Goss v. Knoxville, TN Board of Education Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellants
Public Court Documents
November 1, 1967

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Goss v. Knoxville, TN Board of Education Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellants, 1967. c755b5f6-b39a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/3f25dd57-cb6e-4880-b987-a48317cc87e7/goss-v-knoxville-tn-board-of-education-brief-for-plaintiffs-appellants. Accessed May 20, 2025.
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No. 18,165 In t h e Itttoit §tatrs (Umtrt a! Appeals F ob t h e S ix th C ibchit J o seph in e G oss, et al., Plaintiffs-Appellants, — v .— T h e B oaed of E ducation of t h e C ity of K noxville, T en n essee , Defendant-Appellee. APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOB THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF TENNESSEE, NORTHERN DIVISION BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLANTS J ack Greenberg J ames M. N abrit, III M ich a el J . H enry 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 Carl A. C owan 2212 Vine Avenue, S.E. Knoxville, Tennessee 37915 A von N. W illiam s , J r. Z. A lexander L ooby McClellan-Looby Building Charlotte at Fourth Nashville, Tennessee 37201 Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellants November 1967 1 Statement of Questions Involved I. Whether the Knoxville School System is completely desegregated, in spite of the fact that the Negro schools under dual operation remain identifiable as Negro schools and are attended almost exclusively by Negro students? The district court answered this question “Yes” and plaintiffs-appellants contend the answer should have been “No.” II. Whether the Knoxville School System should have been ordered to pair identifiable Negro schools which could be paired, locate new construction to help eliminate identifiable Negro schools, and take other affirmative action to dis establish segregation ? The district court answered this question “No” and plaintiffs-appellants contend the answer should have been “Yes.” TABLE OF CONTENTS OF BRIEF PAGE Statement of Questions Involved ............................ Preface Statement of Facts ....................................................... 1 A. The General Effects of Segregation in Depriv ing Minority Group Members of Equal Educa tional Opportunity ............................................ 5 B. Policies of the Knoxville School System Per petuating Segregation of the Negro Schools .... 7 C. The Educational Expert’s Proposals for Par tial Remedies to Disestablish Segregation of the Negro Schools ............................................ 12 A r g u m e n t ........................................................................................... 16 I. The Knoxville School System Is Not Fully De segregated Because the Negro Schools Under Dual Operation Remain Identifiable as Negro Schools and Are Attended Almost Exclusively by Negro Students .................................................................. 16 A. The relief in a class action suit against segre gation must reach all members of the class. B. Affirmative action must be undertaken by the school board to eradicate the vestiges of the dual school system and eliminate the effects of segregation. C. The policies of the Knoxville school system have perpetuated segregation for the over whelming majority of Negro students. II. The District Court Should Have Ordered the Knoxville School System to Pair Identifiable Negro Schools Which Could Be Paired, Locate IV New Construction to Help Eliminate Identifiable Negro Schools, and Take Other Affirmative Action to Disestablish Segregation ................................... 28 A. The test of the propriety of equitable relief is whether the required remedial action reason ably tends to dissipate the effects of the con demned actions and to prevent their continu ance. B. The courts of appeals have specifically held that pairing of schools (the “Princeton plan”), locating new construction to disestablish seg regation, and the use of independent experts in educational administration to formulate rem edies are proper equitable relief for a previous policy of segregation. PAGE R elief 37 TABLE OF CONTENTS OF APPENDIX PAGE Docket Entries and Clerk’s Certificate of Record on Appeal ...................................................................... la Knoxville Public School System’s Reply to Plaintiffs’ Interrogatory of March 1, 1967 .............................. 22a Chart I— Enrollment of Schools by Race, 1966-67 .......... 42a Chart I l l - Faculty Personnel by School and Race, 1966-67 48a Chart IV— Administrative Personnel, 1966-67 ..................... 56a Chart V— Reasons for Granting Student Transfers, 1966- 67 ..... 58a Chart VII— Special Transfers, Mountain View School........ 61a Chart VIII— Food Service Personnel by Race, 1966-67 ......... 62a Chart IX— Maintenance and Operations Personnel by Race, 1966-67 ..................................................... 63a Plaintiffs’ Motion for Further Relief (filed May 8, 1967) ......................................................................... 64a Amendment to Plaintiffs’ Motion for Further Relief (filed May 25, 1967) .................................................. 72a Motion of Defendants to Strike or Otherwise Dispose of Plaintiffs’ Motion for Further Relief (filed May 9, 1967) ..................................................................... 73a V I Transcript of Hearing of May 11, 15, 1967 .............. 74a Dr. Morris Osbnrn, Plaintiffs’ Educational Ex pert .................................................................... 75a Dr. Fred Bedelle, Jr., Director of Research, Knox ville Public School System ............................... 156a Dr. Olin L. Adams, Jr., Superintendent of Schools, Knoxville Public School System ...................... 293a Rev. Frank R. Gordon, N.A.A.C.P. Chairman of Education ............................................................ 345a Reporter’s Certificate ........................................... 353a List of Exhibits filed at Hearing of May 11,15,1967 .... 354a Memorandum Opinion of Robert L. Taylor, D.J. (filed June 7, 1967) ................................... 357a Order of Robert L. Taylor, D.J. (filed June 7,1967) .... 390a PAGE V II PAGE T able oe Cases Board of Education of Oklahoma City Public Schools v. Dowell, 375 F.2d 158 (10th Cir. 1967), cert, den., 387 U.S. 931 ......................................................... 24, 33, 37 Board of Public Instruction of Duval County, Fla. v. Braxton, 326 F.2d 616 (5th Cir. 1964) ..................... 34 Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, Va., 382 U.S. 103 (1965) .................................................................. 20 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) ....21,22, 26 Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 (1955) ....31,33 Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 219 F. Supp. 427 (W.D. Okla. 1963) .............................................. 24 Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 244 F. Supp. 971 (W.D. Okla. 1965) .......................................24, 33, 37 Goss v. Board of Education of Knoxville, Tenn., 373 U.S. 683 (1963) ......................................................... 20 Hobson v. Hansen, 269 F. Supp. 401 (D.C. 1967) ...... 35 Kelley v. Altheimer, Ark. Public School Dist. No. 22, 378 F.2d 483 (8th Cir. 1967) ........................ 23, 24, 34, 37 Louisiana v. United States, 380 U.S. 145 (1965) ........ 32 Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ........................ 32 Rogers v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965) ............................ 20 Schine Chain Theatres v. United States, 334 U.S. 110 (1948) ......................................................................... 32 United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education et al., 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966); reaffirmed en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967) ...... 20,24, 33, 34, 36, 37 United States v. Standard Oil Co., 221 U.S. 1 (1910).... 32 YU1 PAGE Wheeler v. Durham City (N. Car.) Board of Education, 346 F.2d 768 (4th Cir. 1965) ....................................... 34 Wright v. County School Board of Greensville County, Va., 252 F. Supp. 378 (E.D. Va. 1966) ........... .......... 34 Other Authorities Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, “Racial Isolation in the Public Schools,” Vol. I (1967) ............................................................. 31 United States Office of Education Survey, “Equality of Educational Opportunity” ................................... 5, 6 In t h e Inttpft §5>M?b (Emuri of Appeals F oe t h e S ixth C ircuit No. 18,165 J o seph in e Goss, et al., Plaintiff s-Appellants, T h e B oard op E ducation op th e C ity op K noxville, T en n essee , Defendant-Appellee. appeal prom th e united states district court for th e EASTERN DISTRICT OP TENNESSEE, NORTHERN DIVISION BRIEF FOR PLAINTIFFS-APPELLANTS Statement of Facts This class action was originally filed December 11, 1959 by Negro students against the Board of Education of the City of Knoxville. The complaint, asserting rights secured by the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Con stitution, sought injunctive relief under 42 U.S.C. §1983 against the continued operation of a compulsory segre gated school system, and requiring the Board to develop and implement a plan for complete re-organization of the dual schools into a unitary non-racial system. The case has since had a long history involving several plans sub mitted by the Board, district court hearings, modifications, approvals, and appeals, all of which are detailed in the 2 district court’s memorandum opinion of June 7, 1967 (357a-390a) which is the subject of this appeal. The current phase of the case arises out of plaintiffs’ objections to the Board’s purported plan of complete deseg regation first filed in 1964 and subsequently amended, the basic provisions of which provided: “1. Effective with the beginning of the school year in September, 1964, all racially discriminatory prac tices in all grades, programs and facilities of the Knoxville Public School System shall be eliminated and abolished. Without limiting the generality and effectiveness of the foregoing, all teachers, principals and other school personnel shall be employed by defen dants and assigned or re-assigned to schools on the basis of educational need and other academic considera tions, and without regard to race or color of the per sons to be assigned, and without regard to the race or color of the children attending the particular school or class within a school to which the person is to be as signed. . . . “2. Each student will be assigned to the school designated for the district in which he or she legally resides, subject to variations due to overcrowding and and other transfers for cause, and the Superintendent may permit continued enrollment of students in their present schools until completion of the grade require ments for said school, provided this is consistent with sound school administrative policy. “3. A plan of school districting based upon the loca tion and capacity (size) of school buildings and the latest enrollment studies will be followed subject to modifications from time to time as required. 3 “4. Upon written application, students may be per mitted to transfer to schools outside their assigned attendance zones only in exceptional cases for objec tive administrative reasons and no transfers shall be granted, denied or required because of race or color. . . (370a-371a) [amended version as filed August 6, 1965]. Plaintiffs had filed objections to paragraphs 2, 3, and 4 of the original version of the above amended “final” plan of desegregation on February 23, 1965 (368a). These were preserved during subsequent pre-trial conferences while the parties attempted to negotiate their differences. At the time of the final pre-trial conference on March 10, 1967, the district court states: “Plaintiffs stated that a hearing should be held on the question whether the plan had in its operation been effective in eliminating discrimination in the school system in compliance with the constitutional re quirement” (372a). In an order of July 30, 1965 following a pre-trial con ference, the district court stated that the plaintiffs attacked a Board of Education policy statement of April 19, 1965 “in which the Board of Education set out a Plan for per missive continued enrollment of pupils in the year 1965-66 and thereafter in the schools attended in the previous year. This remains as an unresolved issue in this case” (369a). (emphasis supplied). The district court subsequently stated in its memorandum opinion of June 7, 1967 dismissing the case that “thus, as shown by the foregoing order which was approved by the attorneys for the respective parties, the unresolved issue in the case was the validity of the [above “grade requirement” transfer provision]” (370a). (emphasis supplied). 4 The district court entered a pre-trial order after the final pre-trial conference of March 10, 1967, in which it limited the issues to whether (1) the “grade requirement” transfer provision and (2) the “brother-sister” transfer provision perpetuated segregation and therefore violated the Fourteenth Amendment (372a-373a). Plaintiffs sought to have the pre-trial order amended to include the following issues: (3) Whether or not the Knoxville Public School Sys tem is effectively desegregated in compliance with the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States in relation to 1) Pupil Assignment, 2) Faculty, 3) Administrative Staff and Clerks, 4) Prin cipals, 5) Maintenance and Operations Personnel, 6) School Programming, 7) Organization and Curriculum, 8) Extra-Curricular Activities, 9) Facilities and New Construction, and 10) School Boundaries or Zone Lines (373a). The district court denied plaintiffs’ proposed amendment, in spite of their compliance with his request to furnish cita tions of authority pointing out cases in which courts had dealt with such matters, and plaintiffs excepted to the denial (373a). Plaintiffs then filed a motion for further relief (64a-72a) in which they alleged generally that the zoning, transfer, curriculum, building location, new construction, faculty as signment, and other staffing policies of the school system were perpetuating segregation, and sought to have the board ordered to undertake an affirmative program to dis establish segregation through the use of properly designed student assignment, curriculum, new construction, and faculty and other staff assignment policies. They also sought an injunction against the planned new construction 5 of comprehensive junior and senior high schools in outlying all-white areas of the city pending the adoption of such an affirmative plan to disestablish segregation (72a). A full evidentiary hearing was finally held before the district court on May 11 and 15, 1967, in which the parties were permitted to introduce proof relating to every phase of the operation of the school system, as indicated by the record and the district court’s discussion in its memoran dum opinion (375a-389a). The district court then denied all of plaintiffs’ objections to the present operation of the school system and the injunction against new construction, refused to order the adoption of any affirmative action purposed to disestablish the remaining segregation in the system, and dismissed the case on the basis that the system was completely desegregated and court supervision was therefore no longer required (388a-390a). A. The General Effects of Segregation in Depriving M inority Group M embers of Equal Educational O pportunity. Plaintiffs offered the testimony of Dr. Morris Osburn, Director of the Human Belations Center for Education at ’Western Kentucky University in Bowling Green, Kentucky, who qualified as an expert in the field of public education (75a-78a). Dr. Osburn had conducted a study of the Knox ville public school system relating to the problem of de segregation (79a-80a), based both on field investigation, and on extensive data furnished by the Superintendent of Schools, which was also entered in evidence in this case as Exhibits 1-36 (see list, 354a-356a). As a preliminary to his analysis of the Knoxville school system in particular, Dr. Osburn referred to the report authorized by the Congress in the Civil Eights Act of 1964 to be made by the United States Commissioner of Educa tion entitled “Equality of Educational Opportunity” (also 6 known as the Coleman Report). He pointed out that the fundamental finding of this comprehensive study was “that children that are attending racially isolated schools are attaining and achieving lower than children that are at tending desegregated schools, and that the compensatory program in these schools seemingly does not increase the rate of achievement” (85a). Other studies which have come to his attention also agree with the conclusion of the Cole man Report (84a). Dr. Osburn explained that the reason for this effect of racial isolation of minority group members was that “the social environment seems to have the greatest effect on this individual and his rate of achievement” (86a). Thus, the basic defect of the educational situation of racial isola tion can be seen by comparison to the situation where there is interaction with children of other races and social classes rather than isolation, where “the low socio-economic child, and particularly the Negro child, as he interacts with the middle class child . . . becomes responsive, receptive, and takes on the behavior patterns of these children and the attitudes and the motivation to learn. . . . It is the inter action of the peer group more than anything else that pro motes learning and learning promotes achievement” (86a). He also explained that although deprivation of equal edu cational opportunity of children through isolation in a homogeneous lower socio-economic group was not confined to Negroes, it was accentuated in the case of Negroes be cause of independent effects of racial isolation and because such a large proportion of Negroes were in the lower socio economic group (83a-88a). 7 B. Policies o f the K noxville School System Perpetuating Segre gation of the Negro Schools. Dr. Osburn stated that there is substantial evidence from general educational administration studies that the loca tion of schools itself influences the residential character of surrounding neighborhoods, and that the designation of particular schools as intended for Negroes or whites in creases residential segregation since Negroes and whites tend to locate their residences to be near their respective schools (105a). Additional factors to be considered with regard to zoning, Dr. Osburn pointed out, are that a large proportion of Negroes are in the lower socio-economic group and are therefore forced to cluster in areas of a city where inespensive housing is available, and that there remain considerable restrictions exercised by real estate brokers against permitting even Negroes who can so afford to move out of the particular areas of cities traditionally designated as Negro (105a-108a). Ee-zoning the public schools to dis establish segregation, he stated, would have to avoid rely ing upon the patterns of residential segregation contributed to by these factors (105a). He concluded, however, that the Knoxville school system had relied upon these factors in developing its purported unitary zoning plan (105a-108a, 137a). After examination of zoning maps for the old dual zones of the Knoxville school system under segregated operation before 1960 (Ex hibits 37-38) with the zoning maps adopted in 1960 and since amended (Exhibits 39-42), he concluded that in most specific instances involving the schools formerly desig nated as Negro, the new zone lines under purported uni tary operation paralleled closely the old zone lines under segregated operation (93a, 96a, 98a, 102a-104a, 109a-112a, 137a). Dr. Osburn also analyzed the relationship of the Knox ville school system’s transfer policies to desegregation. He 8 pointed out that where all the schools in the system had previously been all-Negro or all-white in enrollment, the adoption of the “minority to majority” transfer provision as part of the initial desegregation plan helped perpetuate segregation, since students zoned to a school which had previously been identified as intended for members of the opposite race were thereby encouraged to transfer back to a school which was previously identified as intended for members of their own race. The effect of such transfers, particularly when combined with the continuation of zones drawn according to patterns of residential segregation, was to continue and reinforce the identification of the Negro schools as Negro schools since they continued to have all or virtually all-Negro student bodies (80a-84a, 98a-101a, 136a-138a). Even after the abandonment of the “minority to major ity” transfer provision following its invalidation by the Supreme Court in 1963, Dr. Osburn pointed out, the adop tion of the “grade requirement” and “brother-sister” trans fer provisions perpetuated its effects since these provisions permitted students who had previously transferred under the “minority to majority” transfer provision to remain in the school to which they had transferred, and permitted other members of the same family to transfer to that school also (80a-84a, 98a-101a, 136a-138a). During the 1966-67 school year, approximately 3,400 out of a total enrollment of 37,428 students were granted transfers out of their zone of residence, 1,762 of which were “grade requirement” transfers (58a-60a). The general effects of the Knoxville school system’s zon ing and transfer policies on the disestablishment of segre gation appear in the 1966-67 student enrollment figures for the schools which were designated as Negro under segre gated operation (42a-47a) : 9 School and grades Negro White Cansler (1-6) 221 0 Eastport (1-6) 437 1 Green (1-6) 421 21 Maynard (1-6) 452 2 Mountain View (1-6) 325 0 Sam Hill (1-6) 498 0 Beardsley Jr. High (7-10) 471 6 Vine Jr. High (7-9) 619 1 Austin Sr. High (9-12v.) 432 1 The combination of zoning and school curriculum pro gramming in conjunction with patterns of residential seg regation and homogeneous lowTer socio-economic class concentrations particularly amounted to deprivation of equal educational opportunity in the case of Austin Senior High School, Dr. Osburn concluded. Austin High School was the only Negro high school under the old dual system, and became surrounded by the largest area of Negro resi dential concentration in Knoxville. After the start of de segregation, Austin was placed in a combined zone with East High School, which was on the fringe between Negro and white residential areas, and Austin was converted to an all-vocational terminal education program while East High School continued with a general and academic pro gram for college preparation. Since Austin was and con tinues as an all-Negro school in an all-Negro area, few or no white students in the combined zone can be expected to transfer to it because it will continue to be identified as a Negro school, Dr. Osburn pointed out. Furthermore, many Negro high school students can be expected to continue at tending Austin simply on the basis of tradition and prox imity. Since there is a general problem of a low average level of aspiration among Negro students because of the previous effects of segregation on themselves and in limit ing their parents to lower socio-economic class positions, Dr. Osburn concluded that the fact that this high school has 1 0 an all-vocational terminal education program will simply re-inforce this low level of aspiration since there will be no exposure to students or faculty members with different levels of aspiration (llla-117a). With regard to faculty integration, Dr. Osburn pointed out the close relation to student desegregation, since the teachers in a school are the primary adult models to which children are exposed. Such models substantially influence the development of the child’s self-concept of his relation to members of the other race. For this reason, he concluded that “it is desirable that every child in any school in our present society should have some opportunity to be under the supervision and the directorship, and so forth, of teach ers of different races” (118a). Furthermore, he continued, the existence of a faculty at a school composed exclusively or predominantly of members of one race tends to identify that school as intended for members of that race only, particularly where that school was previously racially designated under the dual system (122a). The faculty assignments for 1966-67 at the schools which were designated as Negro under segregated operation and which remain with virtually all-Negro enrollments were (48a-55a): School Negro White Austin Sr. High 22 4 Beardsley Jr. High 27 2 Cansler 10 4 Eastport 18 1 Green 23 2 Maynard 15 2 Mountain View 15 1 Sam Hill 20 1 Vine Jr. High 31 0 181 17 11 While there were 41 other Negro faculty members as signed to formerly white schools in the system, 33 of the 56 formerly white schools continued to have no Negro faculty members during 1966-67 (48a-55a). Dr. Osburn emphasized that the factor of children taking the adults with whom they come in contact in the school system as models and basing their self-concept on them also occurs with administrative and supervisory personnel, clerks, and maintainance and operations personnel, and thus the racial composition of staff other than faculty is also important in a desegregation plan. He pointed out that “children naturally look to models, they look to certain types of behavior of models, and if children consistently see people of one race in positions of leadership and in positions of low esteem, children have the tendency, psy chologists tell us, to accept these as normal things” (126a). He added: “If white children over a period of years did not see Negroes in responsible leadership positions they have a tendency to believe that the Negro is inferior” (126a). The Knoxville School System’s Reply to Plaintiffs’ Inter rogatory showed that principals and clerks were still as signed on the basis of race in that the race of all principals and clerks was the same as that of the predominant student enrollment in the school in 1967 (48a-55a). All of the regular supervisory and administrative personnel of the Knoxville schools, without exception, were white (56a-57a). In the maintenance and operations division, Negroes were assigned exclusively to the unskilled positions of custodian, maid, and laborer, while all skilled labor positions without exception were occupied by whites (63a). When queried about the relationship of extra-curricular activities to a desegregation plan, Dr. Osburn stated that 12 “the term extra-curricular is an antiquated term” since it has come to be realized that learning takes place during these activities as well as during formal instruction, and that the development of the social skills and self-concept to which these activities particularly contribute is an im portant part of the determination of what positions in, society a child will have an opportunity to enter after leaving school. Thus segregation of extra-curricular activi ties by race and/or socio-economic class is an important element of deprivation of equal educational opportunity (127a-128a). C. The Educational E xpert’s Proposals for Partial Rem edies to Disestablish Segregation of the Negro Schools. Dr. Osburn examined the zoning and grade structure of each of the formerly Negro schools in relation to adjacent formerly white schools, to determine if the most effective means to disestablish segregation had been used, even working within the confines of the existing school plant. The standard and most easily applied method for effec tively disestablishing segregation is consolidating the en rollments of adjacent nearby Negro and white schools and assigning all students in some grades to one school and all students in the remaining grades to the other school (known as “pairing” or the “Princeton plan”). This method does not require the furnishing of transportation when the paired schools are nearby, Dr. Osburn noted. He concluded that the pairing device would naturally apply to several of the formerly Negro and still virtually all-Negro schools, hut nevertheless had not been used by the school system (88a). In particular, Dr. Osburn noted that still all-Negro Sam> Hill School (capacity, 567; 1-6) was one and a half blocks from still virtually all-white Lonsdale School (capacity, 13 675; 1-6), and that these two schools would logically have been paired to disestablish segregation (89a-96a). Still all-Negro Cansler School (capacity, 351; 1-6) was three blocks from still all-white West View School (capacity, 378; 1-6), and these schools would also have been logically paired to desegregate them (96a-99a). Virtually all-Negro Maynard School (capacity, 486; 1-6) was approximately three blocks from predominantly white Moses School (capacity, 621; 1-6) and approximately four blocks from virtually all-white Beaumont School (capacity, 1,134; 1-6), and the grade structures and utilizations of all three schools could be easily re-arranged to desegregate them, he con cluded (99a-100a, 102a-104a). Virtually all-Negro Beardsley Jr. High (capacity, 600; 1966-67 enrollment of 477) was rather close to Eule Junior- Senior High (capacity 1,200; 7-12; 1966-67 enrollment of 1,216 white and 140 Negro), Dr. Osburn found, as demon strated by the fact that the entire area of the Beardsley Jr. High zone was contained within the zone of Buie Senior High. For this reason he pointed out that an effective desegregation plan would have re-arranged the grade struc tures between Beardsley and Eule so that the whole six- year program was desegregated for all of the students (109a-llla). Dr. Osburn also examined the Knoxville school system’s proposed future building plans with regard to whether they would contribute to the disestablishment of segregation. The program for development of senior high schools in cludes a long-range plan to construct three comprehensive senior high school centers in outlying areas of the city—one near the present Central High School (the Fountain city area), one near the present West and Bearden High Schools, and one near the present South and Young High Schools (128a-132a). The 1966-67 enrollments of these present 14 high schools, which indicates the types of areas they serve and/or how they are zoned, were (42a-47a): School and grades White Negro Central (9-12) 1,553 3 West (9-12) 774 40 Bearden (9-12) 1,013 31 South (9-12) 1,127 2 Young (9-12) 1,382 4 The fact that these projected centers will be comprehensive schools and have vocational as well as academic cnrriculums means that even those white students from these areas who now come into the more integrated comprehensive high schools in the center of the city (Austin-East, Fulton, and Rule) for vocational curricula will probably no longer do so, Dr. Osburn concluded (129a-131a). The three outlying areas of the city in which the new comprehensive centers are proposed—the North, West, and South—are not adjacent to any substantial Negro residen tial areas within the central city and therefore would not draw any Negro students into them through the use of standard zoning, Dr. Osburn pointed out, while the one out lying area of the city in which no new comprehensive center is planned—the East—is adjacent to the major Negro resi dential area in the city and a comprehensive center there would integrate substantial numbers of Negro students through standard zoning (129a). Dr. Osburn stated: “Based on my estimation from these reports and what I have seen in other cities and some of the metropolitan city areas, I feel like this is going to perpetuate a further segre gation of [the traditionally all-Negro Austin High School] under this situation, because, unless this changes in Knox ville or any other city in this country, white children are 15 most reluctant to go into these former all-Negro schools” (129a-130a). Dr. Oshnrn added that the construction of these new com prehensive centers for student bodies of 1,500 and more which would be virtually all white, would increase the al ready existing inequality of educational opportunity caused by the fact that all-Negro Austin High School (enrollment of 433) is less than half the average size of the other pres ently existing high schools in the system. This inequality results from the fact that particularly at the secondary level the quality of the educational program increases with the size of school, because of greater diversity of course offerings and other factors (132a-134a). Because this factor of the increasing quality of program as the size of secondary schools increases, applies even beyond the 2,000 student level, Dr. Osburn suggested that not only should changes in location of the proposed new compre hensive high schools be considered in relation to the sub stantial Negro residential concentrations in the eastern central part of the city, but also that the schools be made large enough to absorb the Negro secondary students from the center of the city and thereby integrate them—rather than further ghettoizing them as will the present plan (131a-134a). With regard to the remedy for the previous assignment of faculty members to schools based on race, Dr. Osburn stated that the common professional practice in the field of education was that teachers were assigned to various schools based on the needs for variously qualified faculty members rather than accepting the arbitrary pattern which would result from simply permitting all teachers to teach in whatever school they chose, and that therefore faculty integration should not be attempted by relying on volun teers (123a). 16 ARGUMENT I. Whether the Knoxville School System Is Completely Desegregated, in Spite of the Fact That the Negro Schools Under Dual Operation Remain Identifiable as Negro Schools and Are Attended Almost Exclusively by Negro Students? The District Court Answered This Question “Yes” and PlaintifEs-Appellants Contend the Answer Should Have Been “No.” After plaintiffs-appellants had introduced substantial expert testimony supporting their motion for further re lief that the student assignment, curriculum programming, building usage, new construction, and personnel policies of the Knoxville School System were generally perpetuating segregation rather than being designed to disestablish it, the district court ruled that “the Knoxville School System is desegregated under the plan which has been in operation since the school year 1963-64” (388a) and since “there isi no further need for the schools to operate under Court supervision, it is further Ordered that the case be stricken from the docket” (389a). Because the district court dis missed the case after an exhaustive analysis of the entire operation of the school system, this case clearly raises the fundamental and ultimate issue in school desegregation jurisprudence of the standard for what constitutes com plete desegregation of a formerly de jure segregated system. It is important here to focus on the precise factual situa tion involved. While approximately 32% of the Negro students in the Knoxville School System attended sub stantially integregated schools during the 1966-67 school year, as the district court emphasized, it is equally true 17 that 68% of the Negro students in the system attended schools virtually exclusively with other Negroes—schools which had been designated as Negro schools under segre gated operation, and which continued to have virtually all- Negro enrollments (42a-47a). See chart, supra, p. 9. (The school board’s assertion that 82.6% of the Negro children in the system attended integrated schools indicates a mis conception of the nature of the problem, since the figure was determined by including the several schools with 400 or so Negro students each and one or two white students each as “integrated” schools.) Although there are Negro students attending formerly white schools, this is clearly a fortuitous consequence of the fact that the board was forced to adopt a unitary zoning system under the compulsion of this litigation in 1960. The policies of the school system since 1954 have rather clearly perpetuated segregation for the overwhelming majority of Negro students, rather than being directed toward disestablishing the previously imposed segregation completely. The Knoxville school system was absolutely segregated by compulsion up until 1960, six years after the Supreme Court’s desegregation order. Racially desig nated school buildings were located in the centers of homogeneous residential concentrations of Negroes and whites, and naturally increased the homogeneous racial character of the surrounding neighborhoods (105a). "When a unitary zoning system was instituted in 1960, the zone lines adopted nevertheless followed to the maximum ex tent possible the patterns of residential segregation which had been established (93a-98a, 102a-104a, 109a-112a). The relation between the previous location of buildings for the operation of a dual system and the subsequent adop tion of unitary zone lines is especially graphic in situations such as the Sam Hill (Negro) and Lonsdale (white) Ele mentary Schools, where the two buildings are a block and 18 a half apart. A single school plant in the approximate location of these schools serving their combined zones would be completely integrated, but instead of merging the operations of these two plants into a single school through grade re-structuring, the school board drew two separate zones around them in such a way as to preserve each as a racially identifiable school (89a-96a). Concurrently with the adoption of a unitary zoning system in 1960, the school board also instituted the “minor ity to majority” transfer policy by which a student who was zoned to a school in which he would be in the racial minority could obtain a transfer back to a school in which he would be in the majority. Where all the schools in the system had previously been designated as Negro or white, and the new unitary zones tended to preserve those iden tifications by following the patterns of racial residential segregation to the maximum extent possible, the avail ability of this transfer option naturally caused students who perceived themselves as being in a school identified as intended for members of the opposite race to transfer out. The effects of such transfers were to increase the racial identification of the schools since they made the student bodies even more racially homogeneous than they would otherwise have been. After this provision was in validated by the Supreme Court in 1963, the school system then adopted the “grade requirement” and “brother-sister” transfer provisions which perpetuated and increased the effects of the “minority to majority” transfers by allowing those who had previously transferred, to remain in the school to which they had transferred, and allowing other members of the same family to also transfer to that school (80a-84a, 98a-101a, 136a-138a). The racial identification of schools was also continued by the failure to re-assign faculty members who had orig inally been assigned on the basis of race in the dual sys 19 tem, so that the Negro schools were still identifiable as Negro schools by the fact that virtually all of the faculty members were Negro (122a). It is the cumulative effect of these zoning, transfer, and faculty assignment policies which have caused all of the schools which were designated as Negro under the dual system to remain identifiable as Negro schools in that they have virtually all-Negro enrollments (42a-47a). Thus, for example, the “minority to majority” transfer provision and its successors was a more potent creator of segregation because the segregated faculties and racially homogeneous zoning clearly identified schools as intended for Negroes or whites, and gave addi tional impetus to minority students to transfer out. Although granting the premise that visually obvious racial gerrymandering of zone lines would be a constitu tional violation, the district court determined that there was none. As to the other objections raised by plaintiffs- appellants, the court responded that it “is of the opinion that there is no constitutional duty on the part of the school board to bus Negro or white children out of their neighborhoods or to transfer classes for the sole purpose of alleviating racial imbalance which it did not cause, nor is there a duty to select new school sites solely in fur therance of such purpose” (385a) (emphasis supplied). The court’s reference to causation suggests that the issue becomes to what extent a school board which had pre viously operated a de jure segregated system is responsible for the continuing pattern of segregation which is based in that past de jure operation, when no substantial at tempt has been made to change that pattern, i.e. the rele vant time-frame for determining causation. As stated above, because the district court dismissed the case the fundamental issue is posed as to whether on these facts the Knoxville school system is completely 20 desegregated. While the Supreme Court has not yet con sidered the general issue of when a formerly de jure segregated system is fully desegregated,1 several of the courts of appeals have come to grips with this question in recent general decisions governing the desegregation process (1967). The general concurrence of the Courts of Appeals for the Fifth, Eighth, and Tenth Circuits is that a previously de jure segregated system must undertake substantial affirmative action to disestablish the still exist ing patterns of segregation in the system if the simple adoption of racially neutral policies does not do so, and that this means in particular and ultimately that all of the formerly Negro schools must cease being identifiable as Negro schools both by their student enrollments and faculty compositions. In other words, constitutionally sufficient desegregation does not mean simply adopting provisions by which some Negro students are permitted to attend formerly all-white schools, while the general policies of the system continue to perpetuate the Negro schools as Negro schools, and therefore perpetuate segregation for the overwhelming majority of Negro students. In United States v. Jefferson County Board of Educa tion et al., 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), reaffirmed en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967), the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit held:2 1 The Court has so far considered for their adequacy only various specific elements of purported desegregation plans, such as the faculty assignment issue in Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, Va., 382 U.S. 103 (1965) and Rogers v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965), and the “minority to majority” transfer provision in an earlier appeal of this case, Goss v. Board of Education of Knoxville, Tenn., 373 U.S. 683 (1963). 2 The portion of the original Jefferson County opinion dealing with the substantive problem of the standard for what constitutes complete de segregation of a formerly de jure segregated system is Section I I I (372 F.2d at 861-878), which is the most exhaustive analysis of this problem so far undertaken by a court of appeals. 21 The two Brown decisions established equalization of educational opportunities as a high priority goal for all of the states and compelled seventeen states, which by law had segregated public schools, to take affirmative action to reorganize their schools into a unitary, nonracial system. 372 F,2d at 847. The Fifth Circuit recalled the basic constitutional defect of segregation, and why the relief in a class action suit against segregation must reach all members of the group: Denial of access to the dominant culture, lack of opportunity in any meaningful way to participate in political and other public activities, the stigma of apartheid condemned in the Thirteenth Amendment are concomitants of the dual educational system. . . . the separate school system was an integral element in the Southern State’s general program to restrict Ne groes as a class from participation in the life of the community, the affairs of the State, and the main stream of American life: Negroes must keep their place. Segregation is a group phenomenon. . . . As a group wrong the mode of redress must be group-wide to be adequate. Adequate redress therefore calls for much more than allowing a few Negro children to attend formerly white schools; it calls for liquidation of the state’s system of de jure school segregation and the organized undoing of the effects of past segregation. 372 F.2d at 866. The Court therefore held: The position we take in these consolidated cases is that the only adequate redress for a previously overt system-wide policy of segregation directed against Ne groes as a collective entity is a system-wide policy of integration. 372 F.2d at 869. (Emphasis in original.) 22 The Fifth Circuit pointed out why it held that affirmative action must be taken by the school boards to disestablish segregation in all schools of the system, notwithstanding that segregation of some of the schools may appear to resemble the fortuitous homogeneous racial concentrations which sometimes occur in schools in other areas of the na tion which did not have state enforced segregation.: . .. the holding in Brown, unlike the holding in Bell but like the holdings in this circuit, occurred within the context of state-coerced segregation. The similarity of pseudo de facto segregation in the South to actual de facto segregation in the North is more apparent than real. Here school boards, utilizing the dual zoning system, assigned Negro teachers to Negro schools and selected Negro neighborhoods as suitable areas in which to locate Negro schools. Of course the concentra tion of Negroes increased in the neighborhood of the school. Cause and effect came together. In this circuit, therefore, the location of Negro schools with Negro faculties in Negro neighborhoods and white schools in white neighborhoods cannot be described as an unfortunate fortuity: It came into existence as state action and continues to exist as racial gerrymandering, made possible by the dual system. 372 F.2d at 876. # # # The central vice in a formerly de jure segregated public school system is apartheid by dual zoning: in the past by law, the use of one set of attendance zones for white children and another for Negro children, and the compulsory initial assignment of a Negro to the Negro school in his zone. Dual zoning persists in the continuing operation of Negro schools identified as Negro, historically and because the faculty and students are Negroes. Acceptance of an indi 23 vidual’s application for transfer, therefore, may satisfy that particular individual; it will not satisfy the class. The class is all Negro children in a school district attending, by definition, inherently unequal schools and wearing the badge of slavery separation displays. Relief to the class requires school boards to desegre gate the school from which a transferee comes as well as the school to which he goes. 372 F.2d at 867- 868. The Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit concurred with the view of the Fifth Circuit on the question of the standard for what satisfies the constitutional obligation to desegregate in Kelley v. The Altheimer, Arkansas Public School District No. 22, 378 F.2d 483 (8th Cir. 1967), which specifically rejected the interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment that “the Constitution, in other words, does not require integration. It merely forbids discrimination.” 378 F.2d at 488. The Eighth Circuit held that there is an affirmative obligation to disestablish segregation system- wide : We have made it clear that a Board of Education does not satisfy its constitutional obligation to deseg regate by simply opening the doors of a formerly all-white school to Negroes. 378 F.2d at 488. It added that this meant that the board of education must take affirmative steps to change the identities of Negro schools into integrated schools : The appellee School District will not be fully deseg regated nor the appellants assured of their rights under the Constitution so long as the Martin School clearly remains identifiable as a Negro school. The requirements of the Fourteenth Amendment are not 24 satisfied by having one segregated and one desegre gated school in a District. We are aware that it will be difficult to desegregate the Martin School. How ever, while the difficulties are perhaps largely tradi tional in nature, the Board of Education has taken no steps since Brown to attempt to change its identity from a racial to a non-racial school. 378 F.2d at 490. While the district court dismissed the Jefferson County and Kelley v. Altheimer cases as being factually distin guishable from the Knoxville case, it did not specify in what way it thought this to be true. Both of these cases did involve the transitional use of the so-called “freedom of choice” type desegregation plan which is not utilized per se in Knoxville—however, both cases were general decisions purporting to govern the entire desegregation process and therefore included holdings of the standard for what would constitute a fully desegregated system, and both cases specifically considered the question of whether the continuation of identifiable Negro schools was consistent with complete desegregation. There can be no dispute that the Knoxville case is factually identical to the case of Board of Education of Oklahoma City Public Schools v. Dowell et al., 375 F.2d 158 (10th Cir., 1967), cert. den. 387 TT.S. 931, affirming Dowell et al. v. School Board of Oklahoma City Public Schools, 219 F. Supp. 427 (W.D. Okla. 1963) and 244 F. Supp. 971 (W.D. Okla. 1965), which was not discussed by the district court. The Oklahoma City school system had announced a for mal desegregation plan by unitary zoning in 1955, whereas the Knoxville schools did not take even this initial step until 1960. After zoning its sehols in such a way as to pre serve the maximum possible segregation without explicit 25 dual zones through following the patterns of racial residen tial segregation, the Oklahoma City school system then in stituted a “minority to majority” transfer plan by which students who were unavoidably zoned to schools where they would be in a racial minority were encouraged to transfer to schools where they would be in a racial majority. Thus, virtually all of the schools in Oklahoma City which had been designated as “white” or “Negro” schools under segre gation, remained identified as “white” or “Negro” schools because the student bodies were almost or entirely all-white or all-Negro. The Knoxville school system did likewise. The Oklahoma City school system continued to assign all- Negro faculties to schools which were all or predominantly Negro in student body, and all-white faculties to schools which were all or predominantly white in student body, thereby reinforcing the identifications of various schools as being intended for Negroes or whites rather than just for students. The Knoxville school system did likewise. The Oklahoma City school system located new schools in the centers of homogeneous racial residential concentra tions, so as to facilitate the perpetuation of segregation through the use of zoning, transfer, and faculty assign ment policies. The Knoxville school system did likewise. Based on these facts, the Tenth Circuit in the Oklahoma City case approved a district court finding that “the school children and personnel have in the main from all of the evidence been completely segregated as much as possible under the circumstances rather than integrated as much as possible.” 375 F.2d at 161, fn. 2. The Tenth Circuit stated that “inherent in all of the points raised and argued here by [the school board] is the contention that at the time of the filing of this case there was no racial discrimination in the operation of the school system.” 375 F.2d at 164. It responded that this fact situation did constitute a case of legal segregation which had not been disestablished, in 26 spite of the facts that zone lines had been redrawn to elimi nate obvious duality in 1955, and that there were some Negro students attending previously all-white schools: As we have pointed out, complete and compelled segregation and racial discrimination existed in the Oklahoma City School system at the time the Brown decision became the law of the land. It then became the duty of every school board and school official “to make a prompt and reasonable start toward full com pliance” with the first Brown case. . . . The attendance line boundaries [adopted as compliance with Brown], as pointed out by the trial judge, had the effect in some instances of locking the Negro pupils into totally segregated schools. In other attendance districts which were not totally segregated the operation of the trans fer plan naturally led to a higher percentage of segre gation in those schools. 375 F.2d at 165. The Tenth Circuit then held in Oklahoma City that “under the factual situation here we have no hesitancy in sustaining the trial court’s authority to compel the board to take specific action in compliance with the decree of the court so long as such compelled action can be said to be necessary for the elimination of the unconstitutional evils pointed out in the court’s decree.” 375 F.2d at 166. In cluded in the action required to eliminate the effects of previous unconstitutional segregation was an order pairing six-year secondary schools so that three grades of each school were consolidated in one school and three grades in the other school, thereby completely integrating each school in the pair. This clearly required a school board to take affirmative action to disestablish the pattern and practice of segregation preserved through the use of a zoning and transfer plan. 27 Judge Lewis concurring in the Oklahoma City case ex plained the Tenth Circuit’s view that since compulsion was used to maintain the system of segregation, the compulsion inherent in school assignment policies may properly be used to disestablish segregation: I have no quarrel with the statement that forced integration when viewed as an end in itself is not a compulsion of the Fourteenth Amendment. But any claimed right to disassociation in the public schools must fail and fall. If desegregation of the races is to be accomplished in the public schools, forced asso ciation must result, not as the end sought but as the path to elimination of discrimination. And, to me, the argument that racial discrimination cannot be elim inated through factors of judicial consideration that are based upon race itself is completely self-denying. The problem arose through consideration of race; it may now be approached through similar but en lightened consideration. 28 II. W hether the K noxville School System Should Have Been Ordered to Pair Identifiable Negro Schools Which Could Be Paired, Locate New Construction to Help Elim inate Identifiable Negro Schools, and Take Other Affirmative Action to Disestablish Segregation? The District Court Answered This Question “No” and Plaintiffs-Appellants Contend the Answer Should Have Been “Yes.” Plaintiffs-appellants’ educational expert, Dr. Morris Os- burn, Director of the Human Relations Center for Educa tion at Western Kentucky University, had served as a con sultant on the development of desegregation plans for school districts in Louisiana, Mississippi, Kentucky, West Virginia, and Illinois, and thus was well qualified to under take analysis of the desegregation problems of the Knox ville school system (77a-78a). After this analysis he con cluded that three of the six Negro elementary schools (grades 1-6) and one of the two Negro junior high schools (grades 7-10) were close enough to nearby white schools of the same grades that each could easily be paired in a “Princeton plan” without producing a combined zone which would be larger than the average elementary or junior high zone (88a-104a, 109a-llla). See Statement, supra, pp. 12-13. By pairing or the “Princeton plan”, the capacities and zones of the two nearby paired buildings are considered as one, and all of the students in the combined zone in some grades are assigned to one of the buildings and all of the students in the remaining grades are assigned to the other building based upon the capacities of the respective buildings. Such a reorganization of the grade structures of the paired schools does not involve the necessity to 29 provide transportation to any students if the schools are close enough together. The three sets of elementary schools which Dr. Osburn recommended to be paired were from one to four blocks apart, so that even a student at the most distant end of the old zone of one of the paired schools would have to walk no more than one to four blocks further if he were assigned to the other school in the pair, and thus no transportation would have to be furnished. Similarly, the zone of one of the junior high schools recommended to be paired was completely within the zone of the senior high school at which site the other junior high school was located, so that no junior high student in the combined zone would have to travel any further than students eventually would for senior high school. The pairing device is peculiarly suitable for for merly dual school systems which frequently located two buildings for the same grades very near to each other soi that one could be used for Negroes and the other for whites in the same general area. This is especially clear in the case of the three sets of pairs of elementary schools which Dr. Osburn recommended in Knoxville. While the problem of disestablishing segregation of a formerly dual school system is sometimes made difficult by the fact that the building plants of the system were designed and located for segregated operation and that capital investments of this type must be used for a long time, this fact is no longer true when it comes time to renew the capital plant of the system by new construction. For this reason, plaintiffs’ educational expert gave spe cial attention to the Knoxville school system’s program for building several new comprehensive secondary school cen ters, which was just announced at the time of the May 1967 hearing. See Statement, supra, pp. 13-15. Dr. Os burn pointed out that the facts that these new secondary 30 centers were planned to be located far out of the eastern central section of the city (where the largest Negro resi dential concentration is) in the centers of homogeneous white suburban areas in the North, West, and South, and that they were to be comprehensive schools including voca tional as well as academic curriculums, meant that a num ber of white students who had been attending the more integrated comprehensive high school centers in the city would no longer do so, and that in particular formerly Negro and still all-Negro Austin Senior High and Vine Junior High Schools would never be desegregated if this plan were carried out (129a-134a). Dr. Osburn therefore suggested that changes in location of at least one and possibly more of these centers be made in relation to the fact that the largest Negro residential concentration is in the eastern central section of the city. Thus a comprehensive center located on the fringe between the eastern central section of the city and the eastern suburban area could be substantially integrated through the use of normal zoning. He also suggested that the cen ters be made large enough to accomodate students from the central section of the city as well as the suburban areas, so as to avoid ghettoizing the center of the city. This would also overcome the inequality caused by the fact that all-Negro Austin High School is so much smaller than the other present high schools in the system and will be even smaller still by comparison to the new centers, and that the quality of an educational program at the secondary level increases with the size of a school (129a-134a). Al though as the district court noted the general population movement in Knoxville is away from the center of town toward the outlying areas, and the school system therefore might reasonably decide not to construct a large new secondary center right in the center of town (378a), Dr. 31 Osburn’s analysis suggested that here are ways of lo cating and constructing new comprehensive secondary centers outside the center of town which would never theless not have the extreme effect of perpetuating segre gation as does the present plan of the Knoxville school system.8 The district court held that there is no constitutional duty on the part of a school board to transfer classes (i.e. pair schools) or to select new school sites for the purpose of integration (385a), and therefore refused to order the school board even to consider such proposals as those offered by plaintiffs’ expert or to undertake to prove that they were not feasible. We submit that on the facts of this case, this reveals an erroneously narrow conception of the proper role of a federal court of equity in supervising the desegregation process and assuring that complete relief is forthcoming for the previous con stitutional violation of operating a segregated school system. The Supreme Court held from the beginning that the constitutional ban on segregation in public education re quired far reaching affirmative action to completely re organize the affected school systems to eliminate the prac tice. In the second Brown decision, 349 U.S. 294 (1955), it said that “to effectuate this interest may call for elim ination of a variety of obstacles,” and directed the district courts supervising the re-organizations to “consider prob lems related to administration, arising from the physical condition of the school plant, the school transportation system, personnel, revision of school districts and at 8 On this point particularly, as well as various types of remedy for disestablishing segregation generally, see the Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, “Racial Isolation in the Public Schools,” (1967), Yol. I, pp. 140-183. 32 tendance areas into compact units to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a non- racial basis, and revision of local laws and regulations which may be necessary in solving the foregoing problems.” 349 U.S. at 300-301. The Court directed that “in fashioning and effectuating the decrees, the courts will be guided by equitable prin ciples.” 349 U.S. at 300. The general equity principle is that there is no wrong without a remedy, and therefore equity courts have broad power to provide relief and are obligated to do so. The test of the propriety of measures adopted by such courts is whether the req^^ired remedial action reasonably tends to dissipate the effects of the con demned actions and to prevent their continuance. Louisiana v. United States, 380 U.S. 145 (1965). An example of the application of this equitable principle is in the antitrust area, where it has been held to require the complete dis solution of large national business enterprises, when there is no other way to counteract the previous effects of illegal monopolization. United States v. Standard Oil Co., 221 U.S. 1 (1910); Schine Chain Theatres v. United States, 334 U.S. 110 (1948). Similarly, it has been held to require that federal courts conduct the redrawing of state legisla tive districts when there is no other way to counteract the effects of population disparities in existing state legisla tive districts. Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964). As indicated above, the Courts of Appeals for the Fifth, Eighth, and Tenth Circuits have held that this equitable doctrine, as applied to the problem of remedy for the un constitutional creation and operation of a segregated pub lic school system, requires a school board to undertake substantial affirmative action purposed to disestablish seg regation completely, and that this means specifically that 33 the formerly Negro schools must cease being identifiable as Negro schools. The creation and operation of separate schools for Negroes was the condemned action, and the test of the propriety of remedial action to be required by a court is thus whether it will disestablish the existence of the Negro schools, i.e. integrate Negro students. The courts have specifically held that both types of proposals offered by plaintiffs’ educational expert—pairing (the “Princeton plan”) and location of new construction to dis establish segregation—are proper remedies and should be required if necessary to disestablish segregation. With regard to the “Princeton plan” or pairing, the Fifth Circuit held in Jefferson County, supra: If school officials in any district should find that their district still has segregated faculties and schools or only token integration, their affirmative duty to take corrective action requires them to try an alternative to a freedom of choice plan, such as a geographic attendance plan, a combination of the two, the Prince ton plan, or some other acceptable substitute, perhaps aided by an educational park. 372 F.2d at 895-896. The Oklahoma City case, supra, decided by the Tenth Cir cuit, specifically upheld an order of the district court, based upon the recommendation of outside educational ex perts, requiring the pairing of six-year secondary schools so that three grades of each school were consolidated in one school and three grades in the other school, thereby completely integrating all of the students in the paired schools. Pairing in particular is not a major innovation, since it is simply a way of redrawing the attendance areas to disestablish dual schools, a redrawing which the Supreme Court specifically ordered in the second Brown decision, supra. 34 With regard to new construction, the Fifth Circuit’s de cree in Jefferson County, supra, specifically states: The defendants, to the extent consistent with the proper operation of the school system as a whole, shall locate any new school and substantially expand any existing schools with the objective of eradicating the vestiges of the dual school system and of eliminating the effects of segregation. 372 F.2d at 900. The Eighth Circuit in Kelley v. Altheimer, supra, a case which directly involved a suit for injunction against new school construction alleged to perpetuate segregation, held: It is clear that school construction is a proper matter for judicial consideration. Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education, 346 F.2d 768 (4th Cir. 1965); Board of Public Instruction of Duval County, Fla., et al. v. Braxton, et al. [326 F.2d 616 (5th Cir. 1964)]. It is also clear that new school construction cannot be used to perpetuate segregation. In Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education, supra at 774, the Court stated: “From remarks of the trial judge appearing in the record, we think he was fully aware of the pos sibility that a school construction program might be so directed as to perpetuate segregation. . . .” Eelying upon Wheeler, the District Court in Wright v. County School Board of Greensville County, Va., 252 F. Supp. 378, 384 (E.D. Va. 1966) said: “This court is loathe to enjoin the construction of any schools. Virginia, in common with many other states, needs school facilities. New construction, 35 however, cannot be used to perpetuate segrega tion. . . We conclude that the construction of the new class rooms by the Board of Education had the effect of helping to perpetuate a segregated school system and should not have been permitted by the lower court. 378 F.2d at 496-497. In the District of Columbia school desegregation case, Hobson v. Hansen, 269 F. Supp. 401 (D.C. 1967), the court ordered: In preparing the plan to alleviate pupil segregation which the court is ordering the defendants to file, how ever, the court will require that the defendants con sider the advisability of establishing educational parks, particularly at the junior and senior high school levels, school pairing, Princeton and other approaches to ward maximum effective integration. Where because of the density of residential segregation or for other reasons children in certain areas, particularly the slums, are denied the benefits of an integrated educa tion, the court will require that the plan include com pensatory education sufficient at least to overcome the detriment of segregation and thus provide, as nearly as possible, equal educational opportunity to all school- children. Since segregation resulting from pupil as signment is so intimately related to school location, the court will require the defendants to include in their plan provision for the application of the principles herein announced to their $300,000,000 building pro gram. 269 F. Supp. at 515. 36 The district court in this case stated that “the point to be recognized in a case where all other educational factors are equal, is that the Board’s action is based upon expert opinion” (387a), and therefore refused to give weight to the analysis or proposals of plaintiffs’ educational expert. While plaintiffs-appellants do not dispute that the admin istrators of the Knoxville school system are educationally qualified for their positions, we do submit that this state ment indicates a misconception on the part of the district court as to what is involved in a constitutional suit of this type. The very essence of Constitutional Law is the pro tection of minorities against the impermissible acts of ma jorities acting through the power of government. Although the administrators of the school system may qualify as educational experts, they and the board of education as elected officials are responsive to the political majority which originally enacted the segregated system and which may still wish to see it preserved as much as possible. It is this fact which made necessary the intervention of fed eral courts in the affairs of local school systems in the first place to redress the constitutional violation. The Fifth Circuit clearly recognized this in Jefferson County, supra, when it said: “Local loyalties compelled school officials and elected officials to make a public record of their unwilling ness to act.” 372 F.2d at 854. It is precisely for this reason that the detailed supervi sion of desegregation by the federal courts—utilizing the advice of outside experts in educational administration who are free of local pressures, to make such supervision meaningful as well as equitable—is crucial to the actual achievement of the constitutionally required relief for the creation of segregated educational systems. As the Fifth Circuit said “judges and school officials can ill afford to 37 turn their backs on the proffer of advice . . . from any re sponsible government agency or independent group com petent to work toward solution of the complex problem of de jure discrimination bequeathed this generation by ten preceding generations.” 372 F.2d at 896. The Oklahoma City case, supra, clearly stands for this proposition, since the district court had secured the ad vice of a panel of independent experts in educational ad ministration nominated by the plaintiffs and based his or der requiring various types of specific affirmative actions to disestablish segregation upon their recommendations. The Eighth Circuit in Kelley v. Altheimer, supra, also relied upon such outside expert testimony in reaching the conclusion (contrary to the lower court) that new con struction in the school system would perpetuate segrega tion. RELIEF For the foregoing reasons, plaintiffs-appellants respect fully submit that the decision of the lower court dismissing the case should be reversed, that the school board should be ordered to change its policies and undertake the var ious types of affirmative action to disestablish the remain ing segregation in the Knoxville school system as specified in plaintiffs-appellants’ motion for further relief, including but not limited to the pairing of identifiable Negro schools which can be paired and the location of new construction to help eliminate identifiable Negro schools, and that the district court should be ordered to retain jurisdiction of the case until the desegregation process is complete and 38 utilize advice of independent experts in educational admin istration in the course of such supervision. Respectfully submitted, J ack Greenberg J ames M. N abrit, III M ich a el J . H enry 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 Carl A. C owan 2212 Vine Avenue, S.E. Knoxville, Tennessee 37915 A von N. W illiam s , J r. Z. A lexander L ooby McClellan-Looby Building Charlotte at Fourth Nashville, Tennessee 37201 Attorneys for Plaintiffs-Appellants MEILEN PRESS INC. — N. Y. C.°sHip» 219