Brief of Defendant Detroit School Board in Support of Metropolitan Plan Based on Testimony Elicited at Hearing on Detroit-Only Plan
Public Court Documents
March 21, 1972
10 pages
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Case Files, Milliken Hardbacks. Brief of Defendant Detroit School Board in Support of Metropolitan Plan Based on Testimony Elicited at Hearing on Detroit-Only Plan, 1972. ce97aaaa-52e9-ef11-a730-7c1e5247dfc0. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/31ebc5c4-bc13-4f83-a55f-4147f8bc7bd3/brief-of-defendant-detroit-school-board-in-support-of-metropolitan-plan-based-on-testimony-elicited-at-hearing-on-detroit-only-plan. Accessed December 06, 2025.
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
EASTERN DISTRICT OF MICHIGAN
SOUTHERN DIVISION
)RONALD BRADLEY, et al, )
))
)
)
)
)
)) Civil Action
) No. 35257DETROIT FEDERATION OF TEACHERS LOCAL 231, )
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS, AFL-CIO, )
)Intervening Defendant, )and )
)DENISE MAGDOWSKI, et al, )
)Intervening Defendants. )
___________________ _________________________________ )
Plaintiffs,
v s .
WILLIAM G. MILLIKEN, et al,
Defendants,
and
BRIEF
OF DEFENDANT SCHOOL BOARD FOR THE SCHOOL DISTRICT OF
THE CITY OF DETROIT AND OTHER DEFENDANTS IN
SUPPORT OF METROPOLITAN PLAN BASED ON TESTIMONY
_____ELICITED AT HEARING ON DETROIT-ONLY PLAN
PREFACE
With a view to the due date of March 22, 1972, set for
the Brief here submitted, counsel for the Detroit Board of Education
began its preparation prior to the inception of hearing on March
14, 1972. Counsel's initial hope, as was the Court's, was that
this hearing might conclude some days prior to March 22, 1972, so
that the testimony at that hearing might properly be referenced
in that Brief. However, as circumstances have dictated that this
was not to be the case, it became apparent that virtually no time
was available for properly blending comment upon the testimony
with argument as to the law. Thus, faced with the choice of
either attempting at the last minute to meld the record of
these days of hearing into an existing memorandum of law, or
rather presenting two separate documents which run the risk of
being somewhat repetitive, counsel has chosen the latter. Counsel
regrets any redundancy that may result thereby, and hopes that
any such difficulty might be superceded by whatever greater
clarity results from refraining from the hasty commingling of
the two distinct presentations set forth below.
ARGUMENT
THE HEARINGS ON "DETROIT-ONLY" PLANS LEAD TO THE
INESCAPABLE CONCLUSION THAT THE DETROIT PUBLIC
SCHOOLS CANNOT BE DESEGREGATED WITHIN THE CITY
OF DETROIT.
The Court has been presented three "city-only" desegre
gation plans, Plans A and C of the Detroit Board and Plaintiffs'
Plan. While maintaining that Plans A and C do provide some dese
gregation, the Detroit Board has candidly admitted that, as any
"city-only" plan must, they fall short of complete desegregation.
Plaintiffs have not been quite so candid. While they
maintain that a Metropolitan Plan is "preferable", they suggest
that their plan is appropriate for interim or short term imple
mentation— in spite of testimony from Plaintiffs' witness, Dr.
Foster, that when a school is in a changing situation racially,
and has the racial mix he envisions "the benefits of desegregation
are often postponed." (R. 371) Counsel for the Detroit Board
is unaware of any doctrine of "preferability" in the law of
school desegregation and would suggest to the Court that Plaintiffs
are saying to the Court, albeit indirectly, that their plan fails
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to meet the Davis standard of maximum possible desegregation.
The Detroit Board would submit that not only does it not meet
that standard, but, in fact, it would provide if implemented,
not desegregation, but further segregation now and certain rese
gregation in September of 1972. In addition, the uncontroverted
testimony of both Plaintiffs and defense witnesses established
the impossibility of its implementation for September of 1972,
the only purpose for which Plaintiffs advanced it.
A. Under Plaintiffs' Plan, Every School In Detroit
Would Take On A Racial Identification As A
"Black" School.
Detroit is fortunate that an appreciable number of
schools are currently not "racially identifiable" in that they
have stabilized their racial proportion at between thirty and
fifty-five per cent black. In the upper range of this band are
the Magnet Middle Schools, which, because of their controlled
situation, and the lack of anticipation of racial change, are
capable of obtaining a "50-50" racial mix without "tipping" and
becoming black schools. The Plaintiffs' plan would wipe out
these thirty or forty instances of desegregation which Detroit
does now have, and place all the youngsters in those settings
in identifiable black schools. Dr. Guthrie made it abundantly
evident that a 65% black school, or for that matter, a 75%
black school is racially identifiable and that racial identification
begins to take place in a range or plane of 35% to 55% black.
Dr. Guthrie gave concrete examples of how this identification
was caused: the black child, via his examination of newspapers,
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magazines and television knows that he is a minority and that
there is a white majority. This produces a realization that
society, by putting him in a predominately black school, is
isolating him. This particularly follows when substantially all
the districts surrounding Detroit are predominately white.
Plaintiffs' witness, Dr. Foster, appeared to agree.
He did agree that black children under his plan would have a
feeling of racial isolation "in relation to the metropolitan
area." Yet when asked why discussion should be limited to the
City of Detroit, his only answer was, "That is what we are about.
I don't believe we are discussing metro."
The witnesses then agree, albeit one rather reluctantly,
that the Plaintiffs' plan leaves racial isolation very much in
evidence within the Detroit schools; in fact, spreading the pheno
menon from most of the schools to all of them. Even if Plaintiffs'
plan could be implemented, even if it did not run the risk of
serious educational detriment, even if the inevitable resegre
gation inherent in Plaintiffs' plan did not occur; the ineluc
table fact is that Detroit would have more segregated, racially
identifiable schools under this plan that it does now.
B. The Plaintiffs' Plan Promotes Immediate
Resegregation So As To Render The Numbers
It Proposes Meaningless And Even Its Limited
Goal Of Racial Proportion Within Detroit
Unreachable.
Once again, with one of them evidencing reluctance,
the experts agree that the Plaintiffs' plan will cause the further
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withdrawal of whites from the public school system. Dr. Foster
conceded that there would be some flight, and further conceded
that his plan contained no measures to promote stability not con
tained in the plan he drew for Richmond, Virginia. While he
speculated that there might be differences in the two communities
,which might cause different reactions to a plan, he could name
none. In Bradley v. School Board of the City of Richmond, Judge
Mehrige found as a fact that thirty-nine per cent of the white
school population withdrew from the public schools in a matter
of two years after implementation of the Foster Plan. (slip opinion
p.66) There is simply no justification for imposing the burden
of this monstruous additional segregation upon a desegregation
process which certainly does not require additional challenge.
Dr. Guthrie forthrightly predicted that there would be
substantial flight from the city and further noted that most of
that flight would occur among parents of children with high "SES,"
causing even further damage discussed below.
It should be remembered that the Court has already found
that forces not related to any plan of desegregation will continue
to cause an increase in the proportion of blacks in the system.
Thus, Dr. Foster's "base" figure of 65% is suspect. Taking
these "normal" factors,together with racial changes caused by
the implementation of the plan, a base figure contemplating an
80% black school system is far more reasonable than the 65%
assumption upon which Dr. Foster has proceeded. Even Dr. Foster
has conceded that schools which are 80% black are not desegregated.
C. The Plaintiffs' Plan Creates Great Risk Of
Educational Detriment While Offering No Promise
Of Educational Benefit.
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The sole evidentiary statement as to educational bene
fit offered by Plaintiffs on direct examination is printed in
full below:
"Well, I think educationally the adoption
of the proposed plan would be advantageous
if for no other reason that the fact it
would simply happen and a bird in the hand
is always worth more than a bird in the
bush." (R.350-351)
On cross examination, Dr. Foster bottomed a projected educational
benefit on the elmination of racial isolation, but then himself
admitted that such isolation would continue "in the metropolitan
context."
On the other hand, Dr. Guthrie made it crystal clear that
a sufficient number of children of high socio-economic status is
essential for an effective educational program. He pointed out
that in the flight that Plaintiffs' plan would cause, it would
be predominantly the middle class who would leave Detroit. These
people, whose children have average or above-average "SES," will
leave because they have the means to do so, either via private
schools or by outright moving. The problem, Dr. Guthrie points
out, is that then the school system would be faced with a higher
proportion of black children and poor white children. Dr. Guthrie
pointed out that mixing poor black children with the remaining
white children would produce absolutely no demonstratable educational
benefit whatsoever. Furthermore, he noted that these remaining
groups have a higher propensity for racial conflict. Case studies
show the result of mixing poor whites and poor blacks is more
racial tension then if the mixture contained numbers of middle
SES and high SES students.
Dr. Guthrie further pointed out that the mixture of low
SES students of both races will produce the risk of continued
mediocre achievement. Dr. Guthrie made it very clear that it
is essential that there be a mixture including students of high
and average SES to insure improved achievement from both poor
black and poor white students. With white flight, particularly
of the middle class, Dr. Guthrie unequivocally stated that the
Board could not expect higher achievement under Plaintiffs' plan
and would run the risk of such a plan of having a negative effect
on such achievement. The record Evidence is clear then, that
the Plaintiffs' plan does not offer any hope to the children it
purports to benefit. To borrow a phrase from a witness in the
Trial proper, it is a "policy of despair."
D. Clear, Uncontroverted Record Evidence Shows
The Plaintiffs" Plan Could Not Be Implemented
In September Of 1972.
Both the Board's transportation expert, Eugene Kuthy,
and the Defendants' transportation expert, Conwell Smith, agree
on this record that it would be physically impossible for the
Detroit Board to order sufficient buses to implement Plaintiffs'
plan by September, 1972. Smith suggested initially that 350
buses would be needed, although he finally agreed that at least
600 buses would be needed. Obviously,the estimate of Kuthy, who
is very familiar with Detroit and its environs, of 750 buses
was more exact. It only emphasized the impracticability of
implementing Plaintiffs' educationally bankrupt plan by September,
1972.
In addition, Kuthy testified that eight months would
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be necessary to properly set up the routing structure and do
other things necessary for starting up what amounts to a major
metropolitan transportation system. Mr. Smith's refutation, based
on his experience setting up a bus system for a campus "twenty
blocks around" which he had never done before, is self-contro
verting and requires no further comment. Dr. Guthrie, who is
a specialist in administration, points out that the change in
Plaintiffs' plan causes serious administration problems and
disruptions, including disruptions of educational programs. He
particularly reasons on the record that there is no reason to
adopt Plaintiffs' plan as an interim plan to a Metropolitan Plan.
Kuthy, without taking a position on the Metropolitan Plan,
clearly and without dispute, pointed out that the combining of
the school bus systems of the suburbs would result in savings to
Detroit and suburban systems and could be the basis for implementing
a metropolitan school bus system that could effectuate a Metropolitan
Plan in an exonomical fashion. -
E. Should The Court Conclude That Some "City Only"
Remedy Need Be Ordered, The Detroit Board Has
Proposed Plans That Unlike The Plaintiffs' Plan,
Do Offer Some Desegregation.
The Board does not urge upon the Court the adoption of
Plan A or Plan C. It does point out,though, that under either
plan, there would be a real decrease in the amount of racial
isolation present in the Detroit schools. Under Plan A, a
substantial number of youngsters would be removed from racial
isolation. Under Plan C a greater number of youngsters would
be exposed to a desegregated experience for a significant portion
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of their school experience.
Dr. Stuart Rankin and Dr. Betty Ritzenheim pointed out
that the School Board's Plan A does offer some desegregation. Dr.
Rankin pointed out that Plan C does the same. However, both made
it quite clear, as the Board previously reported to the Court
neither Plan A or Plan C - nor both - can do the complete job
because the Detroit School System with 65% black presently is
already a racially identifiable school system. There are not
enough white students to go around.
The Detroit Board in adopting Plans A and C was concerned
with two essential ingredients, desegregation and educational
value. Equally important, the Board was concerned with lasting
desegregation or integration. We are sure that the Court cannot
overlook the undisputed testimony of Dr. Ritzenheim that Plan A
does work and does accomplish some desegregation and is a most
stimulating educational experience for the children involved.
It is an excellent example of lasting desegregation. As Dr.
Ritzenheim pointed out, it could serve as an excellent example
to suburban parents that the Detroit system can produce an excel
lent desegregated or integrated educational experience. In fact,
Dr. Ritzenheim pointed out that through an exchange program with
the Bloomfield Hills Township middle school,enthusiasm by subur
ban students for the Detroit magnet middle school program has
been engendered. This educator, Dr. Ritzenheim, specifically
at the first line of education (the classroom) has shown by her
exchange program that a Metropolitan Plan can work. Dr.
Ritzenheim made it quite clear to the Court that although she
was enthusiastic about Plan A and has made it work, only a
Metropolitan Plan could desegregate Detroit on a meaningful
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permanent basis.
CONCLUSION
The community in which we live, and the community in
which this Court is mandated by its decision to provide school
desegregation is the Detroit Metropolitan Community, a community
as Dr. Marz has stated which is inextricably welded together
with steel pipe. It is the desegregation of that community to
which we must address ourselves, under the prior decision of the
Court. Plaintiffs' plan does not so address itself; it only
creates more segregated schools, thereby spreading the pathos
of the ghetto. It offers not an interim step forward, but a
needless and harmful step backward. The Board's plans cannot
so address itself, as the Board has recognized the impossibility
of having effective desegregation given the racial and socio
economic status of the city.
It is no remedy to turn to the real plaintiffs here, the
school children of this city, and tell them that while we regret
we cannot release them from the ghetto, at least we have provided
them with a slightly larger ghetto than before. Equity requires
a metropolitan solution.
Respectfully submitted,
RILEY AND ROUMELL
720 Ford Building
Detroit, Michigan 48226
Telephone: 962-8255
Dated: March 21, 1972.