Williams v. Florida Opinion
Public Court Documents
June 22, 1970
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Williams v. Florida Opinion, 1970. 674b1e36-c99a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/2ea30ff9-e71f-44fa-a77c-8634d2a5f658/williams-v-florida-opinion. Accessed December 06, 2025.
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SUPBEME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
No. 927.— October T erm, 1969
Johnny Williams,
Petitioner,
v.
State of Florida.,
On Writ of Certiorari to the District
Court of Appeal of Florida, Third
District.
[June 22, 1970]
M r. Justice W hite delivered the opinion of the Court.
Prior to his trial for robbery in the State of Florida,
petitioner filed a “Motion for a Protective Order,” seek
ing to be excused from the requirements of Rule 1.200
of the Florida Rules of Criminal Procedure. That rule
requires a defendant, on written demand of the prosecut
ing attorney, to give notice in advance of trial if the
defendant intends to claim an alibi, and to furnish the
prosecuting attorney with information as to the place
he claims to have been and with the names and addresses
of the alibi witnesses he intends to use.1 In his motion
petitioner openly declared his intent to claim an alibi,
but objected to the further disclosure requirements on
the ground that the Rule “compels the defendant in a
criminal case to be a witness against himself” in viola
tion of his Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment rights.1 2
The motion was denied. Petitioner also filed a pre-trial
motion to impanel a 12-man jury instead of the six-
man jury provided by Florida law in all but capital
1 The full text of the Rule is set out in the appendix to this
opinion, infra, at -----. Subsequent references to an appendix are
to the separately bound appendix filed with the briefs in this case
[hereinafter “App.” ].
2 See App., 5.
2 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
cases.3 That motion too was denied. Petitioner was
convicted as charged and was sentenced to life imprison
ment.4 The District Court of Appeal affirmed, rejecting
petitioner’s claims that his Fifth and Sixth Amendment
rights had been violated. We granted certiorari.5 * 396
U. S. 955 (1969).
I
Florida’s notice-of-alibi rule is in essence a require
ment that a defendant submit to a limited form of
pre-trial discovery by the State whenever he intends to
rely at trial on the defense of alibi. In exchange for
the defendant’s disclosure of the witnesses he proposes
to use to establish that defense, the State in turn is
required to notify the defendant of any witnesses it
proposes to offer in rebuttal to that defense. Both sides
are under a continuing duty promptly to disclose the
names and addresses of additional witnesses bearing on
the alibi as they become available. The threatened
sanction for failure to comply is the exclusion at trial
of the defendant’s alibi evidence—except for his own
testimony—or, in the case of the State, the exclusion of
the State’s evidence offered in rebuttal to the alibi.13
In this case, following the denial of his Motion for
a Protective Order, petitioner complied with the alibi
3 Fla. Stat. §913.10 (1) (1967):
“Twelve men shall constitute a jury to try all capital cases, and
six men shall constitute a jury to try all other criminal cases.”
4 See App., 82.
5 The Supreme Court of Florida had earlier held that it was
without jurisdiction to entertain petitioner’s direct appeal from the
trial court. See id., at 92. Under Florida law, the District Court
of Appeal became the highest court from which a decision could
be had. See Fla. Const. Art. V, § 4 (2 ); Fla. App. Rule 2.1a (5) ( a ) ;
Ansin v. Thurston, 101 So. 2d 808, 810 (1958).
G “For good cause shown” the court may waive the requirements
of the Rule. Fla. Rule Crim. Proc. 1.200.
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 3
rule and gave the State the name and address of one
Mary Scotty. Mrs. Scotty was summoned to the office
of the State Attorney on the morning of the trial, where
she gave pre-trial testimony. At the trial itself, Mrs.
Scotty, petitioner, and petitioner’s wife all testified that
the three of them had been in Mrs. Scotty’s apartment
during the time of the robbery. On two occasions dur
ing cross-examination of Mrs. Scotty, the prosecuting
attorney confronted her with her earlier deposition in
which she had given dates and times which in some
respects did not correspond with the dates and times
given at trial. Mrs. Scotty adhered to her trial story,
insisting that she had been mistaken in her earlier
testimony.7 The State also offered in rebuttal the testi
mony of one of the officers investigating the robbery
who claimed that Mrs. Scotty had asked him for direc
tions on the afternoon in question during the time when
she claimed to have been in her apartment with peti
tioner and his wife.8
We need not linger over the suggestion that the dis
covery permitted the State against petitioner in this
case deprived him of “due process” or a “ fair trial.”
Florida law provides for liberal discovery by the de
fendant against the State,9 and the notice-of-alibi rule
is itself carefully hedged with reciprocal duties requiring
state disclosure to the defendant. Given the ease with
which an alibi can be fabricated, the State’s interest in
protecting itself against an eleventh hour defense is
both obvious and legitimate. Reflecting this interest,
notice-of-alibi provisions, dating at least from 1927,10
7 See App., 58-60.
8 Id., at 65-66.
9 See Fla. Rule Crim. Proc. 1.220. These discovery provisions
were invoked by petitioner in the instant case. See App., 3, 4, 8.
10 See Epstein, Advance Notice of Alibi, 55 J. Crim. L. C. & P. S.
29, 32 (1964).
4 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
are now in existence in a substantial number of States.11
The adversary system of trial is hardly an end to itself ;
it is not yet a poker game in which players enjoy an
absolute right always to conceal their cards until
played.11 12 We find ample room in that system, at least
as far as “due process” is concerned, for the instant
Florida rule, which is designed to enhance the search for
truth in the criminal trial by insuring both the defendant
and the State ample opportunity to investigate certain
facts crucial to the determination of guilt or innocence.
Petitioner’s major contention is that he was “com
pelled to be a witness against himself” contrary to
the commands of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments
because the notice-of-alibi rule required him to give
the State the name and address of Mrs. Scotty in ad
vance of trial and thus to furnish the State with in
formation useful in convicting him. No pre-trial state
ment of petitioner was introduced at trial; but armed
with Mrs. Scotty’s name and address and the knowledge
11 In addition to Florida, at least 15 States appear to have alibi-
notice requirements of one sort or another. See Ariz. Rule Grim.
Proc. 192 (B) (1956); Ind. Ann. Stat. §§9-1631 to 9-1633 (1956);
Iowa Code § 777.18 (1962); Kan. Gen. Stat. Ann. § 62-1341 (1964);
Mich. Comp. Laws §§ 768.20, 768.21; Minn. Stat. § 630.14 (1961);
N. J. Rules 3:5-9 (1958); N. Y. Code Crim. Proc. §295-1 (1958);
Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 2945.58 (Page 1964); Okla. Stat. tit. 22 § 585
(1961); Pa. Rule Crim. Proc. 312, 19 P. S. App. (1970); S. D. Code
§34.2801 (Supp. 1960); Utah Code Ann. §77-22-17 (1964); Vt.
Stat. Ann. tit. 13, §§ 6561, 6562 (1959); Wis. Stat. §955.07 (1961).
See generally 6 Wigmore, Evidence, § 1855b (3d ed. 1940).
We do not, of course, decide that each of these alibi-notice pro
visions is necessarily valid in all respects; that conclusion must
await a specific context and an inquiry, for example, into whether
the defendant enjoys reciprocal discovery against the State.
12 See, e. g., Brennan, The Criminal Prosecution: Sporting Event
or Quest for Truth, 1963 Wash. U. L. Q. 279, 292.
WILLIAMS v, FLORIDA 5
that she was to be petitioner’s alibi witness, the State
was able to take her deposition in advance of trial
and to find rebuttal testimony. Also, requiring him to
reveal the elements of his defense is claimed to have
interferred with his right to wait until after the State
had presented its case to decide how to defend against
it. We conclude, however, as has apparently every
other court which has considered the issue,13 that the
privilege against self-incrimination is not violated by a
requirement that the defendant give notice of an alibi
defense and disclose his alibi witnesses.14
The defendant in a criminal trial is frequently forced
to testify himself and to call other witnesses in an effort
to reduce the risk of conviction. When he presents his
witnesses, he must reveal their identity and submit them
to cross examination which in itself may prove incrim
inating or which may furnish the State with leads to
18 E. g., State v. Stump, 254 Iowa 1181, 119 N. W. 2d 210, cert,
denied, 375 U. S. 853 (1963); State v. Baldwin, 47 N. J. 379, 221 A.
2d 199, cert, denied, 385 U. S. 980 (1966); People v. Rakiec, 260
App. Div. 452, 23 N. Y. S. 2d 607, 612-613 (1940); Commonwealth
v. Vecchiolli, 208 Pa. Super. 483, 224 A. 2d 96 (1966); see Jones v.
Superior Court, 22 Cal. Rptr. 879, 372 P. 2d 919 (1962); Louisell,
Criminal Discovery and Self-Incrimination: Roger Traynor Con
fronts the Dilemma, 53 Calif. L. Rev. 89 (1965); Traynor, Ground
Lost and Found in Criminal Discovery, 39 N. Y. U. L. Rev. 228
(1964); Comment, The Self-Incrimination Privilege: Barrier to
Criminal Discovery?, 51 Calif. L. Rev. 135 (1963); 76 Harv. L. Rev.
838 (1963).
14 We emphasize that this case does not involve the question of
the validity of the threatened sanction, had petitioner chosen not to
comply with the notice-of-alibi rule. Whether and to what extent
a State can enforce discovery rules against a defendant who fails
to comply, by excluding relevant, probative evidence is a question
raising Sixth Amendment issues which we have no occasion to
explore. Cf. brief for amicus curiae, 17-26. It is enough that no
such penalty was exacted here.
6 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
incriminating rebuttal evidence. That the defendant
faces such a dilemma demanding a choice between com
plete silence and presenting a defense has never been
thought an invasion of the privilege against compelled
self-incrimination. The pressures generated by the
State’s evidence may be severe but they do not vitiate
the defendant’s choice to present an alibi defense and
witnesses to prove it, even though the attempted de
fense ends in catastrophe for the defendant. However
“testimonial” and “incriminating” the alibi defense
proves to be, it cannot be considered “compelled” within
the meaning of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments.
Very similar constraints operate on the defend
ant when the State requires pre-trial notice of alibi
and the naming of alibi witnesses. Nothing in such a
rule requires the defendant to rely on an alibi or pre
vents him from abandoning the defense; these matters
are left to his unfettered choice.15 That choice must
15 Petitioner’s apparent suggestion to the contrary is simply not
borne out by the facts of this case. The mere requirement that
petitioner disclose in advance his intent to rely on an alibi in no
way “ fixed” his defense as of that point in time. The suggestion
that the State, by referring to petitioner’s proposed alibi in opening
or closing statements might have “ compelled” him to follow through
with the defense in order to avoid an unfavorable inference is a
hypothetical totally without support in this record. The first ref
erence to the alibi came from petitioner’s own attorney in his
opening remarks; the State’s response did not come until after the
defense had finished direct examination of Mrs. Scotty. Petitioner
appears to raise this issue as a possible defect in alibi-notice re
quirements in general, without seriously suggesting that his choice
of defense at trial in this case would have been different but for
his prior compliance with the Rule. Indeed, in his Motion for a
Protective Order, petitioner freely disclosed his intent to rely on
an alibi; his only objection was to the further requirement that he
disclose the nature of the alibi and the name of the witness. On
these facts, then, we simply are not confronted with the question
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 7
be made, but the pressures which bear on his pre-trial
decision are of the same nature as those which would
induce him to call alibi witnesses at the trial: the force
of historical fact beyond both his and the State’s control
and the strength of the State’s case built on these facts.
Response to that kind of pressure by offering evidence
or testimony is not compelled self-incrimination trans
gressing the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments..
In the case before us, the notice-of-alibi rule by itself
in no way affected petitioner’s crucial decision to call
alibi witnesses or added to the legitimate pressures lead
ing to that course of action. At most, the rule only
compelled petitioner to accelerate the timing of his dis
closure, forcing him to divulge at an earlier date infor
mation which the petitioner from the beginning planned
to divulge at trial. Nothing in the Fifth Amendment
privilege entitles a defendant as a matter of constitu
tional right to await the end of the State’s case before
announcing the nature of his defense, any more than it
entitles him to await the jury’s verdict on the State’s
case-in-chief before deciding whether or not to take the
stand himself.
Petitioner concedes that absent the notice-of-alibi rule
the Constitution would raise no bar to the court’s
granting the State a continuance at trial on the grounds
of surprise as soon as the alibi witness is called.16 Nor
of whether a defendant can be compelled in advance of trial to
select a defense from which he can no longer deviate. We do
not mean to suggest, though, that such a procedure must neces
sarily raise serious constitutional problems. See State ex rel. Simos
v. Burke, 41 Wis. 2d 129, 163 N. W. 2d 177, 181 (1968) (“ [i]f
we are discussing the right of a defendant to defer until the
moment of his testimony the election between alternative and
inconsistent alibis, we have left the concept of the trial as a search
for truth far behind” ).
16 See reply brief for petitioner, p, 2 and n. 1.
8 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
would there be self-incrimination problems if, during
that continuance, the State was permitted to do precisely
what it did here prior to trial: to depose the witness and
find rebuttal evidence. But if so utilizing a continuance
is permissible under the Fifth and Fourteenth Amend
ments, then surely the same result may be accomplished
through pretrial discovery, as it was here, avoiding the
necessity of a disrupted trial.17 We decline to hold that
the privilege against compulsory self-incrimination guar
antees the defendant the right to surprise the State with
an alibi defense.
II
In Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U. S. 145 (1968), we held
that the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees a right to
trial by jury in all criminal cases which—were they to
be tried in a federal court—would come within the Sixth
Amendment’s guarantee. Petitioner’s trial for robbery
on July 3, 1968, clearly falls within the scope of that
holding. See Baldwin v. New York, ante, p. ---- ; De
Stejano v. Woods, 392 U. S. 631 (1968). The question
in this case then is whether the constitutional guarantee
of a trial by “ jury” necessarily requires trial by exactly
12 persons, rather than some lesser number—in this case
six. We hold that the 12-man panel is not a necessary
ingredient of “ trial by jury,” and that respondent’s re
fusal to impanel more than the six members provided
for by Florida law did not violate petitioner’s Sixth
Amendment rights as applied to the States through the
Fourteenth.
We had occasion in Duncan v. Louisiana, supra, to
review briefly the oft-told history of the development
17 It might also be argued that the “ testimonial” disclosures pro
tected by the Fifth Amendment include only statements relating to
the historical facts of the crime, not statements relating solely to
what a defendant proposes to do at trial.
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 9
of trial by jury in criminal cases.18 That history revealed
a long tradition attaching great importance to the con
cept of relying on a body of one’s peers to determine
guilt or innocence as a safeguard against arbitrary law
enforcement. That same history, however, affords little
insight into the considerations which gradually led the
size of that body to be generally fixed at 12.19 Some
have suggested that the number 12 was fixed upon simply
because that was the number of the presentment jury
from the hundred, from which the petty jury developed.20
18 See Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U. S. 145, 151-154 (1968).
19 In tracing the development of the jury from the time when the
jury performed a different, “ inquisitory” function, James B. Thayer
notes the following:
“In early times the inquisition had no fixed number. In the
Frankish empire we are told of 66, 41, 20, 17, 11, 8, 7, 53, 15, and
a great variety of other numbers. So also among the Normans it
varied much, and ‘twelve has not even the place of the prevailing
grundzahl;’ the documents show all sorts of numbers— 4, 5„ 6, 12,
13-18, 21, 27, 30, and so on. It seems to have been the recogni
tions under Henry II. that established twelve as the usual number;
even then the number was not uniform.”
Thayer, The Jury and its Development, 5 Harv. L. Rev. 295
(1892) (citations omitted); see J. Thayer, A Preliminary Treatise
on Evidence at the Common Law 85 (1898).
Similarly, Professor Scott writes:
“At the beginning of the thirteenth century twelve was indeed the
usual but not the invariable number. But by the middle of the
fourteenth century the requirement of twelve had probably become
definitely fixed. Indeed this number finally came to be regarded
with something like superstitious reverence,” A. Scott, Funda
mentals of Procedure in Actions at Law 75-76 (1922) (footnotes
omitted).
201 W. Holdsworth, A History of English Law 325 (1927);
Wells, The Origin of the Petty Jury, 27 L. Q. Rev. 347, 357 (1911).
The latter author traces the development of the 12-man petty jury
through the following four stages. The first stage saw the develop
ment of the presentment jury, made up generally of 12 persons
from the hundred, whose function was simply to charge the ac
10 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
Other, less circular but more fanciful reasons for the
number 12 have been given, “but they were all brought
forward after the number was fixed,” 21 and rest on little
more than mystical or superstitious insights into the
significance of “ 12.” Lord Coke’s explanation that the
“number of twelve is much respected in holy writ, as 12
apostles, 12 stones, 12 tribes, etc.” 22 is typical.23 In
cused with a crime; the test of his guilt or innocence was by some
other means, such as trial by ordeal, battle, or wager of law. In
the second stage, the presentment jury began to be asked for its
verdict on the guilt or innocence of the person it had accused,
and hence began to function as both a petty and a grand jury.
In the third stage, “ combination juries” were formed to render the
verdict in order to broaden the base of representation beyond the
local hundred, or borough, to include the county. These juries
were, formed by adding one or more presentment juries from one
or more hundreds, as well as certain officials such as coroners or
knights. “ These combination juries numbered from twenty-four to
eighty-four jurors, and the number became embarrassingly large and
unwieldy, and the sense of personal responsibility of each juror was
in danger of being lost.” Id., at 356. The obvious fourth step was
the creation of a special jury “ formed by selecting one or more
jurors from each of several of the presentment juries of the hun
dreds until the number twelve is reached . . . probably because that
was the number of the presentment jury from the hundred. There
fore, just as the presentment jury represented the voice of the hun
dred in making the accusation, so the jury of ‘the country’, with the
same number, represented the whole county in deciding whether the
accused was guilty or not.” Id., at 357.
Neither of these authors hazards a guess as to why the present
ment jury itself numbered 12.
21 Id., at 357.
221 Coke, Institutes of the Laws of England *155a (1st Amer.
ed. 1812).
23 Thus John Proffatt in his treatise on jury trials notes that the
reasons why the number of the petit jury is 12, are “ quaintly
given” in Duncombe’s Trial per Pais, as follows:
“ [T]his number is no less esteemed by our own law than by
holy writ. If the twelve apostles on their twelve thrones must
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 11
short, while sometime in the 14th century the size of the
jury at common law came to be fixed generally at 12,24
that particular feature of the jury system appears to
have been an historical accident, unrelated to the great
try us in our eternal state, good reason hath the law to appoint
the number twelve to try us in our temporal. The tribes of Israel
were twelve, the patriarchs were twelve, and Solomon’s officers
were twelve.” J. Proffatt, Trial by Jury 112 n. 4 (1877), quoting
G. Duncombe, 1 Trials per Pais 92-93 (8th ed. 1766).
Attempts have also been made to trace the number 12 to
early origins on the European continent, particularly in Scandinavia
and Denmark. See F. Busch, 1 Law and Tactics in Jury Trials
§24 (1959). See generally W. Forsyth, History of Trial by Jury 4
(1852); T. Repp, Trial by Jury (1832). But even as to the
Continental practice, no better reasons are discovered for the num
ber 12. Thus Proffatt, in discussing the ancient Scandinavian
tribunals, comments:
“Twelve was not only the common number throughout Europe, but
was the favorite number in every branch of the polity and juris
prudence of the Gothic nations.
The singular unanimity in the selection of the number twelve
to compose certain judicial bodies, is a remarkable fact in the
history of many nations. Many have sought to account for this
general custom, and some have based it on religious grounds.
One of the ancient kings of Wales, Morgan of Gla-Morgan, to
whom is accredited the adoption of the trial by jury in A. D. 725,
calls it the ‘Apostolic Law.’ ‘For,’ said he, ‘as Christ and his twelve
apostles were finally to judge the world, so human tribunals should
be composed of the king and twelve wise men.’ ” J. Proffatt, Trial
by Jury 11 n. 2 (1877) (citations omitted). See also L. Pike, A
History of Crime in England 122 (1873).
In this connection it is interesting to note the following oath, re
quired of the early 12-man jury:
“ Hear this, ye Justices! that I will speak the truth of that which
ye shall ask of me on the part of the king, and I will do faithfully
to the best of my endeavour. So help me God, and these holy
Apostles.” W. Forsyth, Trial by Jury 197 (1852); see J. Proffatt,
supra, at 42.
24 See n. 19, supra.
12 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
purposes which gave rise to the jury in the first place.25
The question before us is whether this accidental feature
of the jury has been immutably codified into our
Constitution.
This Court’s earlier decisions have assumed an affirm
ative answer to this question. The leading case so con
struing the Sixth Amendment is Thompson v. Utah,
170 U. S. 343 (1898). There the defendant had been
tried and convicted by a 12-man jury for a crime com
mitted in the Territory of Utah. A new trial was
granted, but by that time Utah had been admitted as
a State. The defendant’s new trial proceeded under
Utah’s Constitution, providing for a jury of only eight
members. This Court reversed the resulting conviction,
holding that Utah’s constitutional provision was an ex
post facto law as applied to the defendant. In reaching
its conclusion, the Court announced that the Sixth
Amendment was applicable to the defendant’s trial when
Utah was a territory, and that the jury referred to in
the Amendment was a jury “constituted, as it was at
common law, of twelve persons, neither more nor less.”
170 U. S., at 349. Arguably unnecessary for the result,26
25 P. Devlin, Trial by Jury 8 (1956); F. Heller, The Sixth Amend
ment 64 (1951); W. Willoughby, Principles of Judicial Administra
tion 503 (1929); Tamm, The Five-Man Civil Jury: A Proposed
Constitutional Amendment, 51 Geo. L. J. 120, 128-130 (1962);
Wiehl, The Six Man Jury, 4 Gonzaga L. Rev. 35, 38-39 (1968);
see J. Thayer, supra n. 19, at 89-90; White, Origin and Development
of Trial by Jury, 29 Tenn. L. Rev. 8, 15-16, 17 (1959).
26 At the time of the crime and at the first trial the statutes of
the Territory of Utah— wholly apart from the Sixth Amendment—
ensured Thompson a 12-man jury. See 170 U. S., at 345. The
Court found the ex post facto question easy to solve, once it was
assumed that Utah’s subsequent constitutional provision deprived
Thompson of a right previously guaranteed him by the United
States Constitution; the possibility that the same result might
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 13
this announcement was supported simply by referring
to the Magna Carta,27 and by quoting passages from
treatises which noted—what has already been seen—
that at common law the jury did indeed consist of 12.
Noticeably absent was any discussion of the essential
step in the argument: namely, that every feature of the
jury as it existed at common law—whether incidental or
essential to that institution—was necessarily included
in the Constitution wherever that document referred to
a “ jury.” 28 Subsequent decisions have reaffirmed the
have been reached solely on the basis of the rights formerly accorded
Thompson under the territorial statute was hinted at, but was not
explicitly considered.
27 Whether or not the Magna Carta’s reference to a judgment
by one’s peers was a reference to a “ jury,”— a fact which historians
now dispute, see, e. g., 1 F. Pollock & F. Maitland, The History
of English Law Before the Time of Edward I, at 173 n. 3 (2d ed.
1909); Frankfurter & Corcoran, Petty Federal Offenses and the
Constitutional Guaranty of Trial by Jury, 39 Harv. L. Rev. 917,
922 n. 14 (1926) (criticizing Thompson v. Utah’s reliance on the
document “ long after scholars had exposed this ancient error” )—
it seems clear that the Great Charter is not authority for fixing the
number of the jury at 12. See W. McKeehnie, Magna Carta 134-
138; 375-382 (1958); Scott, Trial by Jury and the Reform of Civil
Procedure, 31 Harv. L. Rev. 669, 672 (1918).
As the text indicates, the question is not whether the 12-man
jury is traced to 1215 or to 1789, but whether that particular
feature must be accepted as a sine qua non of the jury trial guaran
teed by the Constitution. See F. Heller, supra n. 25, at 64.
28 The Thompson opinion also reasoned that if a jury can be
reduced from 12 to eight, then there was nothing to prevent its
similarly being reduced to four or two or even zero, thus dispensing
with the jury altogether. See 170 U. S., at 353 (1898). That
bit of “ logic,” resurrected today in M r . Justice H a r la n ’s concurring
opinion, post, at 9, suffers somewhat as soon as one recognizes that he
can get off the “ slippery slope” before he reaches the bottom.
We have no occasion in this case to determine what minimum
number can still constitute a “ jury,” but we do not doubt that
six is above that minimum.
14 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
announcement in Thompson, often in dictum29 and
usually by relying—where there was any discussion of
the issue at all—solely on the fact that the common
law jury consisted of 12.30 See Patton v. United
States, 281 U. S. 276, 288 (1930); 31 Rassmussen v.
United States, 197 U. S. 516, 519 (1905); Maxwell v.
Dow, 176 U. S. 581, 586 (1900).
While “ the intent of the Framers” is often an elusive
quarry, the relevant constitutional history casts consider
able doubt on the easy assumption in our past decisions
that if a given feature existed in a jury at common law
29 A ruling that the Sixth Amendment refers to a common law
jury was essential to the holding in Rassmussen v. United States,
197 U. S. 516 (1905), where the Court held invalid a conviction
by a six-man jury in Alaska. The ruling was accepted at the Gov
ernment’s concession without discussion or citation; the major focus
of the case was on the question whether the Sixth Amendment was
applicable to the territory in question at all. See 197 U. S., at 519
(1905).
30 Similarly, cases interpreting the jury trial provisions of the
Seventh Amendment generally leap from the fact that, the jury
possessed a certain feature at common law to the conclusion that
that feature must have been preserved by the Amendment’s simple
reference to trial by “ jury.” E. g., Capital Traction Co. v. Hof,
174 U. S. 1, 13-14 (1899); American Publishing Co. v. Fisher, 166
U. S. 464, 468 (1897). While much of our discussion in this case
may be thought to bear equally on the interpretation of the Sev
enth Amendment’s jury trial provisions, we emphasize that the
question is not before us; we do not decide whether, for example,
additional references to the “ common law” which occur in the
Seventh Amendment might support a different interpretation. See
injra, at 19 and n, 44.
31 The Patton opinion furnishes an interesting illustration of the
Court’s willingness to re-examine earlier assertions about the nature
of “ jury trial” in almost every respect except the 12-man jury
requirement. Patton reaffirmed the 12-man requirement with a
simple citation to Thompson v. Utah, while at the same time dis
carding as “ dictum” the equally dogmatic assertion in Thompson
that the requirement could not be waived. See 281 U. S., at 293.
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 15
in 1789, then it was necessarily preserved in the Con
stitution. Provisions for jury trial were first placed in
the Constitution in Article I l l ’s provision that “ [t]he
Trial of all Crimes . . . shall be by jury; and such
Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes
shall have been committed.” 32 The “very scanty his
tory [on this provision] in the records of the Con
stitutional Convention” 33 sheds little light either way
on the intended correlation between Article I l l ’s “jury”
and the features of the jury at common law.34 Indeed,
pending and after the adoption of the Constitution, fears
were expressed that Article I l l ’s provision failed to pre
serve the common law right to be tried by a “ jury of
the vicinage.” 35 That concern, as well as the concern
52 U. S. Const. Art. I l l , § 2, cl. 3.
33 Frankfurter & Corcoran, supra n. 27, at 969.
34 The only attention given the jury trial provisions involved such
questions as whether the right should also be extended to civil cases,
see Henderson, The Background of the Seventh Amendment, 80
Harv. L. Rev. 289, 292-294 (1966), whether the wording should
embrace the “ trial of all crimes” or the “ trial of all criminal offenses,”
see Frankfurter & Corcoran, supra n. 27, at 969, and how to provide
for the trial of crimes not committed in any state, id., at 969 n. 244.
See 2 M. Farrand, Records of the Federal Convention 144, 173,
187, 433, 438, 576, 587-588, 601, 628 (1911). See also 4 id., at 121
(indexing all references to Art. I l l , §2, cl. 3 in Farrand’s records).
35 See F. Heller, supra n. 25, at 31-33, 93; Warren, History of
the Federal Judiciary Act of 1789, 37 Harv. L. Rev. 49, 105 (1923).
Technically, “vicinage” means neighborhood, and “vicinage of the
jury” meant jury of the neighborhood or, in medieval England,
jury of the county. See IV Blackstone, Commentaries *350-351.
While Article III provided for venue, it did not impose the explicit
juror-residence requirement associated with the concept of “vicinage.”
See Maryland v. Brown, 295 F. Supp. 63, 80 (1969). In the Virginia
Convention, Madison conceded that the omission was deliberate and
defended it as follows:
“ It was objected yesterday, that there was no provision for a jury
from the vicinage. If it could have been done with safety, it would
16 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
to preserve the right to jury in civil as well as criminal
cases, furnished part of the impetus for introducing
Amendments to the Constitution which ultimately re
sulted in the jury trial provisions of the Sixth and
Seventh Amendments. As introduced by James Madison
in the House, the Amendment relating to jury trial in
criminal cases would have provided that:
“The trial of all crimes . . . shall be by an impar
tial jury of freeholders of the vicinage, with the
requisite of unanimity for conviction, of the right
of challenge, and other accustomed requisites . . . 33 * * 36
The Amendment passed the House in substantially this
form, but after more than a week of debate in the
Senate it returned to the House considerably altered.37
While records of the actual debates which occurred in
not have been opposed. It might so happen that a trial would
be impracticable in the county. Suppose a rebellion in a whole
district, would it not be impossible t,o get a jury? The trial by
jury is held as sacred in England as in America. There are de
viations of it in England: yet greater deviations have happened
here since we established our independence, than have taken place
there for a long time, though it be left to the legislative discretion.
It is a misfortune in any case that this trial should be departed
from, yet in some cases it is necessary. It must be therefore left
to the discretion of the legislature to modify it according to circum
stances. This is a complete and satisfactory answer.” 3 M. Far-
rand, Records of the Federal Convention 332 (1911).
361 Annals of Cong. 452 (1789).
37 The Senate Journal indicates that every clause in the House
version of the proposed Amendment was deleted except the clause
relating to grand jury indictment. Senate Journal, Sept. 4, 1789,
1st Cong., 1st Sess. 71. A subsequent motion to restore the words
providing for trial “by an impartial jury of the vicinage, with the
requisite of unanimity for conviction, the right of challenge, and
other accustomed requisites” failed of adoption. Senate Journal,
Sept. 9, 1789, 1st Cong., 1st Sess. 77.
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 17
the Senate are not available,38 a letter from Madison to
Edmund Pendleton on September 14, 1789, indicates
that one of the Senate’s major objections was to the
“vicinage” requirement in the House version.39 A con
ference committee was appointed. As reported in a
second letter by Madison on September 23, 1789, the
Senate remained opposed to the vicinage requirement,
partly because in their view the then-pending judiciary
bill—which was debated at the same time as the Amend
ments—adequately preserved the common-law vicinage
feature, making it unnecessary to freeze that requirement
into the Constitution. “The Senate,” wrote Madison:
“are . . . inflexible in opposing a definition of the
locality of Juries. The vicinage they contend is
either too vague or too strict a term; too vague if
depending on limits to be fixed by the pleasure of
the law, too strict if limited to the county. It was
proposed to insert after the word Juries, ‘with the
accustomed requisites,’ leaving the definition to be
construed according to the judgment of professional
38 The principal source of information on the proceedings of the
Senate in the First Congress is the Journal of Senator Maclay of
Pennsylvania, who unfortunately was ill during the Senate debate
on the amendments. See Journal of William Maclay 144-151
(1927); F. Heller, The Sixth Amendment 31-32 (1951).
39 Madison writes:
“The Senate have sent back the plan of amendments with some
alterations, which strike, in my opinion, at the most salutary
articles. In many of the States, Juries, even in criminal cases, are
taken from the State at large; in others, from districts of consider
able extent; in very few from the County alone. Hence a dislike
to the restraint with respect to vicinage, which has produced a
negative on that clause. . . . Several others have had a similar
fate.” Letter from James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, Sept.
14, 1789, in 1 Letters and Other Writings of James Madison 491
(1865).
18 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
men. Even this could not be obtained. . . . The
Senate suppose, also, that the provision for vicinage
in the Judiciary bill will sufficiently quiet the fears
which called for an amendment on this point.” 40
The version which finally emerged from the Committee
was the version which ultimately became the Sixth
Amendment, ensuring an accused:
“the right to a speedy and public trial, by an
impartial jury of the State and district wherein the
crime shall have been committed, which district
shall have been previously ascertained by law . . . .”
Gone were the provisions spelling out such common law
features of the jury as “unanimity,” or “ the accustomed
requisites.” And the “vicinage” requirement itself had
been replaced by wording which reflected a compromise
between broad and narrow definitions of that term, and
which left Congress the power to determine the actual
size of the “vicinage” by its creation of judicial districts.41
Three significant features may be observed in this
sketch of the background of the Constitution’s jury trial
provisions. First, even though the vicinage requirement
was as much a feature of the common law jury as was
the 12-man requirement,42 the mere reference to “ trial
by jury” in Article III was not interpreted to include
that feature. Indeed, as the subsequent debates over
the Amendments indicate, disagreement arose over
whether the feature should be included at all in its
common law- sense, resulting in the compromise described
above. Second, provisions w’hich would have explicitly
40 Letter from James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, Sept. 23,
1789, in id., at 492-493. See generally F. Heller, supra n. 25, at
28-34 (1951); Warren, supra n. 35, at 118-231.
41 See F. Heller, supra n. 25, at 93.
42 J. Proi'fatt, supra n. 23, at 119; 1 G. Curtis, History of the
Constitution 23 (1863).
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 19
tied the “jury” concept to the “accustomed requisites”
of the time were eliminated. Such action is concededly
open to the explanation that the “accustomed requisites”
were thought to be already included in the concept of
a “ jury.” But that explanation is no more plausible
than the contrary one: that the deletion had some sub
stantive effect. Indeed, given the clear expectation that
a substantive change would be effected by the inclusion
or deletion of an explicit “vicinage” requirement, the
latter explanation is, if anything, the more plausible.
Finally, contemporary legislative and Constitutional pro
visions indicate that where Congress wanted to leave no
doubt that it was incorporating existing common law
features of the jury system, it knew how to use express
language to that effect. Thus, the Judiciary bill, signed
by the President on the same day that the House and
Senate finally agreed on the form of the Amendments
to be submitted to the States, provided in certain cases
for the narrower “vicinage” requirements which the
House had wanted to include in the Amendments.43
And the Seventh Amendment, providing for jury trial
in civil cases, explicitly added that “no fact tried by a
jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the
United States, than according to the common law.” 44
43 The Act provided in § 29:
“ [t]hat in eases punishable with death, the trial shall be had in
the county where the offence was committed, or where that cannot
be done without great inconvenience, twelve petit jurors at least
shall be summoned from thence.” Act of Sept. 24, 1789, c. 20,
§ 29, 1 Stat. 88.
44 Similarly, the First Continental Congress resolved in October
1774:
“that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of
England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege
of being tried b}̂ their peers of the vicinage, according to the
course of that law.” 1 Journals of the Continental Congress 69
(Ford. ed. 1904) (emphasis added). And the Northwest Ordinance
20 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
We do not pretend to be able to divine precisely
what the word “ jury” imported to the Framers, the
First Congress, or the States in 1780. It may wrell be
that the usual expectation -was that the jury would
consist of 12,45 and that hence, the most likely con- * 1
of 1787 declared that the inhabitants of that territory should
“always be entitled to the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus,
and of the trial by jury . . . and judicial proceedings according
to the course of the common law,” Ordinance of 1787, Art. II,
1 U. S. C., at xxxvm (1964) (emphasis added). See Capital
Traction Co. v. Hof, 174 U. S. 1, 5-8 (concluding from these
sources that the explicit reference to the “ common law” in the
Seventh Amendment, referred to the rules of the common law of
England, not the rules as modified by local or state practice).
43 One scholar, however, in investigating the reception of the
English common law by the early American colonies, notes that
the process:
“ was not so simple as the legal theory would lead us to assume.
While their general legal conceptions were conditioned by, and
their terminology derived from, the common law, the early colonists
were far from applying it as a technical system, they often ignored
it or denied its subsidiary force, and they consciously departed
from many of its most essential principles.” Reinseh, The English
Common Law in the Early American Colonies, in 1 Select Essaj^s
in Anglo-American Legal History 415 (1907).
With respect to the jury trial in particular, while most of the
colonies adopted the institution in its English form at an early
date, more than one appears to have accepted the institution at
various stages only with “ various modifications.” See Id., at 412.
Thus Connecticut permitted majority decision in case of continued
failure to agree, id., at 386, Virginia expressed regret at being
unable to retain the “vicinage” requirement of the English jury,
id., at 405, Pennsylvania permitted majority verdicts and employed
juries of six or seven, id., at 398, and the Carolinas discontinued
the unanimity requirement, 5 F. Thorpe, Federal and State Con
stitutions 2781 (1909) (Art. 69, “ Fundamental Constitutions of
Carolina” ). See also F. Heller, supra n. 25, at 13-21.
The States which had adopted Constitutions by the time of the
Philadelphia Convention in 1787 appear for the most part to have
either explicitly provided that the jury would consist of 12, see Va.
Const, of 1776, § 8, in 7 F. Thorpe, Federal and State Constitutions
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 21
elusion to be drawn is simply that little thought was
actually given to the specific question we face today.
But there is absolutely no indication in “the intent
of the Framers” of an explicit decision to equate the
constitutional and common law characteristics of the
jury. Nothing in this history suggests, then, that we do
violence to the letter of the Constitution by turning to
other than purely historical considerations to determine
which features of the jury system, as it existed at com
mon law, were preserved in the Constitution. The rele
vant inquiry, as we see it, must be the function which
the particular feature performs and its relation to the
3813 (1909), or to have subsequently interpreted their jury trial pro
visions to include that requirement. In at least one instance involv
ing conviction by eight jurors, a subsequent South Carolina decision
interpreting the provision for trial by “ jury,” refused to declare
the 12-man requirement an essential feature of that institution,
immune from change by the legislature. See State v. Starling, 15
Rich. 120, 134 (1867). The conviction was affirmed without decid
ing the question, since the State had by that time adopted a
Constitution specifically empowering the legislature to determine
the number of jurors in certain inferior courts. South Carolina
remains today one of apparently five States, including Florida,
which provide for juries of less than 12 in felony cases where
imprisonment for more than one year may be imposed. See La.
Const. Art. VII, § 41; La. Crim. Proc. Code Ann. Art. 779 (West
Supp. 1969); S. C. Const. Art. 1, §§ IS, 25; Art, 5, § 22; S. C. Code
§§ 15-618, 15-612 (1962); Tex. Const. Art, 1, §§ 10, 15; Art. 5, § 17;
Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. Arts. 4.07, 37.02 (1966) ; Tex. Pen. Code
Ann. Art, 1148 (1961); Utah Const. Art, 1, §§10, 12; Utah Code
Ann. §7 8 ^ 6 -5 (1953).
In addition, it appears that at least nine States presently provide
for less than 12-man juries in trials of certain offenses carrying
maximum penalties of one year’s imprisonment. See Brief for
Appellee, at A13-A15, Baldwin v. New York, ante, p. -— (collecting
statutory provisions). See also 17 Mass. L. Q. No. 4, 12 (1932)
(noting States which have interpreted the “ right of trial by jury”
to permit trial by less than 12 in certain cases). For a “ poll of
state practice,” see M b . Justice H a r la n ’s concurring opinion, post,
at 6, 20 and App.
22 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
purposes of the jury trial. Measured by this standard,
the 12-man requirement cannot be regarded as an in
dispensable component of the Sixth Amendment.
The purpose of the jury trial, as we noted in Duncan,
is to prevent oppression by the Government, “Provid
ing an accused with the right to be tried by a jury of
his peers gave him an inestimable safeguard against the
corrupt or overzealous prosecutor and against the com
pliant, biased, or eccentric judge.” Duncan v. Louisiana,
supra, at 156. Given this purpose, the essential feature
of a jury obviously lies in the interposition between
the accused and his accuser of the common-sense judg
ment of a group of laymen, and in the community
participation and shared responsibility which results
from that group’s determination of guilt or innocence.
The performance of this role is not a function of the
particular number of the body which makes up the
jury. To be sure, the number should probably be large
enough to promote group deliberation, free from outside
attempts at intimidation, and to provide a fair possibility
for obtaining a representative cross section of the com
munity. But we find little reason to think that these
goals are in any meaningful sense less likely to be
achieved when the jury numbers six, than when it num
bers 12— particularly if the requirement of unanimity is
retained.46 And, certainly the reliability of the jury
46 We intimate no view whether or not the requirement of
unanimity is an indispensible element of the Sixth Amendment
jury trial. While much of the above historical discussion applies
as well to the unanimity as to the 12-man requirement, the former,
unlike the latter, may well serve an important role in the jury
function, for example, as a device for insuring that the Government
bear the heavier burden of proof. See Hibdon v. United States,
204 F. 2d 834, 838 (C. A. 6th Cir. 1953); Tamm, supra n. 25,
at 139. But cf. Comment, Waiver of Jury Unanimity— Some
Doubts About Reasonable Doubt, 21 U. Chi. L. Rev. 438, 441-443
as a factfinder hardly seems likely to be a function
of its size.
It might be suggested that the 12-man jury gives
a defendant a greater advantage since he has more
“chances” of finding a juror who will insist on acquittal
and thus prevent conviction. But the advantage might
just as easily belong to the State, which also needs
only one juror out of twelve insisting on guilt to prevent
acquittal.47 What few experiments have occurred—usu
ally in the civil area—indicate that there is no discern
ible difference between the results reached by the two
different-sized juries.48 In short, neither currently avail
able evidence nor theory49 suggests that the 12-man
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 23
(1954). See generally ABA Project on Minimum Standards for
Criminal Justice, Standards Relating to Trial by Jury 42-45 (tent,
draft May 1968).
47 It is true, of course, that the “ hung jury” might be thought to
result in a minimal advantage for the defendant, who remains uncon
victed and who enjoys the prospect that the prosecution will even
tually be dropped if subsequent juries also “ hang.” Thus a 100-man
jury would undoubtedly be more favorable for defendants than a 12-
man jury. But when the comparison is between 12 and six, the odds
of continually “ hanging” the jury seem slight, and the numerical
difference in the number needed to convict seems unlikely to inhere
perceptibly to the advantage of either side.
48 See Wiehl, supra n. 25, at 40-41; Tamm, supra n. 25, at 134-
136; Cronin, Six-Member Juries in District Courts, 2 Boston B. J.
27 (1958); Six-member Juries Tried in Massachusetts District Court,
42 J. Am. Jud. Soc. 138 (1958). See also New Jersey Experiments
with Six-Man Jury, 9 Bull, of the Section of Jud. Ad. of the ABA
(May 1966); Phillips, A Jury of Six in All Cases, 30 Conn. B. J. 354
(1956).
49 Studies of the operative factors contributing to small group
deliberation and decision-making suggest that jurors in the minority
on the first ballot are likely to be influenced by the proportional
size of the majority aligned against them. See H. Kalven & H.
Zeisel, The American Jury 462-463; 488-489 (1966); C. Hawkins,
Interaction and Coalition Realignments in Consensus-Seeking Groups:
A Study of Experimental Jury Deliberation 13, 146, 156, Aug. 17,
24 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
jury is necessarily more advantageous to the defendant
than a jury composed of fewer members.
Similarly, while in theory the number of viewpoints
represented on a randomly selected jury ought to in
crease as the size of the jury increases, in practice the
difference between the 12-man and the six-man jury
in terms of the cross section of the community repre
sented seems likely to be negligible. Even the 12-
man jury cannot insure representation of every distinct
voice in the community, particularly given the use of
the peremptory challenge. As long as arbitrary exclu
sions of a particular class from the jury rolls are for
bidden, see, e. g., Carter v. Jury Commission, 396 U. S.
320, 329-330 (1970), the concern that the cross section
will be significantly diminished if the jury is decreased
in size from 12 to six seems an unrealistic one.
We conclude, in short, as we began: the fact that the
jury at common law was composed of precisely 12 is an
historical accident, unnecessary to effect the purposes of
the jury system and wholly without significance “except
to mystics.” Duncan v. Louisiana, supra, at 182 (H ar
lan, J., dissenting). To read the Sixth Amendment as
forever codifying a feature so incidental to the real pur
pose of the Amendment is to ascribe a blind formalism
1960 (unpublished thesis on file at Library of Congress); ef. Aseh,
Effects of Group Pressure Upon the Modification and Distortion
of Judgments, in Swanson, Newcombe, & Hartley, Readings in Social
Psychology (1952). See generally, Note, On Instructing Deadlocked
Juries, 78 Yale L. J. 108 and n. 30 (and authorities cited), 110-111
(1968). Thus if a defendant needs initially to persuade four jurors
that the State has not met its burden of proof in order to escape
ultimate conviction by a 12-man jury, he arguably escapes by ini
tially persuading half that number in a six-man jury: random reduc
tion, within limits, of the absolute number of the jury would not
affect the outcome. See also C. Joiner, Civil Justice and the Jury
31, 83 (1962) (concluding that the deliberative process should be
the same in either the six or 12-man jury).
to the Framers which would require considerably more
evidence than we have been able to discover in the
history and language of the Constitution or in the rea
soning of our past decisions. We do not mean to in
timate that legislatures can never have good reasons
for concluding that the 12-man jury is preferable to the
smaller jury, or that such conclusions—reflected in the
provisions of most States and in our federal system50—
are in any sense unwise. Legislatures may well have
their own views about the relative value of the larger
and smaller juries, and may conclude that, wholly apart
from the jury’s primary function, it is desirable to spread
the collective responsibility for the determination of guilt
among the larger group. In capital cases, for example,
it appears that no State provides for less than 12 jurors—
a fact which suggests implicit recognition of the value
of the larger body as a means of legitimating society’s
decision to impose the death penalty. Our holding does
no more than leave these considerations to Congress and
the States, unrestrained by an interpretation of the Sixth
Amendment which would forever dictate the precise
number which can constitute a jury. Consistent with
this holding, we conclude that petitioner’s Sixth Amend
ment rights, as applied to the States through the Four
teenth Amendment, were not violated by Florida’s deci
sion to provide a six-man rather than a 12-man jury.
The judgment of the Florida District Court of Appeal is
Affirmed.
M r. Justice Blackmun took no part in the consid
eration or decision of this case.
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 25
“ See Fed. Rule Grim. Proe. 23 (“ [jjuries shall be of 12” ).
APPENDIX
Fla. Rule Crim. Proc. 1.200:
“Upon the written demand of the prosecuting
attorney, specifying as particularly as is known to
such prosecuting attorney, the place, date and time
of the commission of the crime charged, a defendant
in a criminal case who intends to offer evidence of
an alibi in his defense shall, not less than ten days
before trial or such other time as the court may
direct, file and serve upon such prosecuting at
torney a notice in writing of his intention to claim
such alibi, which notice shall contain specific in
formation as to the place at which the defendant
claims to have been at the time of the alleged
offense and, as particularly as is known to defendant
or his attorney, the names and addresses of the
witnesses by whom he proposes to establish such
alibi. Not less than five days after receipt of de
fendant’s witness list, or such other times as the
court may direct, the prosecuting attorney shall
file and serve upon the defendant the names and
addresses (as particularly as are known to the prose
cuting attorney) of the witnesses the State proposes
to offer in rebuttal to discredit the defendant’s alibi
at the trial of the cause. Both the defendant and
the prosecuting attorney shall be under a continu
ing duty to promptly disclose the names and ad
dresses of additional witnesses which come to the
attention of either party subsequent to filing their
respective witness lists as provided in this rule.
If a defendant fails to file and serve a copy of such
notice as herein required, the court may exclude
evidence offered by such defendant for the purpose
26
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 27
of proving an alibi, except the testimony of the
defendant himself. If such notice is given by a
defendant, the court may exclude the testimony
of any witness offered by the defendant for the
purpose of proving an alibi if the name and ad
dress of such witness as particularly as is known
to defendant or his attorney is not stated in such
notice. If the prosecuting attorney fails to file and
serve a copy on the defendant of a list of witnesses
as herein provided, the court may exclude exidence
offered by the state in rebuttal to the defendant’s
alibi evidence. If such notice is given by the prose
cuting attorney, the court may exclude the testi
mony of any witness offered by the prosecuting at
torney for the purpose of rebutting the defense of
alibi if the name and address of such witness as
particularly as is known to the prosecuting attorney
is not stated in such notice. For good cause shown
the court may waive the requirements of this rule.”
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
No. 927.— October T erm, 1969
Johnny Williams,
Petitioner,
v.
State of Florida..
On Writ of Certiorari to the District
Court of Appeal of Florida, Third
District.
[June 22, 1970]
M r. Chief Justice Burger, concurring.
I join fully in M r. Justice W hite ’s opinion for the
Court. I see an added benefit to the alibi notice rule
in that it will serve important functions by way of
disposing of cases without trial in appropriate circum
stances—a matter of considerable importance when
courts, prosecution offices and legal aid and defender
agencies are vastly overworked. The prosecutor upon
receiving notice will, of course, investigate prospective
alibi witnesses. If he finds them reliable and unim
peachable he will doubtless re-examine his entire case
and this process wrould very likely lead to dismissal of the
charges. In turn he might be obliged to determine
why false charges were instituted and where the break
down occurred in the examination of evidence which led
to a charge.
On the other hand, inquiry into a claimed alibi defense
may reveal it to be contrived and fabricated and the
witnesses accordingly subject to impeachment or other
attack. In this situation defense counsel would be
obliged to re-examine his case and, if he found his client
has proposed the use of false testimony, either seek to
withdraw from the case or try to persuade his client to
enter a plea of guilty, possibly by plea discussions which
could lead to disposition on a lesser charge.
2 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
In either case the ends of justice will have been served
and the processes expedited. These are the likely con
sequences of an enlarged and truly reciprocal pretrial
disclosure of evidence and the move away from the
“ sporting contest” idea of criminal justice.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Nos. 188 and 927.— October T erm, 1969
Robert Baldwin, Appellant,
On Appeal From the Court
I of Appeals of New York.188188 v.
State of New York.
Johnny Williams, Petitioner,
927927 v.
State of Florida.
On Writ of Certiorari to
the District Court of Ap
peal of Florida, Third
District.
[June 22, 1970]
M r . .Justice Harlan, dissenting in No. 188, and con
curring in No. 927.
In Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U. S. 145 (1968), the
Court held, over my dissent and that of M r . Justice
Stewart, that a state criminal defendant is entitled to
a jury trial in any case which, if brought in a federal
court, would require a jury under the Sixth Amendment.
Today the Court holds, in No. 188, Baldwin v. New
York, that New York cannot constitutionally provide
that misdemeanors carrying sentences up to one year
shall be tried in New York City without a jury.1 At
the same time the Court holds in No. 927, Williams v.
Florida, that Florida’s six-member jury statute satisfies
the Sixth Amendment as carried to the States b y the
Duncan holding.1 2 The necessary consequence of this
decision is that 12-member juries are not constitutionally
required in federal criminal trials either.
The historical argument by which the Court under
takes to justify its view that the Sixth Amendment does
not require 12-member juries is, in my opinion, much
1 Outside of New York City, such cases are triable before six-
membef juries.
2 Florida provides for a jury of 12 in capital cases and a six-member
jury “ to try all other criminal cases.” Fla. Stat. § 913.10 (1)
(1967).
2 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
too thin to mask the true thrust of this decision. The
decision evinces, I think, a recognition that the “incor-
porationist” view of the Due Process Clause of the Four
teenth Amendment, which underlay Duncan and is now
carried forward into Baldwin, must be tempered to allow
the States more elbow room in ordering their own crim
inal systems. With that much I agree. But to accom
plish this by diluting constitutional protections within
the federal system itself is something to which I cannot
possibly subscribe. Tempering the rigor of Duncan
should be done forthrightly, by facing up to the fact that
at least in this area the “ incorporation” doctrine does
not fit well with our federal structure, and by the same
token that Duncan was wrongly decided.
I would sustain both the Florida and New York stat
utes on the constitutional premises discussed in my
dissenting opinion in Duncan, 391 U. S., at 161 et seq.
In taking that course in Baldwin, I cannot, in a matter
that goes to the very pulse of sound constitutional adju
dication, consider myself constricted by stare decisis.3
Accordingly, I dissent in No. 188 and, as to the jury
issue, concur in the result in No. 927. Given Malloy
v. Hogan, 378 U. S. 1 (1964), I join that part of the
Court’s opinion in No. 927 relating to the Florida “alibi”
procedure.
I
As a predicate for my conclusions, it is useful to map
the circuitous route the Court has taken in order to reach
its results. In both cases, more patently in Williams
3 As Mr. Justice Frankfurter said, speaking for the Court:
. . stare decisis embodies an important social policy. It repre
sents an element of continuity in law, and is rooted in the psycho
logical need to satisfy reasonable expectations. But stare decisis
is a principle of policy and not a mechanical formula of adherence
to the latest decision, however recent and questionable, when such
adherence involves collision with a prior doctrine more embracing
in its scope, intrinsically sounder, and verified by experience.” See
Helvering v. Hallock, 309 U. S. 106, 119 (1940).
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 3
than in Baldwin, the Court has indiscriminately jumbled
together the history of jury trial practice in both the state
and federal systems, rather than taking as its point of
departure the language in which the federal guarantee
is expressed and the historical precedent that brings it
to life. The consequence of this inverted approach to
interpreting the Sixth Amendment results, fortuitously,4
in Baldwin in a Sixth Amendment rule that would be
reached under the correct approach, given the “incor-
porationist” philosophy of Duncan, but, unhappily, im
poses it on the one jurisdiction in the country that has
seen fit to do otherwise; and in Williams results in a
Sixth Amendment rule that could only be reached by
standing the constitutional dialetic on its head.
A
To the extent that the Court premises its conclusions
in the Baldwin case on federal precedent and the
common-law practice, I agree that the federal right to
jury trial attaches where an offense is punishable by as
much as six months’ imprisonment. I think this follows
both from the breadth of the language of the Sixth
Amendment, which provides for a jury in “all criminal
prosecutions,” and the evidence of historical practice.
In this regard I believe that contemporary usage in the
States is of little, if any, significance.5 For if exceptions
are to be created out of the all-embracing language of the
Sixth Amendment they should only be those that are
anchored in history.
4 While all States except New York provide for jury trials for
crimes carrying sentences of six months or more, there is a good
deal of diversity as to the number of jurors and the stage at which
it attaches.
5 After concluding, relying on this Court’s prior decisions that the
jury trial required by the Sixth Amendment applies only to “ serious”
as opposed to “ petty” offenses, the Court defines those terms by
perfunctory reference to history and a survey of prevailing state
rules. See No. 188, ante, at 5-6.
4 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
It is to the distinction between “petty” and “ serious”
offenses, rooted in the common law, that this Court has
looked to ascertain the metes and bounds of the federal
right guaranteed by the Sixth Amendment. See District
of Columbia v. Clauians, 300 U. S. 617 (1937); Schick
v. United States, 195 U. S. 65 (1904); Callan v. Wilson,
127 U. S. 540, 552 (1888). Since the conventional, if
not immutable practice at common law appears to have
been to provide juries for offenses punishable by fines
of more than £ 100 or sentences to hard labor of more
than six months in prison, see Frankfurter and Corcoran,
Petty Federal Offenses and the Constitutional Guaranty
of Trial by Jury, 39 Harv. L. Rev. 917 (1926),e I think it
appropriate to draw the line at six months in federal
cases,6 7 although, for reasons to follow, I would not en
cumber the States by this requirement.8
6 “ The range of severity of punishment in summary trials has
been defined by limiting jurisdiction to the imposition of fines up
to a hundred pounds and sentences with hard labor up to six
months.” Id., at 934. The practice in the Colonies was not uniform
but it is apparent that the line was drawn at six months in most
instances. See District of Columbia v. Claivans, supra, at 626 nn.
2, 3.
7 While this Court has said that the most significant index to the
seriousness of an offense is the degree of penalty that attaches,
see Frank v. United States, 395 U. S. 147, 148 (1969); District of
Columbia v. Clawans, supra, it should be recalled that this is not
alone determinative and that the “apportioned punishment is both
a consequence of the minor quality of the misconduct and an index
of the community’s moral judgment upon it.” Frankfurter &
Corcoran, supra. In Clawans the Court held the severity of pun
ishment was not determinative when the offense by its own nature is
not considered grave. 300 U. S., at 625; see also Callan v. Wilson,
supra, at 556; Schick v. United States, supra, where this Court
noted that the “ nature” of the offense and the severity of punish
ment are two distinct considerations. Compare the House debate
in 1930 over a bill to provide for a trial before federal magistrates
for crimes of a petty nature, 72 Cong. Rec. 9991-9994 (1930); see
[.Footnote 8 is on page 5]
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 5
B
In Williams the Court strangely does an about-face.
Rather than bind the States by the hitherto undeviating
and unquestioned federal practice of 12-member juries, 8
also H. Rep. No. 1699 (71st Cong., 2d Sess., 1930) (Minority
views), Comments, ABA Project on Minimum Standards for Crim
inal Justices, Trial by Jury 21 (Tent. Dr. 1968); Comment, The
Petty Offense Category and Trial by Jury, 40 Yale L. J. 1303
(1931). I would reserve the question as to whether a jury would
be required in a federal case for a particular offense not punish
able by more than six months in prison.
8 Nor do I think it offends the Equal Protection Clause for New
York not to provide juries to hear offenses punishable by six months
in New York City but to have such a provision for trials else
where in the State. In Salsburg v. Maryland, 346 U. S. 545 (1954),
and Missouri v. Lewis, 101 U. S. 22 (1879), this Court upheld the
right of a State to adapt procedures to the differing requirements
of territorial subdivisions. In Salsburg the Court quoted and re
affirmed the principles set forth in Missouri:
“There is nothing in the Constitution to prevent any State from
adopting any system of laws or judicature it sees fit. for all or part
of its territory. If the State of New York, for example, should
see fit to adopt the civil law and its method of procedure for New
York City and the surrounding counties, and the common law and
its method of procedure for the rest of the State, there is nothing
in the Constitution of the Untied States to prevent its doing so . . . .
“ Where part of a State is thickly settled, and another part has
but few inhabitants, it may be desirable to have different systems
of judicature for the two portions,—trial by jury in one, for example,
and not in the other. Large cities may require a multiplication
of courts and a peculiar arrangement of jurisdictions. It would be
an unfortunate restriction of the powers of the State government
if it could not, in its discretion, provide for these various exigencies.”
Missouri v. Lewis, 101 U. S. 22, 31-32 (1879), quoted at 346 U. S.,
at 551, 551 n. 6; see also Ohio v. Akron Park District, 281 U. S. 74,
81 (1930); Ocampo v. United States, 234 U. S. 91, 98-99 (1914).”
The disproportionate number of misdemeanor cases that now clog
New York City courts, see Part III, infra, creates a difference of a
magnitude that more than justifies the differences in treatment
between city and non-city defendants.
6 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
the Court holds, based on a poll of state practice, that
a six-man jury satisfies the guarantee of a trial by jury
in a federal criminal system and consequently carries
over to the States. This is a constitutional renvoi.
With all respect, I consider that before today it would
have been unthinkable to suggest that the Sixth Amend
ment’s right to a trial by jury is satisfied by a jury of six,
or less, as is left open by the Court’s opinion in Williams,
or by less than a unanimous verdict, a question also
reserved in today’s decision.
1. The Court, in stripping off the livery of history from
the jury trial, relies on a two-step analysis. With ardu
ous effort the Court first liberates itself from the “ intent
of the Framers” and “the easy assumption in our past
decisions that if a given feature existed in a jury at
common law in 1789, then it was necessarily preserved
in the Constitution.” Ante, at 14-15. Unburdened by
the yoke of history the Court then concludes that the
policy protected by the jury guarantee does not require
its perpetuation in common-law form.
Neither argument is, in my view, an acceptable reason
for disregarding history and numerous pronouncements
of this Court that have made “the easy assumption” that
the Sixth Amendment’s jury was one comprised of 12
individuals. Even assuming ambiguity as to the intent
of the Framers,9 it is common sense and not merely the
9 The Court’s conclusions from the historical materials, by its own
admission, can hardly be characterized as solid. The entire argu
ment seems to flow from the fact that the Senate Committee substi
tuted the present language of the Sixth Amendment for the more
specific House version that incorporated the unanimity requirement
and expressly tied the jury to “ other accustomed requisites.” But
the meaning of this change is wholly speculative,, for, apart from the
“ vicinage” requirement, there is no concrete evidence cited by the
Court to show that the Senate opposed the more likely features of the
Madison version adopted by the House. In the context of an
amendment notable for its sparseness of language, a more likely ex
planation of the Senate’s action is that it was streamlining the Mad
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 7
blessing of the Framers that explains this Court’s fre
quent reminders that “The interpretation of the Consti
tution of the United States is necessarily influenced by
the fact that its provisions are framed in the language of
the English common law, and are to be read in light of
history.” Smith v. Alabama, 124 U. S. 465, 478 (1888).
This proposition was again put forward by Mr. Justice
Gray speaking for the Court in United States v. Wong
Kim Ark, where the Court was called upon to define
the term “ citizen” as used in the Constitution. “The
Constitution nowhere defines the meaning of these words
[the Citizenship Clause]. . . . In this, as in other respects,
it must be interpreted in light of the common law, the
principles and history of which were familiarly known
to the Framers of the Constitution.” 169 U. S. 649,
654 (1898). History continues to be a wellspring of con
stitutional interpretation. Indeed, such history was even
invoked by the Court in such decisions as Townsend v.
Sain, 372 U. S. 293 (1963), and Fay v. Noia, 372 U. S. 391
(1963), where it purported to interpret the constitutional
ison version on the assumption that the most prominent features of
the jury would be preserved as a matter of course. This inter
pretation of the events is supported by the fact that the only
specifically objectionable feature of the common law jury— the
vicinage requirement— was pre-empted by language providing for a
trial by a jury of the district, thus leaving the remaining attributes
undefined in face of the distinct expectation that those charged with
interpretation would, look to the common law. Nor is this explana
tion rendered less forceful by the fact, noted by the Court, that
“ reception” of the common-law jury did not unfailingly mean 12
in early colonial times. As the Court itself acknowledges, the States
that had constitutions in 1787 provided for juries of 12. The
Court’s other arguments— (1) that simple reference to a jury in
Article III was not necessarily thought to mean to the Framers
a common-law jury in light of the need felt to add the Amendments
and Madison’s more elaborate proposal for the Sixth Amendment;
and, (2) that the allusion to “ common law” in the Seventh Amend
ment suggests that it is not the backdrop for the Sixth Amendment
jury— are too remote to require rejoinder.
8 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
provision for habeas corpus according to the “historic
conception of the writ” and took note that the guarantee
was one rooted in common law and should be so inter
preted.10 11 Cf. United States v. Brown, 381 U. S. 437, 458
(1965). In accordance with these precepts, sound con
stitutional interpretation requires, in my view, fixing
the federal jury as it was known to the common law.
It is, of course, true that history should not imprison
those broad guarantees of the Constitution whose proper
scope is to be determined in a given instance by a blend
of historical understanding and the adaptation of pur
pose to contemporary circumstances. Cf. Katz v. United
States, 389 U. S. 347 (1968); Estes v. Texas, 381 U. S.
532, 595-596 (1965) (concurring opinion); Olmstead v.
United States, 277 U. S. 428, 471 (1928) (Mr. Justice
Brandeis, dissenting); Lovett v. United States, 328 U. S.
303, 318 (1946) (concurring opinion of Mr. Justice Frank
furter).11 Cardozo, The Nature of the Judicial Process
(1923). This is not, however, a circumstance of giving
a term “a meaning not necessarily envisioned . . . so as to
adopt [it] to circumstances . . . uncontemplated.” See
my concurring opinion in Welsh v. United States, ----
10 While I disagreed with the Court on these occasions, my differ
ences with the majority went to the conclusions that could properly
be drawn from the common-law history of the writ and the prece
dents in this Court, not to the jurisprudential approach that took
history as a point of departure.
11 “ Broadly speaking, two types of constitutional claims come
before this Court. Most constitutional issues derive from the broad
standards of fairness written into the Constitution . . . . Such
questions, by their very nature, allow a relatively wide play for
individual legal judgment. The other class gives no such scope.
For this second class of constitutional issues derives from very spe
cific provisions of the Constitution. . . . They were defined by
history. Their meaning was so settled by history that definition
was superflous . . . .” 328 U. S., at. 321.
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 9
U. S .---- , -----(1970). The right to a trial by jury, how
ever, has no enduring meaning apart, from historical form.
The second aspect of the Court’s argument is that the
number “ 12” is a historical accident—even though one
that has recurred without interruption since the 14th
century (see ante, 11)—and is in no way essential to the
“purposes of the jury trial” which is to “safeguard against
the corrupt or overzealous prosecutor and against the
compliant, biased, or eccentric judge.” Ante, at 21-22.
Thus history, the Court suggests, is no guide to the mean
ing of those rights whose form bears no relation to the
policy they reflect. In this context the 12-member fea
ture of the classical common-law jury is apparently re
garded by the Court as mere adornment.
This second justification for cutting the umbilical cord
that ties the form of the jury to the past is itself, as
I see it, the most compelling reason for maintaining
that guarantee in its common-law form. For if 12 jurors
are not essential, why are six? What if New York, now
compelled by virtue of Baldwin to provide juries for the
trial of misdemeanors, concludes that three jurors are
adequate “interposition between the accused and his
accuser of the common-sense judgment of a group of
laymen,” and constitute adequate “community partici
pation and [provide] shared responsibility which results
from that group’s determination of guilt or innocence” ?
The Court’s elaboration of what is required provides
no standard and vexes the meaning of the right to a
jury trial in federal courts, as wTell as state courts, by
uncertainty. Can it be doubted a unanimous jury of
12 provides a greater safeguard than a majority vote of
six? The uncertainty that will henceforth plague the
meaning of trial by jury is itself a further sufficient reason
for not hoisting the anchor to history.
2. The circumvention of history is compounded by the
cavalier disregard of numerous pronouncements of this
10 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
Court that reflect the understanding of the jury as one
of 12 members and have fixed expectations accordingly.
Thus in Thompson v. Utah a unanimous Court an
swered in the affirmative the question whether the
Sixth Amendment jury “ is a jury constituted, as it was at
common law, of twrelve persons, neither more nor less.”
170 U. S. 343, 349 (1898),12 and it appears that before
Duncan no Justice of this Court has seen fit to question
this holding, one that has often been reiterated. See
Patton v. United States, 281 U. S. 276, 288 (1930), where
the Court reaffirmed earlier pronouncements and stated
that the Sixth Amendment jury is characterized by three
essential features: “ (1) that the jury should consist of
twelve men, neither more nor less; (2) that the trial
should be in the presence and under the superintendence
of a judge having power to instruct them as to the
law and advise them as to the facts; and, (3) that the
verdict should be unanimous.” See also Maxwell v.
Doiv, 176 U. S. 581, 586 (1900); Rassmusse?i v. United
States, 197 U. S. 516, 527 (1905); Andres v. United States,
333 U. S. 740, 748 (1948) (unanimity).13 As Mr. Justice
12 The significance of this pronouncement cannot be minimized.
The holding that retrial by a jury of eight was an ex post facto
law is perforce built upon the conclusion that the jury of 12 was
a right of substance. If the right were merely a procedure man
dated by statute, it would not have required the ex post facto
holding.
13 The Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure provide for a jury
of 12, Fed. Rule Crim. Proc. 23, and as recently as last year
lower federal courts have assumed this Court’s commitment to
the unanimous verdict of 12. United States v. Fioravanti, 412
F. 2d 407, 418 (C. A. 3d Cir. 1969); Williams v. United States,
332 F. 2d 36 (C. A. 7th Cir. 1964); see also, e. g., United
States v. Virginia Erection Co., 335 F. 2d 868, 870 (C. A. 4th
Cir. 1964); United States v. Goldberg, 330 F. 2d 30, 42 (C. A.
9th Cir. 1964); Rogers v. United States, 319 F. 2d 5 (C. A.
7th Cir. 1963); Fournier v. Gonzalez, 269 F. 2d 26 (C. A. 1st Cir.
1959); Billici v. United States, 87 U. S. App. D. C. 274, 184 F. 2d
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 11
Frankfurter stated in Gore v. United States, 357 U. S.
386, 392 (1958), in applying a constitutional provision
“rooted in history . . . a long course of adjudication in
this Court carries impressive authority.”
The principle of stare decisis is multifaceted. It is a
solid foundation for our legal system; yet care must
be taken not to use it to create an unmovable structure.
It provides the stability and predictability required
for the ordering of human affairs over the course of
time and a basis of “public confidence in the judiciary
as a source of impersonal and reasoned judgments.”
Moragne v. State Marine Lines, ----- U. S. -----, —
(1970). See also Helvering v. Hallock, supra; Boys
Markets, Inc. v. Retail Clerks,---- U. S .----- (1970); Hertz
v. Woodman, 218 U. S. 205, 212 (1910); Burnet v. Coro
nado Oil & Gas Co., 285 U. S. 293, 405M06 (1932) (Mr.
Justice Brandeis, dissenting). Woodenly applied, how
ever, it builds a stockade of precedent that confines
the law by rules, ill-conceived when promulgated,
or if sound in origin, unadaptable to present circum
stances. No precedent is sacrosanct and one should
not hesitate to vote to overturn this Court’s pre
vious holdings—old or recent—or reconsider settled
dicta where the principles announced prove either
practically (e. g., Moragne v. State Marine Lines, supra;
Boys Markets v. Retail Clerks, supra), or jurispruden-
tially (e. g., Desist v. United States, 394 L. S. 244, 256
(1969) (dissenting opinion)) unworkable, or no longer
suited to contemporary life (e. g., Katz v. United States,
389 U. S. 347, 360 (1967) (concurring opinion)). See also
Welsh v. United States,---- U. S .------(1970); Chimel v.
California, 395 U. S. 752 (1969); Marchetti v. United
States, 390 U. S. 1 (1968); Estes v. Texas, supra, 381
394 (1950); Horne v. United States, 264 F. 2d 40 (C. A. 5th
Cir. 1959); Hihdon v. United States, 204 F. 2d 834 (C. A. 6th Cir.
1953).
12 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
U. S., at 595-596; Warden v. Hayden, 387 U. S. 294
(1967); Swift & Co. v. Wickham, 382 U. S. I l l (1965);
James v. United States, 366 U. S. 213, 241 (1961). In
deed, it is these considerations that move me to depart
today from the framework of Duncan. It is, in part, the
disregard of stare decisis in circumstances where it should
apply, to which the Court is, of necessity, driven in
Williams by the “ incorporation” doctrine, that leads me
to decline to follow Duncan. Surely if the principle
of stare decisis means anything in the law, it means
that precedent should not be jettisoned when the rule
of yesterday remains viable, creates no injustice, and
can reasonably be said to be no less sound than the
rule sponsored by those who seek change, let alone in
capable of being demonstrated wrong. The decision in
Williams, however, casts aside workability and relevance
and substitutes uncertainty. The only reason I can
discern for today’s decision that discards numerous judi
cial pronouncements and historical precedent that sound
constitutional interpretation would look to as controlling,
is the Court’s disquietude with the tension between the
jurisprudential consequences wrought by “ incorporation”
in Duncan and Baldwin and the counter-pulls of the
situation presented in Williams which presents the pros
pect of invalidating the common practice in the States of
providing less than a 12-member jury for the trial of
misdemeanor cases.
II
These decisions demonstrate that the difference be
tween a “due process” approach, that considers each
particular case on its own bottom to see whether the
right alleged is one “ implicit in the concept of ordered
liberty,” see Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U. S. 319, 325
(1937), and “selective incorporation” is not an abstract
one whereby different verbal formulae achieve the same
results. The internal logic of the selective incorpora
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 13
tion doctrine cannot be respected if the Court is both
committed to interpreting faithfully the meaning of the
federal Bill of Rights and recognizing the governmental
diversity that exists in this country. The “backlash”
in Williams exposes the malaise, for there the Court
dilutes a federal guarantee in order to reconcile the logic
of “ incorporation,” the “jot-for-jot and case-for-case”
application of the federal right to the States, with the
reality of federalism. Can one doubt that had Con
gress tried to undermine the common law right to trial
by jury before Duncan came on the books the history
today recited would have barred such action? Can we
expect repeat performances when this Court is called
upon to give definition and meaning to other federal
guarantees that have been “incorporated” ?
In Ker v. California, 374 U. S. 1 (1963), I noted in
a concurring opinion that “The rule [of “incorporation” ]
is unwise because the States, with their differing law
enforcement problems, should not be put in a constitu
tional strait jacket, . . . And if the Court is prepared
to relax [federal] standards in order to avoid unduly
fettering the States, this would be in derogation of law
enforcement standards in the federal system . . . . Id.,
at 45-46. Only last Term in Chimel v. California, supra,
I again expressed my misgivings that ’ ’incorporation”
would neutralize the potency of guarantees in federal
courts in order to accommodate the diversity of our fed
eral system. I reiterate what I said in dissent in Dun
can, 391 U. S,, at 161: “Neither history nor sense supports
using the Fourteenth Amendment to put the States in a
constitutional strait jacket with respect to their own
development in the administration of criminal and civil
law.” Since we now witness the first major attempt to
wriggle free of that “strait jacket,” it is appropriate, I
think, to step back and view in perspective how far the
incorporation doctrine has taken us, and to put the spot
14 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
light on a constitutional revolution that has inevita
bly become obscured by the process of case-by-case
adjudication.
A
The recent history of constitutional adjudication in
state criminal cases is the ascendancy of the doctrine of ad
hoc ( “selective” ) incorporation, an approach that absorbs
one-by-one individual guarantees of the federal Bill of
Rights into the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment, and holds them applicable to the States
with all the subtleties and refinements born of history
and embodied in case experience developed in the context
of federal adjudication. Thus, with few exceptions the
Court has “incorporated,” each time over my protest,14
almost all the criminal protections found within the first
eight Amendments to the Constitution, and made them
“jot-for-jot and case-for-case” applicable to the States.
The process began with Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U. S. 643
(1961), where the Court applied to the States the so-
called exclusionary rule, rendering inadmissible at trial
evidence seized in violation of the Fourth Amendment,
and thereby overruling pro tanto Wolf v. Colorado, 338
U. S. 25 (1949). See my dissenting opinion, 367 U. S.,
14 In addition to separate opinions noted in the text, see, e. g., Poe
v. Ullman, 367 U. S. 497, 522, at 539-545 (1961) (dissenting opin
ion) ; Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U. S. 479, 499 (1961) (concurring
opinion); Lanza v. New York, 370 U. S. 139, 147 (1962) (concur
ring opinion); Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U. S. 335, 349 (1963)
(concurring opinion); Murphy v. Waterfront Commission, 378
U. S. 52, 80 (1964) (concurring opinion); Barber v. Page, 390
U. S. 719, 726 (1968) (concurring opinion); Berger v. New York,
388 U. S. 41, 89 (1967) (dissenting opinion); Chimel v. California,
supra; Ashe v. Swenson,---- U. S .------ (1970) (concurring opinion);
Coleman v. Alabama,---- U. S . ------ (1970) (concurring opinion);
Bloom v. Illinois, 391 U. S. 194, 215 (1968) (dissenting opinion);
Washington v. Texas, 388 U. S. 14, 23 (1967) (concurring opinion);
Dickey v. Florida, — U. S. — (1970) (concurring opinion).
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 15
at 672. The particular course embarked upon in Mapp
was blindly followed to its end in Ker v. California, 374
U. S. 23 (1963), where the Court made federal standards
of probable cause for search and seizure applicable to the
States, thereby overruling the remainder of Wolf. See
my concurring opinion, 374 U. S., at 44. Thereafter fol
lowed Malloy v. Hogan, 378 U. S. 1 (1964), and Griffin
v. California, 380 U. S. 609 (1965), overruling Twining
v. New Jersey, 211 U. S. 78 (1908), and Adamson v. Cali,
fornia, 332 U. S. 46 (1947), and incorporating the Fifth
Amendment privilege against self-incrimination by hold
ing that “the same standards must determine whether an
accused’s silence in either a federal or state proceeding is
justified.” See my dissenting opinion in Malloy, 378 U. S.,
at 14 and my concurring opinion in Griffin, 380 U. S., at
615. The year of Grffiin also brought forth Pointer v.
Texas, 380 U. S. 400 (1965), overruling Snyder v. Massa
chusetts, 291 U. S. 97 (1934) , and Stein v. New York, 346
U. S. 156, 194 (1953), by holding that the Sixth Amend
ment’s Confrontation Clause applied equally to the
States and Federal Government. See my concurring
opinion, 380 U. S., at 408. In 1967 incoporation swept
in the “speedy trial” guarantee of the Sixth Amendment.
Klopfer v. North Carolina, 386 U. S. 213 (1967), and in
1968 Duncan v. Louisiana, supra, rendered the Sixth
Amendment jury trial a right secured by the Fourteenth
Amendment Due Process Clause. Only last Term the
Court overruled Palko v. Connecticut, supra, and held
that the “double jeopardy” protection of the Fifth
Amendment was incorporated into the Fourteenth, and
hence also carried to the States. Benton v. Mary
land, 395 U. S. 784 (1969); see my concurring opinion
in Klopfer, 386 U. S., at 226; my dissenting opinion in
Duncan, 391 U. S., at 171; my dissenting opinion in
Benton, 395 U. S., at 784, and my separate opinion in
16 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
North Carolina v. Pearce, 395 U. S. 711, 744 (1969).15
In combination these cases have in effect restructured
the Constitution in the field of state criminal law
enforcement.
There is no need to travel again over terrain trod in
earlier opinions in which I have endeavored to lay bare
the historical and logical infirmities of this “incorpora-
tionist” approach. On that score I am content to rest on
what I said in dissent in Duncan, supra, 391 U. S. 145,
161. I continue to consider the principles therein ex
pressed as the sound basis for approaching the adjudica
tion of state cases of the kind now before us. It is
my firm conviction that “incorporation” distorts the
“essentially federal nature of our national government,”
Atlantic Coast Line Railroad Co. v. Brotherhood of Loco
motive Engineers,---- - U. S. ----- , -----(1970), one of whose
basic virtues is to leave ample room for governmental
and social experimentation in a society as diverse as
ours, and which also reflects the view of the Framers
that “ the security of liberty in America rested primarily
upon the dispersion of governmental power across a fed
eral system,” 391 U. S., at 173. The Fourteenth Amend
ment tempered this basic philosophy but did not unstitch
the basic federalist pattern woven into our constitutional
15 The right to counsel appears not to have been explicitly
“ incorporated,” although Gilbert v. California, 388 U. S. 263 (1967),
implicitly does so. Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U. S. 335 (1963),
purported to be a determination that “ fundamental fairness” re
quires the State to afford trial counsel to the indigent accused. Id.,
at 343. Although I have disagreed with particular holdings like
Gilbert v. California, supra, where the Court held that the
States must arrange presence of counsel at lineups, see M r . Justice
W h ite ’s separate opinion in United States v. Wade, 388 U. S.
218, 250, which I joined, this is because those decisions incorrectly
require, in my view, counsel in circumstances where his presence is
not necessary under either the Sixth Amendment or the Due Process
Clause. See my concurring opinion in Coleman v. Alabama, decided
today,-----U. S .------ (1970).
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 17
fabric. The structure of our Government still embodies
a philosophy that presupposes the diversity that en
gendered the federalist system.
That these doctrines are not only alive in rhetoric
but vital in the world of practical affairs is evidenced
by contemporary debate concerning the desirability of
returning to “local” government the administration of
many programs and functions that have in late years
increasingly been centralized in the hands of the National
Government.
B
But the best evidence of the vitality of federalism
is today’s decision in Williams. The merits or demerits
of the jury system can, of course, be debated and those
States that have diluted the common-law requirements
evince a conclusion that the protection as known at com
mon law is not necessary for a fair trial, or is only such
marginal assurance of a fair trial that the inconvenience
of assembling 12 individuals outweighs other gains in the
administration of justice achieved by using only six in
dividuals (or none at all as was the case in New York
City).
The Court rejects in Baldwin what would be the
consistent approach, requiring affirmance, simply because
New York City is the single jurisdiction in the Nation
that sees fit to try misdemeanants without a jury. In
doing so it, in effect, holds that “due process” is more
offended by a trial without jury for an offense punish
able by no more than a year in prison than it is by
a trial with a jury of six or less for offenses pun
ishable by life imprisonment. This ignores both the
basic fairness of the New York procedure and the peculiar
local considerations that have led the New York Legisla
ture to conclude that trial by jury is more apt to retard
than further injustice for criminal defendants in New
York City.
18 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
I, for one, find nothing unfair in the New York system
which provides the city defendant with an option, in
lieu of a jury, of a bench trial before three judges,
N. Y. C. Crim. Ct. Act § 40. Moreover, I think it
counterproductive of fairness in criminal trials to hold by
way of incorporation that juries are required of States
in these days when congested calendars and attendant
delays make what many students of criminal justice
feel is one of the most significant contributions to injus
tice and hardship to criminal defendants.
The statistics cited by the New York Court of Appeals
and amplified in the briefs are revealing and trenchant
evidence of the crisis that presently bedevils the ad
ministration of criminal justice in New York City.
New York’s population density, a factor which is, as
noted by the President’s Commission on Law Enforce
ment and Administration of Justice, The Challenge of
Crime in a Free Society, pp. 5, 28, directly associated
with crime, is twice that of Buffalo, the second largest
city in the State. Statistics supplied by the Office of the
State Administrator of the Judicial Conference of the
State of New York show that “From July, 1966 through
December, 1968, the New York City Criminal Court dis
posed of 321,368 nontraffic misdemeanor cases, whereas in
the next largest city, Buffalo, the City Court disposed of
8,189 nontraffic misdemeanor cases.” Op. N. Y. Ct. App.,
In the Matter oj Hogan v. Rosenberg, 24 N. Y. 2d 207,
218, 247 N. E. 2d 260, 266 (1969). Thus, New York City’s
misdemeanor caseload is 39 times that of Buffalo’s al
though its population is only 17 times greater. After to
day each of such defendants in New York is entitled to a
trial by some kind of a jury. It can hardly be gainsaid
that a jury requirement with the attendant time for selec
tion of jurors and deliberation, even if not invoked by all
defendants, will increase delays in calendars, depriving all
defendants of a prompt trial. Impressive evidence sug
BALDWIN v, NEW YORK 19
gests that this requirement could conceivably increase
delays in New York City courts by as much as a factor
of eight. A study done of the administration of the
Municipal Court in Minneapolis shows that the require
ment of a trial by jury in cases of intoxicated driving
increased court delays there from three to 24 months.
Note, Right to a Jury Trial of Persons Accused of
Ordinance Violation, 47 Minn. L. Rev. 93 (1962).
Notwithstanding this critical situation the Court con
cludes that the Constitution requires a procedure fraught
with delay even though the American Bar Association
Project on Minimum Standards for Criminal Justice
(Trial By Jury) has recognized the New York City
three-judge procedure as a possible compromise measure
where jury trials are not permitted or waived, and the
further fact that one-half the defendants tried for mis
demeanors in New York City are acquitted.” 16
III
Today’s decisions demonstrate a constitutional schizo
phrenia born of the need to cope with national diversity
under the constraints of the incorporation doctrine. In
Baldwin the Court overrides the consideration of local
needs, but in Williams it seeks out a minimum standard
to avoid causing disruption in numerous instances even
though, a priori, incorporation would surely require a
jury of 12. The six-man, six-month rule of today’s deci
sions simply reflects the lowest common denominator in
the scope and function of the right to trial by jury in this
16 The President of the Legal Aid Society in New York City
recently reported that 49% of the society’s clients who were tried
in the New York City Criminal Court in 1967 (without a jury) were
acquitted; there were 3,023 convictions after trial, 2,678 acquittals
after trial. Speech at annual Judicial Conference of the Second
Judicial Circuit of the United States, Lake Placid, N. Y.,. Sept. 14,
1968, reprinted in N. Y. C. Joum., September 25, 1968, p. 1.
20 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
country, but the circumstance that every jurisdiction
except New York City has a trial by a jury for offenses
punishable by six months in prison obscures the variety of
opinion that actually exists as to the proper place for the
jury in the administration of justice. More discriminating
analysis indicates that four States besides Florida author
ize a jury of less than 12 to try felony offenses17 and
three States authorize a nonunanimous verdict18 in
felony cases, and at least two other States provide a trial
without jury in the first instance for certain offenses pun
ishable by more than one year with a right to de novo
trial on appeal.19 Eight States provide for juries ranging
from five to 12 to try crimes punishable by one year in
prison, and one State has provided for a verdict by nine in
a jury of 12.20 Five States first provide a bench trial
for misdemeanors from which the defendant can seek a
trial de novo by jury,21 a procedure that this Court, in a
federal trial, has deemed incompatible with the Sixth
Amendment for putting the accused to the burden of
two trials if he wishes a jury verdict. See Callan v.
Wilson, supra.22
These varying provisions, reflecting as they do differ
ing estimates of the importance of the jury in securing
17 See the Court’s opinion, n. 14, ante, 21.
18 See Appendix.
19 See Appendix.
20 See Appendix.
21 See Appendix.
22 “ Except in that class or grade of offenses, which, according to
the common law, may be proceeded against summarily . . . the
guarantee of an impartial jury to the accused in a criminal prose
cution, conducted . . . by . . . the United States, secures to him
the right to enjoy that mode of trial from the just moment, and
in whatever court, he is put on trial for the offence charged. . . .
To accord to the accused a right to be tried by a jury, in an appel
late court, after he has been once fully tried otherwise than by a
jury, in the court of original jurisdiction . . . does not satisfy the
requirements of the Constitution.” 127 U. S., at 557.
BALDWIN v NEW YORK 21
a fair trial and the feasibility of administering such a
procedure given the local circumstances, and the exten
sive study and debate about the merits and demerits of
the jury system, demonstrate that the relevance and
proper role of trial by jury in the administration of crim
inal justice is yet far from sure.
“ Incorporation” in Duncan closed the door on debate,23
irrespective of local circumstances, such as the backlogs
in urban courts like those of New York City, and has,
without justification, clouded with uncertainty the con
stitutionality of these differing states modes of proceed
ing, see n. 19, supra, pending approval by this Court; it
now promises to dilute in other ways the settled meaning
of the federal right to a trial by jury. Flexibility for ex
perimentation in the administration of justice should be
returned to the States here and in other areas that now
have swept into the rigid mold of “incorporation.” I
agree with T he Chief Justice “That the ‘near uniform
judgment of the nation’ is otherwise than the judgment
in some of its parts affords no basis . . . to read into the
Constitution something that is not found there.” Opin
ion of T he Chief Justice, ante, at 2.
It is time, I submit, for this Court to face up to the
reality implicit in today’s holdings and reconsider the
“ incorporation” doctrine before its leveling tendencies
further retard development in the field of criminal
procedure by stifling flexibility in the States and by dis
carding the possibility of federal leadership by example.
23 See, e. g., Kalven and Zeisel, The American Jury 5 (1966);
Comment, Should Jury Verdicts Be Unanimous in Criminal Cases?
47 Ore. L. Rev. 417 (1968).
APPENDIX
A. Nonunanimous Verdict For Felony-Type Offenses.
1. Louisiana Stat. Ann., Code of Criminal Procedure,
Art, .783. (Verdict of 9 out of 12 in cases necessarily
punished by hard labor.)
2. Oregon Const., Art. I, § 11; Ore. Rev. Stat. §§ 17.355,
136.330, 136.610 (5/6 sufficient for verdict in a circuit
court except in capital cases; 3/4 verdict apparently
authorized for particular offenses as exception to general
rule of unanimity for conviction).
3. Vernons, Texas Stat. Ann., Code of Criminal Proce
dure, Art. 36.29 (permitting verdict by less than 12 when
juror is incapacitated).
B. Non-Jury Trial In Cases Punishable By More Than
One Year Imprisonment With De Novo Review.
1. Maryland: Constitution, Declaration of Rights,
Arts. 5, 21; Md. Ann. Code, Art, 51, § 18, Art 52, § 13
(1968), Art. 66-1/2, §§48, 74, 75, 216, 325 (1967), § 327
(Supp. 1968); Md. Rules P. 743, 758. (Trial by jury
appears not to be afforded in motor vehicle cases in the
first instance even though some motor vehicle offenses
carry a penalty of up to five years’ imprisonment.)
2. North Carolina: Constitution, Art. I, § 13; State
v. Sherron, 4 N. C. 386, 166 S. E. 2d 836 (1969); N. C.
Gen. Stat. Ann. §§ 7A-272 (a), 7A-196 (e), 14-3 (Supp.
1967). (District courts have jurisdiction to try, without
a jury, all offenses below the grade of felony. Such
offenses are denominated petty misdemeanors and the
maximum sentence which may be imposed is a fine or
two years’ imprisonment.
3. Purdon’s, Pa. Const., Art. § 16 (R ) (iii) (offenses
tried in the family division of the court of common pleas
carrying penalties up to two years imprisonment and
22
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 23
indictable offenses under the motor vehicle laws
for which punishment does not exceed three years’
imprisonment).
C. 6-Man Jury For Misdemeanors
1. Alaska: Constitution, Art. I, § 11; Alaska Stat.
A n n ., §§ 11.75.030, 22.15.060, 22.15.150 (1962) (Jury
of six in district magistrate’s courts, which have juris
diction of misdemeanors, punishable by up to one year’s
imprisonment).
2. Georgia: Constitution, Art. I, § 2-105, Art. VI,
§2-5101, Ga . Code A n n . § 27-2506 (1965); Ga. Laws
1890-1891, pp. 935, 939, 942 (In county criminal courts,
which have jurisdiction of misdemeanors—cases in which
the maximum sentence imposable is a fine of up to $1000
or imprisonment for a term of up to twelve months or
both—a defendant may demand a jury trial. Depend
ing upon the country, however, a jury ranges in size
from five to twelve persons. The Criminal Court of
Atlanta, for example, tries misdemeanors with juries of
five. In Hall County the same crimes are tried by juries
of twelve).
3. Iowa: Constitution, Art. 1, §9 ; Iowa Code
An n ., §§ 602.15, 602.25, 602.39, 687.7 (1950) (Jury of
six in municipal courts, which have jurisdiction of mis
demeanors, carrying a maximum fine of $500 or imprison
ment for one year or both).
4. Kentucky: Constitution, §§ 7, 11, 248; K y . R ev.
Stat. An n ., §§25.010, 25.014, 26.400, 29.015 (1963)
(Misdemeanors, carrying a maximum penalty of $500 or
twelve months’ imprisonment, are tried in inferior courts
by a jury of six. Circuit courts, where a 12-member jury
is used, have concurrent jurisdiction).
5. Mississippi: Constitution, Art. 3, § 31, Art. 6,
§ 171; Miss. Code An n . §§ 1831, 1836, 1839 (Jurisdiction
24 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
of crimes punishable in the country jail may be tried in
the justice of the peace courts by a six-man jury. Many
such crimes have a one-year maximum term. Circuit
courts have concurrent jurisdiction. Such crimes in
clude, e. g., offenses involving corruption in elections
[Miss. C ode A n n . §§ 2031, 2032], escape or aiding escape
of prisoners [§§ 2133, 2134, 2135, 2141], public officers’
interest in contracts [§§2301, 2302], and trade marks
[§§ 2390, 2391]).
6. Oklahoma: C o n st it u t io n , Art. 2, §§ 19, 20; O k l a .
Sta t . A n n . tit. 11, §§ 958.3, 958.6, tit. 21, § 10 (1961) (In
misdemeanor cases—those in which a sentence of up to
one year’s imprisonment may be imposed—in courts of
record, a defendant may demand a jury of twelve; nine
members of the jury may render a verdict. For viola
tions of city ordinances tried in courts not of record, the
defendant may demand six jurors, five of whom may
render a verdict).
7. Oregon: C o n st it u t io n , Art. I, § 11; C o n stitu tio n
(orig.) Art. VII, § 12; Ore . R ev . Sta t ., §§ 5.110 (Supp.
1967), 46.040, 46.175, 46.180 (1967) (Jury of six in county
courts, which have jurisdiction of all crimes except those
carrying the death penalty or life imprisonment. Jury
of six in district courts, which have jurisdiction of all
misdemeanors, punishable by one year’s imprisonment).
8. Virginia: C o n st it u t io n , Art. I, § 8; Va. C ode A n n .
§§ 16.1-123, 16.1-124, 16,1-126, 16.1-129, 16.1-132, 16.1-
136 (1956), 18.1-6, 18.1-9 (1961), 19.1-206 (1960). (In
courts not of record, which have jurisdiction of misde
meanors, punishable by up to one year’s imprisonment,
charges are tried without a jury. The defendant may
appeal as of right to the circuit court, where he receives
a trial de novo. All trials in the circuit court of offenses
not felonious, whether in the first instance or on appeal,
are with five jurors.)
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 25
D. Non Jury Trial For Misdemeanors Subject to De
Novo Review
1. Arkansas: C o n st it u t io n , Art. 2, § 10; A k k . Stat .
A n n . §§ 22-709, 22-737, 26-301, 41-106, 43-1901, 43-
1902, 44-115, 44-116, 44-509 (1964); see generally,
Greenebaum, Arkansas’ Judiciary: Its History and Struc
ture, 18 Ark. L. Rev. (1964). (No jury provided in
municipal courts, which have jurisdiction of misde
meanors carrying a maximum penalty of one year’s im
prisonment. Upon conviction, the defendant may appeal
to the circuit court where he is entitled to a trial de novo
before a common law jury.)
2. Maine: C o n stitu tio n , Art. I, §§6, 7; M e . R ev .
Stat . A n n . tit. 4, § 152 (Supp. 1968), tit. 15, §§ 1, 451
(1965); M e . R. C r im . P. 23 (b ), 3 1 (a ); Sprague v.
Androscoggin, 104 Me. 352, 71 Atl. 1908 (1908); letter
dated December 17, 1968, from M aine Attorney General’s
office to New York County District Attorney’s office
(Maine district courts try misdemeanors—crimes punish
able by a sentence of up to one year—without a jury. A
defendant may appeal his conviction to the Superior
Court, however, where he is entitled to a common law
jury).
3. New Hampshire: C o n stitu tio n , Pt. 1, Arts. 15, 16,
Pt. 2, Art. 77; N. H. R ev . Stat . A n n . § 599.1 (Supp.
1967), §§ 502-A :ll, 502-A:12, 502-18 (1968); State v.
Despres, 220 A. 2d 758 (1966) (District and municipal
courts try, without a jury, misdemeanors carrying a maxi
mum term of imprisonment of one year. The defendant
in these courts has an absolute right of appeal to the
Superior Court where he may demand a jury of twelve in
his trial de novo).
4. Rhode Island: Constitution , Art. 1, §§ 10, 15;
R. I. G e n . L aw s §§ 12-3-1, 12-17-1, 12-22-1, 12-22-9
26 BALDWIN v NEW YORK
(1956); State v. Nolan, 15 R. I. 529, 10 Atl. 481 (1887)
(There are no juries in the district courts, which have
jurisdiction of misdemeanors—crimes punishable by a
fine of up to $500 or imprisonment for up to one year or
both. A defendant may appeal his conviction to the
Superior Court where he is entitled to a trial de novo
before a jury of twelve).
5. Virginia: Constitution, Art. I, § 8; Va. Code A n n .
§§ 16.1-123, 16.1-124, 16.1-126, 16.1-129, 16.1-132,
16.1-136 (1956), 18.1-6, 18.1-9 (1961). (In courts not
of record, which have jurisdiction of misdemeanors, pun
ishable by up to one year’s imprisonment, charges are
tried without a jury. The defendant may appeal as of
right to the circuit court, where he receives a trial de novo
with five jurors).
SUPBEME COUBT OF THE UNITED STATES
Nos. 188 and 927.— O ctober T e r m , 1969
Robert Baldwin, Appellant,
188 v.188 On Appeal From the Court
of Appeals of New York.
State of New York.
Johnny Williams, Petitioner,
927927 v.
State of Florida.
On Writ of Certiorari to
the District Court of Ap
peal of Florida, Third
District.
[June 22, 1970]
M r. Justice Stew a rt , dissenting in No. 188, and
concurring in No. 927.
I substantially agree with the separate opinion M r.
Ju stice H arlan has filed in these cases—an opinion that
fully demonstrates some of the basic errors in a mechanis
tic “ incorporation” approach to the Fourteenth Amend
ment. I cannot subscribe to his opinion in its entirety,
however, if only for the reason that it relies in part upon
certain dissenting and concurring opinions in previous
cases in which I did not join.
The “incorporation” theory postulates the Bill of
Rights as the substantive metes and bounds of the Four
teenth Amendment. I think this theory is incorrect as
a matter of constitutional history, and that as a matter
of constitutional law it is both stultifying and unsound.
It is, at best, a theory that can lead the Court only to a
Fourteenth Amendment dead end. And, at worst, the
spell of the theory’s logic compels the Court either to
impose intolerable restrictions upon the constitutional
sovereignty of the individual States in the administra
tion of their own criminal law, or else intolerably to
relax the explicit restrictions that the Framers actually
2 BALDWIN v. NEW YORK
did put upon the federal government in the administra
tion of criminal justice. All this, and much more, is
elaborated in M r . Ju stice H ar la n ’s separate opinion,
and I would affirm the judgments in both No. 188 and
No. 927 for substantially the reasons he states.1
The architect of the contemporary “ incorporation”
approach to the Fourteenth Amendment is, of course,
M r . Justice B l a c k . See Adamson v. California, 332
U. S. 46, 68 (dissenting opinion).1 2 3 And the sep
arate opinion my Brother B lack has filed today in
No. 927 could serve as Exhibit A to illustrate the ex
traordinary habits of thought into which some of us
have fallen in conditioned reflex to that erroneous con
stitutional doctrine. “ Incorporation” has become so
Pavlovian that my Brother B lack barely mentions the
Fourteenth Amendment in the course of an 11-page opin
ion dealing with the procedural rule the State of Florida
has adopted for cases tried in Florida courts under Flor
ida’s criminal laws.2 His opinion relies instead upon the
1 Like M r . Justice H arlan, I join Part I of the Court’s opinion
in No. 927, relating to the “ alibi” issue.
21 have had occasion to state elsewhere my own understanding,
for whatever it is worth, of the motivational origins of Fourteenth
Amendment “ incorporation” :
“ Shortly before Justice Jackson came to the Court, some of its
then more junior members had embraced the comforting theory
that the Fourteenth Amendment’s substantive impact upon the
states could be exactly measured by the specific restrictions that
the first eight Amendments imposed upon the National Govern
ment. I call this a ‘comforting’ theory, because, for critics of the
old Court’s subjective approach to due process, it was a theory that
appeared to give the Fourteenth Amendment objective content and
definable scope.” (Footnotes omitted.) P. Stewart, Robert H.
Jackson’s Influence on Federal-State Relationships, in Mr. Justice
Jackson, Four Lectures in His Honor 76 (1969).
3 A worthy candidate for nomination as Exhibit B is the con
curring opinion filed today in Coleman v. Alabama, p . ---- , ante, by
my Brother D ouglas. In dealing with the procedure followed by
BALDWIN v. NEW YORK 3
“plain and obvious meaning” of the “specific words” of
the Fifth Amendment and other “provisions of the Bill
of Rights” which, together with “ the history surrounding
the adoption of those provisions,” make clear that “ the
Framers . . . designed” those rights “to shield the de
fendant against state power.”
Though I admire the rhetoric, I submit with all defer
ence that those statements are, to quote their author,
“plainly and simply wrong as a matter of fact and
law . . . If the Constitution forbids the Florida alibi
defense procedure, it is because of the Fourteenth Amend
ment, and not because of either the “specific words” of
the Bill of Rights or “the history surrounding” their adop
tion. For as every schoolboy knows, the Framers “de
signed” the Bill of Rights not against “ state power,” but
against the power of the Federal Government.4
Surely M r. Justice H arlan is right when he says it is
time for the Court to face up to reality.
Alabama in the administration of Alabama criminal law, my Brother’s
opinion advises us that “ it is the Sixth Amendment that con
trols , . , And this statement is made in the name of “ strict
construction of the Constitution” !
4 This is not to say that I would agree that the Fifth Amendment
or any other provisions of the Bill of Rights would render un
constitutional a federal alibi procedure similar to Florida’s. See n. 1,
supra.
SUPEEME COUET OF THE UNITED STATES
No. 927.— October T e r m , 1969
Johnny Williams,
Petitioner,
v.
State of Florida.
On Writ of Certiorari to the District
Court of Appeal of Florida, Third
District.
[June 22, 1970]
M r. Justice B lack , with whom M r. Justice D ouglas
joins, concurring in part and dissenting in part.
The Court today holds that a State can, consistently
with the Sixth Amendment to the United States Consti
tution, try a defendant in a criminal case with a jury
of six members. I agree with that decision for substan
tially the same reasons given by the Court. My Brother
H arlan , however, charges that the Court’s decision on
this point is evidence that the “incorporation doctrine,”
through which the specific provisions of the Bill of
Rights are made fully applicable to the States under the
same standards applied in federal courts1 will somehow
result in a “dilution” of the protections required by those
provisions. He asserts that this Court’s desire to relieve
the States from the rigorous requirements of the Bill of
Rights is bound to cause re-examination and modifica
tion of prior decisions interpreting those provisions as
applied in federal courts in order simultaneously to apply
the provisions equally to the state and federal govern
ments and to avoid undue restrictions on the States.
This assertion finds no support in today’s decision or any
other decision of this Court. We have emphatically
“rejected the notion that the Fourteenth Amendment
1 See cases cited in In re Winship, 397 U. S. 358, 382 n. 11
(B lack, J., dissenting) (1970).
2 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
applies to the States only a ‘watered-down, subjective
version of the individual guarantees of the Bill of
Rights.” ’ Mally v. Hogan, 378 U. S. 1, 10-11 (1964).
Today’s decision is in no way attributable to any
desire to dilute the Sixth Amendment in order more
easily to apply it to the States, but follows solely
as a necessary consequence of our duty to re-examine
prior decisions to reach the correct constitutional mean
ing in each case. The broad implications in early
cases indicating that only a body of 12 members
could satisfy the Sixth Amendment requirement arose
in situations where the issue was not squarely presented
and were based, in my opinion, on an improper inter
pretation of that amendment. Had the question pre
sented here arisen in a federal court before our decision
in Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U. S. 145 (1968), this Court
would still, in my view, have reached the result an
nounced today. In my opinion the danger of diluting
the Bill of Rights protections lies not in the “ incorpora
tion doctrine,” but in the “shock the conscience” test
on which my Brother H arlan would rely instead—a test
which depends not on the language of the Constitution
but solely on the views of a majority of the Court as to
what is “ fair” and “decent.”
The Court also holds that a State can require a defend
ant in a criminal case to disclose in advance of trial the
nature of his alibi defense and give the names and ad
dresses of witnesses he will call to support that defense.
This requirement, the majority says, does not violate the
Fifth Amendment prohibition against compelling a crim
inal defendant to be a witness against himself. Although
this case itself involves only a notice-of-alibi provision,
it is clear that the decision means that a State can
require a defendant to disclose in advance of trial any
and all information he might possibly use to defend him
self at trial. This decision, in my view, is a radical and
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 3
dangerous departure from the historical and constitu
tionally guaranteed right of a defendant in a criminal
case to remain completely silent, requiring the State to
prove its case without any assistance of any kind from
the defendant himself.
I
The core of the majority’s decision is an assumption
that compelling a defendant to give notice of an alibi
defense before a trial is no different from requiring a
defendant, after the State has produced the evidence
against him at trial, to plead alibi before the jury retires
to consider the case. This assumption is clearly revealed
by the statement that “ the pressures which bear on
[a defendant’s] pre-trial decision are of the same nature
as those which would induce him to call alibi witnesses at
the trial: the force of historical fact beyond both his and
the State’s control and the strength of the State’s case
built on these facts.” Ante, at 7. That statement is
plainly and simply wrong as a matter of fact and law, and
the Court’s holding based on that statement is a complete
misunderstanding of the protections provided for crim
inal defendants by the Fifth Amendment and other pro
visions of the Bill of Rights.2
2 As I have frequently stated, in my opinion the Fourteenth
Amendment was in part adopted in order to make the provisions
of the Bill of Rights fully applicable to the States. See, e. g., Adam
son v. California, 332 U. S. 46, 68 (1947) (dissenting opinion).
This Court has now held almost all these provisions do apply to the
States as well as the Federal Government, including the Fifth
Amendment provision involved in this case. See Malloy v. Hogan,
378 U. S. 1 (1964); cases cited in In re Winship, 397 U. S. 358,
382 n. 11 (1970) (B lack, J., dissenting). When this Court is
called upon to consider the meaning of a particular provision of the
Bill of Rights—whether in a case arising from a state court or a
federal one— it is necessary to look to the specific language of the
provision and the intent of the Framers when the Bill of Rights
itself was adopted. This approach is necessary not because the
4 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
A
When a defendant is required to indicate whether he
might plead alibi in advance of trial, he faces a vastly
different decision than that faced by one who can wait
until the State has presented the case against him before
making up his mind. Before trial the defendant knows
only what the State’s case might be. Before trial there
is no such thing as the “strength of the State’s case,”
there is only a range of possible cases. At that time
there is no certainty as to what kind of case the State will
ultimately be able to prove at trial. Therefore any ap
praisal of the desirability of pleading alibi will be beset
with guesswork and gambling far greater than that ac
companying the decision at the trial itself. Any lawyer
who has actually tried a case knows that, regardless of
the amount of pretrial preparation, a case looks far dif
ferent when it is actually being tried than when it is
only being thought about.
The Florida system, as interpreted by the majority,
plays upon this inherent uncertainty in predicting the
possible strength of the State’s case in order effectively to
coerce defendants into disclosing an alibi defense that
may never be actually used. Under the Florida rule,
a defendant who might plead alibi must, at least 10
days before the date of trial, tell the prosecuting attor
ney that he might claim an alibi or else the defendant
faces the real threat that he may be completely barred
from presenting witnesses in support of his alibi. Ac
cording to the Court, however, if he gives the required
notice and later changes his mind “ [njothing in such a
rule requires [him] to rely on an alibi or prevents him
Framers intended the Bill of Rights to apply to the States when
it was proposed in 1789, but because the application of those provi
sions to the States by the Fourteenth Amendment requires that the
original intent be the governing consideration in state as well as
federal cases.
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 5
from abandoning the defense; these matters are left to
his unfettered choice.” Ante, at 6. Thus in most sit
uations defendants with any possible thought of plead
ing alibi are in effect compelled to disclose their inten
tions in order to preserve the possibility of later raising
the defense at trial. Necessarily few defendants and
their lawyers will be willing to risk the loss of that
possibility by not disclosing the alibi. Clearly the pres
sures on defendants to plead an alibi created by this
procedure are not only quite different than the pressures
operating at the trial itself, but are in fact significantly
greater. Contrary to the majority’s assertion, the pre
trial decision cannot be analyzed as simply a matter of
“ timing,” influenced by the same factors operating at the
trial itself.
The Court apparently also assumes that a defendant
who has given the required notice can abandon his alibi
without hurting himself. Such an assumption is implicit
in and necessary for the majority’s argument that the
pretrial decision is no different than that at the trial
itself. I, however, cannot so lightly assume that pre
trial notice will have no adverse effects on a defendant
who later decides to forego such a defense. Necessarily
the defendant wTill have given the prosecutor the names
of persons who may have some knowledge about the
defendant himself or his activities. Necessarily the pros
ecutor will have every incentive to question these per
sons fully, and in doing so he may discover new leads
or evidence. Undoubtedly there will be situations in
which the State will seek to use such information—infor
mation it would probably never have obtained but for
the defendant’s coerced cooperation.
B
It is unnecessary for me, however, to engage in any
such intellectual gymnastics concerning the practical
6 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
effects of the notice-of-alibi procedure, because the Fifth
Amendment itself clearly provides that “ [n]o person . . .
shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness
against himself.” If words are to be given their plain
and obvious meaning, that provision, in my opinion,
states that a criminal defendant cannot be required to
give evidence, testimony, or any other assistance to the
State to aid it in convicting him of crime. Cf. Schmerber
v. California, 384 U. S. 757, 773 (1966) (B lack , J., dis
senting). The Florida notice-of-alibi rule in my opinion
is a patent violation of that constitutional provision be
cause it requires a defendant to disclose information to
the State so that the State can use that information to
destroy him. It seems to me at least slightly incredible
to suggest that ths procedure may have some beneficial
effects for defendants. There is no need to encourage
defendants to take actions they think will help them.
The fear of conviction and the substantial cost or incon
venience resulting from criminal prosecutions are more
than sufficient incentives to make defendants want to
help themselves. If a defendant thinks that disclosure
of an alibi before trial is in his best interests, he will
obviously do so. And the only time the State needs the
compulsion provided by this procedure is when the de
fendant has decided that such disclosure is likely to hurt
his case.
It is no answer to this argument to suggest that the
Fifth Amendment as so interpreted would give the de
fendant an unfair element of surprise, turning a trial
into a “poker game” or “sporting contest,” for that
tactical advantage to the defendant is inherent in the
type of trial required by our Bill of Rights. The Framers
were well aware of the awesome investigative and pros
ecutorial powers of government and it was in order to
limit those powers that they spelled out in detail in
the Constitution the procedure to be followed in criminal
trials. Defendants, they said, are entitled to notice of
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 7
the charges against them, trial by jury, the right to
counsel for their defense, the right to confront and cross-
examine witnesses, the right to call witnesses in their
own behalf, and the right not to be a witness against
themselves. All of these rights are designed to shield
the defendant against state power. None are designed
to make convictions easier and taken together they clearly
indicate that in our system the entire burden of proving
criminal activity rests on the State. The defendant,
under our Constitution, need not do anything at all to
defend himself, and certainly he cannot be required to
help convict himself. Rather he has an absolute, un
qualified right to compel the State to investigate its
own case, find its own witnesses, prove its own facts,
and convince the jury through its own resources.
Throughout the process the defendant has a fundamental
right to remain silent, in effect challenging the State at
every point to “ Prove it!”
The Bill of Rights thus sets out the type of consti
tutionally required system that the State must follow in
order to convict individuals of crime. That system re
quires that the State itself must bear the entire burden
without any assistance from the defendant. This require
ment is clearly indicated in the Fifth Amendment itself,
but it is equally apparent when all the specific provi
sions of the Bill of Rights relating to criminal prosecu
tions are considered together. And when a question
concerning the constitutionality of some aspect of crim
inal procedure arises, this Court must consider all those
provisions and interpret them together. The Fifth
Amendment prohibition against compelling a defendant
to be a witness against himself is not an isolated, dis
tinct provision. It is part of a system of constitutionally
required procedures, and its true meaning can be seen
only in light of all those provisions. “Strict construc
tion” of the words of the Constitution does not mean
8 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
that the Court can look only to one phrase, clause or
sentence in the Constitution and expect to find the
right answer. Each provision has clear and definite
meaning, and various provisions considered together may
have any equally clear and definite meaning. It is only
through sensitive attention to the specific words, the con
text in which they are used, and the history surrounding
the adoption of those provisions that the true meaning of
the Constitution can be discerned.
This constitutional right to remain absolutely silent
cannot be avoided by superficially attractive analogies to
any so-called “compulsion” inherent in the trial itself
which may lead a defendant to put on evidence in his
own defense. Obviously the Constitution contemplates
that a defendant can be “compelled” to stand trial, and
obviously there will be times when the trial process itself
wall require the defendant to do something in order to
try to avoid a conviction. But nothing in the Consti
tution permits the State to add to the natural conse
quences of a trial and compel the defendant in advance
of trial to participate in any way in the State’s attempt
to condemn him.
A criminal trial is in part a search for truth. But it
is also a system designed to protect “freedom” by insuring
that no one is criminally punished unless the State has
first succeeded in the admittedly difficult task of con
vincing a jury that the defendant is guilty. That task
is made more difficult by the Bill of Rights, and the
Fifth Amendment may be one of the most difficult of
the barriers to surmount. The Framers decided that the
benefits to be derived from the kind of trial required
by the Bill of Rights were well worth any loss in “effi
ciency” that resulted. Their decision constitutes the
final word on the subject, absent some constitutional
amendment. That decision should not be set aside as
the Court does today.
WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA 9
II
On the surface this case involves only a notice-of-
alibi provision, but in effect the decision opens the way
for a profound change in one of the most important
traditional safeguards of a criminal defendant. The
rationale of today’s decision is in no way limited to alibi
defenses, or any other type or classification of evidence.
The theory advanced goes at least so far as to permit
the State to obtain under threat of sanction complete
disclosure by the defendant in advance of trial of all
evidence, testimony and tactics he plans to use at that
trial. In each case the justification will be that the rule
affects only the “timing” of the disclosure, and not the
substantive decision itself. This inevitability is clearly
revealed by the citation to Jones v. Superior Court, 22
Cal. Rptr. 879, 372 P. 2d 919 (1962), ante, at 5, n. 13.
In that case, the theory of which the Court today adopts
in its entirety, a defendant in a rape case disclosed that
he would rely in part on a defense of impotency. The
prosecutor successfully obtained an order compelling the
defendant to reveal the names and adresses of any doctors
he consulted and the medical reports of any examinations
relating to the claimed incapacity. That order was up
held by the highest court in California. There was no
“rule” or statute to support such a decision, only the
California Supreme Court’s sense of fairness, justice, and
judicial efficiency. The majority there found no barrier
to the judicial creation of pretrial discovery by the State
against the defendant, least of all a barrier raised by any
constitutional prohibition on compelling the defendant
to be a witness against himself.
The dangerous implications of the Jones rationale
adopted today are not, however, limited to the disclosure
of evidence that the defendant has already decided he
will use at trial. In State v. Grove, 65 Wash. 2d 525
10 WALLACE v. FLORIDA
(1965), the Washington Supreme Court, relying on
Jones, held that a defendant in a murder trial could
be compelled to produce a letter he had written his wife
about the alleged crime, even though he had no thought
at all of using that evidence in his own behalf. These
cases are sufficient evidence of the inch-by-inch, case-
by-case process by which the rationale of today’s decision
can be used to transform radically our system of criminal
justice into a process requiring the defendant to assist
the State in convicting him, or be punished for failing
to do so.
There is a hint in the State’s brief in this case—as
well as, I fear, in the Court’s opinion—of the ever-
recurring suggestion that the test of constitutionality is
the test of “ fairness,” “decency,” or in short the Court’s
own views of what is “best.” Occasionally this test
emerges in disguise as an intellectually satisfying “ dis
tinction” or “ analogy” designed to cover up a decision
based on the wisdom of a proposed procedure rather than
its conformity with the commands of the Constitution.
Such a course, in my view, is involved in this case. This
decision is one more step away from the written Consti
tution and a radical departure from the system of crim
inal justice that has prevailed in this country. Com
pelling a defendant in a criminal case to be a witness
against himself in any way, including the use of the
system of pretrial discovery approved today, was un
known in English law, except for the unlamented pro
ceedings in the Star Chamber courts—the type of pro
ceedings the Fifth Amendment was designed to prevent.
For practically the first 150 years of this Nation’s history
no State considered adopting such procedures compelling
a criminal defendant to help convict himself, although
history does not indicate that our ancestors were any
less intelligent or solicitous of having a fair and efficient
system of criminal justice than we are. History does
WALLACE v. FLORIDA 11
indicate that persons well familiar with the dangers of
arbitrary and oppressive use of the criminal process were
determined to limit such dangers for the protection of
each and every inhabitant of this country. They were
well aware that any individual might some day be sub
jected to criminal prosecution, and it was in order to
protect the freedom of each of us that they restricted the
Government’s ability to punish or imprison any of us.
Yet in spite of the history of oppression that produced
the Bill of Rights and the strong reluctance of our gov
ernments to compel a criminal defendant to assist in
his own conviction, the Court today reaches out to em
brace and sanctify at the first opportunity a most dan
gerous departure from the Constitution and the tradi
tional safeguards afforded persons accused of crime. I
cannot accept such a result and must express my most
emphatic disagreement and dissent.
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
No. 927.— O ctober T e r m , 1969
Johnny Williams,
Petitioner,
v.
On Writ of Certiorari to the District
Court of Appeal of Florida, Third
District.
State of Florida.,
[June 22, 1970]
M r . Ju stice M a r sh a ll , dissenting in part.
I join Part I of the Court’s opinion. However, since
I believe that the Fourteenth Amendment guaranteed
W illiams a jury of 12 to pass upon the question of his
guilt or innocence before he could be sent to prison for
the rest of his life, I dissent from the affirmance of his
conviction.
I adhere to the holding of Duncan v. Louisiana, 391
U. S. 145, 149 (1968), that “ [b]eeause . . . trial by jury
in criminal cases is fundamental to the American scheme
of justice, . . . the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees
a right of jury trial in all criminal cases which—were
they to he tried in a federal court— would come within
the Sixth Amendment’s guarantee.” And I agree with
the Court that the same “ trial by jury” is guaranteed
to state defendants by the Fourteenth Amendment as to
federal defendants by the Sixth. “Once it is decided
that a particular Bill of Rights guarantee is ‘fundamental
to the American scheme of justice’ . . . the same consti
tutional standards apply against both the State and
Federal Governments.” Benton v. Maryland, 395 U. S.
784, 795 (1969).
At the same time, I adhere to the decision of the Court
in Thompson v. Utah, 170 U. S. 343, 349 (1898), that the
jury guaranteed by the Sixth Amendment consists “of
twelve persons, neither more nor less.” As I see it, the
2 WILLIAMS v. FLORIDA
Court has not made out a convincing case that the Sixth
Amendment should be read differently than it was in
Thompson even if the matter were now before us de
novo—much less than an unbroken line of precedent
going back over 70 years should be overruled. The
arguments made by M r . Justice H arlan in Part IB of
his opinion persuade me that Thompson was right when
decided and still states sound doctrine. I am equally
convinced that the requirement of 12 should be applied
to the States.