Rabinowitz v. United States Second Supplemental Brief on Behalf of Appellant
Public Court Documents
October 19, 1965

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Rabinowitz v. United States Second Supplemental Brief on Behalf of Appellant, 1965. a1c6c9b1-c19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/30b73296-68d4-421d-8adf-6a5d86aa1c8a/rabinowitz-v-united-states-second-supplemental-brief-on-behalf-of-appellant. Accessed July 06, 2025.
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1ST T H E Ittitefc ©Hurt rtf kppm lz For the Fifth Circuit No. 21256 JONI RABIN0 WITZ, versus Appellant, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Appellee. SECOND SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF ON BEHALF OF APPELLANT V ictor R abinowitz, L eonard B. B oudin, New York, N. Y. C. B. K ing, Albany, Ga., Attorneys for Appellant. October 19, 1965. IN' THE Ittt&fr (&mrt nf Appeals For the Fifth Circuit No. 21256 ------------ o------------ J oni R abin o w itz , versus Appellant, United States of A mebica, Appellee. o SECOND SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF ON BEHALF OF APPELLANT I . The nation has long been aware that Negroes do not receive fair trials in Southern courts because, among other things, the methods used to choose juries has been dis criminatory. The courts in scores of cases over the past century have addressed themselves to this problem and, on a case-by-case basis, have sought to correct the most glaring injustices resulting from racially-biased jury sys tems. Neal v. Delaware, 103 U. S. 370; Carter v. Texas, 177 U. S. 442; Norris v. Alabama, 294 U. S. 587; Smith v. Texas, 311 U. S. 128; Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400; Patton v. Mississippi, 332 U. S. 463; Cassell v. Texas, 339 U. S. 282; Speller v. Allen, 344 U. S. 443; Avery v. Georgia, 345 U. S. 559; Reece v. Georgia, 350 U. S. 85; Eubanks v. Louisi ana, 356 U. S. 584̂ -,United States ex rel. Goldsby v. Harpole, 263 F. 2d 71 (5th Cir., 1959); United States ex rel. Seals v. Wiman, 304 F. 2d 53 (5th Cir., 1962); Collins v. Walker, 329 F. 2d 100 (5th Cir., 1964). 2 It lias also been true that, for a century, the jury system of the South has resulted in the wrongful acquittal by all- white juries of whites accused of crimes of violence against Negroes. Appellate courts have not addressed themselves to this problem because those acquittals presented no ques tion subject to appeal. Over the past months, however, the conscience of the nation has been shocked by the spectacle of Southern white juries which failed to convict white de fendants under circumstances where guilt appeared obvious to all.* In many of these cases, the defendants and their asso ciates have openly taunted the Government of the United States and the state governments with the futility of at tempts to enforce the laws against murder when, under our system of government, defendants so charged are entitled to a jury trial. That the jury system, as admin istered in many Southern counties and in the United States courts, bears a major responsibility for this evil situation is self-evident. Not the least disgraceful aspect of the situation has been the attitude of the Attorney General of the United States who, when asked to comment on the acquittal of Coleman by an Alabama jury a few weeks ago, is reported to have said: “ I think this kind of result is expected from time to time. . . . This is the price you have to pay for the jury systems, but I don’t think it ’s too high a price to pay.” New York Herald Tribune, Oct. 1, 1965, p. 16. Of course, this kind of result is expected—-when juries are improperly chosen. But Mr. Katzenbach’s duty as chief * The Court, we think, can take judicial notice of the fact that the murderers of Medgar Evans, Lemuel Penn, Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, James Chaney, Viola Liuzzo, Rev. Jonathan Daniels and others are as yet unpunished and are not likely to be convicted. 3 law officer of the United States is to do everything in his power to correct this monstrous situation in the state courts; instead, in this case and in Jackson v. United States, No. 21345, he seeks judicial approval of a similar jury system in the Federal courts. Against this background, the order of this court dated September 23, 1965 takes on great significance. The court is presented with the opportunity of reviewing the entire jury system of the South in both state and federal courts. The promulgation and enforcement of rules for the non- discriminatory selection of juries in both state and federal courts will represent a great step toward full and equal citizenship for the Negro in the South and will correct many gross miscarriages of justice both where Negroes, as defendants, seek a fair trial and where whites, as de fendants, are charged with racially-motivated crime.* II* In considering the cases raising the question of exclu sion-inclusion of race in jury selection in both state and federal courts, a distinction must be made between the method of choosing jury panels ** and the results of the application of that method. In a constitutional sense it is * Civil cases as well as criminal are affected by the nature of the jury system. There are relatively few cases in the Appellate courts on this aspect of the problem, but it cannot be ignored. See, for example, Thiel v. Southern Pacific Co., 328 U. S. 217; Dow v. Carnegie Illinois Steel Corp., 224 F. 2d 414 (3rd Cir., 1955). ** Nomenclature differs from place to place. The words “ jury panel” and “ jury list” are used herein to designate the list compiled by court officials from which jurors are to be chosen. This is to be distinguished from the venire (the persons on the jury list who are summoned to appear in court at the opening of a trial or at the beginning of a grand jury inquest) and the jury (the persons actually selected to try the facts in a trial or to consider an indictment in a grand jury proceeding). 4 the method that counts. Whatever the result, a constitu tional or lawful method is proper; an unlawful method is improper. So the systematic inclusion of Negroes on the jury is as unlawful as their systematic exclusion even though the results may appear on their face to he fair (Collins v. Walker, supra). Appellant has never argued that her rights would have been protected had more Negroes been arbitrarily placed on the jury list, the venire or the jury. She argues only that the venire and jury should have been chosen from a panel compiled in such a method that it would have represented, as the federal practice requires, a reasonably accurate cross-section of the com munity. Though the law and the Constitution regulate the method of choosing a jury list, the end results of that method are highly significant because they provide indirect but very reliable evidence of the legality of the method. It is often much easier to secure evidence of the result of the method used. Furthermore, such evidence can usually be reduced to mathematical terms—-hence the frequency with which this court and the Supreme Court are concerned with statistical compilations of the number of Negroes on the jury list as compared with the number of Negroes in the population. Such evidence of the composition of the jury list-even though it be only indirect evidence of the method in which the list was compiled—has a very high probative value. And so the courts have held that evidence of a decisive imbalance in the composition of the jury panel or evidence that Negroes never or seldom serve on juries, while indirect, is such convincing evidence of impropriety in the method of compiling a jury list that it establishes a prima facie case and puts the burden on the state to prove its method proper. See Norris v. Alabama, supra; Smith v. Texas, supra; Aikens v. Texas, 325 U. S. 398; State v. Wilson, 262 No. Caro. 419; 137 S. E. 2d 109 (1964). Experience has shown that the state rarely maintains the burden so cast upon it; the laws of probability and 5 logic have inexorable force and it almost always turns out that a raeially-imbalanced list is the result of an unlawfully discriminatory method of compiling that list. Swain v. Alabama, 380 U. 8. 202, does not hold to the contrary. The method of selection of the jury list in that case is set forth in considerable detail in footnote 4 to the Court’s opinion at page 207. And it appears that city directories, registration lists, membership lists of Farm Bureau Cooperatives, membership lists of the Rural Elec tric Cooperative, telephone directories, church rolls and club rolls were all used. The footnote concludes with the following sentence: “ The record contains no admission by the com missioners that they had relatively few Negro ac quaintances or that they tended primarily to use white church lists or white club lists.” The exact opposite is true in the instant case (R. 193a, 209a, 211a, 242a, 266a, 267a). It may well be that the discrepancy in Swain between Negroes on the jury list and Negroes in the population was accounted for by factors which do not appear in the opinion.* In the instant case appellant has proven by both direct and indirect evidence that the jury list was compiled by a racially discriminatory and hence constitutionally improper * There is a curious and material arithmetical error made by the majority of the Court in Swain. Negroes constituted 26% of all males in the county; “ 10% to 15% of the grand and petit jury panels drawn from the jury box . . . have been Negroes” (p. 205). Somehow, the Court concluded that Negroes were under-represented by 10% (p. 205). It seems obvious that in Swain Negroes were under-represented not by 10% but by 100%. Had the Negroes in the jury box been proportionate to the Negroes in the population, there would have been 100% more Negroes on the panel ( i . e twice as many) than there were. In the instant case, Negroes were under-represented by 580% if we use total population figures; by 412% if we use the “ functionally literate” population statistics which are presented in appellant’s Supplemental Brief. 6 process. The direct evidence was supplied by the Jury Commissioner, the Clerk and the Deputy Clerk. It appears at pages 182a to 267a of the record and is summarized at pages 9 to 13 of the original brief. The indirect evidence, that of the result achieved, appears at pages 88a-94a and 285a-289a of the record, at page 8 of appellant’s original brief and at pages 1 to 3 of her supplemental brief. Fur ther summary would seem to be superfluous. As might be expected, the result achieved was quite consistent with the unlawful method used. In fact, the result was totally inconsistent with any non-discriminatory random choice.** We do not feel that we are under any obligation to pro pose a method for the non-discriminatory selection of jurors; we are the lawyers for the appellant and not jury commissioners or court clerks. However, this court, in setting these several cases down for argument en banc, may well be interested in providing guidance to both state ** Whether we use the statistics compiled in our original brief or the modified statistics submitted in the supplemental brief, the results for all practical purposes are the same. In either event the proba bility of getting 117 or fewer Negroes on the jury list in a non- discriminatory random choice is far less than one in a million. Indeed, the probability is so small that ordinary calculating machines cannot compute it. By contrast the probability of drawing a royal flush in a poker game is one in 4,165— much more than two hundred times as likely as the possibility of drawing only 117 Negroes from the eligible population. W e recognize, of course, that some variations from a random choice are necessary in view of the unavailability of a com plete list (see p. 8 below), but a deviation such as that experienced in this case is totally inconsistent with a non-discriminatory method of picking jurors. The above calculations have been made at our request by statis ticians, who advise us that the formula used is standard in statistical theory. It can be found in D. A . S. Fraser, Statistics An Introduction (John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1958) 55. 7 and federal district courts and so we shall make a few suggestions without, however, presuming to any extraor dinary expertise. Preliminarily, we might note that we think it clearly improper for the commissioners and clerks to rely on information given to them by friends, acquaintances, friends of friends and acquaintances of acquaintances. Few humans have such wide contacts that they know, either directly or indirectly, a significant number of persons in all classes and groups in our society. Furthermore, the possibility of subjective choice in these circumstances is so high as to amount to a certainty. Especially is this likely to be true in the South, where the kind of person most likely to be chosen Jury Commissioner or Court Clerk is least likely to know many Negroes and is likely to be prone to the prejudices and biases, however uncon scious, shared by most persons of his class. Even when Negroes are chosen, they are likely to be “ good Negroes” (R. 232a). The record in this case is an example but is not at all unique. Given the most complete good faith, such a personal and subjective method of choosing prospective jurors is unsatisfactory and will never result in the cross-section of the community required by federal law. The problem therefore is to find reasonably compre hensive lists of adults from which a random, non-discrim- inatory choice can be made. In New York City, primary reliance is placed on voting lists, but this is not likely to be satisfactory in the South. The most comprehensive lists are probably census and federal income tax rolls. Both of these are by law confidential, but the Court or the United States Attorney, if so minded, might call for ap propriate legislation to permit the release of the names of persons on those rolls. In some states (e . g Georgia) there are public lists of personal property taxpayers and, in fact, Georgia law requires that these lists be used by 8 jury commissioners in picking juries in state courts. Van- leeward v. State, 220 Ga. 135; 137 S. E. 2d 452 (1964). If a random choice were made from such a list it would prob ably come reasonably close to a cross-section. Telephone directories and auto registration lists would be helpful; their economic bias might be corrected by using lists of persons receiving welfare or unemployment insurance benefits. In the course of the oral argument in this case, District Judge Hunter, sitting as a member of the panel, suggested the use of a list of those who use electric power; most persons, be thought, had electric power even if they did not have telephones or automobiles. In many cities there are regularly published city directories. So we see that there is no scarcity of lists. The diffi culty is that the jury commissioner and clerks, in the instant case, referred to none of them. I V . We do not wish to derogate from the argument posed by counsel challenging the jury system in the four state cases before the court on this argument; we think that the respective records in these cases show sufficient grounds for complaint with respect to the method of choosing juries. We are, however, constrained to point out, once more, as we did in our original brief, that this is a federal case; that the standards here are much higher than in the state courts and that in this case and the Jackson case, unlike the others, this court is governed not only by the Consti tution but also by statute and the high standards which the federal courts have imposed on themselves (see original brief, pp. 17-24). 9 V . One final point should be mentioned. The jury selection issue may he decisive in this case, but it is not the only ground on which appellant seeks reversal nor is it neces sarily the strongest ground. In our opinion the other errors committed by the court below are equally grievous and we would urge that those issues not he lost in the consideration of the issue of racial exclusion from the jury. Respectfully submitted, V ictor R abistowitz, L eonard B. B oudin, New York, N. Y. 0. B. K ing, Albany, Ga., Attorneys for Appellant. October 19, 1965. T he H ecla Press, 54 L afayette Street, New Y ork City, BEekman 3-2320