Sheff v. O'Neill: An Unconstitutional Violation of Fundamental Rights Paper by Michelle K. Jacobs
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April 15, 1991

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Case Files, Sheff v. O'Neill Hardbacks. Sheff v. O'Neill: An Unconstitutional Violation of Fundamental Rights Paper by Michelle K. Jacobs, 1991. e95642dd-a146-f011-877a-002248226c06. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/35222672-ee64-4696-9a0e-1e912b9ff51c/sheff-v-oneill-an-unconstitutional-violation-of-fundamental-rights-paper-by-michelle-k-jacobs. Accessed July 29, 2025.
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Sheff v. O'Neill: An Unconstitutional Violation of Fundamental Rights Submitted to Professor Haar in the Seminar on The Role of Courts in Institutional Litigation And the Reification of Change in Satisfaction of the Written Work Requirement Michelle K. Jacobs April 15, 1991 Introduction Sheff v. O'Neilll is a desegregation case in the Hartford, Connecticut metropolitan area currently on the docket of the Superior Court of the Hartford/New Britain district. The plaintiffs in Sheff contend that the schools in the Hartford metropolitan area do not provide the students with equal educational opportunity and thus violate the plaintiffs’ fundamental rights to education. Sheff is brought under the Connecticut Constitution by Hartford and West Hartford school children who challenge the racial isolation throughout the metropolitan area and the inferior schools within the Hartford district. Unlike plaintiffs in federal desegregation suits, the plaintiffs do not argue that conscious policies by the state or by school officials led to a segregated system. They maintain only that the resulting de facto segregation of the Hartford metropolitan area school districts by race, ethnicity and poverty violates their right to equal educational opportunity. The plaintiffs request interdistrict relief so that the school districts will become racially and socioeconomically mixed. The plaintiffs argue that only interdistrict metropolitan relief can guarantee that their fundamental right to education will be realized. This paper outlines some of the issues plaintiffs are likely 1No. cv 89-0360977S. to argue either at trial, or in the pre- or post-trial briefs. ? The paper argues that the state's intent is irrelevant when determining whether the state has violated its citizens fundamental rights. The court need not determine or evaluate the state's motivation for its actions or inaction. If state policy or a state system has created a situation which leads to the violation of fundamental rights, the state must remedy the situation, regardless of any lack of malintent. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section describes the background of the case. The second section argues that there is sufficient state action to bring a claim under the Connecticut Constitution. It contends that the states' intent is not an issue when determining whether state action exists -- the relevant question is whether "state action" has the effect of infringing a right. It maintains that the state's intense involvement with the school system makes any actions of that system actions of the state and further argues that state inaction when affirmative action is mandated by the constitution is a form of justiciable state action. The third section argues that the Hartford metropolitan area schools violate the plaintiffs' fundamental right to education by denying the plaintiffs an equal educational opportunity. This section maintains that state intent is 2Many of the issues were raised by the defendants in their failed motion to dismiss (attached as Appendix 1). Because of the different nature of a motion to dismiss, most of the issues were not fully argued at that time. I use many of the issues raised by the defendants as an starting point for my arguments. 2 irrelevant when determining whether an individual has been denied a fundamental right. To some extent the two sections overlap. When determining whether state action exists, one must examine the right that action is alleged to have violated. Similarly, when determining on i» an A L O R oc Ma an whether a fundamental right has been violated by the state, one must examine what policies the state has enforced to bring about that violation. I have tried to avoid repetition and to keep the “ S g S l c a i ad Cs se en discussions in the correct sections but I think much overlap remains. I think the message to glean from this confusion is that the two are so closely tied that state action must exist whenever fundamental rights are violated.3 3This paper is not unbiased. I did most of the research for the Connecticut Civil Liberties Union Foundation who represent the plaintiffs. The Case The plaintiffs in Sheff wv. O'Neill are white, black and Hispanic school children who attend schools in the Hartford and West Hartford school districts. They challenge both that the racial isolation of the Hartford metropolitan area schools violates each plaintiff's fundamental right to education under Article First Sections 1 and 20 and Article Eighth, Section 1 of the Connecticut Constitution and that the inferior Hartford district schools further violate the Hartford plaintiffs’ rights.4 In Horton v. Meskill,® the Connecticut Supreme Court held that these three sections read together establish that education is a fundamental right under the Connecticut Constitution. The court explained that all Connecticut students are constitutionally entitled to equal educational opportunity.® 4The relevant constitutional provisions are: Article First, Section 1: All men when they form a social compact, are equal in rights; and no man or set of men are entitled to exclusive public emoluments or privileges from the community. Article First, Section 20: No person shall be denied the equal protection of the law nor be subjected to segregation or discrimination in the exercise or enjoyment of his civil or political rights because of religion, race, color, ancestry or national origin. Article Eighth, Section 1: There shall always be free public elementary and secondary schools in the state. The General Assembly shall implement this principle by appropriate legislation. 5172 conn. 615, 376 A.2d 359 (1977) (Horton I). SHorton I, 172 Conn. at 649, 376 A.2d at 374. bd - r p m @43 4 4 ® 4 Although schools separated by race have been found inherently unequal,’ the Hartford school district is racially and ethnically isolated. Ninety-one percent of the students in the Hartford district are black or Hispanic, and 47.6 percent live in families whose income is below the federal poverty line. On every side are contiguous or adjacent school districts that, with one exception, are virtually all-white, and without exception, are middle-class or upper-class.® The racial, ethnic, and economic isolation of the Hartford metropolitan school districts deprive the white plaintiffs of the opportunity to associate with, and learn from, minority children attending school within the Hartford school district. Similarly, the minority plaintiffs from the Hartford district are deprived of the opportunity to associate with and learn from white children. 7Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 493 (1954). 8see Complaint, paragraphs 30-34 (attached as Appendix 2). In 1986, blacks comprised only 12.1% of Connecticut's school-age population, Hispanics only 8.5%, and children in families below the United States Department of Agriculture's official "poverty line” ‘only 9.7%. As of 1987-88, these groups composed, 44.9%, 44.9%, and 51.4% respectively of the school-age population of the Hartford school district. The percentage of black and Hispanic ("minority") students enrolled in the Hartford City schools has been increasing since 1981 at an average annual rate of 1.5%. The school-age populations in all other suburban school district immediately adjacent and contiguous to the Hartford school district, ("the suburban districts"), by contrast, are overwhelmingly white. An analysis of 1987-1988 figures for Hartford, Bloomfield, and each of the suburban districts (excluding Burlington, which has a joint school program with districts outside the Hartford metropolitan area) reveals that only five of the twenty-one suburban districts have a minority population over 10% (Bloomfield 69.9%; East Hartford 20.6%; Manchester 11.1%; West Hartford 15.7%; and Windsor 30.8%). 5 Not only are the schools racially isolated, but the quality of education in the Hartford school district is inferior as well. The educational achievement of school children attending the Hartford schools is substantially lower than that of students educated in the surrounding communities. The plaintiffs assert that the disparities in educational achievement between the Hartford and suburban school districts are the result of the educational and social policies either pursued or accepted by the defendants, including the racial, ethnic and socioeconomic isolation of the Hartford and suburban school districts. The achievement variations are not the result of native inability: poor and minority children have the same potential to become well-educated as do other children. Public school integration of children in the Hartford metropolitan region by race, ethnicity, and economic status would significantly improve the educational achievement of poor and minority children, without diminishing the education afforded to their majority schoolmates. The state itself has found that: [T)he majority of studies indicate improved achievement for minority students in integrated settings and at the same time offer no substantiation to the fear that integrated classrooms impede the progress of more advantaged white students. Furthermore, integrated education has long-term positive effects on interracial attitudes and behavior... . The Hartford public schools provide inadequate education to the students because they are overwhelmed by the demand to 9Connecticut State Department of Education, Quality and Integrated Education: Options for Connecticut 1 (1989). 6 educate a student population drawn from the poorest families in the Hartford metropolitan region.10 The racial, ethnic and economic segregation of the Hartford and suburban districts necessarily limits, not only the equal educational opportunities of the plaintiffs, but their potential employment contacts as well. For over two decades, the state has been aware of the separate and unequal pattern of public school districts in the greater Hartford metropolitan region; the strong governmental forces that have created and maintained racially and economically isolated residential communities in the Hartford region; and the consequent need for substantial educational changes, within and across school district lines, to end this pattern of isolation and inequality.l11 The defendants are aware of the lasting harm inflicted on the poor and minority students by the maintenance of isolated urban school districts. Yet, despite this knowledge and their constitutional and statutory obligations to the plaintiffs, the defendants have failed to provide equal educational opportunity to the Hartford school children even though they have sufficient legal tools to remedy the problem.l2? The defendants claim that 10see infra notes 81-88 and accompanying text. See also complaint at paragraphs 35-49. llsee infra note 37 and complaint at paragraphs 50-72. The defendants are the Governor, the State Board of Eduction, members of the State Board of Education, the State Treasurer and the State Comptroller. 12gee Complaint, paragraphs 50 - 72. 7 because the school district lines have been coterminous with town boundaries almost cBrtiniolisly since 1650, before segregation could have been contemplated in Connecticut, the state is not required to change the school district lines.l13 By tolerating districts sharply separated along racial, ethnic, and economic lines, the state has deprived the plaintiffs and other Hartford children of their rights to an equal educational opportunity, and to a minimally adequate education-- rights to which they are entitled under the Connecticut Constitution and Connecticut statutes.l4 By refusing to redistrict, the state has withheld equal educational opportunity from its citizens despite Connecticut's Constitutional and statutory guarantees of equal opportunity to education to every Connecticut child. 13Memorandum in Support of Defendants' Motion to Strike at 1-2, [hereinafter "Defendants' Memorandum"] (attached as Appendix B) citing Ames, History of Eduction in Connecticut, Part I in 5 Osborne, History of Connecticut, 178-179. l4see e.g. C.G.S. 10-4(a) ("each child shall have...equal opportunity to receive a suitable program of educational experiences"). State Action "State action" exists whenever a state allegedly brings about a constitutional violation either by acting or by failing to act when action is constitutionally mandated. The plaintiffs challenge that Connecticut has allowed the development and maintenance of schools in the Hartford metropolitan area which are segregated on the basis of race, ethnicity and poverty and which deprive students of their fundamental rights to education. They assert that the state's action and inaction regarding the Hartford metropolitan area schools violates their fundamental right to education guaranteed by Article First Sections 1 and 20, and Article Eighth Section 1, and their due process rights under Article First Sections 8 and 10 of the Connecticut Constitution. Whenever litigants claim the protection of constitutional guarantees, the court must first determine whether the litigants are challenging government action. Because the Constitution does not control the behavior of private citizens, the Constitution's self-executing and judicially enforceable guarantees of individual rights shield individuals only from governmental conduct, usually referred to as "state action."13 This section argues the current state of unequal education and segregation in the Hartford metropolitan area schools 15chemerinsky, Rethinking State Action, 80 Northwestern L.Rev. 503, 507 (1985); L. Tribe, American Constitutional Law 1688 (2d ed. 1988). The term "state action" refers to any action by government at any level -- federal, state or local. 9 resulted from state action and is thus justiciable under the Connecticut Constitution. Specifically, this section argues that the state is so intertwined with its school system that any acts taken by the education system, including the school board, cbnstitute state action under the Connecticut Constitution. It also maintains that when, as here, the state does not meet its affirmative constitutional duties, its inaction is properly defined as state action because the resulting violation to constitutionally guaranteed or statutory rights of individuals denies those individuals due process. The section further argues that when determining whether state action exists, the state's intent is not an issue. The state need not intend the unconstitutional results of its actions (or inactions) to be liable for them. Even if the injury is the result of a neutral policy, if it . infringes on a fundamental right it is unconstitutional state action. Finally, the section contends that the consequences of government action need not be foreseeable at the time the state initiates a policy for the state to be liable under that policy. The relevant question is whether a state policy results in rights violations. State System as State Action 10 # The sate cannot escape constitutional responsibility for its public schools.l16 The intense state involvement in the operation of public schools makes any discriminatory results of the state's education system the result of state action. Even if the unconstitutional condition is not the result of a specific act by the state, if the state system is involved in creating that violation, the state is deemed to have acted. Judge Berdon of the Connecticut Superior Court has argued that "[tlhe key to the state due process clauses [in the Connecticut Constitution] should be state involvement and not state action. State involvement refers to governmental conduct entwined in the activity challenged."l?7 as Justice Powell has observed: Public schools are creatures of the state, and whether the segregation is state created or state assisted or merely state perpetuated should be irrelevant to constitutional principle. The school board exercises pervasive and continuing responsibility over the long range planning as well as the daily operation of the public school system.... School board decisions obviously are not the sole cause of segregated school conditions. But if ... substantial school segregation still persists, the presumption is strong that the school board, by its acts or omissions, is in some 16crawford v. Board of Education of City of Los Angeles, 130 Cal. Rptr. 724, 732, 17 Cal 3d 280, 551 P.2a 28, 36 (1976); citing Santa Barbara School District v. Superior Court of Santa Barbara 13 Cal. 3d 315, 329, 118 Cal Rptr. 637, 530 P.2d4 605 (1975); San Francisco Unified School District v. Johnson, 3 Cal 3d 937, 951 -952, 92 Cal. Rptr. 309, 479 P.2d 669 (1971) Jackson v. Pasadena 59 Cal. 2d 87s, 879, 31 Cal. Rptr. 606, 382 P.24 878 (1963); United States v. Texas Education Agency 467 F.2d 848, 863-864 (5th Cir. 1972). 17Berdon, Protecting Liberty and Property Under the Connecticut and Federal Constitutions: The Due Process Clauses, 15 Conn. L. Rev. 41, 54 (1982). 11 — — — - S A + — — — —_ — a - part responsible.18 When the california Supreme Court examined de facto segregation in its schools, it held: Wherever the origins or causes of school segregation may lie, ... under traditional constitutional doctrine, local school boards are so ‘significantly involved' in the control, maintenance and ongoing supervision of their school systems as to render any existing school segregation 'state action' under our...state constitutional Equal Protection Clause. Inaction as State Action The state owes affirmative duties to its people. Defendants' implication that state action cannot result from inaction belies this principle. The absence of an affirmative duty certainly does not follow from the principle that the Constitution addresses only the government. 2° There is 18keves v. School District Number 1, 413 U.S. at 189, 227- 228 (1973) (Powell, J. concurring). 19crawford, 130 Cal.Rptr at 732, 551 P.2d at 36. See also Keyes Vv. School District Number 1, 413 U.S. 189, 234 (1973) (Powell, J concurring) ("Every act of a school board and school administration, and indeed every failure to act where affirmative action is indicated, must...be subjected] to scrutiny. The most routine decisions with respect to the operation of the schools, made almost daily, can affect in varying degrees the extent to which schools are initially segregated, remain in that condition, are desegregated, or -- for the long term future -- are likely to be one or the other.") 20gee L. Tribe, American Constitutional law 1688, n.3. The United States Supreme Court has not succeeded in developing a body of state action "doctrine." There is no set of rules for determining whether governmental or private actors are to be deemed responsible for an asserted constitutional violation. "Only by sifting facts and weighing circumstances can the nonobvious involvement of the State in private conduct be 12 universal recognition "that the line between action and inaction, between inflicting and failing to prevent the infliction of harm" is less than clear.?l The line is blurred in race cases. There is double standard for state action -- the test for cases involving racial discrimination is less onerous. There is a more rigorous standard for other claims.22 This is especially true under the Connecticut Constitution where the Constitution explicitly creates an affirmative duty for the government to provide substantially equal education to all students.?23 Defendants' failure to carry out the Constitution's command to maintain schools which are not segregated has denied the students an equal educational opportunity based on race, ethnicity and poverty. The state's continued maintenance of the Hartford schools which are not supplying even a minimally adequate education to their students, also violates the right to an equal educational opportunity. These failures are state action. The defendants incorrectly argued in their motion to dismiss that the due process and equal protection provisions of the state attributed to its true significance." Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority, 365 U.S. 715,722 (1961). 2lBowers v. DeVito, 686 F.2d 616, 618 (7th Cir. 1982). 22g5e¢ e.dg., Jackson v. Statler Foundation, 496 F.2d 623, 629 (2d Cir. 1979) Lefcourt v. Legal Aid Society, 445 F.2d 1150, 1155 n.6 (2d Cir. '1971) 23article Eighth, Section 1. See also Horton v. Meskill, 195 Conn. 24, 35, 486 A.2d 1099, 1110 (1985). (Horton III). 13 Constitution do not require the defendants or the legislature to take affirmative steps to address the problem of de facto segregation in the Hartford schools or the problem of lower quality Hartford schools. They argue these results are not the result of government action.?24 This argument is flawed for several reasons. First, unlike the fourteenth amendment due process prohibitions which are directed specifically against state action, the Connecticut Constitution makes no reference to state action in either of its due process clauses.?23 The New York Court of Appeals in Sharrock v. Dell Buick- cadillac, Inc.,?26 explained the "absence of any express State action language [in the New York Constitution] simply provides a basis to apply a more flexible State involvement ‘requirement than is currently being imposed by the Supreme Court with respect to the federal provision."27 Second, Article First Section 20 asserts that "no person shall be denied equal protection of the law nor be subjected to Segregation or discrimination in the exercise of his civil or E: rolitical rights...," it does not require that the state "act", but only that a person has been denied those rights. This = Command differs from the federal Constitution which states "Nor i ———— 24pefendants’ Memorandum at 26. 25Berdon, Supra n. 17 at 53. Ki 4 : 26 oll 45 N.Y.2d 152, 379 N.E.2d 1169, 408 N.Y.S.2d 39 (1978). = 27 Be citaci Sat 160, 379 N.E.24 at 1174, 408 N.Y.S5.24 at 44 Et-itation omitted). rn c a pr et OR AS Ai le s $ EE N fo r cs B E R L E BR e B LU RR ei s e h B e NEN PR OT 1 £5 HE f m FEM IEM ARS de i W g shall any state deprive any person ... nor deny to any person..." Like the state due process clauses, the state equal Protection clause requires a less active government to be implicated. If.a person is deprived of equal protection or denied equality by the effects of a state system there is state action regardless of whether the government actively denies equal protection.28 1t has been argued that "the state can be said to authorize all conduct that it does not prohibit."22 Connecticut has neither prohibited nor discouraged the development or maintenance -of unequal and segregated schools. Third, the defendants argument implies that there is no Constitutional mandate that the government act in a specific way. The defendants are wrong. If the government does not act in a way that fosters equal educational opportunity, indeed, if it enforces policies that hinder it, as it has in this case, it has not lived up to an affirmative command of the Constitution. Even if the Constitution is generally "charter of negative rather than positive liberties, "30 Article First, Sections 1 and 20 and Article Eighth, Section 1 of the Constitution taken together have been held to create an affirmative government obligation. The government's failure to act in accordance with that o- - 28gee Chemerinsky, supra note 15, at 521. See also Glennon and Nowak, A Functional Analysis of the 14th Amendment "State Action" Requirement, 1976 Sup.Ct. Rev. 221, 229. 29Karst & Horowitz, Reitman v. Mulley: A Telophase -of Substantive Equal Protection, 1967 Sup.Ct. Rev 39, 55. Sv 30pefendants' Memorandum at 23, citing Jackson v. city of Jolliet, et al, 715 F.2d 1200, 1203 (7th Cir. 1983). 15 obligation constitutes state action. Similarly, the unequal schools violate C.G.S. 10-4(a)(1)31 which in turn violates plaintiffs' due process rights. Violation of due process is also state action. The defendants have argued and are likely to continue arguing that neither the segregation of the Hartford and suburban schools nor the inferior education provided by the Hartford schools are constitutional violations by the state necessary to maintain a desegregation suit.32 Although the defendants cannot dispute that the Hartford schools are 91% minority and the surrounding suburbs are roughly 90% white, they argue that the segregated schools have come about as the result of socioeconomic evolution and personal preferences, not government action. Similarly, they argue that the disparity between the Hartford and suburban schools test scores are not the result of unequal educational experiences, but are the result of poverty -- that is, because more at risk children are in the school, lower achievement is to be expected. They claim the schools themselves are equal. It is outside forces which the state did not create, affecting the students in unequal ways. The defendants argue there is therefore no state action. Even though the demographic shift has been determined by the personal preferences of Connecticut residents who have chosen 3lc.g.s. 10-4(a) (1) guarantees each child "shall have ...equal opportunity to receive a suitable program of educational experience." 32pefendants' Memorandum at 22-29. 16 vi r R w ea l co i i BE the neighborhoods in which they want to live, Connecticut is responsible for the imbalances those choices have had on the school populations in its districts. "The right to an equal opportunity for education and the harmful consequences of segregation require that school boards take steps, insofar as reasonably feasible, to alleviate racial imbalance in schools regardless of its cause."33 If the defendants had adjusted the district lines, the rights would not have been violated. The defendants incorrectly imply that the schools have been a passive institution collaterally effected by the demographic changes in the area. The important issue in this case is not where the children live, but where they are required to attend school. Where [residential] segregation exists, it is not enough for a school board to refrain from affirmative discriminatory conduct. The harmful influence on the children will be reflected and intensified in the «classroom if school attendance is determined on a geographic basis without corrective measures.34 In a system of compulsory education, the distinction between natural evolution of neighborhoods and state action is illusory. It is unreasonable to contend that the state involvement is not "action" in the constitutional sense.32 The state's present passivity is a continuation of past action -- the 33gackson, 31 Cal.Rptr 606, 610, 59 Cal. 2d 876, 880, 382 P.2d 878, 882 (1963) (emphasis added). See also Crawford, 130 Cal. Rptr. 731, 17 Cal 34 280, 55) P.24 35. 34pooker v. Board of Education of Plainfield, N.J., 212 A.2d i, 7, 45 N.J. 161, 168 (1965); citing Jackson, 59 cal 24 876, 31 Cal. Rptr. 606, 382 P.2d 878, 881-882 (1963). , 35Note, Segregative Intent and the De Facto/De Jure Distinction, 86 Yale L.J. 317, 330, 354-355 (1976). i7 state drew the original school district lines and retains the power to change them. 36 Laws mandate that the state provide an equal education to all of its students. The state's ‘passivity violates those laws. Although the state did not singlehandedly create the residential patterns, the Connecticut Board of Education has been aware of the increasing segregation within the schools and the damaging effects that segregation has on the students for over twenty-five years but has taken little action to balance the schools.37 36The state's history with regard to public housing and other actions that may have had a segregative effect on the Hartford metropolitan area by race, ethnicity and poverty. This jssue is not discussed in this paper but is another form of state action that could be challenged. 371n 1965, the United States civil Rights Commission presented a report to Connecticut's Commissioner of Education which documented the widespread existence of racially segregated schools in Connecticut. The Hartford Board of Education and the city Council hired educational consultants who determined low jevel of achievement was closely correlated with a high level of poverty among the student population in Hartford; that racial and ethnic segregation caused educational damage to minority children; and that a plan should be adopted, with substantial redistricting and interdistrict transfers funded by the State, to place poor and minority children in suburban schools. No such plan was ever -implemented. over the next 25 years other proposals were made but no substantial action was taken. (See Complaint at paragraphs 53-62.) In January 1988, a report prepared by the Department of Education's committee on Racial Equity, was presented to the State Board. Entitled "A Report on Racial/Ethnic Equity and Desegregation in Connecticut's Public Schools," the report informed the Board that Many minority children are forced by factors related to economic development, housing, zoning and transportation to live in poor urban communities where resources are limited. They often have available to them fewer educational opportunities. Of equal significance is the fact that separation means that neither they nor their counterparts in 18 By not acting to change the district lines as the demographics shifted, the state government denied students an equal educational opportunity. School officials must immediately remedy the segregation when they are faced with statistics indicating segregated conditions exists. "Any failure to act can only be construed as an act of discrimination."38 The state's omission from action has had as damaging effects on the students as specific acts would have had. Indeed, "when the power to act is available, failure to take the necessary steps so as to negate or alleviate a situation which is harmful is as wrong as is taking affirmative steps to advance that the more affluent suburban school districts have the chance to learn to interact with each other, as they will inevitably have to do as adults living and working in a multi-cultural society. Such interaction is a most important element of quality education. Report, at 7. In April of 1989, the State Department of Education issued a report, "Quality and Integrated Education: Options for Connecticut," in which it concluded that racial and economic isolation have profound academic and affective consequences. Children who live in poverty -- a burden which impacts disproportionately on minorities -- are more likely to be educationally at risk of school failure and dropping out before graduation than children from less impoverished homes. Poverty is the most important correlate of low achievement. This belief was borne out by an analysis of the 1988 Connecticut Mastery Test data that focused on poverty....The analysis also revealed that the low achievement outcome associated with poverty are intensified by geographic and racial concentrations... Report, at 1. 38Berry v. School District of Berton Harbor, 467 F. Supp- 721, 734 (W.D. Mich. 1978); But Cf. Higgens v. Board of Ed of city of Grand Rapids, 508 F.2d 779, 791 (6th cir. 1974). (The law imposes no affirmative duty upon school officials to correct the effects of segregation resulting from factors over which -they have no control.) 19 situation."39 The state's argument that residential segregation itself is the result solely of personal preference ignores this country's history. "Private" acts of intentional discrimination by individuals are not the only obstacles to social equality. The residual effects of past discrimination and exclusion have also impeded the progress of blacks, even in the absence of a current intent to discriminate.40 State Intent Irrelevant Even though the Connecticut government may not have taken purposeful discriminatory steps to create separate schools, the segregated and inferior schools that have developed under its education system are subject to constitutional challenge because they violate the Connecticut Constitution's mandate of equal educational opportunity for all students and the constitutional prohibitions against segregation. In their motion the defendants incorrectly asserted that because the district lines were drawn without malintent, no fault can lie with the state for any impact those lines have had. Therefore, they argue, any effects cannot be subject to court challenge. The defendants argue that longstanding history of the district lines somehow insulates them 3%pavis v. School District of Pontiac, 309 F.Supp 734, 741- 42 (E.D. Mich. 1970). gs 40KReith, What Happens to A Dream Deferred: An Assessment of Civil Rights Law 20 Year After the 1963 March on Washington, 19 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L.Rev. 469, 492 (1984). 20 from review.4l But, reaffirmation of an old policy is no less subject to constitutional review than the adoption of a new one. 42 Regardless of the intent of the statute creating school districts coterminous with town lines43, its enforcement has lead to the violation of the state Constitution and statutes and must be remedied. The state Constitution creates an affirmative duty for the government to educate all in a substantially equal manner. Retaining district lines, when the Constitution requires a change so that individual rights will not be violated, disregards the Constitution's command for affirmative state action. In Tinsley v. Palo Alto Unified School District,44 the 4lgee Defendants' Memorandum at 1-3. The school districts have been drawn on the basis of town lines almost consistently since 1650 when the General Court adopted a provision that every Township with fifty households had to appoint a teacher and any town with one hundred families had to set up a school. 42Note, Segregative Intent and the De. facto / De dure Distinction, 86 Yale L.J. 317, 330-331 (1976). See also, Evans Vv. Buchanan, 393 F.Supp 428 (D.Del) (three judge ct), aff'd mem., 423 U.S. 963 (1975) (decision by state legislature to retain school district boundaries held denial of equal protection); U.S. Vv. Missouri 388 F. Supp 1058, 1069 (E.D. Mo.), Aff'd and quoted with approval, 515 F.2d 1365, 1370 (8th Cir.), cert. denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975) (failure to merge white school district with black school district thirty years previously "amounted to a constitutional wrong"). Cf. Norwood v., Harrison, 413 U.S. 455 (1973) (continuation of pre-Brown policy of lending textbooks to discriminatory private school held unconstitutional); Daily v. City of Lawton 425 F.2d 1037 (10th Cir. 1970) (failure to alter zoning unconstitutional). 43¢c.G.S. 10-240. 44154 cal.Rptr. 591, 91 Cal.App.3d 871 (1979). 21 California court examined de facto segregation and determined the state's creation of the school district lines amounted to state action despite the fact that the lines had been drawn without discriminatory intent. Because government action had drawn the school district lines which created the racial imbalances questioned, the court determined: If those lines serve to create or maintain an imbalance which deprives minority groups of a right to equal educational opportunities, free from isolation and segregation, there has been a violation or our state provisions granting equal protection of the law.%> Similarly, the court in Serrano Vv. Priest?5, held that "[glovernmental action drew the school district boundary lines.... It is that action, which we reiterate is the product of Legislative determination, that we today hold to be in violation of the state provisions guaranteeing equal protection of the laws. "47 The Horton I plaintiffs did not challenge intent. Instead like the Sheff plaintiffs, they argued that the effect of the education system was denial of equal educational opportunity. In their motion to dismiss, the defendants tried to distinguish the justiciability of this case from that of Horton I, by arguing . that Horton I had the requisite state action because the plaintiffs in that case challenged the statute that provided unequal funding to the schools. By contrast, they argue this 451d. at 613, 91 cal. App. 3d 894. 4696 cal Rptr. 601, 5 Cal.3d 590, 487 P.2d 1241 (1971). 4714. at 614, 5 Cal.3d at 603, 487 P.2d at 1254. 22 case does not assert state action because the plaintiffs challenge government inaction.48 Like Horton I, this case challenges the denial of the equal application of the fundamental right to education by the state education system. The true challenge in Horton I was to the unequal education that resulted from the radical difference in funding to different towns because of the differences in property taxes. In that case the Connecticut Supreme Court held that education was a fundamental right to which all children were entitled on an equal basis. The state funding system led to unequal educational opportunities and was therefore unconstitutional state action. The challenged state statute was a vehicle used to challenge the lack of appropriate legislation for education as required under Article Eighth, Section 1 of the Connecticut Constitution. Similarly, Article First Sections 1 and 20 and Article Eighth Section 1's affirmative command for appropriate legislation to ensure equal educational opportunity for all children is not met by the state statutes that result in racially separate attendance zones and unequal schools. In Sheff, the attendance zones are the vehicles by which the constitutional rights of the children of the state are Peing violated. The plaintiffs challenge that the defendants’ inaction violates 487+ is interesting to note that the defendants in Horton 1 tried and failed to convince the court that the issue was nonjusticiable. See Memorandum of Decision of Defendant's Motion to Strike, p.10 citing Horton v. Meskill, 31 Conn. Supp. 377, 389. 23 statutory and constitutional law. This is state action =-- the making and enforcement of laws which serve to limit guaranteed rights.42 The defendants incorrectly assert that as long as there are free public and secondary schools that are equally funded, the constitutional command is met.%0? The mere existence of schools is not enough. The schools must provide an equal educational opportunity. The defendants have argued that the Hartford schools are not less equal even though the students have substantially lower achievement levels, graduation rates, and college placements. The state asserts these inequalities are the result of poverty. The defendants argue the state is not required to subsidize the schools of the poor -- that it is up to the people, through the legislature, to decide whether the state should mitigate the effects of poverty or other circumstances. While this may be true with respect to rights that are not constitutionally guaranteed, "[a] citizen's Constitutional rights can hardly be infringed simply because a majority of people 491f the defendant's arguments were plausible, the court in Horton I would have held that there was no state action in that case -- state action did not determine who lived in what neighborhoods and state action did not create the wealth disparity that led to the differences in school funding. Since the funding scheme itself was not facially discriminatory, the court would have held there was no state action. That the court in Horton I found state action, should be a guide in this case. The state need not act with malintent either to act or to violate the constitution. S50pefendants' Memorandum at 27-28. 24 N A P r t an A i oh § ba Si + — — 4. A — 2; HB O y A . $i a — — — — — — —— . 3 — + on choose that it be.n31 The defendants claim "the state need do no more than insure that state action does not frustrate the right of its citizens to enjoy that privilege in a way which offends the due process or equal protection clauses."32 They ignore the fact that the Hartford metropolitan area schools do frustrate the right of Connecticut citizens to enjoy their fundamental right to education as guaranteed by the state Constitution and violate the due process protections. It is the Constitutional right of minority students to be free from the isolating and debilitating effects of segregation -- regardless of its source -- and to attend schools providing a substantially equal education. In their motion to dismiss, the defendants cite Harris v. McRae®3 to support their position that if poverty or private action cause interference with the enjoyment of a privilege or right, the government need not mitigate the effects by taking affirmative actions.®? The defendants argument is flawed both under the state and federal constitutions. First, Connecticut has explicitly rejected McRae. In Doe Vv. Maher®3 the Connecticut court held that denying funding for medically Slrucas wv. Fortyfourth General Assembly of Colorado, 377 U.S. 713, 736~737 (19564). 52pefendants’ Memorandum at 28. 53448 U.S. 297 (1980). S54pefendants’ Memorandum at 28-29. 5540 Conn. Supp 394, 515 A. 2d 134 (1986). 25 necessary abortions violates the fundamental right to privacy and therefore violates the Connecticut due process clause. The Connecticut court held "the denial of medical care is all the more cruel in this context, falling as it does on ‘indigents who are often without means to obtain alternative treatment.">6 In Sheff, Connecticut is again infringing on a fundamental right -- the right to education. Again, the burden falls primarily on the poor who have no alternatives. The dour should hold that state action exists, and that the state has deprived individuals of their fundamental rights. Even if the court used the federal standard, McRae would be inapposite. In that case, because Congress was not constitutionally required to provide any medicaid funding, the Court reasoned that a woman was not any more hurt by the lack of abortion funding than she would be if there were no funding at all. By contrast, the Connecticut Constitution mandates that there be substantially equal elementary and secondary schools provided by the government. If those schools are not equally available to all, regardless of the reason, the Constitution is violated. If poverty leads to unequal schools the state has an affirmative obligation to mitigate the effects. Questions of Foreseeability 5614. at 404, 515 A.2d 145. 26 The fundamental rights violation caused by the Hartford metropolitan area schools is directly traceable to the school district lines. The defendants' allegation that there is an insufficient causal connection between the school district lines and the asserted injury makes no sense. Even if the state could have had no knowledge when it originally drew the district lines, the lines presently condemn all Hartford area school children to attend schools that are either virtually all white and middle class or virtually all-black and Hispanic and disproportionately poor. As the fundamental rights section argues, this segregative effect, without more is sufficient to create a remediable fundamental rights violation. Even if foreseeability or causation must be proven, the state will still be liable. The plaintiffs will argue that they need not prove more than discriminatory impact because their fundamental rights have been violated. But, they can also show that at some point the segregated schools became foreseeable and that the state inaction was a direct cause of their rights being violated. "A presumption of segregative purpose arises when plaintitte establish that the natural, probable and foreseeable result of public officials' action or inaction was an increase or perpetuation of public school segregation."57 In the Hartford metropolitan area, for at least the past twenty-five years, °70liver v. Michigan 508 F.2d 178, 182 (6th Cir. 1974), cert. denied, 421 U.S. 963 (1975). (the presumption becomes proof unless the defendants affirmatively establish that their action or inaction was a consistent and resolute application of racially neutral policies.) 27 segregation has been more than just foreseeable -- it has been a reality. . Regardless of the foreseeability at the time the districts were first drawn, the school district lines are a key in the chain of causation. Because the lines did not shift when the population changed, those lines became a link in the chain to the effect of violating the plaintiffs rights. Even if the state is not the cause for the segregated residential patterns, the state is still responsible for the resulting schools. While it is true that but for the ghettoized residential pattern the ... use of geographic criteria [for creating district lines] would not result in racially imbalanced schools, the school board is not absolved of all responsibility for imbalanced schools. In familiar tort terms, the "chain of causation' is not broken; at the most the residential pattern is a "concurrent" cause. Ghettoization is a known fact, a part of the social reality that the school board must consider when it makes decisions. The defendants have been aware of the problem and its consequences for over twenty-five years. They have both the power and constitutional obligation to act but have not done so. If the lines were drawn differently, the schools would not be racially isolated. By diminishing the concentration of the poor in the schools, achievement among those students would rise.>° The defendants claim that any causal connection between the S8piss, Racial Imbalance in the Public Schools: The Constitutional Concepts, 78 Harv. L. Rev. 564, 585 (1968). 59gee state Department of Education Report (1988). 28 school district lines and infringement of constitutional rights is too attenuated to be judicially recognized. The defendants cite Martinez v. california®®? as support for their claim. Martinez was a much more attenuated situation than this one. 1In Martinez, the Court rejected a plaintiff's argument that the state is responsible for violence inflicted by a parolee. The Court recognized that all parolee's are a potential danger, but said the state cannot be held liable for every action taken by them. The court analogized that having a speed limit of 55 is less safe than a 45 MPH speed limit. But, the court said, the state cannot be held liable to a bystander who is hit by a car going 55.61 Martinez is inapposite. A closer analogy would be if the state built a road in the 1800s without traffic lights. At the time, the automobile was an unforeseeable invention. As years passed, the road became a major traffic area. Every year there were several major accidents on the road. Each time, the police reported that a traffic light would prevent the accidents. The state studied the problem but did not act. By 1991 if someone is killed on the road, the state will be liable. At that point, the state could foresee the accident that it could not when it built the road. It had an obligation to act but did not do so. It is a cause of the accident. Similarly, no one knew in 1650, when the lines were first 60444 u.s5. 277, 285 (1980). 6lsee memo P-:31. 29 drawn, that town lines would serve to deny students equal educational opportunities. But, for at least the past twenty- five years defendants have been collecting evidence, studies and statistics which make that denial clear. They have an affirmative duty to act. The defendants failure to alter the district lines is a cause of the racial isolation and the inadequate schools. 30 Fundamental Rights This section argues that the segregated and inferior Hartford schools deny the plaintiffs' their constitutionally guaranteed rights to equal educational opportunity. It maintains that the state's intent is irrelevant when determining whether the fundamental right to education has been violated. The section further argues that there is no compelling state interest that justifies this fundamental rights denial. In Brown v. Board of Education, 62 the Supreme Court of the United States declared: [E]ducation is perhaps the most important function of local and state governments.... It is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities.... It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity of an education. Such .an opportunity where the state has undertaken to provide it is a_ right which must be made available to all on equal terms.%3 Under Connecticut law, the importance of public education-- as a personal right, and as an affirmative state obligation -- is even more securely established than under the federal law. Public education is a "fundamental right,"®% and "pupils in the 62347 U.S. 483 (1954). 6314. at 493, cited with approval in Horton I, 172 Conn. at 643, 376 A.2d 369. 64Horton I, 172 Conn. at 645, 376 A.2d at 372. 31 public schools are entitled to equal enjoyment of that right."63 The Connecticut Supreme Court has held that "the right to education is so basic and fundamental that any infringement of that right must be strictly scrutinized." 66 When the court examines this case, it must first determine whether the current system of education affords all Hartford metropolitan area children an equal educational opportunity. That is, are their fundamental rights being enforced? If the answer is no, the court must next decide whether there is a compelling state interest that justifies the denial of the children's constitutional rights. If the answer is no again, the court will order that the Hartford metropolitan area's education system be restructured in a way that allows all children to enjoy their fundamental right to education. The standards the court will use are those that have been established under the Connecticut Constitution, which grants broader individual rights than the federal Constitution. ®” 6514. at 649, 376 A.2d at 374. 6614. at 646, 376 A.2d at 373. 67a1though it may seem obvious that a case brought in state court under the state Constitution would be analyzed under state constitutional law, the defendants invoke federal caselaw throughout the Defendants' Memorandum as if it were binding precedent on the Connecticut courts that could limit interpretation of the Connecticut Constitution to the bounds of the federal. Connecticut courts are not bound by federal court decisions unless those decisions provide more protection than is guaranteed by the state Constitution. Horton I, 172 Conn. at 642, 376 A.2d at 372. (when declaring education a fundamental right the court stated that the United States Supreme Court decisions "are to be followed by Connecticut courts only when they provide no less 32 Connecticut courts have not limited the meaning of the state due process clauses to the interpretations placed on the fourteenth amendment by the federal courts.... In other constitutional areas, such as the protection of the fundamental right to education, religious freedom, the right to be secure from unreasonable seizures, and free speech, Connecticut has shown a willingness to expand state civil liberties as well as conform to the changing needs of society. There is little doubt that the schools will fail the fundamental rights inquiry. Under the Connecticut Constitution, "when state action impinges upon a fundamental right in any manner, whether or not the circumstances that cause the impingement are of the state's own creation, the state bears the burden of justifying the intrusion. This is a substantial departure from the current holding of the Supreme Court of the United States."®° When the court questions whether the plaintiffs' fundamental rights to education are violated, it will examine whether each plaintiff has an educational opportunity equal to those in other individual protection than is guaranteed by Connecticut 1law.") The Connecticut Supreme Court has declared that it "fully recognizes] the primary and independent vitality of the provision of [its] own constitution." Jd. at 641, 376 A.24 at 371. 68Berdon, supra note 17, 54-55. (citations omitted). 6914. at 51 discussing Fasulo v. Arafeh, 173 Conn. 473, 378 A.2d 533 (1971). (Connecticut due process goes beyond the federal ~ == continued mental confinement must be in accordance with a judicial proceeding) and Doe Vv. Maher Conn. L. Tribune, May 3, 1982 at 7, col. 1 (Super Ct. Oct. 9, 1981) (abridged opinion) (right to privacy guarantees right to state funding for medically necessary abortions under due process clause); compare Harris Vv. McRae 448 U.S. 297 (1980) (state's failure to pay for medically necessary abortion does not violate due process). See discussion supra at notes 50 - 56 and accompanying text. 33 Hartford-area districts. The court must inquire whether the racial isolation of the schools impacts the educational opportunities of the children. Further, the court must compare the quality of the schools and the education received in Hartford and the surrounding suburban areas. Over 35 years ago in Brown, Chief Justice Warren writing for a unanimous Supreme Court declared that schools separated on the basis of race are inherently unequal -- separate schools hurt the hearts and minds of minority children.’0 Evidence accumulated since Brown confirms and enhances this declaration. In 1967 the United States Commission of Civil Rights reported that when all other factors are equal, black educational achievement in segregated schools is lower than black achievement integrated schools. ’1 The commission found that black children "suffer serious harm when their education takes place in public schools which are racially segregated, whatever the source of such segregation may be."72 The commission noted that transferring blacks to integrated schools substantially betters their educational performance without harming the performance of white students. ’3 The commission explained its finding: The environment of schools with a substantial majority of 70347 U.S. at 494. 7lunited States Commission of Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, Finding 8, p.204 (1967). (Hereinafter "Report".) 72Report, 193, (emphasis added). 73Report at 100-109. [black] students offers serious obstacles to learning. The schools are stigmatized as inferior in the community. The students often doubt their own worth, and their teachers frequently corroborate these doubts. The academic performance of their classmates is usually characterized by continuing difficulty. The children often have doubts about their chances of succeeding in a predominantly white society and they typically are in school with other students who have similar doubts. They are in schools which, by virtue of their racial and social class_ composition, are isolated from models of success in school. It is clear that racially isolated schools substantially harm minority children. The harm is inflicted upon the children regardless of whether the segregation is the result of laws, policy, or demographics. ’> Former Chief Justice Burger agreed that the effects of segregation are not mitigated just because the district lines have not been unconstitutionally altered. ’® The benefits if integrated schools continue after the formal secondary school education ends. In the longer term black children attending desegregated schools are more likely to complete high school, to enroll in and graduate from four year colleges and to major in non-traditional subject for minority students -- majors that lead to more remunerative jobs and 74Report at 106. 75gee San Francisco Unified School District wv. Johnson, 3 Cal 34 937, 942, 92 Cal.Rptr. 1309, 479, 479 P.2d 669, 676, (1971). Cert. denied, 410 U.S. 1012. ("[I]Jt is the presence of racial isolation, not its legal underpinnings that creates unequal education.") 76Milliken Vv. Bradley, 418 ‘U.S. 717, 747, n.22.(1974) (Milliken I) ("The pupil in an imbalanced school because of an assignment in accordance with a district boundary line is no less segregated than one similarly situated because of assignment in accordance with discriminatory attendance zones fixed within a district or because district lines have been unconstitutionally altered.") 35 professions. ’” Unfortunately, the drawbacks of segregated schools also have lasting effects. Children who have been...educationally and culturally set apart from the larger community will inevitably acquire habits of speech, conduct and attitudes reflecting their cultural isolation. They are likely to acquire speech habits, for example, which vary from the environment in which they must ultimately function and compete, if they are to enter and be a part of that community. This is not peculiar to race; in this setting, it can affect any children who, as a group, are isolated by force of law from the mainstream. ’S The Civil Rights Commission also noted that racial isolation in the schools fosters attitudes and behavior that perpetuate isolation in other important areas of American life. [Black] adults who attend racially isolated schools are more likely to have developed attitudes that alienate them from whites. White adults with similarly isolated backgrounds tend to resist desegregation in many areas housing, jobs and schools. ’?® Studies show that black children achieve the most dramatic educational gains when participating in metropolitan or county wide integration plans that often entail substantial busing. In this case, the busing required to integrate the schools would be minimal.®80 Metropolitan plans, like the one which could be 77McPartland, Deseqregation and Equity in Higher Education and Employment: Is Progress Related to the Desegregation of Elementary and Secondary schools?, 42 Law & Contemporary Problems 108, 110-13, 124, 131 (Summer 1978). 78villiken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267, 287-88. (1972) (citations omitted). (Milliken II). 79Report at 110. 80Because the suburbs are so close to the city, plaintiffs assert that most of the bus rides would be no more than roughly 20 minutes. (Phil Tegler, speaking at Harvard Graduate School of 36 implemented in the Hartford suburban area, are beneficial in part because they achieve substantial desegregation across socioeconomic class as well as race lines. The findings are consistent with research showing that disadvantaged children fare better in schools and classrooms which are made up largely of advantaged students rather than being isolated with others of the same background. One explanation is that in schools consisting predominantly of advantaged children, the norms set out by the parents and teachers, and by the students themselves, ordinarily are high. Academic success and advancement to college are expected or demanded. Where schools fall short, middle- class parents are practiced in wielding influence to bring about change.81 : There should be no doubt that the nearly complete racial isolation of the schools violates the students' fundamental right to education. A two part syllogism explains this conclusion: First, (a) the Hartford area schools are separated by race and ethnicity; (b) the courts have held (and substantial evidence supports the conclusion) that racially separated schools are inherently unequal. Therefore, (c) the Hartford area schools are inherently unequal. Second, (a) the Connecticut Constitution guarantees all students a substantially equal education; (b) the Hartford area schools are unequal (from (c) above); therefore, (c) the students are not receiving a substantially equal education. Regardless of the state's lack of intent to segregate, the basic logic of the above equations points to a fundamental rights violation by the state. Education, October 23, 1990.) 8lraylor, Brown, Equal Protection and the Isolation of the Poor, 95 Yale L.J. 1700, 1710 (1986) (citations omitted). 37 The schools are inferior not only because they are racially isolated, but also because the Hartford schools do not even provide the students with minimally adequate education.®2 In their motion to dismiss, defendants assert that the fundamental right to education includes no more than a "basic education" without regard to equal educational opportunity for students or equal quality among schools and school districts.83 Neither the Connecticut Constitution nor the cases interpreting it support that conclusion. Indeed, the Connecticut Supreme Court refuted this proposition in Horton I. [Tlhis Court has never suggested that because some "adequate" level of benefits is provided to all, discrimination in the provision of services is therefore constitutionally excusable. The Equal Protection Clause is not addressed to the minimal sufficiency but rather to the unjustifiable inequalities of state action. It mandates nothing less that all persons similarly circumstanced shall be treated alike.84 The Hartford school children are not treated the same as those in suburban schools. The Hartford schools contain a far greater proportion of students, at all levels, from backgrounds that put them "at risk" of lower educational achievement than do 821t is hard to separate how much of the lack of achievement stems each from the schools, the poverty and the racial isolation. The line separating poverty from race and ethnicity issues is artificial. The poor and the minority population are, in large part, the same population. Racial poverty can be attributed to racial discrimination. 83pefendants’ memorandum at 37. 84Horton I 172 Conn. at 615, quoting San Antonio Indep. School Dist. v. Rodriquez, 411 U.S. 1, 89 (1973) (Marshall, J. dissenting) (citations omitted). 38 the suburban schools.85 The severe educational burdens placed on the Hartford schools by the high numbers of at risk children have left the Hartford schools unable to provide educational opportunities that are substantially equal to those received by school children in the suburban districts. As a result, the overall achievement of school children in the Hartford school district -- assessed by virtually any measure of educational performance - is substantially below that of school children in the suburban districts.86 The Hartford students, measured by the state's own standards, do not receive a "minimally adequate education." Fifty-nine percent of all the Hartford sixth graders read below the state's remedial level.8’7 The suburban also schools rank far ahead of the Hartford schools when measured by: the percentage of students who graduate from high school versus the percentage who drop out; the percentage of graduates who enter four-year 85Indices for identifying at-risk students include (i) whether a child's family received benefits under the federal Aid to Families with Dependent Children program; (ii) whether a child has limited English proficiency; or (iii) whether a child is from a single parent family. In Hartford, 47.6% of the children are on AFDC, 40.9% have limited English proficiency and 51% are from single parent families. See Complaint at paragraph 37 for a more complete discussion. 86see complaint, at paragraphs 35 - 49. 87wnile 34% of all suburban sixth graders scored at or above the "mastery benchmark" on state administered reading test, only 4% of Hartford children met that standard. Similarly, 74% of suburban sixth graders exceeded the state's remedial benchmark which measures "essential grade level skills," while only 41% of Hartford children met the test. See Complaint at paragraphs 43-44 for charts showing a breakdown by town. 39 colleges or any program of higher education; or the percentage of graduates who obtain full-time employment within nine months of completing their schooling.88 It is implausible that students entering the Hartford schools will have an educational opportunity equal to those ‘entering the suburban schools. The defendants have argued that the key to the inferior achievement of the Hartford students is their poverty, not racial isolation or state policy. They assert that the state is not responsible to correct rights violations that are the result of poverty. 82 The Connecticut courts have held that the state cannot act in a way that impacts on poverty. 20 In their motion to dismiss, defendants repeatedly and incorrectly alleged that their lack of intent to create segregated schools when they drew the school district lines in some way insulates them from constitutional review.2?l When the court examines whether the students' fundamental rights have been violated, it will not consider whether the defendants 88complaint, at paragraphs 40-46. 89But separating the "poor" from "minorities" is a pointless enterprise. "It should come as no surprise ... that many of the poor are also the minorities. Most blacks live in racially isolated environments that are deprived if not devastated. A law having the effect of burdening the poor or poorly educated or of reinforcing racial isolation will have the further effect of disproportionately disadvantaging blacks." Perry, The Disproportionate Impact Theory of Racial Discrimination, 125 . U.Pa.L.Rev. 540, 557 (1977). 90see supra notes 50-56 and accompanying text. 9lpefendants' Memorandum at 7, citing Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 721-722. consciously allowed the segregated and inferior schools to develop. How or why the district lines were developed is irrelevant when determining whether the fundamental right is infringed. The motivation analysis defendants suggest is only relevant when challenging the constitutionality the deprivation of gratuitous goods, not fundamental rights.22 The court in Horton I never questioned the motivation behind the disparity in the school funding. It examined only the unconstitutional effect the funding scheme had on the connecticut children. The motivation test has been applied in federal desegregation cases, like Milliken because education is not a federal fundamental right.293 The deference shown to the government entity by the Court in 921n washington v. Davis 426 U.S. 229 (1976), the Supreme Court established an intent or motivation requirement for racial discrimination claims. Washington v. Davis concerned a question of public employment. Although individuals are entitled to be free from purposeful discrimination in public employment, they have no constitutional right to a government job. The court held racial discrimination is entitled to strict scrutiny as a suspect classification under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment only when it is a product of discriminatory urpose; disperate impact is insufficient to create a federal constitutional claim. 93gee e.g. San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriquez, 411 U.S.1 (1973); Keyes Vv. School Dist. No. 1, Denver, Colo., 413 U.S. 189 (1973). Even though the United States Supreme Court has recognized the importance of education, it has held that because the text of the Constitution does not mention education, it is not a fundamental right. Federal challenges to segregated schools must therefore be brought as a suspect classification test under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. If the challenge is brought under a race neutral statute, the plaintiffs must prove discriminatory intent on behalf of the school board for the court to apply strict scrutiny. : 41 Washington v. Davis is inapplicable in a fundamental rights case. Proof of impact is sufficient to establish an unconstitutional violation of a fundamental right.%4 As Professor: Ely has written: It ... cannot be emphasized too strongly that analysis of motivation is appropriate only to claims of improper discrimination in the distribution of goods that are constitutionally gratuitous .... However, where what is denied is something to which the complainant has a substantive constitutional right -- either because it is granted by the terms of the Constitution or because it is essential to the effective functioning of a democratic government -- the reasons it was denied are irrelevant.... To have a right to something is to have a claim on it irrespective of why it is denied.®° To require proof of discriminatory intent with regard to the infringement of fundamental rights would be illogical. Fundamental rights are affirmative rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Any infringement on those rights is a violation, regardless of the reason why they have been infringed. Constitutional guarantees cannot be ignored or subverted. If it were otherwise, the Connecticut Legislature could eliminate the state's budget gap by simply closing the public schools. If the 94gee e.g. Terry v. Adams, 345 U.S. 461, 466 (1953) ("No election machinery could be sustained if its purpose or effect was to deny Negroes on account of their race an effective voice in the governmental affairs of their country, state, or community.") (emphasis added); City of Mobile, Alabama v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 85, 104 (1980). (Marshall, J. dissenting) ("Vote dilution decisions require only a showing of discriminatory impact . . . and because they are premised on the fundamental interest in voting protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, the discriminatory impact standard adopted by them is unaffected by Washington v. Davis and its progeny."). 93g1y, The Centrality and Limits of Motivation Analysis, 15 San Diego L.Rev. 1155, 1160-1161 (1978) (emphasis in original). 42 % courts were to allow these actions, they would render the Constitution meaningless. Once the court recognizes the violation of the fundamental right. it will apply strict scrutiny to test whether there is a compelling state interest to justify this invasion. In Mobile v. Bolden,®® and in Harris wv. McRae, 27 the Supreme Court of the United States clearly stated that if a law impinges upon a fundamental right explicitly or implicitly secured by the Constitution, it is unconstitutional unless the intrusion is justified by a compelling state interest. In Hortonn . I The Connecticut Supreme court declared that "the right to education is so basic and fundamental that any infringement of that right must be strictly scrutinized."98 The defendants have asserted incorrectly that strict scrutiny is an inappropriate standard of review for questions involving the fundamental right to education.?9°® Defendants assert that Horton IIT rejected the strict scrutiny test when assessing education rights violations. But the Horton III court reaffirmed Horton I's holding that all state legislation affecting the right to education must be strictly scrutinizegl00 and then carved out a narrow exception for school financing. 96446 U.s. 55, 76 (1980). 97448 U.S. at 312. 98Horton I, 172 Conn. at 646, 376 A.2d at 373. 99pefendants' Memorandum at 44-45. 100,95 conn. at 38, 376 A.2d at 1106. 43 Even if the test articulated in Horton III were to be applied in this case, the Hartford metropolitan area schools would not withstand the heightened scrutiny analysis. under the Horton III test, the plan as a whole must "provide significant enualizing state support to local education." The Horton III Court explicitly held that no plan will be constitutional "if the remaining level of disparity continues to 'emasculate the goal of substantial equality. '"102 Although the defendants could argue that neighborhood schools and local control are a legitimate state purpose, they cannot possibly justify the resulting disparities among the schools. The schools are separated on the basis of race, ethnicity and poverty. The Hartford schools provide an education grossly inferior to that provided by the suburban schools. Unless the school residential populations change drastically, the remaining level of disparity will continue to '"emasculate substantial equality" and deprive more children of their constitutionally guaranteed rights. If the court applies a strict scrutiny analysis, the 101lrhe test applied in Horton III was a three part test. First, a plaintiff must establish a prima facie case by showing that the disparities in educational expenditures are more than de minimus and that they jeopardize the plaintiffs' fundamental right to education. Second, if the plaintiffs establish a prima facie case, the burden shifts to the state to justify the disparities are incident to the advancement of a legitimate state policy. Third, if the policy is acceptable, the state must demonstrate that the continuing disparities are not so great as to be unconstitutional. Horton III 195 Conn. at 38. 102gorton III 195 Conn.at 38, 486 A.2d at 1106, guoting, Mahan v. Howell, 410 U.S.315, 326 (1973). Ad defendants will lose. The defendants cannot credibly argue that the benefits of neighborhood schools and local control over the schools offer compelling reasons to leave the schools as they are. While local control and neighborhood schools are undoubtedly rational policy objectives, they are hardly compelling justifications for violating the fundamental rights of “the children of their state. Although the defendants argue that the neighborhood school policy is too vital for the proper functioning of the schools to redistrict, state created political vines cannot protect the state against the .constitutional command of Equal Protection for its citizens, or relieve the state from the obligation of providing educational opportunities for minority inner-city children equal to those provided for its white children in the more affluent suburbs.103 All things being equal, neighborhood schools may slightly enhance students' education. All things are not equal in Connecticut -- the demographics mean that neighborhood schools will lead to unequal schools. The court cannot sanction this result. "[I]f a voter's address may not determine the weight to which his ballot is entitled, surely it should not determine the quality of his child's education."104 103Note, De Facto Segregation -- the Northern Problem, 40 Conn. Bar Journal 493, 504 (1966), citing Wright, Public School Desegregation: Legal Remedies for De Facto Seqregation, in De Facto Segregation and Civil Rights 4, 24 C. Schroeder & Smith ed. (1965). 104serrano, 96 Cal.Rptr. at 621-22, 487 P.2d at 1261-1262. 45 [Bl]lack children need quality schools now .... The educational needs of today's black children can be met only if the relief to which they are entitled under the Brown decision is structured to reflect demographic and educational conditions that have developed since 1954. The defendants are likely to argue that the state cannot be forced to redistrict with every population shift. The expense and effort required will inflict great cost and disruption on the state. While the plaintiffs must concede that redistricting may take time, effort, and money, the plaintiffs do not ask that the - schools be redistricted with every minor population shift. The redistricting in this case is long overdue. The districts are not slightly imbalanced, or a little unequal. The disparities are huge (as are the rights violations). In Tinsley v. Palo Alto Unified School Districtl9® the California courts addressed a similar case to this one. The plaintiffs in Tinsley had requested interdistrict relief from de facto segregated schools.l107 The plaintiffs claimed the racial isolation mandated interdistrict relief. They argued that operation of the racially isolated schools denied them their constitutional rights. The court held that under the California Constitution racial imbalance in education is itself a violation 105Be11, Is Brown Obsolete? Yes!, Integrated Education 28, 32. (March/April 1976). 1061534 cal. Rptr. 591, 91 ca. App. 3d 591 (1979). 107The plaintiffs did not allege any intentional segregative acts by the defendants. They claimed only that the defendants had knowledge of the segregated schools within the districts. 46 of the state Constitution regardless of cause.l98 The court declared: [TlJhe pupil who is discriminated against today because of the maintenance under state law of preexisting school district lines is as entitled to relief as the pupil who finds himself in the same position because of intradistrict assignment policies or because of the discriminatory reorganization of district lines. The holding in this case was constitutionally mandated. As a result, Californians who sought to avoid interdistrict remedies amended the Constitution so that it went no further than the federal. The same must be in this case. When the court examines the facts and arguments, it must find that the Hartford metropolitan area schools unconstitutionally deny Connecticut children their fundamental right to equal educational opportunity. Nothing short of a constitutional amendment will release the defendants from liability. 108The relevant portions of the California Constitution were the due process provisions, Article IX, section 1 which provided: "A general diffusion of knowledge and intelligence being essential to the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people, the Legislature shall encourage by all suitable means the promotion of intellectual, scientific, moral, and agricultural improvement." and Article IX, section 14 providing: "The Legislature shall have power, . . .to provide for the incorporation and organization of schools districts...." 109154 cal Rptr. at 614. 47 Conclusion This paper has argued that the racially and socioeconomically isolated schools in the Hartford metropolitan area and the inferior schools in the Hartford school district unconstitutionally violate Connecticut school children's fundamental rights to equal educational opportunity. Because the state is constitutionally required to provide ail school children with a substantially equal education, the state must integrate the Hartford metropolitan area schools through an interdistrict plan before more children's rights are violated. The paper has stressed that in Connecticut, where education is a fundamental right, the condition of segregation in the schools is itself a constitutional violation. To be liable, the state need not intend to segregate. Indeed, segregation does not even have to be foreseeable at the time a policy is developed for the state to be liable under that policy. The state's liability rests on its affirmative obligation to supply the students with schools offering substantially equal educational opportunity. If any of the state's policies contribute to the denial that opportunity, the state has violated the Constitution. Specifically, this paper has argued that the current conditions in the Hartford metropolitan area are the result of state action. The state is so entwined with its school system that it must be responsible for any actions of that system. A 48 state's inaction can have as Great and as damaging an effect on individuals within the state as a state's actions can. Therefore, state inaction is properly viewed as a form of state action -- especially when, as in Connecticut, the Constitution affirmatively commands the state to act. Regardless of the intent behind the state's lack of action, when Constitutionally mandated action is avoided, the state must be judged to have acted. Any unconstitutional outcomes are the results of state action. Similarly, the when the courts examine the state's alleged violation of a right (or the violation by an agent of the state), if it is a fundamental right, the state's intent is irrelevant. The court must determine whether the state is bound to ensure that the right is protected. If it is, the only relevant question is whether the right is being fully protected. The paper argued that under this standard, the defendants in Sheff are liable for the unconstitutional infringement on the rights of the Connecticut school children. The state system of education unconstitutionally impacts the lives of the children it serves. Although the state did not cause the poverty or the residential segregation which have led to the unequal schools, it does have the duty to enforce the fundanental rights of its citizens. By choosing not to act in the face of evidence that the schools were unequal, the defendants "acted" in a constitutional sense. The effect of that action has been to deny the plaintiffs a fundamental right. 49 The defendants are properly viewed as a cause of the segregated conditions in the schools. It is the boundary lines they set up and have not changed that unconstitutionally impact on the school children. Even if there have been other intervening factors, they are best viewed as concurrent causes. If, for some reason the defendants' intent must be shown, it can be imputed through the defendants' inaction when action was constitutionally mandated. The "state action" led to segregated conditions, regardless of the conscious decisions. While it was far from obvious when the district lines drawn what effect they would have, for over twenty-five years that effects have been painfully clear. But the state has refused to act. When the court examines this case it must find that the state's actions have resulted in the unconstitutional deprivation of the Connecticut school children's fundamental right to education. Although the state did not create the poverty or the racial isolation in the Hartford metropolitan area, it is the state's responsibility to deliver schools offering equal educational opportunity to all students. It has failed to do so. 50