St. Cyr v Hays Jurisdictional Statement
Public Court Documents
October 24, 1994

138 pages
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. St. Cyr v Hays Jurisdictional Statement, 1994. 08c88b6d-c39a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/2904052f-fd5f-44c1-9f14-66824510d47b/st-cyr-v-hays-jurisdictional-statement. Accessed October 10, 2025.
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No. 94- In The Suprem e Court of tfje Untteb ^ ta teg October Term, 1994 Bernadine St . Cyr, et al., Appellants, v. Ray Hays, et al., Appellees. On A ppeal F rom The U nited S ta te s D is tric t C ourt F o r The W estern D is tric t Of L ou isiana JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT Elaine R. J ones Director-Counsel Theodore M. Shaw Clyde E. Murphy Charles Stephen Ralston Eric Schnapper *Judith Reed NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. 99 Hudson Street Suite 1600 New York, New York 10013 (212) 219-1900 William P. Quigley Loyola Law Clinic 7214 St. Charles Avenue New Orleans, Louisiana 70118 Pamela S. Kajrlan 1525 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 *(Counsel of Record) Counsel for Appellants PRESS OF BYRON S. ADAMS, WASHINGTON, D.C. 1-800-347-8208 QUESTIONS PRESENTED 1. Whether Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 24 entitles African American voters residing in a majority black congressional district to intervene for the purpose of defending that district when the district is challenged by voters who argue that the creation of that majority black district was unconstitutional. 2. Where a three-judge court denies a motion to intervene and an appeal to this Court is taken from that court’s decision issuing an injunction, pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1253, does jurisdiction over an appeal from the denial of intervention lie with (a) the court of appeals or (b) this Court. 11 PARTIES TO THE PROCEEDING Plaintiffs are Ray Hays, Edward Adams, Susan Shaw Singleton, and Gary Stokely. Defendants are Edwin Edwards, Governor of the State of Louisiana; Samuel B. Nunez, President of the Louisiana State Senate; John A. Alario, Speaker of the Louisiana House of Representatives; W. Fox McKiethen, Secretary of State of Louisiana; and Jerry Fowler, the Commissioner of Elections for the State of Louisiana. Defendant intervenor is the United States. Appellants, Bemadine St. Cyr, Donald Thibodeax, Patrick Fontenot, Hazel Freeman, Janice Frazier, and Ralph Wilson, are six black voters residing in Congressional District 4, who unsuccessfully sought intervention as defendants in the district court. TABLE OF CONTENTS Questions P resen ted ....................................... i Jurisdictional Statement .................................................... 1 Opinions B e lo w ................ 1 Jurisdiction .......................................................... 2 Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Involved................................ 2 Statement ........................................................................... 3 The Questions Presented Are Substantial ....................... 7 Conclusion......................................................................... 18 Appendix A ......................................................................... la Appendix B ........................................................................... 2a Appendix C ...................................................................... 22a Appendix D ...................................................................... 37a Appendix E ...................................................................... 38a Appendix F ....................... 43a Appendix G .................................................................... 108a IV TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Cases: Pages: Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 497 (1954) ....................... .. .............. 14 Cascade Natural Gas Corp. v. El Paso Natural Gas Co., 386 U.S. 129 (1967) ....... ...................... .. 9 Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973) ......................... ............. .. 17 Donaldson v. United States, 400 U.S. 517 (1971) .......................................... .. 9 Fiandaca v. Cunningham, 827 F.2d 825 (1st Cir. 1987)......................... 13 Fusari v. Steinberg, 419 U.S. 379 (1975) ....... ........................... .. 18 Gerstein v. Coe, 417 U.S. 279 (1974) 17 Gunn v. University Committee, 399 U.S. 383 (1970) .......................................... 16 Hays v. Louisiana, 839 F. Supp. 1188 (W.D.La. 1993), vacated, 114 S. Ct. 2731 (1 9 9 4 ).................................. passim Hays v. State of Louisiana, 18 F.3d 1319 (5th Cir. 1994)......................................... 5 Hays v. State of Louisiana, 1994 WL 477159 (W.D. La.) ................ ............. .. passim V Pages: International Union, Local 238 v. Scofield, 382 U.S. 205 (1965) .......................................... 17 Johnson v. DeGrandy, 512 U .S .___, 129 L. Ed. 2d 775 (1994).............. 9 Johnson v. Miller, 1994 WL 506780 (S.D. Ga.) ----- 9, 10 Major v. Treen, 574 F. Supp. 325 (E.D.La. 1983) ................... 7, 12 Mitchell v. Donovan, 398 U.S. 427 (1970) ........................................ 5, 16 NAACP v. New York, 413 U.S. 345 (1973) ........................................ 9, 17 Poe v. Gerstein, , 417 U.S. 281 (1974)....... ..................... 17 Supreme Court of Virginia v. Consumers Union, 446 U.S. 719 (1980) ..................................... 17, 18 Rockefeller v. Catholic Medical Center of Brooklyn & Queens, Inc., 397 U.S. 820 (1970) ........................................ 5, 16 Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) .......................................... 16 Sagebrush Rebellion, Inc. v. Watt, 713 F.2d 525 (9th Cir. 1983) ............................ 13 Shaw v. Hunt, 1994 WL 457269 (E.D. N .C .) ................ 8 Shaw v. Reno, 509 U .S .____, 125 L. Ed. 2d 511 (1993) . . passim Socialist Workers Party v. March Fong Eu, 591 F.2d 1252 (9th Cir. 1978), cert, denied, 441 U.S. 946 (1979) .............. ........................... 17 State of South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301 (1966) ................................... .. 11 Trbovich v. United Mine Workers, 404 U.S. 528 (1972) ................................... .. 14 University of California Regents v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978) .......................................... 11 Vance v. Universal Amusement Co., Inc., 587 F.2d 159 (5th Cir. 1978), aff’d, 445 U.S. 308 (1980)............................................................. 16 Vera v. Richards, 1994 WL 484492 (S.D. Tex.) . . . . . . 8 Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124 (1971) 16 White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973) 10 Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education, 476 U.S. 267 (1986) 11 Statutes and Rules: 28 U.S.C. § 1253 ......................................................... passim 28 U.S.C. § 1254(1) ......................................................... 17 vi Pages: 28 U.S.C. § 2284 ............................................................... 3 42 U.S.C. § 1973 ........................................................... 3, 8 42 U.S.C. 1973(b) ........................................................... 11 42 U.S.C. 1973b(a)........................................................... 17 Fed. R. Civ. P. 24 ....................................................... passim Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a) ................................................... 4, 11 Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(b) ........................................................ 4 Miscellaneous: Karlan, All Over the Map: The Supreme Court’s Voting Rights Trilogy, 1993 Sup. Ct. Rev. 245 .............. 14 United States, 99th Cong., 1st Sess. p. 440 (1985) (reprinting section 5 submission analysis prepared by Robert N. Kwan, attorney, Voting Section, Civil Rights Div., U.S. Dept, of Ju s tic e ) .................................................................. 12 Vll Pages: No. 94- In The Supreme Court of tfje Untteb States; October Term, 1994 Bernadine St . Cyr, et al., Appellants, v. Ray Hays, et al., Appellees. ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT OPINIONS BELOW The opinion of the three-judge district court invalidating Louisiana’s 1994 districting plan (App., infra, 2a- 21a) is not yet reported. The order of that three-judge district court denying appellants’ motion to intervene to defend that districting plan is reproduced at App., infra, la. An earlier opinion of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit regarding appellants’ 1993 application to intervene in a prior phase of this litigation (App., infra, 38a- 42a) is reported at 18 F.3d 1319 (5th Cir. 1994). The 1993 order of the three-judge district court denying that earlier application is reproduced at App., infra, 7>1&. The first opinion of the three-judge district court on the merits of the 1992 districting plan (App., infra, 43a-107a) is reported at 839 F.Supp. 1188 (W.D. La. 1993), vacated, 114 S.Ct. 2731 (1994). 2 JURISDICTION The judgment of the three-judge district court on the merits was entered on July 26, 1994. App., infra, 22a to 36a. A notice of appeal was filed on August 23, 1994. App., infra, 108a to 109a. The jurisdiction of this Court is invoked under 28 U.S.C. § 1253. CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS INVOLVED Rule 24, Fed. R. Civ. P., states in pertinent part: (a) Intervention of Right. Upon timely application anyone shall be permitted to intervene in an action . . . when the applicant claims an interest relating to the property or transaction which is the subject of the action and the applicant is so situated that the disposition of the action may as a practical matter impair or impede the applicant’s ability to protect that interest, unless the applicant’s interest is adequately represented by existing parties. (b) Permissive Intervention. Upon timely application anyone may be permitted to intervene in an action: (1) when a statute of the United States confers a conditional right to intervene; or (2) when an applicant’s claim or defense and the main action have a question of law or fact in common . . . . In exercising its discretion the court shall consider whether the intervention will unduly delay or prejudice the adjudication of the rights of the original parties. Section 1253 of 28 U.S.C. provides as follows: 3 Except as otherwise provided by law, any party may appeal to the Supreme Court from an order granting or denying, after notice and hearing, an interlocutory or permanent injunction in any civil action, suit or proceeding required by any Act of Congress to be heard and determined by a district court of three judges. STATEMENT This case involves the validity of Louisiana’s post- 1990 congressional redistricting. The plaintiffs, appellees in this Court, are registered voters who object to the creation of certain majority black districts. Appellants in this case, unsuccessful defendant-intervenors in the court below, are African American voters who live in the principal majority black district under challenge, which was invalidated by the three-judge District Court for the Western District of Louisiana. Appellants appeal from the order by the three- judge district court denying their motion to intervene. They also appeal from final judgment on the merits entered July 26,1994. The State of Louisiana was a defendant below; the United States was a defendant-intervenor below. Each of these parties has taken an appeal to this Court from the judgment on the merits. Nos. 94-558 and 94-627. The instant action arose out of a challenge under the Constitution and the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973, as amended, to the 1992 Louisiana congressional redistricting plan (Act 42). The plaintiffs, four registered voters residing in Lincoln Parish, brought this action against various Louisiana state officials and agencies, challenging Act 42 under the Constitution and the Voting Rights Act. App. 42a. A three-judge court, convened pursuant to 28 U.S.C. 4 § 2284, held a trial in August 1992. On August 27, 1992, the court issued a memorandum ruling and order denying plaintiffs’ request for an injunction and allowed the 1992 congressional elections to go forward. The court also denied the state and federal constitutional claims, taking the Voting Rights Act issues under advisement. App. 45-46a. On June 28, 1993, this Court decided Shaw v. Reno, 509 U .S .___ , 125 L.Ed. 2d 511 (1993). One day later, the district court indicated its intent to reconsider the dismissal of the federal constitutional claims. App. 46a. Within a month, appellants moved to intervene as defendants in the Louisiana litigation. They sought to represent themselves and other African American voters in Congressional District 4 and in the State of Louisiana. The motion sought intervention both as of right pursuant to Rule 24(a), and permissively, pursuant to Rule 24(b), Fed. R. Civ. P. Plaintiffs opposed intervention, while the State took no position on the intervention. In an order signed by Judge Walter of the three-judge panel on July 29, 1993, the district court denied the motion to intervene. Appellants immediately, and prior to the issuance of final judgment on the merits, appealed from that order to United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. Appellants’ motion to expedite the appeal was granted. During the pendency of that appeal, the three-judge court, after an evidentiary hearing in August 1993, invalidated Act 42 and enjoined the holding of further elections pursuant to that plan. Hays v. Louisiana, 839 F. Supp. 1188 (W.D.La. 1993),'vacated, 114 S.Ct. 2731 (1994) ("Hays F) App. 87-88a. The State appealed that December 1993 decision to this Court, pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1253. It was not until oral argument in the Court of Appeals on the intervention, in early February of 1994, that the question of whether jurisdiction to decide the intervention appeal belonged in the Court of Appeals or the 5 Supreme Court arose. The Fifth Circuit requested briefing on the issue. Appellants took the position that by virtue of the limitations of section 1253, and because the appeal had been perfected long before the district court issued its decision on the merits, the Court of Appeals had jurisdiction to decide the collateral issue of intervention. The plaintiffs asserted that because of the State’s appeal to this Court, only this Court had jurisdiction. The Court of Appeals dismissed the intervention appeal, holding that it lacked jurisdiction to decide such an appeal once final judgment had been issued and a proper appeal taken to the Supreme Court. Hays v. State o f Louisiana, 18 F.3d 1319 (5th Cir. 1994); App. 38a. The Court of Appeals recognized that the intervention appeal, "when noticed, very likely was properly before" it. The Court of Appeals concluded, however, that with the "lodging of [the merits appeal in the Supreme Court] [its] appellate jurisdiction was impacted." App. 42a. The Court of Appeals read this Court’s decisions in Mitchell v. Donovan, 398 U.S. 427 (1970) and Rockefeller v. Catholic Medical Center o f Brooklyn & Queens, Inc., 397 U.S. 820 (1970) as "indicating that when presented as a part of the appeal of the judgment on the merits by the three-judge court [the Supreme Court] will consider other rulings and orders of the trial court." App. 41a, n. 9. While the first appeal on the merits to this Court was pending, and only two days after the dismissal of the intervention appeal by the Court of Appeals, the Louisiana Legislature passed a new redistricting plan (Act 1) on April 6 22, 1994. The Governor signed the bill into law on April 29, and Act 1 was precleared by the Department of Justice on June 3, 1994.1 On June 20, 1994, plaintiffs moved to amend their complaint and for preliminary and permanent injunctive relief against the newly enacted Act 1. App. 3a. The district court declined to act on the motions, stating that it was without jurisdiction. App. 3a. On June 27, 1994, this Court vacated the district court’s judgment and remanded the case for further proceedings, thereby investing the district court with jurisdiction. Within ten days of this Court’s order and only two days after the district court accepted the amended complaint, St. Cyr and the other appellants again moved to intervene. At the time of the motion to intervene, no answer had been filed to the amended pleading; indeed, the time for doing so had not yet passed. No discovery had been taken. The only action taken had been the district court’s setting of trial for July 21, 1994. The district court took no action on the motion to intervene until the beginning of the two-day hearing on the merits on July 21, 1994. The district court denied the motion in open court. App. la. At the conclusion of the hearing, the court found the new plan unconstitutional. In its opinion, filed on July 29, 1994, the court adopted by 1 Appellants correctly foresaw that this Court would vacate Hays I in light of the passage of Act 1. Accordingly, appellants filed a petition in the Court of Appeals seeking rehearing of that court’s dismissal of the appeal of the denial of intervention. Appellants argued that once this Court vacated the judgment in Hays I, the Court of Appeals would have jurisdiction over the appeal of the denial of intervention. The petition for rehearing was denied on May 17, 1994. App. 38a. 7 reference its December 28, 1993, opinion. App. 3a. On July 26, 1994, the court entered judgment invalidating Act 1, enjoining further use of the new plan, and directing that 1994 elections be held under a plan drawn by the court. Hays v. State o f Louisiana, 1994 WL 477159 (W.D. La.) ("Hays IF) (App. 24-24a). The district court’s seven-district plan resulted in six predominantly white districts and one majority black district.2 App. 33a. District 4, which under Act 42 had been 63 percent black registered voter population and 55 percent black registered voter population under Act 1, was now 28 percent black registered voter population. App. 5a, 31a, 89a. This Court granted a stay of the district court’s order. Both the State defendant and the federal defendant- intervenor in Hays I I have filed jurisdictional statements with this Court. Accordingly, based on its earlier holding in this case, the Court of Appeals will not hear the appeal of the denial of intervention. Nonetheless, because of the uncertainty in the case law as to where an appeal of the denial of intervention by a three-judge court should be heard, appellants have filed two appeals: to this Court and to the Fifth Circuit. THE QUESTIONS PRESENTED ARE SUBSTANTIAL This appeal raises serious questions regarding the relationship between Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 24 and the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution and the cause of action recognized by this Court in Shaw v. Reno. The appellants in this case are black registered voters who 2 The single majority black district in the Court’s plan, District 1, was originally created as a result of litigation following the 1980 census. Major v. Treen, 51A F. Supp. 325 (E.D.La. 1983) (three-judge court). 8 live in Louisiana Congressional District 4. As a result of redistricting, appellants now enjoy, for the first time, the equal opportunity to participate in the political process and elect to Congress candidates of their choice, a right guaranteed by section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. § 1973. They live in a district that is 55 percent black registered voters, which offers them — and has resulted in -- a realistic opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice to Congress. The plaintiffs in Hays II do not live in Congressional District 4 but nonetheless sought an injunction against the use of that district. The plaintiffs’ challenge led to the creation of a district that is 28 percent black registered voters -- a district that offers appellants no reasonable opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice to Congress. The entitlement of black voters to participate in a judicial proceeding that may result in a denial of their rights under section 2 is an important question under both the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure and the Constitution. In addition, this appeal raises a serious issue regarding judicial administration of three-judge court cases that only this Court can answer: under the circumstances and posture of this case, does this Court or the Court of Appeals have jurisdiction over appeals from a denial of intervention by a three-judge court, once an appeal has been taken to this Court on the merits of the grant of an injunction? 1. In light of this Court’s recognition of a new, "analytically distinct" cause of action in Shaw, 125 L.Ed.2d at 532, conflict has emerged among the three-judge courts as to the proper standard for intervention by black voters under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 24. In virtually every other case in which black voters have sought intervention, the three-judge court has permitted intervention to individuals who live in the challenged district and who sought to represent directly the interests of black voters. Shaw v. Hunt, 1994 WL 457269 (E.D. N.C.); Vera v. Richards, 1994 9 WL 484492 (S.D. Tex.); Johnson v. Miller, 1994 WL 506780 (S.D. Ga.). Thus a conflict exists, which only this Court can resolve, as to the proper standard for intervention by black voters in lawsuits raising Shaw-type claims. Rule 24 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure provides that any person who makes a timely application shall be permitted to intervene in an action upon a showing of "an interest relating to" the subject matter, so long as the "disposition of the action may as a practical matter impair or impede the applicant’s ability to protect that interest, unless the applicant’s interest is adequately represented by existing parties." Appellants’ applications were clearly timely. Appellants attempted to intervene in Hays I within a month after this Court’s decision in Shaw, before the constitutional claims, which had been dismissed a year earlier, had been reinstated. The timeliness of their second attempt to intervene, in Hays II, was not questioned by any party. Appellants moved to intervene to defend newly enacted Act 1 within little more than a month from the time the Act became effective and only two days after the district court permitted the filing of the amended complaint to challenge the new plan. Cf. NAACP v. New York, 413 U.S. 345, 367 (1973) (intervention untimely when appellants waited three months after learning of pendency of action). Appellants met the other requirements for intervention as of right, and, a fortiori, permissively. Appellants established a "significantly protectable" interest in the action. See Donaldson v. United States, 400 U.S. 517, 531 (1971); Cascade Natural Gas Corp. v. El Paso Natural Gas Co., 386 U.S. 129, 154 (1967) (Stewart, J., dissenting). Appellants have a right to equal electoral opportunity in congressional elections. Johnson v. DeGrandy, 512 U .S.___, 129 L.Ed.2d 775 (1994). They have a cognizable interest 10 under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments as well as the Voting Rights Act. See White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973). Appellants in this case clearly have an interest in the subject matter of this litigation, given that, had they filed a separate challenge, any complaint would have stated a cause of action under the Voting Rights Act and the Constitution, had the State not drawn a district like District 4.3 Unquestionably, black voters have an interest in whether a congressional districting plan is so configured as to offer them an opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice to Congress, or whether a district should be redrawn to deny them that very opportunity.4 3 The strength of that interest was recognized by the three-judge district court in Johnson v. Miller: For many blacks Jim Crow is living memory, and the presence of black luminaries and ordinary citizens at our hearings is a testament to their concern. This Court does not underestimate the emotional investment in our decision of blacks still resisting the vestiges of racial discrimination . . . . Slip. Op. at 28. 4 Under the plan drawn by the three-judge court, District 4, which under Act 1 had been 55 percent black registered voter population, was now 28 percent black registered voter population. No black candidate in this century has been elected to Congress from a majority white district in the State of Louisiana. Under the plan drawn by the three-judge court, the black-sponsored candidate, Representative Cleo Fields, would surely lose in a race against incumbent Richard Baker, the bulk of whose voters would reside in the court-ordered District 4. Moreover, the court-drawn plan led to the announcement by David Duke, former high-ranking official of the Ku Klux Klan, that he was considering running in the resulting open seat in the 11 Appellants’ cognizable interest in defending the challenged congressional district is separate and apart from the concerns of either the State or the United States. This is clear from the explicit language of the Voting Rights Act itself, which states that one of the purposes of the Act is "[t]o assure that the right of citizens of the United States to vote is not denied or abridged on account of race or color." 42 U.S.C. 1973(b). The Act was intended to protect the franchise of African American voters and other minority groups. See State o f South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301 (1966). The last criterion of Rule 24(a) concerns whether the applicants’ interests are adequately represented by existing parties. A recurring and important question is whether the interests of the non-party beneficiaries of affirmative steps to redress discrimination can ever be represented adequately by others in cases where plaintiffs challenge those actions on the part of a state or other governmental actor. This Court has repeatedly recognized the reluctance of defendants in such cases to vigorously defend challenges by proclaiming one’s status as a wrongdoer, making those defendants unlikely to represent the interests of African Americans adequately. See, e.g., Wygant v. Jackson Board o f Education, 476 U.S. 267, 290-91 (1986) (O’Connor, J., concurring) ("a requirement that public employers make findings that they have engaged in illegal discrimination before they engage in affirmative action programs would severely undermine public employers’ incentive to meet voluntarily their civil rights obligations"); University o f California Regents v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 364 (1978). The likelihood that the State would not adequately represent appellants’ interests in this case was far from speculative. First, as recently as 1981, the State starkly northeastern portion of the State. 12 demonstrated its unwillingness to protect appellants’ interest in fair participation in the congressional election process when it created a congressional plan found by a federal district court to be in violation of the Voting Rights Act. During the 1980 redistricting, white legislators and other state officials drew the congressional plan in a process that deliberately excluded African American lawmakers. See Major v. Treen, 574 F. Supp. 325, 334-35 (E.D. La. 1983). No black legislators were appointed to congressional reapportionment subcommittees. Id. at 330. After then Governor Treen’s announcement of his intention to veto any plan that created a majority black district, the Louisiana Senate President called a "private" meeting — one to which black legislators were not invited. Id. at 334. The three- judge district found the Governor’s opposition to be "predicated in significant part on [a proposed plan’s] delineation of a majority black district centered in Orleans Parish." Id. Indeed, that sentiment was echoed loudly by one of the six members of the Louisiana joint conference committee, which was responsible for drawing the post-1980 congressional districts. This State senator was heard to say that he opposed creating a majority black congressional district in the New Orleans area, because, "we already have a nigger mayor, and we don’t need another nigger bigshot."5 In the face of then Governor Treen’s threatened veto, white legislators determined that black "interest in obtaining a predominantly black district would have to be sacrificed . . . ." 574 F. Supp. at 334. Second, apart from the State’s well-known and 5 Hearings on the Nomination of William Bradford Reynolds’ to be Associate Attorney General of the United States, 99th Cong., 1st Sess. p. 440 (1985) (reprinting section 5 submission analysis prepared by Robert N. Kwan, attorney, Voting Section, Civil Rights Div., U.S. Dept, of Justice). 13 considerable history of discrimination and the 1980’s redistricting, more recent events shed further light on the depth of Louisiana’s commitment to its African American voters. In 1991, the Department of Justice found that the State had protected white incumbents at the expense of black voters, in redistricting the state senate. As recently as March 1992, the Justice Department refused to preclear the submitted redistricting plan for the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education in the State of Louisiana, finding that the State had not met its burden of demonstrating that the plan had neither discriminatory purpose nor effect. DX 16- 17. Third, during the pendency of Hays I, appellants sought to have the State introduce affidavits from witnesses appellants would have called to testify had they been permitted to intervene. The attorney representing Louisiana advised counsel for appellants that he could not introduce certain declarations that would have addressed, inter alia, the "responsiveness" of legislators elected from the district created by Act 42 when it was majority white. This refusal was based on his view that the testimony was objectionable to the State defendants because it contained statements critical of certain elected state officials and congressional representatives.6 The district court’s denial of 6 Motion to Intervene, Declaration of Judith Reed. In determining the ability of the State to represent adequately the interests of African American voters, the district court should have considered whether the State would "undoubtedly make all of the intervenor’s arguments, whether [the State] is capable and willing to make [certain] arguments, and whether the intervenor offers a necessary element to the proceedings that would be neglected." Sagebrush Rebellion, Inc. v. Watt, 713 F.2d 525, 528 (9th Cir. 1983); Fiandaca v. Cunningham, 827 F.2d 825 (1st Cir. 1987) (likelihood that applicants would introduce additional 14 intervention is thus not only contrary to Rule 24, it is inconsistent with decisions of this Court. Under the circumstances in this case, and given Louisiana’s history of discrimination, appellants were entitled to intervene. Trbovich v. United Mine Workers, 404 U.S. 528, 538 n.10 (1972) ("the requirement of the Rule is satisfied if the applicant shows that representation of his interests may be inadequate") (emphasis added). Moreover, to deny black voters intervention under these circumstances would raise serious questions of equal protection under the Fifth Amendment. Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U.S. 497 (1954). Plaintiffs in the series of cases that have been brought in the wake of Shaw have advanced an extraordinarily expansive claim for standing to challenge a states’ determination of its districting.7 The interests of black voters which will be impaired by the elimination of the Fourth District are every bit as important and clearly more concrete than the speculative, and perhaps nonjusticiable, harm suffered by white voters who claim the right to a "colorblind" electoral process. . . ." App. 47a. Yet black voters in this case have not been allowed to be heard. The right of black voters who live in a predominantly black congressional district should not be determined in litigation conducted between a proven discriminator and plaintiffs who do not live in the district. If white voters or voters who do not live in the district are entitled to litigate the constitutionality of a congressional district, then black evidence favors intervention). 7 See Karlan, All Over the Map: The Supreme Court’s Voting Rights Trilogy, 1993 Sup. Ct. Rev. 245, 278-80 (pointing out that this Court has not yet addressed the question of standing in 5/iaw-type cases). 15 voters who live in the district must be accorded an equal right to participate in such proceedings. The district court’s decision in this case, by granting rights to the plaintiffs that it denies to black voters, raises serious questions under the equal protection guarantee of the Fifth Amendment. 2. This Court has not yet addressed the important question of whether a denial of intervention by a three-judge court is appealable directly to this Court or should be appealed to the Court of Appeals, once an appeal of the merits under section 1253 is properly before the Court.8 Appellants maintained in the Court of Appeals without success that jurisdiction to decide the intervention issue lay with that court. The Court of Appeals rejected that view and insisted that review could be had only in this Court. Appellants seek review in this Court of this question because, as matters now stand, this is the only Court from which they can obtain review. The purpose of this appeal is not to urge that this Court, as opposed to the Court of Appeals, decide the merits of the intervention question, but, rather, to obtain a definitive resolution of the issue of where jurisdiction to review the denial of intervention by a three- judge court lies. The determination of this issue rests on a series of not entirely consistent lines of precedent, and this Court needs to clarify the law. The result of appellants’ first attempt to intervene and obtain review of the denial of that intervention illustrates the problem. At the time appellants took an appeal of the July 1993 denial of intervention, trial of the constitutional and Voting Rights Act claims relating to Act 8 Section 1253 provides that "any party may appeal to the Supreme Court from an order granting or denying" an injunction in an action required to be heard by a three-judge court. 16 42 had yet to be held. At the time the intervention order was entered in July 1993, an appeal could go only to the Court of Appeals not to this Court. The Court of Appeals raised the question of whether it or this Court had jurisdiction of the intervention appeal at a time when it was no longer possible to appeal the denial of the intervention to this Court. The Court of Appeals decision on the first denial of intervention has had the effect of precluding an appeal. The decision of the Court of Appeals is inconsistent with a number of decisions of this Court. Section 1253 by its terms "authoriz[es] a direct appeal to [the Supreme Court] only from an order of a three-judge district court ‘granting or denying . . . an interlocutory or permanent injunction.’" Gunn v. University Committee, 399 U.S. 383, 386-87 (1970). This Court has held that where a district court withholds injunctive relief, the plaintiff may appeal the grant or denial of an injunction, but that an appeal of the declaratory judgment must be appealed to the court of appeals. See, Mitchell v. Donovan, 398 U.S. 427 (1970); Rockefeller v. Catholic Medical Center, 397 U.S. 820 (1970); Gunn v. University Committee, supra-, Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 138 n.19 (1971); Vance v. Universal Amusement Co., Inc., 587 F.2d 159,163 (5th Cir. 1978), aff’d, 445 U.S. 308 (1980). Yet another decision of this Court suggests another alternative. This Court has found that when the issue sought to be reviewed is inextricably intertwined with the injunction issues it is appropriate to exercise its jurisdiction under section 1253 to review both the merits of the issuance of the injunction and the declaratory judgment. Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 123 (1973) (both aspects would be reviewed when the "arguments as to both aspects are 17 necessarily identical").9 However, even under those circumstances, this Court indicated a preference for the party seeking review of the non-injunction aspects to file instead of an appeal, a petition for certiorari before judgment. Id. Yet, under what appeared to be similar circumstances, the Court dismissed an appeal by defendants of a declaratory judgment to this Court after an appeal had been taken from the denial of an injunction for lack of jurisdiction. See Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973); see also Gerstein v. Coe, 417 U.S. 279 (1974), accompanied by Poe v. Gerstein, 417 U.S. 281 (1974); Socialist Workers Party v. March Fong Eu, 591 F.2d 1252 (9th Cir. 1978), cert, denied, 441 U.S. 946 (1979). On the other hand, in analogous circumstances, this Court has exercised appellate jurisdiction over a variety of appeals. For example, in appeals arising under both 28 U.S.C. § 1254(1) and 42 U.S.C. 1973b(a), this Court directly reviewed the denial of intervention. International Union, Local 238 v. Scofield, 382 U.S. 205, 208-09 (1965) (phrase, "any party," in 28 U.S.C. 1254(1) may include an unsuccessful intervenor); NAACP v. New York, 413 U.S. 345 (1973) (would-be intervenors allowed to appeal denial of intervention under section 4(a), 42 U.S.C. 1973b(a), which provides that "[a]n action pursuant to this subsection shall be heard and determined by a court of three judges in accordance with the provisions of section 2284 of Title 28 and any appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court.") Similarly, 9 It may well be that in this case a single appeal to this Court is appropriate, because the question of the interest of black voters in the survival of Congressional District 4 is a central element in both reviewing the propriety of the grant of an injunction in Hays II — since the defenders of that district all argue that it was required to comply with section 2 of the Voting Rights Act — and in deciding the question of the entitlement of appellants to intervene under Rule 24. 18 in Supreme Court o f Virginia v. Consumers Union, 446 U.S. 719 (1980), this Court held that review of collateral matters was appropriate where an appeal on the merits under section 1253 had been taken. Id. at 737 n.16 (jurisdiction to decide whether attorneys fees had been properly awarded). Earlier in Fusari v. Steinberg, 419 U.S. 379 (1975), this Court noted that an appeal of the merits issues necessarily "brings the ‘whole case’ before the Court." Id. at 387 (citation omitted). The applicability of a general rule to appeals under section 1253 thus raises important and unsettled issues. The sequence of events in this case and the question of whether jurisdiction of the intervention appeal belongs in this Court or the Court of Appeals has led to an anomalous juncture. At this point the case is about to be resolved on the merits without an opportunity for appellants to be heard. A holding that the denials of intervention were erroneous would provide an independent basis for a reversal of the district court’s decision on the merits. It is surely inappropriate for this Court to resolve the question of the merits without there having been a decision on who the parties should be. If this Court does not clarify the jurisdiction over the merits of the intervention question, review of that issue may be effectively foreclosed. CONCLUSION For the above reasons, the Court should note probable jurisdiction. We also urge the Court to grant 19 certiorari before judgment in order to avoid any question as to jurisdiction of the denial of intervention in this case. Respectfully submitted, Elaine R. Jones Director-Counsel Theodore M. Shaw Associate Director-Counsel Clyde E. Murphy Eric Schnapper Judith Reed (Counsel o f Record) NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. 99 Hudson Street Suite 1600 New York, New York 10013 (212) 219-1900 William P. Quigley Loyola Law Clinic 7214 St. Charles Avenue New Orleans, LA 70118 (504) 861-5550 October 24, 1994 Attorneys for Appellants APPENDIX APPENDIX A IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA SHREVEPORT DIVISION RAY HAYS, et al. CIVIL ACTION NO. 92-1522S Plaintiffs VERSUS STATE OF LOUISIANA, et al. Defendants, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Defendant-Intervenor. Opening statements held in the above matter on the 21st day of July, 1994. Morning Session. * * * MS. REED: Your Honor, . . . I am Judith Reed from the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and we also sought intervention on behalf of the St. Cyr intervenor [sic]. If it’s convenient for the Court at this time I would like to note for the record that our motion has not yet been ruled upon. So we would request a ruling on that. JUDGE WIENER: Thank you. The motion is denied. [Tr. 4.] 2a APPENDIX B [Filed July 29, 1994] Ray HAYS, et al., Plaintiffs, v. STATE of Louisiana, et al., Defendants. No. 92-1522. United States District Court, W.D. Louisiana. Before WIENER, Chief Judge, and SHAW, Chief District Judge and WALTER, District Judge. Walter, Wiener and Shaw, JJ. concurring, with Shaw concurring specially with whom Wiener, J. concurs: By order dated June 27, 1994, this case was remanded from the United States Supreme Court for further proceedings. For the following reasons, Act 1 of the Second Extraordinary Session of the 1994 Louisiana Legislature is null and void. The State of Louisiana is hereby enjoined from holding any future Congressional elections based upon the redistricting scheme embodied by Act 1. I STATEMENT OF THE CASE Ray Hays, Edward Adams, Susan Singleton, and Gary Stokely ("Plaintiffs") brought this suit in state court in August 1992 challenging Act 42 of 1992. The case was removed to this Court by the State of Louisiana. After one trial and an evidentiary hearing, we struck down Act 42 as 3a an impermissible racial gerrymander violative of Plaintiffs’ equal protection rights. TTie State of Louisiana et al. (’Defendants’) pursued their appeal directly to the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, during an extraordinary session, the Louisiana Legislature enacted Act 1, repealing Act 42 and creating a new Congressional redistricting scheme. Plaintiffs filed supplemental pleadings seeking to amend their complaint. The amended pleadings challenged Act 1 and sought injunctive relief. As the case was on appeal to the Supreme Court, the motions were returned unsigned for lack of jurisdiction. On June 27, 1994, the Supreme Court vacated our judgment of December 29,1993; remanded the case to this Court "for further consideration in light of Act 1 of the Second Extraordinary Session of the 1994 Louisiana Legislature and the parties’ filings in this Court concerning Act 1." Consistent with that order, this Court permitted the previously filed amended complaint and a two-day trial was held to determine the constitutionality of Act 1. II FINDINGS OF FACT AND CONCLUSIONS OF LAW In the interest of brevity, we reiterate and adopt by reference our December 28, 1993 opinion. Our conclusions regarding Plaintiffs’ standing to bring an equal protection challenge are adopted as well. With that in mind, we make the following findings: A "The Act (1) speaks for itself’ The districting map of Louisiana, created under Act 1, reflects a racial gerrymander. Specifically the bizarre and irregular shape of District Four raises the inference that the Louisiana Legislature classified its citizens along racial lines and segregated them into voting districts accordingly. The district cuts across historical and cultural divides, splits twelve of its fifteen parishes and divides four of the seven 4a major cities of the State. The statistical evidence showing the racial composition of the districts further supports the finding that District Four is "so extremely irregular on its face that it rationally can be viewed only as an effort to segregate the races for purposes of voting." Shaw v. Reno, 113 S.Ct. 2816 (1993).1 Plaintiffs, by submitting the new map with their supplemental pleadings, stated a claim upon which relief can be granted under the Equal Protection Clause. We ordered the State of Louisiana and Defendant-Intervenor United States to begin the trial by rebutting this inference. Defendants offered the testimony of two State Senators, the State Senate’s assistant secretary, a geographer, and a sociologist in an effort to explain the shape of the district on other than impermissible racial grounds. Those persons involved directly with the formation of Act 1 acknowledged that the creation of a second majority-minority district was the specific intent of the Legislature. Two race-neutral explanations were submitted by the defense. First, the geographer opined that as District Four followed the Red River valley, it endowed all its residents with a commonality of interest. Second, the various witnesses asserted that District Four was inspired by "the old Eighth" district thereby satisfying the concept of "traditional" districting principles. The starting point, following the 1990 census, was to redistrict for seven congressional districts, instead of eight, Louisiana having lost one member of Congress. Next, the State sought to comply with the Constitutional requirement of one man—one vote. In this case, each district should contain, as closely as practicable, 603,853 citizens. The ‘The State now concedes that Act 42 was bizarre. In our opinion of December 28, 1993, we called for major surgery. Act 1 is at best a cosmetic makeover. Sa State’s evidence clearly shows what happened next: Misinterpreting our opinion of December 1993 as approving a racially gerrymandered district if it contained no more than 55 % minority registered voters; and remaining convinced that the Department of Justice would not pre-clear any plan that did not contain two majority/minority districts, the Legislature embarked on an endeavor to comply with those demands and still secure adoption. These were the only inflexible features given to the cartographer/demographer in charge of generating the seven districts. After reviewing the evidence, we find that Act 1 can only be explained credibly as the product of race-conscious decisionmaking. The Senators themselves admitted that race played a large if not dominant role in the map as it is now drawn. The Red River valley theory is clearly a post hoc rationalization similar to the Mississippi River theory offered to support Act 42 and equally unbelievable. The State did not imitate the "old Eighth" for tradition’s sake.2 The "old Eighth," certainly bizarre, before Shaw and never challenged, was crafted for the purpose of ensuring the reelection of Congressman Gillis Long. New District Four was drafted with the specific intent of ensuring a second majority-minority Congressional district. The State’s purported reliance on District Four’s similarity to the "old Eighth" is mere pretext. Although the witnesses highlighted other factors that carved the contours of the awkward district, the fundamental factor driving Act I was race. B ACT 1 IS SUBJECT TO STRICT SCRUTINY Race-conscious redistricting, while not always 2In fact, District Four incorporates the "old Eighth" only in part. It shoves the top further north into Shreveport, further south into Baton Rouge and shortens it to the east. 6a unconstitutional, is always subject to strict scrutiny. This conclusion has troubled legislators, scholars, litigators, and judges alike. T. Alexander Aleinikoff, Samuel Issacharoff, Race and Redistricting: Drawing Constitutional Lines After Shaw v. Reno, 92 Mich. L.Rev. 588, 602 ("Aleinikoff'). The problem is caused by the incomplete constitutional status of affirmative action plans in the voting rights realm. In United Jewish Organization v. Carey, 430 U.S. 144 (1977), the Supreme Court applied a more deferential standard to what the plurality deemed "benign" measures. One year later, the Court decided Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978) following the theory that "the right not to be injured on the basis of one’s skin color was a personal right secured by the Constitution, and the asserted lack of an invidious purpose could not be a sufficient reason for reducing the level of judicial scrutiny applied to measures that disadvantaged persons on the basis of race." Aleinikoff, 92 Mich. L.Rev. at 592. Eleven years later, City o f Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469 (1989) confirmed the notion that, since Bakke, the scrutiny applied under the Fourteenth Amendment Equal Protection Clause will not vary based on the race of the preferred group. 488 U.S. at 493. Shaw is consistent with the more recent equal protection precedents, focusing on individual rights as opposed to UJO’s group-based approach. Aleinikoff, 92 Mich. L.Rev. at 600. By not overruling UJO, Shaw v. Reno can be read to ratify "the earlier group-based decisions which focus on whether electoral schemes ’dilute’ the voting strength of protected minorities [while making clear] that the fact of non-dilution does not immunize districting plans from constitutional challenge." Id. "A racial classification, despite purported motivation, is presumptively invalid and can be upheld only upon an extraordinary justification." Personnel Administrator o f Massachusetts v. Feeny, 442 U.S. 256, 272, 99 S.Ct. 2282, 2293 (1979). Therefore, such legislation must be narrowly 7a tailored to further a compelling governmental interest if it is to pass constitutional muster. C COMPELLING GOVERNMENTAL INTEREST Defendants have proved no compelling governmental interest in distinguishing among citizens of Louisiana because of their race. Defendants contend that incumbency politics, the Voting Rights Act, and remedying past legal and social or continuing social discrimination justified the racial segregation of voters. We disagree. We note at the outset that incumbency politics cannot justify racial classifications. Adhering to federal anti-discrimination laws and remedying past or continuing discrimination could constitute compelling governmental interests if the State could "demonstrate a strong basis in evidence for its conclusion that remedial action was necessary." Croson, 488 U.S. at 510, 109 S.Ct. at 730. Such a basis may be drawn from judicial, legislative, or administrative findings of constitutional or statutory violations. 1 Voting Rights Act The State Legislature believed that the Voting Rights Act compelled the creation of a second majority-minority district.3 A careful review of those statutes and the caselaw This belief was encouraged, if not demanded, by the Department of Justice, under an actual or implied threat of withholding Section 5 pre-clearance. The shield became a sword. Whether the Attorney General had the right to withhold pre-clearance may be open to question, but she certainly had the power, and the threat, whether issued by her or some middle level bureaucrat, was a matter of real concern to the State. Litigation in the District of Columbia, and everywhere else is expensive. We hold, however, that a real concern 8 a interpreting them reveals that the State’s belief was misplaced. Under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C s 1973c, the State has an affirmative duty to avoid retrogression or enactment of a plan that has the purpose or effect of denying or abridging the right to vote because of race or color. Neither the State nor the Department of Justice offered any evidence suggesting that failure to create a second majority-minority district would either be a retrogression of minority strength or have an illegal purpose or effect. Not surprisingly, we can find no support for such a claim either. Section 5 cannot be read to compel the results of Act 1. A Voting Rights Act Section 2 violation occurs when, under the totality of the circumstances, a State’s apportionment scheme has the effect of diminishing or abridging the voting strength of a protected class. In Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30,106 S.Ct. 2752 (1986), the Supreme Court enumerated three conditions to a Section 2 "dilution" claim: (1) a numerous and compact minority, that is (2) politically cohesive, and (3) subject to majority bloc voting usually defeating the minority’s preferred candidate. 438 U.S. at 50-51, 106 S.Ct at 2766. The evidence convincingly proves that the State cannot clear the first Gingles hurdle.* 4 Accordingly, Section 2 cannot serve as a compelling justification for Act 1. Certainly the Voting Rights Act would permit the creation of a second is not a compelling one. 4Despite a minority population of approximately 30, demographic distribution is simply too diffuse (See Gov’t Exhibit 2) to generate a majority voting age population in any district outside of the Orleans Parish region. The State’s own expert confirmed that Louisiana’s minority population is simply not sufficiently concentrated to meet Gingles minimum requirements. 9a majority-minority district, but the fact that such a district is permitted does not compel its creation. Shaw demands that we distinguish between what the Voting Rights Act requires and what it permits. 113 S.Ct at 2830. As for any arguments that Section 2 compels maximization of minority voting strength, the Supreme Court recently held: (R)eading Section 2 to define dilution as any failure to maximize tends to obscure the very object of the statute and to run counter to its textually stated purpose. One may suspect vote dilution from political famine, but one is not entitled to suspect (much less infer) dilution from mere failure to guarantee a political feast ... Failure to maximize cannot be the measure of Section 2. Johnson v. DeGrady, — U.S. — , — S.Ct. — 1994 WI 285792 (1994). Hence, did not have a basis in law or fact to believe that the Voting Rights Act required the creation of two majority-minority districts.5 2 Remediation of Past or Present Discrimination Defendants elicited testimony that the sordid history of unconstitutional treatment of black citizens in Louisiana prompted the State to tinker with district lines in order to ensure minority control at the polls. Using the disease as a cure is a dangerous antidote, one that must be absolutely warranted before being administered. Ironically, one witness contended that the days of "white" and "colored" water 3 A strong basis under Gingles does exist, however, to warrant the creation of a majority-minority district in the Orleans Parish region, where one has existed since 1983. See M ajor v. Treen, 574 F.Supp. 325 (E.D. La. 1983). 10a fountains and bus seats justify distinct "white" and "African-American" congressional districts. What the defense failed to establish is where the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 have failed to accomplish what the State now sets out to do. Without concrete evidence of the lingering effects of past discrimination or continuing legal prejudice in voting laws and procedures, coupled with specific remedies, we cannot agree that the re-segregation of Louisiana by racially configured voting districts is warranted.6 Croson and Bakke dictate this result. Finally, we refuse to accept the explanation that citizen response to issues such as education, crime and health care is driven by skin pigmentation. Legitimation of that notion would herald the demise of equal protection. Ill THE COURT’S PLAN Our strong preference is to leave to the Legislature the task of drawing election districts. We reluctantly set our hands to the task, considering the lateness of the hour, the dismal history of the Legislature in two previous attempts, foot-dragging by the defendants in the appeals and the risk that Louisiana might be without Congressional representation in January 1995. The districts that we drew split only 6 parishes of the sixty-four, followed traditional 6We also note, that, accepting arguendo the remediation argument as compelling, the defendants utterly failed to demonstrate how gerrymandering could remedy the problems asserted as compelling interests. That is exactly the problem with a sweeping remedy to an amorphous concept. Without properly defining the compelling interest, it is impossible for the State to narrowly tailor any plan. 11a lines, only one town of approximately 3000 was divided, and the plan met all Constitutional one man-one vote requirements. It did ignore all political considerations. And, instructed by Gingles, we did not carve districts along race lines, except in District 2, where the Constitution and fairness requires us to consider it.7 IV CONCLUSION The Equal Protection Clause demands strict scrutiny of government use of race as a dividing line. This is an individual right in addition to any group-based protections that the Amendment affords. When voting districts are carefully planned like racial wards, an individual injury occurs. All citizens are stigmatized by the notion that their "interests" can be defined by race or will be represented adequately only if a member of their racial "group" holds a particular office. To reinforce such racial notions by operation of law seems to fly in the face of Justice Thurgood Marshall’s expressed hope in his argument in Cooper v. Aaron that we "learn to live together with fellow citizens, and above all to learn to obey the law." I find a contrary position strangely at odds with the desires so eloquently voiced, not so long ago, in Shreveport, in Jackson, in Selma, in countless towns across the South, at schools and lunch counters, at voter registrar’s offices. They stood there, black and white, certain in the knowledge that the Dream was coming; determined that no threat, no spittle, no blow, no gun, no noose, no law could separate us because of the color of our skin. To say now: "Separate!" "Divide!" "Segregate!" is to negate their sacrifice, mock their dream, deny that self-evident truth that all men are created equal and that no government may deny them the equal 7See M ajor v. Treen, note 5 supra. 12a protection of its laws. The validity of equal protection and the systemic legitimacy of our electoral process are threatened when a State sculpts voting districts along race lines. As here, when the State cannot, or has not, offered and supported an extraordinary justification for these questionable measures, the race-conscious enactments must fall. 13a SHAW, Chief District Judge, concurring: I concur in the able opinion of the majority. It is an honest effort to provide a suitable plan for Congressional districts in Louisiana within the restraints of the Constitution. I would, however, like to add a few words which may be somewhat repetitive but which address matters in our December 28, 1993 ruling which we have adopted by reference as well as additional findings supported by the evidence. Applying the same constitutional analysis to Act 1 has led us to a similar conclusion. Again, this Court is called upon to answer the same question, "Does a state have the right to create a second racial majority-minority Congressional district by racial gerrymandering?" The United States Supreme Court has answered that question for this court in Shaw v. Reno,1 "Yes, but only if the plan is narrowly tailored to further a compelling state interest." For the following reasons, this Court finds that the Congressional Redistricting Plan embodied in Act 1 and District 4, in particular, is the product of racial gerrymandering and is not narrowly tailored to further any compelling governmental interests. The plaintiffs’ right to equal protection as guaranteed by the United States Constitution is violated by this redistricting plan, and as such, the plan is null and void. ‘508 U.S. —, 113 S.Ct. — , 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993). 14a Racial gerrymandering As stated in our previous opinion, racial gerrymandering is defined as the intentional segregation of voters on the basis of race. This Court is called upon to first determine whether the redistricting plan is the result of racial gerrymandering. At trial, the witnesses for the State readily admitted that the purpose of District 4 was to create a second black majority district. The testimony of the state legislators and the State Senate Assistant Secretary confirmed that the district lines were driven by the fact that the black population in the State of Louisiana was sufficiently dispersed through the State that it was impossible to create a second majority black district without skewing the lines into a long irregular shape, as demonstrated by District 4 of the plan. The districting plan embodied in Act 1 is highly irregular in its shape. Though it may be less bizarre than the plan created in Act 42, the physiognomy of District 4 still strongly suggests that the Legislature engaged in racial gerrymandering in creating the district. Looking at District 4 on a map of Louisiana, it appears as if someone knocked over an inkwell somewhere around Waskom, Texas, spilling ink aimlessly across the map of Louisiana. There is simply nothing regular about the contours of District 4. This court acknowledges that the appearance or beauty of a district is irrelevant to a constitutional analysis; however, the irregularity in shape of a district is suspect and can indicate racial gerrymandering. Although Shaw discusses the concept of bizarre or irregular shape as a means of demonstrating or inferring 15a racial gerrymandering, the high court in no way indicated that shape alone was a determining factor in a finding of racial gerrymandering. This Court finds, aside from the irregularity of the shape of this district, the evidence at trial clearly supported a finding of racial gerrymandering. The Louisiana Legislature abandoned traditional districting principles to arrive at a Plan which created two majority black voting districts. Act 1, like Act 42, completely disregards the traditional districting principles of compactness, respect for political subdivisions, and respect for commonality of interests. a. Compactness District 4, under Act 1, begins in Caddo Parish, and includes the Parishes of DeSoto, Red River, Sabine, and Natchitoches, all located in clearly defined North Louisiana, and ends in Ascension Parish, after cutting through the French region of Louisiana called "Acadiana," which includes Lafayette, St. Martin, St. Landry, and Evangeline Parishes. The district is approximately 250 miles long, and meanders through 15 parishes, making it considerably longer than any other district in the State. District 4 cuts up four major population centers of Louisiana, including Shreveport, Alexandria, Lafayette, and Baton Rouge, in its efforts to capture sufficient pockets of African-American voters, paying no respect to parish lines.2 The district points fingers out into Caddo, Rapides, and Lafayette Parishes, while taking small bites out of St. Martin and Iberville 2This court notes that District 4 covers, not only four major population centers of Louisiana, but includes four separate and major media centers of this state. Congressional candidates would be required to spend substantial amounts of money and time covering the voters in four major areas of the state. 16a Parishes. A district that stretches over as much territory, touching so many media and population centers, cannot be said to be compact. b. Respect for Political Subdivisions Although Act 1 is an improvement from Act 42, the state legislature continues to disregard the parish lines in fashioning a plan to create a second minority district. In the creation of District 4, the State found it necessary to fragment twelve of the fifteen parishes comprising District 4, splitting sixteen parishes statewide under the plan. District 4 is made up of pieces and parts of twelve parishes and splits four of the State’s largest cities, outside of New Orleans-Shreveport, Baton Rouge, Lafayette, and Alexandria. Clearly, Act 1 has no respect for Louisiana’s political subdivisions. c. Commonality o f Interests To say that District 4 comprises voters with common interests violates all traditional north-south, ethno-religious, economic and historical distinctions in Louisiana which created this State’s diverse personality. D i s t r i c t 4 i nc ludes N o r t h L o u i s i a na English-Scotch-Irish, mainline Protestants, South Louisiana French-Spanish-German Roman Catholics, traditional rural black Protestants, and Creoles. The district encompasses North, Central, and South Louisiana, each of which has its own unique identity, interests, culture, and history. The agricultural regions of District 4 include cotton, soybean, rice, sugar cane, and timber. Such diverse agricultural constituency have few common interests. We continue to question how one Congressional representative could 17a adequately represent the varying interests of residents in such far-flung areas of the State. A district which disregards commonality of interests and stretches across the State in a haphazard manner without regard to political subdivisions can only be explained as the result of racial gerrymandering. Justification for Defendant’s Plan The State attempted to put forth a race-neutral explanation for its plan by the use of a geographer who testified that District 4 was drawn along the Red River Valley demonstrating a commonality of interest. The State failed in its burden of proof to show that the Red River Valley region in the State of Louisiana demonstrated a commonality of interests. Secondly, the State offered as support for its plan, that District 4 of the plan was modeled after the old eighth district in Louisiana which was created for and represented by Congressman Gillis Long. This Court is not swayed by the assertion that the tradition of the past regarding the old eighth district is binding on this Court, due to the fact that the old eighth district was never challenged on constitutionality by any court in the United States. This Court is not called upon to determine the constitutionality of the old eighth district, and does not rely on the fact that such a district existed in Louisiana. What was done by the Louisiana Legislature in the old eighth has no application to this case before this Court, and cannot be used as a comparable for the plan before this Court. Accordingly, this Court finds that the only explanation of the State’s Redistricting Plan was racial gerrymandering. The State intentionally segregated voters 18a into Congressional districts on the basis of race, in order to intentionally create a second black majority voting district. Narrowly Tailored A racially gerrymandered plan is subject to strict scrutiny, and as such it violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment unless it is narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental interest. Again, the State advances two possible compelling state interests to justify their racial gerrymandering: (1) compliance with the Voting Rights Act, and (2) remedying the effects of past discrimination. a. Compliance with the Voting Rights Act Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act provides that a state has an affirmative duty to avoid retrogression or to avoid enactment of a plan that has the purpose or effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race. The defendants established that the Louisiana Legislature was operating under the belief that a second majority-black district was mandated by the Department of Justice to avoid retrogression, and obtain preclearance. Without commenting further regarding the role of the Department of Justice in affecting the plan enacted in Act 1, this Court finds no evidence to support a finding that a second majority-black district is required by Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, to avoid retrogression. Prior to the census, Louisiana’s congressional delegation had only one black representative out of eight congressmen. Certainly, one congressman out of seven cannot constitute retrogression. Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act does not constitute a compelling governmental interest in this case. 19a Additionally, Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act prohibits a plan that has the effect of diminishing or abridging the voting strength of a protected class. However, this claim must fall in the face of the Supreme Court’s ruling in Thornburg v. Gingles? This Court finds that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act is not implicated by this plan. Although the Voting Rights Act would permit a second minority district, such a district is not compelled by the Act. b. Remedy Past Discrimination The State advanced, as justification for its racially gerrymandered district, the belief that the creation of a second minority district in Louisiana is mandated to remedy the past discrimination which has existed in Louisiana. This Court struggled with the concept of how to define "past discrimination" in Louisiana. Certainly, the histoiy of Louisiana, as of most states in the deep South with respect to its treatment of blacks, is indelibly imprinted in our memories. This State, having inflicted great atrocities against minorities, has made great strides in remedying past discrimination, being ever vigilant of its current existence in the attitudes of many of its residents today. Louisiana, in the sense of its history, will always have a history of past discrimination. However, this Court must determine whether this State has a history of past legal discrimination in the voting laws and procedures which compels it to make reparations and remediation. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the voting Rights Act of 1965 have mandated the elimination of obstacles to minority participation at the polls. Since those turbulent 3478 U.S. 30, 106 S.Ct. 2752 (1986). 20a times in Louisiana, and through the efforts of many black and white leaders in this State, we have seen the elimination of poll taxes, literacy tests, and violence to reduce or prohibit African-American participation in our elections process. Louisiana has minority representation in nearly every level of government, in almost every area of the State. Speaking only in the sense of the voting rights of minorities in Louisiana, this Court finds that there exist no significant obstacles for minorities in this State to participate in the elections process which have not been remedied by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Accordingly, the concept of remedying past discrimination is not a compelling governmental interest in the recent history of Louisiana in the area of voting rights. This Court acknowledges the great benefits that are derived by an increase in minority representation in government, not only for those who are represented but also to the process of government itself. Given the opportunity to serve, minorities have shown that they perform admirably. A greater number of African-American leaders in the government process not only provide positive role models for all black citizens, but their efforts in government will insure that the legal obstacles to minority advancement in all areas of life will be eliminated. However, to disregard the rights of all citizens of the State of Louisiana would violate the Equal Protection Clause of the United States Constitution, and such a plan would do further violence to the ultimate goal of a colorblind system. Although we found that the evidence presented at the hearing did not support the contention that the Legislature was operating pursuant to a compelling state interest, even if there had been satisfactory evidence at trial that there is a compelling state interest in creating a second majority-minority Congressional district, the plan embodied by Act 1 was not narrowly tailored to effect that interest. The fact that outside of the Orleans Parish area, the 21a minority black population is relatively dispersed throughout the rest of the State, elicited the question of whether it was even possible to develop a districting plan that creates a second majority-minority district and is narrowly tailored, in the sense that the plan in total does not unduly burden the rights of third parties. The Court Imposed Plan This Court, with the assistance and guidance of our appointed special master, devised a Congressional Districting Plan. This plan was created from a computer program which included the demographics of the State of Louisiana. This Court started with the goal of creating seven Congressional districts, remaining true to the "one man, one vote" requirement, and the constraints of Shaw and Gingles. After considering every combination available, this Court reached the conclusion that the diffused population of black voters in Louisiana, outside of District 2, makes it impossible to draw a Congressional plan which contains two minority-majority districts and passes constitutional muster. Act 1 clearly does not. Conclusion While this Court finds that the creation of a second minority-majority district in Louisiana is permissive and advantageous, we do not find it compelling, under the constraints of the Constitution. This Court applauds the Louisiana Legislature in its efforts to create a second minority district; however, such efforts run aground of the Constitution and the dictates of Shaw v. Reno. 22a APPENDIX C [Filed Jul. 25, 1994] UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT WESTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA SHREVEPORT DIVISION Civil Action No. CV 92-1522S RAY HAYS, ET AL., PLAINTIFFS versus EDWIN W. EDWARDS, in his official capacity as Governor of the State of Louisiana, ET AL., DEFENDANTS ORDER IT IS ORDERED that Plaintiffs’ Motion for Judgment as a Matter of Law be and it is hereby GRANTED. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that Act 1 of the Second Special Session of the 1994 Louisiana Legislature (the Act) is unconstitutional, in that it violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution, and the redistricting plan embodied in the Act is null and void. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that the State of 23a Louisiana is permanently enjoined from holding any elections under the Act. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that, although we do not invalidate the 1992 congressional elections, the term of office of each member of the United States House of Representatives from Louisiana who represents a district created under the plan in Act 42 of 1992 of the State of Louisiana, and each district created under such plan, shall expire, ipso facto, at noon on the 3rd day of January, 1995, and such terms of office and such districts shall not be extended or carried over into the next Congress in any manner whatsoever. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that a congressional redistricting plan for the State of Louisiana is hereby provided, as set forth in Appendix A, on the basis of which all congressional elections for the seven (7) United States Representatives from the State of Louisiana to the One Hundred Fourth Congress shall be conducted, with the dates for qualifying and for holding such elections to be established by the cognizant officials of the State of Louisiana according to law; and that all subsequent elections of United States Representatives from the State of Louisiana shall be conducted under the plan provided by this court until and unless a congressional districting plan enacted by the State of Louisiana according to law is submitted to this court and is determined by it to be constitutionally valid. IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that, as prevailing parties in all phases of this case to date, the Plaintiffs are entitled to recover all reasonable costs, attorneys’ fees and expenses, including reasonable expert witness fees, pursuant to 42 U.S.C. 1988, in amounts to be determined by reference to United States Magistrate Judge Roy S. Payne for review and recommendations; provided, however, that such determination shall not prevent this Order from becoming final immediately upon its being filed. 24a This court reserves the right to issue, and intends to issue, a memorandum opinion consistent with this Order. FOR THE COURT: /s/ Donald E. Walter DONALD E. WALTER District Judge [Judgment Entered 7-26-94] 25a LOUISIANA CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS The State of Louisiana is divided into the following seven Congressional Districts: DISTRICT 1 District 1 is composed of Precincts 3-G, 5-G, 8-G, 9-G, 10-G, 1-H, 2-H, 3-H, 4-H, 5-H, 6-H, 7-H, 8-H, 9- H, 1-K, 2-K, 3-K, 4-K, 5-K, 6-K, 7-K, 8-K, 9-K, 10- K, 11-K, 12-K, 13-KA, 15-K, 16-K, 17-K, 18-K, 19-K, 20-K, 25-K, 27-K, 28-K, 34-K, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137, 170, 171, 174B, 175, 176, 177, 178, 182, 183, 184, 185, 193, 194A, 195, 210, 211, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, and 234 of Jefferson Parish; Precincts 3-20, 4-8, 4-9, 4-10, 4-10A, 4-11, 4-12, 4-13, 4-13A, 4-14, 4-14A, 4-15, 4-16, 4-16A, 4-17, 4-17A, 4-18, 4-18A, 4-19, 4-20, 4-20A, 4-21, 4- 21A, 4-22, 4-23, 5-12, 5-13, 5-14, 5-15, 5-16, 5-17, 5- 18, 5-19, 7-33A, 7-40, 7-41, 7-42, 12-4, 13-1, 14-1, 14-2, 14-3, 14-4, 14-8, 14-9, 14-10, 14-11, 16-2, 17-1, 17-17, 17-18, 17-18A, 17-18B, 17-19, 17-19A, 17-20, and 17-21 of Orleans Parish; St. Tammany Parish; Tangipahoa Parish; and Washington Parish. 26a DISTRICT 2 District 2 is composed of Precincts 1-G, 2-G, 4-G, 6-G, 7-G, 11-G, 13-KB, 14-K, 21-K, 22-K, 23-K, 24-K, 26-K, 29-K, 30-K, 31-K, 32-K, 33-K, 1-W, 2-W, 3-W, 4- W, 5-W, 6-W, 7-W, 8-W, 9-W, 104, 107, 115, 131, 133, 138, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157A, 157B, 172, 173, 174A, 179A, 179B, 180, 181, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194B, 196, 197, 198, 212, 213A, 213B, 213C, 214, 215, 232, 233, 235, 236, 237, 246A, and 246B of Jefferson Parish and Precincts 1-1, 1-2, 1-5, 1-6, 1-7, 2-1, 2-2, 2-3, 2- 4, 2-5, 2-6, 2-6A, 2-7, 3-1, 3-3, 3-4, 3-5, 3-6, 3- 7, 3-8, 3-9, 3-10, 3-12, 3-13, 3-14, 3-15, 3-16, 3-17, 3-18, 3-19, 4-2, 4-3, 4-4, 4-5, 4-6, 4-7, 5-1, 5-2, 5-3, 5- 4, 5-5, 5-6, 5-7, 5-8, 5-9, 5-10, 5-11, 6-1, 6-2, 6-4, 6- 5, 6-6, 6-7, 6-8, 6-9, 7-1, 7-2, 7-4, 7-4A, 7-5, 7-6, 7- 7, 7-8, 7-9, 7-9A, 7-10, 7-11, 7-12, 7-13, 7-14, 7-15, 7-16, 7-17, 7-18, 7-19, 7-20, 7-20A, 7-21, 7-22, 7-23, 7-24, 7-25, 7-25A, 7-26, 7-26A, 7-27, 7-27A, 7-27B, 7-28, 7-28A, 7-29, 7-30, 7-31, 7-32, 7-33, 7-34, 7-35, 7- 36, 7-36A, 7-37, 7-37A, 7-38, 7-38A, 7-39, 8-1, 8-2, 8- 4, 8-5, 8-6, 8-7, 8-8, 8-9, 8-10, 8-11, 8-12, 8-13, 8-14, 8-15, 8-16, 8-17, 8-18, 8-19, 8-20, 8-21, 8-22, 8-23, 8-24, 8-25, 8-25A, 8-26, 8-26A, 8-27, 8-27A, 8- 28, 8-29, 8-30, 9-1, 9-2, 9-3, 9-3A, 9-3B, 9-4, 9-5, 9- 5A, 9-6A, 9-6B, 9-6C, 9-6D, 9-6E, 9-6F, 9-7, 9-8, 9-8A, 9-8B, 9-9, 9-10, 9-11, 9-12, 9-13, 9-14, 9-15, 9-16, 9-17, 9-18, 9-19, 9-20, 9-21, 9-22, 9-23, 9-24, 9-25, 9-25A, 9-26, 9-26A, 9-27, 9-28, 9-28A, 9-28B, 9-28C, 9-28D, 9-28E, 9-28F, 9-29, 9-29A, 9-30, 9-30A, 9-31, 9-31A, 9-31B, 9-31C, 9-31D, 9-31E, 9-32, 9-33, 9-33A, 9-34, 9-34A, 9-35, 9-35A, 9-36, 9-36A, 9-36B, 9-36C, 9-37, 9-37A, 9-38, 9-38A, 9-38B, 9-39, 9-39A, 9-39B, 9-40, 9-40A, 9-40B, 9-40C, 9-41, 9-41 A, 9-41B, 27a 9-41C, 9-41D, 9-42, 9-42A, 9-42B, 9-42C, 9-42D, 9-42E, 9-43, 9-43A, 9-43B, 9-43C, 9-43D, 9-43E, 9-43F, 9-43G, 9-43H, 9-431, 9-43J, 9-43K, 9-43L, 9-43M, 9-43N, 9-44, 9-44A, 9-44B, 9-4C, 9-44D, 9-44E, 9-44F, 9-44G, 9-44H, 9-441, 9-44J, 9-44K, 9-44L, 9- 44M, 9-44N, 9-440, 9-44P, 9-44Q, 9-45, 9-45A, 10- 3, 10-4, 10-5, 10-6, 10-7, 10-8, 10-9, 10-10, 10-11, 10- 12, 10-13, 10-14, 11-1, 11-2, 11-3, 11-4, 11-5, 11-6, 11- 7, 11-8, 11-9, 11-10, 11-11, 11-12, 11-13, 11-14, 11- 15, 11-16, 11-17, 11-18, 11-19, 12-1, 12-2, 12-3, 12- 5, 12-6, 12-7, 12-8, 12-9, 12-10, 12-11, 12-12, 12- 13, 12-14, 12-15, 12-16, 12-17, 12-18, 12-19, 12-20, 13- 2, 13-3, 13-4, 13-5, 13-6, 13-7, 13-8, 13-9, 13-10, 13- 11, 13-12, 13-13, 13-14, 13-14A, 13-15, 13-16, 14- 5, 14-6, 14-7, 14-12, 14-13, 14-13A, 14-14, 14-15, 14-16, 14-17, 14-18, 14-18A, 14-19, 14-20, 14-21, 14- 22, 14-23, 14-24, 14-24A, 14-25, 14-26, 14-26A, 15- 1, 15-2, 15-3, 15-4, 15-5, 15-6, 15-7, 15-8, 15-9, 15-10, 15-11, 15-11A, 15-12, 15-12A, 15-13, 15-13A, 15-13B, 15-14, 15-14A, 15-14B, 15-14C, 15-14D, 15-14E, 15-14F, 15-14G, 15-15, 15-15A, 15-15B, 15-16, 15-17, 15-17A, 15-17B, 15-18, 15-18A, 15-18B, 15-18C, 15-18D, 15-18E, 5-18F, 15-19, 15-19A, 15- 19B, 15-19C, 16-1, 16-1A, 16-3, 16-4, 16-5, 16-6, 16- 7, 16-8, 16-9, 17-2, 17-3, 17-4, 17-5, 17-6, 17-7, 17- 8, 17-9, 17-10, 17-11, 17-12, 17-13, 17-13A, 17-14, 17-15, and 17-16 of Orleans Parish. DISTRICT 3 District 3 is composed of Precints 13, 14, 15, 16A & 16B, 27A, 27B, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35A, 35B, 36, 37, 40, 41, and 42 of Ascension Parish; Assumption Parish; Iberia Parish; Precinct 1-GI, 1-LA, 1-LB, 2-L, 216, 217, 238, 247, 248, 249, and 250 of Jeffer 28a son Parish; Lafourche Parish; Plaquemines Parish; St. Bernard Parish; St. Charles Parish; St. James Parish; St. John the Baptist Parish; Precincts 1-1, 1-2, 1-3, 1-4, 1-5, 1-6, 1-7, 2-1 & 2-3, 2-2, 2-4, 3-1, 3- 2, 3-3, 3-4, 3-5, 3-6, 3-7, 3-8, 3-9, 4-1, 4-2, 4-3, 4-4, 4- 5, 4-6, 5-1, 5-2, 5-3 & 5-4, 6-1, 6-2, 6-3, 6-4, 7-1, 7-2, 7-3, 7-4, 8-1, 8-2, 8-3, 8-4, 9-1, 9-4, and 9-5 of St. Martin Parish; St. Mary Parish; and Terrebonne Parish. DISTRICT 4 District 4 is composed of Precincts 1-1, 1-3, 1-4. 1-6, 1-7, 2-6-0, 3-1, 4-1, 4-2, 4-3, 5-2, 5-2A*, 5-5, and 5-10 of Allen Parish; Beauregard Parish; Bienville Par ish; Bossier Parish; Caddo Parish; Claiborne Parish; De Soto Parish; Natchitoches Parish; Red River Par ish; Sabine Parish; Vernon Parish; and Webster Parish. DISTRICT 5 District 5 is composed of Avoyelles Parish; Caldwell Parish; Catahoula Parish; Concordia Parish; East Carroll Parish; Precincts 1-2, 1-13-0, 1-13-1, 4-1-2R, 4- 1-3R, 4-1C, 4-2-0, 4-2-1, 4-3, 4-4, 5-1, 5-2-0, 5-2-1, 5- 2-2, 5-3, 5-4C, 5-4R, and 5-5 of Evangeline Parish; Franklin Parish; Grant Parish; Jackson Parish; La Salle Parish; Lincoln Parish; Madison Parish; Morehouse Parish; Ouachita Parish; Rapides Parish; Richland Parish; Tensas Parish; Union Parish; West Carroll Parish; and Will Parish. DISTRICT 6 District 6 is composed of Precincts 1, 2A & B, 3, 4A, 4B, 5A, 5B, 6, 7A, 8A & 8B, 9, 10A & 10B, 11A & 11B, 12, 21A & 21B, 22A, 22B, and 23 of Ascension 29a Parish; East Baton Rouge Parish; East Feliciana Parish; Iberville Parish; Livingston Parish; Pointe Coupee Parish; St. Helena Parish; West Baton Rouge Parish; and West Feliciana Parish. DISTRICT 7 District 7 is composed of Acadia Parish; Precincts 1- 2, 1-5, 2-1, 2-2-C, 2-2-0, 2-3, 2-4-C, 2-4-0, 2-5, 2- 6-C, 3-2, 5-1, 5-3, 5-3A*, 5-4-C, 5-4-0, 5-4-X*, 5-4-Y*, 5-6, 5-7, 5-8, 5-8A*, 5-9, 5-11, 5-12 and 5-13 of Allen Parish; Calcasieu Parish; Cameron Parish; Precincts 1-1, 1-3, 1-4-OR, 1-4-1R, 1-4C, 1-5-0, 1-5-1, 1-6, 1-7, 1-8-0, 1-8-1, 1-8-2, 1-9-OC, 1-9-1C, 1-9-2-C, 1-9-3C, 1-9R, 1-10-0, 1-10-1, 1-11, 1-12, 1-14, 1-15, 1-16, 1-17-OR, 1-17-1R, 1-17C, 1-18-OC, 1-18-1C, 1-18R, 1-19, 2-1, 2-2, 2-3, 2-4, 2-5, 3-1-0, 3-1-1, 3-2-0, 3- 2-1, 3-2-2, 3-3, 3-4, 3-5, 3-6-0, 3-6-1, 3-6-2, 3-7, 3-8, 4- 1-OR, and 4-1-1R of Evangeline Parish; Jefferson Davis Parish; Lafayette Parish; St. Landry Parish; Precincts 9-2, and 9-3 of St. Martin Parish; and Ver milion Parish. The precincts enumerated herein are the precincts existing on April 17, 1994 established by the respec tive parish governing authority and used by the Louisiana Legislature in Act 1 of the Second Extraor dinary Session of 1994. 30a DB: LA SEN 1994 Congressional District Statistics Total Population Total Ideal % District Number Popu Popu District District Name Members lation lation Variance Variance District 1 1 602,842 602,853 -1 1 0.00% District 2 1 602,877 602,853 24 0.00% District 3 1 602,839 602,853 - 1 4 0.00% District 4 1 602,876 602,853 23 0.00% District 5 1 602,933 602,853 80 0.01% District 6 1 602,774 602,853 -7 9 -0.01% District 7 1 602,832 602,853 -2 1 0.00% 602,774 to 602,933 1.0003 - 7 9 to 80 159 -0 .0 1 to 0.01% 0.03% 36.00 0.01% PLANWIDE STATISTICS: Range of populations: Ratio range: Absolute range: Absolute overall range: Relative range: Relative overall range: Absolute mean deviation: Relative mean deviation: D B : L A S E N 1 9 9 4 Congressional District Summary Total Population and 1994 Registered Voters District Name Total Pop. Total White Total Black District 1 602,842 100.00% 515,665 85.54% 72,979 12.11% District 2 602,877 100.00% 215,630 35.77% 365,874 60.69% District 3 602,839 100.00% 443,616 73.59% 142,167 23.58% District 4 602,876 100.00% 397,629 65.96% 195,980 32.51% District 5 602,933 100.00% 410,725 68.12% 187,223 31.05% District 6 602,774 100.00% 402,995 66.86% 191,421 31.76% District 7 602,832 100% 452,878 75.13% 143,637 23.83% Total 4,219,973 100.00% 2,839,138 67.28% 1,299,281 30.79% Total Reg. Vot. Reg. Wh. Total Reg. Blk. 332,945 100.00% 296,205 88.97% 32,354 9.72% 292,713 100.00% 110,239 37.66% 176,552 60.32% 330,048 100.00% 250,432 75.88% 76,915 23.30% u> 299,652 100.00% 214,031 71.43% 82,876 27.66% >—* w 333,182 100.00% 239,419 71.86% 92,379 27.73% 332,407 100.00% 238,560 71.77% 91,507 27.53% 336,429 100.00% 258,583 76.86% 76,329 22.69% 2,257,376 100.00% 1,607,469 71.21% 628,912 27.86% D B : L A S E N 19 9 4 Parish Population by Congressional District Total Population and 1994 Registered Voters Census Total Total Total Total Total Total Unit Pop. White Black Reg. Vot. Reg. Wh. Reg. Blk. District 1 Jefferson Parish 289,679 261,785 16,940 153,838 145,986 5,351 Orleans Parish 39,761 36,804 2,219 26,264 24,516 1,318 St. Tammany Parish 144,508 126,806 15,917 82,209 73,706 7,225 Tangipahoa Parish 85,709 60,601 24,527 45,988 84,015 11,831 Washington Parish 43,185 29,669 13,376 24,646 17,982 6,629 Total District 1 602,842 515,665 72,979 332,945 296,205 32,354 District 2 Jefferson Parish 145,700 78,880 60,365 63,586 86,331 25,897 Orleans Parish 457,177 136,750 305,509 229,127 73,908 150,655 Total District 2 602,877 215,630 365,874 292,713 110,239 176,552 District 3 Ascension Parish 21,079 10,831 10,107 13,202 7,186 5,983 Assumption Parish 22,753 15,273 7,349 13,823 9,411 4,410 Iberia Parish 68,297 46,940 20,154 38,442 27,371 10,951 Jefferson Parish 12,927 10,505 1,737 6,940 6,011 737 Lafourche Parish 85,860 72,371 10,703 43,794 39,464 4,243 Plaquemines Parish 25,575 18,522 5,944 14,589 10,454 3,137 St. Bernard Parish 66,631 62,199 3,111 39,195 37,308 1,754 St. Charles Parish 42,437 31,638 10,253 25,533 19,315 6,184 St. James Parish St. John the Baptist Parish St. Martin Parish St. Mary Parish Terrebonne Parish Total District 3 District 4 Allen Parish Beauregard Parish Bienville Parish Bossier Parish Caddo Parish Claiborne Parish De Soto Parish Natchitoches Parish Red River Parish Sabine Parish Vernon Parish Webster Parish Total District 4 District 5 Avoyelles Parish Caldwell Parish Catahoula Parish Concordia Parish East Carroll Parish Evangeline Parish 20,879 10,484 39,996 25,039 41,337 27,044 68,086 37,688 96,982 75,082 602,839 443,616 7,050 6,049 30,083 25,242 15,979 8,986 86,088 67,030 248,253 146,580 17,405 9,313 25,346 14,003 36,689 22,357 9,387 5,752 22,646 17,939 61,961 45,828 41,989 28,550 602,876 397,629 39,159 28,324 9,810 7,970 11,065 8,136 20,828 13,164 9,709 3,355 6,405 5,776 10,357 13,676 14,419 22,263 13,664 24,405 18,337 30,986 16,032 43,200 142,167 330,048 972 4,794 4,489 16,481 6,949 9,883 17,381 39,519 99,511 123,515 8,041 9,228 11,141 14,403 13,779 20,534 3,589 5,997 3,984 13,586 12,867 20,275 13,277 21,437 195,980 299,652 10,585 23,253 1,760 6,397 2,874 7,573 7,596 12,063 6,291 5,774 613 4,234 7,093 6,567 13,593 8,580 16,495 7,850 21,270 9,508 35,461 7,011 250,432 76,915 4,114 663 14,255 2,125 5,606 4,270 83,037 6,146 81,992 40,524 5,348 3,871 8,429 5,489 13,096 7,146 3,848 2,144 11,310 2,206 17,723 2,135 15,273 6,157 214,031 82,876 17,472 5,729 5,357 1,031 5,738 1,822 7,868 4,184 2,303 3,436 3,858 371 Census Unit Franklin Parish Grant Parish Jackson Parish La Saile Parish Lincoln Parish Madison Parish Morehouse Parish Ouachita Parish Rapides Parish Richland Parish Tensas Parish Union Parish West Carroll Parish Winn Parish Total District 5 District 6 Ascension Parish East Baton Rouge Parish East Feliciana Parish Iberville Parish Livingston Parish Pointe Coupee Parish St. Helena Parish West Baton Rouge Parish West Feliciana Parish Total District 6 Total Total Pop. White 22,387 15,278 17,526 14,860 15,705 11,065 13,662 12,271 41,745 24,620 12,463 4,961 31,938 18,584 142,191 96,870 131,556 92.989 20,629 13,020 7,103 3,292 20,690 14,850 12,093 9,997 16,269 11,343 602,933 410,725 37,135 33,649 380,105 240,614 19,211 10,022 31,049 16,519 70,526 66,269 22,540 13,196 9,874 4,725 19,419 12,329 12,915 5,672 602,774 402,995 Total Total Black Reg. Vot. 7,040 13,240 2,540 10,566 4,589 9,297 1,257 10,185 16,590 20,477 7,415 7,834 13,263 17,008 44,096 70,344 36,805 68,931 7,539 11,586 3,785 4,503 5,767 12,816 2,020 6,808 4,798 10,844 187,223 333,182 3,161 21,626 132,328 199,491 9,083 10,844 14,385 20,020 3,920 40,589 9,275 14,550 5,127 7,834 6,993 11,645 7,149 5,808 191,421 332,407 Total Total Reg. Wh. Reg. Blk. 9,682 3,549 9,015 1,523 6,663 2,620 8,748 1,324 12,814 7,450 3,597 4,207 10,816 6,178 51,233 18,890 51,287 17,105 7,835 3,726 2,217 2,283 9,449 3,347 5,809 986 6,129 3,804 239,419 92,379 20,151 1,402 139,379 58,868 6,129 1,804 10,953 9,058 38,303 2,232 8,899 5,644 3,831 3,996 7,473 4,154 3,442 2,349 238,560 91,507 Bi District 7 Acadia Parish Allen Parish Calcasieu Parish Cameron Parish Evangeline Parish Jefferson Davis Parish Lafayette Parish St. Landry Parish St. Martin Parish Vermilion Parish Total District 7 55,882 45,532 14,176 10,259 168,134 128,181 9,260 8,685 26,869 18,629 30,722 24,721 164,762 125,340 80,331 47,532 2,641 1,762 50,055 42,237 602,832 452,878 10,179 32,718 3,524 8,177 88,445 84,484 503 6,125 8,088 17,546 5,836 17,704 36,846 89,268 32,392 48,634 868 1,498 6,956 30,285 143,637 336,429 26,875 5,817 6,126 1,896 66,510 17,423 5,776 342 12,336 5,193 14,562 3,116 70,268 18,467 28,873 19,638 1,021 474 26,236 3,963 258,583 76,829 u> Os to 37a [F IL E D - Ju ly 29 , 1993] IN T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S D IS T R IC T C O U R T F O R T H E W E S T E R N D IS T R IC T O F L O U IS IA N A S H R E V E P O R T D IV IS IO N H A Y S , E T A L . V S C IV IL A C T IO N N O . 9 2 -1 5 2 2 S T A T E O F L O U IS IA N A , E T A L . O R D E R APPENDIX D P e tit io n e r s B e m a d in e St. Cyr, e t a l.’s Ju ly 27 , 1993 M o tio n to In ter v en e is D E N I E D . T h ey m ay a p p ea r as am ici for b r iefin g p u rp o ses only. T h is m a tter is se t for an E v id en tiary h earin g o n th e 19th d ay o f A u g u st, 1993 at 2 :00 P .M . in th e U n ite d S ta te s D istr ic t C ou rt in S h revep ort, L o u isia n a , lim ited to an op p o rtu n ity for th e P a rtie s to sh ow w h e th e r th e ex istin g p lan w as "narrowly ta ilo red to fu rth er a c o m p e llin g g o v ern m en ta l interest." T H U S D O N E A N D S IG N E D , in S h revep ort, L o u is ia n a th is 2 9 th day o f July, 1993. D o n a ld E . W a lter /si D O N A L D E . W A L T E R U N I T E D S T A T E S D IS T R IC T J U D G E 38a APPENDIX E R ay H A Y S , e t a l., P la in t if fs -A p p e lle e s , v . S T A T E O F L O U IS IA N A , e t al., D e fe n d a n ts -A p p e lle e s , v. B e m a d in e ST . C Y R , e t a l., M o v a n ts-A p p e lla n ts . N o . 9 3 -5 1 9 2 . U n ite d S ta te s C ou rt o f A p p ea ls , F ifth C ircuit. A p ril 20 , 1994. R e h e a r in g D e n ie d M ay 17, 1994 . B e fo r e P O L IT Z , C h ie f Ju d ge , K IN G an d D A V I S , C ircuit Ju d ges. P O L IT Z , C h ie f Judge: B e m a d in e St. Cyr and o th ers ("St. Cyr") a p p e a l th e d en ia l by a th re e - ju d g e d istrict cou rt o f th e ir a ttem p t to in terv e n e in l i t ig a t io n c h a lle n g in g th e L o u is ia n a L e g is la tu r e ’s co n g re ss io n a l red istr ic tin g p lan . L ack in g ju risd ic tion w e d ism iss th e ap p ea l. B A C K G R O U N D T h e p la in tiffs c h a lle n g e d th e leg is la tiv e red istr ic tin g p lan for a lleg ed ly em p lo y in g racial gerrym an d erin g in 39a v io la tio n o f th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t an d th eir fifth and fo u r teen th a m e n d m e n t rights to eq u a l p ro te c tio n . A th ree-ju d g e d istrict cou rt w as co n v e n e d u n d er 2 8 U .S .C . s 2284 . A trial w as h e ld in A u g u st 1992 an d th e cou rt d en ie d th e co n stitu tio n a l c la im s an d p rayer for an in jun ction . T h e cou rt re ta in e d ju risd ic tion o v er th e ca se , h ow ever , co n tin u in g to co n s id e r p la in tiffs ’ c la im s u n d er th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t. In J u n e 1993 th e S u p rem e C ou rt ren d ered its d ec is io n in Shaw v. Reno,1 h o ld in g th at co n stitu tio n a l eq u a l p ro te c tio n c la im s ap ply to ap p o rtio n m en t sch em es. T h e fo llo w in g m o n th St. Cyr f iled a m o tio n to in terv en e . In a sin g le -ju d g e o rd er th e cou rt prom p tly d en ie d th at m o tio n but sch ed u le d an ev id en tiary h earin g in w h ich St. Cyr and o th e r in te r e ste d p arties w ere in v ited to p artic ip a te as amici. St. Cyr a p p e a le d th e d istrict co u rt’s d en ia l o f in terv en tio n to th is cou rt. S u b seq u en t to th at a p p ea l th e d istrict cou rt d e c la r e d th e L o u is ia n a a p p o r t io n m e n t s c h e m e u n co n stitu tio n a l an d en jo in ed fu tu re e le c tio n s th ereu n d er . T h e S ta te o f L o u isia n a n o tic e d its a p p ea l o f th a t d ec is io n to th e S u p rem e C ou rt.2 A N A L Y S IS St. Cyr co m p la in s th at th e th ree-ju d ge d istrict cou rt im p rop erly d en ie d h er m o tio n to in terv en e . B e fo r e a d d ressin g th e m erits o f h er ap p ea l w e m u st first d ete rm in e w h e th e r w e h a v e a p p e lla te ju risd iction in th is m atter . W e n o w co n fro n t th e con u n d ru m p rev iou sly h yp oth esized : a c a se w h ich is "fragm ented or sp lit in to p ie c e s for p u rp o ses o f appeal," w ith th e "order gran tin g th e in jun ction ... b efin g] a p p e a le d d irectly to th e S u p rem e Court" w h ile re la ted 1 — U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993). 2 See 28 U.S.C. s 1253. 40a n o n -in ju n ctio n issu es are a p p e a le d to u s.3 W e c o n c lu d e th a t w e m ay n o t ex e rc ise ju r isd ic tion o v e r S t. C yr’s a p p e a l. S t. C yr u n d erstan d ab ly a rg u es th e g en er a l ru le th at u n d er 2 8 U .S .C . s 1253 th is cou rt is th e a p p ro p r ia te foru m fo r th e a p p ea l o f a th re e -ju d g e d istrict cou rt d en ia l o f an in terv e n tio n .4 S h e p ersu asive ly argu es th a t th e S u p rem e C ou rt w ill n o t a cc ep t a d irect a p p e a l a b sen t a fin a l ju d g m en t o n th e in ju n ctive r e lie f by th e th ree-ju d g e co u rt.5 T h e c a se s c ite d , h o w ev er , d iffer fac tu a lly an d leg a lly from th e c a se at bar.6 3 Jagnandan v. Giles, 538 F.2d 1166, 1171 (5th Cir.1976), cert, denied, 432 U.S. 910, 97 S.Ct. 2959, 53 L.Ed.2d 1083 (1977). *See U nited States v. Louisiana, 543 F.2d 1125 (5th Cir.1976) (citing M TM , Inc. v. Baxley, 420 U.S. 799, 95 S.Ct. 1278, 43 L.Ed.2d 636 (1975)). While the court of appeals is generally the proper forum for appealing a denial of intervention, we have not considered a possible exhaustion of remedies prerequisite. Section 2284(b)(3) provides that single-judge orders may be reviewed by the full three-judge district court panel. St. Cyr did not avail herself of this option. We have imposed exhaustion requirements where the body whose decision we are reviewing has a pre-appeal mechanism through which it might "correct its own errors." Cf. Parisi v. D avidson, 405 U.S. 34, 37, 92 S.Ct. 815, 818, 31 L.Ed.2d 17 (1972). Whether the opportunity to appeal the single- judge order to the three-judge district court creates a responsibility to do so before appealing to this court is an open question. Given our conclusion on jurisdiction, however, we do not reach this issue. 5The Supreme Court has narrowly construed its ability to take direct appeals under section 1253. M TM ; G onzalez v. A u tom atic E m ployees Credit Union, 419 U.S. 90, 95 S.Ct. 289, 42 L.Ed.2d 249 (1974). 6E.g., Jagnandan, 538 F.2d at 1171 ("The absence of an appeal from the injunctive relief eliminates that hypothetical [of simultaneous appeals in separate courts] from surfacing here."). 41a W e are aw are o f n o "G oose"7 c a se by th e S u p rem e C ou rt d isp o sin g o f th is issu e . W e are a id ed , h o w ev er , by a d ec is io n o f ou r c o lle a g u e s in th e E igh th C ircu it8 w h o d ec lin e d to act o n an a p p e a le d d en ia l o f in terv en tio n w h ere th e m er its o f a th ree-ju d g e cou rt ru ling w as o n a p p e a l to th e S u p rem e C ou rt. T h e factu a l situ a tio n at b ar is th e sam e; on ly th e tim in g o f th e n o tic e s o f a p p ea l d iffer . W e c o n c lu d e th at o n c e th er e h as b e e n a tim e ly and a p p rop r ia te a p p ea l to th e S u p rem e C ou rt o f a th ree-ju d g e co u rt’s ru ling o n th e m erits, n e ith e r 28 U .S .C . s 1253 n o r th e S u p rem e C o u rt’s narrow in g g lo ss su ggest th at th e S u p rem e C ou rt restra in from a lso con sid er in g in ter locu tory ord ers p rop erly a p p e a le d . W e u n d erstan d th e S u p rem e C ou rt as in d ica tin g th a t w h en p rese n ted as a part o f th e a p p ea l o f th e ju d g m en t o n th e m erits by th e th ree-ju d g e cou rt it w ill co n s id e r o th e r ru lings an d ord ers o f th e trial cou rt. 9 W e are p ersu a d ed th at w e h ave n o ju r isd ic tion o f a m a tter 7The terminology for a commanding precedent, factually on all fours, varies, being referred to as a "Goose" case in Louisiana, a "Spotted Horse" or "Spotted Dog" case in Alabama, a "Cow” case in Kansas, and a "White Horse" or "White Pony" case in Texas. Jefferson v. Ysleta Independent School D ist., 817 F.2d 303, 305 n. 1 (5th Cir.1987). B en so n v. Beens, 456 F.2d 244 (8th Cir.1972). 9See M itchell v. D onovan, 398 U.S. 427, 90 S.Ct. 1763, 26 L.Ed.2d 378 (1970) (a direct appeal which includes "only a declaratory judgment" is unreviewable) (emphasis added); Rockefeller v. Catholic M edical Center o f Brooklyn &. Queens, Inc., 397 U.S. 820, 90 S.Ct. 1517, 25 L.Ed.2d 806 (1970) ("The judgment appealed from does not include an order granting or denying an interlocutory or permanent injunction and is therefore not appealable to this Court under 28 U.S.C. s 1253.") (emphasis added). The Supreme Court’s language strongly implies that it would accept an appeal of some matter by itself normally unreviewable on direct appeal if that appeal is included in an appeal from an injunctive order. 42a p rop erly o n a p p ea l b e fo r e th e S u p rem e C o u rt.10 W h en th e in stan t a p p ea l w a s n o tic e d th e th ree-ju d g e co u rt h ad n o t issu ed its final ju d g m en t o n th e m erits. B u t b e fo r e th is cou rt co u ld a d d ress th e a p p e a l w h ich , w h en n o tic e d , v ery lik e ly w a s p rop erly b e fo r e u s, th e trial cou rt ru led o n th e m erits an d an a p p ea l w a s lo d g e d th e r e o n w ith th e S u p rem e C ou rt. W ith th a t lo d g in g o u r a p p e lla te ju r isd ic tion w a s im p acted . W er e w e to ru le o th er w ise ou r d e c is io n o n th e m erits o f th e in terv en tio n o rd er co u ld cast a sh a d o w o r im p in ge u p o n th e S u p rem e C o u rt’s fu n ction in g . A s a lo w er fed era l cou rt w e h a v e n e ith e r th e au th o rity n or in c lin a tio n to d o so . W e c o n c lu d e th a t w e lack a p p e lla te ju r isd ic tio n o v er th e a p p ea l o f th e d en ia l o f in terv en tio n to th e a p p e lla n ts h ere in an d , accord in gly , th e ir a p p ea l is D IS M IS S E D . 1028 U.S.C. s 1291 ("The courts of appeals ... shall have jurisdiction of appeals from all final decisions of the district courts ... except where a direct review may be had in the Supreme Court."). 43a [F iled D e c e m b e r 28 , 1993] R a y H A Y S , e t a l., P la in tiffs , APPENDIX F v. S T A T E O F L O U IS IA N A , e t a l., D e fe n d a n ts . N o . 9 2 -C V -1 5 2 2 . U n ite d S ta te s D istr ic t C ourt, W .D . L ou isian a , S h revep ort D iv is io n . B e fo r e W IE N E R , C ircuit Ju d ge , S H A W , C h ie f D istr ic t Ju d ge , an d W A L T E R , D istr ic t Ju d ge . M E M O R A N D U M O P IN IO N W IE N E R , C ircuit Judge: P la in tiffs R a y H ays, e t al. (P la in tiffs ) c h a lle n g e th e co n g ress io n a l red istr ic tin g p lan (th e P la n ) a d o p te d by th e L o u is ia n a S ta te L eg isla tu re (th e L eg is la tu re) w h en , fo llo w in g th e 1990 cen su s, it en a c te d A c t 42 o f 1992 (A c t 4 2 ) .1 In its ‘A technical distinction can be drawn between the terms "apportionment" and "reapportionment," on the one hand, and "districting" and "redistricting" on the other: apportionm ent and reapportionm ent involve the allocation [by Congress] of a finite number of representatives among a fixed number of pre-established areas. D istricting and redistricting ... refer to the process by which the lines separating 44a p resen t p o stu re , th is c a se co n sid e rs th e co n stitu tio n a lity o f th e P lan , a d m itted ly d es ig n e d inter alia t o in c rea se th e n u m b er o f b lack rep r esen ta tiv e s in L o u is ia n a ’s co n g re ss io n a l d e le g a tio n from o n e ou t o f e ig h t to tw o o u t o f se v e n . T h e P la in tiffs insist th at th e P lan a cc o m p lish es th is resu lt by em p lo y in g im p erm issib le racial gerrym an d erin g to c r e a te a n ew m ajority-b lack v o tin g d istrict, th ereb y v io la tin g th e E q u a l P ro te c t io n C la u se o f th e U n ite d S ta te s C o n stitu tio n . In s im p lest form , th is c a se p o se s th e q u e stio n , " D o es a s ta te h a v e th e right to c r e a te a racial m ajority -m in ority c o n g re ss io n a l d istrict by racial gerrym andering?" In s im p lest form , th e an sw er--largely su p p lied by th e U n ite d S ta te s S u p rem e C o u rt’s o p in io n in Shaw v. Reno* 2, r e n d er ed durin g th e p e n d e n c y o f th is c a s e ~ is "Y es, but o n ly i f th e s ta te d o e s it right.” F in d in g th at th e P lan in g en era l an d L o u is ia n a ’s C o n g ress io n a l D istr ic t 4 in p articu lar are p rod u cts o f racial g e n y m a n d e r in g an d are not narrow ly ta ilo re d to fu rth er any c o m p e llin g g o v ern m en ta l in terest, w e c o n c lu d e th a t th e L eg is la tu re d id n o t "do it right." W e h o ld , th e r e fo r e , th at P la in t if fs ’ right to eq u a l p ro te c tio n as g u a ra n tee d by th e U n ite d S ta te s C o n stitu tio n is v io la te d by th e P lan . C o n seq u e n tly , w e d ec la re A c t 4 2 o f 1992 to b e u n c o n stitu tio n a l an d th e red istr ic tin g p lan e m b o d ie d th er e in to b e null an d void ; en jo in th e S ta te o f L o u is ia n a from h o ld in g any fu tu re co n g ress io n a l e le c t io n s b a sed o n th e P lan; an d , a lth o u g h w e d o n o t in v a lid a te th e 1992 co n g re ss io n a l legislative districts are drawn [by states]. See M ajor v. Treen, 574 F.Supp. 325, 328 (E.D.La.1983) (quoting Backstrom et al., Issues in Gerrymandering: A n Exploratory M easure o f Partisan Gerrym andering A pp lied to M innesota, 62 Minn.L.Rev. 1121, 1121 n. 1 (1978). For simplicity, however, we use both terms interchangeably. 2Shaw v. R eno, 508 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993). 45a e le c tio n s h e ld th ereu n d er , h o ld th at th e term o f o ff ic e o f each m e m b er o f th e U n ite d S ta te s H o u se o f R e p r e se n ta tiv e s from L o u is ia n a w h o rep resen ts a d istrict cr e a te d u n d er th e P lan sh a ll exp ire , ipso facto, at n o o n o n th e 3rd day o f January, 199 5 ,3 such term s o f o ff ic e n o t to b e e x te n d e d or carried o v e r in to th e n ext C o n g ress in any m a n n er w h a tso ev er . I S T A T E M E N T O F T H E C A S E T h e P lan co m p r ises five m ajority-w h ite d istricts (D istr ic ts 1, 3 , 5 , 6 & 7 ) an d tw o m ajority-b lack d istricts (D istr ic ts 2 an d 4 ) .4 D istr ic t 2 h as a m in ority v o tin g a ge p o p u la tio n o f 56% , w h ile D istr ic t 4 h as a m in ority v o tin g a ge p o p u la tio n o f 63% . N e w D istr ic t 2 co v ers e sse n tia lly th e sa m e g eo g ra p h ic a rea as d id o ld D istr ic t 2 in th e p rev iou s plan: a lm o st th e en tire p o p u la tio n o f O rlea n s P arish and rou gh ly o n e-th ird o f th e p o p u la tio n o f J e ffer so n P arish . D istr ic t 2 is n o t ch a llen g ed in th e in stan t law su it, n or e lse w h e r e to o u r k n o w led g e . R a th er , D istr ic t 4 , a p p earin g fo r th e first t im e in A c t 42 , is th e prim ary fo cu s o f th is co n stitu tio n a l ch a llen g e . S h ortly a fter th e en a c tm en t o f A c t 4 2 , th e P la in tiffs f iled th is su it see k in g to h ave 1) th e P lan d ec la red u nlaw ful, 2 ) th e D e fe n d a n ts en jo in ed from u sin g th e P lan in th e im p en d in g co n g ress io n a l e le c tio n s , 3 ) th e L eg isla tu re o rd ered to cr e a te a n ew p lan that w ou ld n ot seg r eg a te sta te resid en ts in to v o tin g d istricts o n th e b asis o f race, an d 4 ) th e D e fe n d a n ts p relim in arily en jo in ed "from tak in g any a ctio n in p rep a ra tio n for th e prim ary or g en era l e le c t io n s fo r th e U .S . H o u se o f R ep resen ta tives...." In th e ir co m p la in t th e P la in tiffs—w h o are b lack , w h ite , an d A sia n resid en ts o f e ith er * * 3See U.S. Const, amend. XX, s 1. *See Table, Appendix A 46a D istr ic t 4 o r D istr ic t 5 — a lle g e th at th e P la n v io la te s S e c t io n 3 o f th e L o u is ia n a S ta te C o n stitu tio n , S e c t io n 2 o f th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t, an d th e F ifth , F o u r te e n th a n d F ifte e n th A m e n d m e n ts o f th e U n ite d S ta te s C o n stitu tio n . A s req u ired by th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t, th e c h ie f ju d g e o f th e U n ite d S ta te s C ou rt o f A p p e a ls fo r th e F ifth Ju d icia l C ircu it a p p o in ted th e in stant p a n e l to h ea r th is ca se . It w a s tr ied on A u g u st 2 6 an d 27 , 1992 (th e T r ia l). A t th e co n c lu s io n o f th e T ria l, w e issu ed an in ter lo cu to ry M e m o ra n d u m R u lin g an d O rd er ( th e 1992 O rd er ) in w h ich w e d e n ie d P la in tiffs ’ req u est fo r an in ju n ction , a llo w e d th e 1992 C o n g ress io n a l e le c t io n s to g o forw ard u n d er th e P lan , re fu sed to c o n s id e r P la in tiffs ’ s ta te an d fe d e ra l co n stitu tio n a l c la im s, an d to o k P la in tiffs ’ V o tin g R ig h ts A c t c la im s u n d er a d v ise m en t. W e a lso r e q u ested p ost-tr ia l b r ie fin g o n th e q u e stio n w h e th e r th e P lan d ilu te s th e v o tin g stren g th o f e ith e r b lack s o r w h ite s in co n tr a v en tio n o f th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t. B e in g aw are o f an esse n tia lly id en tica l c a se orig in a tin g in N o r th C aro lin a -- n o w k n ow n as Shaw v. Reno—w hich h ad p rogressed fu rth er th an h ad th e in stan t c a se , w e h e ld th is o n e u n d er su b m ission u ntil th e resu lts o f Shaw b e c a m e k n ow n . O n J u n e 2 9 ,1 9 9 3 , th e S u p rem e C ou rt ren d ered its d ec is io n in Shaw, p ro fou n d ly a ffe c tin g th is c a se an d sim ilar o n e s p en d in g in o th e r sta te s . W e re q u e ste d th e p a rties an d in v ited am ici cu riae to file su p p lem e n ta l b riefs, gen era lly d iscu ssin g th e im p lica tio n s o f Shaw an d sp ec ifica lly a d d ressin g w h e th e r —in th e term in o lo g y o f Shaw—th e P lan w a s "narrowly ta ilo re d to fu rther a c o m p e llin g g o v er n m en t in terest." In A u g u st 1993 , w e h e ld tw o a d d itio n a l d ays o f trial ( th e E v id en tiary H ea r in g ) to assist us in d ete rm in in g w h e th e r th e P lan is in fact th e p rod u ct o f racial gerrym an d erin g , an d , i f so , w h e th e r it sh o u ld n o n e th e le s s b e su sta in e d b e c a u se it is narrow ly ta ilo re d to fu rth er a c o m p e llin g s ta te in terest. 47a II P R E L IM IN A R Y L E G A L M A T T E R S A . Standing E arly in th is c a se D e fe n d a n ts su g g ested th a t th e w h ite P la in tiffs in trin sica lly lack sta n d in g to ch a lle n g e th e P lan . T h e D e fe n d a n ts ev id en tly b e lie v e th at o n ly h istorica lly d isa d v a n ta g ed m in o r ities h ave stan d in g to a ttack sta te law s th a t se g r e g a te c itiz en s o n th e b asis o f race. B u t th a t is n ot th e ca se . In Shaw, th e S u p rem e C ou rt rea ffirm ed th e im p ortan t p r in c ip le "that eq u a l p ro te c tio n an a lysis is n o t d e p en d a n t o n th e race o f th o se b e n e fite d o r b u r d e n e d by a p articu lar c lassification ."5 "The g u a ra n tee s o f th e F o u r te e n th A m e n d m e n t ex ten d to all p erson s. Its la n gu age is exp licit: ’N o sta te shall ... d en y to any person w ith in its ju risd ic tion th e eq u a l p ro te c tio n o f th e law s.’ T h e g u a ra n tee o f eq u a l p ro te c tio n ca n n o t m ea n o n e th in g w h en a p p lied to o n e ind iv idu al an d so m e th in g e ls e w h en a p p lied to a p erson o f a n o th e r co lo r . I f b o th are n o t a cco rd ed th e sa m e p ro te c tio n , th e n it is n o t equal."6 W h ite c itiz en s th u s c lear ly h a v e sta n d in g to ch a llen g e red istr ic tin g p lan s u n d er th e E q u a l P ro te c t io n C la u se o f th e F o u rte en th A m e n d m e n t, just as d o b lack c itizen s, H isp a n ic c itizen s, A s ia n c itizen s, N a tiv e 5Id. 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2829, 125 L.Ed.2d at 531 (citing R ichm ond v. J A . Croson C o., 488 U.S. 469, 494, 109 S.Ct. 706, 722, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989) (internal quotations omitted). 6Regents o f the Univ. o f CaL v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 290-91, 98 S.Ct. 2733, 2748, 57 L.Ed.2d 750 (1978). Indeed, laws that entail overt racial classifications are subject to strict scrutiny, even when they burden or benefit different races equally. See, e.g., Powers v. O hio, 499 U.S. 400, 111 S.Ct. 1364,113 L.Ed.2d 411 (1991). "[Rjacial classifications do not become legitimate on the assumption that all persons suffer them in equal degree." Powers, 499 U.S. at 410, 111 S.Ct. at 1370, 113 L.Ed.2d at 425. 48a A m e r ic a n c itiz en s, an d c itiz en s o f an y o th e r race . W e reject o u t o f h an d th e im p lica tio n th a t, a lth o u g h a ll are eq u a l u n d er th e law , "som e ... are m o r e eq u a l th an others."7 B . Survival o f Plaintiffs’ Equal Protection Claim T h e D e fe n d a n ts a ssert th a t th e P la in t if fs ’ eq u a l p r o te c tio n c la im d o e s n o t c o n fo r m to th e stru ctu re o f th e a rg u m en t a p p ro v ed by th e C ou rt in Shaw an d , co n seq u en tly , th a t th e P la in tiffs fa il to s ta te an eq u a l p r o te c tio n c la im u n d er Shaw. T h e D e fe n d a n ts a lso argu e th a t o u r 1992 O rd er, in w h ich w e d e n ie d P la in tiffs ’ s ta te an d fe d e ra l co n stitu tio n a l c la im s, e ffe c tiv e ly d isp o sed o f th e P la in t if fs ’ E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se c la im w ith finality; an d th a t w e th e r e fo r e m ay o n ly c o n sid e r th e P la in tiffs ’ c la im th a t th e P lan v io la te s th e V o tin g R ig h ts A c t. W e d isa g ree w ith b o th o f th e se a sser tio n s. A lth o u g h Shaw h ad n o t y e t b e e n d e c id e d at th e tim e th e P la in tiffs in itia ted th e in stant su it, th e a lle g a tio n s in th e P la in tiffs ’ c o m p la in t are c lear ly su ffic ien t to m a k e o u t a co g n iza b le c la im o f racial gerrym an d erin g u n d er Shaw. T h e n arrow h o ld in g o f Shaw is th at a c itiz en s ta te s a c la im u n d er th e E q u a l P r o tec tio n C la u se by a lleg in g th a t th e rea p p o rtio n m e n t sc h e m e a d o p te d by h is s ta te is so irrational o n its fa c e , s o b izarrely sh a p ed an d co n v o lu te d , "that it ca n o n ly b e u n d er sto o d as an e ffo rt to se g r e g a te v o te r s in to sep a ra te v o tin g d istricts b e c a u se o f th e ir race...."8 T h e r e is n o q u e stio n th a t th e P la in tiffs m a k e su ch a lle g a tio n s in th e ir co m p la in t. F o r ex a m p le , th e P la in tiffs a lle g e th a t "[t]he a d o p tio n 7George Orwell, Animal Farm 123 (Penguin Books 1972) (1946). sShaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d at 536 (indicating that irregular shapes may imply impermissible racial gerrymandering). See also id . a t .............~, 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27, 528-29. 49a o f A c t 4 2 ... h as re su lted in th e cr ea tio n o f at lea st tw o o f sev en d istricts w h ich are d ev o id o f any c o m m o n a lity o f in terest ... g eo g ra p h ica l co m p a c tn ess , c o n tig u o u sn e ss [sic], co n sisten cy w ith ex istin g p o litica l, so c ie ta l, g o v ern m en ta l or e c o n o m ic d istricts o r ju risd iction a l b o u n d a ries , o th e r th an th e racial d es ig n a tio n o f th e m ajority therein." S im ilarly, th e p la in tiffs a lle g e th a t "Act 4 2 cr e a te d tw o a m o rp h o u s d istricts w h ich em b o d y a sch em e fo r seg r eg a tio n o f v o te r s by race in o rd er to m e e t a racial q u o ta for r e p r esen ta tio n o f th e S ta te o f L o u is ia n a in th e U n ite d S ta te s H o u s e o f R ep resen ta tives." A n d aga in , P la in tiffs a lle g e th a t "[t]he d e fe n d a n ts en a c te d an d in ten d to im p lem en t A c t 42 w ith th e in ten t to c r e a te a C o n g ress io n a l P la n co n ce n tra tin g v o te rs o f a p articu lar race in d es ig n a ted districts...." W e find th at th e se s ta te m e n ts clear ly a m o u n t to a lleg a tio n s th at th e S ta te o f L o u is ia n a "ad op ted a rea p p o rtio n m en t sch em e so irrational o n its fa ce th at it ca n b e u n d er sto o d on ly as an e ffo rt to seg r eg a te v o te r s in to sep a ra te v o tin g d istricts b e c a u se o f th e ir race."9 W e c o n c lu d e th at th e P la in tiffs h a v e sta te d an E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se c la im essen tia lly id en tica l to th e c la im a lle g e d by th e p la in tiffs in Shaw. M o r eo v er , ou r 1992 O rd er, d en y in g P la in tiffs ’ s ta te an d fe d e ra l co n stitu tio n c la im s, w o rk ed a te m p o r a iy d ism issa l o f P la in tiffs ’ eq u a l p ro te c tio n c la im , n o t a final o n e . It w a s c lear ly an in te r lo c u to iy ruling. In an o rd er d a ted Ju n e 2 9 , 1993 (1 9 9 3 O rd er) w e re q u e ste d su p p lem en ta l b r ie fin g to clarify th e r e le v a n c e o f Shaw t o th e in stan t c a se an d to ap p ea r at th e E v id en tiary H ea r in g to e lu c id a te w h e th e r th e P lan w a s "narrowly ta ilo re d to fu rth er a c o m p e llin g g o v ern m en t interest," as req u ired by th e C ou rt in Shaw. O f n ece ss ity ou r 1993 O rd er m o d ified ou r 1992 O rd er an d reactiva ted th e P la in tiffs ’ eq u a l p r o te c tio n c la im in light o f Shaw. A s su ch a resu sc ita tio n is sp ecifica lly c o n te m p la te d an d au th o r ized by R u le 5 4 (b ) o f 9Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d at 536. 50a th e F e d e r a l R u le s o f C ivil P r o c e d u r e ,10 th e P la in t if fs ’ eq u a l p r o te c tio n c la im p ersists an d d em a n d s a d ju d ica tio n b y th is cou rt. I l l F I N D I N G S O F F A C T A N D C O N C L U S IO N S O F L A W A s th e fin d in gs o f fact an d co n c lu s io n s o f law in th is c a se are in extricab ly in tertw in ed , w e d o n o t p rese n t th e m in sep a ra te se c tio n s . S u ch sep a ra te p r e se n ta tio n w o u ld in crea se th e len g th an d red u n d an cy o f o u r d iscu ssio n . R a th er , o u r la n g u a g e w ill in d ica te w h e th e r w e fin d a p articu lar o b serv a tio n to b e a fin d in g o f fac t o r a co n c lu s io n o f law . T o th e ex ten t th at a fin d in g o f fact is a lso a co n c lu s io n o f law , w e a d o p t it a s b o th a fin d in g o f fac t an d a co n c lu s io n o f law . T o th e ex ten t th a t a co n c lu s io n o f law is a lso a fin d in g o f fact, w e a lso em b r a ce it a s b o th a co n c lu s io n o f law an d a fin d in g o f fact. A . Racial Gerrymandering: General P la in tiffs a lle g e th a t th e P lan is a p rod u ct o f racial gerrym an d erin g . C o n seq u e n tly , a s n o te d a b o v e , th is c a se fa lls sq u arely w ith in th e am b it o f Shaw v. Reno. In Shaw, th e C ou rt h e ld th at p la in tiffs s ta te a ju stic ia b le c la im u n d er th e E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se by a lleg in g th at a red istr ic tin g sc h e m e is "so irrational o n its fa c e th at it ca n b e u n d er sto o d o n ly as an e ffo r t to se g r e g a te v o te r s in to sep a ra te v o tin g 10Rule 54(b) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure reads in pertinent part: "[A]ny order or other form of decision, however designated, which adjudicates fewer than all the claims ... shall not terminate the action as to any of the claims ... and the order ... is subject to revision at any time before the entry of judgment adjudicating all the claims ..." Fed.R.Civ.P. 54(b). 51a districts b e c a u se o f th e ir race.... u " A s Shaw w a s an a p p ea l o f th e d istrict c o u r t’s d ism issa l o f th e p la in tiffs ’ c a se for fa ilu re to s ta te a c la im , h o w ev er , th e C ou rt d id n o t h a v e to reso lv e th a t cla im ; it h ad o n ly to r e co g n iz e it. T h u s, th e road m ap sk e tc h e d by th e C o u r t - a s h e lp fu l as it i s - le a v e s so m e q u e stio n s to b e an sw ered in c a se s such as th is. 1. Racial Gerrymandering Defined A leg is la tu re cr e a te s a rac ia lly -gerrym and ered d istr ictin g p lan w h en it intentionally draw s o n e o r m o re d istricts a lo n g racial l in e s o r o th erw ise in ten tio n a lly se g r e g a te s c itiz en s in to v o tin g d istricts b a sed o n th eir ra ce .12 T h u s, "racial gerrym andering" re fers to th e intentional, n o t th e acc id en ta l, seg r eg a tio n o f v o te r s o n th e b a sis o f ra c e .13 nShaw v. R eno, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d. at 536. nSee, e.g., Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 66-67, 84 S.Ct. 603, 610-11,11 L.Ed.2d 512 (1964) (in which the Court examined whether the plaintiffs had sustained their burden of proving "that the New York legislature was either motivated by racial considerations or in fact drew districts on racial lines"). See also Shaw, 508 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (in which "racially gerrymandering" and "intentional segregation of voters into separate voting districts" are used interchangeably throughout). I3For example, if a legislature devises a redistricting plan that separates river districts from mountain districts, and more blacks happen to live along the rivers, and more whites happen to live in the mountains, then the plan is not a product of racial gerrymandering, even though it entails some coincidental segregation. In short, de fa c to or accidental segregation is not constitutionally suspect, but state-sponsored intentional segregation is, irrespective of the legislature’s underlying motives. 52a 2 . Racially Gerrymandered Plans are Subject to Strict Scrutiny T h e b ed ro ck p rin c ip le u n d erly in g th e C o u rt’s d e c is io n in Shaw is th a t racially gerrym an d ered red istr ic tin g p la n s are su b ject to th e sa m e strict scrutin y th a t a p p lie s to o th e r sta te le g is la tio n c la ssify in g c it iz e n s o n th e b a sis o f ra c e .14 A s su ch , racia lly gerrym an d ered p la n s v io la te th e E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se o f th e F o u r te e n th A m e n d m e n t u n le ss th ey are n arrow ly ta ilo re d to fu rth er a c o m p e llin g g o v er n m en ta l in te r e st.15 S uch p lan s re ce iv e "careful scrutin y u n d er th e E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se regard less o f th e m o tiv a tio n s u n d erly in g th e ir ad op tion ." 16 T h is in te n se scrutin y is ju stified by th e "Shaw v. R eno, 508 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511; accord City o f M obile v. B olden, 446 U.S. 55, 67,100 S.Ct. 1490,1499, 64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980) (indicating that claims of racial discrimination in the reapportionment context are resolved in the same way as other claims of racial discrimination); Washington v. D avis, 426 U.S. 229, 240, % S.Ct. 2040, 2047, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976) (referring to Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. at 58, 84 S.Ct. at 606, and pointing out that every member of the Court believed that plaintiffs stated a claim by alleging that "boundaries were purposefully drawn on racial lines"). In its supplemental brief to this court, the United States (which entered this case as amicus curiae) agrees that racially gerrymandered redistricting plans must be strictly scrutinized. 15See Shaw, 508 U.S. at — 113 S.Ct. at 2826,125 L.Ed.2d at 528. i6Id . at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 527. Thus, even if benign or benevolent motives underlie a legislature’s decision to racially gerrymander a redistricting plan, that plan is still subject to strict judicial scrutiny. As discussed below, good motives may allow a plan to survive strict scrutiny, if they rise to the level of a compelling state interest, and if the plan is narrowly tailored to further such an interest. But such motives—however unspotted—do not automatically exempt the plan from what amounts to a 53a grave d a n g e r th at is p o se d to ou r co n stitu tio n a l o rd er an d n a tio n a l co m m u n ity w h en a sta te c r e a te s an d a d m in isters law s b a sed o n th e race o f its c it iz e n s .17 3. Racial Gerrymandering May be Proved Either Inferential or Directly W e h a v e a lread y n o te d th e n arrow h o ld in g o f Shaw: a p la in tiff m ay sta te a c la im u n d er th e E q u a l P ro te c t io n C la u se by a lleg in g th a t th e rea p p o rtio n m en t sc h e m e a d o p te d by h is s ta te is so irrational o n its fa c e "that it can o n ly b e u n d er sto o d as an effo rt to seg r eg a te v o te r s in to sep a ra te v o tin g d istricts b e c a u se o f th e ir race...."18 Shaw prim arily d ea ls w ith th e p rob lem o f p roving racial gerrym an d erin g indirectly o r inferentially. R a c ia l gerrym an d erin g—says th e C ou rt in Shaw—can b e in ferred w h en d istricts are so b izarrely sh a p ed th a t th ey p resu m p tive ly b e sp e a k an im p erm issib le p u rp ose . B u t racial gerrym an d erin g m ay—a fortiori- a l s o b e p ro v ed by direct e v id e n c e th at a leg is la tu re e n a c te d a presumption of unconstitutionality. 17In Wright v. Rockefeller, Justice Douglas discusses the dangers of racial gerrymandering. Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 66-67, 84 S.Ct. 603, 610-11 (Douglas, J., dissenting) ("When racial... lines are drawn by the State, the multiracial ... communities that our Constitution seeks to weld together as one become separatist; antagonisms that relate to race ... rather than to political issues are generated; communities seek not the best representative but the best racial... partisan."). In Shaw, Justice O’Connor echoes these same concerns. Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2827, 125 L.Ed.2d. at 529 (Redistricting plans that segregate citizens primarily on the basis of race bear "an uncomfortable resemblance to political apartheid."). lsShaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832,125 L.Ed.2d at 536; see id. a t............. , 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27,125 L.Ed.2d at 528-29 (indicating that irregular shapes may reflect impermissible racial gerrymandering). 54a d istr ic tin g p lan w ith th e sp ec ific in ten t o f seg r eg a tin g c itiz e n s in to v o tin g d istricts b a sed o n th e ir race. I f e v e r y o n e ~ o r n ea rly e v e r y o n e —in v o lv ed in th e d es ig n an d p a ssa g e o f a red istr ic tin g p la n a sser ts o r c o n c e d e s th a t d es ig n o f th e p lan w a s d riven by race, th en racial gerrym an d erin g m ay b e fo u n d w ith o u t reso rtin g to th e in feren tia l a p p roach a p p ro v ed by th e C ou rt in Shaw.19 T h e C ou rt re co g n iz ed in Shaw th a t "[n]o inquiry in to leg is la tiv e p u rp o se is n e c e s sa iy w h e n th e racial c la ss ifica tio n a p p ea rs o n th e fa c e o f th e statu te ."20 T h e sa m e is eq u a lly tru e w h e n v irtu a lly u n a n im o u s, e sse n tia lly u n c o n tro v er ted direct trial e v id e n c e es ta b lish e s racial c la ss ifica tio n , as it d id h ere . In th is c a se , w e find o v erw h elm in g e v id e n c e —b o th indirect an d direct—th at th e P lan is a p rod u ct o f racial gerrym an d erin g . 4. Intent Distinguished from Motive In a b r ie f a s id e , w e draw o n th e fam iliar cr im e o f h o m ic id e as a d id actic an a lo g y to clarify th e im p ortan t d istin ctio n b e tw e e n intent an d motive for p u r p o se s o f th is ca se . B y d e fin itio n , o n e w h o k n ow in g ly co ck s , a im s, an d fire s a lo a d e d gu n at a n o th er h as th e intent t o k ill o r ca u se grea t b o d ily harm . T h at is th e purpose for sh o o tin g . B u t th e sh o o te r m ay h a v e any n u m b er o f m o tiv e s fo r in ten tio n a lly sh o o tin g th e v ictim : to e lim in a te a rom an tic rival; to c o lle c t in su ran ce p ro ceed s; to a v en g e so m e actu a l o r p er c e iv e d w rong; to rep e l aggression ; to p rev en t th e v ic tim from p erp etra tin g a cr im e o r m isd eed ; an d o n an d on . T h e '9See id . a t .............., — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27, 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528-29, 536 (regardless of how a racial gerrymander is created, it should receive strict scrutiny); accord City of M obile v. B olden, 446 U.S. 55, 67, 100 S.Ct. 1490, 1499, 64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980). “ 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2824, 125 L.Ed.2d at 525 (citing Personnel A dm inistrator o f M assachusetts v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256, 272, 99 S.Ct. 2282, 2292, 60 L.Ed.2d 870 (1979)). 55a ap p lica b le motive is th e goal sou gh t to b e a cc o m p lish ed th rou gh th e intentional k illin g o f th e v ictim . W e b e la b o r th e d istin ctio n b e tw e e n in ten t an d m o tiv e b e c a u se it p ro v id es a m o r e reco g n iza b le w ay o f lo o k in g at tw o sep a ra te a sp ec ts o f th is case : 1 ) th e intent o f th e L eg is la tu re in c r ea tin g th e P lan o n th e b a sis o f race (racia l g e n y m a n d e r in g ); 2 ) th e motives o f th e L eg is la tu re o r o f in d iv id u a l o r grou p s o f le g is la to r s -w h e th e r c o m p e llin g or n o t—fo r e n g a g in g in racial gerrym an d erin g . W h a tev e r th e motivations o f th e L eg isla tu re o r o f th e ind iv idu al leg is la to rs w h o p a ssed th e P lan , th e ev id e n c e overw h elm in g ly in d ica tes th at th e specific intent o f th e L e g is la tu r e -a s an in d ep en d en t, c o lle c tiv e o r g a n ism -w a s in d isp utab ly to en a ct a p lan that in c lu d ed tw o b lack an d five w h ite m ajority d istricts. A t th e E v id en tiary H ea r in g so m u ch o f th e te stim o n y p u rp ortin g to d iscu ss th e intent o f th e L eg isla tu re , o r th o se w h o sou gh t to in flu e n c e L o u is ia n a ’s 1992 red istr ictin g , c o n fo u n d e d an d c o n fu se d in ten t o r p u rp o se w ith motive or g oa l. M o r e te llin g (an d m o re ca n d id ) w as th e te s tim o n y at th e T ria l, a y ea r ear lier , co n cern in g th e m o tiv e fo r crea tin g a se c o n d m ajority-b lack co n g ressio n a l d istrict. T h at te stim o n y d iffered m arked ly from its cou n terp art a t th e E vid en tiary H earin g . In b o th p ro ce ed in g s th e te stim o n y o n m o tiv e w a s con sid erab ly le ss u n iform th an w as th e v irtually u n a n im o u s te stim o n y regard in g th e L eg is la tu re ’s intent to c r e a te a se c o n d sa fe , b lack m ajority d istrict. A t lea st by im p lica tio n , h ow ever , fou r im m u tab le e le m e n ts p rov id ed a c o m m o n p o in t o f d ep artu re for all w itn esses: 1 ) L o u isia n a h ad an u n a v o id a b le leg a l ob lig a tio n to rea p p o rtio n its co n g re ss io n a l d e leg a tio n ; 2 ) rea p p o rtio n m en t h ad to b e in strict c o m p lia n ce w ith th e co n stitu tio n a l im p era tive o f o n e-p er so n , o n e -v o te , m e a n in g th at ea c h o f L o u is ia n a ’s sev e n co n g ress io n a l d istricts h ad to co n ta in rou gh ly 6 0 3 ,0 0 0 resid en ts; 3 ) g iven its fa ilu re to a d op t a rea p p o rtio n m en t p lan in 1991 , th e L eg isla tu re w ou ld h a v e to a d o p t a p lan in its 1992 se ss io n th at w ou ld b e certa in to re ce iv e im m e d ia te p rec le a ra n ce so th at th e con g ress io n a l e le c tio n , sch ed u le d fo r th e fall o f th at year, co u ld b e h eld ; an d 4 ) to ob ta in 56a tim e ly p rec lea ra n ce , i.e ., v o lu n tar ily an d n o t b y co u rt d e c r e e , any plan w ould have to include tw o safe, black majority districts.21 21 Even though the Legislature put itself under severe time constraints by failing to redistrict in 1991, the United States Department of Justice- not a party to this litigation-must be regarded as an active player in this case. As Louisiana is covered by Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, the Legislature must either (1) have any proposed plan precleared by the Department of Justice, or (2) seek a judgment from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia declaring that the plan "does not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color...." Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. s 1973c. The testimony at the Trial and at the Evidentiary Hearing reflected overwhelmingly that the Attorney General’s Office (AGO) had let it be known that preclearance would not be forthcoming for any plan that did not include at least tw o "safe" black districts out of seven. But neither Section 2, nor Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act justifies the AGO’s insistence upon two black districts. To challenge a redistricting plan under Section 2 successfully, plaintiffs who are members of a cognizable racial group must demonstrate that their group is num erous enough an d geographically com pact enough to be a majority in a district. G row e v. E m ison , 507 U.S. — , — , 113 S.Ct. 1075, 1083, 122 L.Ed.2d 388, 403 (1993) (extending the threshold requirements elaborated in Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 46-47, 106 S.Ct. 2752, 2764, 92 L.Ed.2d 25 (1986), to single member, as well as multimember, districts). Obviously, however, black voters in District 4 do not constitute a geographically com pact body as required by Gingles. Neither would any district resembling District 4 be geographically compact. Consequently, the AGO cannot legitimately claim that Section 2 of the Voting Rights compels the creation of any redistricting plan that contains a tortured district like District 4. Unless a second geographically compact black majority district is possible, the State’s failure to create one does not violate Section 2. G row e, 507 U.S. at —.........., 113 S.Ct. at 1084-85, 122 L.Ed.2d at 404. This is not to say that Section 2 forbids the creation of such a plan; simply that Section 2 does not require it. Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , ---------- , 113 S.Ct. 1149, 1156-58, 122 L.Ed.2d 500, 513-14 (1993). Consequently, the AGO cannot rely on Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act to force 57a a state to adopt a plan containing an additional majority-minority district with a geographically dispersed black majority. Additionally, Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act expressly states that "[njothing in this section establishes a right to have members of a protected class elected in numbers equal to their proportion in the population." Voting Rights Act of 1965, Section 2, 42 U.S.C. s 1973. Section 2 refuses to transform the individual right to vote into a group right to elect. Thus, Section 2 emphatically does not authorize the AGO to reject plans that fafl to "give full effect" to minority voters, or otherwise to create a de fa c to requirement of proportional representation by rejecting all plans that fail to maximize the concentration of minority voters. The text of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act expressly declares that proportional representation is not required. Neither can Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act—on the basis of the 1990 Census-justify the AGO’s insistence that Louisiana adopt a congressional redistricting plan with two safe, black-majority districts. In Beer v. United States, the Supreme Court stated that "the purpose of Section 5 has always been to insure that no voting-procedure changes would be made that would lead to a retrogression in the position of racial minorities with respect to their effective exercise of the electoral franchise." Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130, 141, % S.Ct. 1357, 1364, 47 L.Ed.2d 629 (1976) (emphasis added); accord Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2830,125 L.Ed.2d at 533. In this case, however, a redistricting Plan for the State of Louisiana that provided for one black majority district would have satisfied the requirement of nonretrogression. As a result of the 1990 Census, Louisiana lost a seat in the United States House of Representatives: previously it had eight seats, now it has seven. Thus, even if the Legislature had adopted a plan with a single black majority district, that plan would have satisfied the Section 5 nonretrogression principle: whereas before black majority districts comprised one-eighth of all districts, under a new plan with one black majority district, such districts would constitute one-seventh of all districts, an increase of nearly two percent. Thus, the Section 5 nonretrogTession principle does not, on the instant facts, require Louisiana to adopt a redistricting plan with a second black-majority district. Any suggestion by the AGO to the contrary was incorrect. In summary, neither Section 2 nor Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act justify the AGO’s insistence that Louisiana adopt a plan 58a with two safe, black majority districts. Yet members of the Legislature uniformly believed that they needed to create such a redistricting plan to secure preclearance. The letters sent by the Office of the Assistant Attorney General (AAGO) in response to redistricting plans for the Louisiana Senate and the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE) show how Louisiana legislators got this mistaken impression. In these letters, the AAGO acknowledged that the plans "appealed] to have no retrogressive effect" and met "in large part ... Section 5 preclearance requirements." Yet the AAGO refused to preclear the plans because-in its apparent judgment—they could have been drawn "in a manner that would more effectively provide to black voters an equal opportunity ... to elect candidates of their choice," there a euphemism for black candidates. But, again, the Voting Rights Act does not require that a plan be drawn to maximize the efficacy of the black vote, and we perceive the AAGO’s insistence upon such a result to be tantamount to an insistence upon proportional representation: an insistence that is expressly forbidden by Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. In one letter the AAGO went so far as to suggest how the plan should be drawn to secure early preclearance by combining "significant concentrations of black voters in northeastern Louisiana and in the parishes bordering the State of Mississippi, both along the river and the state’s southern border." Here—in a nutshell—was a blueprint for the highly irregular district known as District 4: a district that runs through the length and breadth of the State, a district that ignores traditional geographical and political boundaries, yet a district that the AAGO inappropriately hinted would have to be created if Louisiana was to secure preclearance. What was the authority for the AAGO’s insistence? The answer presents itself: none. When State authorities wrote back, explaining the historical, cultural, political, economic, and religious significance of the north-south divide in Louisiana, as a means of explaining and defending its proposed plan, the AAGO dismissed the explanation and concluded that lumping black voters together in a district "transcends the distinction between northern and southern parishes." What was the authority for this judgment: again, none! To reiterate, neither Section 2 nor Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act requires that geographically dispersed black voters be lumped together to maximize 59a B . Shaw v. Reno: Inferential Proof o f Racial Gerrymandering Shaw d e a ls prim arily w ith p rov in g racial gerrym an d erin g inferentially. W e p ro ce ed to ex a m in e th e in d irect o r c ircu m stan tia l e v id e n c e o f racial gerrym an d erin g in th e in stan t ca se . 1. The Shifting Evidentiary Burden T h e C ou rt in Shaw ap p aren tly in ten d e d to estab lish an ev id en tia ry "minuet" for racial gerrym an d erin g c a se s a n a lo g o u s to th e o n e esta b lish ed by McDonnell Douglas v. the efficacy of their vote. That is nothing more than an AAGO "gloss" on the Voting Rights Act-a gloss unapproved by Congress and unsanctioned by the courts. The Department of Justice did not conclude that Louisiana’s concern with preserving its historic parishes was pretextual; it decided that creating black districts trumped traditional redistricting criteria. What was the authority for this policy decision? Yet again, none! As the AAGO concluded that the State BESE plan was not retrogressive with respect to the black vote, it necessarily admitted that the plan had no discriminatory effect. See Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130, 140, % S.Ct. 1357, 1363, 47 L.Ed.2d 629, 639. Thus, the AAGO could legally reject the plan only if it determined—and presumably for non-arbitrary reasons—that the plan reflected discriminatory motives. Georgia v. United States, 411 U.S. 526, 93 S.Ct. 1702, 36 L.Ed.2d 472 (1973). But the AAGO did not so conclude. Rather, the AAGO arrogated the power to use Section 5 preclearance as a sword to implement forcibly its own redistricting policies, rather than as a shield to prevent lamentable historical abuses. The Attorney General’s Office has no authority to withhold preclearance for reasons outside the ambit of the Voting Rights Act. Indeed, because any plan that entails more racial gerrymandering than is absolutely necessary to pass Voting Rights Act muster is potentially unconstitutional, Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2831, 125 L.Ed.2d at 534, the AGO will risk encouraging unconstitutional conduct if it pressures states to gerrymander their districts to maximize the concentration of minority voters. 60a Green an d Texas Department o f Community Affairs v. Burdine in th e T itle V II co n te x t.22 A fte r a c it iz e n e s ta b lish e s a ca u se o f a c tio n by a lleg in g th a t th e re a p p o rtio n m e n t sc h e m e a d o p te d by h is s ta te is so irration a l o n its fa c e th a t it can o n ly b e u n d er sto o d as an e ffo r t to se g r e g a te v o te r s o n th e b a sis o f r a c e -th e r e b y cr ea tin g a p resu m p tio n o f u n co n stitu tio n a lity 23 —th e b u rd en sh ifts to th e s ta te to p ro ffer a le g it im a te , n on -racia l e x p la n a tio n fo r th e irra tion a lly sh a p ed d istricts in its p la n .24 If, p er c h a n c e , th e s ta te sh o u ld an sw er, gen era lly d en y in g gerrym an d erin g , and m o v e fo r su m m ary ju d g m en t, th e p la in tiff p resu m ab ly w o u ld n e e d to su p p ort su ch a p resu m p tio n w ith su m m ary ju d g m en t e v id e n c e , e .g ., a ffid av its an d d e p o s it io n s d e m o n stra tin g leg is la tiv e in ten t, v io la tio n o f red istr ic tin g p rin c ip les , o r th e lik e . B u t i f th e s ta te a d v a n ces a le g it im a te , n on -racia l 22M cD onnell D ouglas v. G reen, 411 U.S. 792, 93 S.Ct. 1817, 36 L.Ed.2d 668 (1973); Texas D ep ’t o f C om m unity Affairs v. Burdine, 450 U.S. 248, 101 S.Ct. 1089, 67 L.Ed.2d 207 (1981). The three-step McDonnell- Douglas-Burdine "minuet" structures the basic allocation of burdens and order of presentation of proof in the Title VII context. Burdine, 450 U.S. at 252-53, 101 S.Ct. at 1093. This minuet requires (1) the plaintiff to prove—by a preponderance of the evidence-a prima facie case of disparate treatment that contravenes Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, (2) the defendant to proffer a legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason for the employee’s rejection, and (3) the plaintiff to demonstrate that the defendant’s proffered explanation is pretextual. Id. at 253, 101 S.Ct. at 1093. At the end of the day, however, the plaintiff has the burden of proving that a violation of Title VII occurred. See St. Mary's H onor Center v. H icks, 509 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2742, 125 L.Ed.2d 407 (1993). ™Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2832,125 L.Ed.2d at 536; See also id. a t ----------- ,113 S.Ct. at 2826-27, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528- 29 (indicating that irregular shapes may imply impermissible racial gerrymandering). u Id. 61a ex p la n a tio n fo r th e p la n ’s irregularity, th e n th e fa c tfin d er m u s t - a s a lw a y s -w e ig h th e e v id e n c e o n b o th s id e s and d e c id e w h e th e r th e p la in tiff h as m e t h is b u rd en o f d em o n stra tin g th a t th e p la n ’s irrational sh a p e r e flec ts racial gerrym an d erin g .25 A lth o u g h th e C ou rt in Shaw d o e s n o t d iscu ss th e re sp ectiv e b u rd en s b o rn e by th e p arties in th is sh iftin g p ro to c o l, S u p rem e C ou rt p rec ed en t c lear ly in d ica tes that p la in tiffs h a v e th e u lt im a te b u rd en o f p roving—by a p rep o n d e ra n ce o f th e e v id e n c e - th a t th e irregularity o f th e c h a lle n g e d d istricts re flec ts racial gerrym an d erin g .26 P r o o f on th e m erits w o u ld lik e ly fo c u s o n th e p retex t o f th e s ta te ’s p ro ffere d n on -d iscr im in atory reason s. N e v e r th e le ss , p lac in g th e b u rd en o f p r o o f o n th e p la in tiffs re flec ts a b asic te n e t o f eq u a l p ro te c tio n analysis: th er e can b e n o v io la tio n o f th e E q u a l P r o te c t io n C la u se u n le ss th o se w h o co m p la in d em o n stra te th at th e sta te h as en g a g ed in p u rp osefu l 15See, e.g., Wright, 376 U.S. 52, 84 S.Ct. 603 (in which the Court held that the plaintiffs had not "sustained their burden of proving that ... [the plan] ... segregates eligible voters by race and place of origin in violation of the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses...."); accord W hitcom b v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 91 S.Ct. 1858, 29 L.Ed.2d 363 (1971). To clarify this minuet further, if a plaintiff comes into court with a map bearing hideously contorted districts and evidence that the state legislature drew those districts on the basis of race, and if the plaintiff complains that those districts lack a non-racial explanation— i.e., cannot be explained or understood without hypothesizing racial gerrymandering—then the plaintiff has stated a prima facie case under Shaw. If the state then introduces evidence that tends to show that the legislature was actuated by other motives that can explain the bizarre contours of the districts without resorting to race, the state has created a competing inference. The factfinder must then decide, on the basis of all available evidence, who is right. 62a d iscr im in a tio n .27 T h u s, in th is c a se , P la in tiffs h a v e th e b u rd en o f d em o n stra tin g by a p r e p o n d e ra n ce o f th e e v id e n c e th a t th e L eg is la tu re w a s " m otivated by racial con sid eration s" w h e n it a d o p te d A c t 4 2 .28 W e fin d th a t th e p la in tiffs h a v e m e t th a t b u r d e n -c o m fo r ta b ly . 2 . Plaintiffs’ Cause o f Action In a d d itio n to sta tin g a ca u se o f a c tio n by a lleg in g e x trem e irregularity o f sh a p e , a p la in tiff m ay, u n d er Shaw, str en g th e n th e in fere n c e th at th e s ta te e n g a g e d in c o n s t itu t io n a lly su sp e c t ra c ia l g e r r y m a n d e r in g by d em o n stra tin g th e s ta te ’s d isregard o f tra d itio n a l d istr ictin g p rin c ip les .29 A s d iscu ssed a b o v e in se c tio n II B , th e P la in tiffs h a v e c lear ly a lle g e d b o th th a t th e P la n —p articu larly D istr ic t 4 —is h igh ly irregular o n its fa c e , an d th a t th e P lan d isregard s trad ition a l d istr ictin g p rin c ip les .30 W e th e r e fo r e c o n c lu d e th at th e P la in tiffs e sta b lish e d a ca u se o f a c tio n 71 City o f M obile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 66, 100 S.Ct. 1490, 1499, 64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980) (citing Washington v. D avis, 426 U.S. 229, % S.Ct. 2040, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976)); Plaintiffs also have the burden of proving the invalidity of a reapportionment plan under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , — , 113 S.Ct. 1149, 1156, 122 L.Ed.2d 500, 512 (1993). 28Wright, 376 U.S. at 55, 84 S.Ct. at 604. NShaw, 508 U.S. at — 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528. "For example, Plaintiffs allege that "[t]he adoption of Act 42 ... has resulted in the creation of at least two of seven districts which are devoid of any commonality of interest... geographical compactness, contiguousness [sic], consistency with existing political, societal, governmental or economic districts or jurisdictional boundaries, other than the racial designation of the majority therein." See discussion in section II B of this Memorandum Opinion for other examples of Plaintiffs’ allegations. 63a esse n tia lly id en tica l to that a lle g e d by th e p la in tiffs in Shaw. It c o n se q u e n tly d ev o lv ed u p on th e D e fe n d a n ts e ith e r to r e fu te th e a lleg a tio n s d irectly o r to p rov id e leg itim a te , n o n -ra cia l ex p la n a tio n s for th e P la n ’s irrational sh a p e an d its d isregard o f trad ition a l d istrictin g cr iteria .31 3 . Defendants’ Proffered Justifications A p p a ren tly reco g n iz in g th e im p ossib ility o f d irectly re fu tin g h igh irregularity an d v io la tio n o f trad ition a l d istr ictin g criteria , th e D e fe n d a n ts a tte m p te d to ju stify th e P lan . D u rin g th e en tire T rial, n o t o n e w itn ess ev er su g g ested th at th e L eg is la tu re ’s intent in crea tin g D istr ic t 4 w as an yth in g o th e r th an to cr ea te a sec o n d d istrict w ith a su p er-m ajority o f b lack v o te r s by draw ing its b o u n d a r ies a lo n g racial lin es. In d e ed , m ost o f th e te stim o n y o f th e D e fe n d a n ts ’ w itn e sse s co n ce rn ed h o w n u m erica lly large a b lack m ajority w a s n e e d e d to en su re th e e f fe c t iv e n e s s o f th e P lan , w h ich ev ery o n e c o n c e d e d to b e a p rod u ct o f racial gerrym an d erin g . A t th e E v id en tiary H earin g , h o w ev er , fo llo w in g as it did o n th e h e e ls o f th e S u p rem e C o u rt’s d ec is io n in Shaw, th e D e fe n d a n ts -w ith th e b e n e fit o f h in d s ig h t-a tte m p te d to d en y th e racial gerrym an d erin g th at th ey so can d id ly p ro c la im ed an d avidly d e fe n d e d a yea r ea r lier at th e T rial. S p ecifica lly , th e D e fe n d a n ts n o w su ggest th at tw o n on -racia l fac tors p layed k ey ro les in th e cr ea tio n o f th e P lan: p a r t i s a n / in c u m b e n t p o l i t i c s a n d s o c i o e c o n o m ic co m m o n a litie s . A s d iscu ssed in th e fo llo w in g sec tio n , w e ’‘Recalling our pedagogic comparison with homicide, when the state attempts to convict a defendant of homicide using circumstantial evidence- essentially arguing that the facts are consistent with homicide, the defendant may attempt to show that the evidence is consistent with a far more innocent hypothesis: for example, an accident. The Defendants’ opportunity to provide legitimate, non-racial explanations for the Plan’s irrational shape is analogous. 64a fin d th e D e fe n d a n ts ’ ex p la n a tio n s w h o lly u n co n v in c in g an d in m an y re sp e c ts d is in g en u o u s. 4. Choosing Between the Competing Inferences B e c a u se o f th e p roced u ra l p o stu re o f Shaw, th e C ou rt did n o t h a v e to g o b ey o n d reversin g th e d istrict c o u r t’s grant o f th e d e fe n d a n ts ’ m o tio n to d ism iss. F o llo w in g a fu ll m erits tr ia l h ere , h o w ev er , w e are o b lig ed to d e c id e w h e th e r th e P la in tiffs h a v e carried th e ir b u rd en o f p rov in g—by a p rep o n d e ra n ce o f th e e v id e n c e - th a t th e P la n ’s irregularity an d its d isregard o f trad ition a l red istr ic tin g p r in c ip les re flec t racial gerrym an d erin g . A s w e fin d th a t th e only sensible e x p la n a tio n for th e P la n ’s ex trem e fac ia l irregularity an d its flagran t d ev ia tio n from trad ition a l d istr ictin g cr iteria is th at th e L eg is la tu re in ten tio n a lly seg r eg a te d v o te r s in to c o n g re ss io n a l d istricts b a sed o n th e ir race, w e c o n c lu d e th at th e P la in tiffs h a v e o v erw h elm in g ly sa tis fied th e ir b u rd en o f p rov in g racial gerrym an d erin g . a. Plaintiffs’ Inferential Evidence 1. The Plan is Highly Irregular T h e m o st cursory in sp ec tio n o f th e d istricts esta b lish e d by A c t 42 rev ea ls severa l o f th e m to b e irregular, an d D istr ic t 4 to b e h igh ly irregular.32 L ik e th e fic tio n a l sw ord sm an Z o rro , w h en m ak in g h is sign a tu re m ark, D istr ic t 4 s la sh e s a g ian t b u t so m ew h a t shaky "Z" across th e s ta te , as it cu ts a sw ath th rou gh m u ch o f L o u is ia n a .33 It b eg in s n orth o f S h rev ep o rt--in th e n o rth w estern c o m e r o f L o u is ia n a , ju st ea st o f th e T e x a s b o rd er an d flush aga in st th e A rk an sas b o rd er—an d sw ee p s ea st a lo n g th a t b ord er, 32See Map, Appendix B. 33Id. 65a p er io d ica lly ex ten d in g p seu d o p o d s sou th w ard to e n g u lf sm all p o c k e ts o f b lack v o ters , all th e w ay to th e M ississ ip p i R iver. T h e d istrict th en turns so u th an d m e a n d er s d ow n th e w est b an k o f th e M ississip p i R iv er in a n arrow b an d , g o b b lin g up m o r e an d m o r e b lack v o te rs a s it g o e s . A s it n ea rs B a to n R o u g e , th e d istrict ju ts abruptly ea st to sw allow p red o m in a n tly b lack p o rtio n s o f severa l m o r e p arish es. S im u lta n eo u sly , it h o o k s in a n orth w ester ly arc, a p p rop r ia tin g still m o r e b lack v o te rs o n its w ay to A lex a n d ria , w h ere it se lec tiv e ly in c lu d es o n ly p red o m in a n tly b lack res id en tia l n e ig h b o rh o o d s. F in ally , at its so u th ern extrem ity , th e d istrict ex ten d s y e t a n o th er p r o je c t io n -th is o n e w estw ard tow ard s L a fa y e tte—ad d in g still m o re co n c e n tr a tio n s o f b lack resid en ts. O n th e b asis o f D istr ic t 4 ’s p h ysiogn om y a lo n e , th e P lan is th u s h igh ly irregular, su g g estin g strongly that th e L eg isla tu re en g a g ed in racial gerrym an d erin g .34 2 . The Plan Violates Traditional Redistricting Principles In Shaw, th e C ou rt re itera tes th e n o tio n th a t s ta te s are n o t co n stitu tio n a lly required to a d h ere to th e trad ition a l red istr ic tin g p rin c ip les o f co m p a ctn ess , con tigu ity , re sp ect for esta b lish e d p o litica l su b d iv ision s, an d co m m o n a lity o f in terests .35 T h e C ourt a lso ob serv es th a t a s ta te ’s adherence 24See generally Shaw, 508 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 125 L.Ed.2d 511. 25Shaw, 508 U.S. a t .............., 113 S.Ct. at 2826-27,125 L.Ed.2d at 528-29 (citing Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735, 752, n. 18, 93 S.Ct. 2321, 2331, n. 18, 37 L.Ed.2d 298 (1973)). The seminal case of M ajor v. Treen also discusses these traditional redistricting criteria and applies them to the Louisiana context. M ajor v. Treen, 574 F.Supp. 325 (E.D.La.1983). 66a to trad ition a l d istr ictin g cr iteria "may serv e to d e fe a t a c la im th a t a d istrict h as b e e n g errym an d ered o n racial lines."36 Y e t a s ta te ’s disregard o f su ch criteria , e m p h a s iz e s th e Shaw o p in io n , m ay b e e v id e n c e o f c o n stitu tio n a lly -su sp ec t racial gerrym an d erin g .37 In d e e d , th e C ou rt in Shaw re fers to a s itu a tio n "in w h ich a S ta te c o n c e n tr a te d a d isp ersed m in ority p o p u la tio n in a s in g le d istrict b y d isregard in g trad ition a l d istr ictin g p rin c ip les ..." as a c ircu m sta n ce in w h ich racial gerrym an d erin g can b e ea s ily in ferred , p rec ise ly b e c a u se th e sta te ig n o red su ch p rin c ip les .3* * A s a s ta te ’s d e c is io n to d isregard trad ition a l red istr ic tin g cr iteria is p ro b a tiv e o f co n stitu tio n a lly -su sp ec t racial gerrym an d erin g , w e c lo se ly ex a m in e th e P la n ’s a d h e ren ce (or , m o r e accu ra te ly , n o n -a d h e r e n c e ) to th o se p rincip les; an d w e fin d th a t, for th e m o st part, th e P lan cava lier ly d isregard s th em . a. Compactness D istr ic t 4 sn a k es narrow ly across L o u is ia n a so il from e n d to en d for m o re th an 600 m ile s .39 A recta n g le su p e r im p o sed o n th e Z -sh a p e d figu re fo rm ed by D istr ic t 4 w o u ld o ver lay tw o-th ird s o f th e S ta te . A d d itio n a lly , a s it w in d s a lo n g its erratic p ath , D istr ic t 4 p ro jects m yriad d iv erticu la e to en ca p su la te sm all sa cs o f o th er w ise w id e ly d isp ersed b lack v o ters . N o o n e co u ld c la im th a t D istr ic t 4 is co m p a c t, a t lea st n o t w ith a straight fa ce . “ Id. 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2827,125 L.Ed.2d at 529 (citing Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725, 755, 103 S.Ct. 2653, 2672, 77 L.Ed.2d 133 (1983)). s7« . at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528. *Id . i9See Map, Appendix B. 67a b. Contiguity D istr ic t 4 w as c o n fe c te d to satisfy th e trad ition a l d istr ictin g cr iter ion o f con tigu ity , but o n ly h yp ertech n ica lly an d th u s cyn ically . W h en d isp layed o n a m ap o f th e S ta te , th e d istr ic t’s b o u n d a r ies s e e m severa l t im e s to n arrow to a s in g le p o in t. T h is im p ression re flec ts reality , fo r at so m e p la c e s a lo n g its a tten u a te d path , D istr ic t 4 is n o m o r e th an 80 fe e t w id e . S uch to k en ism m o ck s th e trad ition a l cr iter ion o f con tigu ity .40 c. Respect For Political Subdivisions A s o n e w itn ess ex p la in ed at th e E v id en tiary H earin g , th er e is n o m o re fu n d a m en ta l unit o f so c ie ta l org a n iza tio n in th e h istory o f L ou isian a th an th e p arish .41 W h ere a s th e p rev io u s con g ress io n a l p lan d iv id ed o n ly sev e n o f m o d e m L o u is ia n a ’s 64 p arish es, sca tter in g fraction s o f th e sa m e p arish in m o re th an o n e con g ress io n a l d istrict, A c t 4 2 sp lits an d sca tters 28 . D istr ic t 4 is p articu larly aggressive in v io la tin g th e b o u n d a r ies o f th e se trad ition a l p o litica l and g o v ern m en ta l u n its o f th e S ta te: o f th e 28 p arish es to u ch ed by D istr ic t 4 , o n ly fou r w h o le p arish es are in c lu d ed ; but th e d istrict a n n e x es o n ly shards o f 2 4 a d d ition a l p arish es, u sually in corp ora tin g n o n e but th e p red o m in a n tly b lack fragm en ts o f th o se sh a tter ed reg ion s. A d d itio n a lly , for th e first t im e in L o u is ia n a history, w ith th e ad ven t o f A c t 42 a d istr ictin g p la n v io la te s th e b o u n d a r ies o f n early all m ajor ^In complementary fashion, District 6 maintains contiguity only by employing gossamer connections at several junctions. 41A parish is analogous to a county, but it has its roots in, and takes its name from, the ministrations of the Catholic Church in early Louisiana history. 68a m u n ic ip a litie s in th e S ta te . W ith th e e x c e p tio n o f L a k e C h arles, th e P la n fragm en ts a ll m ajor m u n ic ip a litie s in to m o r e th an o n e co n g re ss io n a l d istrict, th ereb y d estro y in g th e c o m m o n r e p r esen ta tio n h istor ica lly en jo y e d by re s id en ts o f th e sa m e m u n ic ip a lity .42 d. Commonality o f Interests W ith in its irregular b o u n d a r ies , D is tr ic t 4 su b su m es b its o f every re lig iou s, e th n ic , e c o n o m ic , so c ia l, an d to p o g ra p h ica l typ e fo u n d in L o u isia n a . ( i) Religion and Ethnicity D istr ic t 4 v io la te s th e trad ition a l n o rth -so u th e th n o -r e lig io u s d iv ision o f th e S ta te . A lo n g its c ircu ito u s rou te , th is n ew d istrict co m b in e s E n g lish - S co tch -Ir ish , m a in lin e P ro testa n ts , trad ition a l rural b lack P ro testa n ts , S o u t h L o u is ia n a b la c k C a t h o l i c s , C o n t i n e n t a l F ren ch -S p a n ish -G erm a n R o m a n C a th o lics , su i g en er ic C r eo les , an d th orou gh ly m ixed p o ly g lo ts, e a c h from an h istor ica lly d isc re te an d d istin ctiv e reg io n o f L o u isia n a , as n ev er h e r e to fo r e s o ex ten siv e ly a g g lo m er a ted . ( ii) Economic Base C o tto n an d so y b ea n p la n ta tio n s , c e n te r s o f p etr o ch em ica l p ro d u ctio n , urban m an u factu rin g co m p lex e s , tim b er lan d s, saw m ills an d p a p er m ills, river b arge d e p o ts , an d rice an d su garcan e f ie ld s are strun g to g e th e r to form th e e c le c t ic an d in c o h e ren t indu stria l b a se o f D istr ic t 4 . T h e s e ^Disregarding New Orleans, which comprises the majority of District 2, the major municipalities of Shreveport, Baton Rouge, Lafayette, Monroe, Alexandria, and Ruston are all rent asunder in this manner. 69a diverse segments of the State economy have little in common. Indeed, their interests more often conflict than harmonize. (iii) Geography and Topography Red clay hills and pinelands, hardwood bottomlands and forests, alluvial floodlands, coastal plains, marshes, swamps and wetlands—all are present in District 4, which—as noted above-stretches more than half a thousand miles from end to end. What did the Legislature intend when it created District 4— this non-traditional, little-in-common "un-district"? The indirect evidence overwhelmingly indicates that the Legislature specifically intended to create a plan with at least two majority black districts. Given the pre-existence of District 2, we find beyond cavil that the Legislature accomplished this by parceling voters into the remaining six districts on the basis of race. b. Defendants’ Counter-Proof In contrast, we have been shown no credible evidence supporting the defense witnesses’ proffered motivations of party and incumbency protection and socioeconomic commonality. Their explanations ring hollow. We find them to be no more than disingenuous, post hoc rationalizations. In particular, we find that neither partisan nor incumbency politics was a significant factor in the core decision intentionally to create a plan containing a second black majority district. At the Trial, the Defendants never suggested that partisan or incumbent politics played a role in the determination to create District 4.43 Indeed, 43At the Evidentiary Hearing, Defendants introduced evidence of the role of incumbency, but it proved irrelevant to the issue of intentional segregation of voters by race. Such evidence showed, at most, that incumbency affected only the general location of the 70a Defendants’ counsel objected to Plaintiffs’ counsel’s questions aimed at eliciting testimony about the Black Caucus- Republican Caucus alliance that supported Act 42, arguing that such testimony was political and therefore irrelevant to the case. Moreover, even though party and incumbency protection play some role-- large or small—in virtually everything done in the legislative branches (and executive branches, for that matter) of our contemporary governments, this universal truism does not negate the compelling inference that Act 42 in general, and District 4 in particular, are products of racial gerrymandering. Additionally, without for a moment granting that incumbency politics played a significant role in the decision to create a second majority black district, we question whether the Defendants could prevail in this litigation even if it had. The Defendants seem to believe that they can defeat a claim of racial gerrymandering under Shaw if any factor other than race played any cognizable role in the creation of a challenged redistricting plan. Although we need not correct such a misconstruction of Shaw to find racial gerrymandering in this case, we briefly address this legal issue—obiter dictum—in hopes of shedding a little additional light on this difficult area of the law. The Defendants evidently base their belief—that the gerrymander that is District 4, i.e., the effective efforts of Congressional incumbents in "pushing" the pre-ordained second black majority district generally as far north and east as possible. Thus it follows largely the northern boundary of Louisiana with Arkansas and the eastern boundary of Louisiana, i.e., the Mississippi River. But, as Louisiana had already lost one of its eight seats in the House of Representatives, creating a game of incumbents’ "musical chairs," none should be surprised by the interesting but irrelevant fact that, once the decision to create a second minority- majority district had been made, each incumbent did what he could to keep his traditional geographical base and see that the new district was located anywhere but in his. 71a presence of any non-racial motivating factor will excuse racial gerrymandering—on language found at the end of the Shaw opinion. There the Court indicates that a plaintiff states a claim under the Equal Protection Clause by alleging that a reapportionment plan is so irrational on its face "that it can be understood only as an effort to segregate voters...."44 This emphatically does not mean that if any other factor influenced the legislature the plaintiff is unable to establish a racial gerrymander. Rather, it means that if the contours and content of a redistricting plan can be wholly explained to be the product of one or more factors other than race, then the defendants have created a competing inference. The court must then weigh the competing inferences--as indeed it usually must—to decide whether the plaintiff has proved his inference by a preponderance of the evidence.45 Thus, accurately stated, the question posed by Shaw is whether a redistricting plan can be reasonably conceived as the product of non-racial factors. In this case the Plan cannot.46 “ Shaw, 508 U.S. at , 113 S.Ct. at 2832, 125 L.Ed.2d at 536 (emphasis added). * Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 57, 84 S.Ct. 603, 605, 11 L.Ed.2d 512 (1964). 46At the risk of flaying a dead horse, we point out that logic demands that the Defendants’ reading of Shaw be rejected. Suppose a state legislature came right out and admitted that it racially gerrymandered districts in a reapportionment plan, thereby obviating the plaintiffs need to show racial gerrymandering inferentially. Could the state then say, "but we also drew a few district lines to protect incumbents, or to follow a river, or to put a state wildlife park in the district of a congressman who likes migratory birds," and thereby defeat plaintiffs claim because race was n o t the only factor involved in the delineation of districts? Race will never be literally the only factor. So Shaw requires only that race be an important factor. If the plaintiffs evidence shows that the plan cannot be understood without postulating that the legislature was significantly 72a No one claims that the contours of District 4 can be wholly and alternately explained as a product of partisan or incumbency politics. Every single witness who addressed the issue either proclaimed or acknowledged that the creation of a second black majority district was the primary factor~or at least a substantial and important factor--in the creation of the Plan. We agree. There is no way that a rational factfinder-looking at the map and reviewing the credible evidence with care—could conclude that Act 42 can be explained entirely without reference to racial gerrymandering. At the Evidentiary Hearing, Dr. Alan Lichtman, an expert witness for the Defendants, opined that District 4—which appears so violative of traditional redistricting principles—actually possesses socioeconomic commonality and coherence. Dr. Lichtman contended that District 4 was distinguishable from other districts because its residents were relatively poor, relatively under-educated, and owned fewer telephones and automobiles than did the residents of other districts established by the Plan. The Defendants offered this evidence to suggest "a rational basis [for District 4] actuated by racial motives, then the plaintiff has made out a case of racial gerrymandering. The cases of Wright v. Rockefeller and Arlington H eights v. M etropolitan H orn. Dev. Corp. support this interpretation. In Wright every member of the court accepted that the plaintiffs stated a claim by alleging that the "New York Legislature was either m otiva ted by racial considerations, or in fact drew the districts on racial lines." 376 U.S. at 54, 84 S.Ct. at 604. Similarly, the Court in Arlington Heights noted that invidious discriminatory intent need not be the legislature’s dominant purpose: proof that such discriminatory intent was "a motivating factor" in the legislation is sufficient. 429 U.S. 252, 265, 97 S.Ct. 555, 563, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977). 73a other than race."47 We do not gainsay the conclusions of this witness, but we disagree that they have significance. Any able statistician who looks at enough statistical characteristics (multivariate analysis) can find something distinctive about any district. In this case District 4 was found to be fairly poor, although poverty is not particularly distinctive in any region of Louisiana. Had District 4 been a fairly wealthy district, the Defendants’ expert could have opined that the citizens of District 4 shared the common interest of wealth. And had District 4 fallen right in the middle, he could have explained that District 4 was distinctive in being the most solidly middle class. But all these observations are irrelevant because we find them to rise to no level higher than post hoc rationalization.48 47The Defendants also offered this evidence to argue (1) that Act 42 served a compelling state interest by enhancing the representation for poor people-especially poor black people-and (2) that the Plan adhered to the traditional redistricting principle of "commonality of interests" and thus was narrowly tailored. "An additional criticism of Mr. Lichtman’s statistical legerdemain is that the socioeconomic characteristics he analyzes are themselves strongly correlated with race, a classic chicken-or-egg fallacy. At this moment in history black people in the South (and generally in America) are—on the average-poorer and less well-educated than their white counterparts. Moreover, blacks in largely segregated communities are probably poorer-on the average-than blacks in more integrated communities. Consequently, racially gerrymandered plans, which seek to draw boundaries around various concentrations of black persons, will inevitably tend to concentrate the poorer, less well-educated blacks. The Defendants’ conclusions therefore have a tautological quality: to prove that factors other than race can explain District 4, the Defendants analyze socioeconomic factors that correlate strongly with race. Of course District 4 is relatively poor and relatively uneducated: it was intentionally filled with relatively poor and uneducated minorities. To use statistical parlance, Dr. Lichtman’s conclusions are spurious: they tell us nothing that we could not have predicted based on the Legislature’s decision to pack District 4 with 74a The Defendants admit that the socioeconomic profiles of the Plan’s districts were not actually used by the Legislature: the census data used in Defendants’ statistical analyses were not even available to the Legislature when it passed Act 42. More specifically, freshman Louisiana State Senator Tom Greene testified that no socioeconomic data was submitted with the various redistricting plans when they were considered by the Legislature. Thus, the allegedly distinctive socioeconomic profile of District 4 is factually unconvincing, methodologically flawed, irrelevant, and unquestionably a hindsight rationalization of a plan that everyone understands to have been principally designed to create two majority-black districts. More simply, the socioeconomic profile of District 4 is an effect of District 4’s design, not a cause. We see, then, that the Defendants’ proffer of protection of incumbent politicians and distinctive socioeconomic profiles as alternative explanations for the peculiar contours of the Plan simply do not ring true. Faced with competing inferences, this court--as fact finder—must determine the credibility of witnesses, weigh the evidence, and choose between those inferences.49 Concluding that the facts and inferences overwhelmingly favor the Plaintiffs, we find that the Plan is undeniably a child of racial gerrymandering.50 Defendants must therefore demonstrate black voters. For a more scientific discussion of such spurious correlations, see Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics 44348 (McGraw-Hill 1972). *9Wright v. Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52, 57, 84 S.Ct. 603, 605, 11 L.Ed.2d 512 (1964). 50In finding that racial gerrymandering exists in this case, we feel confident that we are faithfully following the Supreme Court’s temper in Shaw. In that case, the Court gives two examples of fact patterns 75a that Act 42 is narrowly tailored to satisfy a compelling state interest, as required by Shaw and other applicable Equal Protection Clause cases.51 C. Direct Proof o f Racial Gerrymandering We need not even consider the kind of indirect or inferential proof approbated in Shaw to reach the same point--a finding of racial gerrymandering. In this case, we also reach that junction when we consider the great weight of the direct evidence elicited at both the Trial and the Evidentiary Hearing.52 Regardless of whether we reach a finding of racial gerrymandering by the inferential approach elaborated in Shaw, or by direct testimony and documentary evidence, the Defendants have the burden of justifying that gerrymandering. In this case, direct evidence clearly and forcefully demonstrates that the Plan is a product of racial in which proving racial gerrymandering "will not be difficult at all." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528. One example is when "a State concentratefs] a dispersed minority population in a single district by disregarding traditional districting principles such as compactness, contiguity, and respect for subdivisions." Id . Those facts squarely conform to this case. In the instant case, the Louisiana State Legislature created a serpentine belt 600 miles long to engulf enough blacks (actually, more than enough) to create a single super-majority district. According to the Court, this case presents a textbook example of racial gerrymandering that can be easily proved by application of the Shaw inferential minuet. n Shaw, 508 U.S. at , 113 S.Ct. at 2826,125 L.Ed.2d at 528; see also supra note 13. >2See Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826,125 L.Ed.2d at 528 (implying that however a racial gerrymander is established, it should receive strict scrutiny). See also supra note 17 and accompanying text. 76a gerrymandering. Virtually every witness who testified at the Trial (all without the benefit of a retrospective, self- serving view of Shaw) either affirmatively stated or accepted as gospel that the Plan was drawn with the specific intent of ensuring the creation of a second, safe, black majority congressional district: namely, District 4. The Defendants’ witnesses either stated or conceded that the districts created by Act 42 were racially gerrymandered. Indeed, those witnesses, both lay and expert, spent most of their time at the Trial discussing how large the percentage of registered black voters needed to be in the new majority black district to guarantee the efficacy of their racial gerrymander~an efficacy they viewed as the sine qua non of preclearance. In response to this court’s query whether the Legislature had created a racial gerrymander, Defendants’ counsel~Mr. Mongrue—said, "[a]nd [racial gerrymandering]^ exactly what [the Legislature] can do...." Similarly, Mr. Willie Hunter, a black state legislator and a fact witness for the Defendants, testified that the Legislature’s intention "was to create a district where there was an excellent possibility of having another black elected ..., and that to accomplish this they [the legislators] "looked at numbers [of black voters] period." Professor Engstrom, an expert witness for the defense, stated unabashedly that "race drove ... [the creation of] ... the Districts." Not surprisingly, the Plaintiffs’ witnesses were at least equally convinced that considerations of race motivated the creation of Act 42. State Representative Adley, a white legislator from Northwest Louisiana, testified that "the only issue presented to us was a racial issue" and stated that District 4 was created "for the sole purpose of making sure that an additional black district got created regardless of what it looked like and what parishes it ran through ..." Dr. Gary Stokley agreed that "this plan is [based on] race." At the more recent Evidentiary Hearing, however, the Defendants attempted to recast their arguments in light of Shaw and to gainsay the racial gerrymandering that they so readily approbated during the pre-Shaw Trial. But even 77a at this latter hearing the witnesses agreed that race was the overarching factor that drove the actual creation of the Plan, and that the Legislature had specifically intended to assort voters into districts based on race. Senator Marc Morial, a black legislator from New Orleans who appeared on behalf of the Defendants, testified that ”[i]t was the intent of the Legislature to create ... [a ]... second majority black district." This is perhaps the clearest, most direct post-S/zatv statement of intent, and the best illustration of the difference between intent and motive. Similarly, United States Congressman James A. Hayes (D. La) stated that the politics of race "was the major element" that drove the creation of the Fourth District. Dr. Lawrence N. Powell, one of Defendants’ expert witnesses, agreed that "the primary determinant" of the shapes of Districts 2 and 4 was race. During four full days of testimony, two in 1992 and two more in 1993, some witnesses stated that race was the only factor, while others said that race was the primary factor. One witness—apparently uncomfortable with saying race was the primary factor-admitted that race was a veiy important factor. Not one witness, Plaintiffs’ or Defendants’, testified that Act 42 was not largely a product of racial gerrymandering-not one. Harking back to our homicide analogy, we note that although witnesses at the Evidentiary Hearing voiced various altruistic motives—or accused others of various ulterior motives—for intentionally employing racial gerrymandering to create voting districts on the basis of race,53 everyone agreed that the intent of the Legislature-analyzed as a whole rather than from the point of view of its constituent members or caucuses—was to create a redistricting plan with 33Among the positive goals thus voiced were promoting racial harmony, increasing racial fairness, eradicating vestiges of past de jure segregation, and "obeying the law" in the sense of complying with the Voting Rights Act in a way that would justify preclearance, to name a few. 78a a second majority black district. The evidence showed that the Plan passed the Legislature by virtue of an uncommon alliance of legislators: Some who supported the Plan wanted a second super-majority black district to increase the number of black representatives in Louisiana’s congressional delegation. Other supporters of the Plan perceived various benefits in the correlative whitening of some districts that attends the intentional segregation of black voters into other adjacent districts.54 But there is absolutely no doubt that the immediate intent of the Legislature as a whole was to enact a plan containing two black majority districts, essentially without regard to any other considerations and interests. Viewed in any light, the direct evidence in this case proves the presence of racial gerrymandering. Thus, even in the event that we may have somehow misconstrued the Court’s opinion in Shaw, or misapplied the inferential minuet established therein, the direct evidence that Act 42 was a product of racial gerrymandering is overwhelming. Two independent evidentiary bases (inferential and direct) thus support our finding that Act 42 reflects racial gerrymandering. Each is sufficient on its own to subject Act 42 to strict scrutiny, and each is consequently sufficient to require the Defendants to demonstrate that Act 42 is "narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental interest," as required by Shaw and other applicable Equal Protection Clause precedents.55 3‘Testimony at the trial revealed that Act 42 was passed by a legislative alliance between the Black and the Republican Caucuses, historically uncommon bedfellows but, according to expert testimony, a phenomenon occurring with increasing frequency across the country. iSShaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct, at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528. 79a D. Strict Scrutiny o f the Plan Again, the core principle underlying the Supreme Court’s decision in Shaw is that racially gerrymandered redistricting plans are subject to the same strict scrutiny that applies to other state legislation classifying citizens on the basis of race.56 To survive such scrutiny, racially gerrymandered redistricting plans must be narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental interest.57 1. Compelling Governmental Interest Defendants advance four possible compelling state interests to justify their racial gerrymandering: (1) conformity with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, (2) conformity with Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, (3) proportional representation of Louisiana blacks in Congress,58 and (4) remedying the effects of past racial >6See supra note 13. 57Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826, 125 L.Ed.2d at 528. 55At the Trial, Legislator Willie Hunter strongly advocated a second black majority district for the expressed goal of achieving black proportionality in congress. Without commenting—one way or another—on proportional representation’s viability as a "compelling governmental interest," we foresee serious constitutional problems in accomplishing that goal through creation of a second black majority district. Evidence adduced here demonstrates that, of Louisiana black voting age population outside New Orleans, even the overloaded 63% black District 4 would produce the election of the [black] candidate of choice of fewer than 40% of those blacks whom the proponents of proportional representation want to be thus represented in Congress. Consequently, the Plan would constitute state action that, in effect, grants voting "proxies" from the black voters residing in Districts 1, 3, 5, 6 and 7 to the black voters of District 4— clearly a disenfranchisement implicating equal protection and possibly due process as well. 80a discrimination. Witnesses also made oblique references to various other admirable but nebulous—and often question begging—motives, like promoting racial harmony and ensuring fairness. As we conclude, however, that Act 42 is not narrowly tailored to further these or any other compelling state interests, we need not decide here whether any one or more of them-properly clarified-is such an interest. For the sake of judicial economy, then, we do not analyze them in detail. Rather, we assume- without granting-that one or all of them constitutes a compelling state interest. 2. Narrowly Tailored By thus assuming—again, without granting—that the Defendants have articulated one or more compelling state interests that the Plan might further, we have shifted the focus of our strict scrutiny to the final aspect of Shaw: whether the Plan is narrowly tailored. In our final illustrative comparison with homicide, we note the parallelism between the hypothetical criminal defendant’s burden—at common law—of establishing an affirmative defense—such as justifiable homicide—and the State’s burden here of establishing the affirmative justification of a compelling state interest.59 But even such affirmative 39We realize that many states choose to make the absence of justification an element of the actus reus, thereby imposing upon the prosecution the burden of proving that the criminal defendant did not act in self-defense. As the Supreme Court has lately declined to review whether the Due Process Clause requires the burden of persuasion in self- defense cases to be placed on the prosecution, see, e.g., M oran v. O hio, 469 U.S. 948, 105 S.Ct. 350, 83 L.Ed.2d 285 (1984) (Brennan, J., dissenting), state legislatures remain free to allocate burdens of proof "by labeling as affirmative defenses" aspects of a case that could alternatively be considered elements of a crime. 81a defenses contain crucial limiting elements: the requirement of applying only reasonable force in the self-defense context, and the requirement of narrow tailoring in the compelling state interest context. A homicide defendant, relying for acquittal on self-defense or justifiable homicide, must show not only that he had a reasonable fear of imminent harm from the aggressor/victim, but also that he used no more force than was reasonably necessary under the circumstances. If a single, deterrent gunshot to the aggressor/victim’s leg happens to cause death from uncontrollable hemorrhaging, the homicide may well be justified; but if the defendant fires two or three or four additional, immediately-fatal shots into vital areas of that same aggressor/victim’s body after he has been neutralized by the first shot in the leg, the defendant is likely to find that the affirmative defense is unavailing. In close parallel, Shaw tells us that, even in retrogression cases under Section 5, the State does not have carte blanche to engage in racial gerrymandering; its reapportionment plan must not go "beyond what [is] reasonably necessary" to further the compelling governmental interest. 60 That is the essence of narrow tailoring in the redistricting context: just as a homicide defendant may not use excessive force to stop an aggressor, neither may a state burden the rights and interests of its citizens more than is reasonably necessary to further the compelling governmental interest advanced by the state. Patterson v. N ew York, 432 U.S. 197, 210, 97 S.Ct. 2319, 2327, 53 L.Ed.2d 281 (1977); see also M cElroy v. H olloway, 451 U.S. 1028, 1029-31,101 S.Ct. 3019,3019-21,69 L.Ed.2d398,399-400 (Rehnquist, J., dissenting). For our purposes, however, such subtleties are irrelevant: as noted above, we are merely using classic common law homicide/self-defense as an instructive analogy. MShaw , 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2831, 125 L.Ed.2d at 534. 82a In this case, uncontroverted evidence from both the Trial and the Evidentiary Hearing convinces us that the Plan is not narrowly tailored to satisfy any of the supposedly compelling state interests advanced by the Defendants.61 We reach that conclusion first because the Plan entails considerably more segregation than is necessary to satisfy the need for a second black majority district—even assuming arguendo that such a second district were itself justified—and second because the Plan excessively burdens a variety of third party interests-dramatically so. In its Shaw opinion, the Supreme Court provides one example to illustrate how to apply the requirement that a racially gerrymandered plan be narrowly tailored to satisfy one or more compelling state interests: "A reapportionment plan would not be narrowly tailored to avoiding the goal of retrogression if the state went beyond what was reasonably necessary to avoid retrogression."62 Thus, if providing a single majority-minority district satisfies the nonretrogression requirement imposed by Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act,63 then a racially gerrymandered redistricting plan comprising more than one minority-majority district is not narrowly tailored to satisfy the compelling state interest of 61 As noted above, in this section we assume—arguendo—that the State has demonstrated a compelling state interest, although, in fact, we have not so found. Neither could we on the evidence here presented. That is a judgment for the Legislature to make and the courts to review. 62Shaw, 508 U.S. at , 113 S.Ct. at 2831, 125 L.Ed.2d at 534. a Beer v. U nited States, 425 U.S. 130, 141, 96 S.Ct. 1357, 1364 (interpreting Section 5 as prohibiting voting-procedure changes that "lead to a retrogression in the position of racial minorities...."). 83a comporting with Section 5.M Stated more broadly, as voters have an equal protection right not to be segregated by their state legislatures or local governments into various voting districts on the basis of race, only a plan that segregates to no greater extent than is reasonably necessary to further a compelling governmental interest can survive constitutional scrutiny. The same can be said for a plan that supersaturates a majority-minority district, while concomitantly depleting adjacent majority- majority districts of minority voters. In this case, we find that the Plan entails more constitutionally suspect segregation than necessary, and is therefore not narrowly tailored. Continuing to assume arguendo that some state interest had been identified which could justify the creation of a second black-majority district, this Plan would have to be rejected as insufficiently narrowly tailored. It packs more black voters into a District 4 than are reasonably necessary to give blacks a realistic chance to determine the outcome of elections there, providing that they exercise their right to vote. Also, the boundaries of the district violate traditional districting principles to a substantially greater extent than is reasonably necessary. District 4 contains 63% registered black voters, significantly more than are needed to elect representatives of their choice. To greater or lesser degrees, all expert witnesses acknowledged—some only reluctantly under cross * ^The Court’s example clearly indicates that the State of Louisiana may not justify the Plan, or any other racially gerrymandered plan with more than one black majority district, by reference to the need to comply with the Section 5 nonretrogression principle. As noted above, because Louisiana lost a seat in the United States House of Representatives, a plan with one black majority district would satisfy the Section 5 nonretrogression requirement given no more dramatic shift in the statewide ratio of white-to-black voters than is demonstrated by a comparison of the 1980 and 1990 census figures. See supra note 21. 84a examination--that 63% black voting age population was well in excess of the percentage needed for reasonable comfort in creating a safe voting-age majority-minority district. For further confirmation that this is so we need only ask rhetorically "If 54% is sufficient in District 2, why must District 4 be supersaturated with 63% black voting age citizens?" No evidence was adduced by the Defendants to demonstrate a substantial difference between the voting patterns in the areas covered respectively by Districts 2 and 4—either in white crossover or black block voting—to rationalize the 54%-63% disparity in black voting age populations. Although the witnesses at trial disagreed on the exact percentage of net white cross-over votes for black candidates, we find that the evidence supported an average, net white cross-over vote in non-judicial elections of between 10% and 25%.65 The evidence at trial also indicated that minority voter registration is now comparable to white registration. Clearly, District 4 need not contain a black voting age population of 63% to satisfy the interest of a second district in which black officials can be readily elected. And, although it is not the province of this court in this case to establish the demographic specifications of the State’s congressional redistricting plan, we find on the basis of the credible testimony and documentary evidence, that in this instance a district with a black voting age population of not more than 55%—and probably less-would have been adequate to ensure that blacks could elect a candidate of their choice, assuming they chose to exercise their franchise 65. In other words, on the average-for non-judicial elections in Louisiana—black candidates will gain more votes from white cross-over voters (whites voting for black candidates) than they will lose from black cross-over voters (blacks voting for white candidates): thus, there is a positive net white cross-over vote. To put it another way, black voters are—again on the average—more racially coherent/conscious than white voters. 85a and assuming the candidate of their choice had more than a modicum of appeal for non-black voters. Additional confirmation that the Plan is not narrowly tailored lies in its excessive disregard of traditional redistricting criteria and its derogation from third-party interests. Supreme Court precedent indicates that a variety of factors, both relative and absolute, are germane to analyzing whether a government measure is narrowly tailored. These factors include (1) the necessity of the measure, (2) the efficacy of alternative race-neutral measures, (3) the availability of more narrowly tailored (less intrusive) measures, (4) the flexibility and duration of the measure, and (5) the impact o f the measure on the rights o f third parties.66 Relevant Supreme Court jurisprudence thus suggests that-in essence—a plan is not narrowly tailored if it adversely affects more interests, if it generally wreaks more havoc, than it reasonably must to accomplish the articulated compelling state interest. We find that the Plan thus offends. Whether under a relative or a comparative analysis, the evidence adduced at Trial and at the Evidentiary Hearing undeniably established that, even in the face of the black population’s wide dispersion in Louisiana (outside New Orleans), a second black majority district could have been drawn that would have done substantially less violence to traditional redistricting principles. For example, Marc Morial stated that "[tjhere were alternatives which would have created a more compact black district that were not enacted...." Similarly, Congressman Hayes admitted that a more compact plan could have been enacted. Freshman United States Congressman Cleo Fields-the former state 66See, e.g., R ichm ond v. J-A. Croson C o., 488 U.S. 469, 510-511, 109 S.Ct. 706, 730-31, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989); United S tates v. Paradise, 480 U.S. 149, 171, 107 S.Ct. 1053, 1066, 94 L.Ed.2d 203 (1987); FuUilove v. KLutznick, 448 U.S. 448, 510-15, 100 S.Ct. 2758, 2791-93, 65 L.Ed.2d 902 (1980). 86a senator and incumbent congressman from new District 4, who testified for the Defendants-also acknowledged that "it would have been possible to fulfill the desire of a second [black] majority district ... and pay more attention than this District [District 4] does to both compactness and contiguity." Dr. Alan Lichtman-one of the Defendants’ expert witnesses at the Evidentiary Hearing-likewise testified that, were he to sit down with Dr. Ronald Weber (the expert on the other side) they "could create a [second black majority] district that looked better than this one [district 4]." And Dr. W eber-the Plaintiffs’ expert witness at both the trial and the evidentiary hearing- testified that a plan could be devised that would include a second black majority district, yet still be significantly more compact and comport much more closely with other traditional redistricting principles. The testimony of freshman state Senator Tom Greene at the Evidentiary Hearing was perhaps the most enlightening on this point. He stated that, with the neutral assistance of the Legislature’s redistricting computer technician, he (Greene) actually created a plan that evinced greater respect for Louisiana’s traditional parish boundaries than the Plan, and still included a second majority-black district. Finally, Mr. Glenn Koepp, who is the Assistant Secretary of the Senate and the technician in charge of reapportionment activity in Louisiana since 1981, testified that computer-supported mathematical modeling programs gave the State the tools to create several plans—including several with a second black district—that would respect traditional redistricting criteria to a much greater degree than does the Plan. Thus, the great weight of the credible evidence indicates that the Legislature could have developed and adopted a redistricting plan-even one with a second majority black district—that reflected greater respect for traditional redistricting criteria and that was less disruptive to the traditional political, social, economic, ethnic, geographical, and religious organization of the State. In short, substantially less extreme racially gerrymandered plans 87a are readily available; plans without such obviously overbroad, overarching overkill. In summary, we hold that the Plan is not narrowly tailored, either relatively or absolutely. This is so because it embraces considerably more racial gerrymandering-and thus more segregation--than is needed to satisfy any advanced state interest, and because the Plan unnecessarily violates a host of historically important redistricting principles, thereby adversely affecting countless third party interests. These several and varied interests--some constitutionally protected and others merely important-may not be callously sacrificed on the altar of political expediency, particularly when less broadly tailored plans are conceivable.67 IV CONCLUSION We find that the Plan in general and Louisiana’s Congressional District 4 in particular are the products of racial gerrymandering and are not narrowly tailored to further any compelling governmental interest. We are therefore constrained to conclude that the Plaintiffs’ right to 67We offer no opinion as to how much more narrowly tailored a plan would have to be to survive strict scrutiny. Indeed, we cannot say whether it is even possible-based on the 1990 Census-to devise a plan that would have two majority-minority districts and still be narrowly tailored vel non. Even a plan that under the circumstances is as narrowly tailored as possible—in a relative sense (i.e., the least invasive and damaging plan available to further a compelling state interest)—may fail to be sufficiently narrowly tailored—on an absolute basis—to pass constitutional muster. For example, when the minority population is spread so evenly throughout a state that a majority-minority district cannot be drawn without dramatically impairing the constitutional rights of the citizens of that state, there may simply be no constitutionally permissible way to draw such a district, no matter how defensible the legislature’s motives for wishing to do so, or how bona fid e its efforts to tailor the plan narrowly. 88a equal protection as guaranteed by the United States Constitution is violated by the Plan. Consequently, we declare Act 42 of 1992 to be unconstitutional and the redistricting plan embodied therein to be null and void; and we enjoin the State of Louisiana from holding any future congressional elections based on the Plan. We do not, however, invalidate the 1992 congressional elections held thereunder, but we do hold that the term of office of each member of the United States House of Representatives from Louisiana who represents a district created under the Plan-and each district thus created-shall expire, ipso facto, at noon on the 3rd day of January, 1995, such terms of office and such districts not to be extended or carried over into the next Congress in any manner whatsoever. A P P E N D I X A The Seven Districts Created by Act 42 District Total Pop. Total White Total Black Total Reg. Vot. Total Reg. Wh. Total Reg. Blk. District 1 602,859 100.00% 528,079 87.60% 60,895 10.10% 325,140 100.00% 296,356 91.15% 26,238 8.07% District 2 602,689 100.00% 213,832 35.48% 367,460 60.97% 295,953 100.00% 113,917 38.49% 177,634 60.02% District 3 602,950 100.00% 454,235 75.34% 131,735 21.85% 329,451 100.00% 256,990 78.01% 70,016 21.25% District 4 602,884 100.00% 198,389 32.91% 400,493 66.43% 309,357 100.00% 112,241 36.28% 195,351 63.15% District 5 602,816 100.00% 463,168 76.83% 133,329 22.12% 321,508 100.00% 259,986 80.86% 59,748 18.58% District 6 602,854 100.00% 502,982 83.43% 87,718 14.55% 329,071 100.00% 289,575 88.00% 38,032 11.56% District 7 602,921 100.00% 478,453 79.36% 117,651 19.51% 331,814 100.00% 271,798 81.91% 58,944 17.76% Total 4,219,973 100.00% 2,839,138 67.28% 1,299,281 30.79% 2,242,294 100.00% 1,600,863 71.39% 625,963 27.92% CO APPEN D IX 91a WALTER, District Judge, concurring: I concur with the result of the majority opinion. However, since my examination of the case differs somewhat analytically, I write separately. This court considered several questions: May a State enact a race-based reapportionment plan? If so, under what circumstances are race-conscious measures allowed? Finally, how do these requirements apply to Act 42? I LAW [I]n view of the constitution, in the eye of the law, there is no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our constitution is color blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved ... The destinies of the two races, in this country, are indissolubly linked together, and the interests of both require that the common government of all shall not permit the seeds of race hate to be planted under the sanction of law ... The sure guaranty of the peace and security of each race is the clear, distinct, unconditional recognition by our governments, national and state, of every right that inheres in civil freedom, and of the equality before the law of all citizens of the United States, without regard to race. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537, 558, 16 S.Ct. 1138, 1146, 41 L.Ed. 256 92a (1896) (Harlan, dissenting). A CONSIDERATION OF RACE IN REDISTRICTING LEGISLATION Despite the legislation enacted to promote racial equality, many states remained recalcitrant to the Civil War amendments’ mandates. Among the methods used by the states to evade the fifteenth amendment were poll taxes, literacy tests, and gerrymandered1 districts. Responding to this perversion, Congress enacted the Voting Rights Act of 1965 "as a dramatic and severe response to the situation." Shaw v. Reno, 508 U.S. — , — , 113 S.Ct. 2816, 2823, 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993). Amended in 1982, section 2 of the Voting Rights Act prohibits the dilution of a minority group’s voting strength while section 5 mandates pre-clearance of newly created districts for those states that employed disenfranchising schemes in the past. The purpose of the voting rights legislation is to prohibit State efforts to abridge or deny minority representation. To this end, when pre-clearance is sought under section 5, the Department of Justice usually seeks maximization of minority voting strength to promote minority representation.2 Since 'Gerrymander is ”[a] name given to the process of dividing state or other territory into the authorized civil or political divisions, but with such a geographical arrangement as to accomplish an ulterior or unlawful purpose, as for instance, to secure a majority for a given political party in districts where the result would be otherwise if they were divided according to obvious natural lines." Black’s Law Dictionary (5th Ed.). 2It is my opinion that Shaw v. R eno did not fully address the constitutional or statutory authority behind Department of Justice pre-clearance requirements that arguably go beyond the Voting Rights Act. Thus, the Supreme Court may very well hold the 93a legislators are thus obligated to consider racial factors when redistricting, a delicate balance arises between promotion of minority suffrage and the color-blind strictures of equal protection. B EQUAL PROTECTION "No State shall ... deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." U.S. Const., Arndt. 14 s 1. Interpreting this clause nearly a century ago, the Supreme Court held in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537, 558, 16 S.Ct. 1138, 1146, 41 L.Ed. 256 (1896) that the separate but equal doctrine comported fully with the Fourteenth Amendment. Id. at 548, 16 S.Ct. at 1142. "The majority [in Plessy] held that persons could be legally classified and treated in such a manner because of their race when the classifying law was a reasonable exercise of the police power. This meant that such laws must be reasonable, good faith attempts to promote the public good and not be designed to oppress a particular class." John E. Nowak, Ronald D. Rotunda, Constitutional Law, 618 (1991). As the Court itself stated: [W]e think the enforced separation of the races, as applied to the internal commerce of the state, neither abridges the privileges or immunities of the colored man, deprives him of his property without due process of law, nor denies him the equal protection of the laws, within the meaning of the fourteenth Department of Justice’s reliance on minimum "safe" percentages unconstitutional. I do not reach that question today but am troubled by the effect that these demands are having upon states seeking administrative pre-clearance rather than a declaratory judgment from the District Court of the District of Columbia. 94a amendment. Plessy, 163 U.S. at 548, 16 S.Ct. at 1142. Fifty-eight years later, Plessy’s flawed concept of equal protection was rejected. Although Brown v. Board of Education o f Topeka, 347 U.S. 483, 74 S.Ct. 686, 98 L.Ed. 873 (1954) did not expressly overrule Plessy outside the realm of education, that case heralded the demise of separate but equal treatment of the races by the states. Over the past four decades, the Supreme Court has confronted the consideration of. race in State and federal legislation and has fashioned specific guidelines for testing the constitutionality of such considerations. The central purpose of the Equal Protection Clause "is to prevent the States from purposefully discriminating between individuals on the basis of race." Shaw v. Reno, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2824. "Classifications based on race carry a danger of stigmatic harm. Unless they are strictly reserved for remedial settings, they may in fact promote notions of racial inferiority and lead to politics of racial hostility." City o f Richmond v. J.A. Croson Company, 488 U.S. 469, 493, 109 S.Ct. 706, 722, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989). Accordingly, the Court has "held that the Fourteenth Amendment requires state legislation that expressly distinguishes among citizens because of their race to be narrowly tailored to further a compelling governmental interest." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2825. This test is known as strict or heightened scrutiny and is justified because: [ajbsent searching judicial inquiry into the justification for such race- based measures, there is simply no way of determining what classifications are ’benign’ or ’remedial’ and what classifications are in fact motivated by illegitimate notions of racial inferiority or simple racial politics. Indeed, the purpose of 95a strict scrutiny is to "smoke out" illegitimate uses of race by assuring that the legislative body is pursuing a goal important enough to warrant use of a highly suspect tool. The test also ensures that the means chosen "fit" this compelling goal so closely that there is little or no possibility that the motive for the classification was illegitimate racial prejudice or stereotype. Croson, 488 U.S. at 493, 109 S.Ct. at 721. These equal protection principles apply to statutes that "although race-neutral, are, on their face, ’unexplainable on grounds other than race,’ " and classifications that are ostensibly neutral but are an obvious pretext for racial discrimination. Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2825 (citing Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 266, 97 S.Ct. 555, 564, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977); Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 6 S.Ct. 1064, 30 L.Ed. 220 (1886)). Under current equal protection doctrine, "race-conscious state decisionmaking is [not] impermissible in all circumstances." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2824 (emphasis in original). If State legislation contains explicit racial classifications, if it is inexplicable on grounds other than race, or if it contains race-neutral classifications that serve as mere pretext for racial discrimination, then courts are bound to apply the strict scrutiny regime. The classification must be justified by a compelling state interest, and then be narrowly tailored to fit that interest in order to survive constitutional scrutiny. C RACIAL GERRYMANDERING UNDER EQUAL PROTECTION Redistricting legislation is almost always race-neutral on its face. Before Shaw, the Supreme Court had 96a held that only two types of state voting practices could give rise to a constitutional claim. The first involves direct and outright deprivation of the right to vote, for example by means of a poll tax or literacy test ... The second type of unconstitutional practice is that which affects the political strength of various groups in violation of the Equal Protection Clause. As for this latter category, [the Court] insisted that members of the political or racial group demonstrate that the challenged action have the intent and effect of unduly diminishing their influence on the political process. Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2834 (White, J. dissenting). The latter category, known as "dilution," arises when voters are not deprived of the right to vote, but, through methods such as "cracking," "stacking," and "packing," certain groups are denied an effective vote. See, United Jewish Organizations o f Williamsburgh, Inc. v. Carey, 430 U.S. 144, 97 S.Ct. 996, 51 L.Ed.2d 229 (1977) ("UJO"); Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , 113 S.Ct. 1149, 122 L.Ed.2d 500 (1993). Acknowledging UJO and its progeny, Shaw went further, holding that "district lines obviously drawn for the purpose of separating voters by race require careful scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause regardless of the motivations underlying their adoption." Id. 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826. Supporting this holding is the now famous case of Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339, 81 S.Ct. 125, 5 L.Ed.2d 110 (1960) in which the Alabama legislature redefined the boundaries of Tuskegee, essentially excluding all but a few black citizens from the district. The result was "a strangely irregular twenty-eight-sided figure." Id., at 341, 81 S.Ct. at 127. The Court found the scheme repugnant to the Fifteenth Amendment, holding: 97a ... Act 140 was not an ordinary geographic redistricting measure even within familiar abuses of gerrymandering. If these allegations upon a trial remain uncontradicted or unqualified, the conclusion would be irresistible, tantamount for all practical purposes to a mathematical demonstration, that the legislation is solely concerned with segregating white and colored voters ... It is difficult to appreciate what stands in the way of adjudging a statute having this inevitable effect invalid in light of the principles by which this Court must judge, and uniformly has judged, statutes that, howsoever speciously defined, obviously discriminate against colored citizens. Id. at 341, 342, 81 S.Ct. at 127, 127. Therefore, racial gerrymandering, or legislation that manipulates district lines to achieve a predetermined racial result is subject to strict scrutiny. D PROVING A RACIAL GERRYMANDER "Proof of racially discriminatory intent or purpose is required to show a violation of the Equal Protection Clause." Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 265, 97 S.Ct. 555, 563. Such invidious discriminatory intent or purpose need not be the legislature’s dominant or primary consideration. Rather, proof that invidious discriminatory purpose was a motivating factor in the legislation will suffice. Id. Because improper racial classifications rarely appear on the face of legislation, the Supreme Court has identified subjects of proper inquiry in determining whether racially discriminatory intent existed. For example, legislation that "bears more heavily on one race than another" may indicate discrimination, Washington 98a v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 96 S.Ct. 2040, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976), as will historical patterns, Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 267, 97 S.Ct. 555, 564, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977), legislative history, Id., irrationality pointing to nothing but racial classification, Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 6 S.Ct. 1064, 30 L.Ed. 220 (1886), and direct evidence adduced, as in this case, before a three judge panel. Shaw stands for the proposition that bizarre reapportionment schemes such as that challenged in North Carolina and Act 42 fall into the Yick Wo category and may, in and of themselves, be evidence of invidious discrimination. Of course, these indicators may be rebutted by evidence of wholly legitimate purposes. "The district lines may be drawn, for example, to provide for compact districts of contiguous territory, or to maintain the integrity of political subdivisions." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2826. When such legitimate purposes are disclosed and accepted by the court, heightened scrutiny is inappropriate. However, if the grounds asserted are an obvious pretext for racial discrimination or are simply post hoc arguments contrived to shield the segregation from judicial inquiry, the court must pursue the strict scrutiny regime. E STRICT SCRUTINY: WHEN IS A STATE INTEREST COMPELLING AND WHAT DETERMINES NARROW TAILORING? 1 COMPELLING STATE INTEREST Few interests will be deemed "compelling" enough to justify State classifications according to race. The Supreme Court has given little indication as to what satisfies this portion of the strict scrutiny regime. However, the Court has accepted the correction of past governmental and private 99a sector discrimination, Richmond v. J.A. Croson, 488 U.S. 469, 109 S.Ct. 706, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989), ethnic and racial diversification in the faculty and student bodies of state operated universities and professional schools, see Regents o f the University o f California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 98 S.Ct. 2733, 57 L.Ed.2d 750 (1978), and has suggested that States have a "very strong interest in complying with federal antidiscrimination laws that are constitutionally valid as interpreted and applied." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2830. Despite the language in Bakke, the Court seems unwilling to allow any race-based measures outside a remedial setting3. Croson, 488 U.S. at 493, 109 S.Ct. at 721. Although the States and their subdivisions may take action to remedy discrimination, "they must identify that discrimination, public or private, with some specificity before they may use race-conscious relief." Croson, 488 U.S. at 503, 109 S.Ct. at 727. That identification occurs when "judicial, legislative, or administrative findings of constitutional or statutory violations" are made. Bakke, 438 U.S. at 308-309, 98 S.Ct. at 2757-2758. Otherwise, "the dream of a Nation of equal citizens in a society where race is irrelevant to personal opportunity and achievement would be lost in a mosaic of shifting preferences based on inherently unmeasurable claims of past wrongs." Croson, 488 U.S. at 504, 109 S.Ct. at 728. 2 NARROWLY TAILORED Once an interest has been properly identified and accepted as compelling, the court must examine the classification in order to determine whether it is narrowly 3Compliance with federal law under the Voting Rights Act may be viewed as remedial and, therefore a state interest and perhaps compelling. 100a tailored to "fit" the interest involved. In deciding whether race- conscious remedies are appropriate, the court may consider several factors. Among these are the necessity for the relief and the efficacy of alternative remedies; the flexibility and duration of the relief; and the impact of the relief on the rights of third parties. U.S. v. Paradise, 480 U.S. 149, 169, 107 S.Ct. 1053, 1066, 94 L.Ed.2d 203 (1987). However, the relief must not go beyond what is reasonably necessary to accomplish the compelling interests. See, Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2831. Therefore, this court must first determine how the districts were drawn, that is, whether they were drawn along race lines or not. To do so, this Court will examine the factors listed in section D above. If the State counters with a legitimate non-racial explanation for Act 42’s configuration, this Court will defer to the Legislature and refrain from reviewing the merits of their decisions. However, if a motivating factor behind the reapportionment scheme was racial, strict scrutiny applies. Then we turn to whether the State had a compelling interest supporting racial discrimination. We will expect the State to provide specific evidence warranting its action and require a nexus between the action and the interest. Finally, we will examine whether Act 42 itself was narrowly tailored to fit the compelling interest in light of the factors discussed above. II ANALYSIS A AC T 42 IS A RACIAL GERRYMANDER This court found the evidence to indicate overwhelmingly that the intent of legislature was to divide Louisiana’s congressional districts along racial lines. The inferential evidence and the direct testimony of legislators 101a for both the plaintiffs and the State allow no other conclusion. It is true that the State attempted to demonstrate non-racial explanations for the highly irregular districts. In light of the testimony at both the trial and evidentiary hearing, these suggestions are but post hoc rationalizations. The evidence before the Court demonstrated that the State Legislature acted as it did to gain pre-clearance and contrived the interest of correcting past discrimination for the purpose of the evidentiaiy hearing alone. Finally, as the majority notes above, most witnesses readily admitted to the availability of other plans less offensive to traditional districting patterns and or smaller racial discrepancies. B AC T 42 IS SUBJECT TO STRICT SCRUTINY As our factual findings denote, Act 42 is a clear example of a racial gerrymander. Specifically, District 4 permits no conclusion other than classic segregation. Both the facial irregularity without plausible non-racial explanation4 and the explicit testimony of the legislators 4The defense elicited testimony that District 4 actually represents certain commonalities of interest. Essentially, the State suggested that certain interests are predominantly shared by Blacks and therefore District 4 has a sufficient non-racial justification. This is exactly the type State action that our color-blind Constitution prohibits. As the Shaw Court held: "A reapportionment plan that includes in one district individuals who belong to the same race, but who are otherwise widely separated by geographical and political boundaries, and who may have little in common but the color of their skin, bears an uncomfortable resemblance to political apartheid. It reinforces the perception that members of the same racial group—regardless of their age, education, economic status, or the community in which they live-think alike, share the same political interests, 102a require this finding. Since redistricting along racial lines was a motivating factor, Act 42 is subject to strict scrutiny. This panel must now determine whether Act 42 was justified by a compelling governmental interest and that the means chosen by the State to effectuate its purpose were narrowly tailored to the achievement of that goal. 1 COMPELLING INTERESTS The State advanced two main compelling interests behind the racial gerrymander. I discussed the findings required by Croson, Wygant, and Bakke when a State attempts to rely on prior discrimination as a foundation for remedial action. I see no reason why the same analysis and will prefer the same candidates at the polls. We have rejected such perceptions elsewhere as impermissible racial stereotypes. By perpetuating such notions, a racial gerrymander may exacerbate the very patterns of racial bloc voting that majority-minority districting is sometimes said to counteract. The message that such districting sends to elected representatives is equally pernicious. When a district is obviously created solely to effectuate the perceived common interests of one racial group, elected officials are more likely to believe that their primary obligation is to represent only the members of that group, rather than their constituency as a whole. This is altogether antithetical to our system of representative democracy." Id . 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2827. I agree with what I perceive to be Justice O’Connor’s views. If a multi- cultural State in which voters shared interests not according to the color of their skin but the content of their lives and experiences was the Legislature’s goal, the tampering would have resulted in more evenly split districts. The races would then have to reconcile their differences with one another and move forward on common ground. 103a should not apply when a state argues that compliance with federal anti-discrimination law mandated the jurisdiction’s race-based action. In order to rely on "remedying past discrimination" and "obeying the law," a State must "demonstrate a strong basis in evidence for its conclusion that remedial action was necessary." Croson, 488 U.S. at 510, 109 S.Ct. at 730. I examine each purported interest in turn to see if the State has met this burden. a Past or Present Discrimination "Societal discrimination, without more, is too amorphous a basis for imposing a racially classified remedy." Wygant v. Jackson Bd. ofEduc., 476 U.S. 267,106 S.Ct. 1842, 90 L.Ed.2d 260 (1986). The Supreme Court has firmly held that States must have "convincing evidence that remedial action is warranted." Id. While there is no doubt that Louisiana has a sorry history of race relations, the defense did not provide evidence that the Legislature had before it the necessary factual predicate warranting a voluntary affirmative action redistricting plan. In fact, the evidence supports the conclusion that the Legislature did not create Act 42 for the purpose of remedying past discrimination at all. Thus, if the State does intend to redistrict along racial lines with the goal of correcting past electoral discrimination, it must demonstrate what evidence warrants a finding of discrimination and how a specific plan relates to the elimination thereof. b Pre-clearance from the Department of Justice The State legislators acted under the assumption that failure to create a second majority-minority district would result in the denial of pre-clearance by the Department of Justice. This assumption seems to be founded upon the rejection of two non-congressional plans by the Department 104a of Justice. However, both letters from the Civil Rights Division acknowledged that the plans satisfied Section 5 pre-clearance requirements but rejected the plans because they could have been drawn more effectively. The Shaw opinion held that a state interest in complying with federal law is compelling only as constitutionally interpreted and applied. Additionally, by pointing out the distinction between what the law requires and what it permits, the Court stated that even valid plans under the Voting Rights Act must comport with the Fourteenth Amendment. Because the Voting Rights requirements do not give covered jurisdictions carte blanche to engage in racial geriymandering in the name of nonretrogression, the question for this court is whether the State of Louisiana had a strong basis in evidence for the belief that failure to create a second majority-minority district would violate Section 2 or 5 of the Voting Rights Act. (1) Section 2 o f the Voting Rights Act Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. s 1973 was enacted to accomplish the guarantees of the Fifteenth Amendment. Specifically, Section 2(a) prohibits the imposition of any electoral practice or procedure that "results in a denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen ... to vote on account of race or color." This section therefore rejects State actions that, "interacting with social and historical conditions, impair the ability of a protected class to elect its candidate of choice on an equal basis with other voters." Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. — , — , 113 S.Ct. 1149, 1155, 122 L.Ed.2d 500 (1993). If, under the totality of the circumstances, a State’s apportionment scheme has the effect of diminishing or abridging the voting strength of a protected class, a Section 2 violation has occurred. Id. These "dilution" claims involve three threshold conditions. 105a First, they must show that the minority group ’is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single member district.’ Second, they must prove that the minority group " ’is politically cohesive.’ " Third, the plaintiffs must establish ’that the white majority votes sufficiently as a bloc to enable it ... usually to defeat the minority’s preferred candidate.’ Id. 507 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 1157 (quoting Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 50-51, 106 S.Ct. 2752, 2766, 92 L.Ed.2d 25 (1986)). District 4 is evidence alone that the minority population large enough to constitute a majority in a single member district is not geographically compact. Without satisfaction of this initial Gingles condition, it is impossible to find that the State had a rational basis to believe that failure to create a second majority-minority district would violate Section 2. Reliance on possibly invalid applications of the Voting Rights Act by the Department of Justice cannot create a compelling state interest. If so, the Department of Justice and various States could sidestep the holdings of Croson, Gingles, and Shaw with ease. (2) Section 5 o f the Voting Rights Act Similar findings are required under the "nonretrogression" analysis of Section 5. If the State had no basis to believe that one majority-minority district out of seven districts would constitute retrogression, then reliance on Section 5 as a compelling interest is misplaced. "Under [the nonretrogression] principle, a proposed voting change cannot be pre-cleared if it will lead to a retrogression in the position of racial minorities with respect to their effective exercise of the electoral franchise." Shaw, 508 U.S. at — , 113 S.Ct. at 2830 (quoting Beer v. U.S., 425 U.S. 130,141, 96 S.Ct. 1357, 1364, 47 L.Ed.2d 629 (1976)). On its face, 106a creating one district out of seven when the previous ratio was one district out of eight is not retrogressive. Once again, the legislature appears to have founded their belief that one district out of seven is retrogressive completely on the Department of Justice’s previous unrelated rulings and the assumption that a gerrymandered second district was a requisite to pre-clearance. Without restating the points made above, I find such an assumption, without additional evidence, uncompelling. In summary, I find post hoc reliance on past discrimination and warrantless assertions that the Voting Rights Act mandated a second district, unpersuasive. This is not to say that the State cannot rely on those interests to justify future affirmative action. Rather, I find that the basis forwarded by the State to claim these interests as compelling is so slim that they reek of the pretextual and the contrived. 2 NARROWLY TAILORED Even if this panel were to overlook the dearth of Crosort-type findings in this case, Act 42 cannot be termed narrowly tailored to fit the interests above. Since I concur in the majority opinion, I find no reason to reiterate their conclusions that Act 42 is not narrowly tailored to fit any compelling interest. Ill CONCLUSION I am gravely disturbed by the history of racial discrimination in this country and State, but I believe that segregation of voters by race will achieve nothing but more discrimination, more separation, more animosity and would push Justice Harlan’s and Dr. King’s dream for this nation ever further into the future. One hundred and thirty years ago this nation endured a bloody civil war to ensure freedom and equality for all. That pledge, so dearly bought, remains elusive, but the concept that people defined only by race should receive separate representation in the legislative bodies of our government mocks the goals for which so many have suffered and died. Indeed, in my opinion, it breathes life into the discredited doctrine announced by the majority in Plessy, forty years after the Supreme Court administered what should have been its mortal wound. The districts created under Act 42 are the creatures of a racial gerrymander. The circumstantial and direct evidence supported no other conclusion. Therefore, strict scrutiny applies to Act 42. Under that regime, the justifications offered by the State for its race-based measures were not accompanied by the requisite factual predicate. Additionally, the measures taken were not narrowly tailored to fit the interests, however baseless, advanced by the State. 107a 108a A P P E N D I X G [F ile d A u g . 2 4 , 1 9 9 4 ] U N I T E D S T A T E S D IS T R IC T C O U R T F O R T H E W E S T E R N D IS T R IC T O F L O U IS IA N A S H R E V E P O R T D IV IS IO N RAY HAYS, et al., Plaintiffs, vs. EDWIN W. EDWARDS, et al., Defendants, vs. Civil Action No. 92-1522S UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Defendant- Intervenor. NOTICE OF APPEAL Notice is hereby given that Bernadine St. Cyr, Donald Thibodeax, Patrick Fontenot, Hazel Freeman, Janice Frazier, Ralph Wilson, proposed defendant- intervenors in the above named case, hereby appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States from an order denying intervention, pursuant to Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(a), and Fed. R. Civ. P. 24(b), issued by a three-judge panel in open court on July 21, 1994, and from the final 109a judgment in this action entered on the 29th day of July 1994. This appeal is taken pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1253. Respectfully submitted, Elaine R. J ones Director-Counsel Theodore M. Shaw Associate Director-Counsel /s/Judith Reed NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund , Inc. 99 Hudson Street Suite 1600 New York, New York 10013 (212) 219-1900 W illiam P. Quigley Loyola Law Clinic 7214 St. Charles Avenue New Orleans, LA 70118 (504) 861-5550 State Bar No. 7769 Attorneys for defendant-intervenors August 22, 1994