Sheff v. O'Neill: An Unconstitutional Violation of Fundamental Rights Paper by Michelle K. Jacobs
Unannotated Secondary Research
April 15, 1991
51 pages
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Case Files, Sheff v. O'Neill Hardbacks. Sheff v. O'Neill: An Unconstitutional Violation of Fundamental Rights Paper by Michelle K. Jacobs, 1991. e95642dd-a146-f011-877a-002248226c06. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/35222672-ee64-4696-9a0e-1e912b9ff51c/sheff-v-oneill-an-unconstitutional-violation-of-fundamental-rights-paper-by-michelle-k-jacobs. Accessed November 02, 2025.
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Sheff v. O'Neill:
An Unconstitutional Violation
of Fundamental Rights
Submitted to Professor Haar in the Seminar on
The Role of Courts in Institutional Litigation
And the Reification of Change
in Satisfaction of the Written Work Requirement
Michelle K. Jacobs
April 15, 1991
Introduction
Sheff v. O'Neilll is a desegregation case in the Hartford,
Connecticut metropolitan area currently on the docket of the
Superior Court of the Hartford/New Britain district. The
plaintiffs in Sheff contend that the schools in the Hartford
metropolitan area do not provide the students with equal
educational opportunity and thus violate the plaintiffs’
fundamental rights to education.
Sheff is brought under the Connecticut Constitution by
Hartford and West Hartford school children who challenge the
racial isolation throughout the metropolitan area and the
inferior schools within the Hartford district. Unlike plaintiffs
in federal desegregation suits, the plaintiffs do not argue that
conscious policies by the state or by school officials led to a
segregated system. They maintain only that the resulting de
facto segregation of the Hartford metropolitan area school
districts by race, ethnicity and poverty violates their right to
equal educational opportunity. The plaintiffs request
interdistrict relief so that the school districts will become
racially and socioeconomically mixed. The plaintiffs argue that
only interdistrict metropolitan relief can guarantee that their
fundamental right to education will be realized.
This paper outlines some of the issues plaintiffs are likely
1No. cv 89-0360977S.
to argue either at trial, or in the pre- or post-trial briefs. ?
The paper argues that the state's intent is irrelevant when
determining whether the state has violated its citizens
fundamental rights. The court need not determine or evaluate the
state's motivation for its actions or inaction. If state policy
or a state system has created a situation which leads to the
violation of fundamental rights, the state must remedy the
situation, regardless of any lack of malintent.
The paper is divided into three sections. The first section
describes the background of the case. The second section argues
that there is sufficient state action to bring a claim under the
Connecticut Constitution. It contends that the states' intent is
not an issue when determining whether state action exists -- the
relevant question is whether "state action" has the effect of
infringing a right. It maintains that the state's intense
involvement with the school system makes any actions of that
system actions of the state and further argues that state
inaction when affirmative action is mandated by the constitution
is a form of justiciable state action.
The third section argues that the Hartford metropolitan
area schools violate the plaintiffs' fundamental right to
education by denying the plaintiffs an equal educational
opportunity. This section maintains that state intent is
2Many of the issues were raised by the defendants in their
failed motion to dismiss (attached as Appendix 1). Because of
the different nature of a motion to dismiss, most of the issues
were not fully argued at that time. I use many of the issues
raised by the defendants as an starting point for my arguments.
2
irrelevant when determining whether an individual has been denied
a fundamental right.
To some extent the two sections overlap. When determining
whether state action exists, one must examine the right that
action is alleged to have violated. Similarly, when determining
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whether a fundamental right has been violated by the state, one
must examine what policies the state has enforced to bring about
that violation. I have tried to avoid repetition and to keep the
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discussions in the correct sections but I think much overlap
remains. I think the message to glean from this confusion is
that the two are so closely tied that state action must exist
whenever fundamental rights are violated.3
3This paper is not unbiased. I did most of the research for
the Connecticut Civil Liberties Union Foundation who represent
the plaintiffs.
The Case
The plaintiffs in Sheff wv. O'Neill are white, black and
Hispanic school children who attend schools in the Hartford and
West Hartford school districts. They challenge both that the
racial isolation of the Hartford metropolitan area schools
violates each plaintiff's fundamental right to education under
Article First Sections 1 and 20 and Article Eighth, Section 1 of
the Connecticut Constitution and that the inferior Hartford
district schools further violate the Hartford plaintiffs’
rights.4 In Horton v. Meskill,® the Connecticut Supreme Court
held that these three sections read together establish that
education is a fundamental right under the Connecticut
Constitution. The court explained that all Connecticut students
are constitutionally entitled to equal educational opportunity.®
4The relevant constitutional provisions are:
Article First, Section 1: All men when they form a social
compact, are equal in rights; and no man or set of men are
entitled to exclusive public emoluments or privileges from the
community.
Article First, Section 20: No person shall be denied the equal
protection of the law nor be subjected to segregation or
discrimination in the exercise or enjoyment of his civil or
political rights because of religion, race, color, ancestry or
national origin.
Article Eighth, Section 1: There shall always be free public
elementary and secondary schools in the state. The General
Assembly shall implement this principle by appropriate
legislation.
5172 conn. 615, 376 A.2d 359 (1977) (Horton I).
SHorton I, 172 Conn. at 649, 376 A.2d at 374.
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Although schools separated by race have been found
inherently unequal,’ the Hartford school district is racially and
ethnically isolated. Ninety-one percent of the students in the
Hartford district are black or Hispanic, and 47.6 percent live in
families whose income is below the federal poverty line. On
every side are contiguous or adjacent school districts that, with
one exception, are virtually all-white, and without exception,
are middle-class or upper-class.®
The racial, ethnic, and economic isolation of the Hartford
metropolitan school districts deprive the white plaintiffs of
the opportunity to associate with, and learn from, minority
children attending school within the Hartford school district.
Similarly, the minority plaintiffs from the Hartford district are
deprived of the opportunity to associate with and learn from
white children.
7Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 493 (1954).
8see Complaint, paragraphs 30-34 (attached as Appendix 2).
In 1986, blacks comprised only 12.1% of Connecticut's school-age
population, Hispanics only 8.5%, and children in families below
the United States Department of Agriculture's official "poverty
line” ‘only 9.7%. As of 1987-88, these groups composed, 44.9%,
44.9%, and 51.4% respectively of the school-age population of the
Hartford school district. The percentage of black and Hispanic
("minority") students enrolled in the Hartford City schools has
been increasing since 1981 at an average annual rate of 1.5%.
The school-age populations in all other suburban school
district immediately adjacent and contiguous to the Hartford
school district, ("the suburban districts"), by contrast, are
overwhelmingly white. An analysis of 1987-1988 figures for
Hartford, Bloomfield, and each of the suburban districts
(excluding Burlington, which has a joint school program with
districts outside the Hartford metropolitan area) reveals that
only five of the twenty-one suburban districts have a minority
population over 10% (Bloomfield 69.9%; East Hartford 20.6%;
Manchester 11.1%; West Hartford 15.7%; and Windsor 30.8%).
5
Not only are the schools racially isolated, but the quality
of education in the Hartford school district is inferior as well.
The educational achievement of school children attending the
Hartford schools is substantially lower than that of students
educated in the surrounding communities. The plaintiffs assert
that the disparities in educational achievement between the
Hartford and suburban school districts are the result of the
educational and social policies either pursued or accepted by the
defendants, including the racial, ethnic and socioeconomic
isolation of the Hartford and suburban school districts. The
achievement variations are not the result of native inability:
poor and minority children have the same potential to become
well-educated as do other children.
Public school integration of children in the Hartford
metropolitan region by race, ethnicity, and economic status
would significantly improve the educational achievement of poor
and minority children, without diminishing the education
afforded to their majority schoolmates. The state itself has
found that:
[T)he majority of studies indicate improved achievement for
minority students in integrated settings and at the same
time offer no substantiation to the fear that integrated
classrooms impede the progress of more advantaged white
students. Furthermore, integrated education has long-term
positive effects on interracial attitudes and behavior... .
The Hartford public schools provide inadequate education to
the students because they are overwhelmed by the demand to
9Connecticut State Department of Education, Quality and
Integrated Education: Options for Connecticut 1 (1989).
6
educate a student population drawn from the poorest families in
the Hartford metropolitan region.10 The racial, ethnic and
economic segregation of the Hartford and suburban districts
necessarily limits, not only the equal educational opportunities
of the plaintiffs, but their potential employment contacts as
well.
For over two decades, the state has been aware of the
separate and unequal pattern of public school districts in the
greater Hartford metropolitan region; the strong governmental
forces that have created and maintained racially and economically
isolated residential communities in the Hartford region; and the
consequent need for substantial educational changes, within and
across school district lines, to end this pattern of isolation
and inequality.l11
The defendants are aware of the lasting harm inflicted on
the poor and minority students by the maintenance of isolated
urban school districts. Yet, despite this knowledge and their
constitutional and statutory obligations to the plaintiffs, the
defendants have failed to provide equal educational opportunity
to the Hartford school children even though they have sufficient
legal tools to remedy the problem.l2? The defendants claim that
10see infra notes 81-88 and accompanying text. See also
complaint at paragraphs 35-49.
llsee infra note 37 and complaint at paragraphs 50-72. The
defendants are the Governor, the State Board of Eduction,
members of the State Board of Education, the State Treasurer and
the State Comptroller.
12gee Complaint, paragraphs 50 - 72.
7
because the school district lines have been coterminous with town
boundaries almost cBrtiniolisly since 1650, before segregation
could have been contemplated in Connecticut, the state is not
required to change the school district lines.l13
By tolerating districts sharply separated along racial,
ethnic, and economic lines, the state has deprived the plaintiffs
and other Hartford children of their rights to an equal
educational opportunity, and to a minimally adequate education--
rights to which they are entitled under the Connecticut
Constitution and Connecticut statutes.l4 By refusing to
redistrict, the state has withheld equal educational opportunity
from its citizens despite Connecticut's Constitutional and
statutory guarantees of equal opportunity to education to every
Connecticut child.
13Memorandum in Support of Defendants' Motion to Strike at
1-2, [hereinafter "Defendants' Memorandum"] (attached as Appendix
B) citing Ames, History of Eduction in Connecticut, Part I in 5
Osborne, History of Connecticut, 178-179.
l4see e.g. C.G.S. 10-4(a) ("each child shall have...equal
opportunity to receive a suitable program of educational
experiences").
State Action
"State action" exists whenever a state allegedly brings
about a constitutional violation either by acting or by failing
to act when action is constitutionally mandated. The plaintiffs
challenge that Connecticut has allowed the development and
maintenance of schools in the Hartford metropolitan area which
are segregated on the basis of race, ethnicity and poverty and
which deprive students of their fundamental rights to education.
They assert that the state's action and inaction regarding the
Hartford metropolitan area schools violates their fundamental
right to education guaranteed by Article First Sections 1 and 20,
and Article Eighth Section 1, and their due process rights under
Article First Sections 8 and 10 of the Connecticut Constitution.
Whenever litigants claim the protection of constitutional
guarantees, the court must first determine whether the litigants
are challenging government action. Because the Constitution
does not control the behavior of private citizens, the
Constitution's self-executing and judicially enforceable
guarantees of individual rights shield individuals only from
governmental conduct, usually referred to as "state action."13
This section argues the current state of unequal education
and segregation in the Hartford metropolitan area schools
15chemerinsky, Rethinking State Action, 80 Northwestern
L.Rev. 503, 507 (1985); L. Tribe, American Constitutional Law
1688 (2d ed. 1988). The term "state action" refers to any action
by government at any level -- federal, state or local.
9
resulted from state action and is thus justiciable under the
Connecticut Constitution. Specifically, this section argues that
the state is so intertwined with its school system that any acts
taken by the education system, including the school board,
cbnstitute state action under the Connecticut Constitution. It
also maintains that when, as here, the state does not meet its
affirmative constitutional duties, its inaction is properly
defined as state action because the resulting violation to
constitutionally guaranteed or statutory rights of individuals
denies those individuals due process. The section further argues
that when determining whether state action exists, the state's
intent is not an issue. The state need not intend the
unconstitutional results of its actions (or inactions) to be
liable for them. Even if the injury is the result of a neutral
policy, if it . infringes on a fundamental right it is
unconstitutional state action.
Finally, the section contends that the consequences of
government action need not be foreseeable at the time the state
initiates a policy for the state to be liable under that policy.
The relevant question is whether a state policy results in rights
violations.
State System as State Action
10
#
The sate cannot escape constitutional responsibility for
its public schools.l16 The intense state involvement in the
operation of public schools makes any discriminatory results of
the state's education system the result of state action. Even
if the unconstitutional condition is not the result of a
specific act by the state, if the state system is involved in
creating that violation, the state is deemed to have acted.
Judge Berdon of the Connecticut Superior Court has argued that
"[tlhe key to the state due process clauses [in the Connecticut
Constitution] should be state involvement and not state action.
State involvement refers to governmental conduct entwined in the
activity challenged."l?7 as Justice Powell has observed:
Public schools are creatures of the state, and whether the
segregation is state created or state assisted or merely
state perpetuated should be irrelevant to constitutional
principle. The school board exercises pervasive and
continuing responsibility over the long range planning as
well as the daily operation of the public school system....
School board decisions obviously are not the sole cause of
segregated school conditions. But if ... substantial
school segregation still persists, the presumption is strong
that the school board, by its acts or omissions, is in some
16crawford v. Board of Education of City of Los Angeles, 130
Cal. Rptr. 724, 732, 17 Cal 3d 280, 551 P.2a 28, 36 (1976);
citing Santa Barbara School District v. Superior Court of Santa
Barbara 13 Cal. 3d 315, 329, 118 Cal Rptr. 637, 530 P.2d4 605
(1975); San Francisco Unified School District v. Johnson, 3 Cal
3d 937, 951 -952, 92 Cal. Rptr. 309, 479 P.2d 669 (1971) Jackson
v. Pasadena 59 Cal. 2d 87s, 879, 31 Cal. Rptr. 606, 382 P.24 878
(1963); United States v. Texas Education Agency 467 F.2d 848,
863-864 (5th Cir. 1972).
17Berdon, Protecting Liberty and Property Under the
Connecticut and Federal Constitutions: The Due Process Clauses,
15 Conn. L. Rev. 41, 54 (1982).
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part responsible.18
When the california Supreme Court examined de facto
segregation in its schools, it held:
Wherever the origins or causes of school segregation may
lie, ... under traditional constitutional doctrine, local
school boards are so ‘significantly involved' in the
control, maintenance and ongoing supervision of their school
systems as to render any existing school segregation 'state
action' under our...state constitutional Equal Protection
Clause.
Inaction as State Action
The state owes affirmative duties to its people.
Defendants' implication that state action cannot result from
inaction belies this principle. The absence of an affirmative
duty certainly does not follow from the principle that the
Constitution addresses only the government. 2° There is
18keves v. School District Number 1, 413 U.S. at 189, 227-
228 (1973) (Powell, J. concurring).
19crawford, 130 Cal.Rptr at 732, 551 P.2d at 36. See also
Keyes Vv. School District Number 1, 413 U.S. 189, 234 (1973)
(Powell, J concurring) ("Every act of a school board and school
administration, and indeed every failure to act where
affirmative action is indicated, must...be subjected] to
scrutiny. The most routine decisions with respect to the
operation of the schools, made almost daily, can affect in
varying degrees the extent to which schools are initially
segregated, remain in that condition, are desegregated, or -- for
the long term future -- are likely to be one or the other.")
20gee L. Tribe, American Constitutional law 1688, n.3. The
United States Supreme Court has not succeeded in developing a
body of state action "doctrine." There is no set of rules for
determining whether governmental or private actors are to be
deemed responsible for an asserted constitutional violation.
"Only by sifting facts and weighing circumstances can the
nonobvious involvement of the State in private conduct be
12
universal recognition "that the line between action and inaction,
between inflicting and failing to prevent the infliction of harm"
is less than clear.?l The line is blurred in race cases. There
is double standard for state action -- the test for cases
involving racial discrimination is less onerous. There is a more
rigorous standard for other claims.22 This is especially true
under the Connecticut Constitution where the Constitution
explicitly creates an affirmative duty for the government to
provide substantially equal education to all students.?23
Defendants' failure to carry out the Constitution's command
to maintain schools which are not segregated has denied the
students an equal educational opportunity based on race,
ethnicity and poverty. The state's continued maintenance of the
Hartford schools which are not supplying even a minimally
adequate education to their students, also violates the right to
an equal educational opportunity. These failures are state
action.
The defendants incorrectly argued in their motion to dismiss
that the due process and equal protection provisions of the state
attributed to its true significance." Burton v. Wilmington
Parking Authority, 365 U.S. 715,722 (1961).
2lBowers v. DeVito, 686 F.2d 616, 618 (7th Cir. 1982).
22g5e¢ e.dg., Jackson v. Statler Foundation, 496 F.2d 623, 629
(2d Cir. 1979) Lefcourt v. Legal Aid Society, 445 F.2d 1150, 1155
n.6 (2d Cir. '1971)
23article Eighth, Section 1. See also Horton v. Meskill,
195 Conn. 24, 35, 486 A.2d 1099, 1110 (1985). (Horton III).
13
Constitution do not require the defendants or the legislature to
take affirmative steps to address the problem of de facto
segregation in the Hartford schools or the problem of lower
quality Hartford schools. They argue these results are not the
result of government action.?24 This argument is flawed for
several reasons. First, unlike the fourteenth amendment due
process prohibitions which are directed specifically against
state action, the Connecticut Constitution makes no reference to
state action in either of its due process clauses.?23
The New York Court of Appeals in Sharrock v. Dell Buick-
cadillac, Inc.,?26 explained the "absence of any express State
action language [in the New York Constitution] simply provides a
basis to apply a more flexible State involvement ‘requirement than
is currently being imposed by the Supreme Court with respect to
the federal provision."27
Second, Article First Section 20 asserts that "no person
shall be denied equal protection of the law nor be subjected to
Segregation or discrimination in the exercise of his civil or
E: rolitical rights...," it does not require that the state "act",
but only that a person has been denied those rights. This
= Command differs from the federal Constitution which states "Nor
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24pefendants’ Memorandum at 26.
25Berdon, Supra n. 17 at 53.
Ki 4 : 26 oll 45 N.Y.2d 152, 379 N.E.2d 1169, 408 N.Y.S.2d 39 (1978).
= 27
Be citaci Sat 160, 379 N.E.24 at 1174, 408 N.Y.S5.24 at 44 Et-itation omitted).
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shall any state deprive any person ... nor deny to any person..."
Like the state due process clauses, the state equal Protection
clause requires a less active government to be implicated. If.a
person is deprived of equal protection or denied equality by the
effects of a state system there is state action regardless of
whether the government actively denies equal protection.28 1t
has been argued that "the state can be said to authorize all
conduct that it does not prohibit."22 Connecticut has neither
prohibited nor discouraged the development or maintenance -of
unequal and segregated schools.
Third, the defendants argument implies that there is no
Constitutional mandate that the government act in a specific way.
The defendants are wrong. If the government does not act in a
way that fosters equal educational opportunity, indeed, if it
enforces policies that hinder it, as it has in this case, it has
not lived up to an affirmative command of the Constitution. Even
if the Constitution is generally "charter of negative rather than
positive liberties, "30 Article First, Sections 1 and 20 and
Article Eighth, Section 1 of the Constitution taken together
have been held to create an affirmative government obligation.
The government's failure to act in accordance with that
o- -
28gee Chemerinsky, supra note 15, at 521. See also Glennon
and Nowak, A Functional Analysis of the 14th Amendment "State
Action" Requirement, 1976 Sup.Ct. Rev. 221, 229.
29Karst & Horowitz, Reitman v. Mulley: A Telophase -of
Substantive Equal Protection, 1967 Sup.Ct. Rev 39, 55. Sv
30pefendants' Memorandum at 23, citing Jackson v. city of
Jolliet, et al, 715 F.2d 1200, 1203 (7th Cir. 1983).
15
obligation constitutes state action. Similarly, the unequal
schools violate C.G.S. 10-4(a)(1)31 which in turn violates
plaintiffs' due process rights. Violation of due process is also
state action.
The defendants have argued and are likely to continue
arguing that neither the segregation of the Hartford and
suburban schools nor the inferior education provided by the
Hartford schools are constitutional violations by the state
necessary to maintain a desegregation suit.32 Although the
defendants cannot dispute that the Hartford schools are 91%
minority and the surrounding suburbs are roughly 90% white, they
argue that the segregated schools have come about as the result
of socioeconomic evolution and personal preferences, not
government action. Similarly, they argue that the disparity
between the Hartford and suburban schools test scores are not the
result of unequal educational experiences, but are the result of
poverty -- that is, because more at risk children are in the
school, lower achievement is to be expected. They claim the
schools themselves are equal. It is outside forces which the
state did not create, affecting the students in unequal ways.
The defendants argue there is therefore no state action.
Even though the demographic shift has been determined by the
personal preferences of Connecticut residents who have chosen
3lc.g.s. 10-4(a) (1) guarantees each child "shall have
...equal opportunity to receive a suitable program of educational
experience."
32pefendants' Memorandum at 22-29.
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the neighborhoods in which they want to live, Connecticut is
responsible for the imbalances those choices have had on the
school populations in its districts. "The right to an equal
opportunity for education and the harmful consequences of
segregation require that school boards take steps, insofar as
reasonably feasible, to alleviate racial imbalance in schools
regardless of its cause."33 If the defendants had adjusted the
district lines, the rights would not have been violated. The
defendants incorrectly imply that the schools have been a passive
institution collaterally effected by the demographic changes in
the area. The important issue in this case is not where the
children live, but where they are required to attend school.
Where [residential] segregation exists, it is not enough for
a school board to refrain from affirmative discriminatory
conduct. The harmful influence on the children will be
reflected and intensified in the «classroom if school
attendance is determined on a geographic basis without
corrective measures.34
In a system of compulsory education, the distinction
between natural evolution of neighborhoods and state action is
illusory. It is unreasonable to contend that the state
involvement is not "action" in the constitutional sense.32 The
state's present passivity is a continuation of past action -- the
33gackson, 31 Cal.Rptr 606, 610, 59 Cal. 2d 876, 880, 382
P.2d 878, 882 (1963) (emphasis added). See also Crawford, 130
Cal. Rptr. 731, 17 Cal 34 280, 55) P.24 35.
34pooker v. Board of Education of Plainfield, N.J., 212 A.2d
i, 7, 45 N.J. 161, 168 (1965); citing Jackson, 59 cal 24 876, 31
Cal. Rptr. 606, 382 P.2d 878, 881-882 (1963).
, 35Note, Segregative Intent and the De Facto/De Jure
Distinction, 86 Yale L.J. 317, 330, 354-355 (1976).
i7
state drew the original school district lines and retains the
power to change them. 36 Laws mandate that the state provide an
equal education to all of its students. The state's ‘passivity
violates those laws.
Although the state did not singlehandedly create the
residential patterns, the Connecticut Board of Education has been
aware of the increasing segregation within the schools and the
damaging effects that segregation has on the students for over
twenty-five years but has taken little action to balance the
schools.37
36The state's history with regard to public housing and
other actions that may have had a segregative effect on the
Hartford metropolitan area by race, ethnicity and poverty. This
jssue is not discussed in this paper but is another form of
state action that could be challenged.
371n 1965, the United States civil Rights Commission
presented a report to Connecticut's Commissioner of Education
which documented the widespread existence of racially segregated
schools in Connecticut. The Hartford Board of Education and the
city Council hired educational consultants who determined low
jevel of achievement was closely correlated with a high level of
poverty among the student population in Hartford; that racial and
ethnic segregation caused educational damage to minority
children; and that a plan should be adopted, with substantial
redistricting and interdistrict transfers funded by the State, to
place poor and minority children in suburban schools. No such
plan was ever -implemented. over the next 25 years other
proposals were made but no substantial action was taken. (See
Complaint at paragraphs 53-62.)
In January 1988, a report prepared by the Department of
Education's committee on Racial Equity, was presented to the
State Board. Entitled "A Report on Racial/Ethnic Equity and
Desegregation in Connecticut's Public Schools," the report
informed the Board that
Many minority children are forced by factors related to
economic development, housing, zoning and transportation to
live in poor urban communities where resources are limited.
They often have available to them fewer educational
opportunities. Of equal significance is the fact that
separation means that neither they nor their counterparts in
18
By not acting to change the district lines as the
demographics shifted, the state government denied students an
equal educational opportunity. School officials must
immediately remedy the segregation when they are faced with
statistics indicating segregated conditions exists. "Any failure
to act can only be construed as an act of discrimination."38
The state's omission from action has had as damaging effects
on the students as specific acts would have had. Indeed, "when
the power to act is available, failure to take the necessary
steps so as to negate or alleviate a situation which is harmful
is as wrong as is taking affirmative steps to advance that
the more affluent suburban school districts have the chance
to learn to interact with each other, as they will
inevitably have to do as adults living and working in a
multi-cultural society. Such interaction is a most
important element of quality education.
Report, at 7.
In April of 1989, the State Department of Education issued a
report, "Quality and Integrated Education: Options for
Connecticut," in which it concluded that
racial and economic isolation have profound academic and
affective consequences. Children who live in poverty -- a
burden which impacts disproportionately on minorities -- are
more likely to be educationally at risk of school failure
and dropping out before graduation than children from less
impoverished homes. Poverty is the most important correlate
of low achievement. This belief was borne out by an
analysis of the 1988 Connecticut Mastery Test data that
focused on poverty....The analysis also revealed that the
low achievement outcome associated with poverty are
intensified by geographic and racial concentrations...
Report, at 1.
38Berry v. School District of Berton Harbor, 467 F. Supp-
721, 734 (W.D. Mich. 1978); But Cf. Higgens v. Board of Ed of
city of Grand Rapids, 508 F.2d 779, 791 (6th cir. 1974). (The
law imposes no affirmative duty upon school officials to correct
the effects of segregation resulting from factors over which -they
have no control.)
19
situation."39
The state's argument that residential segregation itself is
the result solely of personal preference ignores this country's
history.
"Private" acts of intentional discrimination by individuals
are not the only obstacles to social equality. The residual
effects of past discrimination and exclusion have also
impeded the progress of blacks, even in the absence of a
current intent to discriminate.40
State Intent Irrelevant
Even though the Connecticut government may not have taken
purposeful discriminatory steps to create separate schools, the
segregated and inferior schools that have developed under its
education system are subject to constitutional challenge because
they violate the Connecticut Constitution's mandate of equal
educational opportunity for all students and the constitutional
prohibitions against segregation. In their motion the defendants
incorrectly asserted that because the district lines were drawn
without malintent, no fault can lie with the state for any impact
those lines have had. Therefore, they argue, any effects cannot
be subject to court challenge. The defendants argue that
longstanding history of the district lines somehow insulates them
3%pavis v. School District of Pontiac, 309 F.Supp 734, 741-
42 (E.D. Mich. 1970).
gs 40KReith, What Happens to A Dream Deferred: An Assessment of
Civil Rights Law 20 Year After the 1963 March on Washington, 19
Harv. C.R.-C.L. L.Rev. 469, 492 (1984).
20
from review.4l But, reaffirmation of an old policy is no less
subject to constitutional review than the adoption of a new
one. 42
Regardless of the intent of the statute creating school
districts coterminous with town lines43, its enforcement has lead
to the violation of the state Constitution and statutes and must
be remedied. The state Constitution creates an affirmative duty
for the government to educate all in a substantially equal
manner. Retaining district lines, when the Constitution
requires a change so that individual rights will not be violated,
disregards the Constitution's command for affirmative state
action.
In Tinsley v. Palo Alto Unified School District,44 the
4lgee Defendants' Memorandum at 1-3. The school districts
have been drawn on the basis of town lines almost consistently
since 1650 when the General Court adopted a provision that every
Township with fifty households had to appoint a teacher and any
town with one hundred families had to set up a school.
42Note, Segregative Intent and the De. facto / De dure
Distinction, 86 Yale L.J. 317, 330-331 (1976). See also, Evans Vv.
Buchanan, 393 F.Supp 428 (D.Del) (three judge ct), aff'd mem.,
423 U.S. 963 (1975) (decision by state legislature to retain
school district boundaries held denial of equal protection); U.S.
Vv. Missouri 388 F. Supp 1058, 1069 (E.D. Mo.), Aff'd and quoted
with approval, 515 F.2d 1365, 1370 (8th Cir.), cert. denied, 423
U.S. 951 (1975) (failure to merge white school district with
black school district thirty years previously "amounted to a
constitutional wrong"). Cf. Norwood v., Harrison, 413 U.S. 455
(1973) (continuation of pre-Brown policy of lending textbooks to
discriminatory private school held unconstitutional); Daily v.
City of Lawton 425 F.2d 1037 (10th Cir. 1970) (failure to alter
zoning unconstitutional).
43¢c.G.S. 10-240.
44154 cal.Rptr. 591, 91 Cal.App.3d 871 (1979).
21
California court examined de facto segregation and determined the
state's creation of the school district lines amounted to state
action despite the fact that the lines had been drawn without
discriminatory intent. Because government action had drawn the
school district lines which created the racial imbalances
questioned, the court determined:
If those lines serve to create or maintain an imbalance
which deprives minority groups of a right to equal
educational opportunities, free from isolation and
segregation, there has been a violation or our state
provisions granting equal protection of the law.%>
Similarly, the court in Serrano Vv. Priest?5, held that
"[glovernmental action drew the school district boundary
lines.... It is that action, which we reiterate is the product of
Legislative determination, that we today hold to be in violation
of the state provisions guaranteeing equal protection of the
laws. "47
The Horton I plaintiffs did not challenge intent. Instead
like the Sheff plaintiffs, they argued that the effect of the
education system was denial of equal educational opportunity. In
their motion to dismiss, the defendants tried to distinguish the
justiciability of this case from that of Horton I, by arguing .
that Horton I had the requisite state action because the
plaintiffs in that case challenged the statute that provided
unequal funding to the schools. By contrast, they argue this
451d. at 613, 91 cal. App. 3d 894.
4696 cal Rptr. 601, 5 Cal.3d 590, 487 P.2d 1241 (1971).
4714. at 614, 5 Cal.3d at 603, 487 P.2d at 1254.
22
case does not assert state action because the plaintiffs
challenge government inaction.48
Like Horton I, this case challenges the denial of the equal
application of the fundamental right to education by the state
education system. The true challenge in Horton I was to the
unequal education that resulted from the radical difference in
funding to different towns because of the differences in property
taxes. In that case the Connecticut Supreme Court held that
education was a fundamental right to which all children were
entitled on an equal basis. The state funding system led to
unequal educational opportunities and was therefore
unconstitutional state action. The challenged state statute was
a vehicle used to challenge the lack of appropriate legislation
for education as required under Article Eighth, Section 1 of the
Connecticut Constitution.
Similarly, Article First Sections 1 and 20 and Article
Eighth Section 1's affirmative command for appropriate
legislation to ensure equal educational opportunity for all
children is not met by the state statutes that result in racially
separate attendance zones and unequal schools. In Sheff, the
attendance zones are the vehicles by which the constitutional
rights of the children of the state are Peing violated. The
plaintiffs challenge that the defendants’ inaction violates
487+ is interesting to note that the defendants in Horton 1
tried and failed to convince the court that the issue was
nonjusticiable. See Memorandum of Decision of Defendant's Motion
to Strike, p.10 citing Horton v. Meskill, 31 Conn. Supp. 377, 389.
23
statutory and constitutional law. This is state action =-- the
making and enforcement of laws which serve to limit guaranteed
rights.42
The defendants incorrectly assert that as long as there are
free public and secondary schools that are equally funded, the
constitutional command is met.%0? The mere existence of schools
is not enough. The schools must provide an equal educational
opportunity. The defendants have argued that the Hartford
schools are not less equal even though the students have
substantially lower achievement levels, graduation rates, and
college placements. The state asserts these inequalities are the
result of poverty. The defendants argue the state is not
required to subsidize the schools of the poor -- that it is up to
the people, through the legislature, to decide whether the state
should mitigate the effects of poverty or other circumstances.
While this may be true with respect to rights that are not
constitutionally guaranteed, "[a] citizen's Constitutional rights
can hardly be infringed simply because a majority of people
491f the defendant's arguments were plausible, the court in
Horton I would have held that there was no state action in that
case -- state action did not determine who lived in what
neighborhoods and state action did not create the wealth
disparity that led to the differences in school funding. Since
the funding scheme itself was not facially discriminatory, the
court would have held there was no state action. That the court
in Horton I found state action, should be a guide in this case.
The state need not act with malintent either to act or to violate
the constitution.
S50pefendants' Memorandum at 27-28.
24
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choose that it be.n31
The defendants claim "the state need do no more than insure
that state action does not frustrate the right of its citizens to
enjoy that privilege in a way which offends the due process or
equal protection clauses."32 They ignore the fact that the
Hartford metropolitan area schools do frustrate the right of
Connecticut citizens to enjoy their fundamental right to
education as guaranteed by the state Constitution and violate the
due process protections. It is the Constitutional right of
minority students to be free from the isolating and debilitating
effects of segregation -- regardless of its source -- and to
attend schools providing a substantially equal education.
In their motion to dismiss, the defendants cite Harris v.
McRae®3 to support their position that if poverty or private
action cause interference with the enjoyment of a privilege or
right, the government need not mitigate the effects by taking
affirmative actions.®? The defendants argument is flawed both
under the state and federal constitutions. First, Connecticut
has explicitly rejected McRae. In Doe Vv. Maher®3 the
Connecticut court held that denying funding for medically
Slrucas wv. Fortyfourth General Assembly of Colorado, 377
U.S. 713, 736~737 (19564).
52pefendants’ Memorandum at 28.
53448 U.S. 297 (1980).
S54pefendants’ Memorandum at 28-29.
5540 Conn. Supp 394, 515 A. 2d 134 (1986).
25
necessary abortions violates the fundamental right to privacy and
therefore violates the Connecticut due process clause. The
Connecticut court held "the denial of medical care is all the
more cruel in this context, falling as it does on ‘indigents who
are often without means to obtain alternative treatment.">6
In Sheff, Connecticut is again infringing on a fundamental
right -- the right to education. Again, the burden falls
primarily on the poor who have no alternatives. The dour should
hold that state action exists, and that the state has deprived
individuals of their fundamental rights.
Even if the court used the federal standard, McRae would be
inapposite. In that case, because Congress was not
constitutionally required to provide any medicaid funding, the
Court reasoned that a woman was not any more hurt by the lack of
abortion funding than she would be if there were no funding at
all.
By contrast, the Connecticut Constitution mandates that
there be substantially equal elementary and secondary schools
provided by the government. If those schools are not equally
available to all, regardless of the reason, the Constitution is
violated. If poverty leads to unequal schools the state has an
affirmative obligation to mitigate the effects.
Questions of Foreseeability
5614. at 404, 515 A.2d 145.
26
The fundamental rights violation caused by the Hartford
metropolitan area schools is directly traceable to the school
district lines. The defendants' allegation that there is an
insufficient causal connection between the school district lines
and the asserted injury makes no sense. Even if the state could
have had no knowledge when it originally drew the district lines,
the lines presently condemn all Hartford area school children to
attend schools that are either virtually all white and middle
class or virtually all-black and Hispanic and disproportionately
poor. As the fundamental rights section argues, this segregative
effect, without more is sufficient to create a remediable
fundamental rights violation.
Even if foreseeability or causation must be proven, the
state will still be liable. The plaintiffs will argue that they
need not prove more than discriminatory impact because their
fundamental rights have been violated. But, they can also show
that at some point the segregated schools became foreseeable and
that the state inaction was a direct cause of their rights being
violated. "A presumption of segregative purpose arises when
plaintitte establish that the natural, probable and foreseeable
result of public officials' action or inaction was an increase or
perpetuation of public school segregation."57 In the Hartford
metropolitan area, for at least the past twenty-five years,
°70liver v. Michigan 508 F.2d 178, 182 (6th Cir. 1974),
cert. denied, 421 U.S. 963 (1975). (the presumption becomes proof
unless the defendants affirmatively establish that their action
or inaction was a consistent and resolute application of racially
neutral policies.)
27
segregation has been more than just foreseeable -- it has been a
reality. .
Regardless of the foreseeability at the time the districts
were first drawn, the school district lines are a key in the
chain of causation. Because the lines did not shift when the
population changed, those lines became a link in the chain to the
effect of violating the plaintiffs rights.
Even if the state is not the cause for the segregated
residential patterns, the state is still responsible for the
resulting schools.
While it is true that but for the ghettoized residential
pattern the ... use of geographic criteria [for creating
district lines] would not result in racially imbalanced
schools, the school board is not absolved of all
responsibility for imbalanced schools. In familiar tort
terms, the "chain of causation' is not broken; at the most
the residential pattern is a "concurrent" cause.
Ghettoization is a known fact, a part of the social reality
that the school board must consider when it makes
decisions.
The defendants have been aware of the problem and its
consequences for over twenty-five years. They have both the
power and constitutional obligation to act but have not done so.
If the lines were drawn differently, the schools would not be
racially isolated. By diminishing the concentration of the poor
in the schools, achievement among those students would rise.>°
The defendants claim that any causal connection between the
S8piss, Racial Imbalance in the Public Schools: The
Constitutional Concepts, 78 Harv. L. Rev. 564, 585 (1968).
59gee state Department of Education Report (1988).
28
school district lines and infringement of constitutional rights
is too attenuated to be judicially recognized. The defendants
cite Martinez v. california®®? as support for their claim.
Martinez was a much more attenuated situation than this one. 1In
Martinez, the Court rejected a plaintiff's argument that the
state is responsible for violence inflicted by a parolee. The
Court recognized that all parolee's are a potential danger, but
said the state cannot be held liable for every action taken by
them. The court analogized that having a speed limit of 55 is
less safe than a 45 MPH speed limit. But, the court said, the
state cannot be held liable to a bystander who is hit by a car
going 55.61
Martinez is inapposite. A closer analogy would be if the
state built a road in the 1800s without traffic lights. At the
time, the automobile was an unforeseeable invention. As years
passed, the road became a major traffic area. Every year there
were several major accidents on the road. Each time, the police
reported that a traffic light would prevent the accidents. The
state studied the problem but did not act. By 1991 if someone is
killed on the road, the state will be liable. At that point, the
state could foresee the accident that it could not when it built
the road. It had an obligation to act but did not do so. It is
a cause of the accident.
Similarly, no one knew in 1650, when the lines were first
60444 u.s5. 277, 285 (1980).
6lsee memo P-:31.
29
drawn, that town lines would serve to deny students equal
educational opportunities. But, for at least the past twenty-
five years defendants have been collecting evidence, studies and
statistics which make that denial clear. They have an
affirmative duty to act. The defendants failure to alter the
district lines is a cause of the racial isolation and the
inadequate schools.
30
Fundamental Rights
This section argues that the segregated and inferior
Hartford schools deny the plaintiffs' their constitutionally
guaranteed rights to equal educational opportunity. It maintains
that the state's intent is irrelevant when determining whether
the fundamental right to education has been violated. The
section further argues that there is no compelling state interest
that justifies this fundamental rights denial.
In Brown v. Board of Education, 62 the Supreme Court of the
United States declared:
[E]ducation is perhaps the most important function of local
and state governments.... It is required in the performance
of our most basic public responsibilities.... It is the very
foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal
instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in
preparing him for later professional training, and in
helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these
days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be
expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity
of an education. Such .an opportunity where the state has
undertaken to provide it is a_ right which must be made
available to all on equal terms.%3
Under Connecticut law, the importance of public education--
as a personal right, and as an affirmative state obligation -- is
even more securely established than under the federal law.
Public education is a "fundamental right,"®% and "pupils in the
62347 U.S. 483 (1954).
6314. at 493, cited with approval in Horton I, 172 Conn. at
643, 376 A.2d 369.
64Horton I, 172 Conn. at 645, 376 A.2d at 372.
31
public schools are entitled to equal enjoyment of that right."63
The Connecticut Supreme Court has held that "the right to
education is so basic and fundamental that any infringement of
that right must be strictly scrutinized." 66
When the court examines this case, it must first determine
whether the current system of education affords all Hartford
metropolitan area children an equal educational opportunity.
That is, are their fundamental rights being enforced? If the
answer is no, the court must next decide whether there is a
compelling state interest that justifies the denial of the
children's constitutional rights. If the answer is no again,
the court will order that the Hartford metropolitan area's
education system be restructured in a way that allows all
children to enjoy their fundamental right to education.
The standards the court will use are those that have been
established under the Connecticut Constitution, which grants
broader individual rights than the federal Constitution. ®”
6514. at 649, 376 A.2d at 374.
6614. at 646, 376 A.2d at 373.
67a1though it may seem obvious that a case brought in state
court under the state Constitution would be analyzed under state
constitutional law, the defendants invoke federal caselaw
throughout the Defendants' Memorandum as if it were binding
precedent on the Connecticut courts that could limit
interpretation of the Connecticut Constitution to the bounds of
the federal.
Connecticut courts are not bound by federal court decisions
unless those decisions provide more protection than is guaranteed
by the state Constitution. Horton I, 172 Conn. at 642, 376 A.2d
at 372. (when declaring education a fundamental right the court
stated that the United States Supreme Court decisions "are to be
followed by Connecticut courts only when they provide no less
32
Connecticut courts have not limited the meaning of the state
due process clauses to the interpretations placed on the
fourteenth amendment by the federal courts.... In other
constitutional areas, such as the protection of the
fundamental right to education, religious freedom, the right
to be secure from unreasonable seizures, and free speech,
Connecticut has shown a willingness to expand state civil
liberties as well as conform to the changing needs of
society.
There is little doubt that the schools will fail the
fundamental rights inquiry. Under the Connecticut Constitution,
"when state action impinges upon a fundamental right in any
manner, whether or not the circumstances that cause the
impingement are of the state's own creation, the state bears the
burden of justifying the intrusion. This is a substantial
departure from the current holding of the Supreme Court of the
United States."®°
When the court questions whether the plaintiffs' fundamental
rights to education are violated, it will examine whether each
plaintiff has an educational opportunity equal to those in other
individual protection than is guaranteed by Connecticut 1law.")
The Connecticut Supreme Court has declared that it "fully
recognizes] the primary and independent vitality of the
provision of [its] own constitution." Jd. at 641, 376 A.24 at
371.
68Berdon, supra note 17, 54-55. (citations omitted).
6914. at 51 discussing Fasulo v. Arafeh, 173 Conn. 473, 378
A.2d 533 (1971). (Connecticut due process goes beyond the federal
~ == continued mental confinement must be in accordance with a
judicial proceeding) and Doe Vv. Maher Conn. L. Tribune, May 3,
1982 at 7, col. 1 (Super Ct. Oct. 9, 1981) (abridged opinion)
(right to privacy guarantees right to state funding for medically
necessary abortions under due process clause); compare Harris Vv.
McRae 448 U.S. 297 (1980) (state's failure to pay for medically
necessary abortion does not violate due process). See discussion
supra at notes 50 - 56 and accompanying text.
33
Hartford-area districts. The court must inquire whether the
racial isolation of the schools impacts the educational
opportunities of the children. Further, the court must compare
the quality of the schools and the education received in Hartford
and the surrounding suburban areas.
Over 35 years ago in Brown, Chief Justice Warren writing for
a unanimous Supreme Court declared that schools separated on the
basis of race are inherently unequal -- separate schools hurt the
hearts and minds of minority children.’0 Evidence accumulated
since Brown confirms and enhances this declaration. In 1967 the
United States Commission of Civil Rights reported that when all
other factors are equal, black educational achievement in
segregated schools is lower than black achievement integrated
schools. ’1 The commission found that black children "suffer
serious harm when their education takes place in public schools
which are racially segregated, whatever the source of such
segregation may be."72 The commission noted that transferring
blacks to integrated schools substantially betters their
educational performance without harming the performance of white
students. ’3 The commission explained its finding:
The environment of schools with a substantial majority of
70347 U.S. at 494.
7lunited States Commission of Civil Rights, Racial Isolation
in the Public Schools, Finding 8, p.204 (1967). (Hereinafter
"Report".)
72Report, 193, (emphasis added).
73Report at 100-109.
[black] students offers serious obstacles to learning. The
schools are stigmatized as inferior in the community. The
students often doubt their own worth, and their teachers
frequently corroborate these doubts. The academic
performance of their classmates is usually characterized by
continuing difficulty. The children often have doubts about
their chances of succeeding in a predominantly white
society and they typically are in school with other students
who have similar doubts. They are in schools which, by
virtue of their racial and social class_ composition, are
isolated from models of success in school.
It is clear that racially isolated schools substantially
harm minority children. The harm is inflicted upon the children
regardless of whether the segregation is the result of laws,
policy, or demographics. ’> Former Chief Justice Burger agreed
that the effects of segregation are not mitigated just because
the district lines have not been unconstitutionally altered. ’®
The benefits if integrated schools continue after the formal
secondary school education ends. In the longer term black
children attending desegregated schools are more likely to
complete high school, to enroll in and graduate from four year
colleges and to major in non-traditional subject for minority
students -- majors that lead to more remunerative jobs and
74Report at 106.
75gee San Francisco Unified School District wv. Johnson, 3
Cal 34 937, 942, 92 Cal.Rptr. 1309, 479, 479 P.2d 669, 676,
(1971). Cert. denied, 410 U.S. 1012. ("[I]Jt is the presence of
racial isolation, not its legal underpinnings that creates
unequal education.")
76Milliken Vv. Bradley, 418 ‘U.S. 717, 747, n.22.(1974)
(Milliken I) ("The pupil in an imbalanced school because of an
assignment in accordance with a district boundary line is no less
segregated than one similarly situated because of assignment in
accordance with discriminatory attendance zones fixed within a
district or because district lines have been unconstitutionally
altered.")
35
professions. ’”
Unfortunately, the drawbacks of segregated schools also have
lasting effects.
Children who have been...educationally and culturally set
apart from the larger community will inevitably acquire
habits of speech, conduct and attitudes reflecting their
cultural isolation. They are likely to acquire speech
habits, for example, which vary from the environment in
which they must ultimately function and compete, if they are
to enter and be a part of that community. This is not
peculiar to race; in this setting, it can affect any
children who, as a group, are isolated by force of law from
the mainstream. ’S
The Civil Rights Commission also noted that racial isolation in
the schools
fosters attitudes and behavior that perpetuate isolation in
other important areas of American life. [Black] adults who
attend racially isolated schools are more likely to have
developed attitudes that alienate them from whites. White
adults with similarly isolated backgrounds tend to resist
desegregation in many areas housing, jobs and schools. ’?®
Studies show that black children achieve the most dramatic
educational gains when participating in metropolitan or county
wide integration plans that often entail substantial busing. In
this case, the busing required to integrate the schools would be
minimal.®80 Metropolitan plans, like the one which could be
77McPartland, Deseqregation and Equity in Higher Education
and Employment: Is Progress Related to the Desegregation of
Elementary and Secondary schools?, 42 Law & Contemporary
Problems 108, 110-13, 124, 131 (Summer 1978).
78villiken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267, 287-88. (1972)
(citations omitted). (Milliken II).
79Report at 110.
80Because the suburbs are so close to the city, plaintiffs
assert that most of the bus rides would be no more than roughly
20 minutes. (Phil Tegler, speaking at Harvard Graduate School of
36
implemented in the Hartford suburban area, are beneficial in part
because they achieve substantial desegregation across
socioeconomic class as well as race lines.
The findings are consistent with research showing that
disadvantaged children fare better in schools and classrooms
which are made up largely of advantaged students rather than
being isolated with others of the same background. One
explanation is that in schools consisting predominantly of
advantaged children, the norms set out by the parents and
teachers, and by the students themselves, ordinarily are
high. Academic success and advancement to college are
expected or demanded. Where schools fall short, middle-
class parents are practiced in wielding influence to bring
about change.81 :
There should be no doubt that the nearly complete racial
isolation of the schools violates the students' fundamental right
to education. A two part syllogism explains this conclusion:
First, (a) the Hartford area schools are separated by race and
ethnicity; (b) the courts have held (and substantial evidence
supports the conclusion) that racially separated schools are
inherently unequal. Therefore, (c) the Hartford area schools are
inherently unequal. Second, (a) the Connecticut Constitution
guarantees all students a substantially equal education; (b) the
Hartford area schools are unequal (from (c) above); therefore,
(c) the students are not receiving a substantially equal
education. Regardless of the state's lack of intent to
segregate, the basic logic of the above equations points to a
fundamental rights violation by the state.
Education, October 23, 1990.)
8lraylor, Brown, Equal Protection and the Isolation of the
Poor, 95 Yale L.J. 1700, 1710 (1986) (citations omitted).
37
The schools are inferior not only because they are racially
isolated, but also because the Hartford schools do not even
provide the students with minimally adequate education.®2 In
their motion to dismiss, defendants assert that the fundamental
right to education includes no more than a "basic education"
without regard to equal educational opportunity for students or
equal quality among schools and school districts.83 Neither the
Connecticut Constitution nor the cases interpreting it support
that conclusion. Indeed, the Connecticut Supreme Court refuted
this proposition in Horton I.
[Tlhis Court has never suggested that because some
"adequate" level of benefits is provided to all,
discrimination in the provision of services is therefore
constitutionally excusable. The Equal Protection Clause is
not addressed to the minimal sufficiency but rather to the
unjustifiable inequalities of state action. It mandates
nothing less that all persons similarly circumstanced shall
be treated alike.84
The Hartford school children are not treated the same as
those in suburban schools. The Hartford schools contain a far
greater proportion of students, at all levels, from backgrounds
that put them "at risk" of lower educational achievement than do
821t is hard to separate how much of the lack of achievement
stems each from the schools, the poverty and the racial
isolation. The line separating poverty from race and ethnicity
issues is artificial. The poor and the minority population are,
in large part, the same population. Racial poverty can be
attributed to racial discrimination.
83pefendants’ memorandum at 37.
84Horton I 172 Conn. at 615, quoting San Antonio Indep.
School Dist. v. Rodriquez, 411 U.S. 1, 89 (1973) (Marshall, J.
dissenting) (citations omitted).
38
the suburban schools.85 The severe educational burdens placed on
the Hartford schools by the high numbers of at risk children have
left the Hartford schools unable to provide educational
opportunities that are substantially equal to those received by
school children in the suburban districts. As a result, the
overall achievement of school children in the Hartford school
district -- assessed by virtually any measure of educational
performance - is substantially below that of school children in
the suburban districts.86
The Hartford students, measured by the state's own
standards, do not receive a "minimally adequate education."
Fifty-nine percent of all the Hartford sixth graders read below
the state's remedial level.8’7 The suburban also schools rank far
ahead of the Hartford schools when measured by: the percentage
of students who graduate from high school versus the percentage
who drop out; the percentage of graduates who enter four-year
85Indices for identifying at-risk students include (i)
whether a child's family received benefits under the federal Aid
to Families with Dependent Children program; (ii) whether a
child has limited English proficiency; or (iii) whether a child
is from a single parent family. In Hartford, 47.6% of the
children are on AFDC, 40.9% have limited English proficiency and
51% are from single parent families. See Complaint at paragraph
37 for a more complete discussion.
86see complaint, at paragraphs 35 - 49.
87wnile 34% of all suburban sixth graders scored at or
above the "mastery benchmark" on state administered reading
test, only 4% of Hartford children met that standard. Similarly,
74% of suburban sixth graders exceeded the state's remedial
benchmark which measures "essential grade level skills," while
only 41% of Hartford children met the test. See Complaint at
paragraphs 43-44 for charts showing a breakdown by town.
39
colleges or any program of higher education; or the percentage of
graduates who obtain full-time employment within nine months of
completing their schooling.88 It is implausible that students
entering the Hartford schools will have an educational
opportunity equal to those ‘entering the suburban schools.
The defendants have argued that the key to the inferior
achievement of the Hartford students is their poverty, not racial
isolation or state policy. They assert that the state is not
responsible to correct rights violations that are the result of
poverty. 82 The Connecticut courts have held that the state
cannot act in a way that impacts on poverty. 20
In their motion to dismiss, defendants repeatedly and
incorrectly alleged that their lack of intent to create
segregated schools when they drew the school district lines in
some way insulates them from constitutional review.2?l When the
court examines whether the students' fundamental rights have been
violated, it will not consider whether the defendants
88complaint, at paragraphs 40-46.
89But separating the "poor" from "minorities" is a pointless
enterprise. "It should come as no surprise ... that many of the
poor are also the minorities. Most blacks live in racially
isolated environments that are deprived if not devastated. A law
having the effect of burdening the poor or poorly educated or of
reinforcing racial isolation will have the further effect of
disproportionately disadvantaging blacks." Perry, The
Disproportionate Impact Theory of Racial Discrimination, 125
. U.Pa.L.Rev. 540, 557 (1977).
90see supra notes 50-56 and accompanying text.
9lpefendants' Memorandum at 7, citing Milliken I, 418 U.S.
at 721-722.
consciously allowed the segregated and inferior schools to
develop. How or why the district lines were developed is
irrelevant when determining whether the fundamental right is
infringed. The motivation analysis defendants suggest is only
relevant when challenging the constitutionality the deprivation
of gratuitous goods, not fundamental rights.22 The court in
Horton I never questioned the motivation behind the disparity in
the school funding. It examined only the unconstitutional effect
the funding scheme had on the connecticut children. The
motivation test has been applied in federal desegregation cases,
like Milliken because education is not a federal fundamental
right.293
The deference shown to the government entity by the Court in
921n washington v. Davis 426 U.S. 229 (1976), the Supreme
Court established an intent or motivation requirement for racial
discrimination claims. Washington v. Davis concerned a question
of public employment. Although individuals are entitled to be
free from purposeful discrimination in public employment, they
have no constitutional right to a government job. The court held
racial discrimination is entitled to strict scrutiny as a suspect
classification under the Equal Protection Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment only when it is a product of discriminatory
urpose; disperate impact is insufficient to create a federal
constitutional claim.
93gee e.g. San Antonio Independent School District v.
Rodriquez, 411 U.S.1 (1973); Keyes Vv. School Dist. No. 1,
Denver, Colo., 413 U.S. 189 (1973). Even though the United
States Supreme Court has recognized the importance of education,
it has held that because the text of the Constitution does not
mention education, it is not a fundamental right. Federal
challenges to segregated schools must therefore be brought as a
suspect classification test under the Equal Protection Clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment. If the challenge is brought under a
race neutral statute, the plaintiffs must prove discriminatory
intent on behalf of the school board for the court to apply
strict scrutiny. :
41
Washington v. Davis is inapplicable in a fundamental rights case.
Proof of impact is sufficient to establish an unconstitutional
violation of a fundamental right.%4 As Professor: Ely has
written:
It ... cannot be emphasized too strongly that analysis of
motivation is appropriate only to claims of improper
discrimination in the distribution of goods that are
constitutionally gratuitous .... However, where what is
denied is something to which the complainant has a
substantive constitutional right -- either because it is
granted by the terms of the Constitution or because it is
essential to the effective functioning of a democratic
government -- the reasons it was denied are irrelevant....
To have a right to something is to have a claim on it
irrespective of why it is denied.®°
To require proof of discriminatory intent with regard to
the infringement of fundamental rights would be illogical.
Fundamental rights are affirmative rights guaranteed by the
Constitution. Any infringement on those rights is a violation,
regardless of the reason why they have been infringed.
Constitutional guarantees cannot be ignored or subverted. If it
were otherwise, the Connecticut Legislature could eliminate the
state's budget gap by simply closing the public schools. If the
94gee e.g. Terry v. Adams, 345 U.S. 461, 466 (1953) ("No
election machinery could be sustained if its purpose or effect
was to deny Negroes on account of their race an effective voice
in the governmental affairs of their country, state, or
community.") (emphasis added); City of Mobile, Alabama v. Bolden,
446 U.S. 85, 104 (1980). (Marshall, J. dissenting) ("Vote
dilution decisions require only a showing of discriminatory
impact . . . and because they are premised on the fundamental
interest in voting protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, the
discriminatory impact standard adopted by them is unaffected by
Washington v. Davis and its progeny.").
93g1y, The Centrality and Limits of Motivation Analysis, 15
San Diego L.Rev. 1155, 1160-1161 (1978) (emphasis in original).
42
%
courts were to allow these actions, they would render the
Constitution meaningless.
Once the court recognizes the violation of the fundamental
right. it will apply strict scrutiny to test whether there is a
compelling state interest to justify this invasion. In Mobile v.
Bolden,®® and in Harris wv. McRae, 27 the Supreme Court of the
United States clearly stated that if a law impinges upon a
fundamental right explicitly or implicitly secured by the
Constitution, it is unconstitutional unless the intrusion is
justified by a compelling state interest. In Hortonn . I The
Connecticut Supreme court declared that "the right to education
is so basic and fundamental that any infringement of that right
must be strictly scrutinized."98
The defendants have asserted incorrectly that strict
scrutiny is an inappropriate standard of review for questions
involving the fundamental right to education.?9°® Defendants
assert that Horton IIT rejected the strict scrutiny test when
assessing education rights violations. But the Horton III court
reaffirmed Horton I's holding that all state legislation
affecting the right to education must be strictly scrutinizegl00
and then carved out a narrow exception for school financing.
96446 U.s. 55, 76 (1980).
97448 U.S. at 312.
98Horton I, 172 Conn. at 646, 376 A.2d at 373.
99pefendants' Memorandum at 44-45.
100,95 conn. at 38, 376 A.2d at 1106.
43
Even if the test articulated in Horton III were to be applied in
this case, the Hartford metropolitan area schools would not
withstand the heightened scrutiny analysis. under the Horton
III test, the plan as a whole must "provide significant
enualizing state support to local education." The Horton III
Court explicitly held that no plan will be constitutional "if the
remaining level of disparity continues to 'emasculate the goal of
substantial equality. '"102
Although the defendants could argue that neighborhood
schools and local control are a legitimate state purpose, they
cannot possibly justify the resulting disparities among the
schools. The schools are separated on the basis of race,
ethnicity and poverty. The Hartford schools provide an education
grossly inferior to that provided by the suburban schools.
Unless the school residential populations change drastically, the
remaining level of disparity will continue to '"emasculate
substantial equality" and deprive more children of their
constitutionally guaranteed rights.
If the court applies a strict scrutiny analysis, the
101lrhe test applied in Horton III was a three part test.
First, a plaintiff must establish a prima facie case by showing
that the disparities in educational expenditures are more than de
minimus and that they jeopardize the plaintiffs' fundamental
right to education. Second, if the plaintiffs establish a prima
facie case, the burden shifts to the state to justify the
disparities are incident to the advancement of a legitimate state
policy. Third, if the policy is acceptable, the state must
demonstrate that the continuing disparities are not so great as
to be unconstitutional. Horton III 195 Conn. at 38.
102gorton III 195 Conn.at 38, 486 A.2d at 1106, guoting,
Mahan v. Howell, 410 U.S.315, 326 (1973).
Ad
defendants will lose. The defendants cannot credibly argue that
the benefits of neighborhood schools and local control over the
schools offer compelling reasons to leave the schools as they
are. While local control and neighborhood schools are
undoubtedly rational policy objectives, they are hardly
compelling justifications for violating the fundamental rights of
“the children of their state.
Although the defendants argue that the neighborhood school
policy is too vital for the proper functioning of the schools to
redistrict, state created political vines cannot protect the
state against the .constitutional command of Equal Protection for
its citizens, or relieve the state from the obligation of
providing educational opportunities for minority inner-city
children equal to those provided for its white children in the
more affluent suburbs.103
All things being equal, neighborhood schools may slightly
enhance students' education. All things are not equal in
Connecticut -- the demographics mean that neighborhood schools
will lead to unequal schools. The court cannot sanction this
result. "[I]f a voter's address may not determine the weight to
which his ballot is entitled, surely it should not determine the
quality of his child's education."104
103Note, De Facto Segregation -- the Northern Problem, 40
Conn. Bar Journal 493, 504 (1966), citing Wright, Public School
Desegregation: Legal Remedies for De Facto Seqregation, in De
Facto Segregation and Civil Rights 4, 24 C. Schroeder & Smith ed.
(1965).
104serrano, 96 Cal.Rptr. at 621-22, 487 P.2d at 1261-1262.
45
[Bl]lack children need quality schools now .... The
educational needs of today's black children can be met only
if the relief to which they are entitled under the Brown
decision is structured to reflect demographic and
educational conditions that have developed since 1954.
The defendants are likely to argue that the state cannot be
forced to redistrict with every population shift. The expense
and effort required will inflict great cost and disruption on the
state. While the plaintiffs must concede that redistricting may
take time, effort, and money, the plaintiffs do not ask that the
- schools be redistricted with every minor population shift. The
redistricting in this case is long overdue. The districts are
not slightly imbalanced, or a little unequal. The disparities
are huge (as are the rights violations).
In Tinsley v. Palo Alto Unified School Districtl9® the
California courts addressed a similar case to this one. The
plaintiffs in Tinsley had requested interdistrict relief from de
facto segregated schools.l107 The plaintiffs claimed the racial
isolation mandated interdistrict relief. They argued that
operation of the racially isolated schools denied them their
constitutional rights. The court held that under the California
Constitution racial imbalance in education is itself a violation
105Be11, Is Brown Obsolete? Yes!, Integrated Education 28,
32. (March/April 1976).
1061534 cal. Rptr. 591, 91 ca. App. 3d 591 (1979).
107The plaintiffs did not allege any intentional segregative
acts by the defendants. They claimed only that the defendants
had knowledge of the segregated schools within the districts.
46
of the state Constitution regardless of cause.l98 The court
declared:
[TlJhe pupil who is discriminated against today because of
the maintenance under state law of preexisting school
district lines is as entitled to relief as the pupil who
finds himself in the same position because of intradistrict
assignment policies or because of the discriminatory
reorganization of district lines.
The holding in this case was constitutionally mandated. As
a result, Californians who sought to avoid interdistrict
remedies amended the Constitution so that it went no further than
the federal. The same must be in this case. When the court
examines the facts and arguments, it must find that the Hartford
metropolitan area schools unconstitutionally deny Connecticut
children their fundamental right to equal educational
opportunity. Nothing short of a constitutional amendment will
release the defendants from liability.
108The relevant portions of the California Constitution were
the due process provisions, Article IX, section 1 which
provided: "A general diffusion of knowledge and intelligence being
essential to the preservation of the rights and liberties of the
people, the Legislature shall encourage by all suitable means the
promotion of intellectual, scientific, moral, and agricultural
improvement." and Article IX, section 14 providing: "The
Legislature shall have power, . . .to provide for the incorporation
and organization of schools districts...."
109154 cal Rptr. at 614.
47
Conclusion
This paper has argued that the racially and
socioeconomically isolated schools in the Hartford metropolitan
area and the inferior schools in the Hartford school district
unconstitutionally violate Connecticut school children's
fundamental rights to equal educational opportunity. Because the
state is constitutionally required to provide ail school children
with a substantially equal education, the state must integrate
the Hartford metropolitan area schools through an interdistrict
plan before more children's rights are violated.
The paper has stressed that in Connecticut, where education
is a fundamental right, the condition of segregation in the
schools is itself a constitutional violation. To be liable, the
state need not intend to segregate. Indeed, segregation does not
even have to be foreseeable at the time a policy is developed for
the state to be liable under that policy. The state's liability
rests on its affirmative obligation to supply the students with
schools offering substantially equal educational opportunity. If
any of the state's policies contribute to the denial that
opportunity, the state has violated the Constitution.
Specifically, this paper has argued that the current
conditions in the Hartford metropolitan area are the result of
state action. The state is so entwined with its school system
that it must be responsible for any actions of that system. A
48
state's inaction can have as Great and as damaging an effect on
individuals within the state as a state's actions can.
Therefore, state inaction is properly viewed as a form of state
action -- especially when, as in Connecticut, the Constitution
affirmatively commands the state to act. Regardless of the
intent behind the state's lack of action, when Constitutionally
mandated action is avoided, the state must be judged to have
acted. Any unconstitutional outcomes are the results of state
action.
Similarly, the when the courts examine the state's alleged
violation of a right (or the violation by an agent of the state),
if it is a fundamental right, the state's intent is irrelevant.
The court must determine whether the state is bound to ensure
that the right is protected. If it is, the only relevant
question is whether the right is being fully protected.
The paper argued that under this standard, the defendants in
Sheff are liable for the unconstitutional infringement on the
rights of the Connecticut school children. The state system of
education unconstitutionally impacts the lives of the children it
serves. Although the state did not cause the poverty or the
residential segregation which have led to the unequal schools, it
does have the duty to enforce the fundanental rights of its
citizens. By choosing not to act in the face of evidence that
the schools were unequal, the defendants "acted" in a
constitutional sense. The effect of that action has been to deny
the plaintiffs a fundamental right.
49
The defendants are properly viewed as a cause of the
segregated conditions in the schools. It is the boundary lines
they set up and have not changed that unconstitutionally impact
on the school children. Even if there have been other
intervening factors, they are best viewed as concurrent causes.
If, for some reason the defendants' intent must be shown, it
can be imputed through the defendants' inaction when action was
constitutionally mandated. The "state action" led to segregated
conditions, regardless of the conscious decisions. While it was
far from obvious when the district lines drawn what effect they
would have, for over twenty-five years that effects have been
painfully clear. But the state has refused to act.
When the court examines this case it must find that the
state's actions have resulted in the unconstitutional deprivation
of the Connecticut school children's fundamental right to
education. Although the state did not create the poverty or the
racial isolation in the Hartford metropolitan area, it is the
state's responsibility to deliver schools offering equal
educational opportunity to all students. It has failed to do so.
50