Henderson v. United States Motion and Brief Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
October 17, 1949
Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Henderson v. United States Motion and Brief Amicus Curiae, 1949. 344e99f3-b79a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/3745b599-b8b6-4bdb-a436-81ffd9f1f811/henderson-v-united-states-motion-and-brief-amicus-curiae. Accessed December 06, 2025.
Copied!
•j
y
O
lo
n
t
"«■
H
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
O ctober Term, 1949
No. 25
E lmer W. H enderson,
v.
Appellant,
T he U nited States oe A merica, I nterstate Commerce
Commission and Southern R ailway Company.
On A ppeal from the U nited States D istrict Court
for the District of M aryland
MOTION AND BRIEF OF AMERICAN JEWISH
CONGRESS AS AMICUS CURIAE
W ill Maslow,
1834 Broadway,
New York 23, N. Y.,
Attorney for American Jewish Congress
Amicus Curiae.
Shad P olier,
J oseph B. R obison,
P hilip Baum,
of Counsel.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE ............................ 1
BRIEF .............................................................. 4
Statement op the Case ...................... 4
T he Question to W hich T his Beiep I s Addressed .... 5
Summary op Argument ..................................................... 6
Argument .............................................................................. 8
I. The Doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.
S. 537, that Separate but Equal Facilities
Satisfy Requirements of Equal Treatment,
Should Be Overruled ................................... 8
A. The Framers of the Fourteenth Amend
ment Intended Thereby to Prohibit Seg
regation ................................................... 11
B. The Legal Principles Which Formed the
Basis of the Plessy Decision Were Erro
neous .............................................. 15
C. The Factual Assumptions Made in the
Plessy Decision Were Erroneous .......... 17
1. Segregated facilities necessarily have
a lower value ..................................... 18
2. Even if the facilities are in all re
spects equal in value, segregation is
discriminatory because of the adverse
effects which it has on the Negro com
munity ................................................ 22
PAGE
11 Index
II. A Eeqnirement of Equality Can Never Be
Satisfied By Segregated Facilities Because
the Official Act of Segregation of Itself
Gives Superior Value to the Facilities As
signed to the Dominant Group .................... 26
A. An Official Policy of Segregation Would
Be Unconstitutional If Maintenance of
Racial Superiority Were Proclaimed as
Its Purpose .............................................. 27
B. The Placing of a Racial or Religious
Group in an Inferior Status by Segrega
tion Can Be Accomplished Without an
Express Declaration of Such Status .... 28
C. The Segregation of Negroes Maintains
an Officially Declared Status of Inferior
ity and Also a Previously Established
Status of Social Inequality ..................... 31
1. Official declarations of inferiority .... 31
2. The previously established social in
equality .............................................. 34
III. The Separate But Equal Doctrine Has
Never Been, and Should Not Now Be, Ap
plied to Section 3(1) of the Interstate Com
merce Act by This Court .............................. 36
CoKaLTrsiOK ....................................................... 37
PAGE
Index iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
D ecisions
Anderson v. Pantages Theatre Co., 114 Wash. 24
(1921) .................................................................... 35
Atlanta Journal Co. v. Farmer, 48 Ga. App. 273
(1934) .................................................................... 32
Axton Fisher Tobacco Co. v. Evening Post, 169 Ky.
64 (1916) .............................................................. 36
Bailey v. Alabama, 219 U. S. 219 (1911) ................... 28
Baylies v. Curry, 128 111. 287 (1889) ........................ 35
Bolden v. Grand Rapids Operating Co., 239 Mich.
318 (1927) ............................................................ 35
Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60 (1917) .................15,16
Chicago, R. I. and P. Ry. Co. v. Allison, 120 Ark.
54 (1915) .............................................................. 33
Chiles v. Chesapeake & Ohio R. R. Co., 218 U. S.
71 (1909) ........... 36
Clark v. Directors, 24 Iowa 67 (1868) ....................... 35
Collins v. Oklahoma State Hospital, 76 Okla. 229
(1919) .................................................................... 32,33
Connolly v. Union Sewer Pipe Co., 184 U. S. 540
(1902) ......... 15
Connor v. Board of Commissioners of Logan County,
Ohio, 12 F. (2d) 789 (1926) ................................ 28
Councill v. Western & Atlantic R. R. Co., 1 I. C. C.
339 (1887) ............................................................ 8
Crosswaith v. Bergin, 95 Colo. 241 (1934) ................. 35I
Dobbins v. Los Angeles, 195 U. S. 223 (1904) .......... 28
Edwards v. Nashville, C. & St. L. Ry. Co., 12 I. C. C.
247, 249 (1907) ..................................................... 9
PAGE
iv Index
PAGE
Ferguson v. Gies, 83 Mich. 358 (1890) ...................... 35
Flood v. News and Courier Co., 71 S. C. 112 (1905) .. 32
Guinn and Beal v. United States, 238 U. S. 347 (1915) 28
Gulf, Colorado and Santa Fe Railway Co. v. Ellis,
165 U. S. 150 (1897) ................................... ......... 15
Hall v. De Cuir, 95 U. S. 485 (1877) .......................... 36
Hargrove v. Okla. Press. Pub. Co., 130 Okla. 76
(1928) ................................................................... 32
Heard v. Georgia R. R. Co., 1 I. C. C. 428 (1888) .... 8
Henderson v. Mayor, 92 U. S. 259 (1875) ................. 28
Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400 (1942) ............................ 15
Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81 (1943) ................. 14
Hurd v. Hodge, 334 U. S. 24 (1948) .......................... 13
Jackson v. Seaboard Airline Ry. Co., 269 I. C. C.
399 (1948) ...... ......................................................
Jones v. Kehrlein, 194 P. 55 (Cal., 1920) ...................
Jones v. Polk & Co., 190 Ala. 243 (1913) .................
Joyner v. Moore-Wiggins Co., Ltd., 152 App. Div.
266 (N. Y., 1912) .................................................
Kansas City Southern Railway Co. v. Kaw Yalley
Drainage District, 233 U. S. 75 (1914) ...............
Louisville and N. R. R. Co. v. Ritchel, 148 Ky. 701
(1912) ...................................................................
McCabe v. A., T. & S. F. R, R. Co., 235 U. S. 151
(1914) ...... ............................................................. 36
M. K. T. Railway Co. of Texas v. Ball, 25 Tex. Civ.
App. 500 (1901) ................................................... 33
Mitchell v. United States, 313 U. S. 80 (1941) ............9, 36
Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia, 328 U. S. 373
(1946) ................................................................... 16,36
Myers v. Anderson, 238 U. S. 368 (1915) ................... 28
Neal v. Delaware, 103 U. S. 370 (1881) .................... 28
8
35
32
35
16
(
33
Index v
0 ’Connor v. Dallas Cotton Exchange, 153 S. W. 2d
266 (Tex., 1941) ................................................... 33
Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633 (1948) ............... 15,19
Penn. Coal Co. v. Mahon, 260 IT. 8. 393 (1922) .......... 28
People v. Board of Education of Detroit, 18 Mich.
400 (1869) ............................................................ 35
Pickett v. Kuchan, 323 111. 138 (1926) ........................ 35
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537 (1896)......8,10,11,14,
15,17, 27, 34, 37
Poindexter v. Greenhow, 114 U. S. 270 (1884) .......... 28
Prowd v. Gore, 207 P. 490 (Cal., 1922) ....................... 35
Railroad Company v. Brown, 17 Wall. 445 (1873) ...11,37
Randall v. Cowlitz Amusements, 194 Wash. 82 (1938) 35
Roberts v. Boston, 5 Cush. 198 (1850) ...................... 14
Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U. S. 1 (1948) .............. 15,-16,17
Slaughter House Cases, 83 IT. S. 36 (1872) ............... 12
Southern Railway v. Greene, 216 IT. S. 400 (1910) .... 15
Stamps & Powell v. Louisville & Nashvillq R. R. Co.,
269 I. C. C. 789 (1948) ......................................... 8
State v. McCann, 21 Ohio St. 198 (1872) ................... 14
Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 IT. S. 303, 306 (1879) 31
Stultz v. Cousins, 242 P. 794 (C. C. A. 6th, 1917) .... 32
Takahashi v. Fish & Game Commission, 332 IT. S.
410 (1948) ........................... 15
Tape v. Hurley, 66 Col. 473 (1885) .............................. 35
United States v. Carolene Products, 304 U. S. 144
(1938) 30
Uptown v. Times-Democrat Pub. Co., 104 La. 141
(1900) ..................................................................... 32
Village of Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U. S.
365 (1926) ............................................................... 28
PAGE
VI Index
PAGE
Williams v. Riddle, 145 Ky. 459 (1911) .................... 32
Wolfe v. Georgia Railway Electric Co., 2 Ga. App.
499 (1907) .......................................................... 32
Wright v. F. W. Woolworth Co., 281 111. App. 495
(1935) ................................................................... 32
Wysinger v. Crookshank, 23 P. 54 (1890) ................ 85
Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356 (1886) ............... 15,28
Statutes
General Laws under the Seventh Legislature of the
State of Texas, Chapter 121 ...............................
Laws Passed by First Legislature of the State of
Texas, An Act to Regulate Proceedings in a
District Court, Section 65 ...................................
Laws Passed by the First Legislature of the State
of Texas, An Act to Provide for the Enumera
tion of the Inhabitants ......................................
Polizeiverordnung ueber die Kennzeichnung der
Juden vom 1 September 1941, RGB I, I. S. 547,
Ausgeg. am 5. IX. 1941 ................................ ......
14 Stat. 27 ...................................................................
49 IT. S. C. A. 3(1) .....................................................
M iscellaneous
Bond, Education of the Negro in the American Social
Order (1934) ....................................................... 17
Congressional Globe, 39th Congress, First Session .... 12
Congressional Globe, 42nd Congress, Second Ses
sion .......................................................................13,14
2 Cong. Rec. 3452 (43rd Cong., 1st Sess.) ............... 14
Davis and Dollard, Children of Bondage (1940) .... 17, 20
31
1|
31
31
21
13
8, 37
Index Vll
PAGE
Deutscher and Chein, The Psychological Effect of
Enforced Segregation: A Survey of Social Sci
ence Opinion, 26 The Journal of Psychology, 259
(1948) ............................................................ 22, 23,26
Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town (1937) .-225* 85
Doyle, The Etiquette of Race Relations (1937) ........ 19
Du Bois, Dusk of Dawn (1940) ................................. 24
Du Bois, Black Reconstruction (1935) ...................... 24
Gallagher, American Caste and the Negro College
(1938) ................................................................... 17
Is Racial Segregation Consistent With Equal Pro
tection of the Laws! 49 Columbia L. R. 629;
(1949) ................................................................... 11
Jenkins, Pro-Slavery Thought in the Old South
(1935) ................................................................... 21
Johnson, The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man
(1927) ................................................................... 24
Johnson, Patterns of Negro Segregation (1943)......19*20,
24,34
Mangum, The Legal Status of the Negro (1940) ...... 32
McGovney, Racial Residential Segregation by State
Court Enforcement of Restrictive Agreements,
Covenants or Conditions in Deeds Is Unconsti
tutional, 33 Calif. Law. Rev. 5 (1945) ............... 35
McPherson, Political History of the United States
During the Reconstruction (1875) .................... 12
McWilliams, Race Discrimination and the Law, Sci
ence and Society, Vol. IX, No. 1 (1945) ...... ....... 34
Moton, What the Negro Thinks (1929) .................... 1J, 20
Myrdal, An American Dilemma (1944) .................... 24, 34
Reid, Southern Ways, Survey Graphic (Jan., 1947) 24
Report of the President’s Committee on Civil Rights,
To Secure These Rights (1947) .......................... 11,30
V1U Index
PAGE
Restrictive Covenants and Equal Protection — The
New Rule in Shelley’s Case, 21 So. Cal. L. R.
358 (1948) ..........................................................J S p f
Segregation in the Public Schools—A Violation of
“ Equal Protection”, 50 Yale L. J. 1059 (1947) lV
Stone, The Common Law in the United States, 50 1
Harvard L. R. 4 (1936) ...................................... 28
Stouffer, Studies in Social Psychology in World War
II, Volume I (1949) ............................................ 20;
Tuck, Not with the Fist (1946) ................................ 24;
Woof ter, The Basis of Racial Adjustment (1925) .... 17
I|
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
O ctober Term, 1949
No. 25
E lmer W. H enderson,
v.
Appellant,
T he U nited States of A merica, I nterstate Commerce
Commission and Southern Railway Company.
On A ppeal from th e U nited States D istrict Court
for the District of M aryland
MOTION OF AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS
FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF AS AMICUS CURIAE
To the Honorable, the Chief Justice of the United States
and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of
•the United States:
The undersigned, as counsel for the American Jewish
Congress and on its behalf, respectfully moves this Court
for leave to file the accompanying brief as amicus curiae.
The American Jewish Congress is an organization
committed to the principle that the destinies of all Ameri
cans are indissolubly linked and that any act which un
2
justly injures one group necessarily injures all. Out of
this firmly held belief, the American Jewish Congress
created its Commission On Law and Social Action in 1945
in part “ To fight every manifestation of racism and to
promote the civil and political equality of all minorities
in America.”
Believing as we do that Jewish interests are insepara
ble from the interests of justice, the American Jewish
Congress cannot remain impassive or disinterested when
persecution, discrimination or humiliation is inflicted upon
any human being because of his race, religion, color,
national origin or ancestry. Through the thousands of
years of our tragic history we have learned one lesson
well: the persecution at any time of any minority portends
the shape and intensity of persecution of all minorities.
There is, moreover, an additional reason for our interest.
The special concern of the Jewish people in human rights
derives from an immemorial tradition which proclaims
the common origin and end of all mankind and affirms,
under the highest sanction of faith and human aspirations,
the common and inalienable rights of all men. The strug
gle for human dignity and liberty is thus of the very sub
stance of the Jewish tradition.
We submit this brief amicus because we are convinced
that the policy of segregation has had a blighting effect
upon Americans and consequently upon American demo
cratic institutions. We believe that the doctrine of “ sepa
rate but equal” has engendered hatred, fear and igno
rance. We recognize in this triumvirate our greatest
enemy in the struggle for human freedom. But our con
cern must not be construed as limited to minorities alone.
The treatment of minorities in a community is indica
tive of its political and moral standards and ultimately
determinative of the happiness of all its members. Our
immediate objective here is to secure unconditional equal
3
ity for Americans of Negro ancestry. Our ultimate objec
tive in this case, as in all others, is to preserve intact the
dignity of all men.
We have sought the consent of counsel for the four
parties to the filing of this brief. Counsel for appellant,
the United States and the Interstate Commerce Commis
sion have consented. Counsel for the Southern Railway
Company has refused consent.
Dated, New York, New York, October 17, 1949.
W ill. Maslow,
Attorney for American Jewish Congress.
IN TH E
Supreme Court of the United States
O ctober Term, 1949
No. 25
E lmer W. H enderson,
v.
Appellant,
T he U nited States o f A merica, I nterstate Commerce
Commission and Southern Bailway Company.
On A ppeal from the U nited States District Court
for the D istrict of M aryland
BRIEF OF AMERICAN JEW ISH CONGRESS
AS AMICUS CURIAE
The American Jewish Congress respectfully submits
this brief, as amicus curiae, in support of appellant. Our
interest in the issues raised by this case is set forth in
the motion for leave to file annexed hereto.
Statement of the Case
This proceeding originally arose out of the refusal of
the Southern Bailway, on May 17, 1942, to serve appellant,
a Negro, in one of its dining cars. The various steps in
the subsequent proceedings are fully set forth in the
[ 4 ]
5
appellant’s brief. Because the railroad subsequently
changed its rules, the issue presently before this Court
is sufficiently revealed by the following facts:
The railroad’s most recent rules, effective March 1,
1946, provide that, after certain structural changes are
made in its diners, one of the thirteen tables in each diner
will be reserved absolutely for Negroes, and will be sep
arated from the rest of the car by a five-foot partition.
No white passengers will be served at this one table and
no Negro passengers will be served at the other twelve
tables.
On September 5, 1947, the Interstate Commerce Com
mission held that this rule satisfied Section 3(1) of the
Interstate Commerce Act. Henderson v. Southern Rail
way, 269 I. C. C. 73. That decision was upheld by a
three-judge District Court (Henderson v. Southern Rail
way, 80 F. Supp. 32, D. C. Md., 1948), Judge Soper dis
senting, and the present appeal is from the decision of
that Court.
The Question to Which this Brief Is Addressed
This brief is addressed solely to the question whether
the requirements of equality contained in either the Fifth
and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Con
stitution or Section 3(1) of the Interstate Commerce Act,
49 U. S. C. 3(1), are satisfied by affording “ separate but
equal” facilities to Negro and white passengers on inter
state railroads.
6
Summary of Argument
I. In holding that a requirement of equal treatment v
can be satisfied by providing segregated facilities, the
decision in Plessy v. Ferguson was wrong historically,
legally and factually.
A. The Court erred historically in finding that
the Fourteenth Amendment was not “ intended to
abolish distinctions based on color,” <2 j
y 4 t* % £ Jt h $ w#
B. The Court erred as a matter of law in holding
that segregation laws could be sustained either as an
exercise of the police power or on the theory that
physically equal facilities were necessarily equal in
the Constitutional sense.
C. Assuming that segregated facilities can be
equal, the Court erred as a matter of fact in conclud
ing that officially imposed segregation does not place
a badge of inferiority on the Negro race.
(1) Segregated facilities necessarily have an
inferior value if they are assigned to a group in
the community which the dominant group regards
as inferior. In determining the value of a particu
lar piece of property, the law examines not only
its physical characteristics but also any other in
tangible factors which are given weight by the com
munity at large. When the facilities are used ex
clusively by a group which the community regards
as inferior, they become inferior in value.
(2) Even if the facilities are in all respects
equal in value, segregation is discriminatory be
cause of the adverse effect which it has on the
Negro community. Recent studies reveal unanim
ity of opinion among students of race relations
that segregation causes psychological damage to the
individual members of the Negro community which
they would be spared if segregation were not im
posed.
II. A requirement of equality can never be satisfied
by segregated facilities because the official act of segrega
tion of itself gives superior value to the facilities assigned
to the dominant group,
A. An official policy of segregation would unques
tionably be unconstitutional if the official body which
imposed it simultaneously proclaimed that mainte
nance of racial superiority was its purpose. '
B. The ̂placing of a racial or religious group m
inferior status by segregation can be accomplished
without such an express declaration of status. Other
wise it would be easy to evade the constitutional
restraint. The implicit declaration of inferiority can
be made either in other official acts or by incorporat
ing in the segregation policy a previously existing
social stratification.
C. The segregation of Negroes does in fact main
tain an officially declared status of inferiority as well
as a previously established status of social inequality.
(1) Official declarations of inferiority are found
in various statutes and in judicial decisions holding,
for example, that it is libelous per se to call a. white
man a Negro and that a white man required to ride
in a Negro coach may recover damages.
(2) The previously established social inequality
is shown by the unanimous findings of students of
race relations.
8
HI. The separate but equal doctrine has never been,
and should not now be, applied to Section 3(1) of the
Interstate Commerce Act by this Court. This case can be
decided in favor of appellant without overruling the hold
ing in Plessy v. Ferguson that segregated facilities may
be provided without violating the Fourteenth Amendment.
A R G U M E N T
POINT I
The doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537,
that separate but equal facilities satisfy requirements
of equal treatment, should be overruled.
Subsection 1 of Section 3 of the Interstate Commerce
Act provides that:
“ It shall be unlawful for any common carrier sub
ject to the provisions of this chapter to make or give
any undue or unreasonable preference or advantage
to any particular person, company, firm, corporation,
or locality, or any particular description of traffic, in
any respect whatsoever, or to subject any particular
person, company, firm, corporation, or locality, or any
particular description of traffic, to any undue or un
reasonable prejudice or disadvantage in any respect
whatsoever.”
Since the question was first raised, the Interstate
Commerce Commission has consistently held that this pro
vision forbids discrimination against Negro passengers
because of their race. Coimcill v. Western db Atlantic R.
R. Co., 1 I. C. C. 339; Heard v. Georgia R. R. Co., 1 I. C.
C. 428; Jackson v. Seaboard Air Line Ry. Co., 269 I. C. C.
399 ; Stamps db Powell v. Louisville do Nashville R. R. Co.,
9
269 I. C. C. 789. See also Mitchell v. United States, 313
U. S. 80, 95. In Edwards v. Nashville, C. & St. L. By. Co.,
12 I. C. C. 247, 249, the principle was thns stated:
“ If a railroad provides certain facilities and ac
commodations for first-class passengers of the white
race, it is commanded by the law that like accommo
dations shall be provided for colored passengers of
the same class. The principle that mnst govern is
that carriers mnst serve equally well all passengers,
whether white or colored, paying the same fare. Fail
ure to do this is discrimination and subjects the
passenger to 'undue and unreasonable prejudice and
disadvantage.’ ”
Section 3(1) of the I. C. C. Act, however, is not the
only prohibition of discrimination which has been invoked
here. The United States Government, in its brief as a
party to this case, suggests that the Fifth Amendment to
the United States Constitution also applies because the
alleged discrimination was approved by an agency of the
Federal Government, the I. C. C. (U. S. Brief, pp. 14-15).
We agree. Indeed, the Court below itself recognized
that the railroad’s regulations were “ directly approved
by” the I. C. C., and hence “ are to be treated, for the
purposes of this case, as in effect the Commission’s rules.”
63 F. Supp., at page 914.
We suggest further, however, that the equal protection
clause of the Fourteenth Amendment also applies. Bail-
roads enjoy a monopolistic position protected by both the
State and Federal governments. We believe that any
such governmentally protected monopoly is forbidden by
the Constitution from engaging in racial discrimination.
It is true that this Court has never so held but that is
only because virtually all such monopolies are subject to
common law or statutory prohibitions of discrimination.
It is unthinkable that, if these prohibitions were removed
by statute, a railroad could refuse to serve any passenger
solely because of race.
10
We shall not elaborate on these points because this
brief is restricted to a single question which is common to
all these prohibitions of discrimination; namely, whether
they are satisfied when “ separate but equal” facilities
are offered. In the Plessy ease, this Court held that they
were, at least with respect to the Fourteenth Amendment.
While the present ease can probably be decided without
overruling the Plessy case, as we show below, the factual
premises and legal conclusions of that decision can not
be ignored altogether. We turn first, therefore, to an
examination of those premises and conclusions.
The result in the Plessy case rested on what we believe
to have been a series of errors. First, the Court made
the startling assumption that “ in the nature of things it
[the Fourteenth Amendment] could not have been in
tended to abolish distinctions based on color” (162 II. 8.,
at 544). We show below that this statement is histori
cally false (pp. 10-14). The Court then held that seg
regation could be legally justified as an exercise of the
police power or on the ground that the facilities offered
are in fact equal and thus satisfy the constitutional require
ment of equality. We discuss this argument at pages
15-16. Finally, the Court recognized that the require
ment of equality could not be satisfied by a system of
segregation which created or maintained inequality. The
Court declared that “ Every exercise of the police power
must be reasonable and extend only to such laws as are
enacted in good faith and for the promotion of the public
good and not for the annoyance or oppression of a par
ticular group.” 163 U. S., at 550. In finding, however,
that a law requiring segregation on railways was consti
tutional, it made the factual and sociological assumption
that such segregation would “ not necessarily imply the
inferiority of either race to the other.” Id., at 544. We
show below (pp. 17-26) that this assumption has been
exploded in the 50 years which have elapsed since it was
made.
11
The net effect of the Plessy decision was to measure
the constitutional command of equality mechanically in
terms of physical dimensions and quantity. As a result
it has infused rigid, caste stratifications into our laws, our
institutions, our conduct and our habits of perception
until “ the Negro is segregated in public thought as well
as public carriers.” Moton, What the Negro Thinks,
1929, page 55. We submit that what the President’s Com
mittee on Civil Eights called “ the ‘separate but equal’
failure” (Report, To Secure These Rights, 1947, p. 79)
should be reexamined by this Court and that Plessy v.
Ferguson should be overruled.
A. T h e F ram ers of th e F o u rteen th A m en d m en t In ten d ed
T h e reb y to P ro h ib it S eg reg atio n
Plessy v. Ferguson cannot be squared with the temper
and philosophy of the 1860’s which created the Fourteenth
Amendment. See Note, Is Racial Segregation Consistent
With Equal Protection of the Laws f 49 Columbia L. E. 629.
It is in fundamental conflict, for example, with Railroad
Co. v. Brown, 17 Wall. 445. In that case, Brown, a Negro,
sued for damages for exclusion from a railroad car in
the District of Columbia. The Federal statute, 12 Stat.
805, enacted in 1863, in the midst of the Civil War, author
ized the railroad to operate and provided that “ no person
shall be excluded from the cars on account of color.” The
railroad ran two identical cars on a train, one for Negroes
and the other, from which it excluded Brown, for whites.
The trial Court specifically refused to instruct, as the rail
road requested, that if the cars were “ really safe, clean
and comfortable,” the railroad should prevail. In the
trial court the plaintiff was awarded substantial damages
for the exclusion. This Court affirmed, terming the segre
gation “ an ingenious attempt to evade compliance with
the obvious meaning of the requirement.” It held that
12
to force Negro passengers into separate cars was dis
crimination incompatible with the equality demanded by
Congress. Thus, this Court held that separate but equal
accommodations have the same legal effeet as the total
exclusion of Negroes from transportation.
That those responsible for the enactment of the Four
teenth Amendment rejected segregation was further evi
denced by the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1866.
Like the Amendment itself, this Act was designed to
eliminate the distinctions contained in the Black Codes
passed by the Southern State governments during the
post-Appomattox months of 1865. Slaughter House Cases,
83 U. S. 36, 70. These codes, among other provisions,
placed limitations on Negro rights to own property, to
institute law suits or to testify in any proceedings. They
applied greatly different penalties to Negroes than to
whites for the same offenses. See McPherson, Political
History of the United States During Reconstruction,
Chapter 4. To prevent these distinctions, a civil rights
bill was introduced forbidding these and related practices
and forbidding also, in a general phrase, any discrimina
tion as to civil rights. S. 61, 39th Congress, First Session.
Senator Howard, who had participated in drafting the
Thirteenth Amendment, supported the bill, declaring that
“ in respect to all civil rights, there is to be thereafter
no distinction between the white race and black race.”
Congressional Globe, 39th Congress, First Session, 504.
Senator Trumbull, who introduced the civil rights bill,
asserted “ * * * the very object of the bill is to break
down all discrimination between the black men and white
men.” Ibid., page 599. The bill passed the Senate but
ran into difficulties in the House, partly because it was
felt that “ civil rights” encompassed a scope too broad to
be supported by the Thirteenth Amendment. The final
bill, therefore, was limited to the elimination of the named
abuses with the general and vague reference to civil rights
13
omitted. 14 Stat. 27. The significance of this statute, in
the interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment, has re
cently been described by this Court (Hurd v. Hodge, 334
U. S. 24, 32, footnotes omitted):
“ Both the Civil Bights Act of 1866 and the joint
resolution which was later adopted as the Fourteenth
Amendment were passed in the first session of the
Thirty-Ninth Congress. Frequent references to the
Civil Rights Act are to be found in the record of the
legislative debates on the adoption of the Amendment.
It is clear that in many significant respects the statute
and the Amendment were expressions of the same
general congressional policy.”
Alm o st immediately following ratification of the Four
teenth Amendment and pursuant to the grant of authority
contained in its fifth section, Senator Sumner of Massa
chusetts introduced a proposal expanding and articulating
the rights implicit in the new amendment. During argu
ment on this hill, which later became the Civil Bights Act
of 1875, Sumner enunciated his attitude toward racial
segregation. He spoke as one of the leaders who had
achieved the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment and
who might be supposed to know it best; he was supported
by what he believed was the unavoidable intention of the
Amendment. Sumner lashed out at what he called the
“ excuse, which finds Equality in separation” by declaring
(Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong., 2nd Sess., 382-383):
“ Separate hotels, separate conveyances, separate
theaters, separate schools, separate institutions of
learning and science, separate churches, and separate
cemeteries — these are the artificial substitutes for
Equality; and this is the contrivance by which a
transcendent right, involving a transcendent duty, is
evaded. * * * Assuming what is most absurd to as
14
sume, and what is contradicted by all experience, that
a substitute can be an equivalent, it is so in form only
and not in reality. Every such attempt is an indig
nity to the colored race, instinct with the spirit of
Slavery, and this decides its character. It is Slavery
in its last appearance.”
In the debates which ensued, Sumner’s views were
upheld and the leading cases on which this Court subse
quently relied in Plessy v. Ferguson, although pressed
upon Congress, were rejected as unsound. Roberts v.
Boston, 5 Cush. 198 (1850), and State v. McCann, 21 Ohio
St. 198 (1872), both of which defend segregation prac
tices, were mentioned by name and expressly refuted. See
Congressional Globe, 42nd Cong., 2nd Sess,, at 3261, and
2 Congressional Eecord 3452 (43 Cong., 1st Sess.). Yet,
in concluding that, “ in the nature of things,” the Four
teenth Amendment was not “ intended to abolish distinc
tions based upon color” (163 U. S., at 544) this Court
explicitly relied upon the Roberts case!
Nor may the Plessy theory that the Fourteenth Amend
ment was not intended to abolish race distinctions be
squared with the recent decisions of this Court. In
Sirabayashi v. U. S., 320 IT. S. 81, 100 (1947), it was
said:
“ Distinctions between citizens solely because of
their ancestry are by their very nature odious to a
free people whose institutions are founded upon the
doctrine of equality. For that reason, legislative
classification or discrimination based on race alone
has often been held to be a denial of equal protec
tion.”
Except for the decisions which rely uncritically upon
Plessy v. Ferguson, this Court has consistently maintained
that the Fourteenth Amendment prevents States from
15
establishing racial distinctions as a basis for general
classifications. Takahashi v. Fish <0 Game Commission,
332 U. S. 410, 420; Oyama v, California, 332 II. S. 633,
640, 646; Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U. S. 1, 20, 23; Tick Wo
v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 373, 374; Buchanan v. Warley,
245 U. S. 60, 82; Hill v. Texas, 316 U. S. 400, 404. These
cases merely embody the basic constitutional principle
applicable in all other areas that governmental classifica
tions must be based upon a significant difference having
a reasonable relationship to the subject matter of the
statute. Southern Railway Co. v. Greene, 216 U. S, 400,
417; Gulf, Colorado <0 Santa Fe Railway Co. v. Ellis, 165
U. S. 150, 155; Connolly v. Union Sewer Pipe Co., 184 U.
S. 540, 559, 560.
More specifically, the Plessy segregation principle can
not be squared with Buchanan v. Warley, supra, and
Shelley v. Kraemer, supra, in both of which this Court
refused to apply the separate but equal doctrine to hous
ing. It did so not on the theory that land and houses are
sui generis, but on the broad ground that “ equal protec
tion of the law is not achieved through the indiscriminate
imposition of inequalities.” Shelley case, 334 U. S., at 22.
This terse holding, as has been cogently argued, com
pletely destroys the basis of the Plessy decision. Restric
tive Covenants and Equal Protection—The New Rule in
Shelley’s Case, 21 So. Cal. L. R. 358 (1948).
B. T h e L egal P rin c ip les W h ich F o rm ed th e Basis of
th e P lessy D ecision W ere E rroneous
The Plessy decision sought to justify state segregation
statutes both as exercises of the police power and on the
theory that, since they restricted all races alike, they sat
isfied the constitutional requirement of equality (163 U.
S., at 544, 546). Neither theory bears examination today.
Particularly vulnerable is what this Court recently
called the “ convenient apologetics of the police power.”
16
Morgan v. Virginia, 328 U. S. 373, 380, citing Kansas
City Southern Railway Co. v. Kaw Valley Drainage Dis
trict, 233 U. S. 75, 79. In Buchanan v. Warley this Court
said (245 U. S., at 74): . . the police power, broad
as it is, cannot justify the passage of a law or ordinance
which runs counter to the limitations of the Federal Con
stitution . . . ” See also Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 II. S.,
at 21.
With the elimination of the police power, the Plessy
doctrine must rest on the sole groun that segregation
operates with equal stringency on the groups doing the
segregating as well as the groups being segregated. In
deed, it has been noted that “ the inclusion of both bases
in a single sentence [in the Plessy opinion] leads one to
wonder whether Mr. Justice Brown ever intended to
enunciate the police power basis as an independent propo
sition sufficient alone to support the statute or whether
the basis under which the statute was upheld as a valid
exercise of the police power did not rest on the conclusion
that the statute did in fact operate equally on all races.”
Note, 21 So. Cal. L. It. 358, 369.
This same article goes on to observe:
“ Despite Mr. Justice Brown’s allusion to the State
police power, subsequent decisions of the Court
clearly indicated that it was the fact of equality of
application upon which it would rely. The question
next arose with respect to the Oklahoma ‘Separate
Coach Case. ’ There the statute, in addition to impos
ing the requirement of equal but separate accommo
dations for Negroes and whites, provided that the
carrier might maintain sleeping and dining cars for
white passengers and not for Negroes, if there should
not be sufficient demand for such facilities by Negroes
to make their maintenance practicable. The Court
upheld the statute insofar as it provided for segrega
tion into equal accommodations, but held that the
17
statute could not authorize discrimination in the
maintenance of luxury facilities, since the discrimina
tion could be maintained only if it applied equally to
all races. Again, equality of application was made
the sine qua non of validity, without reference to any
reasonable police power basis.”
But the “ equality” theory has also been destroyed by
recent decisions by this Court. In particular, it runs afoul
of the statement in the Shelley case that equality is not
achieved by “ indiscriminate imposition of inequalities”
(supra, p. 15). If this obvious principle is consistently
applied, the Plessy doctrine must fall.
C. T he Factual Assum ptions M ade in th e P lessy
D ecision W ere Erroneous
The Plessy decision itself recognized that segregation
would be unconstitutional if it was designed to or did
create a caste system. However, it made the basic factual
assumption that it was a “ fallacy [to assume] that the
enforced separation of the two races stamps the colored
race with a badge of inferiority” (163 U. S., at 551).
The best that can be said for this statement is that it
was handed down over fifty years ago at a time when the
results of applying the separate but equal doctrine could
only be surmised. In the ensuing decades, the failure of
that prediction has become manifest. If proof of this
were necessary, it has been supplied by the developed
techniques of the social scientists, all of whom are agreed
that segregation has profoundly adverse effects on the
Negro community. Segregation In Public Schools — A
Violation of “Equal Protection,’’ 50 Yale L. J. 1059, 1061;
Gallagher, American Caste and the Negro College (1938);
Davis and Dollard, Children of Bondage, 1940; Woofter,
The Basis of Racial Adjustment (1925); Bond, The Edu-
18
cation of the Negro in the Americcm Social Order (1934).
Surely this Court cannot continue to extend judicial ap
proval to a notion which has been thoroughly discredited
in that laboratory which is the nation itself.
(1) Segregated F acilities Necessabily H ave
a L ower Value
In other areas less controversial and perhaps less sig
nificant, our legal system has recognized that mere iden
tity of physical facilities does not necessarily amount to
equality either in the economic, political or legal sense.
The law would not hold, for example, that an estate has
been divided equally between two children each receiving
one of the two identical houses comprising the estate, if
one of the houses were located in a busy banking district
and the other 50 miles from the nearest railroad station.
The result would be the same even if the two identical
houses were located on the same street opposite each
other, but if, for some reason, one side of that street were
fashionable and sought after, the other neglected and re
jected. Equality is determined in fact and in law not by
the physical identity of things assigned in ownership, use
or enjoyment but by the identity or substantial similarity
of their value.
These legal principles apply not only to property 'Jm,
rights but also to political and civil rights. American law
demands, in the enjoyment by persons of government-
furnished facilities, an equality not less real and substan
tial than the one it exacts for the protection of heirs,
partners or stockholders. “ In approaching cases, such as
this one, in which federal constitutional rights are as
serted, it is incumbent on us to inquire not merely whether
those rights have been denied in express terms, but also
whether they have been denied in substance and effect.
We must review independently both the legal issues and
those factual matters with which they are commingled ’ “
19
(Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633). In calling for
“ equal protection”, or for “ equal facilities”, or for the
outlawing of “ undue or unreasonable prejudices or dis
advantages” , the Constitution and the laws of the United
States call for genuine equality of protection and not for
a merely formal or physical identity of treatment.
The important factors to be considered in assessing
the equality of the treatment accorded various groups in
our society are the ideas or expectations which are stimu
lated by that treatment, and the conception conveyed to
each minority of the role it is being called upon to play.
It is undeniably true that in the South, when the Negro
was considered chattel property, any relation of the most
intimate degree between white and Negro could be entered
into with impunity. Even today Negro servants still may
approach as close as necessary to the white persons being
served without untoward social consequence. Yet it is
equally true that merely “ shaking a black hand may be
very repulsive to a white man if he surmises that the
colored man conceives of the situation as implying equal
ity.” Johnson, Patterns of Negro Segregation, 1943, page
208. Clearly it is the social definition of the situation that
accounts for the difference. Those who insist upon the
caste system in our society freely and unstintingly agree
to the ritual of equal physical facilities so long as some
how there is also an accompanying communication that
inferiors are to remain inferiors.
Segregation provides the ready vocabulary for that
communication. It is a vocabulary effectively understood
by all. Segregation provides a graphic and literal re
sponse to the demand of the white world that Negroes be
kept “ in their place.” To the whites the enforced sepa
ration of races is clearly understood as a symbolic affirma
tion of white dominance, dominance which, to keep itself
alive, demands as tribute the continuous performance of
the racial etiquette. See Doyle, The Etiquette of Race
20
Relations (1937). Similarly, Negroes appreciate the im
plications of segregation (Stouffer, Studies in Social Psy
chology in World War 11, Vol. 1, p. 566), resent its slur
(Moton, supra, pp. 238-239), and resist it as a none too
subtle mechanism for anchoring them in inferiority (Davis
and Dollard, Children of Bondage [1940], p. 245).
A Southern attorney has observed of Negroes, “ I
don’t object to their having nice things, but they would
not be satisfied with the finest theatre in the world . . .
They don’t want things for themselves.” Johnson, op.
cit., supra, at page 217. This is, of course, both accurate
and perceptive. Negroes desire access to the world of all,
not to one just as good.
It is, therefore, easy to understand the general belief
in both the white and Negro communities that the facili
ties relegated to the segregated group are made inferior
by the very act of separation. We have long known that
the value and desirability of many objects, facilities, traits
or characteristics may depend not so much upon their
intrinsic qualities or defects, advantages or shortcomings
as upon their association with, or use by, persons enjoying
a certain reputation. The desirability of a beautiful re
sort may be lessened by its being visited by people deemed
of “ low” social standing. If a group considered “ infe
rior” by the prevailing community sentiment adopts any
given color of garment, accent of speech, or place of
amusement, that color, accent or place will automatically
be shunned by the majority and become less desirable or
valuable.
If the Nazis, while proclaiming the essential inferiority
of the “ Jewish Race”, had compelled Jews to wear clothes
of one color while reserving another to the master race,
it could not have been said that Jews received equal cloth
ing facilities. Nor would the discriminatory and humiliat
ing character of the measure depend on whether the colors
were brown for the Jews and black for the others, or vice
21
versa. The exclusive allocation of a given color, any
color, to a race declared “ inferior” would make that color
less desirable. The inferiority thus transmitted from the
wearer to the garment would destroy the genuine “ equal
ity” of the furnished facilities. The Nazis understood
this fully; they achieved much the same effect when they
imposed on Jews the wearing- of the Yellow Star of David.
Polizei-verordnung uber die Kennseichnung der Juden
vom 1., September, 1941, RGBI, I. S. 547, Ausgeg. am 5.
IX. 1941.
We do not agree that the physical facilities furnished
segregated groups are ever in fact equal (infra, pp. 29-30).
But even assuming, arguendo, that those enforcing the
segregation policy were lavish in their expenditures, they
would not thereby attain real equality of treatment. The
five-foot partition in the present case dividing the dining
car into Negro and white portions serves a more funda
mental purpose than the mere physical separation of white
from Negro and the elimination of any likelihood of phys
ical contact. It serves as a ceremonial separation of the
dominant from the subordinate and it marks the outside
limits beyond which tolerance is impermissible. Under
these circumstances the quality of the silverware, glass
ware, or linen becomes irrelevant. Separation stamps the
trappings of equality with the unmistakable sign of infe
riority.
In sum, segregation is the artifice by which a dominant
group assures itself of its own worth by insisting on the
inferiority of others. Segregation, like slavery, has as
its function “ the fact that it raises white men to the same
general level, that it dignifies and exalts every white man
by the presence of a lower race” . Jefferson Davis, quoted
in Jenkins, Pro-Slavery Thought in the Old South (1935),
at page 192.
22
(2) E ven ip the F acilities Abe in All Respects E qual
in Value, Segregation I s Discriminatory B ecause op
the Adverse E ffects W hich I t H as O n the Negro
Community
The unconstitutional inequality of segregation may he
shown without reference at all to the facilities provided.
The inequality appears in the depressing effect which it
has on the individual members of the Negro community.
A survey of professional sociological, anthropological
and psychological opinion on this subject has been con
ducted by Drs. Max Deutscher and Isadore Chein of the
Commission on Community Interrelations of the Ameri
can Jewish Congress. Eight hundred and forty-nine
social scientists were polled, including the entire member
ship of the American Ethnological Society, the Division
of Personality and Social Psychology of the American
Psychological Association, and all of the members of the
American Sociological Society who listed race relations
or social psychology as their major field of interest. Re
turns were received from 517, or 61% of the number sent.
90% of the respondents indicated their opinion that en
forced segregation has detrimental psychological effects
on segregated groups even though equal facilities are
provided. 4% failed to answer the item and only 2% indi
cated that segregation is free of such detrimental effects.
Deutscher and Chein, The Psychological Effects of En
forced Segregation: A Survey of Social Science Opinion,
26 The Journal of Psychology 259 (1948).
On the basis of what they have seen and know, these
social scientists united in rejecting the separate but equal
doctrine as a serviceable formula. In responding, many
of them amplified their answers with additional comment.
Those who conducted the survey remark that “ the gist
of these comments was the emphasis on the essential
irrelevance of the physical attributes of the facilities fur-
23
nished” . Deutscher and Chein op. tit., supra, at page
280. The comments are quoted extensively in the article.
The detrimental psychological effect is not hard to ex
plain. Bearing the approval of this Court, the “ separate
but equal” doctrine has supplied the rationale for a de
tailed and exhaustive oppression of the Negro population
of the South. Dr. Reid has shown that where racial seg
regation is established:
“ . . . every aspect of life is regulated by the laws
on race and color. From birth through education and
marriage to death and burial there are rules and reg
ulations saying that you are born ‘ white ’ or ‘ colored ’;
that you may be educated, if colored, in a school sys
tem separated on the basis of race and ‘as nearly
uniform as possible’ with that available for whites;
that you may marry a person of your choice only if
that person is colored, this being the only celebration
of marriage a colored minister of the gospel may per
form; and that when you die (in Atlanta, at least)
you may not be buried in a cemetery where whites are
interred.
“ But that isn’t all. Between birth and death col
ored persons find that the law decrees that they shall
be separated from white persons on all forms of
transportation, in hotels or inns, eating places, at
places of recreation or amusement, on the tax books,
as voters, in their homes, and in many occupations.
“ To be specific, it is a punishable offense in
Georgia for a barber shop to serve both white and
colored persons, or for Negro barbers to serve white
women or girls; to bury a colored person in a ceme
tery in which white people are buried; to serve both
white and colored persons in the same restaurants
within the same room, or anywhere under the same
license. Restaurants are required to display signs
reading Licensed to serve white people only, or
24
Licensed to serve colored people only. The law also
declares that wine and beer may not be served to
white and colored persons ‘within the same room at
any time’. Taxis must he marked For White Passen
gers Only, or For Colored Passengers Only. There
must be white drivers for carrying white passengers
and colored drivers for carrying colored passengers”
(Ira de A. Reid, Southern Ways, Survey Graphic,
Jan. 1947, p. 39).
Dr. Reid’s list, of course, is not exhaustive. See, for
example, the first six chapters of Johnson, op cit., supra.
Myrdal asserts that no one can yet estimate the extent
of discriminatory practices in the United States. Myrdal,
An American Dilemma (1944), at 1359.
This carefully contrived web of deprivation and dis
tinction confronts the Negro at every turn. The “ thou
sand and one precepts, etiquettes, taboos and disabilities
[which] * * * express the subordinate status of the Negro
people and the exalted positions of the whites” (Myrdal,
op. cit., supra, 66) have a shattering effect upon the Negro
personality. DuBois, Dusk of Dawn (1940), pages 130-
131. “ The Negro in America and in general is an average
and ordinary human being who under a given environment
develops like other human beings.” Black Reconstruction
(1935), Foreword. He is, therefore, understandably warped
by living in a world which blatantly advertises its convic
tions of the Negroes’ inferiority. Segregation stimulates
a variety of unhealthy responses. It may tend to induce
withdrawal, thus extending the isolation of Negroes in
America and widening the gap between the racial com
munities. Myrdal, op. cit., supra, page 28. “ The Negro
genius is imprisoned in the Negro problem” (Ibid.). See
also Johnson, An Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man
(1927), p. 21; Tuck, Not With The Fist (1946), p. 107.
Segregation has equally devastating effects when it
induces submission rather than rebellion—when it leads to
25
acceptance of the inferior status defined in the institutions
of the dominant community. This attitude invariably
stultifies Negro growth and encourages indifference,
apathy and unwillingness to compete.
“ Accommodation involves the renunciation of pro
test and aggression against undesirable conditions of
life and the organization of character so that protest
does not appear but acceptance does. It may come to
pass in the end that the unwelcome force is idealized,
that one identifies with it and takes it into the per
sonality, that some time it even happens that what is
at first resented and feared is finally loved. In this
case a unique alteration of the character occurs in the
direction of masochism”. Dollard, Caste and Class
in a Southern Town, at page 255.
Finally, the deleterious effects of segregation find in
exorable expression in a deep sense of personal insecur
ity. Fear of his own inadequacy turns the Negro against
the whites who have inflicted his frustration, against his
own people for providing a heritage of pain or against
himself in an over-weaning guilt for his own secret wishes
to he free of his burden.
One psychologist has noted particularly the deep re
sentment induced by the discrepancy between the vaunted
American creed that all are created equal and the hitter
fact of subjugation through segregation:
“ The effects of this enforced status on the level of
self-esteem, on feelings of inferiority and personal
insecurity, the gnawing doubts and the compensatory
mechanisms, the blind and helpless and hard to han
dle more or less suppressed retaliatory rage, the dis
placed aggression and ambivalence toward their own
kind with a consequent sense of isolation and of not
belonging anywhere—all of these and much more are
bad enough, but the ambiguity of status created by
26 jr
a society which insists on. the fact that all men are
horn free and equal, and then turns about and acts
as if they were not is eyen worse. The constant
reminder—and even boasting—of this equality acts
like salt upon a raw vjbund and, more basically, places
them in a profoundly ambiguous and unstructured
situation. Human beings simply cannot function effi
ciently in such situations if they have strong feelings
and are strongly motivated—as many, if not most or
all, member's of discriminated against minority groups
are—with regard to these situations.” Deutscher and
Chein, op. tit., supra, at page 272.
Psychic injury always accompanies segregation. We
think it patent that as between a system which imposes
suet)/ penalties and one which does not, there can be no
talk of equality.
POINT HE
A requirement of equality can never be satisfied by
segregated facilities because the official act of segrega
tion of itself gives superior value to the facilities as
signed to the dominant group.
We have shown above that the separate but equal doc
trine has in fact resulted in inequality and the creation of
a caste system. We show here that that is an inevitable
result of officially imposed segregation and that since the
discrimination flows from official action, it is unconstitu
tional.
the segregation in the. pmsent case was. orjgi-
mulatgd'''by aVprivatjylTgency\ the railrp&d, it has
; status he for 6 tide Court as Woveprfnenta lly in-
gfegation. We'Hiave stated the''‘reasons for this
27
equivajprf^e above namely,,,Jhat .the railroad’s regu-
latkjd^wasXappEofed by l$he I^O. C. aitd that* the railprtid
is/a state-cheated monopoly which. maV -̂riot discriminate.
A. A n Official P olicy of Segregation W ould Be Unconsti
tutional if M aintenance of R acial Superiority W ere
Proclaim ed as Its Purpose
It can hardly be disputed that an official regulation pro
viding for the confinement of any racial or religious group
to separate cars or to certain portions of a single car upon
the declared theory that the group is inferior would be
discrimination. That much is virtually conceded in the
Plessy decision {supra, p. 17). The official declaration
of inferiority would of itself establish an inferiority of
value substantial enough to have constitutional signifi
cance {supra, p. 18). While the declaration of inferiority
alone might be immune to constitutional attack it becomes
subject to judicial restraint when accompanied by action
having a discriminatory effect. The formal assignment of
separate areas based on a formal statement of inferiority
would be an assignment of facilities inferior per se regard
less of their physical identity with the facilities assigned
to the dominant group.
The situation as here described would not be mere
social inequality. We may assume that social inequality
has antedated the official ruling. But the accompanying
declaration of that pre-existing social inferiority and the
ensuing action of assignment of facilities, inferior because
segregated, amount to the creation of a legally sanctioned
inequality.
j , f :
S tr
ip A
28
B. The^Placing of a R acial or R eligious Group in an
Inferior Status by Segregation Can Be A ccom plished
W ithout an Express D eclaration of Such Status
We do not have here, of course, an express statement
by the Southern Bailway Co. or the Interstate Commerce
Commission that the purpose of the segregation is to
maintain inequality. Nevertheless, the same results must
be reached if that is in fact its purpose or effect. A regu
lation may not accomplish by indirection what it may not
achieve directly. Poindexter v. Greenhow, 114 U. S. 270,
295; Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 373; Gwinm and
Beal v. United States, 238 U. S. 347, 364; Myers v. Ander
son, 238 U. S. 368; Neal v. Delaware, 103 U. S. 370.
The failure of a statute or regulation expressly to
declare a legal inferiority does not protect it from the
scrutiny of the courts. When the reasonableness of a
classification endorsed by any governmental body as a
basis for action is in question, the courts will look behind
the apparent intention to determine whether or not, in fact,
an unlawful classification has been made. Henderson v.
Mayor, 92 U. S. 259, 268; Bailey v. Alabama, 219 U. S.
219, 244; Penn Coal Co. v. Mahon, 260 IT. S. 393, 413.*
I
* Any classification adopted by a governmental body as the basis of official
action must be viewed not in the abstract but realistically in the social set
ting in which it operates. The judge “must open his eyes to all those con
ditions and circumstances . . . in the light of which reasonableness is to be
measured . . . In ascertaining whether challenged action is reasonable, the
traditional common law technique does not rule out but requires some in
quiry into the social and economic data to which it is to be applied. Whether
action is reasonable or not must always depend upon the particular facts and
circumstances in which it is taken.” Harlan F. Stone in 50 Harvard Law
Review, pp. 4, 24 (1936). See also Poindexter v. Greenhow, supra; Village
of Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U. S. 365, 387-388; Connor v. Board of
Commissioners of Logan County, Ohio, 12 F. (2d) 789, 795. Furthermore,
this Court has declared that “where the facts as to the situation and the
conditions are such as to oppress or discriminate against a class or an indi
vidual the courts may consider and give weight to such purpose in consider
ing the validity of the ordinance.” Dobbins v. Los Angeles, 195 U, S 223,
240. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, is the classical application of this
approach to prevent racial discrimination.
29
The implicit rather than the explicit declaration of
inferiority may he made in at least two ways: First, the
inferiority may have been established in other official acts.
Thus, if statutes, judicial decisions or other official pro
nouncements declare that a particular race is inferior, the
assignment of separate facilities becomes an assignment
of inferior facilities. We shall show below that such inde
pendent declarations of inferiority have in fact been made.
Second, the regulations may incorporate an already
established social stratification. Formal adoption of social
classifications of necessity implies the adoption of the
meaning inherent in, and inseparable from, the classifica
tions themselves, that of the respective inferiority and
superiority of the groups. Whenever law adopts a social
classification based on a notion of inferiority, it trans
forms the pre-existing social inequality into official in
equality. What ensues is official discrimination, a denial
of equality before the law, whether or not the statement
of inferiority is made openly by the government or in
heres in the classification upon which official action is
based.
The reason that constitutional inhibitions attach when
governments give official sanction to pre-existing social
inequalities is that such action causes a change in both
the degree and nature of the inequality. Once a social
classification based on group inferiority is formally
adopted, the ensuing official inferiority will in its turn
intensify and deepen the social inequality from which it
stems. The actual operation of segregation statutes illus
trates this oppressive function of the law. It is well
known, for instance, that the doctrine of “ separate but
equal” facilities has proved to be a mere legal fiction in
most cases, that invariably segregation has been accom
panied by gross discrimination, and that absolute equality
seldom, if ever, exists. For example, the President’s Com
mittee on Civil Eights found that the “ separate but
30
equal” doctrine “ is one of the outstanding myths of
American history for it is almost always true that while
indeed separate these facilities are far from equal” (“ To
Secure These Rights,” pp. 81-82).
This situation involves at the same time another kind
of vicious circle. The effect of segregation laws makes
their spontaneous repeal or amendment a practical im
possibility. When a more or less inarticulate social feel
ing of racial superiority is clothed with the sanction of
official regulation, that feeling acquires a concreteness
and assertiveness which it did not possess before. The
stricter the regulation, the stronger and the more articu
late the feeling of social distance. And the stronger that
feeling, the stricter the regulation and the more difficult
its amendment or repeal. In such a setting, the demo
cratic processes themselves are threatened and no reliance
can be placed on their correcting effect. It is this situa
tion which Chief Justice Stone had in mind when, in
sustaining an economic measure as presumptively valid,
he warned that the decision did not foreclose the question
whether “ legislation which restricts those political proc
esses which can ordinarily be expected to bring about
repeal of undesirable legislation, is to be subjected to
more exacting judicial scrutiny under the general pro
hibitions of the Fourteenth Amendment than are most
other types of legislation” and whether “ similar consider
ations enter into review of statutes directed at particu
lar religious . . . or national . . . or racial minorities.”
Accordingly, he noted that “ prejudice against discrete
and insular minorities may be a special condition, which
tends seriously to curtail the operation of those political
processes ordinarily to be relied upon to protect minori
ties, and which may call for a correspondingly more
searching judicial inquiry.” United States v. Carotene
Products, 304 U. S. 144, 154, footnote 4.
We shall show in the following sections that the sys
tem of segregation is in fact designed to maintain in
equality.
31
C. The Segregation of N egroes M aintains an Officially
D eclared Status of Inferiority and A lso a Previously
E stablished Status of Social Inequality
1. Official Declarations of I nferiority
State imposed segregation stems directly from a ves
tigial theory of the superiority and inferiority of races
inherited as a remnant of the institution of slavery. With
the freeing of slaves, attempts were made by the dominant
white group to preserve its position of ascendancy by the
enactment of discriminatory legislation. “ It required little
knowledge of human nature to anticipate that those who
had long been regarded as cm inferior and subject race
would, when suddenly raised to the rank of citizenship,
be looked upon with jealousy and positive dislike and that
state laws might be enacted or enforced to perpetuate the
distinctions that had before existed.” Strauder v. West
Virginia, 100 U. S. 303, 306 (italics supplied). Thus, in
the post-slavery period, Negroes were punished with
greater severity than whites for identical offenses. See
General Laws under the Seventh Legislature of the State
of Texas, Chapter 121. And Negroes were made incom
petent as witnesses in proceedings against white persons.
Laws passed by First Legislature of the State of Texas,
An Act to regulate proceedings in a District Court, Sec
tion 65. In the State of Texas the abiding conviction of
the inferiority of the Negro race is manifest even in its
assessment statutes. “ Assessors shall receive 3 ̂ each
for each white inhabitant residing in the county * # * 2<j
for each white inhabitant in a town or city and 1$ for
each slave or free person of color.” Laws passed' by the
First Legislature of the State of Texas, An Act to Pro
vide for the Enumeration of the Inhabitants.
These official declarations of inferiority have by no
means been abandoned by the Southern states. They are
maintained and reiterated in the many decisions holding
32
that the word “ Negro” or “ colored person” if applied
to a white person gives rise to a cause of action for
defamation. Flood v. News and Courier Co., 71 S. C. 112;
Stultz v. Cousins, 242 F. 794. Every court which has
considered the question has held that writing that a white
man is a Negro is libelous per se. Upton v. Times-Demo-
crat Pub. Co., 104 La. 141, 28 So. 970; Collins v. Okla
homa State Hospital, 76 Okla. 229, 184 Pac. 946; Hargrove
v. Okla. Press Pub. Co., 130 Okla. 76, 265 Pac. 635; Flood
v. News and Courier Co., 71 S. C. 112, 50 S. E. 637; Stultz
v. Cousins, 242 Fed. 794 (C. C. A. 6). It is believed that
Alabama, Georgia, Illinois, and Kentucky would concur
because of expressions in the opinions of their courts.
Jones v. Polk & Co., 190 Ala. 243, 67 So. 577; Atlanta
Journal Co. v. Farmer, 48 Ga. App. 273, 172 S. E. 647;
Wright v. F. W. WoolworthCo., 281 111. App. 495; Williams
v. Riddle, 145 Ky. 459, 140 S. W. 661. See Mangum, The
Legal Status of the Negro, 1940, at p. 18.
The attitudes of these courts is clear. “ It is a matter
of common knowledge that, viewed from a social stand
point, the Negro race is in mind and morals inferior to
the Caucasian. The record of each from the dawn of
historic time denies equality.” Wolfe v. Georgia Railway
Electric Co., 2 Ga. App. 499. Similarly, the highest court
of Oklahoma has declared: “ In this state, where a rea
sonable regulation of the conduct of the races has led
to the establishment of separate schools and separate
coaches, and where conditions properly have erected un-
surmountable barriers between the races when viewed
from a personal and social standpoint, and where the
habits, the disposition, and characteristics of the race
denominate the colored race as inferior to the Caucasian,
it is libelous per se to write of or concerning a white
person that he is colored. Nothing could expose him to
more obloquy, or contempt, or bring him into more dis
repute, than a charge of this character.” Collins v. Okla-
33
homa State Hospital, 76 Okla. 229, A Texas coart has
ventured the opinion that, “ Although we have no Texas
case holding that to falsely charge a white person as
being a Negro would be slanderous, yet in view of the
social habits, social customs, traditions and prejudices
prevalent in this state in regard to the status of whites
and blacks in this state, we think such a charge would
be slanderous.” O’Connor v. Dallas Cotton Exchange,
153 S. W. 2, 266.
Even more direct proof that the segregation statutes
rest on doctrines of racial superiority may be found in
the courts’ attitude when the statutes are misapplied.
Their consistent holding that it is humiliating to require
a white passenger to ride in a Jim Crow car betrays offi
cial recognition that the facilities are not equal even in
the eyes of the law.
Thus, in a Texas case, the court declared, “ To with
hold from a white lady the right to ride in a coach such
as the law requires to be provided for her race and to
compel her and her children to ride in one occupied by
Negroes for whom under law it is provided exclusively
constitutes such a violation of law and breach of duty
as to render it liable for damages for such discomfort
and humiliation as are proximately caused from such
breach of duty.” M. K. T. Railway Co. of Texas v. Ball, 25
Tex, Civil App. 500, 61 S. W. 327. Similar decisions were
reached in Louisville and N. R. Co. v. Ritchel, 148 Ky. 701;
Chicago, R. I. and P. Ry. Co. v. Allison, 120 Ark. 54.
Consistently with these cases, a white passenger could
recover damages if he were now required to sit at the
dining car table which the railway assures us is now avail
able to appellant. If the law recognizes damage in such
a case, how can it, in any sense, view the facilities as
equal?
34
2. T he P reviously E stablished Social I nequality
“ Supremacy” is not “ equality.” That proposition
needs no elaboration. Yet it is easy to show that the
doctrine of segregation is irrevocably linked with the
equally widely held, though admittedly unconstitutional,
doctrine of “ white supremacy.” At the very least, it has
led to that doctrine, as Justice Harlan predicted in his
dissenting opinion in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 IT. S. at 559-
564.
It is consequently not strange that students of segrega
tion statutes uniformly find that they rest on notions of
superiority. By segregation “ racial and cultural differ
ences between southern whites and slaves were translated
into terms of unquestionable superiority and inferiority.”
Johnson, op. cit. p. 158. “ Systematic discrimination
against a racial minority usually assumes the form of
segregation. The subordinate status of the group may,
in fact, be inferred from the modes of segregation to
which it is subjected.” McWilliams, Race Discrimination
and the Law, Science and Society, Vol. IX, No. 1 (1945).
Indeed, the entire pattern of mores governing Negro-white
relationships is inexplicable except in the terms that “ In
the magical sphere of the white man’s mind, the Negro is
inferior, totally independent of rational proofs or dis
proofs. And he is inferior in a deep and mystical sense.
The ‘reality’ of his inferiority is the white man’s own
indubitable sensing of it, and that feeling applies to every
single Negro . . . the Negro is believed to be stupid, im
moral, diseased, lazy, incompetent, and dangerous—dan
gerous to the white man’s virtue and social order.” Myr-
dal, op. cit. p. 100. Under these conditions “ it is falla
cious to say . . . that the intention and effect [of segrega
tion] is not to impose any badge of inferiority. . . . When
a Negro workingman or woman is seated in the third seat
of a street car on St. Charles Avenue in New Orleans
and when a white man and woman is seated on the fourth
35
[ '1)4.
V
S t & 4
’L l**. Co / fr, ■ * S ■& _*
! <n lA ire " t
V
seat, separated only by a bit of wire mesh ten inches
high on the back of the third seat this is a ‘separation’
that is merely a symbolic assertion of social superiority,
a ‘ceremonial’ celebration.” McGlovney, Racial Residen
tial Segregation by State Court Enforcement of Restric
tive Agreements, Covenants or Conditions in Deeds is Un
constitutional, 33 Calif. L. Rev. 5 at p. 27 (1945).
Tt, is eoually important,/that those States which have
rejected the theory of inferiority by passing laws pro
hibiting racial discrimination have uniformly interpreted
those laws as prohibiting segregation. Joyner v. Moore-
Higgins Co., 152 App. Div. 266 (N. Y .); Ferguson v. Gies,
82 Mich. 358; R olden v. Grand Rapids, 239 Mich. 318;
People v. Roard of Education of Detroit, 18 Mich. 400;
Crosstvaith v. Berger, 95 Colo. 241; Jones v. Kehrlein,
194 P. 55 (Cal.); Prowd v. Gore, 207 P. 490 (Cal.);
Wysinger v. Crook shank, 23 P. 54 (Cal.); Tape v.
Hurley, 66 Col. 473; Anderson v. Pantages, 114 Wash.
24; Randall v. Cowlitz Amusements, 194 Wash. 82; Baylies
v. Curry, 128 111. 287; Pickett v. Kuchan, 323 111. 138;
Clark v. Directors, 24 Iowa 67.
""'""In short, the sole importance of segregation is to give
whites—no matter how low on the social scale—a sense
of power and importance. Dollard, Caste and Class in a
Southern Town (1937), page 98. This is reflected in the
candid admission of a Kentucky court considering statutes
requiring segregation in transportation facilities within
that State. “ It is also beyond dispute that the sentiment
reflected in this legislation and in these opinions does not
find the end or the perfection of its purpose in mere race
separation alone. It goes much further in that, as is
shown in the general feeling everywhere prevailing, the
Negro, while respected and protected in his place, is not
and cannot be a fit associate for white girls or the social
equal of the white race. To conditions like these that are
everywhere about them as a part of the social order and
36
domestic economy of the state, courts cannot shut their
eyes. They must . . . notice . . . the position of the races
and the attitude of the white race toward the Negro.”
Axton Fisher Tobacco Co. v. Evening Post, 169 Ky. 64.
POINT III
The separate but equal doctrine has never been,
and should not now be, applied to Section 3(1) of the
Interstate Commerce Act by this Court.
This Court has never ruled that the prohibition of dis
crimination incorporated in Section 3(1) of the Interstate
Commerce Act was satisfied hy separate hut equal facili
ties. Rail v. Jt)e Cuir, 95 U. S. 485 and Morgan v. Virginia,
328 U. S. 373 held that state statutes forbidding or com
pelling segregation are unconstitutional insofar as they
apply to interstate carriers because they intrude upon
federal control of interstate commerce. McCabe v. A. T. &
8. F. R. R. Co., 235 lf\S . 151, held that a state law requir
ing discrimination wak unconstitutional because it vio
lated the Fourteenth Amendment. Chiles v. Chesapeake &
Ohio R. Co., 218 U. S. \ l , sustained segregation self-
imposed by a carrier; hut the complainant in that case
failed to rely on Section 3(l)\and this Court did not refer
to it. \
Thus, the only case in which'this Court has considered
racial discrimination under Section 3(1) is Mitchell v.
V. S., 313 U. S. 80. There it held \hat the denial of cer
tain accommodations was clearly ''discriminatory and
hence illegal. Declining to go further, ft noted specifically
that it was considering “ not a question Desegregation hut
one of equality of treatment” (313 U. S. at 94).
We submit that this Court can hold here that segre
gated facilities do not satisfy Section 3(1) without over
throwing the application of the Plessy doctrine to the
37
Fourteenth Amendment. The language of Section 3(1)
unequivocally prohibits any carrier from subjecting any
person “ to any undue or unreasonable prejudice or dis
advantage in any respect whatsoever.” Obviously this
sweeping injunction to be distinguished from the more
general provision that no person shall be deprived of
“ equal protection of the laws.”
Indeed we believe that the language of Section 3(1)
is closer to that of the statute invoked in R. R. Co. v.
Brown, discussed above (pp. 11-12). The Brown case was
distinguished in the Plessy decision on the ground that
the statute there invoked prohibited “ exclusion” from the
cars (163 U. S., at 546). Clearly that statute is closer
in language to the equally explicit terms of Section 3(1)
than the “ equal protection” clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment. We submit that the Brown case is a more
direct precedent for the present case than the Plessy case
and requires reversal of the judgment below.
CONCLUSION
It is respectfully submitted that for the reasons
stated above the judgment below should be reversed.
A merican- J ewish Congress,
Amicus Curiae,
W ill Maslow, Attorney.
Shad P olier,
J oseph B. R obison,
P hilip Baum,
of Counsel.
October 17, 1949
AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS
1834 Broadway, New York 23, N. Y.
Stephen S. W ise, President *
I rvinc Miller Chairman J oachim P rinz Chairman
Executive Committee Administrative Committee
Alfred J . Marrow Treasurer Samuel Caplan Secretary
J oseph R. Apfel
Nathan L. Edelstein
Leo Lowitz
Max Nussbaum
Vice-Presidents
New York J ustine W ise P olier
Philadelphia Shad P olier
Chicago Simon E. Sobeloff
Los Angeles David Stoneman #
I sidor Teitelbaum, New York
New York
New York
Baltimore
Boston
David W. P etecorsky, Executive Director
I saac Toubin, Assistant Director
COMMISSION ON LAW AND SOCIAL ACTION
NATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD
Shad P olier, Chairman, Executive Committee
Thurman Arnold
Bernard Bernstein
Louis B. Boudin
D. Angus Cameron
Bartley C. Crum
Hubert T. Delany
T homas I. Emerson
J ames L. F ly
Abe F ortas
Elmer Gertz
Roland B. Gittelsohn
Frank P . Graham
J erome R. Hellerstein
Charles H. H ouston
Alvin J ohnson
J. Donald K ingsley
Freda K irchwey
J oseph P . Lash
Max Lerner
Constance S. Lindau
Edwin J. Lukas
T hurcood Marshall
Carey McWilliams
J erome Michael
Mathilda D. Miller
R obert R. Nathan
Charles P oletti
Daniel A. P oling
Anne P ollock
Ira De A. Reid
J acob Robinson
Malcolm Ross
Arthur H, Schwartz
Harry Shulman
Edward S. Silver
Simon Sobeloff
Roderick Stephens
Michael Straight
Harold Taylor
J acob J. Weinstein
W ill Maslow, Director
Leo P feffer, Assistant Director
Byron S. Miller, Midwest Director
* deceased.
r m
A M ER IC A N JE W IS H CONGRESS
UM1
<7
/
Reprinted by
American Jewish Congress
1834 Broadway
New York 23, N. Y.