Rabinowitz v. United States Second Supplemental Brief on Behalf of Appellant
Public Court Documents
October 19, 1965
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Rabinowitz v. United States Second Supplemental Brief on Behalf of Appellant, 1965. a1c6c9b1-c19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/30b73296-68d4-421d-8adf-6a5d86aa1c8a/rabinowitz-v-united-states-second-supplemental-brief-on-behalf-of-appellant. Accessed December 06, 2025.
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1ST T H E
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For the Fifth Circuit
No. 21256
JONI RABIN0 WITZ,
versus
Appellant,
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Appellee.
SECOND SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF ON BEHALF
OF APPELLANT
V ictor R abinowitz,
L eonard B. B oudin,
New York, N. Y.
C. B. K ing,
Albany, Ga.,
Attorneys for Appellant.
October 19, 1965.
IN' THE
Ittt&fr (&mrt nf Appeals
For the Fifth Circuit
No. 21256
------------ o------------
J oni R abin o w itz ,
versus
Appellant,
United States of A mebica,
Appellee.
o
SECOND SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF ON BEHALF
OF APPELLANT
I .
The nation has long been aware that Negroes do not
receive fair trials in Southern courts because, among other
things, the methods used to choose juries has been dis
criminatory. The courts in scores of cases over the past
century have addressed themselves to this problem and,
on a case-by-case basis, have sought to correct the most
glaring injustices resulting from racially-biased jury sys
tems. Neal v. Delaware, 103 U. S. 370; Carter v. Texas,
177 U. S. 442; Norris v. Alabama, 294 U. S. 587; Smith v.
Texas, 311 U. S. 128; Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400; Patton
v. Mississippi, 332 U. S. 463; Cassell v. Texas, 339 U. S.
282; Speller v. Allen, 344 U. S. 443; Avery v. Georgia, 345
U. S. 559; Reece v. Georgia, 350 U. S. 85; Eubanks v. Louisi
ana, 356 U. S. 584̂ -,United States ex rel. Goldsby v. Harpole,
263 F. 2d 71 (5th Cir., 1959); United States ex rel. Seals
v. Wiman, 304 F. 2d 53 (5th Cir., 1962); Collins v. Walker,
329 F. 2d 100 (5th Cir., 1964).
2
It lias also been true that, for a century, the jury system
of the South has resulted in the wrongful acquittal by all-
white juries of whites accused of crimes of violence against
Negroes. Appellate courts have not addressed themselves
to this problem because those acquittals presented no ques
tion subject to appeal. Over the past months, however, the
conscience of the nation has been shocked by the spectacle
of Southern white juries which failed to convict white de
fendants under circumstances where guilt appeared obvious
to all.*
In many of these cases, the defendants and their asso
ciates have openly taunted the Government of the United
States and the state governments with the futility of at
tempts to enforce the laws against murder when, under
our system of government, defendants so charged are
entitled to a jury trial. That the jury system, as admin
istered in many Southern counties and in the United States
courts, bears a major responsibility for this evil situation
is self-evident.
Not the least disgraceful aspect of the situation has been
the attitude of the Attorney General of the United States
who, when asked to comment on the acquittal of Coleman
by an Alabama jury a few weeks ago, is reported to have
said:
“ I think this kind of result is expected from
time to time. . . . This is the price you have to pay
for the jury systems, but I don’t think it ’s too high
a price to pay.” New York Herald Tribune, Oct. 1,
1965, p. 16.
Of course, this kind of result is expected—-when juries
are improperly chosen. But Mr. Katzenbach’s duty as chief
* The Court, we think, can take judicial notice of the fact that the
murderers of Medgar Evans, Lemuel Penn, Michael Schwerner,
Andrew Goodman, James Chaney, Viola Liuzzo, Rev. Jonathan
Daniels and others are as yet unpunished and are not likely to be
convicted.
3
law officer of the United States is to do everything in his
power to correct this monstrous situation in the state courts;
instead, in this case and in Jackson v. United States, No.
21345, he seeks judicial approval of a similar jury system
in the Federal courts.
Against this background, the order of this court dated
September 23, 1965 takes on great significance. The court
is presented with the opportunity of reviewing the entire
jury system of the South in both state and federal courts.
The promulgation and enforcement of rules for the non-
discriminatory selection of juries in both state and federal
courts will represent a great step toward full and equal
citizenship for the Negro in the South and will correct
many gross miscarriages of justice both where Negroes,
as defendants, seek a fair trial and where whites, as de
fendants, are charged with racially-motivated crime.*
II*
In considering the cases raising the question of exclu
sion-inclusion of race in jury selection in both state and
federal courts, a distinction must be made between the
method of choosing jury panels ** and the results of the
application of that method. In a constitutional sense it is
* Civil cases as well as criminal are affected by the nature of the
jury system. There are relatively few cases in the Appellate courts
on this aspect of the problem, but it cannot be ignored. See, for
example, Thiel v. Southern Pacific Co., 328 U. S. 217; Dow v.
Carnegie Illinois Steel Corp., 224 F. 2d 414 (3rd Cir., 1955).
** Nomenclature differs from place to place. The words “ jury
panel” and “ jury list” are used herein to designate the list compiled
by court officials from which jurors are to be chosen. This is to be
distinguished from the venire (the persons on the jury list who are
summoned to appear in court at the opening of a trial or at the
beginning of a grand jury inquest) and the jury (the persons actually
selected to try the facts in a trial or to consider an indictment in a
grand jury proceeding).
4
the method that counts. Whatever the result, a constitu
tional or lawful method is proper; an unlawful method is
improper. So the systematic inclusion of Negroes on the
jury is as unlawful as their systematic exclusion even
though the results may appear on their face to he fair
(Collins v. Walker, supra). Appellant has never argued
that her rights would have been protected had more Negroes
been arbitrarily placed on the jury list, the venire or the
jury. She argues only that the venire and jury should
have been chosen from a panel compiled in such a method
that it would have represented, as the federal practice
requires, a reasonably accurate cross-section of the com
munity.
Though the law and the Constitution regulate the
method of choosing a jury list, the end results of that method
are highly significant because they provide indirect but
very reliable evidence of the legality of the method. It is
often much easier to secure evidence of the result of the
method used. Furthermore, such evidence can usually be
reduced to mathematical terms—-hence the frequency with
which this court and the Supreme Court are concerned with
statistical compilations of the number of Negroes on the
jury list as compared with the number of Negroes in the
population. Such evidence of the composition of the jury
list-even though it be only indirect evidence of the method
in which the list was compiled—has a very high probative
value. And so the courts have held that evidence of a
decisive imbalance in the composition of the jury panel or
evidence that Negroes never or seldom serve on juries,
while indirect, is such convincing evidence of impropriety
in the method of compiling a jury list that it establishes a
prima facie case and puts the burden on the state to prove
its method proper. See Norris v. Alabama, supra; Smith
v. Texas, supra; Aikens v. Texas, 325 U. S. 398; State v.
Wilson, 262 No. Caro. 419; 137 S. E. 2d 109 (1964).
Experience has shown that the state rarely maintains
the burden so cast upon it; the laws of probability and
5
logic have inexorable force and it almost always turns out
that a raeially-imbalanced list is the result of an unlawfully
discriminatory method of compiling that list.
Swain v. Alabama, 380 U. 8. 202, does not hold to the
contrary. The method of selection of the jury list in that
case is set forth in considerable detail in footnote 4 to the
Court’s opinion at page 207. And it appears that city
directories, registration lists, membership lists of Farm
Bureau Cooperatives, membership lists of the Rural Elec
tric Cooperative, telephone directories, church rolls and
club rolls were all used. The footnote concludes with the
following sentence:
“ The record contains no admission by the com
missioners that they had relatively few Negro ac
quaintances or that they tended primarily to use
white church lists or white club lists.”
The exact opposite is true in the instant case (R. 193a,
209a, 211a, 242a, 266a, 267a). It may well be that the
discrepancy in Swain between Negroes on the jury list and
Negroes in the population was accounted for by factors
which do not appear in the opinion.*
In the instant case appellant has proven by both direct
and indirect evidence that the jury list was compiled by a
racially discriminatory and hence constitutionally improper
* There is a curious and material arithmetical error made by the
majority of the Court in Swain. Negroes constituted 26% of
all males in the county; “ 10% to 15% of the grand and petit jury
panels drawn from the jury box . . . have been Negroes” (p. 205).
Somehow, the Court concluded that Negroes were under-represented
by 10% (p. 205).
It seems obvious that in Swain Negroes were under-represented
not by 10% but by 100%. Had the Negroes in the jury box been
proportionate to the Negroes in the population, there would have
been 100% more Negroes on the panel ( i . e twice as many) than
there were. In the instant case, Negroes were under-represented by
580% if we use total population figures; by 412% if we use the
“ functionally literate” population statistics which are presented in
appellant’s Supplemental Brief.
6
process. The direct evidence was supplied by the Jury
Commissioner, the Clerk and the Deputy Clerk. It appears
at pages 182a to 267a of the record and is summarized at
pages 9 to 13 of the original brief. The indirect evidence,
that of the result achieved, appears at pages 88a-94a and
285a-289a of the record, at page 8 of appellant’s original
brief and at pages 1 to 3 of her supplemental brief. Fur
ther summary would seem to be superfluous. As might
be expected, the result achieved was quite consistent with
the unlawful method used. In fact, the result was totally
inconsistent with any non-discriminatory random choice.**
We do not feel that we are under any obligation to pro
pose a method for the non-discriminatory selection of
jurors; we are the lawyers for the appellant and not jury
commissioners or court clerks. However, this court, in
setting these several cases down for argument en banc,
may well be interested in providing guidance to both state
** Whether we use the statistics compiled in our original brief or
the modified statistics submitted in the supplemental brief, the results
for all practical purposes are the same. In either event the proba
bility of getting 117 or fewer Negroes on the jury list in a non-
discriminatory random choice is far less than one in a million. Indeed,
the probability is so small that ordinary calculating machines cannot
compute it. By contrast the probability of drawing a royal flush in a
poker game is one in 4,165— much more than two hundred times as
likely as the possibility of drawing only 117 Negroes from the eligible
population. W e recognize, of course, that some variations from a
random choice are necessary in view of the unavailability of a com
plete list (see p. 8 below), but a deviation such as that experienced
in this case is totally inconsistent with a non-discriminatory method
of picking jurors.
The above calculations have been made at our request by statis
ticians, who advise us that the formula used is standard in statistical
theory. It can be found in D. A . S. Fraser, Statistics An Introduction
(John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1958) 55.
7
and federal district courts and so we shall make a few
suggestions without, however, presuming to any extraor
dinary expertise.
Preliminarily, we might note that we think it clearly
improper for the commissioners and clerks to rely on
information given to them by friends, acquaintances,
friends of friends and acquaintances of acquaintances. Few
humans have such wide contacts that they know, either
directly or indirectly, a significant number of persons in
all classes and groups in our society. Furthermore, the
possibility of subjective choice in these circumstances is
so high as to amount to a certainty. Especially is this
likely to be true in the South, where the kind of person
most likely to be chosen Jury Commissioner or Court
Clerk is least likely to know many Negroes and is likely
to be prone to the prejudices and biases, however uncon
scious, shared by most persons of his class. Even when
Negroes are chosen, they are likely to be “ good Negroes”
(R. 232a). The record in this case is an example but is
not at all unique.
Given the most complete good faith, such a personal
and subjective method of choosing prospective jurors is
unsatisfactory and will never result in the cross-section of
the community required by federal law.
The problem therefore is to find reasonably compre
hensive lists of adults from which a random, non-discrim-
inatory choice can be made. In New York City, primary
reliance is placed on voting lists, but this is not likely to
be satisfactory in the South. The most comprehensive lists
are probably census and federal income tax rolls. Both of
these are by law confidential, but the Court or the
United States Attorney, if so minded, might call for ap
propriate legislation to permit the release of the names
of persons on those rolls. In some states (e . g Georgia)
there are public lists of personal property taxpayers and,
in fact, Georgia law requires that these lists be used by
8
jury commissioners in picking juries in state courts. Van-
leeward v. State, 220 Ga. 135; 137 S. E. 2d 452 (1964). If
a random choice were made from such a list it would prob
ably come reasonably close to a cross-section. Telephone
directories and auto registration lists would be helpful;
their economic bias might be corrected by using lists of
persons receiving welfare or unemployment insurance
benefits.
In the course of the oral argument in this case, District
Judge Hunter, sitting as a member of the panel, suggested
the use of a list of those who use electric power; most
persons, be thought, had electric power even if they did
not have telephones or automobiles. In many cities there
are regularly published city directories.
So we see that there is no scarcity of lists. The diffi
culty is that the jury commissioner and clerks, in the instant
case, referred to none of them.
I V .
We do not wish to derogate from the argument posed
by counsel challenging the jury system in the four state
cases before the court on this argument; we think that the
respective records in these cases show sufficient grounds
for complaint with respect to the method of choosing juries.
We are, however, constrained to point out, once more, as
we did in our original brief, that this is a federal case;
that the standards here are much higher than in the state
courts and that in this case and the Jackson case, unlike
the others, this court is governed not only by the Consti
tution but also by statute and the high standards which the
federal courts have imposed on themselves (see original
brief, pp. 17-24).
9
V .
One final point should be mentioned. The jury selection
issue may he decisive in this case, but it is not the only
ground on which appellant seeks reversal nor is it neces
sarily the strongest ground. In our opinion the other errors
committed by the court below are equally grievous and we
would urge that those issues not he lost in the consideration
of the issue of racial exclusion from the jury.
Respectfully submitted,
V ictor R abistowitz,
L eonard B. B oudin,
New York, N. Y.
0. B. K ing,
Albany, Ga.,
Attorneys for Appellant.
October 19, 1965.
T he H ecla Press, 54 L afayette Street, New Y ork City, BEekman 3-2320