Bond v. Floyd Jurisdictional Statement and Motion to Advance
Public Court Documents
March 16, 1966
Cite this item
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Bond v. Floyd Jurisdictional Statement and Motion to Advance, 1966. 3ed3b916-ca9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/3e4bb072-c1fe-4197-9904-6c9586b92661/bond-v-floyd-jurisdictional-statement-and-motion-to-advance. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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1ST THE
Bupttm ( to r t irt % Inttrb Btntm
O cto b e r T erm , 1965
No.
J ulian B ond, D r . M artin L u t h e r K in g , J r ., and M rs.
A rel K eyes, for themselves jointly and severally, and
for all others similarly situated,
Appellants,
v.
J ames “ S l o ppy ” F loyd, W illiam J . “ B il l ” L ee , E d T .
F uleord, J . T errell W ebb, W . J ones L a ne , and D avid
L . N ew ton , individually and as members of the House
of Representatives of the State of Georgia and as Rep
resentatives of the class of citizens who are presently
serving as members of the House of Representatives
of the State of Georgia; George T . S m it h , individually
and as Speaker of the House of Representatives of the
State of Georgia and as Chairman of the Rules Com
mittee of the House of Representatives of the State of
Georgia and as Chairman of the Challenge Committee
appointed to consider the seating of Julian Bond, et al.,
On A ppeal prom t h e U nited S tates D istrict C ourt for
t h e N orthern D istrict of Georgia (A tlanta D ivisio n )
JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT AND
MOTION TO ADVANCE
H oward M oore, J r.,
8591/2 Hunter Street N.W.,
Atlanta, Georgia, 30314.
L eonard B . B oudin ,
V ictor R abinow itz,
30 East 42nd Street,
New York, New York, 10017.
Attorneys for Appellants,
I N D E X
PAGE
Jurisdictional Statement .............................. 1
Opinions Below . . .............................................. 2
Jurisdiction ..................................... 2
Constitutional Provisions and Statutes Involved... 3
Questions Presented ....................... 4
Statement of the C ase ................ ............................. 4
The Questions Are Substantial ....................... 7
Conclusion .......... 11
Motion To Advance ................................................. 12
Appendix A—Constitutional Provisions and Stat
utes Involved...................................... 14
Appendix B—Opinions Below ................................. 18
Appendix C—Judgment Below ............................... 67
Citations
Cases :
Baggett v. Bullitt, 377 U. S. 360 ......................... 11
Baker v. Carr, 369 U. S. 186 ............................... 3, 9
Cramp v. Board of Public Instruction, 368 U. S.
278 ................ 11
Cummings v. Missouri, 4 Wall. (71 U. S.) 277....... 10
Florida Lime and Avocado Growers v. Jacobsen,
362 U. S. 73 ................................................. 3
Ex parte Garland, 4 Wall. (71 U. S.) 333 ....... .. 10
Garrison v. Louisiana, 379 U. S. 64 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Grosjean v. American Press Co., 297 U. S. 233.... 8
Idlewild Bon Voyage Liquor Corp. v. Epstein,
370 TL S. 715............................................... 3
11
PAGE
Kingsley In t’l Pictures Corp. v. Regents, 360 U. 8.
684 ...................................................................... 8
Konigsberg v. State Bar of California, 353 U. S.
252 .......... 8
Lindsey v. Washington, 301 IJ. S. 397 .................. 10
Pennsylvania v. Nelson, 350 U. S. 497 .................. 8
New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S. 254.... 8
In re Sawyer, 360 U. S. 622 .................................. 8
Schware v. Board of Bar Examiners of New Mex
ico, 353 U. S. 232 ............................................... 8
Thomas v. Collins, 323 U. S. 516..................... 8
Toombs v. Portson, 241 F. Supp. 65 .................... 4,13
United States v. Brown, 381 U. S. 437 .......... 10
United States v. Johnson, No. 25 Oct. Term 1965.. 9
United States v. Lovett, 328 U. S. 303 .................... 10
United States v. Rumely, 345 U. S. 4 1 .................... 10
United States v. Seeger, 380 U. S. 163 ................ 9
Whitney v. California, 274 U. S. 357 .................... 8
U nited S tates C o n stitu tio n :
Article 1, Section 10 ............................................2, 4,10
Article IV, Section 4 ........................................... 2, 9
Article VI ............................................................. 8
First Amendment .................................................. 2, 4, 7
Fifth Amendment ................................................ 2
Sixth Amendment ................................................ 2
Thirteenth Amendment ......................................... 2
Fourteenth Amendment ....................................... 2, 4
Fifteenth Amendment ........................................... 2
Ill
PAGE
S ta tu tes :
28 U.S.C. § 1253 .................................................... 3
28 U.S.C. § 1331 ................ ................................... 2
28 U.S.C. §1343(3) and (4) ................................ 2
28 U.S.C. §2201 . .................................................. 2
28 U.S.C. § 2281 .................................................... 2, 6
42 U.S.C. § 1971 ............................... 2
42 U.S.C. § 1983 .................................................... 2
42 U.S.C. § 1988 ........................... 2
50 U.S.C. § 456(j) ........................ 9
50 App. U.S.C.A. § 462 (a) and (b) .................... 6
Voting Eights Act of 1965, Pub. L. No. 110, 89th
Cong., 1st Sess.................................................... 12
R ules of t h e S uprem e Court of t h e U nited S tates :
Rule 16(1) ............................................................. 12
Rule 48 .................................................................. 12
Georgia Constitution :
Article III, Section VII, Paragraph I
(§2-1901, Ga. Code Ann.) .......................... 3,11
Article III, Section VI, Paragraph I
('§ 2-1801, Ga. Code Ann.) ............................... 3
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph V
(§2-1605, Ga. Code Ann.) ................................ 3,11
Article II, Section II, Paragraph I
(§2-801, Ga. Code Ann.) .................................. 3,9
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph VI
(§2-1606, Ga. Code Ann.) ............................... 3
Article VII, Section III, Paragraph VI
(§ 2-5606, Ga. Code Ann.) .................................. 3
IV
PAGE
R ules and R esolutions of th e Georgia H ouse of
R epresentatives :
House Rule 61 ............................. .......................... 4,11
House Resolution 19 ............................................. 4, 10
Oth er A u t h o r it ie s :
Brief of Special Committee Appointed by Associa
tion of the Bar of the City of New York, In the
Matter of Louis Waldman, et al........................ 7,10
Chafee, Free Speech in the United S ta tes ............. 7
111 Cong. Rec.:
25420-22 (daily ed. Oct. 19, 1965) ..................... 9
The New Republic, May 22, 1965 ....................... 9
The New York Times:
Nov. 14, 1962, p. 38 ......................................... 9
Aug. 9, 1964, Sec. IV, p. 8 .............................. 9
IN THE
Bupnm Cmtrt of % Imtefr
O cto b er T erm , 1965
No.
■o
J ulian B ond, D r . M artin L u t h e r K ing , J r ., a n d M rs.
A rel K eyes, fo r them selves jo in tly an d sev e ra lly , an d
fo r a ll o th e rs s im ila r ly s itu a ted ,
Appellants,
v.
J ames “ S l o ppy ” F loyd, W illiam J. “ B il l ” L ee , E d T .
F ulpord, J . T errell W ebb, W . J ones L ane, and D avid
L. N ew ton , individually and as members of the House
of Representatives of the State of Georgia and as Rep
resentatives of the class of citizens who are presently
serving as members of the House of Representatives
of the State of Georgia; George T . S m it h , individually
and as Speaker of the House of Representatives of the
State of Georgia and as Chairman of the Rules Com
mittee of the House of Representatives of the State of
Georgia and as Chairman of the Challenge Committee
appointed to consider the seating of Julian Bond;
G l en n W. E llard, individually and as Clerk of the
House of Representatives of the State of Georgia;
M addox J. H ale, individually and as Speaker Pro-Tern
of the House of Representatives of the State of Georgia;
E lmore C. T h ra sh , individually and as Messenger _of
the House of Representatives of the State of Georgia;
D avid P eeples , individually and as Doorkeeper^ of the
House of Representatives of the State of Georgia; and
B en W. F ortson, individually and as Secretary of State
of the State of Georgia; and J ack T yson, individually
and as Sheriff of the House of Representatives of the
State of Georgia.
On A ppe a l prom t h e U n it e d S tates D istr ic t C o urt por
t h e N o r th er n D istr ic t op G eorgia (A tla n ta D iv is io n )
—-------------o---- —-—-----
Jurisdictional Statement
Julian Bond, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Arel Keyes,
the appellants, having appealed from the order and judg-
2
ment, dated February 14, 1966, of the three-judge court
of the United States District Court for the Northern
District of Georgia, Atlanta Division, which (i) denied
their application for a permanent injunction, (ii) dis
missed appellants King and Keyes as parties for lack
of standing, and (iii) dismissed the complaint of appellant
Bond, submit this statement to show that the Supreme
Court of the United States has jurisdiction of the appeal
and that a substantial question is presented.
Appellants have also moved to advance the argument in
this case, infra, p. 12.
Opinions Below
The opinions below (R. 234-279) have not as yet been
reported, and are set forth in the Appendix, infra, pp. 18
to 66.
Jurisdiction
Appellants brought this action in the United States
District Court for the Northern District of Georgia for a
judgment (i) enjoining the defendants from excluding the
appellant Bond from membership in the House of Repre
sentatives of the General Assembly of Georgia, to which he
was elected on June 16, 1965, (ii) enjoining the enforce
ment of certain provisions of the Georgia Constitution and
a Rule and Resolution of the Georgia House of Representa
tives, and (iii) declaring that the said constitutional provi
sions, legislative action and exclusion from office are
uncontitutional.
The action was brought under Article I, Section 10' and
under Article IV, Section 4 of the United States Constitu
tion, and the First, Fifth, Sixth, Thirteenth, Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution; 28 U. S. C.
§§ 1331, 1343(3) and (4), 2201 and 2281; and 42 U. S'. C.
§§ 1971, 1983 and 1988.
3
The judgment below was made on February 14, 1966 and
entered on February 16, 1966 (infra, p. 68). The notice
of appeal was filed in the district court on February 16,
1966 (R. 283-88).
Jurisdiction of this appeal is conferred by 28 U. S. C.
§ 1253. The following cases sustain the Court’s juris
diction : Baker v. Carr, 369 TJ. S. 186; Idlewild Bon Voyage
Liquor Corp. v. Epstein, 370 U. S. 715; Florida Lime and
Avocado Growers v. Jacobsen, 362 U. S. 73.
Constitutional Provisions and Statutes Involved
The provisions of the Georgia Constitution involved
in this case are as follows:
Article III, Section VII, Paragraph I (§ 2-1901,
Ga. Code Ann.), making the House “ the judge of
the election, returns and qualifications of its mem
bers” , infra, p. 14.
Article III, Section VI, Paragraph I (§ 2-1801,
Ga. Code Ann.), setting forth the members’ qualifi
cations, infra, p. 14.
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph V (§ 2-1605,
Ga. Code Ann.), specifying the oath of office of rep
resentatives, infra, p. 14.
The following provisions of the Georgia Constitution
setting forth the disqualifications for office are also involved
in this case.
Article II, Section II, Paragraph I ('§ 2-801, Ga.
Code Ann.), infra, p. 15.
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph VI (§2-1606,
Ga. Code Ann.), infra, p. 15.
Article VII, Section III, Paragraph VI (§ 2-
5606, Ga. Code Ann.), infra, p. 16.
Q
4
The legislative actions involved in this case are as
follows:
House Rule 61 of the Georgia House of Repre
sentatives adopting the provisions of Article III,
Section VII of the Georgia Constitution, infra, p. 16.
House Resolution 19 of January 10, 1966, exclud
ing Mr. Bond from office, infra, pp. 16-17.
Questions Presented
1. Did the exclusion from elected legislative office of
the appellant Julian Bond solely because of his public
statements on issues of national concern impair his free
dom of speech under the First and Fourteenth Amend
ments.
2. Did that exclusion from office disenfranchise Mr.
Bond’s constituents in violation of the due process and
equal protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment.
3. Does House Resolution 19 disqualifying Mr. Bond
from his elected office constitute an ex post facto law or a
bill of attainder in violation of Article I, Section 10 of the
United States Constitution.
4. Are the provisions of the Georgia Constitution and
statutes, as interpreted by the court below, unconstitution
ally vague under the Fourteenth Amendment.
Statement of the Case
Appellant Julian Bond was elected on June 16, 1965 to
the Georgia House of Representatives as the Representative
from the 136th House District, Fulton County, Georgia, for
the term expiring January 1, 1967 (R. 293). This district
was created pursuant to legislation enacted following the
reapportionment decision of the court below in Toombs v.
5
Fortson, 241 F. Supp. 65 (N. D. Ga. 1965). Mr. Bond re
ceived 82 per cent of the votes cast in an overwhelmingly
Negro district.1
Mr. Bond, a pacifist and Negro, is also the Communica
tions Director of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating
Committee (herein called SNCC), an association dedicated
to racial equality through non-violence.
The other appellants are constituents of Mr. Bond and
sued as representatives of that class in the district. Mrs.
Arel Keyes voted in the election for Mr. Bond; Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jr., a former resident of the district, trans
ferred his voting residence to it on January 24, 1966.
The defendant members, employees and officers of
the state government, excluded Mr. Bond from his
elected office and rejected his offer to take the oath of
office because of statements he made when interviewed
by the press, viz. that he supported a SNCC statement
critical of American involvement in the war in Vietnam;
that when asked for his views on the burning of draft cards,
he “ stated he would not burn his own but admired the
courage of those who did” and that as a pacifist he sup
ported the opposition of others to the war (infra, pp. 23-24).
By reason of these statements, exclusion proceedings
against Mr. Bond were conducted by the Georgia House
of Representatives upon petitions charging, inter alia, that
“ Mr. Bond’s actions and statements gave aid and comfort
to the enemies of the United States, and also violated the
1 In a subsequent election conducted on February 23, 1966
Mr. Bond was reelected without opposition. A few minutes before
adjournment on February 18, 1966 the House amended its rules and
authorized its speaker to appoint a committee during the House recess
to determine election contests.
2 The SNCC statement is set forth in full in the majority opinion
below (infra, pp. 21-23).
6
Selective Service Laws, 50 App. U. S. C. A. § 462(a) and
(b), and tended to bring discredit and disrespect on the
House of Representatives” (infra, p. 24). It was also
charged “ that the statements and views of Mr. Bond dis
qualified him to take the oath to support the Constitution
of the United States and the Constitution of Georgia, as
is required of a member of the House of Representatives”
(infra, p. 25).
Hearings were conducted before a special committee of
the House which, by majority report, recommended that
Mr. Bond be excluded (infra, p. 19). The House, adopting
that report, excluded him by passing House Resolution 19
by majority vote on January 10, 1966 (infra, p. 19).
Mr. Bond and his constituents thereupon instituted this
action for injunctive relief and a declaratory judgment that
the legislature’s action was unauthorized by the state Con
stitution and violated their rights under the federal Con
stitution. A three-judge court was convened under 28
U. 8. C. 2281.
On February 14, 1966, the court rendered final judg
ment against the appellants. It unanimously held that it
had jurisdiction because the plaintiffs had asserted substan
tial First Amendment rights (infra, p. 37). The court,
Chief Judge Tuttle dissenting, struck from the complaint
the names of the appellants other than Mr. Bond on the
ground that they lacked “ such a direct interest in the liti
gation as would give them standing to bring the complaint”
(infra, p. 27).8
On the merits, the court was also divided. The majority
agreed that “ [t]he substantial issue in the case rests on
the guaranty of freedom of speech or to dissent under the
3 It held, too, that Dr. King, although a resident, was not a
registered voter (ibid.).
First Amendment as that amendment has long been applic
able to the state under the due process clause of the Four
teenth Amendment” (infra, p. 28). Nevertheless, it held
that “ his [Bond’s] statements and affirmation of the
8NCC statement as they bore on the functioning of the
Selective Service System could reasonably be said to be
inconsistent with and repugnant to the oath which he was
required to take” (infra, p. 40).
Chief Judge Tuttle, dissenting, was of the view that
since substantial federal constitutional issues of freedom
of speech were involved, the court was under a duty to con
strue the Georgia constitutional provisions “ with an eye
to the avoiding of the constitutional question if possible”
(infra, p. 54). He concluded that the Constitution ex
plicitly stated the qualifications for legislative office, which
were met by Mr. Bond, and could not be construed to au
thorize rejection from elected office for a reason not speci
fied, vis., for making a lawful public statement upon foreign
affairs (infra, p. 65).
The Questions Are Substantial
1. This is the first case before the Court in which a
legislative body has refused to seat an elected representa
tive because of his public expression of opinion. Significant
precedents, never subjected to judicial review, are authori
tatively recognized as raising important questions of free
dom of speech and of franchise.4
The belief of the majority below that the “ SNCC state
ment is at war with the national policy of this country”
4 John Wilkes in 1768 (See Chafee, Free Speech in the United
States [1941], 242-247.) ; Victor L, Berger in 1919 (See Chafee,
247-269.) ; In the Matter of Louis Waldman, August Claessens,
Samuel A. De Witt, Samuel Orr and Charles Solomon (before the
Assembly Judiciary Committee, New York State Legislature),
Brief of Special Committee Appointed by the Association of the
Bar of the City of New York, headed by former Justice (later Chief
Justice) Hughes. (See also Chafee, 269-282.)
8
(infra, p. 38) conflicts with our conception of a demo
cratic society; see Grosjean v. American Press Co., 297
U. S. 233, 247, 250. Its view that the legislature’s inter
ference could be justified as having ‘ ‘ a rational evidentiary
basis” (infra, p. 37) incorrectly assumes that the freedom
of speech of an elected legislator depends not upon the
First Amendment but upon the judgment of his colleagues.
There is no suggestion in this case of any danger which
could justify a direct impairment of First Amendment
rights. See, e.g., Whitney v. California, 274 IT. S. 357, 372
(Mr. Justice Brandeis, concurring opinion); Thomas v.
Collins, 323 U. S. 516, 530.
The reference of the majority below to a “ rational evi
dentiary basis ’ ’ may have been based upon the unarticulated
assumption that the interference with speech was only
indirect. But the application of even this test could not
support the exclusion of Mr. Bond from elected office and
the resulting interference with his constituents’ exercise
of their right to vote. There was no rational basis for the
legislature’s action under the critical factual analysis
employed by this Court in analogous situations; Konigsberg
v. State Bar of California, 353 IT. S. 252; Schware v. Board
of Bar Examiners of New Mexico, 353 U. S. 232; In re
Sawyer, 360 U. S. 622. The impairment of free speech
cannot be veiled by a reference to the doctrines of “ separa
tion of powers” and “ our system of federalism” infra,
p. 35. First, the supremacy clause is an equally controlling
doctrine, see Pennsylvania v. Nelson, 350 U. S. 497; second,
there is “ a profound national commitment to the principle
that debate on jjublic issues should be uninhibited, robust
and wide open.” New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. 8.
254, 270; see also Kingsley In t’l Pictures Corp. v. Regent,
360 U. S. 684, 688-689. If the legislature’s conduct impairs
constitutional rights, the doctrines enunciated by the court
below are no defense. To hold otherwise is to reject federal
judicial review of state unconstitutional action.
9
The SNCC statement pales before expressions on the
same subject by some of the most distinguished public
figures,5 Its suggestion of exemption for conscientious ob
jectors and of alternative civilian work is already law; see
50 U. S. 0. 456( j ) ; United States v. Seeger, 380 U. S. 163.
The SNCC statement was lawful; so was Mr. Bond’s
approval of it. In any event, he could not be disqualified
for office, absent a criminal conviction in court, Georgia
Constitution, Article II, Section II, Paragraph I (infra,
p. 15).6
2. Mr. Bond as an elected legislator had an enhanced
right and a duty to his constituents to speak out on public
issues even if his views had not been solicited by the
press; see Garrison v. Louisiana, 379 U. S. 64.7 An elected
representative must communicate freely with his constitu
ents as well as engage in legislative debate. He does not
enjoy the ordinary citizen’s prerogative of silence. To
circumscribe the legislator’s rights, as did the Georgia
legislature, is to interfere with representative democracy
and equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth
Amendment in no less degree than by the malapportionment
which has been the subject of this Court’s recent decisions;
see, e.g., Baker v. Carr, supra.8
5 See, e.g., Senator Wayne Morse in 111 Cong. Rec. 25420-22
(daily ed. Oct. 19, 1965) ; Circuit (formerly Chief) Judge Henry
W. Edgerton in The New Republic, May 22, 1965; The New York
Times, November 14, 1962, p, 38; August 9, 1964, Sec. IV, p. 8.
6 Mr. Bond’s statement to the legislative committee that he
never advocated “that people should break laws” (infra, p. 53) is
not questioned by the court below.
7 See also United States v. Johnson, No. 25, Oct. Term, 1965,
emphasizing the need to protect legislators’ freedom in matters
affecting their special responsibilities.
8 While this is a sufficient federal question under Baker v. Carr,
supra, appellants would also urge, at least in the present context,
reconsideration of the Court’s view that the impairment of the
constitutional guaranty of a republican form of government, under
Article IV, § 4, does not raise a justiciable question.
10
The conception that the majority of a legislature pos
sesses a veto power over the choice of the electorate is to
reject “ the essence of constitutional representative govern
ment.” 9 Nor can the majority secure this veto obliquely
by denying the member-elect the privilege of taking the
oath “ because of any alleged opinion, state of mind or
intent, claimed to be inconsistent with the oath” (ibid.).
The majority was also in error in ruling that Mr.
Bond’s constituents lacked standing to sue (infra, pp. 26-
27). They were proper parties under this Court’s decisions
because Mr. Bond’s expulsion deprived his co-appellants
and their class in violation of the equal protection clause
of representation in the Georgia House of Representatives.
3. House Resolution 19, excluding Mr. Bond from office,
is an ex post facto law and a bill of attainder prohibited by
Article I, Section 10 of the Constitution. It is a legislative
act in the classic sense, although promulgated by a single
house of the legislature.10 It singles out an individual
because of imputed past misdeeds of a political nature,
stigmatizes him as disloyal, and punishes him by expulsion
from office and his constituents by loss of suffrage. The
resolution is plainly unconstitutional under the Court’s
decisions on bills of attainder and ex post facto laws;
United States v. Brown, 381 U. S. 437; Ex parte Garland,
4 Wall. (71 U. S.) 333; Cummings v. Missouri, 4 Wall. (71
U. S.) 277; United States v. Lovett, 328 U. S. 303; Lindsey
v. Washington, 301 G. S. 397.
4. There was sound basis for Chief Judge Tuttle’s dis
senting view that the exclusion of Mr. Bond was not author
ized by the state Constitution and statute (infra, p. 65).
This construction of state law was impelled by the need to
avoid “ deciding the grave federal question” (infra, p. 66).
Cf. United States v. Rumely, 345 U. S. 41. Its adoption
below would have required judgment in appellants’ favor
9 See the Brief of Special Committee, pp. 4, 9, referred to in foot
note 4.
10 See United States v. Lovett, infra, at p. 315.
11
since the district court correctly held that it had juris
diction.
The majority’s contrary interpretation of Georgia law
raises a serious question of vagueness under the Fourteenth
Amendment. It would turn precise qualifications for
office 11 into an unlimited discretion by a legislative major
ity to determine qualifications on an ad hoc basis. It would
turn a constitutionally prescribed promissory oath 12 into a
license to investigate the member’s associations and beliefs.
The pemiciousness of vagueness in the First Amendment
area, particularly where the oath restricts political expres
sion, is obvious, Cramp v. Board of Public Instruction, 368
U. S. 278; Baggett v. Bullitt, 377 U. S. 360. The injury is
magnified when one considers the historically dangerous
effect of the test oath for public office. As applied here, it
negates the electoral decision of the people and usurps their
inherent censorial power over their elected representatives.
CONCLUSION
The questions are substantial and the Court should
note probable jurisdiction.
Respectfully submitted,
H oward M oore, J r .,
859% Hunter Street N.W.,
Atlanta, Georgia, 30314.
L eonard B . B o u d in ,
V ictor R a bin o w itz ,
30 East 42nd Street,
New York, New York, 10017.
Attorneys for Appellants.
March, 1966.
11 Article III, Section VII, Paragraph I of the Georgia Con
stitution, infra, p. 14, and House Rule 61, infra, p. 16.
12 Article III, Section IV, Paragraph V of the Georgia Constitu
tion, infra, p. 14.
12
IN THE
( t e r t itf t ip In t t f f r
O cto b e r T erm , 1965
No.
----------------------- 1).------ — -------------
J ulian B ond, D r. M artin L u th er K ing , J r., a n d M rs.
A rel K eyes, f o r them selves jo in tly an d severally , and
fo r all o th e rs s im ila r ly s itu a ted ,
Appellants,
v.
J ames “ S l o ppy ” F loyd, et al.
O n A p p e a l erom t h e U n it e d S tates D istr ic t C ourt eor
t h e N o r th er n D istrict1 of G eorgia (A tlanta D iv is io n )
————■—-—■—o—-----------------
M otion to A dvance
Pursuant to Rule 48 of the Rules of this Court, appel
lants respectfully move this Court (i) to reduce the ap
pellees’ time to move under Rule 16(1), (ii) to advance
the case for argument to the week of May 2, 1966, if the
Court notes probable jurisdiction or postpones considera
tion of jurisdiction, and (iii) to dispense with the printing
of the record.
The reason for this application is the extraordinary
public importance of this case. Both state and federal
elections will be held this Fall in which candidates should
not be threatened with disqualification either for express
ing their views or as a device for evading federal court de
cisions and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Pub. L. No. 110,
13
Motion to Advance
89th Cong., 1st Sess. There is also a continuing and
irreparable injury to appellants by reason of Mr. Bond’s
continued exclusion from office. While the general session
of the legislature ended on February 18, 1966, its standing
committees continue to function and there is a strong-
probability that a special legislative session will be called
by the Governor by reason of motions now pending in
Toombs v. Fortson, 241 F. Supp. 65 (N. D. Ga. 1965).
Unless this case is advanced it is not likely to be decided
on the merits before the expiration of Mr. Bond’s term
of office on December 31, 1966 and hence may he mooted.
An early decision by the Court will prevent protracted
litigation which may otherwise result from repeated elec
tions of Mr. Bond and rejections by the legislature.
Since the only issues, those of law, are adequately pre
sented by the opinions below, the printing of the record
is unnecessary.
W herefore, appellants respectfully pray that the Court
grant this motion to advance.
Respectfully submitted,
H oward M oore, J r .,
8591/2 Hunter Street N.W.,
Atlanta, Georgia, 30314.
L eonard B . B oudin ,
V ictor R abinow itz,
30 East 42nd Street,
New York, New York, 10017.
Attorneys for Appellants.
March, 1966.
14
APPENDIX A
Constitution and Legislative Acts
Article III, Section VII, Paragraph I, of the Georgia
Constitution provides in pertinent part as follows:
“ Election, returns, etc.; disorderly conduct.—
Each House shall he the judge of the election, re
turns, and qualifications of its members and shall
have power to punish them for disorderly behavior,
or misconduct, by censure, fine, imprisonment, or
expulsion, hut no member shall he expelled, except
by a vote of two-thirds of the House to which he
belongs.” (2-1901, Ga. Code Ann.)
Article III, Section VI, Paragraph I, of the Georgia
Constitution provides in pertinent part as follows:
“ Qualifications of representatives.—The Repre
sentatives shall be citizens of the United States who
have attained the age of twenty-one years, and who
shall have been citizens of this State for two years,
and for one year residents of the counties from
which elected. (2-1801, Ga. Code Ann.)
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph V, of the Georgia
Constitution provides in pertinent part as follows:
“ Oath of members.—Each senator and repre
sentative, before taking his seat, shall take the fol
lowing oath, or affirmation, to wit: ‘I will support
the Constitution of this State and of the United
States, and on all questions and measures which
may come before me, I will so conduct myself, as
will, in my judgment, be most conducive to the in
terests and prosperity of this State.” (2-1605, Ga.
Code Ann.)
15
Appendix A—Constitution and Legislative Acts
Article II, Section II, Paragraph I, of the Georgia Con
stitution provides in pertinent part as follows:
“ Registration of electors; who disfranchised.—
The General Assembly may provide, from time to
time, for the registration of all electors, hut the fol
lowing classes of persons shall not be permitted to
register, vote, or hold any office, or appointment of
honor, or trust in this State, to wit: 1st. Those
who shall have been convicted in any court of com
petent jurisdiction of treason against the State, of
embezzlement of public funds, malfeasance in office,
bribery or larceny, or of any crime involving moral
turpitude, punishable by the laws of this State with
imprisonment in the penitentiary, unless such per
sons shall have been pardoned. 2nd. Idiots and
insance persons.” (2-1801, Ga. Code Ann.)
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph VI, of the Georgia
Constitution provides in pertinent part as follows:
“ Eligibility; appointments forbidden.—No per
son holding a military commission, or other appoint
ment, or office, having an emolument, or compensa
tion annexed thereto, under this State, or the United
States, or either of them except Justices of the
Peace and officers of the militia, nor any defaulter
for public money, or for any legal taxes required
of him shall have a seat in either house; nor shall any
Senator, or Representative, after his qualification
as such, be elected by the General Assembly, or ap
pointed by the Governor, either with or without the
advice and consent of the Senate, to any office or
appointment having any emolument annexed thereto,
during the time for which he shall have been elected,
unless he shall first resign his seat, provided, how
ever, that during the term for which he was elected
16
Appendix A—Constitution and Legislative Acts
no Senator or Representative shall be appointed to
any civil office which has been created during such
term.” (2-1601, da. Code Ann.)
Article VII, Section III, Paragraph YI, of the deorgia
Constitution provides in pertinent part as follows:
‘ ‘ Profit on public money.—The receiving, directly
or indirectly, by any officer of State or county, or
member or officer of the deneral Assembly of any
interest, profits or perquisites, arising from the use
or loan of public funds in his hands or moneys to
be raised through his agency for State or county
purposes, shall be deemed a felony, and punishable
as may be prescribed by law, a part of which punish
ment shall be a disqualification from holding office.”
(2-5606, da. Code Ann.)
House Rule 61 of the deorgia House of Representatives
provides in pertinent part as follows:
“ Each house shall be the judge of the election,
returns, and qualifications of its members and shall
have power to punish them for disorderly behavior,
or misconduct, by censure, fine, imprisonment, or ex
pulsion ; but no member shall be expelled, except by
a vote of two-thirds of the House to which he be
longs.”
House Resolution 19 of January 10, 1966 of the deorgia
House of Representatives provides in pertinent part as
follows:
“ Relative to the matter of the seating of Repre
sentative-Elect Julian Bond; and for other purposes.
“ W hereas, a special committee created pursuant
to H.R. No. 7 which was appointed for the purpose
17
Appendix A—Constitution and Legislative Acts
of holding a hearing on petitions challenging and
contesting the seating of Representative-Elect Julian
Bond of the 136th District has conducted a hearing
in said matter; and
“ W hereas, said committee has submitted a re
port in which it is recommended that Representa
tive-Elect Julian Bond not be allowed to take the
oath of office as a Representative of the House of
Representatives and that he not be seated as a mem
ber of the House of Representatives.
“ Now, THEREFORE', BE IT RESOLVED BY THE HOUSE
of R epresentatives th a t th e re p o r t o f the a fo re sa id
com m ittee is h e re b y a d o p ted a n d th e reco m m en d a
tio n s co n ta in ed th e re in sh a ll be follow ed.
“ B e it f u r t h e r resolved that Representative-
Elect Julian Bond shall not be allowed to take the
oath of office as a member of the House of Repre
sentatives and that Representative-Elect Julian
Bond shall not be seated as a member of the House
of Representatives.
“ B e it f u r t h e r resolved that the Clerk of the
House is hereby instructed to immediately transmit
a copy of the aforesaid report and a copy of this
resolution to the Governor, to the Secretary of
State and to Representative-Elect Julian Bond.”
18
APPENDIX B
Opinions Below
IN THE
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
F or t h e N orthern D istrict op Georgia
A tlanta D ivision
Civil Action No. 9895
—--------------- o--------------------
J ulian B ond, Dr. M artin L u th er K ing , J r ., and M rs. A rel
K eyes, for themselves jointly and severally, and for all
others similarly situated,
Plaintiffs,
v.
J ames “ S l o ppy” F loyd, et al.,
Defendants.
—---------- ------- o—-----------------
Before T uttle and B ell , Circuit Judges, and
M organ, District Judge.
B ell , Circuit Judge an d M organ, District Judge-.
Opin io n and Order
Mr. Bond, one of the plaintiffs in this matter and a
Negro, was refused his seat as a member of the House of
Representatives of the General Assembly of Georgia. He
was a Representative-elect, having been duly elected by
the voters of House District No. 136 for the session of the
General Assembly commencing January 10, 1966. This
19
Appendix B—Opinions Below
was a special election for a one year term made necessary
by the reapportionment decision of this court. Toombs v.
Fortson, N. D., Ga., 1965, 241 F. Supp. 65.
On the first day of the session, at which time Mr. Bond
and other members of the House were to take the oath of
office, Mr. Bond was asked to step aside because of chal
lenges to his qualifications having been filed by seventy-five
of the two-hundred-five members of the House. Alter the
other members were sworn, including seven Negro repre
sentatives, petitions protesting the seating of Representa
tive-Elect Bond were referred by the Speaker of the House
to a special committee designated to hear the contest. This
committee, after a hearing, recommended that he not be
seated. This recommendation was accepted by the House
and he was denied his seat by a vote of one hundred eighty-
four to twelve.
Dr. King and Mrs. Keyes, the other plaintiffs, seek
along with Mr. Bond to represent the citizens and voters of
House District No. 1.36 as a class, and it is affirmatively
alleged that they are Negro citizens of House District
No. 136 and that they are registered voters. They allege
that there are common questions of law and fact affecting
the civil rights of Negroes to vote and to have members
of their race represent them in the House of Representa
tives of the State of Georgia. It is undisputed that Dr.
King and Mrs. Keyes are residents of the district, but it is
also undisputed that Dr. King is not registered to vote in
the district but in the House District No. 132.
The defendants are the Speaker of the House, the
Speaker Pro-Tern, several members of the House repre
senting the membership, certain officers of the House, and
the Secretary of State of the State of Georgia. Jurisdiction
for declaratory and injunctive relief is asserted under 28
USCA, §§ 1331, 1343(3), 1343(4), and 2201; and 42 HSCA,
§§ 1971(d), 1983, and 1988. Three-Judge District Court
jurisdiction was premised on 28 HSCA, § 2281 by a claim
20
Appendix B—Opinions Below
that the provision of the Georgia Constitution which per
mits the members of the House to judge the qualifications
of its members, and House Rule 61 which embodies the same
provision are unconstitutionally vague, or were unconstitu
tionally administered with respect to Mr. Bond.
The additional causes of action set forth in the com
plaint were refined by briefs into claims that Mr. Bond
was barred from membership because he was a Negro;
that the action of the House denied him his First Amend
ment right to free speech; that he was denied procedural
due process as guaranteed by the due process clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment; that he was denied substantive due
process in that there was no rational basis for the action
of the House; that the House resolution barring Mr. Bond
constituted an ex post facto law and a hill of attainder;
and that the House action deprived the residents of the
House District No. 136 of a republican form of government,
equal protection of the law under the Fourteenth Amend
ment, and the right as Negroes under the Fifteenth Amend
ment to vote. The prayer is that defendants he enjoined
from excluding Mr. Bond from membership in the House.
The defendants, by motion, have denied the jurisdiction
of the court. Additionally, in the alternative, they have
moved to dismiss Dr. King and Mrs. Keyes as plaintiffs.
They have also answered the complaint. It was stipulated
that a final judgment might be rendered on the pleadings,
the stipulated facts and such other evidence as was intro
duced on the hearing of this matter. We thus proceed to
final disposition.
The facts which gave rise to the challenge to Mr. Bond
stem from a statement issued on January 6, 1966 by the
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, an organiza
tion active in the civil rights field. Mr. Bond is and was
Communications Director of this organization. After the
statement was issued, Mr. Bond, upon inquiry, advised the
news media that he supported the statement in its entirety.
21
Appendix B—Opinions Below
He added that he admired the courage of persons who
burned their draft cards; that he was a pacifist who was
eager and anxious to encourage people not to participate
in the war in Viet Nam for any reason that they might
choose; and said that as a second class citizen he did not
feel that he should be required to support the war in Viet
Nam.
The SNNC statement follows in full:
“ The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit
tee has a right and a responsibility to dissent with
United States foreign policy on an issue when it sees
fit. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit
tee now states its opposition to United States’ in
volvement in Viet Nam on these grounds:
“ We believe the United States government has
been deceptive in its claims of concern for freedom
of the Vietnamese people, just as the government has
been deceptive in claiming concern for the freedom
of colored people in such other countries as the Do
minican Eepublic, the Congo, South Africa, Rhodesia
and in the United States itself.
“ We, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com
mittee, have been involved in the black people’s strug
gle for liberation and self-determination in this
country for the past five years. Our work, particu
larly in the South, has taught us that the United
States government has never guaranteed the freedom
of oppressed citizens, and is not yet truly determined
to end the rule of terror and oppression within its
own borders.
“ We ourselves have often been victims of vio
lence and confinement executed by United States
government officials. We recall the numerous per
sons who have been murdered in the South because
of their efforts to secure their civil and human rights,
22
Appendix B—Opinions Below
and whose murderers have been allowed to escape
penalty for their crimes.
“ The murder of Samuel Young in Tuskegee, Ala.,
is no different than the murder of peasants in Viet
Nam, for both Young and the Vietnamese sought,
and are seeking, to secure the rights guaranteed
them by law. In each case the United States govern
ment bears a great part of the responsibility for
these deaths.
“ Samuel Young was murdered because United
States law is not being enforced. Vietnamese are
murdered because the United States is pursuing an
aggressive policy in violation of international law.
The United States is no respecter of persons or law
when such persons or laws run counter to its needs
and desires.
“ We recall the indifference, suspicion and out
right hostility with which our reports of violence have
been met in the past by government officials.
“ We know that for the most part, elections in
this country, in the North as well as the South, are
not free. We have seen that the 1965 Voting Eights
Act and the 1964 Civil Rights Act have not yet been
implemented with full federal power and sincerity.
“ We question, then, the ability and even the desire
of the United States government to guarantee free
elections abroad. We maintain that our country’s
cry of ‘preserve freedom in the world’ is a hypo
critical mask behind which it squashes liberation
movements which are not bound, and refuse to be
bound, by the expediencies of United States cold war
policies.
“ We are in sympathy with, and support, the men
in this country who are unwilling to respond to a
military draft which would compel them to contribute
their lives to United States aggression in Viet Nam
23
Appendix B—Opinions Below
in the name of the ‘freedom’ we find so false in this
country.
“ We recoil with horror at the inconsistency of a
supposedly ‘free’ society where responsibility to
freedom is equated with the responsibility to lend
oneself to military aggression. We take note of the
fact that 16 percent of the draftees from this country
are Negroes called on to stifle the liberation of Viet
Nam, to preserve a ‘democracy’ which does not exist
for them at home.
“ We ask, where is the draft for the freedom fight
in the United States?
“ We therefore encourage those Americans who
prefer to use their energy in building democratic
forms within this country. We believe that work
in the civil rights movement and with other human
relations organizations is a valid alternative to the
draft. We urge all Americans to seek this alterna
tive, knowing full well that it may cost them lives—
as painfully as in Viet Nam.”
On the same day a newspaper reporter asked Mr. Bond
for his views on the subject of the burning of draft cards.
He stated that he would not burn his own but admired the
courage of those who did.
During a taped interview with a representative of the
media, Mr. Bond, after endorsing the 8NCC statement was
asked why he endorsed it, and his answer was as follows:
“ Why, I endorse it, first, because I like to think
of myself as a pacifist and one who opposes that war
and any other war and eager and anxious to encour
age people not to participate in it for any reason
that they choose; and secondly, I agree with this
statement because of the reason set forth in it—
because I think it is sorta hypocritical for us to main-
24
Appendix B—Opinions Below
tain that we are fighting for liberty in other places
and we are not guaranteeing liberty to citizens inside
the continental United States.”
When asked if he thought his views were at variance
with the duties that might be required of him as a Repre
sentative in the House of Representatives of the State of
Georgia, Mr. Bond replied:
“ Well, I think that the fact that the United States
Government fights a war in Viet Nam, I don’t think
that I as a second class citizen of the United States
have a requirement to support that war. I think
my responsibility is to oppose things that I think
are wrong if they are in Viet Nam or New York,
or Chicago, or Atlanta, or wherever.”
These facts were introduced before the House commit
tee hearing the challenge. Mr. Bond was represented by
counsel at the hearing and testified. He reaffirmed his
adherence to all of these statements at the hearing and
stated that they were still his views. There was no evi
dence then nor at the hearing before this court that Mr.
Bond had receded in any way from his views. However,
by way of explanation, he did state to the House committee
that he had never suggested or advocated that anyone
burn his draft card. He stated his willingness and desire
to take the prescribed oath to support the Constitution
of the United States and the State of Georgia.
The petitions challenging Mr. Bond which were before
the special committee of the House contain several grounds,
including the contention that Mr. Bond’s actions and state
ments gave aid and comfort to the enemies of the United
States, and also violated the Selective Service laws, 50'
App., USCA, § 462(a) and (b), and tended to bring dis
credit and disrespect on the House of Representatives.
25
Appendix B—Opinions Below
The challenge was also on the basis that the statements
and views of Mr. Bond disqualified him to take the oath
to support the Constitution of the United States and the
Constitution of Georgia as is required of a member of
the House of Representatives. The theory was that Mr.
Bond’s statements were so repugnant to and inconsistent
with his oath as to make it apparent that he could not
honestly take the oath. This theory presents the central
issue in the case.
P ending M otions
Defendants moved to dismiss the complaint on the
ground that the court lacks jurisdiction over the subject
matter. Their view is that the determination of the qualifi
cations of a member of the State House of Representatives
is a matter which state law vests in the sole and exclusive
jurisdiction of the House of Representatives, and that
the federal questions asserted are insubstantial. They
urge that the absence of any substantial question concern
ing deprivation of federally protected rights indicates that
the action of the House is not subject to federal judicial
review.
The extent of review under the circumstances will be
discussed hereinafter under the merits of the controversy.
However, we do hold that the court has jurisdiction over
the subject matter of the complaint. It could hardly be
argued that the House could refuse to seat a member be
cause of his race or for any other reason amounting to
an invidious discrimination under the equal protection
clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Cf. Baker v. Carr,
1962, 369 U. S, 186, 82 S. Ct. 691, 7 L. Ed. 2d 663. The
denial of a seat to a Negro representative-elect would also
violate the Fifteenth Amendment. Cf. Gomillion v. Light-
foot, 1960, 364 U. S. 339, 81 S. Ct. 125, 5 L. Ed. 2d 110. We
think it follows that the court has jurisdiction over a
26
Appendix B—Opinions Below
denial of First Amendment rights by the state, and that
the federal rights asserted here are not so insubstantial
as to warrant our refusing jurisdiction. The motion of
the state to dismiss will be overruled and an order may
be presented accordingly.
The defendants also have motions pending to strike
the plaintiffs King and Keyes on the ground that they
do not have such a direct interest in the litigation as would
give them standing. They base their standing on an ab
sence of representation in the House because Mr. Bond
was deprived of his seat. The Governor has called an
election for February 23, 1966 to fill the vacant seat,1
It is settled that one seeking to challenge the constitu
tionality of the statute must show that he has sustained
or is in danger of sustaining some immediate direct in
jury. Liverpool, N. Y. and P. Steamship Company v.
Comm, of Emigration, 1885, 113 TJ. S. 33, 5 S. Ct. 352, 28
L. Ed. 899; Commonwealth of Massachusetts v. Mellon,
1923, 262 U. S. 447, 43 S. Ct. 597, 67 L. Ed. 1078. Dr. King
and Mrs. Keyes have not “ . . . alleged such a personal
stake in the outcome of the controversy as to assure that
concrete adverseness which sharpens the presentation of
issues . . . ” necessary in determining constitutional ques
tions. Baker v. Carr, supra.
In a case involving the temporary lack of representa
tion because a United States Senator had been denied
his seat pending inquiry into his election and, qualifica
tions, Barry v. United States, 1929, 279 U. S. 597, 49 S. Ct.
452, 73 L. Ed. 867, the court said:
“ The temporary deprivation of equal repre
sentation which results from the refusal of the
1 Mr. Bond is a candidate for the vacant seat and is the only
candidate. The qualifications closed on February 7, 1966. The
General Assembly will adjourn its present session on Friday, Feb
ruary 18, 1966. There will be no other regular session of the
General Assembly during the year 1966.
27
Appendix B—Opinions Below
Senate to seat a member pending inquiry as to his
election or qualifications is the necessary conse
quence of the exercise of a constitutional power,
and no more deprives the State of its ‘equal suf
frage’ in the constitutional sense than would a vote
of the Senate vacating the seat of a sitting member
or a vote of expulsion.”
We are of the opinion that plaintiffs King and Keyes do
not have such a direct interest in the litigation as would give
them standing to bring the complaint. This is particularly
so in view of the fact that the complaint of Mr. Bond alone
will resolve every conceivable issue. Moreover, I)r. King is
not a registered voter in the House District in question.
The motion of the state to dismiss as to these two plaintiffs
will be granted and an order may be presented accordingly.
T h e M erits
The contention that Mr. Bond was denied his seat be
cause of his race was resolved adversely to him from the
bench during the hearing of this matter. To support this
contention it was urged that Mr. Bond was a Negro; that
SNCC was a militant civil rights organization; and that
the question of race was inextricably related to each and
every statement forming the basis of the challenge. This
logic would create license in the name of race. Furthermore,
seven Negroes, as stated, were seated on the same day as
representatives. Two served on the special challenge com
mittee at the request of Mr. Bond; two Negro senators ap
peared before the committee as character witnesses for him;
and two of the Negro representatives spoke on the floor of
the House for him before the final vote. The charge of
racial discrimination and thus of denial of equal protection
of the law is without foundation in fact.
28
Appendix B—Opinions Below
This ruling also disposes of any claim that Mr. Bond or
the citizens and voters of House District No. 136 have been
deprived of any right as Negroes under the equal protec
tion clause of the Fourteenth Amendment or under the
Fifteenth Amendment. For the reasons stated on the stand
ing question we reject also the contention that the action
of the House denied them a republican form of government.
This is not even a justiciable issue Baker v. Carr, supra.
The substantial issue in the case rests on the guaranty
of freedom of speech or to dissent under the First Amend
ment as that amendment has long been applicable to the
states under the due process clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment. Gitlow v. New York, 1925, 268 IT. S. 652, 45
8. Ct. 625, 69 L. Ed. 1138; De Jonge v. Oregon, 1937, 299
U. 8. 353, 57 S. Ct. 255, 81 L. Ed. 278. But the inquiry does
not end simply on the question of deprivation of First
Amendment rights per se. Rather the inquiry must be in
the context of two fundamental principles of government:
separation of powers and state government under our
system of federalism. The right of free speech would not
long exist absent a government founded on these principles.
James Madison writing in Federalist No. 47 said with
respect to the separation of powers doctrine:
“ The accumulation of all powers, legislative, ex
ecutive, and judiciary in the same hands, whether of
one, a few or many, and whether heredity, self-ap
pointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the
very definition of tyranny.
And from the beginning states have claimed and enjoyed
the protection of the separation of powers principle as be
tween their respective branches of government. This, to
date, has been a part of our federalism.
Georgia adopted the separation of powers principle in
its first Constitution. Art. I, Const, of 1777. McElreath,
29
Appendix B—Opinions Below
Constitution of Ga., § 239, p. 229. The Constitution of 1789,
Art. I, § XIII, McElreath, supra, § 314, p. 243, provided that
each House of the state legislature would be the judge of
the elections, returns and qualifications of its own mem
bers and have the power to expel or punish for disorderly
behavior. Similar provisions have been included in every
other Georgia Constitution. Ga. Const, of 1798, Art. I,
§ VIII, McElreath, $ 364, p. 253; Const, of 1861, Art. II,
§ IY, Par. I, McElreath, § 484, p. 286, Const, of 1865, Art.
II, $IV, Par. I, McElreath, $ 585, p. 304; Const, of 1868,
Art. Ill, § IV, Par. I, McElreath, $ 709, p. 328; Const, of
1877, Art. Ill, $ VII, Par. I, McElreath, $ 882, p. 361.
“ Each House shall be the judge of the election,
returns, and qualifications of its members and shall
have power to punish them for disorderly behavior,
or misconduct, by censure, fine, imprisonment, or ex
pulsion ; but no member shall be expelled, except by a
vote of two-thirds of the House to which he belongs.”
This language is to be compared with Art. I, $ 5, Clauses
I and 2 of the Constitution of the United States:
“ Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections,
Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, . . . ”
(Clause 1)
“ Each House may determine the Rules of its Pro
ceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Be
havior, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, ex
pel a Member.” (Clause 2)
The Georgia courts have consistently refused to take
jurisdiction over controversies having to do with the quali
fications of legislators. The Senate or House, as happened
to be the case, was deemed to have exclusive jurisdiction un
der the Georgia Constitution. Rainey v. Taylor, 1928, 166
Ga. 476, 143 S. E. 383; Fowler v. Bostick, 1959, 99 Ga. App.
30
Appendix S —Opinions Below.
428, 108 S. E. 2d 720; and Beatty v. Myrich, 1963, 218 Ga.
629, 129 S. E. 2d 764. This is the general law in this coun
try. Indeed we believe that there is no case to the contrary,
federal or state.
Plaintiff recognizes the separation of powers principle
as such on both the federal and state levels. He argues
however that it exists on the state level only insofar as it
does not conflict with the Federal Constitution and must
therefore give way to First Amendment rights in view of
the vertical application of those rights to the states through
the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This
is a correct statement of the law subject to whatever rights
were left by the Fourteenth Amendment to the state legis
lative branches for control of their internal affairs under
our system of federalism. We thus must measure Mr.
Bond’s freedom to speak in this frame of reference.
Before attempting to resolve this new and substantial
constitutional question we must concern ourselves with the
threshold question, not asserted by plaintiffs, of whether the
legislature had the power under the state Constitution or
laws to bar Mr. Bond. Our distinguished and able Chief
Judge is of the firm view that no such power existed. He
seems to find the power of expulsion, but limits the power
of judging qualifications to those expressed in the Georgia
Constitution. We believe this to be a restrictive view, un
founded in recognized authority and not in keeping with
our history or the principle of separation of powers.
Judge Story gave the reasons for vesting exclusive juris
diction in the legislative branch in such cases (Story, Comm,
on the Const., Vol. II, §831, p. 294) :
“ It is obvious, that a power must be lodged
somewhere to judge of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of the members of each house com
posing the legislature; for otherwise there could be
no certainty, as to who were legitimately chosen
31
Appendix B—Opinions Below
members, and any intruder, or usurper, might claim
a seat, and thus trample upon the rights, and privi
leges, and liberties of the people. Indeed, elections
would become, under such circumstances, a mere
mockery; and legislation the exercise of sovereignty
by any self-constituted body. The only possible
question on such a subject is, as to the body, in
which such a power shall be lodged. If lodged in
any other, than the legislative body itself, its in
dependence, its purity, and even its existence and
action may be destroyed, or put into imminent
danger. No other body, but itself, can have the
same motives to preserve and perpetuate these
attributes; no other body can be so perpetually
watchful to guard its own rights and privileges from
infringement, to purify and vindicate its own char
acter, and to preserve the rights, and sustain the
free choice of its constituents. Accordingly, the
power has always been lodged in the legislative
body by the uniform practice of England and Amer
ica. ’ ’
The Supreme Court in Be Chapman, 1897, 166 U. S.
661, 17 S. Ct. 677, 41 L. Ed. 1154, a case involving a senate
investigation of the conduct of some of its members, said:
“ Under the Constitution the Senate of the United
States has the power to try impeachments; to judge
of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its
own members; to determine the rules of its pro
ceedings, punish its members for disorderly be
havior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds,
expel a member; and it necessarily possesses the
inherent power of self-protection. ”
32
Appendix B—Opinions Below
We believe a state legislative body necessarily possesses
this same inherent power of self-protection if the separa
tion of powers doctrine is to have any real meaning on
the state level. And self-protection goes to the process
of qualifications as well as expulsion.
In Hiss v. Bartett, 1855, 3 Gray 468, 63 Am. Dec. 768,
the question concerned the legislative power to expel a
member. The Massachusetts Constitution contained no
such power but did contain the power to judge returns,
elections and qualifications. The court said:
“ The authority to be ‘judge of the returns, elec
tions, and qualifications of its own members’, does
not limit their power; they are judges in other re
spects, in all respects.”
Art. I, § 5, of the United States Constitution, as noted,
provides that each House shall be the judge of the elec
tions, returns and qualifications of its own members. Art.
I, § 3 provides that no person shall be a representative
unless he meets certain age, citizenship and residential
requirements. In the Constitutional Convention there was
an attempt to set up affirmative qualifications. During
the debate on that draft which was later rejected, Mr.
Dickinson of Delaware, opposed the formulation because
it would be held to be exclusive. He stated that he was
“ against any recitals of qualifications in the Constitu
tion. It was impossible to make a complete one, and a
partial one would, by implication, tie up the hands of the
Legislature from supplying omissions.” Mr. Wilson of
Pennsylvania took the same view, saying: “ Besides a
partial enumeration of cases will disable the Legislature
from disqualifying odious and dangerous characters.”
(Proceedings in Congressional Record, 80th Congress, First
Session, January 3, 1947, Vol. 93, p. 12, Senate debate on
whether Senator Bilbo of Mississippi was disqualified.)
33
Appendix B—Opinions Below
By way of a historical precedent, Mr. Bilbo was denied
his seat in the United States Senate because, among other
reasons, his views regarding the right of Negroes to vote
were repugnant to the oath he would be required to take.
The Senate did not believe that it was limited to the qual
ifications expressed in the Constitution.
See Willoughby, The Constitutional Law of the United
States, 2nd ed., Yol. I, p. 610, where after discussing in
§340 the subject of qualifications for membership being-
determined by Congress, the author states:
“ The instances that have been cited make it
sufficiently clear that the Senate and House have
repeatedly held it to be proper that they should
consider whether or not persons should be admitted
as Senators or Representatives even though pos
sessing all of the qualifications prescribed by the
Constitution for membership and bringing creden
tials in due form of their election.”
In the case of Senator Reed Smoot of Utah who had
been seated but whose qualifications to continue as a Sen
ator were questioned, the investigation committee recom
mended that he be expelled either for reason of his member
ship in a church that countenanced and encouraged
polygamy and united church and state contrary to the
spirit of the Constitution, or because he had taken an oath
of such a nature and character that he is disqualified from
taking the oath of office required of a United States Sen
ator. The question was raised concerning the ability of
the Senate to add qualifications other than those enumer
ated in the Constitution and was answered in the report
as follows:
“ If his conduct has been such as to be prejudicial
to the welfare of society, of the nation, or its Gov
ernment, he is regarded as being unfit to perform
34
Appendix B—Opinions Below
the important and confidential duties of a Senator,
and may he deprived of a seat in the Senate, al
though he may have done no act of which a court
could take cognizance.” 1 Hind’s Precedents,
§§ 481-483.
This situation is analogous to the Georgia Constitution.
There is nothing in it which limits qualifications of a legis
lator to those expressed therein. In point of fact there
is at least one disqualification in the Georgia law which
is not contained in the Constitution. Ga. Code, § 89-101,
<§, 5, provides:
“ The following persons are held and deemed
ineligible to hold any civil office, and the existence
of any of the following states of facts shall be a suf
ficient reason for vacating any office held by such
person, but the acts of such person, while holding a
commission, shall be valid as the acts of an officer
de facto, vis.:
# * #
“ Persons of unsound mind, and those who, from
advanced age or bodily infirmity, are unfit to dis
charge the duties of the office to which they are chosen
or appointed.”
The qualifications and disqualifications of legislators in
the Georgia Constitution are not all inclusive. In sum, we
find nothing that would compel the House to seat a member
if a reasonable basis, within the context of due process of
law as we shall next discuss, exists for the denial.
Having assumed jurisdiction, we come then to the main
question of whether Mr. Bond was improperly denied his
seat, but this question is prefaced by the test to be applied.
With respect to the test, we hold that the free speech issue
should be resolved in the context of giving effect to the
35
Appendix B—Opinions Below
separation of powers principle, and also our system of
federalism to the extent that it permits self-government to
the states under the supremacy of the Federal Constitution.
There is some authority for such an approach. On the
federal level we have some guidance in the case of Barry
v. United States, 1929, 279 U. S. 597, 49 S. Ct. 452, 73 L.
Ed. 867. That case arose out of the refusal to seat Senator
Vare because of alleged corruption in his election. The
issue was over whether the District Court could grant
relief to a witness who had been arrested by the Senate
because he refused to testify at the subsequent inquiry. The
Supreme Court pointed out that the Senate was acting
within its constitutional powers which were judicial in
character and refused relief. It was said:
“ Here the question under consideration concerns
the exercise by the Senate of an indubitable power;
and if judicial interference can be successfully in
voked it can only be upon a clear showing of such
arbitrary and improvident use of the power as will
constitute a denial of due process of law. That con
dition we are unable to find in the present case.”
On the State level, with respect to state elections and
thus giving effect to federalism but in no wray involving
the separation of powers principle, we begin with Wilson
v. North Carolina, 1898, 169 TJ. S 586, 18 S. Ct. 435, 42
L. Ed. 865. There the governor suspended a railroad com
missioner and refused him a hearing. The Supreme Court
refused relief. In Snowden v. Hughes, 1944, 321 IT. S. 1,
64 S. Ct. 397, 88 L. Ed. 497, a candidate for the state senate
alleged that the State Primary Canvassing Board denied
him his rights under the equal protection clause by a will
ful, malicious and arbitrary refusal through a conspiracy
to correctly certify the results of a primary election thereby
eliminating him as a candidate. He brought his suit in the
District Court under the Civil Bights Act of 1871. The
36
Appendix B—Opinions Below
Supreme Court refused relief on the ground that Ms case
did not rise to the level of invidious, purposeful discrimina
tion cognizable under the equal protection clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment. The applicable rule of the case is
to be found in the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas,
as follows:
“ My disagreement with the majority of the Court
is on a narrow ground. I agree that the equal protec
tion clause of the Fourteenth Amendment should not
be distorted to make the federal courts the supervisor
of the state elections. That would place the federal
judiciary in a position ‘to supervise and review the
political administration of a state government by
its own officials and through its own courts’ (Wilson
v. North Carolina, 169 U. S. 586, 596, 42 L. ed. 865,
871, 18 S. Ct. 435) — matters on which each State
has the final say. I also agree that a candidate for
public office is not denied the equal protection of the
law in the constitutional sense merely because he is
the victim of unlawful administration of a state elec
tion law. I believe, as the opinion of the Court in
dicates, that a denial of equal protection of the laws
requires an invidious, purposeful discrimination. But
I depart from the majority when it denies Snowden
the opportunity of showing that he was in fact the
victim of such discriminatory action. His complaint
seems to me to be adequate to raise the issue. He
chagers a conspiracy to willfully, maliciously and
arbitrarily refuse to designate him as one of the
nominees of the Republican party, that such action
was an ‘unequal’ administration of the Illinois law
and a denial to him of the equal protection of the
laws, and that the conspiracy had that purpose . . . ”
Snowden v. Hughes, as well as Baker v. Carr, supra,
at least teach that there must be a showing of invidious,
37
Appendix B—Opinions Below
purposeful discrimination to give rise to relief under the
equal protection clause. Here we have the due process
clause and First Amendment rights. We think these cases
show that some restraint is to he practiced by the courts in
considering state political questions concerning particular
offices as distinguished from whole systems such as are
prevalent in malapportionment, or racial discrimination. If
this premise be correct, then there is room for a balance
between the separation of powers principle, a system of
federalism and individual rights afforded under the federal
Constitution.
Being of this view, we conclude that a reasonable test
under circumstances such as are presented in this case
would be to assume jurisdiction for the purpose of deter
mining whether Mr. Bond was denied due process of law,
either procedural or substantive. Notice, an opportunity to
be heard, to be represented by counsel, to testify and to offer
evidence and to cross-examine adverse witnesses are en
visioned in procedural due process. The transcript of the
hearing which was held on the challenge to Mr. Bond de
monstrates no absence of due process. It is true that there
was no subpoena power but no request for an absent wit
ness was made. We reject the contention that procedural or
substantive due process was violated by allowing the chal
lengers to vote. A holding to the contrary would do violence
to the power to judge qualifications.
As to substantive due process, we conclude that there
must be a rational evidentiary basis for the ruling of the
House to deny Mr. Bond his seat. The act must not have
been arbitrary.
Does the action rest on any evidence which would sup
port the denial? Thompson v. Louisville, 1960, 362 U. S.
199, 80 S. Ct. 624, 4 L. Ed. 2d 654; Garner v. Louisiana,
1961, 368 U. S. 157, 82 8. Ct, 248, 7 L. Ed. 2d 207.
Mr. Bond’s right to speak and to dissent as a private
citizen is subject to the limitation that he sought to as-
38
Appendix B—Opinions Below
sume membership in the House. As such he was required
to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United
States. This is a legitimate requirement. Indeed, the Fed
eral Constitution requires it. Art. VI, § 3. One of the
charges against him was that his statements were incon
sistent with and repugnant to that oath. Was there any
basis for this charge?
The SNCC statement is at war with the national policy
of this country: To make certain that every citizen stands
equal before the law; to make certain that every citizen
has a fair chance to benefit in the freedom and opportunities
and bounties of this country; to export these same principles
of democracy to the balance of the world wherever and
whenever possible, even to the extent of lending military
assistance where self-determination is denied in order that
those denied may choose freedom if they so desire. A citi
zen would not violate his oath by objecting* to or criticizing
this policy or even by calling it deceptive and false as the
statement did.
But the statement does not stop with this. It is a call
to action based on race; a call alien to the concept of the
pluralistic society which makes this nation. It aligns the
organization with “ . . . colored people in such other
countries as the Dominican Republic, the Congo, South
Africa, Rhodesia . . . ” It refers to its involvement in the
black people’s struggle for liberation and self-determina
tion . . . ” . It states that “ Vietnamese are murdered be
cause the United States is pursuing an aggressive policy in
violation of international law.” It alleges that Negroes,
referring to American servicemen, are called on to stifle the
liberation of Viet Nam.
The call to action, and this is what we find to be a
rational basis for the decision which denied Mr. Bond his
seat, is that language which states that SNCC supports those
men in this country who are unwilling to respond to a
military draft. The fact that the last paragraph calls on
39
Appendix B—Opinions Below
them to devote their energies to the alternative of working
in the civil rights movement in no way avoids the fact that
the organization offers support to men who are unwilling
to respond to a military draft. Cf. Gara v. United States,
6 Cir., 1949, 178 F. 2d 38.
Mr. Bond was careful to affirm this statement. He
went further, and he was more than a private citizen; he
was an officer and employee of SNCC and was about to
become a member of the House of Representatives of
Georgia. He stated that he admired the courage of anyone
who burned his draft card. He stated that as a pacifist
he was eager and anxious to encourage people not to par
ticipate in the war in Viet Nam or in any other war for
any reason that they choose, and lastly, he stated that,
as a second class citizen, he did not think that he had the
requirement to support the war in Viet Nam.
The Congress has the obligation under the Federal Con
stitution for providing for the common defense of this
nation. The Selective Service System is a part of that
defense. We are committed in Viet Nam. The Congress
approved this course in Public Law 88-408, August 10,
1964, wherein the president was empowered to take all
necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the
forces of the United States and to prevent further aggres
sion from the campaign being waged by the . . Communist
regime in North Vietnam.” This resolution states that
the United States ” . . . regards as vital to its national inter
est and to world peace the maintenance of international
peace and security in Southeast Asia.”
Whether Mr. Bond should have been seated was a ques
tion which presented itself to the House of Representatives
of Georgia under our system. Whether the wisest course
was followed is not for us to say. The judgment of the
court is not to be substituted for that of the House. Our
function is to determine whether he has been denied some
40
Appendix B—Opinions Below
fundamental federal right to which he was otherwise en
titled. We find and hold that his statements and affirmation
of the SNC0 statement as they bore on the functioning of
the Selective Service System could reasonably be said to
be inconsistent with and repugnant to the oath which he
was required to take. This suffices as a rational basis for
the action of the House. The fact that the statement was
otherwise freighted with racial overtones and was at vari
ance with the established national concept of a country
accommodating all nationalities and ethnic groups is a
part of the basis of our holding only insofar as it relates
to the call not to support the Selective Service System.
The charge that the constitutional provision of Georgia
authorizing the House to judge the qualifications of its
members and the House rule embodying it are unconstitu
tionally vague is without merit. It follows from what we
have said that neither was unconstitutionally applied to
Mr. Bond. It also follows from what we have said that
the resolution denying Mr. Bond his seat was not an ex post
facto law or a bill of attainder. To so hold in the face of
a finding that there was a rational basis for the action of
the House would be to destroy the constitutional power of
judging qualifications.
All relief is denied and the complaint will be dismissed.
Defendants may present a judgment accordingly.
This 10 day of February, 1966.
Gr if f in B . B ell
Griffin B. Bell
United States Circuit Judge
L ew is R . M organ
Lewis R. Morgan
United States District Judge
41
Appendix B—Opinions Below
Judge E lbert P. T uttle dissenting.
T uttle ,, Circuit Judge:
With deference I must dissent. I am convinced that
Representative-elect Bond was illegally deprived of his
seat in the House of Representatives of Georgia and that
this court should so hold.
Julian Bond, the plaintiff in this action, was duly elected
by the voters of his General Assembly District No. 136
as their representative in the House of Representatives
of the Georgia General Assembly for the session com
mencing January 1, 1966. This is a one-year session,
made necessary by this Court’s previous decision requir
ing a reapportionment of the Georgia State Legislature.
Upon his presenting himself along with the other newly
elected members of the House of Representatives, he was
asked to step aside because challenges to his qualifica
tions had been filed by some 75 members of the House.
After the other members had been duly sworn in, a reso
lution protesting the seating of Representative-elect Bond
was referred by the Speaker of the House to a special
committee designated to hear the contest. The committee,
after a hearing, recommended that he be not seated. This
recommendation was accepted by the House, and he was
denied his seat.
Since the first attack that is made is based upon the
contention that the House exceeded its authority in voting
to reject Bond, we turn first to a consideration of the pro
visions of the Georgia Constitution dealing with the quali
fications and eligibility of members.
Article III, Section VII, Paragraph I, of the Georgia
Constitution (§ 2-1901, Ga. Code Ann.) provides as follows:
“ Election, returns, etc.; disorderly conduct.—•
East House shall be the judge of the election, returns,
and qualifications of its members and shall have
power to punish them for disorderly behavior, or
misconduct, by censure, fine, imprisonment, or expul-
42
Appendix B—Opinions Below
sion, but no member shall be expelled, except by a
vote of two-tbirds of the House to which he belongs.”
Article III, Section VI, Paragraph I, of the Constitution
of the State of Georgia (§ 2-1801, Ga. Code Ann.) provides
as follows:
“ Qualifications of representatives.—The Repre
sentatives shall be citizens of the United States who
have attained the age of twenty-one years, and who
shall have been citizens of this State for two years,
and for one year residents of the counties from
which elected.”
Article II, Section II, Paragraph I, of the Constitution
of the State of Georgia {% 2-801, Ga. Code Ann.) provides
as follows:
“ Registration of electors; who disfranchised.—
The General Assembly may provide, from time to
time, for the registration of ail electors, but the
following classes of persons shall not be permitted
to register, vote, or hold any office, or appointment
of honor, or trust in this State, to-wit: 1st. Those
who shall have been convicted in any court of com
petent jurisdiction of treason against the State, of
embezzlement of public funds, malfeasance in office,
bribery or larceny, or of any crime involving moral
turpitude, punishable by the laws of this State with
imprisonment in the penitentiary, unless such per
sons shall have been pardoned. 2nd. Idiots and
insane persons.”
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph VI, of the Georgia
Constitution (§ 2-1606, Ga. Code Ann.) provides as follows:
“ Eligibility; appointments forbidden.—No per
son holding a military commission, or other appoint-
43
Appendix B—Opinions Below
ment, or office, having any emolument, or compensa
tion annexed thereto, under this State, or the United
States, or either of them except Justices of the Peace
and officers of the militia, nor any defaulter for
public money, or for any legal taxes required of
him shall have a seat in either house; nor shall any
Senator, or Representative, after his qualification
as such, be elected by the General Assembly, or
appointed by the Governor, either with or without
the advice and consent of the Senate, to any office or
appointment having any emolument annexed thereto,
during the time for which he shall have been elected,
unless he shall first resign his seat, provided, how
ever, that during the term for which he was elected no
Senator or Representative shall be appointed to any
civil office which has been created during such term.”
Article VII, Section III, Paragraph VI, of the Con
stitution of the State of Georgia (§ 2-5606, Ga. Code Ann.)
provides as follows:
“ Profit on public money.—The receiving, directly
or indirectly, by any officer of State or county, or
member or officer of the General Assembly of any
interest, profits or perquisites, arising from the use
or loan of public funds in his hands or moneys to be
raised through his agency for State or county pur
poses, shall be deemed a felony, and punishable as
may be prescribed by law, a part of which punish
ment shall be a disqualification from holding office.”
Article III, Section IV, Paragraph V, of the Georgia
Constitution (§ 2-1605, Ga. Code Ann.) provides as follows:
“ Oath of members.—Each senator and Repre
sentative, before taking his seat, shall take the fol
lowing oath, or affirmation, to-wit: ‘I will support
44
Appendix B—Opinions Below
the Constitution of this State and of the United
States, and on all questions and measures which may
come before me, I will so conduct myself, as will, in
my judgment, be most conducive to the interests
and prosperity of this State.’ ”
The foregoing provisions of the Georgia Constitution
are the only stated qualifications or rules of eligibility con
tained in the State Constitution touching on the member
ship in either the Senate or the House of Representatives
of the Georgia General Assembly.
Julian Bond was denied the right to take his oath as an
elected member of the Georgia House of Representatives by
a resolution adopted by the said House on January 10, 1966,
which said resolution was in the following language:
“ Relative to the matter of the seating of Repre
sentative-Elect Julian Bond; and for other purposes.
“ W h e r e a s , a special committee created pursuant
to H.R. No. 7 which was appointed for the purpose
of holding a hearing on petitions challenging and
contesting the seating of Representative-Elect Julian
Bond of the 136th District has conducted a hearing
in said matter; and
“ W hereas, said committee has submitted a re
port in which it is recommended that Representa
tive-Elect Julian Bond not be allowed to take the
oath of office as a Representative of the House of
Representatives and that he not be seated as a mem
ber of the House of Representatives.
“ Now, THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED' BY THE H OUSE
of R epresentatives th a t th e re p o r t o f the a fo re sa id
com m ittee is h e reb y ad o p ted an d th e recom m enda
tio n s co n ta in ed th e re in sh a ll be follow ed.
45
Appendix B—Opinions Below
“ B e it f u r t h e r resolved that Representative-
Elect- Julian Bond shall not be allowed to take the
oath of office as a member of the House of Repre
sentatives and that Representative-Elect Julian Bond
shall not be seated as a member of the House of
Representatives.
“ Be it f u r t h e r resolved that the Clerk of the
House is hereby instructed to immediately transmit
a copy of the aforesaid report and a copy of this
resolution to the Governor, to the Secretary of State
and to Representative-Elect Julian Bond.”
The said resolution expressly “ adopted” the report of
the special committee which was appointed for the purpose
of conducting, and did actually conduct, a hearing on the
matter of the challenge to the seating of Representative-
Elect Bond. The report of the committee follows:
“ The Special Committee appointed pursuant to
H.R. #7 conducted a hearing on January 10, 1966,
beginning at 2:30 o’clock p.m., in the chamber of the
House of Representatives, State Capitol, on the
matter of petitions filed challenging and contesting
the seating* of Representative-Elect Julian Bond of
the 136th District.
“ Based upon testimony and the evidence and
documents before this Committee, the Committee
recommends that Representative-Elect Julian Bond
not be allowed to take the oath of office as a member
of the House of Representatives and that he not be
seated as a member of the House of Representatives.
“ This 10th day of January 1966.”
The contest which was thus submitted to the special
committee, and thereafter decided by the House, resulted
46
Appendix B—Opinions Below
from charges and specifications filed by certain members
of the House of Representatives in two separate petitions
which, in essential part, are as follows:
PETITION I
“ Co u nt I
“ The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit
tee, an organization and association of which Repre
sentative-Elect Julian Bond is a member, agent, and
publicity director, has caused to be made certain
statements concerning the position of the United
States in the Viet Nam conflict, a copy thereof being
attached hereto, marked Exhibit A and by reference
made a part hereof, and the said Representative-
Elect Julian Bond did publicly endorse, approve and
confirm said statement.
“ Count II
“ Said representative-elect has said that he ad
mires the courage of those persons who burn their
draft cards.
1.
“ The actions and statements of said representa
tive-elect show that he does not and will not support
the Constitution of the United States and of the
State of Georgia, as required by law (Constitution
of Georgia, Article III, Section IV, Paragraph V
(Code § 2-1605)); Constitution of the United States,
Article VI, Section 3.
2.
‘ ‘ By said actions and statements, said representa
tive-elect adheres to the enemies of the United States
and of the State of Georgia, contrary to the Con
stitution of Georgia (Article I, Section II, Para-
47
Appendix B—Opinions Below
graph II) and of the United States (Article III,
Section 3, CL 1).
3.
“ By said actions and statements, said representa
tive-elect gives aid and comfort to the enemies of
the United States and of the State of Georgia, con
trary to the Constitution of Georgia (Article I, Sec
tion II, Paragraph II) and of the United States
(Article III, Section 3, Cl. 1).
4.
“ Said actions and statements constitute a viola
tion of the United States Code, Title 50, § 462(a).
5.
“ Said actions and statements constitute a viola
tion of the United States Code, Title 50, § 462(b), as
amended.
6.
“ The statements referred to above are repre
hensible and are such as tend to bring discredit to
and disrespect of the House of Representatives and
constitute actions on the part of Representative-
Elect Julian Bond sufficient to prevent him from
being seated as a member of the House of Repre
sentatives.
7.
“ Such actions and statements show that he is
unqualified and ineligible to be a member of the
House of Representatives.”
E x h ib it A to P etitio n I
“ The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit
tee has a right and a responsibility to dissent with
48
Appendix B—Opinions Beloiv
United States foreign policy on an issue when it
sees fit. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com
mittee now states its opposition to United States’
involvement in Viet Nam on these grounds:
“ We believe the United States government has
been deceptive in its claims of concern for freedom
of the Vietnamese people, just as the government has
been deceptive in claiming concern for the freedom
of colored people in such other countries as the Do
minican Republic, the Congo, South Africa, Rhodesia
and in the United States itself.
“ We, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com
mittee, have been involved in the black people’s
struggle for liberation and self-determination in this
country for the past five years. Our work, particu
larly in the South, has taught us that the United
States government has never guaranteed the freedom
of oppressed citizens, and is not yet truly determined
to end the rule of terror and oppression within its
own borders.
“ We ourselves have often been victims of vio
lence and confinement executed by United States
government officials. We recall the numerous per
sons who have been murdered in the South because
of their efforts to secure their civil and human rights,
and whose murderers have been allowed to escape
penalty for their crimes.
“ The murder of Samuel Young in Tuskegee, Ala.,
is no different than the murder of peasants in Viet
Nam, for both Young and the Vietnamese sought, and
are seeking, to secure the rights guaranteed them
by law. In each case the United States government
bears a great part of the responsibility for these
deaths.
“ Samuel Young was murdered because United
States law is not being enforced. Vietnamese are
49
Appendix B—Opinions Below
murdered because the United States is pursuing an
aggressive policy in violation of international law.
The United States is no respecter of persons or law
when such persons or laws run counter to its needs
and desires.
“ We recall the indifference, suspicion and out
right hostility with which our reports of violence
have been met in the past by government officials.
“ We know that for the most part, elections in
this country, in the North as well as the South, are
not free. We have seen that the 1965 Voting Eights
Act and the 1964 Civil Eights Act have not yet been
implemented with full federal power and sincerity.
“ We question, then, the ability and even the
desire of the United States government to guarantee
free elections abroad. We maintain that our coun
try ’s cry of ‘ preserve freedom in the world ’ is a hypo
critical mask behind which it squashes liberation
movements which are not bound, and refuse to be
bound, by the expediencies of United States cold war
policies.
“ We are in sympathy with, and support, the men
in this country who are unwilling to respond to a
military draft which would compel them to contribute
their lives to United States aggression in Viet Nam
in the name of the ‘freedom’ we find so false in this
country.
“ We recoil with horror at the inconsistency of
a supposedly ‘free’ society where responsibility to
freedom is equated with the responsibility to lend
oneself to military aggression. We take note of the
fact that 16 percent of the draftees from this country
are Negroes called on to stifle the liberation of Viet
Nam, to preserve a ‘democracy’ which does not exist
for them at home.
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Appendix B—Opinions Below
“ We ask, where is the draft for the freedom fight
in the United States'!
“ We therefore encourage those Americans who
prefer to use their energy in building democratic
forms within this country. We believe that work in
the civil rights movement and with other human rela
tions organizations is a valid alternative to the draft.
We urge all Americans to seek this alternative, know
ing full well that it may cost them lives—as painfully
as in Yiet Nam.”
P etitio n II
“ (1) That the Constitution of Georgia, Article
III, Section VII, Paragraph 1 provides that each
House shall be the judge of the election, returns, and
qualifications of its members.
“ (2) That the Constitution of Georgia, Article
III, Section TV, Paragraph 5, specifically requires
each senator and representative, before taking their
seat, to take the following oath or affirmation, to-wit:
‘I will support the Constitution of this State
and of the United States, and on all questions and
measures which may come before me, I will so
conduct myself, as will, in my judgment, be most
conducive to the interest and prosperity of this
State.’
“ That the said Julian Bond has specifically and
publicly endorsed in full a policy statement of an
organization known as the Student Non-Violent Co
ordinating Committee, which statement reads as
follows:
‘We are in sympathy with, and support, the
men in this country who are unwilling to respond
to a military draft which would compel them to
contribute their lives to United States aggression
51
Appendix B—Opinions Below
in Viet Nam in the name of the “ freedom” we find
so false in this country. ’
‘We recoil with horror at the inconsistency of
a supposedly free society where responsibility to
freedom is equated with the responsibility to lend
oneself to military aggression. We take note of
the fact that 16 per cent of the draftees from this
country are Negroes called on to stifle the libera
tion of Yiet Nam, to preserve a “ democracy”
which does not exist for them at home . . .’
‘We, therefore, encourage those Americans
who prefer to use their energy in building demo
cratic forms within this country. We believe that
work in the civil rights movement and with other
human relations organizations is a valid alterna
tive to the draft. We urge all Americans to
seek this alternative, knowing full well that it
may cost them their lives—as painfully as in
Viet Nam.’
“ (4) That the said Julian Bond is not qualified
under the Constitution of Georgia to take the oath
as a Member of the House of Representatives rep
resenting the 136th Representative District of Fulton
County, Georgia, inasmuch as his full endorsement
of the aforesaid policy statement of the Student
Non-Violent Coordinating Committee is totally and
completely repugnant to and inconsistent with the
mandatory oath prescribed by the Constitution of
Georgia for a Member of the House of Representa
tives to take before taking his seat.
“ (5) That the said Julian Bond cannot justly
and honestly take the aforementioned mandatory con
stitutional oath which requires him to uphold the
Constitution of the United States and the Constitu-
52
Appendix B—Opinions Below
tion of Georgia, having endorsed the aforesaid sub
versive policy statement.”
At the Committee hearing, the proponents of the contest
sought to substantiate their claim by having played into the
record a taped newscaster’s interview with Mr. Bond which,
although not made by him as a public statement upon his
own initiative in the normal manner of making a hortatory
expression, was made, it may be assumed, with the knowl
edge that it would be broadcast by the newscaster. The
Committee also invited from Mr. Bond his comment. He
stated to the Committee that he “ did support” the state
ment of the SNOG, quoted above, in its entirety.
In support of the charge that Bond had “ said that he
admires the courage of those persons wdio burn their draft
cards”, the following question was asked: “ Do you admire
the courage of persons who burn their draft cards?” after
which, the following’ question and answer occurred:
“ A. I admire people who take an action, and I
admire people who feel strongly enough about their
convictions to take an action like that knowing the
consequences that they will face, and that was my
original statement when asked that question.
“ Q. Do you still adhere to that statement? A.
Yes, I do.
“ Q. Let me see if I have your statement correct,
that you admire people who are willing to take the
consequences, to stand up for their principles, is that
substantially what you said? A. That is correct.
“ Q. And does that admiration of such people go
to taking such a stand, when such a stand is in viola
tion of a valid law of the United States ? A. I have
never suggested or counseled or advocated that any
one other person burn their draft card. In fact, I
have mine in my pocket and will produce it if you
Appendix B—Opinions Below
wish. I do not advocate that people should break
laws. What I simply try to say was that I admired
the courage of someone who could act on his convic
tions knowing that he faces pretty stiff consequences.
“ Q. So that you admire the courage of the per
sons in the given instance who burn their draft
cards, or who were willing to take the consequences
for burning their draft cards? A. That is right.”
In a written response to the charges and during the
proceedings Representative Bond stated his willingness and
desire to take the oath to support the Constitutions of the
United States and the State of Georgia as prescribed by
the Georgia Constitution.
It is clear that the refusal to seat this elected represen
tative was upon the charge, adequately proven, of his stated
support in an interview with a newsman and subsequently
in the corridor of the House of Representatives (after the
challenge had been referred to the Committee) of the SNCC
statement and his views touching on the draft card matter.
The suit before us challenges the authority of the House
of Representatives, under the provision making it “ the
Judge of the . . . qualifications of its members” to deny
an elected member, the right to be seated for any lack of
qualifications not specifically prescribed in the Georgia
Constitution. Further, the complaint asserts that the actual
ground of his rejection as a member was the disapproval
by the House of his conduct, to-wit: the expression of the
extremely unpopular (characterized as illegal and disloyal
by the proponents of the contest) views as above set out;
that a denial of his seat because of such conduct constitutes
an abridgment by the State of Georgia of Bond’s freedom
of speech in violation of the guarantee of the First Amend
ment to the United States Constitution, which guarantee
is made effective as against State action by “ absorption”
54
Appendix B—Opinions Below
into the guarantee of due process by the Fourteenth Amend
ment. See Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U. S. 319, 324, 326.
The complaint requires the convening of a three-judge
District court under Title 28, Section 2281, United States
Code Annotated, because it charges that if Article III,
Section VII, Paragraph 1 of the Georgia Constitution,
supra (making each House the judge of the qualifications
of its members), is construed in the manner in which it
was applied in this case, then the said Section of the
Georgia Constitution is invalid under the Fourteenth
Amendment. Once convened properly, such a court has
jurisdiction to decide every question involved in the litiga
tion, state as well as federal. Missouri v. Brashear Freight
Lines, 312 U. S. 621; R. R. Comm, of Calif, v. Pacific Gas
& Electric Company, 302 U. S. 388.
It is a basic principle of jurisprudence that if, by con
struction of a statute in a manner that will make it con
stitutional, this avoids the question whether the statute,
differently construed, would be unconstitutional, a court
should first construe the statute with an eye to the avoiding
of the constitutional question if possible See Rescue Army,
et al, v. Municipal Court of Los Angeles, 331 U. S. 549, 568,
et seq.
Thus, we look first to determine whether the challenged
provision of the Georgia Constitution may properly be con
strued so as to permit the unseating of Representative-
Elect Bond on the grounds stated. Of course, if the Georgia
Supreme Court had construed the statute in such a manner
this construction of the Georgia Constitution would be bind
ing on us. The Court has not so construed it.
The State of Georgia claims that, at least within the
factual context of this contest, the power of the House of
Representatives to judge Bond’s qualifications is “ plen
ary.” It offers, in support of this proposition, three
Georgia Court decisions: Rainey v. Taylor, 166 Ga. 476
55
Appendix B—Opinions Below
(1928); Beatty v. Myrick, 218 Ga. 629 (1963); and Fowler
v. Bostick, 99 Ga. App. 428 (1959).
In point of fact, in none of these Georgia decisions did
the court determine that the House or Senate had absolute
and final jurisdiction to judg*e whether the contesting parties
lacked qualifications which are not expressly stated as
“qualifications” or rules of “eligibility” in the Georgia
Constitution.
The Rainey case dealt with a charge by one Taylor, in
a quo warranto proceeding against Rainey, that Rainey
was, at the time of his election to the Georgia General
Assembly, an acting superintendent of Schools. It being-
provided in the Georgia Constitution that the “ qualifica
tions of members” is to be decided by the House of Rep
resentatives, and, the Constitution in what is now Section
2-1606, quoted supra, providing that the holder of another
state office “ shall not have a seat in either House,” it was
a question for the General Assembly to judge whether
Rainey was disqualified under a stated ground in the con
stitution. The Court merely held that a rule of “ eligibil
ity” was comprehended within the term “ qualifications.”
In the subsequent case of Beatty v. Myrick, in a head-
note opinion, the Supreme Court of Georgia stated that
the question was which of two named candidates was le
gally elected to represent the Third Senatorial District in
the State Senate. There was thus no question of testing
the “ qualifications” of the senator-elect. It was simply
a matter of judging who was the winner of the election.
This question is expressly confided by the Constitution
to the State Senate.
Fowler v. Bostick was in all respects similar to the
Rainey case. It was an action for a declaratory judgment
seeking to disqualify Bostick as ineligible to be seated as
Representative of Tift County because he was, at the time,
alleged to hold the office of Clerk of the Superior Court of
Tift County. Here, as in Rainey, the court was asked
56
Appendix B-—Opinions Below
to determine whether an elected member met the qualifica
tions expressly stated in the Georgia Constitution. Of
course, no criticism can be made of such a decision as these
three by the Georgia courts. The question, not before
the Court there, is whether, under the Georgia Constitu
tion, the Legislature can find a lack of qualifications be
yond those expressly provided for in the Constitution itself
and as set out above.
In the absence of a strong showing of judicial inter
pretation to the contrary, it would seem that simple justice
would require a holding that where specific qualifications
are stated for an office and the Legislature is given the
power to judge whether an aspirant for the office is “ quali
fied” , the legislature, as judge, should be required to look
to the stated qualifications as the measuring stick. To hold
to the contrary and permit the House as judge to go at
large in a determination of whether Eepresentative-Elect
“ A ” meets undefined, unknown and even constitutionally
questionable standards shocks not only the judicial, but
also the lay sense of justice.
It can be readily understood why there are few legal
precedents to give guidance in such a situation. In the
first place, it can be assumed that members of a state or
national legislature are prone to recognize the right of
the electorate to choose as their representative whom
they want to serve them. Thus, there may not be expected
to be many clear precedents. Further it is readily ap
parent that in those cases in which a legislative body has
exceeded its authority the shortness of the term of office
may make moot any contest in court.
Nevertheless, there are some legislative precedents. In
a New York state general election held on November 4,
1919, five members of the Socialist party were elected as
members of the General Assembly of the State of New
York. They appeared and took the oath of office, and
thereupon, as soon as the House was organized, a motion
57
Appendix B—Opinions Below
was made to deprive them of their rights to participate,
or, in other words, to expel them from membership in the
House. A resolution for such expulsion was submitted
and referred to a committee which conducted hearings re
sulting in a resolution to expel, and the members were
later, by action of the Legislature, expelled from member
ship.
During the pendency of the hearings, the annual meet
ing of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York
adopted a resolution authorizing appointment of a com
mittee “ to appear before the Assembly or its Judiciary
Committee and take such action as may in their judgment be
necessary to safeguard and protect the principles of rep
resentative government guaranteed by the Constitution,
which are involved in the proceedings now pending.”
This Committee, under the Chairmanship of Honor
able Charles E. Hughes, a former Governor of the state
of New York and a former member of the United States
Supreme Court who resigned to be a candidate for the
presidency of the United States in the elections in 1916,
and who later was reappointed to the Supreme Court
of the United States and became Chief Justice, and in
cluding in its membership Honorable Joseph M. Pros-
kauer, later an eminent New York Supreme Court Jus
tice, and Honorable Ogden L. Mills, who later became
Secretary of the Treasury of the United States (the other
members, Honorable Morgan J. O’Brien and Honorable
Louis Marshall, all doubtless men of similar public spirit
and competence, but their names do not at the moment
call to mind the character of their other public service)
filed a careful brief, because, as the Committee said, they
regarded “ these proceedings as inimical to our institu
tions, because they tend to subvert the very foundation
upon which they rest'—representative government.” In
the course of the discussion of the situation then pending,
the Committee made it plain that the action was an action
58
Appendix B—Opinions Below
for expulsion rather than an action to determine the quali
fications of the members under the provisions of the New
York Constitution similar to that of the State of Georgia.
In pointing to the reason why they considered the pro
ceedings not a testing of “ the qualifications” of the mem
bers, they cited from the proceedings of the United States
Senate, in which Senator Reed Smoot, of Utah, was the
subject of proceedings attacking his membership in the
United States Senate on the charge that he was one of
the twelve apostles of the Mormon Church, and, therefore,
a prominent member of the hierarchy, and, though not a
polygamist, sanctioned polygamy, a practice prohibited
by the organic act of Congress admitting Utah as a state.
In the course of the Smoot proceedings, Senator Phil
ander C. Knox, a distinguished Senator from the state of
Pennsylvania, discussed the question of testing the qualifi
cations of a member of the Senate under the United States
Constitutional provisions that are similar to those in Article
III, Section V, etc., set out above. His statement is a com
plete answer to the claim that a legislature may require
any qualifications it chooses. Senator Knox said:
“ I have intentionally referred to the proposed ac
tion against Senator Smoot as expulsion. I do not
think the Senate will seriously consider that any
question is involved except one of expulsion, requir
ing a two-thirds vote.1 There is no question as to
Senator Smoot possessing the qualifications pre
scribed by the Constitution and therefore we cannot
deprive him of his seat by a majority vote. He was,
at the time of his election, over 30 years of age and
had been nine years a citizen of the United States,
a,nd when elected was an inhabitant of Utah. These
1 Under the United States Constitution, a majority of the Senate
could find a Senator not qualified, whereas it required a two-thirds
vote to expel a member. This is similar to the Georgia Constitution.
59
Appendix B—Opinions Below
are the only qualifications named in the Constitution,
and it is not in our power to say to the States, ‘these
are not enough; we require other qualifications,’ or
to say that we cannot trust the judgment of the states
in the selection of Senators, and we, therefore, insist
upon the right to disapprove them for any reason.
This claim of right to disapprove is not even subject
to any rule of the Senate specifying additional quali
fications of ivhich the states have notice at the time
of selecting their senators, but it is said to be abso
lute in each case as it arises, uncontrolled by any
canon or theory whatever . . . Subject to these limi
tations imposed by the Constitution, the states are
left untrammeled in their right to choose their sen
ators” (Emphasis supplied).
The record discloses that the Senate declined to expel
or otherwise deny Senator Smoot his right to sit. However,
the five members of the New York State Legislature, whose
cause was so eloquently presented by the Hughes Commit
tee, did not fare so well. They were denied their seats.
Expressing their own views again on the question of the
power of the Legislature to disqualify a member for
grounds other than those stated in the Constitution, the
Hughes Committee stated:
“ We contend that the opinion expressed by Sen
ator Knox in the case of Senator Smoot, supra, cor
rectly defines what is meant by qualification. The
constitution expressly specifies a number of disqual
ifications [as is also true in the Georgia Constitution]
. . . The principle of constitutional interpretation ap
plicable to this phase of the subject was elaborated
in classic phrase by Chancellor Sanford in Barker
v. People, 3 Cowen, 703, which, although decided in
1824, and therefore involving the interpretation of an
60
Appendix B—Opinions Below
earlier Constitution, is nevertheless as applicable in
principle to the present Constitution: ‘Eligibility to
public trust, is claimed as a constitutional right,
which cannot be abridged or impaired. The Consti
tution established and defines the right of suffrage;
and gives to the electors and to their various authori
ties, the power to confer public trust. . . . Excepting
particular exclusions thus established, the electors
and the appointing authorities are, by the Constitu
tion wholly free to confer public stations upon any
person, according to their pleasure. The Constitu
tion giving the right of election and the right of ap
pointment; these rights consisting essentially in the
freedom of choice; and the Constitution also declar
ing, that certain persons are not eligible to office; it
follows from these powers and provisions, that all
other persons are eligible. Eligibility to office is not
declared as a right or principle, by any expressed
terms of the Constitution; but it results, as a just
deduction, from the expressed powers and provisions
of the system. The basis of the principle, is the abso
lute liberty of electors and the appointing authorities,
to choose and to appoint any person, who is not made
ineligible by the Constitution . . . I, therefore, con
ceive it to be entirely clear that the Legislature can
not establish arbitrary exclusions from office or any
general regulation requiring qualifications, which the
Constitution has not required.’ . . . He would be in
deed a bold individual who would assert that any
American Legislative body can set up an arbitrary
standard of qualification of its members that finds
no sanction in the general will of the people and that
is contrary to the spirit of the Constitution. . . .”
Brief of Special Committee appointed by the Associ
ation of the Bar of the City of New York, January
20, 1920 (Emphasis supplied).
61
Appendix B—Opinions Below
A number of actions of the United States House of Rep
resentatives or the United States Senate are cited by the
State as illustrative in its argument that the term “ qualifi
cation,” is broad enough to encompass a test of the repre
sentative elect’s general character and loyalty. Based upon
the excerpts from these cases as contained in the State’s
brief, each of them is to be distinguished.
The first of these cases is that of Victor Berger, a Con
gressman from Wisconsin, who had served in the House
from 1911 to 1913. In 1918, he was again elected to the 66th
Congress. Before appearing to be sworn in, he was indicted
by the grand jury in the United States District Court for
the violation of the Espionage Act. He was found guilty
and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment. The appeal was
pending at the time he offered to take the oath of office in
the United States Congress. The House of Representatives
adopted the report of the Committee, which found that “ the
question was ‘whether or not Victor L. Berger was guilty
of a violation of the Espionage Act, whether or not he did
give aid or comfort to the enemies of the United States
during the war with Germany [which, of course, in time of
war, would amount to treason under the Constitution of the
United States] and whether or not he was ineligible to a
seat in the House of Representatives” . The Committee
found “ after a careful consideration of all the evidence, in
the opinion of your committee, the admitted acts, writings,
and declarations of Victor L. Berger . . . giving such acts in
the language of the writings and declarations their ordinary,
everyday meaning, and without considering any other evi
dence, clearly establishes a conscious, deliberate and con
tinuing purpose and intent to obstruct, hinder and embar
rass the government of the United States and the prosecu
tion of the war, and thus to give aid and comfort to the
enemies of our country. . . . ”
The United States Constitution, in describing the crime
of treason provides that “ the Congress shall have power
62
Appendix B—Opinions Below
to declare the punishment of treason, ’ ’ Article III, Chapter
3, Section 3 [2]. Congress has determined that one of the
punishments for treason is that “ Every person so convicted
of treason shall, moreover, he incapable of holding any of
fice under the United States.” This was the language of
the statute that was in effect at the time of Berger’s contest.
The present counterpart is found in 18 U. S. C. A., § 2381,
in which it says that a person so convicted “ shall be in
capable of holding any office under the United States.”
Thus, although he had been convicted of sedition and
not treason, Berger ’s rejection by the House of Representa
tives was on a determination by the House that he had
committed treason, which, if found by a court would be a
lack of qualifications prescribed by the United States Con
stitution. Although in the committee report, it was argued
that the House was not limited to constitutionally defined
“ qualifications” in passing upon Berger’s eligibilty, never
theless the action of the House in rejecting him falls within
the pattern of what is permissible under the principles
discussed in the Hughes Committee Report, supra. There
was no court test of this exclusion.
William Blount, of Tennessee, was expelled from the
Senate after having been seated. He was expelled “ for
conduct inconsistent with his public duty, rendering him
unworthy of further continuance of his present public
trust.” This action was taken under the provision of the
United States Constitution which authorizes “ each House
may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its mem
bers for disorderly behavior, and, with concurrence of two-
thirds, expel a member.” Article I, Sec. 5, Clause 2. It
has nothing to do with Article I, Section 5, Clause 1, which
provides that “ each House shall be the judge of the elec
tions, returns and qualifications of its own members. . . .”
This is an important distinction because the authority to
expel, unlike the provision relating to qualifications, is not
limited by any language in the Constitution prescribing the
grounds for expulsion.
63
Appendix B—Opinions Below
John Smith, of Ohio, was cited for treason and misde
meanor as an accomplice of Aaron Burr. The Senate voted
19 for expulsion and 10 against. On the resolution failing
to secure the necessary two-thirds, Smith retained his seat.
Here, again, it was an action of expulsion. It is no precedent
for giving “ plenary” power to judge qualification.
John M. Niles, of Connecticut, was examined before
taking the oath of office as to his mental capacities. The
Committee found that he suffered under a mental physical
debility, but that he was able to perform his duties, and he
was seated. Of course, as noted above, insanity is a qualifi
cation by the Georgia Constitution for members of the
House and Senate of this State.
John D. Bright, of Indiana, was expelled because it was
found that he had written a certain letter to assist a member
of the Confederate states to buy firearms. Note again that
this was a matter of expulsion for an act of misconduct
while a member and not a matter of determining qualifica
tion to be seated.
Joshua Hill and H. V. M. Miller, of Georgia, were re
fused seats in the United States Senate because of the
manner in which the Georgia General Assembly, which had
elected Hill and Miller, was conducting its elections. (Of
course, this was at a time prior to the adoption of the 17th
Amendment, and senators were elected by the State Leg
islatures.) This, of course, went directly to the question
of judging “ the election,” which is expressly authorized
by the United States and Georgia Constitutions. The Reed
Smoot case has been discussed previously. It was again,
a question of expelling a senator and not one of passing on
his qualifications at the time he presented himself.
The most recent case involved Senator Theodore G.
Bilbo, who was not administered the oath pending an in
vestigation of charges that his action’s dealing with racial
policies were said to be “ contrary to the public policy,
64
Appendix B—Opinions Below
harmful to the dignity and honor of the Senate, dangerous
to the perpetuity of free government, and taint [sic] with
fraud and corruption of the credentials.”
If a substantial part of the charge was the question of
fraud and corruption of the credentials, this, of course,
would be a matter of judging “ the election,” which is
specifically authorized. In any event, Senator Bilbo was
forced to step aside for an operation and he died before
action was taken on his seating.
In 1926, William S. Yare, of Pennsylvania, and Prank
L. Smith, of Illinois, were refused seats for excessive ex
penditures during their respective election campaigns.
Once again this was a question of judging “ the election,”
authority for which is expressly given to the Senate.
If there are other cases involving action by the United
States Congress in which it is expressly shown that it'
has assumed the right to expand the list of qualifications
beyond those stated in the United States Constitution, they
have not been brought to our attention.
It is quite difficult to ascertain from available materials,
which, if any, state cases cited in the briefs of the parties
were decided on a basis that explicitly shows that a state
House or a state Senate has considered that it can de
termine a prospective member to be not qualified for
grounds other than those stated in the respective constitu
tions as the qualifications or basis of eligibility for the
office.
Representative-Elect Bond was not challenged on the
ground that he was not 21 years of age; that he had not
been a citizen of the State for the requisite two years and
a resident of the county from which he was elected. Nor
was he challenged on the ground that he had been con
victed of treason against the state, embezzlement of public
funds, misfeasance in office, bribery or larceny or any
crime punishable by the laws of the state, punishable with
65
Appendix B—Opinions Below
imprisonment in the penitentiary. He was not charged
with having received any interest, profit or perquisite
arising from the use or loan of public funds. He offered to
take the prescribed oath of office.
Since it cannot be claimed that he was found disquali
fied on some ground other than those of which he was
charged, as this would be the clearest sort of deprivation of
due process guaranteed not only by the United States
Constitution, but also by the Georgia Constitution as well,
Article I, Section I, Paragraph III, Constitution of the
State of Georgia, Section 2-103, Ga. Code Ann., it is clear
that Bond was found disqualified on account of conduct
not enumerated in the Georgia Constitution as a basis of
disqualification. This was beyond the power of the House
of Representatives. It runs counter to the express pro
visions of the Georgia Constitution giving to the people
the right to elect their representatives, and limiting the
Legislature in its right to reject such elected members to
those grounds which are expressly stated in Georgia’s
basic document.
As pointed out above, no Georgia decision has held
that the courts of this state are helpless to intervene where
a House of the Legislature undertakes to disqualify a
person on a ground not specified. The decisions thus far
reach only the proposition that where the Georgia Consti
tution authorizes the House to pass upon the qualifications
of its members, all of the provisions in the Constitution
touching on qualifications may be considered by the House
in determining whether a member-elect meets the specified
standards. In view of my conclusion that the action of
the lower house of the General Assembly was in violation
of the State Constitution, it would seem that Article I,
Section IV, Paragraph II, would come into play. This
section provides: “ Legislative Acts in violation of this
Constitution, or the Constitution of the United States, are
void, and the judiciary shall so declare them.” Section
66
Appendix B—Opinions Below
2-402, Ga. Code Arm. Since, therefore, a Georgia Court
is given the authority to declare such an act void, as in
violation of the Georgia Constitution, pendent jurisdiction
places this obligation upon this Court.
While it might be argued that, under normal circum
stances, if there were nothing before this Court other than
the charge that the State Legislature violated the Georgia
Constitution, rules of comity might require that this. Court
refrain from assuming jurisdiction over such a controversy,
this is not such a case. If we were to refrain from acting
on the State constitutional question, we would then be
faced squarely with the necessity of deciding the grave
Federal constitutional question. That question is, whether
the plaintiff has been deprived of his First Amendment
rights by the action of the Georgia House. The gravity
of that question cannot be doubted, since it is clear that
it was for expression of his views that Bond was denied his
seat. In view of the fact that all of plaintiff’s rights can
be fully adjudicated by our construction of the Georgia
Constitution itself, we need not, and, indeed, we should not,
proceed to a consideration of the Federal constitutional
issue.
I would find that the act of the Georgia House of Bep-
resentatives was void as being in violation of the Georgia
Constitution and would require that he be seated to the
place to which he was elected.
67
APPENDIX C
Judgment Below
m THE
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
F ob th e N orthern D istrict oe G eorgia
A tlanta D ivision
Civil Action No. 9895
-------------------- o-------- -— -------- -
J u lian B ond, D r . M artin L u t h e r K in g , J r ., and Mrs.
A ret, K eyes, for themselves jointly and severally, and
for all other similarly situated,
Plaintiffs,
— v . —
J ames “ S l o ppy” F loyd, et al.,
Defendants.
- o -
Order
On the 17th day of January 1966 a complaint was filed
in the United States District Court for the Northern Dis
trict of Georgia, Atlanta Division, for injunctive relief in
the above-styled cause. Pursuant to the prayers of the
complaint a Three-Judge District Court was convened,
consisting of Honorable Elbert P. Tuttle, Circuit Judge,
Griffin B. Bell, Circuit Judge, and Lewis R. Morgan, Dis
trict Judge. A motion for a preliminary injunction was
filed on that same day. Various motions and an answer
were filed by the Defendants, and it was stipulated that a
final judgment might be rendered on the pleadings, the
68
Appendix C—Judgment Below
stipulated facts and such other evidence as was introduced
on the hearing of this matter. The Court, having heard
oral argument on January 28, 1966, and having entered
its opinion with respect thereto on February 10, 1966, and
being advised in the premises,
I t is n o w , t h e r e fo r e , ordered, adjudged and degreed
as follows:
1.
The Motion to Dismiss for lack of jurisdiction is denied.
The Motion to Strike Plaintiffs Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr., and Mrs. Arel Keyes for lack of standing is hereby
granted.
2.
The prayers of the complaint are denied for the reasons
set forth in the opinion and the complaint is hereby dis
missed.
This 14th day of February 1966.
/ s / Gr if f in B . B ell ,
United States Circuit Judge.
/ s / L ew is R . M organ,
United States District Judge.
I concur in that part of the Order denying the Motion
to Dismiss for Want of Jurisdiction.
I dissent from the remainder of the Order.
/ s / E lbert P. T u ttle ,
United States Circuit Judge.
T he H ecla P ress, 54 Lafayette Street, New York City, BEekman 3-2320