. This assumption seems to be founded upon the
rejection of two non-congressional plans by the Department
104a
of Justice. However, both letters from the Civil Rights
Division acknowledged that the plans satisfied Section 5
pre-clearance requirements but rejected the plans because
they could have been drawn more effectively. The Shaw
opinion held that a state interest in complying with federal
law is compelling only as constitutionally interpreted and
applied. Additionally, by pointing out the distinction
between what the law requires and what it permits, the Court
stated that even valid plans under the Voting Rights Act
must comport with the Fourteenth Amendment. Because
the Voting Rights requirements do not give covered
jurisdictions carte blanche to engage in racial geriymandering
in the name of nonretrogression, the question for this court
is whether the State of Louisiana had a strong basis in
evidence for the belief that failure to create a second
majority-minority district would violate Section 2 or 5 of the
Voting Rights Act.
(1)
Section 2 o f the Voting Rights Act
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C.
s 1973 was enacted to accomplish the guarantees of the
Fifteenth Amendment. Specifically, Section 2(a) prohibits
the imposition of any electoral practice or procedure that
"results in a denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen
... to vote on account of race or color." This section
therefore rejects State actions that, "interacting with social
and historical conditions, impair the ability of a protected
class to elect its candidate of choice on an equal basis with
other voters." Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , — , 113
S.Ct. 1149, 1155, 122 L.Ed.2d 500 (1993). If, under the
totality of the circumstances, a State’s apportionment scheme
has the effect of diminishing or abridging the voting strength
of a protected class, a Section 2 violation has occurred. Id.
These "dilution" claims involve three threshold conditions.
105a
First, they must show that the minority group
’is sufficiently large and geographically
compact to constitute a majority in a single
member district.’ Second, they must prove
that the minority group " ’is politically
cohesive.’ " Third, the plaintiffs must
establish ’that the white majority votes
sufficiently as a bloc to enable it ... usually to
defeat the minority’s preferred candidate.’
Id. 507 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 1157 (quoting Gingles, 478
U.S. 30, 50-51, 106 S.Ct. 2752, 2766, 92 L.Ed.2d 25 (1986)).
District 4 is evidence alone that the minority population
large enough to constitute a majority in a single member
district is not geographically compact. Without satisfaction
of this initial Gingles condition, it is impossible to find that
the State had a rational basis to believe that failure to create
a second majority-minority district would violate Section 2.
Reliance on possibly invalid applications of the Voting
Rights Act by the Department of Justice cannot create a
compelling state interest. If so, the Department of Justice
and various States could sidestep the holdings of Croson,
Gingles, and Shaw with ease.
(2)
Section 5 o f the Voting Rights Act
Similar findings are required under the
"nonretrogression" analysis of Section 5. If the State had no
basis to believe that one majority-minority district out of
seven districts would constitute retrogression, then reliance
on Section 5 as a compelling interest is misplaced. "Under
[the nonretrogression] principle, a proposed voting change
cannot be pre-cleared if it will lead to a retrogression in the
position of racial minorities with respect to their effective
exercise of the electoral franchise." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — ,
113 S.Ct. at 2830 (quoting Beer v. U.S., 425 U.S. 130,141, 96
S.Ct. 1357, 1364, 47 L.Ed.2d 629 (1976)). On its face,
106a
creating one district out of seven when the previous ratio
was one district out of eight is not retrogressive. Once
again, the legislature appears to have founded their belief
that one district out of seven is retrogressive completely on
the Department of Justice’s previous unrelated rulings and
the assumption that a gerrymandered second district was a
requisite to pre-clearance. Without restating the points
made above, I find such an assumption, without additional
evidence, uncompelling.
In summary, I find post hoc reliance on past
discrimination and warrantless assertions that the Voting
Rights Act mandated a second district, unpersuasive. This
is not to say that the State cannot rely on those interests to
justify future affirmative action. Rather, I find that the basis
forwarded by the State to claim these interests as compelling
is so slim that they reek of the pretextual and the contrived.
2
NARROWLY TAILORED
Even if this panel were to overlook the dearth of
Crosort-type findings in this case, Act 42 cannot be termed
narrowly tailored to fit the interests above. Since I concur
in the majority opinion, I find no reason to reiterate their
conclusions that Act 42 is not narrowly tailored to fit any
compelling interest.
Ill
CONCLUSION
I am gravely disturbed by the history of racial
discrimination in this country and State, but I believe that
segregation of voters by race will achieve nothing but more
discrimination, more separation, more animosity and would
push Justice Harlan’s and Dr. King’s dream for this nation
ever further into the future. One hundred and thirty years
ago this nation endured a bloody civil war to ensure freedom
and equality for all. That pledge, so dearly bought, remains
elusive, but the concept that people defined only by race
should receive separate representation in the legislative
bodies of our government mocks the goals for which so
many have suffered and died. Indeed, in my opinion, it
breathes life into the discredited doctrine announced by the
majority in Plessy, forty years after the Supreme Court
administered what should have been its mortal wound.
The districts created under Act 42 are the creatures of a
racial gerrymander. The circumstantial and direct evidence
supported no other conclusion. Therefore, strict scrutiny
applies to Act 42. Under that regime, the justifications
offered by the State for its race-based measures were not
accompanied by the requisite factual predicate.
Additionally, the measures taken were not narrowly tailored
to fit the interests, however baseless, advanced by the State.
107a
108a
A P P E N D I X G
[F ile d A u g . 2 4 , 1 9 9 4 ]
U N I T E D S T A T E S D IS T R IC T C O U R T
F O R T H E W E S T E R N D IS T R IC T O F L O U IS IA N A
S H R E V E P O R T D IV IS IO N
RAY HAYS, et al.,
Plaintiffs,
vs.
EDWIN W. EDWARDS,
et al.,
Defendants,
vs.
Civil Action No.
92-1522S
UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA,
Defendant-
Intervenor.
NOTICE OF APPEAL
Notice is hereby given that Bernadine St. Cyr,
Donald Thibodeax, Patrick Fontenot, Hazel Freeman,
Janice Frazier, Ralph Wilson, proposed defendant-
intervenors in the above named case, hereby appeal to the
Supreme Court of the United States from an order
denying intervention, pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a),
and Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(b), issued by a three-judge panel
in open court on July 21, 1994, and from the final
109a
judgment in this action entered on the 29th day of July
1994.
This appeal is taken pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1253.
Respectfully submitted,
Elaine R. J ones
Director-Counsel
Theodore M. Shaw
Associate Director-Counsel
/s/Judith Reed
NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund , Inc.
99 Hudson Street
Suite 1600
New York, New York 10013
(212) 219-1900
W illiam P. Quigley
Loyola Law Clinic
7214 St. Charles Avenue
New Orleans, LA 70118
(504) 861-5550
State Bar No. 7769
Attorneys for defendant-intervenors
August 22, 1994