Goss v. Knoxville, TN Board of Education Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellants
Public Court Documents
November 1, 1967
Cite this item
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Goss v. Knoxville, TN Board of Education Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellants, 1967. c755b5f6-b39a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/3f25dd57-cb6e-4880-b987-a48317cc87e7/goss-v-knoxville-tn-board-of-education-brief-for-plaintiffs-appellants. Accessed December 06, 2025.
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No. 18,165
In t h e
Itttoit §tatrs (Umtrt a! Appeals
F ob t h e S ix th C ibchit
J o seph in e G oss, et al.,
Plaintiffs-Appellants,
— v .—
T h e B oaed of E ducation of t h e
C ity of K noxville, T en n essee ,
Defendant-Appellee.
APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOB THE
EASTERN DISTRICT OF TENNESSEE, NORTHERN DIVISION
BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLANTS
J ack Greenberg
J ames M. N abrit, III
M ich a el J . H enry
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
Carl A. C owan
2212 Vine Avenue, S.E.
Knoxville, Tennessee 37915
A von N. W illiam s , J r.
Z. A lexander L ooby
McClellan-Looby Building
Charlotte at Fourth
Nashville, Tennessee 37201
Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellants
November 1967
1
Statement of Questions Involved
I.
Whether the Knoxville School System is completely
desegregated, in spite of the fact that the Negro schools
under dual operation remain identifiable as Negro schools
and are attended almost exclusively by Negro students?
The district court answered this question “Yes” and
plaintiffs-appellants contend the answer should have been
“No.”
II.
Whether the Knoxville School System should have been
ordered to pair identifiable Negro schools which could be
paired, locate new construction to help eliminate identifiable
Negro schools, and take other affirmative action to dis
establish segregation ?
The district court answered this question “No” and
plaintiffs-appellants contend the answer should have been
“Yes.”
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF BRIEF
PAGE
Statement of Questions Involved ............................ Preface
Statement of Facts ....................................................... 1
A. The General Effects of Segregation in Depriv
ing Minority Group Members of Equal Educa
tional Opportunity ............................................ 5
B. Policies of the Knoxville School System Per
petuating Segregation of the Negro Schools .... 7
C. The Educational Expert’s Proposals for Par
tial Remedies to Disestablish Segregation of
the Negro Schools ............................................ 12
A r g u m e n t ........................................................................................... 16
I. The Knoxville School System Is Not Fully De
segregated Because the Negro Schools Under Dual
Operation Remain Identifiable as Negro Schools
and Are Attended Almost Exclusively by Negro
Students .................................................................. 16
A. The relief in a class action suit against segre
gation must reach all members of the class.
B. Affirmative action must be undertaken by the
school board to eradicate the vestiges of the
dual school system and eliminate the effects of
segregation.
C. The policies of the Knoxville school system
have perpetuated segregation for the over
whelming majority of Negro students.
II. The District Court Should Have Ordered the
Knoxville School System to Pair Identifiable
Negro Schools Which Could Be Paired, Locate
IV
New Construction to Help Eliminate Identifiable
Negro Schools, and Take Other Affirmative Action
to Disestablish Segregation ................................... 28
A. The test of the propriety of equitable relief is
whether the required remedial action reason
ably tends to dissipate the effects of the con
demned actions and to prevent their continu
ance.
B. The courts of appeals have specifically held
that pairing of schools (the “Princeton plan”),
locating new construction to disestablish seg
regation, and the use of independent experts
in educational administration to formulate rem
edies are proper equitable relief for a previous
policy of segregation.
PAGE
R elief 37
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF APPENDIX
PAGE
Docket Entries and Clerk’s Certificate of Record on
Appeal ...................................................................... la
Knoxville Public School System’s Reply to Plaintiffs’
Interrogatory of March 1, 1967 .............................. 22a
Chart I—
Enrollment of Schools by Race, 1966-67 .......... 42a
Chart I l l -
Faculty Personnel by School and Race, 1966-67 48a
Chart IV—
Administrative Personnel, 1966-67 ..................... 56a
Chart V—
Reasons for Granting Student Transfers, 1966-
67 ..... 58a
Chart VII—
Special Transfers, Mountain View School........ 61a
Chart VIII—
Food Service Personnel by Race, 1966-67 ......... 62a
Chart IX—
Maintenance and Operations Personnel by
Race, 1966-67 ..................................................... 63a
Plaintiffs’ Motion for Further Relief (filed May 8,
1967) ......................................................................... 64a
Amendment to Plaintiffs’ Motion for Further Relief
(filed May 25, 1967) .................................................. 72a
Motion of Defendants to Strike or Otherwise Dispose
of Plaintiffs’ Motion for Further Relief (filed May
9, 1967) ..................................................................... 73a
V I
Transcript of Hearing of May 11, 15, 1967 .............. 74a
Dr. Morris Osbnrn, Plaintiffs’ Educational Ex
pert .................................................................... 75a
Dr. Fred Bedelle, Jr., Director of Research, Knox
ville Public School System ............................... 156a
Dr. Olin L. Adams, Jr., Superintendent of Schools,
Knoxville Public School System ...................... 293a
Rev. Frank R. Gordon, N.A.A.C.P. Chairman of
Education ............................................................ 345a
Reporter’s Certificate ........................................... 353a
List of Exhibits filed at Hearing of May 11,15,1967 .... 354a
Memorandum Opinion of Robert L. Taylor, D.J. (filed
June 7, 1967) ................................... 357a
Order of Robert L. Taylor, D.J. (filed June 7,1967) .... 390a
PAGE
V II
PAGE
T able oe Cases
Board of Education of Oklahoma City Public Schools
v. Dowell, 375 F.2d 158 (10th Cir. 1967), cert, den.,
387 U.S. 931 ......................................................... 24, 33, 37
Board of Public Instruction of Duval County, Fla. v.
Braxton, 326 F.2d 616 (5th Cir. 1964) ..................... 34
Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, Va., 382 U.S.
103 (1965) .................................................................. 20
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) ....21,22,
26
Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 (1955) ....31,33
Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 219 F. Supp.
427 (W.D. Okla. 1963) .............................................. 24
Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 244 F. Supp.
971 (W.D. Okla. 1965) .......................................24, 33, 37
Goss v. Board of Education of Knoxville, Tenn., 373
U.S. 683 (1963) ......................................................... 20
Hobson v. Hansen, 269 F. Supp. 401 (D.C. 1967) ...... 35
Kelley v. Altheimer, Ark. Public School Dist. No. 22,
378 F.2d 483 (8th Cir. 1967) ........................ 23, 24, 34, 37
Louisiana v. United States, 380 U.S. 145 (1965) ........ 32
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ........................ 32
Rogers v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965) ............................ 20
Schine Chain Theatres v. United States, 334 U.S. 110
(1948) ......................................................................... 32
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education
et al., 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966); reaffirmed en
banc, 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967) ...... 20,24, 33, 34, 36, 37
United States v. Standard Oil Co., 221 U.S. 1 (1910).... 32
YU1
PAGE
Wheeler v. Durham City (N. Car.) Board of Education,
346 F.2d 768 (4th Cir. 1965) ....................................... 34
Wright v. County School Board of Greensville County,
Va., 252 F. Supp. 378 (E.D. Va. 1966) ........... .......... 34
Other Authorities
Report of the United States Commission on Civil
Rights, “Racial Isolation in the Public Schools,”
Vol. I (1967) ............................................................. 31
United States Office of Education Survey, “Equality
of Educational Opportunity” ................................... 5, 6
In t h e
Inttpft §5>M?b (Emuri of Appeals
F oe t h e S ixth C ircuit
No. 18,165
J o seph in e Goss, et al.,
Plaintiff s-Appellants,
T h e B oard op E ducation op th e
C ity op K noxville, T en n essee ,
Defendant-Appellee.
appeal prom th e united states district court for th e
EASTERN DISTRICT OP TENNESSEE, NORTHERN DIVISION
BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLANTS
Statement of Facts
This class action was originally filed December 11, 1959
by Negro students against the Board of Education of the
City of Knoxville. The complaint, asserting rights secured
by the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Con
stitution, sought injunctive relief under 42 U.S.C. §1983
against the continued operation of a compulsory segre
gated school system, and requiring the Board to develop
and implement a plan for complete re-organization of the
dual schools into a unitary non-racial system. The case
has since had a long history involving several plans sub
mitted by the Board, district court hearings, modifications,
approvals, and appeals, all of which are detailed in the
2
district court’s memorandum opinion of June 7, 1967
(357a-390a) which is the subject of this appeal.
The current phase of the case arises out of plaintiffs’
objections to the Board’s purported plan of complete deseg
regation first filed in 1964 and subsequently amended, the
basic provisions of which provided:
“1. Effective with the beginning of the school year
in September, 1964, all racially discriminatory prac
tices in all grades, programs and facilities of the
Knoxville Public School System shall be eliminated
and abolished. Without limiting the generality and
effectiveness of the foregoing, all teachers, principals
and other school personnel shall be employed by defen
dants and assigned or re-assigned to schools on the
basis of educational need and other academic considera
tions, and without regard to race or color of the per
sons to be assigned, and without regard to the race or
color of the children attending the particular school or
class within a school to which the person is to be as
signed. . . .
“2. Each student will be assigned to the school
designated for the district in which he or she legally
resides, subject to variations due to overcrowding and
and other transfers for cause, and the Superintendent
may permit continued enrollment of students in their
present schools until completion of the grade require
ments for said school, provided this is consistent with
sound school administrative policy.
“3. A plan of school districting based upon the loca
tion and capacity (size) of school buildings and the
latest enrollment studies will be followed subject to
modifications from time to time as required.
3
“4. Upon written application, students may be per
mitted to transfer to schools outside their assigned
attendance zones only in exceptional cases for objec
tive administrative reasons and no transfers shall be
granted, denied or required because of race or
color. . . (370a-371a) [amended version as filed
August 6, 1965].
Plaintiffs had filed objections to paragraphs 2, 3, and 4
of the original version of the above amended “final” plan
of desegregation on February 23, 1965 (368a). These were
preserved during subsequent pre-trial conferences while
the parties attempted to negotiate their differences. At the
time of the final pre-trial conference on March 10, 1967,
the district court states: “Plaintiffs stated that a hearing
should be held on the question whether the plan had in its
operation been effective in eliminating discrimination in
the school system in compliance with the constitutional re
quirement” (372a).
In an order of July 30, 1965 following a pre-trial con
ference, the district court stated that the plaintiffs attacked
a Board of Education policy statement of April 19, 1965
“in which the Board of Education set out a Plan for per
missive continued enrollment of pupils in the year 1965-66
and thereafter in the schools attended in the previous year.
This remains as an unresolved issue in this case” (369a).
(emphasis supplied). The district court subsequently stated
in its memorandum opinion of June 7, 1967 dismissing the
case that “thus, as shown by the foregoing order which
was approved by the attorneys for the respective parties,
the unresolved issue in the case was the validity of the
[above “grade requirement” transfer provision]” (370a).
(emphasis supplied).
4
The district court entered a pre-trial order after the
final pre-trial conference of March 10, 1967, in which it
limited the issues to whether (1) the “grade requirement”
transfer provision and (2) the “brother-sister” transfer
provision perpetuated segregation and therefore violated
the Fourteenth Amendment (372a-373a). Plaintiffs sought
to have the pre-trial order amended to include the following
issues:
(3) Whether or not the Knoxville Public School Sys
tem is effectively desegregated in compliance with the
Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the
United States in relation to 1) Pupil Assignment, 2)
Faculty, 3) Administrative Staff and Clerks, 4) Prin
cipals, 5) Maintenance and Operations Personnel, 6)
School Programming, 7) Organization and Curriculum,
8) Extra-Curricular Activities, 9) Facilities and New
Construction, and 10) School Boundaries or Zone Lines
(373a).
The district court denied plaintiffs’ proposed amendment, in
spite of their compliance with his request to furnish cita
tions of authority pointing out cases in which courts had
dealt with such matters, and plaintiffs excepted to the
denial (373a).
Plaintiffs then filed a motion for further relief (64a-72a)
in which they alleged generally that the zoning, transfer,
curriculum, building location, new construction, faculty as
signment, and other staffing policies of the school system
were perpetuating segregation, and sought to have the
board ordered to undertake an affirmative program to dis
establish segregation through the use of properly designed
student assignment, curriculum, new construction, and
faculty and other staff assignment policies. They also
sought an injunction against the planned new construction
5
of comprehensive junior and senior high schools in outlying
all-white areas of the city pending the adoption of such
an affirmative plan to disestablish segregation (72a).
A full evidentiary hearing was finally held before the
district court on May 11 and 15, 1967, in which the parties
were permitted to introduce proof relating to every phase
of the operation of the school system, as indicated by the
record and the district court’s discussion in its memoran
dum opinion (375a-389a). The district court then denied
all of plaintiffs’ objections to the present operation of the
school system and the injunction against new construction,
refused to order the adoption of any affirmative action
purposed to disestablish the remaining segregation in the
system, and dismissed the case on the basis that the system
was completely desegregated and court supervision was
therefore no longer required (388a-390a).
A. The General Effects of Segregation in Depriving M inority
Group M embers of Equal Educational O pportunity.
Plaintiffs offered the testimony of Dr. Morris Osburn,
Director of the Human Belations Center for Education at
’Western Kentucky University in Bowling Green, Kentucky,
who qualified as an expert in the field of public education
(75a-78a). Dr. Osburn had conducted a study of the Knox
ville public school system relating to the problem of de
segregation (79a-80a), based both on field investigation,
and on extensive data furnished by the Superintendent of
Schools, which was also entered in evidence in this case as
Exhibits 1-36 (see list, 354a-356a).
As a preliminary to his analysis of the Knoxville school
system in particular, Dr. Osburn referred to the report
authorized by the Congress in the Civil Eights Act of 1964
to be made by the United States Commissioner of Educa
tion entitled “Equality of Educational Opportunity” (also
6
known as the Coleman Report). He pointed out that the
fundamental finding of this comprehensive study was “that
children that are attending racially isolated schools are
attaining and achieving lower than children that are at
tending desegregated schools, and that the compensatory
program in these schools seemingly does not increase the
rate of achievement” (85a). Other studies which have come
to his attention also agree with the conclusion of the Cole
man Report (84a).
Dr. Osburn explained that the reason for this effect of
racial isolation of minority group members was that “the
social environment seems to have the greatest effect on
this individual and his rate of achievement” (86a). Thus,
the basic defect of the educational situation of racial isola
tion can be seen by comparison to the situation where there
is interaction with children of other races and social classes
rather than isolation, where “the low socio-economic child,
and particularly the Negro child, as he interacts with the
middle class child . . . becomes responsive, receptive, and
takes on the behavior patterns of these children and the
attitudes and the motivation to learn. . . . It is the inter
action of the peer group more than anything else that pro
motes learning and learning promotes achievement” (86a).
He also explained that although deprivation of equal edu
cational opportunity of children through isolation in a
homogeneous lower socio-economic group was not confined
to Negroes, it was accentuated in the case of Negroes be
cause of independent effects of racial isolation and because
such a large proportion of Negroes were in the lower socio
economic group (83a-88a).
7
B. Policies o f the K noxville School System Perpetuating Segre
gation of the Negro Schools.
Dr. Osburn stated that there is substantial evidence from
general educational administration studies that the loca
tion of schools itself influences the residential character of
surrounding neighborhoods, and that the designation of
particular schools as intended for Negroes or whites in
creases residential segregation since Negroes and whites
tend to locate their residences to be near their respective
schools (105a). Additional factors to be considered with
regard to zoning, Dr. Osburn pointed out, are that a large
proportion of Negroes are in the lower socio-economic group
and are therefore forced to cluster in areas of a city where
inespensive housing is available, and that there remain
considerable restrictions exercised by real estate brokers
against permitting even Negroes who can so afford to move
out of the particular areas of cities traditionally designated
as Negro (105a-108a). Ee-zoning the public schools to dis
establish segregation, he stated, would have to avoid rely
ing upon the patterns of residential segregation contributed
to by these factors (105a).
He concluded, however, that the Knoxville school system
had relied upon these factors in developing its purported
unitary zoning plan (105a-108a, 137a). After examination
of zoning maps for the old dual zones of the Knoxville
school system under segregated operation before 1960 (Ex
hibits 37-38) with the zoning maps adopted in 1960 and
since amended (Exhibits 39-42), he concluded that in most
specific instances involving the schools formerly desig
nated as Negro, the new zone lines under purported uni
tary operation paralleled closely the old zone lines under
segregated operation (93a, 96a, 98a, 102a-104a, 109a-112a,
137a).
Dr. Osburn also analyzed the relationship of the Knox
ville school system’s transfer policies to desegregation. He
8
pointed out that where all the schools in the system had
previously been all-Negro or all-white in enrollment, the
adoption of the “minority to majority” transfer provision
as part of the initial desegregation plan helped perpetuate
segregation, since students zoned to a school which had
previously been identified as intended for members of the
opposite race were thereby encouraged to transfer back to
a school which was previously identified as intended for
members of their own race. The effect of such transfers,
particularly when combined with the continuation of zones
drawn according to patterns of residential segregation, was
to continue and reinforce the identification of the Negro
schools as Negro schools since they continued to have all
or virtually all-Negro student bodies (80a-84a, 98a-101a,
136a-138a).
Even after the abandonment of the “minority to major
ity” transfer provision following its invalidation by the
Supreme Court in 1963, Dr. Osburn pointed out, the adop
tion of the “grade requirement” and “brother-sister” trans
fer provisions perpetuated its effects since these provisions
permitted students who had previously transferred under
the “minority to majority” transfer provision to remain in
the school to which they had transferred, and permitted
other members of the same family to transfer to that school
also (80a-84a, 98a-101a, 136a-138a). During the 1966-67
school year, approximately 3,400 out of a total enrollment
of 37,428 students were granted transfers out of their zone
of residence, 1,762 of which were “grade requirement”
transfers (58a-60a).
The general effects of the Knoxville school system’s zon
ing and transfer policies on the disestablishment of segre
gation appear in the 1966-67 student enrollment figures for
the schools which were designated as Negro under segre
gated operation (42a-47a) :
9
School and grades Negro White
Cansler (1-6) 221 0
Eastport (1-6) 437 1
Green (1-6) 421 21
Maynard (1-6) 452 2
Mountain View (1-6) 325 0
Sam Hill (1-6) 498 0
Beardsley Jr. High (7-10) 471 6
Vine Jr. High (7-9) 619 1
Austin Sr. High (9-12v.) 432 1
The combination of zoning and school curriculum pro
gramming in conjunction with patterns of residential seg
regation and homogeneous lowTer socio-economic class
concentrations particularly amounted to deprivation of
equal educational opportunity in the case of Austin Senior
High School, Dr. Osburn concluded. Austin High School
was the only Negro high school under the old dual system,
and became surrounded by the largest area of Negro resi
dential concentration in Knoxville. After the start of de
segregation, Austin was placed in a combined zone with
East High School, which was on the fringe between Negro
and white residential areas, and Austin was converted to
an all-vocational terminal education program while East
High School continued with a general and academic pro
gram for college preparation. Since Austin was and con
tinues as an all-Negro school in an all-Negro area, few or
no white students in the combined zone can be expected to
transfer to it because it will continue to be identified as a
Negro school, Dr. Osburn pointed out. Furthermore, many
Negro high school students can be expected to continue at
tending Austin simply on the basis of tradition and prox
imity. Since there is a general problem of a low average
level of aspiration among Negro students because of the
previous effects of segregation on themselves and in limit
ing their parents to lower socio-economic class positions,
Dr. Osburn concluded that the fact that this high school has
1 0
an all-vocational terminal education program will simply
re-inforce this low level of aspiration since there will be no
exposure to students or faculty members with different
levels of aspiration (llla-117a).
With regard to faculty integration, Dr. Osburn pointed
out the close relation to student desegregation, since the
teachers in a school are the primary adult models to which
children are exposed. Such models substantially influence
the development of the child’s self-concept of his relation to
members of the other race. For this reason, he concluded
that “it is desirable that every child in any school in our
present society should have some opportunity to be under
the supervision and the directorship, and so forth, of teach
ers of different races” (118a). Furthermore, he continued,
the existence of a faculty at a school composed exclusively
or predominantly of members of one race tends to identify
that school as intended for members of that race only,
particularly where that school was previously racially
designated under the dual system (122a).
The faculty assignments for 1966-67 at the schools which
were designated as Negro under segregated operation and
which remain with virtually all-Negro enrollments were
(48a-55a):
School Negro White
Austin Sr. High 22 4
Beardsley Jr. High 27 2
Cansler 10 4
Eastport 18 1
Green 23 2
Maynard 15 2
Mountain View 15 1
Sam Hill 20 1
Vine Jr. High 31 0
181 17
11
While there were 41 other Negro faculty members as
signed to formerly white schools in the system, 33 of the
56 formerly white schools continued to have no Negro
faculty members during 1966-67 (48a-55a).
Dr. Osburn emphasized that the factor of children taking
the adults with whom they come in contact in the school
system as models and basing their self-concept on them
also occurs with administrative and supervisory personnel,
clerks, and maintainance and operations personnel, and
thus the racial composition of staff other than faculty is
also important in a desegregation plan. He pointed out
that “children naturally look to models, they look to certain
types of behavior of models, and if children consistently
see people of one race in positions of leadership and in
positions of low esteem, children have the tendency, psy
chologists tell us, to accept these as normal things” (126a).
He added: “If white children over a period of years did
not see Negroes in responsible leadership positions they
have a tendency to believe that the Negro is inferior”
(126a).
The Knoxville School System’s Reply to Plaintiffs’ Inter
rogatory showed that principals and clerks were still as
signed on the basis of race in that the race of all principals
and clerks was the same as that of the predominant student
enrollment in the school in 1967 (48a-55a). All of the
regular supervisory and administrative personnel of the
Knoxville schools, without exception, were white (56a-57a).
In the maintenance and operations division, Negroes were
assigned exclusively to the unskilled positions of custodian,
maid, and laborer, while all skilled labor positions without
exception were occupied by whites (63a).
When queried about the relationship of extra-curricular
activities to a desegregation plan, Dr. Osburn stated that
12
“the term extra-curricular is an antiquated term” since
it has come to be realized that learning takes place during
these activities as well as during formal instruction, and
that the development of the social skills and self-concept
to which these activities particularly contribute is an im
portant part of the determination of what positions in,
society a child will have an opportunity to enter after
leaving school. Thus segregation of extra-curricular activi
ties by race and/or socio-economic class is an important
element of deprivation of equal educational opportunity
(127a-128a).
C. The Educational E xpert’s Proposals for Partial Rem edies
to Disestablish Segregation of the Negro Schools.
Dr. Osburn examined the zoning and grade structure of
each of the formerly Negro schools in relation to adjacent
formerly white schools, to determine if the most effective
means to disestablish segregation had been used, even
working within the confines of the existing school plant.
The standard and most easily applied method for effec
tively disestablishing segregation is consolidating the en
rollments of adjacent nearby Negro and white schools and
assigning all students in some grades to one school and
all students in the remaining grades to the other school
(known as “pairing” or the “Princeton plan”). This method
does not require the furnishing of transportation when the
paired schools are nearby, Dr. Osburn noted. He concluded
that the pairing device would naturally apply to several
of the formerly Negro and still virtually all-Negro schools,
hut nevertheless had not been used by the school system
(88a).
In particular, Dr. Osburn noted that still all-Negro Sam>
Hill School (capacity, 567; 1-6) was one and a half blocks
from still virtually all-white Lonsdale School (capacity,
13
675; 1-6), and that these two schools would logically have
been paired to disestablish segregation (89a-96a). Still
all-Negro Cansler School (capacity, 351; 1-6) was three
blocks from still all-white West View School (capacity,
378; 1-6), and these schools would also have been logically
paired to desegregate them (96a-99a). Virtually all-Negro
Maynard School (capacity, 486; 1-6) was approximately
three blocks from predominantly white Moses School
(capacity, 621; 1-6) and approximately four blocks from
virtually all-white Beaumont School (capacity, 1,134; 1-6),
and the grade structures and utilizations of all three schools
could be easily re-arranged to desegregate them, he con
cluded (99a-100a, 102a-104a).
Virtually all-Negro Beardsley Jr. High (capacity, 600;
1966-67 enrollment of 477) was rather close to Eule Junior-
Senior High (capacity 1,200; 7-12; 1966-67 enrollment of
1,216 white and 140 Negro), Dr. Osburn found, as demon
strated by the fact that the entire area of the Beardsley
Jr. High zone was contained within the zone of Buie Senior
High. For this reason he pointed out that an effective
desegregation plan would have re-arranged the grade struc
tures between Beardsley and Eule so that the whole six-
year program was desegregated for all of the students
(109a-llla).
Dr. Osburn also examined the Knoxville school system’s
proposed future building plans with regard to whether they
would contribute to the disestablishment of segregation.
The program for development of senior high schools in
cludes a long-range plan to construct three comprehensive
senior high school centers in outlying areas of the city—one
near the present Central High School (the Fountain city
area), one near the present West and Bearden High Schools,
and one near the present South and Young High Schools
(128a-132a). The 1966-67 enrollments of these present
14
high schools, which indicates the types of areas they serve
and/or how they are zoned, were (42a-47a):
School and grades White Negro
Central (9-12) 1,553 3
West (9-12) 774 40
Bearden (9-12) 1,013 31
South (9-12) 1,127 2
Young (9-12) 1,382 4
The fact that these projected centers will be comprehensive
schools and have vocational as well as academic cnrriculums
means that even those white students from these areas who
now come into the more integrated comprehensive high
schools in the center of the city (Austin-East, Fulton, and
Rule) for vocational curricula will probably no longer do
so, Dr. Osburn concluded (129a-131a).
The three outlying areas of the city in which the new
comprehensive centers are proposed—the North, West, and
South—are not adjacent to any substantial Negro residen
tial areas within the central city and therefore would not
draw any Negro students into them through the use of
standard zoning, Dr. Osburn pointed out, while the one out
lying area of the city in which no new comprehensive center
is planned—the East—is adjacent to the major Negro resi
dential area in the city and a comprehensive center there
would integrate substantial numbers of Negro students
through standard zoning (129a). Dr. Osburn stated:
“Based on my estimation from these reports and what I
have seen in other cities and some of the metropolitan city
areas, I feel like this is going to perpetuate a further segre
gation of [the traditionally all-Negro Austin High School]
under this situation, because, unless this changes in Knox
ville or any other city in this country, white children are
15
most reluctant to go into these former all-Negro schools”
(129a-130a).
Dr. Oshnrn added that the construction of these new com
prehensive centers for student bodies of 1,500 and more
which would be virtually all white, would increase the al
ready existing inequality of educational opportunity caused
by the fact that all-Negro Austin High School (enrollment
of 433) is less than half the average size of the other pres
ently existing high schools in the system. This inequality
results from the fact that particularly at the secondary level
the quality of the educational program increases with
the size of school, because of greater diversity of course
offerings and other factors (132a-134a). Because this
factor of the increasing quality of program as the size
of secondary schools increases, applies even beyond the
2,000 student level, Dr. Osburn suggested that not only
should changes in location of the proposed new compre
hensive high schools be considered in relation to the sub
stantial Negro residential concentrations in the eastern
central part of the city, but also that the schools be made
large enough to absorb the Negro secondary students from
the center of the city and thereby integrate them—rather
than further ghettoizing them as will the present plan
(131a-134a).
With regard to the remedy for the previous assignment
of faculty members to schools based on race, Dr. Osburn
stated that the common professional practice in the field of
education was that teachers were assigned to various
schools based on the needs for variously qualified faculty
members rather than accepting the arbitrary pattern which
would result from simply permitting all teachers to teach
in whatever school they chose, and that therefore faculty
integration should not be attempted by relying on volun
teers (123a).
16
ARGUMENT
I.
Whether the Knoxville School System Is Completely
Desegregated, in Spite of the Fact That the Negro
Schools Under Dual Operation Remain Identifiable as
Negro Schools and Are Attended Almost Exclusively by
Negro Students?
The District Court Answered This Question “Yes”
and PlaintifEs-Appellants Contend the Answer Should
Have Been “No.”
After plaintiffs-appellants had introduced substantial
expert testimony supporting their motion for further re
lief that the student assignment, curriculum programming,
building usage, new construction, and personnel policies
of the Knoxville School System were generally perpetuating
segregation rather than being designed to disestablish it,
the district court ruled that “the Knoxville School System
is desegregated under the plan which has been in operation
since the school year 1963-64” (388a) and since “there isi
no further need for the schools to operate under Court
supervision, it is further Ordered that the case be stricken
from the docket” (389a). Because the district court dis
missed the case after an exhaustive analysis of the entire
operation of the school system, this case clearly raises the
fundamental and ultimate issue in school desegregation
jurisprudence of the standard for what constitutes com
plete desegregation of a formerly de jure segregated
system.
It is important here to focus on the precise factual situa
tion involved. While approximately 32% of the Negro
students in the Knoxville School System attended sub
stantially integregated schools during the 1966-67 school
year, as the district court emphasized, it is equally true
17
that 68% of the Negro students in the system attended
schools virtually exclusively with other Negroes—schools
which had been designated as Negro schools under segre
gated operation, and which continued to have virtually all-
Negro enrollments (42a-47a). See chart, supra, p. 9. (The
school board’s assertion that 82.6% of the Negro children
in the system attended integrated schools indicates a mis
conception of the nature of the problem, since the figure
was determined by including the several schools with 400
or so Negro students each and one or two white students
each as “integrated” schools.)
Although there are Negro students attending formerly
white schools, this is clearly a fortuitous consequence of
the fact that the board was forced to adopt a unitary zoning
system under the compulsion of this litigation in 1960.
The policies of the school system since 1954 have rather
clearly perpetuated segregation for the overwhelming
majority of Negro students, rather than being directed
toward disestablishing the previously imposed segregation
completely. The Knoxville school system was absolutely
segregated by compulsion up until 1960, six years after
the Supreme Court’s desegregation order. Racially desig
nated school buildings were located in the centers of
homogeneous residential concentrations of Negroes and
whites, and naturally increased the homogeneous racial
character of the surrounding neighborhoods (105a). "When
a unitary zoning system was instituted in 1960, the zone
lines adopted nevertheless followed to the maximum ex
tent possible the patterns of residential segregation which
had been established (93a-98a, 102a-104a, 109a-112a). The
relation between the previous location of buildings for
the operation of a dual system and the subsequent adop
tion of unitary zone lines is especially graphic in situations
such as the Sam Hill (Negro) and Lonsdale (white) Ele
mentary Schools, where the two buildings are a block and
18
a half apart. A single school plant in the approximate
location of these schools serving their combined zones
would be completely integrated, but instead of merging
the operations of these two plants into a single school
through grade re-structuring, the school board drew two
separate zones around them in such a way as to preserve
each as a racially identifiable school (89a-96a).
Concurrently with the adoption of a unitary zoning
system in 1960, the school board also instituted the “minor
ity to majority” transfer policy by which a student who
was zoned to a school in which he would be in the racial
minority could obtain a transfer back to a school in which
he would be in the majority. Where all the schools in the
system had previously been designated as Negro or white,
and the new unitary zones tended to preserve those iden
tifications by following the patterns of racial residential
segregation to the maximum extent possible, the avail
ability of this transfer option naturally caused students
who perceived themselves as being in a school identified
as intended for members of the opposite race to transfer
out. The effects of such transfers were to increase the
racial identification of the schools since they made the
student bodies even more racially homogeneous than they
would otherwise have been. After this provision was in
validated by the Supreme Court in 1963, the school system
then adopted the “grade requirement” and “brother-sister”
transfer provisions which perpetuated and increased the
effects of the “minority to majority” transfers by allowing
those who had previously transferred, to remain in the
school to which they had transferred, and allowing other
members of the same family to also transfer to that school
(80a-84a, 98a-101a, 136a-138a).
The racial identification of schools was also continued
by the failure to re-assign faculty members who had orig
inally been assigned on the basis of race in the dual sys
19
tem, so that the Negro schools were still identifiable as
Negro schools by the fact that virtually all of the faculty
members were Negro (122a). It is the cumulative effect
of these zoning, transfer, and faculty assignment policies
which have caused all of the schools which were designated
as Negro under the dual system to remain identifiable
as Negro schools in that they have virtually all-Negro
enrollments (42a-47a). Thus, for example, the “minority
to majority” transfer provision and its successors was a
more potent creator of segregation because the segregated
faculties and racially homogeneous zoning clearly identified
schools as intended for Negroes or whites, and gave addi
tional impetus to minority students to transfer out.
Although granting the premise that visually obvious
racial gerrymandering of zone lines would be a constitu
tional violation, the district court determined that there
was none. As to the other objections raised by plaintiffs-
appellants, the court responded that it “is of the opinion
that there is no constitutional duty on the part of the
school board to bus Negro or white children out of their
neighborhoods or to transfer classes for the sole purpose
of alleviating racial imbalance which it did not cause, nor
is there a duty to select new school sites solely in fur
therance of such purpose” (385a) (emphasis supplied).
The court’s reference to causation suggests that the issue
becomes to what extent a school board which had pre
viously operated a de jure segregated system is responsible
for the continuing pattern of segregation which is based
in that past de jure operation, when no substantial at
tempt has been made to change that pattern, i.e. the rele
vant time-frame for determining causation.
As stated above, because the district court dismissed
the case the fundamental issue is posed as to whether on
these facts the Knoxville school system is completely
20
desegregated. While the Supreme Court has not yet con
sidered the general issue of when a formerly de jure
segregated system is fully desegregated,1 several of the
courts of appeals have come to grips with this question
in recent general decisions governing the desegregation
process (1967). The general concurrence of the Courts of
Appeals for the Fifth, Eighth, and Tenth Circuits is that
a previously de jure segregated system must undertake
substantial affirmative action to disestablish the still exist
ing patterns of segregation in the system if the simple
adoption of racially neutral policies does not do so, and
that this means in particular and ultimately that all of the
formerly Negro schools must cease being identifiable as
Negro schools both by their student enrollments and faculty
compositions. In other words, constitutionally sufficient
desegregation does not mean simply adopting provisions
by which some Negro students are permitted to attend
formerly all-white schools, while the general policies of
the system continue to perpetuate the Negro schools as
Negro schools, and therefore perpetuate segregation for
the overwhelming majority of Negro students.
In United States v. Jefferson County Board of Educa
tion et al., 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), reaffirmed en banc,
380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967), the Court of Appeals for the
Fifth Circuit held:2
1 The Court has so far considered for their adequacy only various
specific elements of purported desegregation plans, such as the faculty
assignment issue in Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, Va., 382 U.S.
103 (1965) and Rogers v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965), and the “minority
to majority” transfer provision in an earlier appeal of this case, Goss
v. Board of Education of Knoxville, Tenn., 373 U.S. 683 (1963).
2 The portion of the original Jefferson County opinion dealing with the
substantive problem of the standard for what constitutes complete de
segregation of a formerly de jure segregated system is Section I I I (372
F.2d at 861-878), which is the most exhaustive analysis of this problem
so far undertaken by a court of appeals.
21
The two Brown decisions established equalization
of educational opportunities as a high priority goal
for all of the states and compelled seventeen states,
which by law had segregated public schools, to take
affirmative action to reorganize their schools into a
unitary, nonracial system. 372 F,2d at 847.
The Fifth Circuit recalled the basic constitutional defect
of segregation, and why the relief in a class action suit
against segregation must reach all members of the group:
Denial of access to the dominant culture, lack of
opportunity in any meaningful way to participate in
political and other public activities, the stigma of
apartheid condemned in the Thirteenth Amendment
are concomitants of the dual educational system. . . .
the separate school system was an integral element in
the Southern State’s general program to restrict Ne
groes as a class from participation in the life of the
community, the affairs of the State, and the main
stream of American life: Negroes must keep their
place.
Segregation is a group phenomenon. . . . As a group
wrong the mode of redress must be group-wide to be
adequate. Adequate redress therefore calls for much
more than allowing a few Negro children to attend
formerly white schools; it calls for liquidation of the
state’s system of de jure school segregation and the
organized undoing of the effects of past segregation.
372 F.2d at 866.
The Court therefore held:
The position we take in these consolidated cases is
that the only adequate redress for a previously overt
system-wide policy of segregation directed against Ne
groes as a collective entity is a system-wide policy of
integration. 372 F.2d at 869. (Emphasis in original.)
22
The Fifth Circuit pointed out why it held that affirmative
action must be taken by the school boards to disestablish
segregation in all schools of the system, notwithstanding
that segregation of some of the schools may appear to
resemble the fortuitous homogeneous racial concentrations
which sometimes occur in schools in other areas of the na
tion which did not have state enforced segregation.:
. .. the holding in Brown, unlike the holding in Bell but
like the holdings in this circuit, occurred within the
context of state-coerced segregation. The similarity of
pseudo de facto segregation in the South to actual de
facto segregation in the North is more apparent than
real. Here school boards, utilizing the dual zoning
system, assigned Negro teachers to Negro schools and
selected Negro neighborhoods as suitable areas in
which to locate Negro schools. Of course the concentra
tion of Negroes increased in the neighborhood of the
school. Cause and effect came together. In this circuit,
therefore, the location of Negro schools with Negro
faculties in Negro neighborhoods and white schools
in white neighborhoods cannot be described as an
unfortunate fortuity: It came into existence as state
action and continues to exist as racial gerrymandering,
made possible by the dual system. 372 F.2d at 876.
# # #
The central vice in a formerly de jure segregated
public school system is apartheid by dual zoning: in
the past by law, the use of one set of attendance
zones for white children and another for Negro
children, and the compulsory initial assignment of a
Negro to the Negro school in his zone. Dual zoning
persists in the continuing operation of Negro schools
identified as Negro, historically and because the faculty
and students are Negroes. Acceptance of an indi
23
vidual’s application for transfer, therefore, may satisfy
that particular individual; it will not satisfy the class.
The class is all Negro children in a school district
attending, by definition, inherently unequal schools
and wearing the badge of slavery separation displays.
Relief to the class requires school boards to desegre
gate the school from which a transferee comes as
well as the school to which he goes. 372 F.2d at 867-
868.
The Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit concurred
with the view of the Fifth Circuit on the question of the
standard for what satisfies the constitutional obligation to
desegregate in Kelley v. The Altheimer, Arkansas Public
School District No. 22, 378 F.2d 483 (8th Cir. 1967), which
specifically rejected the interpretation of the Fourteenth
Amendment that “the Constitution, in other words, does
not require integration. It merely forbids discrimination.”
378 F.2d at 488. The Eighth Circuit held that there is an
affirmative obligation to disestablish segregation system-
wide :
We have made it clear that a Board of Education
does not satisfy its constitutional obligation to deseg
regate by simply opening the doors of a formerly
all-white school to Negroes. 378 F.2d at 488.
It added that this meant that the board of education must
take affirmative steps to change the identities of Negro
schools into integrated schools :
The appellee School District will not be fully deseg
regated nor the appellants assured of their rights
under the Constitution so long as the Martin School
clearly remains identifiable as a Negro school. The
requirements of the Fourteenth Amendment are not
24
satisfied by having one segregated and one desegre
gated school in a District. We are aware that it will
be difficult to desegregate the Martin School. How
ever, while the difficulties are perhaps largely tradi
tional in nature, the Board of Education has taken
no steps since Brown to attempt to change its identity
from a racial to a non-racial school. 378 F.2d at 490.
While the district court dismissed the Jefferson County
and Kelley v. Altheimer cases as being factually distin
guishable from the Knoxville case, it did not specify in
what way it thought this to be true. Both of these cases
did involve the transitional use of the so-called “freedom
of choice” type desegregation plan which is not utilized
per se in Knoxville—however, both cases were general
decisions purporting to govern the entire desegregation
process and therefore included holdings of the standard
for what would constitute a fully desegregated system,
and both cases specifically considered the question of
whether the continuation of identifiable Negro schools was
consistent with complete desegregation.
There can be no dispute that the Knoxville case is
factually identical to the case of Board of Education of
Oklahoma City Public Schools v. Dowell et al., 375 F.2d
158 (10th Cir., 1967), cert. den. 387 TT.S. 931, affirming
Dowell et al. v. School Board of Oklahoma City Public
Schools, 219 F. Supp. 427 (W.D. Okla. 1963) and 244
F. Supp. 971 (W.D. Okla. 1965), which was not discussed
by the district court.
The Oklahoma City school system had announced a for
mal desegregation plan by unitary zoning in 1955, whereas
the Knoxville schools did not take even this initial step
until 1960. After zoning its sehols in such a way as to pre
serve the maximum possible segregation without explicit
25
dual zones through following the patterns of racial residen
tial segregation, the Oklahoma City school system then in
stituted a “minority to majority” transfer plan by which
students who were unavoidably zoned to schools where they
would be in a racial minority were encouraged to transfer
to schools where they would be in a racial majority. Thus,
virtually all of the schools in Oklahoma City which had
been designated as “white” or “Negro” schools under segre
gation, remained identified as “white” or “Negro” schools
because the student bodies were almost or entirely all-white
or all-Negro. The Knoxville school system did likewise.
The Oklahoma City school system continued to assign all-
Negro faculties to schools which were all or predominantly
Negro in student body, and all-white faculties to schools
which were all or predominantly white in student body,
thereby reinforcing the identifications of various schools
as being intended for Negroes or whites rather than just
for students. The Knoxville school system did likewise.
The Oklahoma City school system located new schools in
the centers of homogeneous racial residential concentra
tions, so as to facilitate the perpetuation of segregation
through the use of zoning, transfer, and faculty assign
ment policies. The Knoxville school system did likewise.
Based on these facts, the Tenth Circuit in the Oklahoma
City case approved a district court finding that “the school
children and personnel have in the main from all of the
evidence been completely segregated as much as possible
under the circumstances rather than integrated as much as
possible.” 375 F.2d at 161, fn. 2. The Tenth Circuit stated
that “inherent in all of the points raised and argued here
by [the school board] is the contention that at the time of
the filing of this case there was no racial discrimination
in the operation of the school system.” 375 F.2d at 164.
It responded that this fact situation did constitute a case
of legal segregation which had not been disestablished, in
26
spite of the facts that zone lines had been redrawn to elimi
nate obvious duality in 1955, and that there were some
Negro students attending previously all-white schools:
As we have pointed out, complete and compelled
segregation and racial discrimination existed in the
Oklahoma City School system at the time the Brown
decision became the law of the land. It then became
the duty of every school board and school official “to
make a prompt and reasonable start toward full com
pliance” with the first Brown case. . . . The attendance
line boundaries [adopted as compliance with Brown],
as pointed out by the trial judge, had the effect in
some instances of locking the Negro pupils into totally
segregated schools. In other attendance districts which
were not totally segregated the operation of the trans
fer plan naturally led to a higher percentage of segre
gation in those schools. 375 F.2d at 165.
The Tenth Circuit then held in Oklahoma City that
“under the factual situation here we have no hesitancy in
sustaining the trial court’s authority to compel the board to
take specific action in compliance with the decree of the
court so long as such compelled action can be said to be
necessary for the elimination of the unconstitutional evils
pointed out in the court’s decree.” 375 F.2d at 166. In
cluded in the action required to eliminate the effects of
previous unconstitutional segregation was an order pairing
six-year secondary schools so that three grades of each
school were consolidated in one school and three grades
in the other school, thereby completely integrating each
school in the pair. This clearly required a school board
to take affirmative action to disestablish the pattern and
practice of segregation preserved through the use of a
zoning and transfer plan.
27
Judge Lewis concurring in the Oklahoma City case ex
plained the Tenth Circuit’s view that since compulsion was
used to maintain the system of segregation, the compulsion
inherent in school assignment policies may properly be used
to disestablish segregation:
I have no quarrel with the statement that forced
integration when viewed as an end in itself is not
a compulsion of the Fourteenth Amendment. But any
claimed right to disassociation in the public schools
must fail and fall. If desegregation of the races is to
be accomplished in the public schools, forced asso
ciation must result, not as the end sought but as the
path to elimination of discrimination. And, to me,
the argument that racial discrimination cannot be elim
inated through factors of judicial consideration that
are based upon race itself is completely self-denying.
The problem arose through consideration of race;
it may now be approached through similar but en
lightened consideration.
28
II.
W hether the K noxville School System Should Have
Been Ordered to Pair Identifiable Negro Schools Which
Could Be Paired, Locate New Construction to Help
Elim inate Identifiable Negro Schools, and Take Other
Affirmative Action to Disestablish Segregation?
The District Court Answered This Question “No” and
Plaintiffs-Appellants Contend the Answer Should Have
Been “Yes.”
Plaintiffs-appellants’ educational expert, Dr. Morris Os-
burn, Director of the Human Relations Center for Educa
tion at Western Kentucky University, had served as a con
sultant on the development of desegregation plans for
school districts in Louisiana, Mississippi, Kentucky, West
Virginia, and Illinois, and thus was well qualified to under
take analysis of the desegregation problems of the Knox
ville school system (77a-78a). After this analysis he con
cluded that three of the six Negro elementary schools
(grades 1-6) and one of the two Negro junior high schools
(grades 7-10) were close enough to nearby white schools
of the same grades that each could easily be paired in a
“Princeton plan” without producing a combined zone which
would be larger than the average elementary or junior
high zone (88a-104a, 109a-llla). See Statement, supra,
pp. 12-13.
By pairing or the “Princeton plan”, the capacities and
zones of the two nearby paired buildings are considered
as one, and all of the students in the combined zone in
some grades are assigned to one of the buildings and all
of the students in the remaining grades are assigned to the
other building based upon the capacities of the respective
buildings. Such a reorganization of the grade structures
of the paired schools does not involve the necessity to
29
provide transportation to any students if the schools are
close enough together. The three sets of elementary schools
which Dr. Osburn recommended to be paired were from
one to four blocks apart, so that even a student at the
most distant end of the old zone of one of the paired
schools would have to walk no more than one to four
blocks further if he were assigned to the other school in
the pair, and thus no transportation would have to be
furnished. Similarly, the zone of one of the junior high
schools recommended to be paired was completely within
the zone of the senior high school at which site the other
junior high school was located, so that no junior high
student in the combined zone would have to travel any
further than students eventually would for senior high
school. The pairing device is peculiarly suitable for for
merly dual school systems which frequently located two
buildings for the same grades very near to each other soi
that one could be used for Negroes and the other for whites
in the same general area. This is especially clear in the
case of the three sets of pairs of elementary schools which
Dr. Osburn recommended in Knoxville.
While the problem of disestablishing segregation of a
formerly dual school system is sometimes made difficult
by the fact that the building plants of the system were
designed and located for segregated operation and that
capital investments of this type must be used for a long
time, this fact is no longer true when it comes time to
renew the capital plant of the system by new construction.
For this reason, plaintiffs’ educational expert gave spe
cial attention to the Knoxville school system’s program for
building several new comprehensive secondary school cen
ters, which was just announced at the time of the May
1967 hearing. See Statement, supra, pp. 13-15. Dr. Os
burn pointed out that the facts that these new secondary
30
centers were planned to be located far out of the eastern
central section of the city (where the largest Negro resi
dential concentration is) in the centers of homogeneous
white suburban areas in the North, West, and South, and
that they were to be comprehensive schools including voca
tional as well as academic curriculums, meant that a num
ber of white students who had been attending the more
integrated comprehensive high school centers in the city
would no longer do so, and that in particular formerly
Negro and still all-Negro Austin Senior High and Vine
Junior High Schools would never be desegregated if this
plan were carried out (129a-134a).
Dr. Osburn therefore suggested that changes in location
of at least one and possibly more of these centers be made
in relation to the fact that the largest Negro residential
concentration is in the eastern central section of the city.
Thus a comprehensive center located on the fringe between
the eastern central section of the city and the eastern
suburban area could be substantially integrated through
the use of normal zoning. He also suggested that the cen
ters be made large enough to accomodate students from
the central section of the city as well as the suburban areas,
so as to avoid ghettoizing the center of the city. This
would also overcome the inequality caused by the fact that
all-Negro Austin High School is so much smaller than
the other present high schools in the system and will be
even smaller still by comparison to the new centers, and
that the quality of an educational program at the secondary
level increases with the size of a school (129a-134a). Al
though as the district court noted the general population
movement in Knoxville is away from the center of town
toward the outlying areas, and the school system therefore
might reasonably decide not to construct a large new
secondary center right in the center of town (378a), Dr.
31
Osburn’s analysis suggested that here are ways of lo
cating and constructing new comprehensive secondary
centers outside the center of town which would never
theless not have the extreme effect of perpetuating segre
gation as does the present plan of the Knoxville school
system.8
The district court held that there is no constitutional
duty on the part of a school board to transfer classes
(i.e. pair schools) or to select new school sites for the
purpose of integration (385a), and therefore refused to
order the school board even to consider such proposals
as those offered by plaintiffs’ expert or to undertake to
prove that they were not feasible. We submit that on
the facts of this case, this reveals an erroneously narrow
conception of the proper role of a federal court of equity
in supervising the desegregation process and assuring
that complete relief is forthcoming for the previous con
stitutional violation of operating a segregated school
system.
The Supreme Court held from the beginning that the
constitutional ban on segregation in public education re
quired far reaching affirmative action to completely re
organize the affected school systems to eliminate the prac
tice. In the second Brown decision, 349 U.S. 294 (1955),
it said that “to effectuate this interest may call for elim
ination of a variety of obstacles,” and directed the district
courts supervising the re-organizations to “consider prob
lems related to administration, arising from the physical
condition of the school plant, the school transportation
system, personnel, revision of school districts and at
8 On this point particularly, as well as various types of remedy for
disestablishing segregation generally, see the Report of the United States
Commission on Civil Rights, “Racial Isolation in the Public Schools,”
(1967), Yol. I, pp. 140-183.
32
tendance areas into compact units to achieve a system of
determining admission to the public schools on a non-
racial basis, and revision of local laws and regulations
which may be necessary in solving the foregoing problems.”
349 U.S. at 300-301.
The Court directed that “in fashioning and effectuating
the decrees, the courts will be guided by equitable prin
ciples.” 349 U.S. at 300. The general equity principle is
that there is no wrong without a remedy, and therefore
equity courts have broad power to provide relief and are
obligated to do so. The test of the propriety of measures
adopted by such courts is whether the req^^ired remedial
action reasonably tends to dissipate the effects of the con
demned actions and to prevent their continuance. Louisiana
v. United States, 380 U.S. 145 (1965). An example of the
application of this equitable principle is in the antitrust
area, where it has been held to require the complete dis
solution of large national business enterprises, when there
is no other way to counteract the previous effects of illegal
monopolization. United States v. Standard Oil Co., 221
U.S. 1 (1910); Schine Chain Theatres v. United States,
334 U.S. 110 (1948). Similarly, it has been held to require
that federal courts conduct the redrawing of state legisla
tive districts when there is no other way to counteract the
effects of population disparities in existing state legisla
tive districts. Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964).
As indicated above, the Courts of Appeals for the Fifth,
Eighth, and Tenth Circuits have held that this equitable
doctrine, as applied to the problem of remedy for the un
constitutional creation and operation of a segregated pub
lic school system, requires a school board to undertake
substantial affirmative action purposed to disestablish seg
regation completely, and that this means specifically that
33
the formerly Negro schools must cease being identifiable
as Negro schools. The creation and operation of separate
schools for Negroes was the condemned action, and the
test of the propriety of remedial action to be required by
a court is thus whether it will disestablish the existence of
the Negro schools, i.e. integrate Negro students. The
courts have specifically held that both types of proposals
offered by plaintiffs’ educational expert—pairing (the
“Princeton plan”) and location of new construction to dis
establish segregation—are proper remedies and should be
required if necessary to disestablish segregation.
With regard to the “Princeton plan” or pairing, the
Fifth Circuit held in Jefferson County, supra:
If school officials in any district should find that
their district still has segregated faculties and schools
or only token integration, their affirmative duty to take
corrective action requires them to try an alternative
to a freedom of choice plan, such as a geographic
attendance plan, a combination of the two, the Prince
ton plan, or some other acceptable substitute, perhaps
aided by an educational park. 372 F.2d at 895-896.
The Oklahoma City case, supra, decided by the Tenth Cir
cuit, specifically upheld an order of the district court,
based upon the recommendation of outside educational ex
perts, requiring the pairing of six-year secondary schools
so that three grades of each school were consolidated in
one school and three grades in the other school, thereby
completely integrating all of the students in the paired
schools. Pairing in particular is not a major innovation,
since it is simply a way of redrawing the attendance areas
to disestablish dual schools, a redrawing which the Supreme
Court specifically ordered in the second Brown decision,
supra.
34
With regard to new construction, the Fifth Circuit’s de
cree in Jefferson County, supra, specifically states:
The defendants, to the extent consistent with the
proper operation of the school system as a whole, shall
locate any new school and substantially expand any
existing schools with the objective of eradicating the
vestiges of the dual school system and of eliminating
the effects of segregation. 372 F.2d at 900.
The Eighth Circuit in Kelley v. Altheimer, supra, a case
which directly involved a suit for injunction against new
school construction alleged to perpetuate segregation,
held:
It is clear that school construction is a proper matter
for judicial consideration. Wheeler v. Durham City
Board of Education, 346 F.2d 768 (4th Cir. 1965);
Board of Public Instruction of Duval County, Fla.,
et al. v. Braxton, et al. [326 F.2d 616 (5th Cir. 1964)].
It is also clear that new school construction cannot
be used to perpetuate segregation. In Wheeler v.
Durham City Board of Education, supra at 774, the
Court stated:
“From remarks of the trial judge appearing in the
record, we think he was fully aware of the pos
sibility that a school construction program might
be so directed as to perpetuate segregation. . . .”
Eelying upon Wheeler, the District Court in Wright
v. County School Board of Greensville County, Va.,
252 F. Supp. 378, 384 (E.D. Va. 1966) said:
“This court is loathe to enjoin the construction of
any schools. Virginia, in common with many other
states, needs school facilities. New construction,
35
however, cannot be used to perpetuate segrega
tion. . .
We conclude that the construction of the new class
rooms by the Board of Education had the effect of
helping to perpetuate a segregated school system and
should not have been permitted by the lower court.
378 F.2d at 496-497.
In the District of Columbia school desegregation case,
Hobson v. Hansen, 269 F. Supp. 401 (D.C. 1967), the court
ordered:
In preparing the plan to alleviate pupil segregation
which the court is ordering the defendants to file, how
ever, the court will require that the defendants con
sider the advisability of establishing educational parks,
particularly at the junior and senior high school levels,
school pairing, Princeton and other approaches to
ward maximum effective integration. Where because
of the density of residential segregation or for other
reasons children in certain areas, particularly the
slums, are denied the benefits of an integrated educa
tion, the court will require that the plan include com
pensatory education sufficient at least to overcome the
detriment of segregation and thus provide, as nearly
as possible, equal educational opportunity to all school-
children. Since segregation resulting from pupil as
signment is so intimately related to school location,
the court will require the defendants to include in their
plan provision for the application of the principles
herein announced to their $300,000,000 building pro
gram. 269 F. Supp. at 515.
36
The district court in this case stated that “the point to
be recognized in a case where all other educational factors
are equal, is that the Board’s action is based upon expert
opinion” (387a), and therefore refused to give weight to
the analysis or proposals of plaintiffs’ educational expert.
While plaintiffs-appellants do not dispute that the admin
istrators of the Knoxville school system are educationally
qualified for their positions, we do submit that this state
ment indicates a misconception on the part of the district
court as to what is involved in a constitutional suit of this
type. The very essence of Constitutional Law is the pro
tection of minorities against the impermissible acts of ma
jorities acting through the power of government. Although
the administrators of the school system may qualify as
educational experts, they and the board of education as
elected officials are responsive to the political majority
which originally enacted the segregated system and which
may still wish to see it preserved as much as possible. It
is this fact which made necessary the intervention of fed
eral courts in the affairs of local school systems in the first
place to redress the constitutional violation. The Fifth
Circuit clearly recognized this in Jefferson County, supra,
when it said: “Local loyalties compelled school officials and
elected officials to make a public record of their unwilling
ness to act.” 372 F.2d at 854.
It is precisely for this reason that the detailed supervi
sion of desegregation by the federal courts—utilizing the
advice of outside experts in educational administration
who are free of local pressures, to make such supervision
meaningful as well as equitable—is crucial to the actual
achievement of the constitutionally required relief for the
creation of segregated educational systems. As the Fifth
Circuit said “judges and school officials can ill afford to
37
turn their backs on the proffer of advice . . . from any re
sponsible government agency or independent group com
petent to work toward solution of the complex problem of
de jure discrimination bequeathed this generation by ten
preceding generations.” 372 F.2d at 896.
The Oklahoma City case, supra, clearly stands for this
proposition, since the district court had secured the ad
vice of a panel of independent experts in educational ad
ministration nominated by the plaintiffs and based his or
der requiring various types of specific affirmative actions
to disestablish segregation upon their recommendations.
The Eighth Circuit in Kelley v. Altheimer, supra, also
relied upon such outside expert testimony in reaching the
conclusion (contrary to the lower court) that new con
struction in the school system would perpetuate segrega
tion.
RELIEF
For the foregoing reasons, plaintiffs-appellants respect
fully submit that the decision of the lower court dismissing
the case should be reversed, that the school board should
be ordered to change its policies and undertake the var
ious types of affirmative action to disestablish the remain
ing segregation in the Knoxville school system as specified
in plaintiffs-appellants’ motion for further relief, including
but not limited to the pairing of identifiable Negro schools
which can be paired and the location of new construction
to help eliminate identifiable Negro schools, and that the
district court should be ordered to retain jurisdiction of
the case until the desegregation process is complete and
38
utilize advice of independent experts in educational admin
istration in the course of such supervision.
Respectfully submitted,
J ack Greenberg
J ames M. N abrit, III
M ich a el J . H enry
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
Carl A. C owan
2212 Vine Avenue, S.E.
Knoxville, Tennessee 37915
A von N. W illiam s , J r.
Z. A lexander L ooby
McClellan-Looby Building
Charlotte at Fourth
Nashville, Tennessee 37201
Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellants
MEILEN PRESS INC. — N. Y. C.°sHip» 219