Correspondence from Gilhool to Chambers; City of Cleburne, TX v. Cleburne Living Center Motion and Brief Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
February 2, 1985 - February 4, 1985

Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Correspondence from Gilhool to Chambers; City of Cleburne, TX v. Cleburne Living Center Motion and Brief Amici Curiae, 1985. b2eff0c8-ad9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/4323f9f3-b07a-4a09-81a3-b1223213783b/correspondence-from-gilhool-to-chambers-city-of-cleburne-tx-v-cleburne-living-center-motion-and-brief-amici-curiae. Accessed May 12, 2025.
Copied!
THOMAS K. GiLHOOL CHVBF COUNSEL JEROME SALTER MICHAEL CHURCHILL FRANK J , LASK! DAVID <3. DAVIS ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICER STANLEY R. WOLFE EDWIN D. WOLF CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR 1974-1976 February 4, 1985 Julius Chambers, Esquire NAACP Legal Defense Fund 99 Hudson Street, 16th Fl. New York, NY 10013 Dear Julius: I enclose the brief we filed amicus on behalf of the retardation organizations. It is, as you will see, primarily an historical essay. When you have had an oppor tunity to read it I'd very much like, for the future, to think some things through together. Best wishes. Very truly yours, /*VvL THOMAS K. GILHOOL TKG:ecr enclosure AFFILIATED WITH LAWYERS COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW No. 84-468 IN T H E SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES October Term, 1984 City oe^Cl e b u r n e , T exa s, et al. Petitioners, v. C lebu rn e L iving C e n t e r , et a l., R esp on d en ts . ON W RIT O F C ERTIO RA RI TO TH E U N ITED STATES COURT O F APPEALS FO R TH E F IF T H C IRC U IT MOTION AND B R IE F AMICI CCRIAE OF Association fo r Reta rd ed C itizen s/USA Association fo r Reta rd ed C itizen s/Texas National D own Syn drom e Con gress Pe o p l e F irst International and Pe o p l e F irst Organizations o f Iowa, Louisiana , Michigan , Nebra ska , Oregon and Washington Un ited To g eth er S.T .A .N .D . T o g eth er Speaking fo r Ou rselv es Co n su m er Advocacy Board o f th e Massachusetts Association fo r Reta rd ed C itizens T exas Advocates W iscon sin Advocates Capitol Pe o pl e F irst Se l f -Advocates o f Central Ne w York Thomas K. Gilhool* Frank J. Laski Michael Churchill Judith A. Gran Timothy M. Cook Pu blic In terest Law Cen ter o f Ph ila delph ia 1315 Walnut St. Rm. 1632 Philadelphia, Pa. 19107 (215) 735-7200 * C ounsel o f R ecord C ounsel f o r Am ici C u riae PACKARD PRESS / LEGAL DIVISION, 10th & SPRING GARDEN STREETS, PHILA., PA. 13123 (21 5) 23 6-2 000 MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE B R IEF AMICI CURIAE FOR THE ASSOCIATION FOR RETARDED CITIZENS/USA, et al. Amici respectfully move this Court for an order grant ing leave to file the attached brief amici curiae on behalf of respondents. Amici are organizations of retarded people and their families and, as such, have a substantial stake in the outcome of this case, i .e ., whether they are to be accorded the fullest reach of the Equal Protection Clause. Respond ents have consented to the filing of this brief. Amici have requested that petitioners consent, but they have refused to do so. 1. The Association for Retarded Citizens of the United States (ARC/USA) is a national voluntary organization of parents, families and friends of retarded people, as well as of people who are retarded, directed and led since its found ing in 1950 by active volunteer parents. The Association is organized into 1,360 local and 48 state-wide chapters, in addition to chapters in United States territories and mili tary installations abroad. The ARC/USA is the national vol untary organization devoted solely to the interests of all adults and children who are retarded whatever their race, creed, national origin, residence, etiology or severity of handicap. ARC/USA, which in 1974 changed its name from “Retarded Children” to “Retarded Citizens,” was created and exists today “to promote the general welfare of the m en tally retarded of all ages everywhere, to encourage the for mation of [state and local] associations for Retarded C iti zens, [and] to advise and aid parents in the solution of their problems. . . . ” (ARC/USA Constitution, § 5). A leading problem that led to the formation of the ARC/USA was to overcome the historical discrimination and prejudice against people who are retarded and to secure a rightful place for them in society. Since its inception, the ARC/USA has vig orously challenged attitudes and public policy, based on false stereotypes, that have authorized or encouraged seg regation and abuse of children and adults who are retarded, 1 2 in virtually all areas of life. It is the experience ol ARC/USA that retarded persons have the capability to enjoy and con tribute to the life of the community. To achieve the goal of community living, the ARC/USA has adopted the following official position: "Persons with mental retardation of all functioning lev els . . . should have access to community residence and services. "Residential homes should be like others in the neigh borhood in terms of size and appearance. They should be dispersed throughout the community, rather than congregated in one neighborhood. In the experience of the Association, the segregation of per sons who are retarded continues to be widely practiced and vigorously defended. The continuing work of the ARC/USA is based upon the reality that, as its official position states: "The fundamental rights of people who are mentally re tarded are not yet fully acknowledged or secured, despite the vigorous efforts of advocates to help them achieve the same basic human and constitutional rights as other human beings.” 2. The Association for Retarded Citizens of Texas (ARC/Texas) is composed of fifty-five local chapters through out the state. A non-profit association founded by parents in 1950, like ARC/USA, ARC/Texas has among its official pur poses “[t]o insure that persons with retardation are ac cepted by the public as fully participating members of so ciety and live in conditions most conducive to their opti mum developm ent.” The opinions expressed in the record before the City Coun cil of Cleburne and its excluding actions, in the experience of ARC/Texas, arise commonly across Texas. Combatting these exclusionary actions so that retarded people may have a decent and respected place in Texas’ communities, con stitutes the most substantial and pressing part of the work of ARC/Texas. 3 3. The National Down Syndrome Congress is a voluntary organization of parents and families of people with Down syndrome. Established as a national organization in 1974, the National Down Syndrome Congress is a network of more than 600 parent groups serving the needs of families in their local communities. Among its official purposes are “[t]o ad vocate for the realization of the full spectrum of human and civil rights for persons with Down syndrome” and“[t]o ad dress the social policies and conditions that limit the full growth and potential of children and adults with Down syndrome.” People with Down syndrome evoke a quintessential ster eotype of retardation, provoking and sustaining a sense of their differentness and danger. The label “mongoloid” was a response to their “facial” difference and supported their official exclusion from common society, which denied their humanity and the reality of their capabilities. C om p are the view that the “mongoloid” is an atavistic regression to a more backward race, expressed in John Langdon Down, O bservation s on an E thn ic C lassification o f Id iots, LON DON Hospita l C lin ical L e c tu r es and Repo rts 209 (1866), an d in F. G. CROOKSHANK, T h e MONGOL IN OUR MIDST (1924) — a view whose legacy in public opinion and official action amicus seeks to overcome — ivith, e .g ., S. M. Pe u s c h e l , D own Sy n d r o m e : Grow ing and L earn ing (1978), a view amicus seeks to bring to popular and official understanding and action. 4. People First International; United Together; 5 . T .A .N .D . Together; Speaking for Ourselves; People First of Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, Oregon and Wash ington; the Consumer Advisory Board of the Massachusetts Association for Retarded Citizens; Texas Advocates; W is consin Advocates; Capitol People First; and Self-Advocates of Central New York are each established and led by per sons with retardation. All share a common purpose: to sup port their m em bers’ right to speak for themselves rather 4 than let others speak for them, to make their own decisions, and to know and exercise their rights as citizens, including the right to live in the community. People First International was formed in 1974 by former residents of Fairview Training Center who met in Salem, Oregon to discuss forming their own organization. Conver sation turned to the selection of a name and someone said, “Why not call ourselves People First, because we want to be known as people before we’re known for our handicap.” People First International provides support services and advocacy for persons who are retarded and are moving from institutions into the community. People First International members serve on Boards of Directors of other national and state-wide organizations concerned with developmental dis abilities, and have testified at a variety of state and local legislative bodies concerning zoning, sterilization, guardi anship and other issues. United Together, a nationwide network of disabled self advocates, was formed in 1980 at a national conference in Kansas City, Missouri. At that meeting, people with retar dation met and talked about the issues they considered im portant: housing, transportation, employment, health care and basic human rights. A group of representatives was elected, one from each of the ten federal regions. Since then the group has organized a national conference that was totally planned and run by people with disabilities and has conducted workshops for professionals, parents, and gov ernm ent agencies. People First of Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, Oregon and Washington are each state-wide organizations, formed in 1982, 1983, 1980, 1978, 1983 and 1974, respec tively. S .T .A .N .D . together of Maryland, Speaking for Our selves in Pennsylvania, the Consumer Advisory Board of the Massachusetts Association for Retarded Citizens, Texas Advocates, and Wisconsin Advocates, are each state-wide self-advocacy organizations. Capitol People First is a self- advocacy organization for persons with retardation in cen tral California. Self-Advocates of Central New York was 5 formed in 1984; most members are former residents of New York State institutions for retarded people now living in the community. All these organizations have members who have lived in institutions and now live in group homes in the commu nity, and members who still live in institutions but wish to live in the community. Many have suffered from efforts to exclude their group homes from neighborhoods. Policy statements by these organizations on discriminatory zoning legislation and statements by their members on the impor tance of the right to live in the community are contained in Appendix C to the attached brief. 5. The ordinance at issue in this case is part of a pattern of historic, state-imposed segregation. Overcoming this pat tern of discrimination is amici’s common goal. Amici are intimately familiar with the prejudice at issue in this case, and provide what they believe to be an importan t and unique perspective not elsewhere presented, that strict and search ing scrutiny should be applied to the ordinance at issue in this case. For these reasons, this Motion for Leave to File a Brief as Amici Curiae should be granted. Respectfully submitted, Thomas K. Gilhool* Frank J. Laski Michael Churchill Judith A. Gran Timothy M. Cook PU BLIC IN TER EST LAW C EN TER O F PH ILA D ELPH IA 1315 Walnut Street, Suite 1632 Philadelphia, PA 19107 (215) 735-7200 February, 1985 C ounsel f o r Am ici C uriae Counsel o f record. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page IN T E R E ST O F A M IC I ........................................................ 1 SUMMARY O F A R G U M E N T .......................................... 2 A R G U M E N T ............................................................................. 3 I. TH E C L EBU R N E ORDINANCE IS PART O F A PATTERN O F STA TE-IM PO SED L IF E LONG SEG REG A TIO N O F R ETA RD ED P E O P L E , THAT IN ANIMUS AND PU R PO SE FU L UNEQUAL TREA TM EN T IS PARALLEL TO TH E TREA TM EN T O F BLACK P E R SO N S................................................................................. 5 II. C LA SSIFIC A TIO N S BA SED UPON RETARDATION THAT E X C L U D E AND SEG R E G A TE R ETA RD ED PERSON S ARE SU SPEC T AND SH O U LD BE GIVEN STRICT AND SEARCH ING SCRUTIN Y.......... 21 A. A History of Purposeful Unequal Treatment Imposed by the State Triggers the Standard for Strict Scrutiny of Legislative Classifica tions............................................................................. 21 B. Retardation Is an Immutable Characteristic That Has Been Subject to Invidious Glassifi cation............................................ 22 C. Utilization of a Suspect Standard for Dis advantaging Classifications Will Not Be Fatal to Classifications that Benefit Retarded P e o p le ........................................................................ 24 TA BLE O F A U T H O R IT IE S .............................................. iii Page D. Cleburne’s Exclusion of Retarded People from the Community Is Perverse: It Cannot Be Justified on the Basis of any Characteris tic or Need of Retarded P e o p le ..................... 25 III. T H E C O N TIN U ED V IR U LEN C E O F C LA SSIFIC A TIO N S EX C L U D IN G AND SEG R EG A TIN G ON TH E BASIS O F RETA RD A TION R E Q U IR E S TH EY BE G IVEN STRIC T AND SEARCH IN G T A BLE O F CO N TEN TS— (Continued) SC RU TIN Y....................................................................... 27 C O N C L U SIO N ......................................................................... 30 Appendix A. Compendium of Purposeful State Ac tion For the Segregation and Exclusion of Retarded Persons in the Fifty States and the District of Columbia Appendix B. Texts of the 1947 Zoning Ordinance of the City of Cleburne And the 1929 Zon ing Ordinance of the City of Dallas Appendix C. Statements of Amici Self-Advocacy Organizations Appendix D. Bibliographical Note on Historical Sources: Eugenics, Race, Retardation, Immigration ii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES C ases: Page A m bach v. N orw ich , 441 U.S. 68 (1 9 7 9 )....................... 23 B ell v. M aryland, 378 U.S. 226 (1964).............................. 4 B erea C ollege v. K entucky, 211 U.S. 45 (1 9 0 8 ) ......... 19 B o a rd o f Edu cation o f H en drick H udson S chool D is trict v. R ow ley, 458 U .S. 176 (1 9 8 2 )......... 14, 24, 28 B o a rd o f R egents o f th e U niversity o f C aliforn ia v. B akke , 438 U.S. 265 ( 1 9 7 8 ) ................ 3, 24, 28 B u channan v. W orley , 214 U.S. 60 (1 9 1 6 ).............. 25, 26 C a b e ll v. C havez-S alido, 454 U.S. 432 (1982).................. 23 C olum bus B o a rd o f E ducation v. Penich, 443 U.S. 449 (1 9 7 9 ).................................................................................... 27 C raig v. B oren , 429 U.S. 190 (1 9 7 6 ) .............................. 25 Exam ining B o a rd o f Engineers, A rchitects an d Surveyors v. F lores d e O tero, 426 U.S. 572 (1976)'........................................................................ 4, 23, 25 F oley v. C onn elie, 435 U.S. 291 (1 9 7 8 ).......................... 23 Fullilove v. K lutznick, 448 U.S. 448 (1980)......... .. 24 G rah am v. R ichardson , 403 U.S. 365 (1970)................ 23 In graham v. W right, 430 U.S. 651 (1977)..................... 4 Loving v. V irginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).............................. 24 M assachusetts B o a rd o f R etirem ent v. M urgia, 427 U .S. 307 (1 9 7 6 )................................................. .. 21, 22, 25 M atthew s v. D iaz, 426 U.S. 67 (1976 )............................ 23 P alm ore v. Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. 1879 (1 9 8 4 )......... 22, 26, 28 P arham v . J .R . , 422 U.S. 584 (1 9 7 9 ) .............................. 22 iii T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (Continued) C ases: Page Pennhurst State S chool <b H ospital v. H alderm an , 104 S.C t. 900 (1 9 8 4 )............................................................... 26 Pennhurst State S chool <b H ospital v. H ald erm an , 451 U.S. 1 (1 9 8 1 )...................................................................... 29 Pennsylvania A ss’n o f R eta rd ed C hildren v. Pennsyl v an ia , 343 F.Supp. 279 (E .D . Pa. 1 9 7 2 )......... 14, 28 Plessy v. F erguson , 163 U.S. 537 (1 8 9 6 ) ....................... 19 Plyler v. D oe, 457 U .S. 202 (1982)................ 4, 22, 23, 27 R o n c k erv . W alter, 700 F.2d 1058 (6th Cir. 1983), cert. den ied , 104 S.C t. 196 (1984)........................................ 24 San A ntonio In d ep en d en t S chool D istrict v . R odriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1 9 7 3 )............................................................ 21 Scluveiker v. W ilson, 450 U.S. 221 (1981)....................... 21 Traux v. R aich , 239 U.S. 33 (1 9 1 5 ) ................................ 3 T rim ble v. G ordon , 430 U.S. 762 (1977)....................... 23 W ashington v. D avis, 426 U.S. 229 (1 9 7 6 ) ................... 21 Tick W o v. H opkins, 118 U.S. 356 (1886)..................... 3 Y oungberg v. R om eo, 457 U .S. 307 (1982).............. 26, 29 State Session Law s: 1917 Ark. Acts 942, § 1 1 ........................................................ 3 1907 Tex. Gen. Laws 5 8 ........................................................ 6 1915 Tex. Gen. Laws 143, eh, 9 0 ..................................... 6 1913 Pa. Laws 494, No. 328, § 1 ....................................... 9 1919 Fla. Laws 231, §§1, 8 ................................................. 10 i v TABLE OF AUTHORITIES— (C ontinued) State Session Law s: Page 1929 Utah Laws 102, eh. 75, §§1, 2 9 ............................. 10 1920 Miss. Laws 288 ............................................................. 21 U nited States Law s: 20 U .S.C. § 1 4 0 1 ................................................................... 24 Texas M unicipal C odes: Am arillo Co d e , ehs. 26-8, 2 6 - l l(4 3 a ) ...................... 20 B eaum ont Co d e , §42-15(A)(l)...................................... 20 Carollton C o d e , art. X V (14)...................................... 20 Copperas Cove Co d e , §5(4)(m).................................... 20 D uncanville Co d e , art. 111(14)................................. 20 E d in bu rg Co d e , art. IV, §4-2(3).................................. 20 Kil l e e n Co d e , eh. 9, art. 2, §8-1(1)........................... 20 M idla n d Co d e , §11-1-10(A).......................................... 20 New Bra u n fels Co d e , § 6 C .l -6 ................................. 20 Port Ne c h es Co d e , §24 -6 ............................................. 20 San An gelo Co d e , §33-2-14(b).................................... 20 Su lph ur Springs Co d e , art. 6 (a ) ............................... 20 C on gression al R eports an d H earings S. r e p . NO. 94-160, 94th Cong., 1st sess. (1975)---- 29 S. REP. NO. 94-168, 94th Cong., 1st sess. (1975)___ 14 Institu tional C are an d Services f o r R etard ed Citizens: H earing B e fo re the S u hcom m , on the H an d icapped o f the C om m , on L a b o r an d Human R esources, 98th Cong., 1st sess. (1983 )...................................... 29 v O th er A u thorities: Page T. J. Arch d ea c o n , B eco m in g Am erica n : An E th nic H istory (1983)...................................................... 16 Baker, O utcom e E quality o r E quality o f R espect, 131 U. Pa . L. Re v . 933 (1983).......... .'.......................... 4 Barr, T he Im becile an d E p ilep tic Versus the T axpayer an d the Com m unity, 29 PROC. NAT’L CONF. C h arities & Correctio n s 163 (1902)................ 18 Barr, State C a re o f the F eeb lem in ded , 76 N.Y. MED. J. 1159 (1903 )................................................................. 17 Bellamy, e ta l . , H abilitation o f Severely an d P rofoundly R etard ed : Illustrations o f C om peten ce, 10 EDUC. & T raining Mentally Reta rd ed 174 (1975). 26 B. B latt & F. Kaplan , C hristmas in Purgatory; A Photographic E ssay on Mental Retarda tion ................................................................................... 29 Brown, et a l T o w a r d the R ealization o f In teg rated E du cation a l E nvironm ents f o r Severely H andi ca p p ed Students, 2 REV. AM. ASSN. EDUC. SE VERELY & Pro fo un dly Handicapped 195 (1977)................................................................................. 26 T h e B urden o f F e e b l e -M in d e d n e ss (1912) . . . . 10 Burt, C onstitutional Law an d the T eaching o f P ara b les, 93 YALE L .J. 455 (1984)..................................... 4 Christensen, “N ot My B lock” R eactions G reet G roup H om es, Dayton Daily News, Mar. 18, 1984 . . . . 29 Dallas Morning News, Jan. 7, 1985, at 17A, col. 1 . . 6 T A BLE O F A U TH O RITIES— (Continued) vi O ther A uthorities: Page D efective B a b e D ies As D ecreed : Physician, Refusing Saving O p era tion , D efends C ourse as W isest f o r C ou n try ’s G o o d , W atches as Im becile C h ild ’s L ife W anes, N.Y. Times, Nov. 18, 1915, at 1, col. 3 ...................................................................................... 14 T he F e e b l e -M in d e d , o r , th e Hub to Our W h e e l o f Vic e (1913)................................................................. 10 Finley, A rson H its H ouse P lanned f o r R etarded , D e troit News, Apr. 30, 1 9 8 2 ............................................ 29 F irst Annual Repo rt o f th e State Board o f Control to th e Governor and th e L e g is lature o f th e State o f T exas (1 9 2 1 )..............6, 7 Ford, 2 d H om e f o r R eta rd ed is Set A blaze, Detroit Free Press, Dec. 5, 1980 ............................................ 29 J. H. F ranklin , F rom Slavery to F r e e d o m : A H is tory o f Neg ro Am ericans (5th ed. 1980) . . . . 17 G. M. F r e d e r ic k so n , T he B lack I mage in th e W h ite Mind (1 9 7 1 ) ..................................................... 17 Goddard, F ou r H u n dred F eeb le-M in ded C hildren C lassified by th e B inet M ethod, 15 J. PSYCHO- ASTHENICS 13 (1910)...................................................... 5 H. H. Go d d a rd , T he Kallikak Fa m ily .- A Study in th e He r e d it y o f F e e b l e m in d e d n e ss (1912)................................................................................. 15 Goddard, M ental Testing an d the Im m igrants, 2 J. DE LINQUENCY 243 (1917 )............................................... 16 G. Gu n th er , Constitutional Law : Ca ses and xMaterials (1 9 8 0 ) .......................................................... 24 T A BLE O F A U TH O RITIES— (Continued) vii O th er A u thorities: Page J. S. Ha l l e r , Outcasts from E vo lu tio n : Sc ie n t if ic ATTITUDES OF RACIAL INFERIORITY, 1859-1900 (1971)............................................................. 16 M. H. Haller, EUGENICS: HEREDITARIAN ATTITUDES in American T hought (1963)............................... 15 O. Ha n d lin , T he Upro o ted (2d ed. 1973)............. 16 A. B. Hart, T he Southern South (1910)................ 17 Hentoff, T he A w ful Privacy o f B aby D oe, ATLANTIC, Jan., 1985 .................... ............... . ................................. 29 J. H igh a m , Strangers in th e Land : Patterns o f American Nativism 1860-1925 (1 9 7 8 )................ 16 Horner & Bellamy, S tructured Em ploym ent: P rodu c tivity an d P roductive C apacity , in VOCATIONAL Ha bilitation fo r Se v e r el y Han dicapped Perso n s (1979)............................................................... 26 L. Kam in , T he Sc ien c e and Po litic s o f I.Q. (1974)................................................................................. 15 Johnson, R ep ort o f th e C om m ittee on C olon ies f o r Seg regation o f D efectives, 30 PROC. Nat’L CONF. C h a rities & Co rrectio n s (1 9 0 3 )....................... 18 Karst, T he Suprem e C ourt, 1976 Term — F orw ard : E q u a l C itizenship U nder the F ou rteen th A m end m ent, 91 Harv. L. REV. 1 (1977)........................... 4 Keating, T he W ar A gainst the M entally R etard ed , N.Y. MAG., Sept. 17, 1979, at 8 7 ...................................... 29 Kevles, A nnals o f Eugenics, NEW YORKER, Oct. 8, 1984, Oct. 15, 1984, Oct. 22, 1984 ......................... 15 R. Kl u g e r , Sim p l e J u stic e (1975 )......... 17, 18, 19, 20 T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (Continued) viii O ther A uthorities: Page Kuhlman, D egree o f M ental D eficiency in C hildren As E xp ressed by the Relation o f A ge to M ental A ge , 17 J. P S Y C H O -A S T H E N IC S 132 (1913).................... 5 Linn & Bowers, The H istorical F allacies B eh in d Legal P roh ib ition s o f M arriages Involving M entally R eta rd ed Persons, 13 GO N ZAGA L. REV. 625 (1978)................................................................................. 29 K. M. L u d m e r e r , Gen etic s and American So c i e ty ; A H istorical Appraisal (1972).................. 15 T he Menace o f t h e F e e r l e -M in d e d in Con nect ic u t (1915).......................................................... 10, 16, 17 T he Menace o f t h e F e e b l e -M in d e d in Pen n syl vania (1913)................................................................... 10 “T he Neg ro a B ea st”: or “I n th e I mage o f Go d ” (1900)................................................................... 17 The Ne g r o : A Menace to American C ivilization (1907)................................................................................. 17 Alien D efectives, N.Y. Times, Jan. 13, 1913, at 10 . . 16 I. A. Ne w b y , J im Cro w ’s D e f e n s e : Anti-Negro T h ough t in Am erica (1 9 6 5 )................................... 17 Osborn, The Evolution o f H um an R aces, 26 Nat. HIST. 5 (1 9 2 6 ).................... 17 R. Pe r s k e , Ne w L if e in th e Neig h bo rh o o d (1980)................................................................................. 27 Pr e sid e n t ’s Co m m ittee on Mental Retarda tio n , T he L eadin g E d g e , Serv ic e Programs THAT WORK: REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT (1978)............................................................................ 27 TA BLE O F A U TH O RITIES— (Continued) IX T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (C ontinued) O th er A u thorities: Page P R E S ID E N T ’S C O M M IT T E E ON M E N T A L R E T A R D A T IO N , Mental Retardation , Past and Pr e se n t (1 9 7 7 )............................................................. 30 Pr e s id e n t ’s C o m m ittee on Mental Retarda tio n , T he Mentally Reta rd ed Wo r k e r , An E con om ic D isc o v e r y : Repo rt to th e Pr e s i d en t (1 9 8 3 ) .................................................................... 26 Pr o c e e d in g s o f th e T exas Co n fe r e n c e on C h a rities and C o rrectio n s (1912 ).................. 7 Pr o c e e d in g s o f th e Texas Co n fe r e n c e on C h a rities and Co rrectio n s (1914 ).................. 18 D. & S. Rothman , T he W illo w bro o k Wars (1984)........................................................ . ...................... 29 S. B. Sarason & J. D o r is , E ducational Handi cap, Pu bl ic Po licy and Social H istory (1979) .................................................................................. 15 S. B. Sarason & J. Do r is , Psych ological Pro b l em s in Mental D e fic ie n c y (4th rev. ed. 1969).................................................................................... 15 R. E. Sm ith , C h ristianity and th e Race Pro b lem (1922)........................................................................ 20 K. M. Sta m pp, E ra o f Recon struction (1965)... 16 A. H. St o n e , St u d ie s in th e American Race Pro b l em (1908)........................................................................ 20 P. Tyo r , Segreg a tio n or Su rg ery : T he Men tally Re ta r d ed in Am erica , 1850-1920 (diss. Nw. Univ. 1972), p u b lish ed in P. TYOR&L. BELL, Caring fo r th e Re ta r d ed in Am eric a : A His tory (1984)................................................................. 15, 18 X O ther A u thorities: Page Wald, B asic P erson al an d Civil Rights, in P R E S ID E N T ’S C o m m itte e on Mental Retarda tion , T he Men tally Re ta r d ed C itizen and th e Law (M. Kindred, et a l. eds. 1 9 7 6 )................................... 14 W oestendiek, T he D einstitutionalization o f N icholas R om eo, Phila. Inquirer Mag., May 27, 1984 . . . . 27 C. V. W o o d w a rd , T h e Strange Ca r eer o f Tim C r o w (3d rev. ed. 1974)............................ 6, 17, 18, 19 C. S. Yoakum , Care o f th e F e e b l e m in d e d and Insane in T exa s, B u lletin o f th e Un iv er sity o f T e x a s , NO. 369 (Humanistic Ser. No. 16, Nov. 5, 1 9 1 4 ) .................................................................. 7, 19 T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (Continued) xi No. 84-468 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES October Term, 1984 City of Cleburne, Texas, et al., V. Petitioners, Cleburne Living Center, et al., Respondents. ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT B R IE F FOR THE ASSOCIATION FOR R ETA R D E D C ITIZEV S/l SA. et a l . , AS AM ICI CURIAE IN TEREST OF AMICI Amici are eighteen national, state and local organizations of retarded people and their families interested in disestablishing the regime of state-imposed exclusion of retarded people from the communities of this nation. Amici know the history of purposeful unequal treatment im posed upon retarded people by the states and know, as well, that the ordinance at issue here is part of that terrible history. Amici have a direct, personal interest in securing for retarded persons the full measure of equal protection. Thus, amici present this brief on behalf of respondents not only to argue that the Cleburne ordinance must fall, but also to present the history that compels 1 2 the view that the Court should apply strict and searching scru tiny to the ordinance and other disadvantaging classifications that exclude and segregate retarded people.1 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT This case concerns the deju re exclusion of thirteen retarded citizens from the community of Cleburne because they hap pened to be retarded. This quite invidious exclusion has been visited upon these citizens and others like them as a direct result of a pattern of official action, historically, of each of the state governments. Texas, along with every other state, adopted a policy of seg regating and isolating “feeble-minded people for life, prevent ing their remaining “at large” in the community. The states forth rightly and systematically sought to “purge society” of their re tarded citizens and by law declared them “unfit for citizenship. ” The Cleburne ordinance, modeled on a 1929 Dallas ordi nance, has its origin in this period and—along with at least twelve similar ordinances in Texas alone—is rooted in the invidious dis crimination of that time. The compelled segregation and isolation of—and pure ani mus toward— retarded people, clothed in the full weight, strength, and authority of the government, dictates the strictest, most searching scrutiny of official action excluding those citizens. Onlv by invoking strict scrutiny can the stereotypes (such as those in evidence here) be separated from the facts, thereby enabling the Court to determine whether the classification directed solely at retarded persons is a fair one. The classification we seek to have held suspect is not “in telligence,” but that of “being retarded,” for it is that immutable trait that is at the root of the “history of purposeful unequal treat ment.” Strict scrutiny will not foreclose classifications of retarded persons for proper purposes or that properly recognize their differences. _____________________________ ____________ 1. The interest of each amicus is fully set forth in the accompanying mo tion . 3 ARGUMENT The ordinance of the City of Cleburne excluding “homes . . . for the feebleminded”2 from the mid-Texas town of 20,000 people has its roots in the most xenophobic era of our history, 1896 to 1930, when both Jim Crow statutes segregating people by race and state statutes imposing life-long segregation upon “the feebleminded” were formulated and systematically enacted by the states. Unlike the legacy of race discrimination in this country, however, compare, e.g., Board, o f Regents o f the Uni versity o f California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 387-94 & n .l (1978) (Marshall, J.), the history of discrimination on the basis of re tardation is not widely known. Yet the Court cannot decide this case without a full appreciation of that history. Amici’s major reason for filing this brief is to place the history before the Court and to argue that that history is dispositive of this case. This case poses the question of the respect required by the Equal Protection Clause to be accorded retarded people: what degree of scrutiny and justification is required of official classi fication that excludes, segregates, degrades and isolates retarded people. Amici submit that in light of the extraordinary history of purposeful unequal treatment, the proper standard to be ex tended under the Equal Protection Clause to retarded people is that heretofore accorded people who are black. The classification here—part of the historical pattern of state action to eliminate retarded people altogether from common so ciety and to disassociate “them” from “us”— offends the Equal Protection Clause at what the Court’s opinions3 from the begin 2. “Feebleminded” was the encompassing term pervasively used in the early decades of this century to designate retarded people as such, including the “moron” (mildly retarded people), the “imbecile” (moderately retarded people) and the “idiot” (severely or profoundly retarded people). See, e.g ., 1917 Ark. Acts 942, §11. 3. E.g., Tick W ov . Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 370 (1886) (“the very idea that one man may be compelled to hold his life, or the means of living, or any material right essential to the enjoyment of life, at the mere will of another, seems to be intolerable in any country where freedom prevails, as being the essence of slavery itself’); Traux v. Raich, 239 U.S. 33, 41 (1915) (“right to work for a li ving in the common occupations of the community is of the very essence of the personal freedom and opportunity that it is the purpose of the [Four 4 ning to now show to be its core: “The principle of equal citizenship presumptively insists that the organized society treat each individual as a person, one who is worthy of respect, one who ‘belongs.’ Stated nega tively, the principle presumptively forbids the organized so ciety to treat an individual either as a member of an inferior or dependent caste or as a non-participant.”4 Classifications that explicitly single out retarded people and have exclusive impact on them should be considered suspect and given strict and searching scrutiny in view of the terrible history of such classification.5 teenth] Amendment to secure”); Bell v. Maryland, 378 U.S. 226, 317 (1964) (concurring opinion) ("constitutional right of all Americans to be treated as equal members of the community with respect to public accommodations . . . ‘is too important in our free society to be stripped of judicial protection’ ”); Examining, B oard o f Engineers, Architects and Surveyors v. Flores de Otero, 426 U.S. 572, 604 (1976); Ingraham v. Wright, 430 U.S. 651, 670 (1977); cf. Plyler v. D oe, 457 U.S. 202, 223 (1982) (“. . . the ability to live within the structure of our civic institutions, and . . . contribute . . . to the progress of our Nation”). 4. Karst, The Supreme Court, 1976 Term — Forw ard: E qual Citizenship Under the Fourteenth Amendment, 91 Harv. L. Rev. 1, 6 (1977); accord, Baker, Outcome Equality o r Equality o f Respect, 131 U. Pa. L. Rev . 933 (1983);Burt, Constitutional Law and the Teaching o f Parables, 93 Yale L. J. 455, 490-500 (1984). 5. The dissent from the denial of rehearing en banc below thought “the retarded” to have “minds at or below third-grader level in the bodies of oth erwise healthy adults” (J.A. 141). This manifestly incorrect statement of what being retarded is repeats a persistent part of the stereotype that evoked the official state undertaking to segregate retarded people: the myth of “mental age,” that retarded people are eternal children, innocent but fitful, erratic, unreachable, fearsome, forever possessed of a “mental age” of eight (or, five, or three), condemned to wander the world only with what an eight-year old would have learned. Correctly understood, mental age describes not a ceiling on how much a person can learn or the skills he has command of, but a rate of learning. Thus, for example, retarded people chronologically aged forty-five who are said to have a mental age of eight will — if the opportunities to learn are decently at hand, have mastered much more during the thirty-seven additional years they have been learning at the eight-vear-old "rate” than someone who was eight only for a year. Indeed, H. H. Goddard, who in 1910 “validated the concept of “mental age” and introduced this “measurement into American 5 I. THE CLEBURNE ORDINANCE IS PART OF A PATTERN OF STATE-IMPOSED, LIFE-LONG SEGREGATION OF RETARDED PEOPLE THAT IN ANIMUS AND PUR POSEFUL UNEQUAL TREATMENT IS PARALLEL TO THE TREATMENT OF BLACK PERSONS. The decades at the turn into this century imposed a stark legacy upon the country. The xenophobic hysteria of the era, fueled by the new scientism of the eugenics movement, pos sessed by severe Darwinian strictures and doubts, assaulted by the unprecedented flow of new immigration and the uncertain ties of a new industrial age, took on all the force of state power and focused it pervasively against black people and against re tarded people and visited upon them the most severe disquali fications imaginable among citizens. discourse met “this very difficulty at the outset”: “We soon realized that having in one of these groups that test to the men tality of say an eight-year-old normal child, we were facing a very inter esting problem, as to what was the difference between children who had lived in the world twelve years, and those who had lived twenty years . . . . In other words, a child who tests according to the Binet test, ten years of age, but is actually fifty years old, may be expected to do a great many things which will quite surprise us because we never have happened to know of a ten-year-old child that could do those things . . . .” Goddard’s solution to the measurement difficulty? “[I]n order to get some accurate idea as to what mental age meant . . . . we had to cut out all those who were beyond the training period [i.e., those over twenty years].” Thus Goddard “validated” — and the Era installed and perpetuated in the common prejudice — a measure that does not measure. Goddard, Four Hun dred Feeble-M inded Children Classified By the Binet Method, 15 J. Psycho- ASTHENICS 13 (1910). Others made the point, for example, Kuhlman, Degree o f Mental Deficiency In Children As Expressed By The Relation o f Age To Mental Age, 17 J. PSYCHO-ASTHENICS 132 (1913): “Feeble-mindedness is a retarded rate of mental development. The term ‘arrested development’ or ‘mental arrest’ is a misnomer, for it implies that development has ceased. It is a common observation that feeble-minded children do develop mentally. We also find that their mental ages as meas ured by the Binet-Simon tests increase as they grow older. ” But it is the “ceiling” idea of “mental age” that was codified into invidious 6 The Jim Crow system segregating people by race was not a 19th century invention, but a creation of this era. C. V. Woodward, The Strange Career of J im Crow (3d rev. ed. 1974). Similarly, large, isolated institutions that separate retarded people from the wider society for life are an invention of this era. Like Jim Crow, these institutions were created by state law in tentionally to segregate retarded people. Thus a regime of state- imposed life-long segregation of retarded people was commis sioned, and public, as well as private, attitudes and action that would reinforce it were legitimated and evoked.6 This case will determine whether it shall be disestablished. In Texas, Jim Crow was enacted and in force in the first decade of this century.7 8 Texas created its first institution “for the feeble-minded” of the State by Act of March 22, 1915.6 Section 2 of the Act declared as its purpose to end “the heavy economic and moral losses arising from the existence at large of these un fortunate persons.” The Superintendent of the State Colony for the Feeble-Minded reiterated its purposes in his Third Annual Report: “[T]heir segregation and control, through life, is the rem edy. This can be obtained only by legally committing them to an institution where they can be kept permanently.”9 stereotype, to wit: The January 7, 1985 Dallas Morning News (17A, col. 1) opened a six-column feature story with lead paragraphs saying: "Sarah is three years old — forever. “She was horn 26 years ago, but something went wrong, and her mind stopped growing at the mental age of three.” 6. The exclusion in the Cleburne ordinance at issue here did not first appear in the Cleburne zoning ordinance in 1965 as petitioners have incorrectly asserted throughout. The exclusion of "feeble-minded patients” appeared first in the Cleburne ordinances in 1947. It was taken verbatim from the September 11, 1929 ordinance of the City of Dallas. The relevant portions of both ordi nances are reproduced at Appendix B. 7. Sec, c .g .. 1907 Tex. Gen. Laws 58. 8. "An Act to Provide for the Establishment and Maintenance of a State Farm Colony for the Feeble-Minded and to Make Appropriations Therefore, and to Declare an Emergency. 1915 Tex. Gen. Laws 143, eh. 90. 9. Superintendent's Report (August 31, 1920) in FIRST ANNUAL RKPORTOF thk SI vi i Board o f C ontrol T o tiik G ovkrnor and T uk L kgislatcrk o f / The animus of the Act creating the State Colony to segregate retarded people is set forth in a 1914 pamphlet of the Texas State Conference on Charities and Corrections.10The pamphlet opens: “Every state, to maintain the highest efficiency in its gov ernmental and social functions, must consider the nature of its citizens. We are in the habit of dividing citizens into two classes based on their value to society or their amenableness to social custom and law — desirable and undesirable citi zens. The latter class comes in conflict with law and is gen erally considered a menace to good government.” Id. at 11. It continues: “The general public has already been educated to the belief that it is a good thing to segregate the idiot or the distinct imbecile, but they have not, as yet, been quite so fully con vinced as to the proper treatment of this brighter and more dangerous class, the defective delinquent. From a financial standpoint, segregation of the defective delinquent would be a great economy, to say nothing about the more salient feature, that of stopping them from producing their kind. If we could segregate these defectives when they are young and keep them confined during their natural lives, it would THE State OF T exas 147 (1921) (Docs. Coll. Tex. St. Archives). 10. C.S. Yoakum, Care of the F eeblem in ded and Insane in Texas, Bulletin of the University of T exas, No . 369 (Humanistic Ser. No. 16, Nov. 5, 1914) (on file in Pamph. Coll., Tex. St. Archives, Austin, Tex.). The pamphlet originated as a committee report of the State Conference on Charities and Corrections, which, like conferences in other states and the National Con ference on Charities and Corrections, was composed of leading citizens, most often drawn from the leading families — professors, journalists and public of ficials, including mayors and legislators — and was the active progenitor of the Act of March 22, 1915, as it had been of the juvenile court law, the suspended sentence law and other Progressive Era legislation. "It aims to bring together for a free exchange of views and experiences for united action all persons and all organizations and institutions, public and private, engaged or interested in work of a charitable or philanthropic character, or in administering our penal and correctional institutions and agencies.” Proceedings of the State Conference on C harities and Corrections 11-12 (1912) [hereinafter cited as PROCEEDINGS]. 8 obviate the expense of having them committed repeatedly to our penitentiaries when they grow older. . . . “ ‘Some may say, “Why it is a pity to confine these children in an institution all their lives”; but that is where they are greatly mistaken, as for instance, in Ohio, I can say to you that we have a community of over 1600 of the happiest chil dren in the State in our institution.’ . ” Id. at 46. The pamphlet goes on to warn: ‘To discharge, unsterilized, the defective child, after hav ing taught him habits of neatness and a few tricks that make his mental deficiency less noticeable, is worse than never to have put him in an institution. ’ In other words, the defective is a person who, for the good of society, must end his line of descent with himself. We have indicated in other places that he is personally a menace to society while alive. “The only safe procedure is custodial care and institutional care throughout life for the great majority. Some authorities believe that a small percentage of those who are trainable may after a time be returned to society. Even these are usu ally far better off in an institution where they can earn a living under watchful care. In the paragraphs that follow, we shall describe the type of institution that is best suited to such lifelong protection of these derelicts in society.” Id. at 66 . The pamphlet concludes: “A clean-limbed, pure-minded, sane thinking people is an ideal alone commensurate with the ideals of this State and this nation. What shall we do to attain, to eliminate this great and ever-increasing source of ignorance, poverty, and crime? ‘One of the most shocking and easily cured evils is the increase of the feeble-minded, the begetters of numer ous degenerate children. The remedy is their segregation by the State . . .’ The answer comes with no uncertain ring. “This problem of racial betterment is called in modern phrase, eugenics. Our purpose in this discussion has been limited. We have, therefore, discussed the single phase of 9 the general problem — the elimination of the defective strains. Many answers and solutions have been offered, among them segregation has appealed to society’s feelings of humanity and fair play with greatest force. Restrictive mar riage laws and customs are important, and educative, but fail to reach the irresponsible and degenerate till too late. . . . Laissez-faire or natural selection, euthanasia, neo- malthusianism, and polygamy are either impossible under the protective forces of modern social conditions or are ideas repugnant to present-day ideals of religion and humanity. Of all the solutions suggested, the two most advocated are sterilization and segregation. Both of these ideas were em bodied in bills submitted to the last Legislature in Texas. “The evidence so far collected points toward segregation as the most feasible, most easily put into force, and least sub versive of constitutional prerogative. . . . ” Id. at 81-83 (pamphlet’s emphasis).11 This Texas undertaking by force of law of the life-long seg regation of retarded persons was universal among the states.12 Each of the states resolved, de jure, as did Pennsylvania: “that the Eastern Pennsylvania State Institution for the Feeble-Minded and Epileptic shall be devoted to segrega tion, care, maintenance, treatment, training and education of epileptic, idiotic, imbecile or feeble-minded persons,” 1913 Pa. Laws 494, No. 328, § 1; and as did Florida: “that there is hereby established . . . a Florida Farm Colony for Epileptic and Feeble-Minded . . . for the segregation and employment of the epileptic and feeble-minded . . . to the end that these unfortunates may be prevented from re- producing their kind, and the various communities and the 11. A second, separate section of the Texas pamphlet, addressing care of “the insane” (id. at 84-145), reflects confusion of the two (109-128), but no where calls for, but rather rejects (100, 136-37) permanent, life-long segrega tion of mentally ill people. 12. See Appendix A, Compendium of Purposeful State Action for the Seg regation and Exclusion of Retarded People in the Fifty States and the District of Columbia [references to App. A hereinafter cited as “A-____ ”]. 10 State at Large relieved from the heavy economic and moral losses arising by reason of their existence,” 1919 Fla. Laws 231, §§ 1, 8; and as did Utah, in the same year the predecessor to the Cleburne ordinance was enacted, 1929 Utah Laws 102, eh. 75, §§ 1, 29 (App. A-71.). The animus of each was everywhere the same. A sampling from Appendix A of the very titles recurrent among the many pamphlets advancing institutional segregation describes vividly that ill-will: The Menace o f the Feeble-M inded in Pennsylvania (1913); The Menace o f the Feeble-M inded in Connecticut (1915); The Burden o f Feeble-M indedness (1912) (Mass.); The Feeble m inded , Or, The Hub to Our W heel o f Vice (1913) (Ohio). The policy of exclusion of retarded people, implemented through state action, is epitomized by a Mississippi law creating a “Colony for the Feebleminded” for the segregation of “all cases” deemed “unfit fo r citizenship.”13 That law, and the others like it, present as starkly as imaginable the essence of an equal protec tion violation, exclusion of a particular people from the very “cit izenship” of the land. Government officials in every state estab lished formal policies in inexorable fashion: Retarded people were “entirely unfit to go into general society,”14 a “menace to the happiness . . . of the community,”15 “unfitted for companion ship with other children,”16 a “blight on mankind”17 whose very “presence”18 in the community was “detrimental to normal” peo ple, 19 and whose “mingling . . . with society” was “a most bane ful evil.”20 Official policy was to “prevent this class of persons from com ing in contact with the populace,”21 to “purge society”22 of these 13. A-47 (emphasis provided); see also A-19 (Pa.). 14. A-43 (Wis.); see A-24 (Ind.) (“unfit to be out in the world”). 13. A-44 (Ala.). 16. A-74 (Wash.). 17. A-21 (Vt.). 18. A-21 (R.I). 19. A-63 (Cal.). 20. A-70 (Ore.). 21. A-67 (Colo.). 11 “anti-social beings,”22 23 to “segregate [them] from the world,”24 25 so that they “not . . . be returned to society”23 since “[m]ental de fect . . . wounds our citizens a thousand times more than any plague.”26 “Nothing” would better “promot[e] our best citizen ship, than to segregate the feeble-minded.”27 To that end, the enactments of nine state legislatures spec ified “segregation” in the body of their laws28 and the official documents of practically each other state and of the United States for the District of Columbia specified the same object.29 Institutions, as a matter of law, were houses of “detention”30 where retarded “inmates” were “kept”31 and “held”32 “for life.”33 As the official reports indicate, detention would be “per manent,”34 in the nature of “an indeterminate sentence”33 to the “institutional community where he’ll always live,”36 since “a de fective child will be a defective adult, and will die a defective. There is not a philosopher’s stone to turn the base metals of de fect into gold. ”37 They could never be let “loose in the world, ”38 22. A-43 (Wis.). 23. A-19, 20 (Pa.). 24. A-23 (Ind.). 25. A-34 (Neb.). 26. A-73 (Utah). 27. A-21-22 (Vt.). 28. A-45 (Fla.); A-29 (Ky.); A-47 (Miss.) (“isolation and segregation”); A-35 (Neb.) (“to segregate them from society”); A-9 (N.H.); A-19 (Pa.); A-38 (S. Dak.); A-57, 59 (Va.); A-74 (Wash.). 29. E .g., A-66 (Cal.); A-67 (Colo.); A-2 (Conn.); A-27 (Kan.); A-23 (Ind.); A-8 (Mass.); A-31 (Mich.); A-10 (N.J.); A-18 (N.Y.); A-49 (N.Car.); A-37 (Ohio); A-50-51 (S.Car.); A-56 (Tex.); A-73 (Utah); A-22 (Vt.); A-43 (Wis.) (“separating them from society”); A-77-78 (U.S.). 30. E .g., A-22 (111.); A-69 (Mont.); A-34 (Neb.); A-37 (Ohio): A-71 (Ore.); A-20 (PaL.). 31. A -ll (N.J.) 32. A-62 (Ariz.)1 33. A-62 (Cal.); see A-l (Conn.); A-35 (N. Dak.) 34. A-8 (Mass .); A-33 (Mo.); A-10 (N.J.); A-19 (Pa.); A-56 (Tex.); A-77 (U.S.). 35. A-59 (Va.);:see A-67 (Colo.) (to be “kept in an institution indefinitely ); A-71 (Ore.) “indeterminate detention”). 36. A-43 (Wis.). 37. A-46 (Ga.). 12 and it was felt especially important to keep them “away from thickly settled communities,”38 39 “remote from the centers of pop ulation for reasons that are obvious.”40 Retarded persons simply did not have the “rights and liberties of normal people.”41 The Executive Secretary of the District of Columbia Board of Charity urged a congressional committee to authorize the erection of an institution since retarded people are “not much above the ani mal. 42 State officials elsewhere also sought to remove retarded people from the realm of humanity, referring to them as “not far removed from the brute. 43 They were not quite persons, but “by-products of unfinished humanity.”44 Retarded people were segregated for being a “nuisance to the community,”45 or a “menace to the happiness . . . of others in the community,”46 or a “menace to society,”47 or “for the wel fare of the community”48 or “of society,”49 or so that “the state at large [may be] relieved from the heavy economic and moral losses arising by reason of their existence.”50 It was important to find a way of getting rid of these kinds of cases.”51 Official reports labeled retarded people “a parasitic, pred atory class,”52 a “danger to the race,”53 “a blight and a misfortune both to themselves and to the public,”54 whose role “in discount 38. A-67 (Colo.). 39. A-79 (U.S.). 40. A-2 (Conn.). 41. A-41 (S.Dak.). 42. A-80. 43. A-58 (Va.). 44. A-53 (Tex.). 45. A-22 (Ind.). 46. A-44 (Ala.); A-46 (Ga.); A-47 (Miss.); A-51 (Tenn.); A-60-61 (VV.Va.). 47. A-68-69 (Idaho); A-43 (Wis.); A-72 (Utah) (“a social menace”). 48. A-62 (Ariz,); A-22 (111.); A-47 (La.); A-70 (N.Mex.); A-80-81 (U.S ) 49. A-35 (Neb.). 50. A-45 (Fla.); accord, A-55-56 (Tex.). 51. A-3 (Conn.); see A-68 (Hawaii) (“a place to get the feeble-minded out of the community”). 52. A-8 (Mass.); A-21 (Vt.). 53. A-43 (Wis.). 54. A-27 (Kan.). 13 ing social progress is by far the most potent influence for evil under which society is struggling today.”35 The states actively inculcated fear of retarded persons, di rected their identification and removal from the community, and enlisted assistance of the public to do so. Government officials undertook major outreach efforts.56 Physicians, teachers, and so cial workers were required by law' in some states to report to the government all persons “believed by them to be feeble minded.”57 Other states made it “one of the special duties of every health officer and of every public health nurse to institute proceedings to secure the proper segregation and custody of fee bleminded persons.”58 Those states with no formal reporting or registration requirement at least officially encouraged health, wel fare, and social workers to be “constantly on the lookout”59 for potential cases to be institutionalized, and authorized a wide va riety of public and private persons60 —or sometimes simply “any reputable citizen”61— to institutionalize a person if a parent or relative “either neglect[ed] or refus[ed]” to do so.62 Washington state legislators dispensed with that procedure and simply made it a criminal offense, punishable by a $200 fine, for any parents refusing to perform their “duty” to segregate in the state insti tution their “feebleminded” son or daughter.63 Some states even permitted detention temporarily with no procedural rights for those who were “suspected of being feebleminded or idiotic.”64 Once parents placed their child in an institution, some states required them to “waive all right to remove such inmate there- 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 55. A-24 (Ind.). 56. E .g., A-62-63, 65-66 (Cal.); A-25 (Ind.); A-56 (Tex.). 57. A-40 (S.Dak.); see also A-71 (Ore.). 58. A-29 (Ky.); accord, A-52 (Tenn.). 59. A-28 (Kan.). 60. E .g., A-66 (Cal.) (“any peace officer”); A-49(N. Car.) (“ministers, teach ers, or physicians); A-50 (Okla.) (“trustees of any township”); A-21 (Vt.) (the selectman of [any] town”); A-75 (Wyo.) (the county prosecutor). 61. A-5 (Del.); A-22 (111.); A-46 (La.); A-51 (Tenn.); A-61 (W.Va.). 62. A-47-48 (Miss.); A-51 (Tenn.); A-61 (W.Va.); see A-44 (Ala.) (“notwith standing the family or relatives may object thereto”); A-50 (Okla.). 63. A-74. 64. E .g., A-36 (N.Dak.). 14 after either permanently or for a limited time.”63 All of these steps, and others, were thought necessary to segregate those whose parents or guardians are averse to such actions.”66 Gov ernment officials made the judgment that “the presence of the unfortunate child in the home”67 was “more tragic than any known disease,”66 and a “menace to . . . the family.”69 The regime of segregation reached to and was reinforced by systematic exclusion from public schooling,70 forced steril ization,'1 peonage,72 bans upon marriage and exercise of the franchise,'3 and even reached to the death of “defective” babies.74 Where did it all come from? Previously, in the mid-19th century, Dr. Samuel GricUey Howe and others had established residential schools for retarded people, all small, in or near the towns, with the purpose that retarded children should attend, learn, and return after a little while to their homes to live and to work. Howe insisted that the schools should not become custo- dial and warned against life-long segregation.75 By the turn into 65. A-30 (Mich.); A -ll (N.J.); accord, A-69 (Mont.); A-36 (N.Dak.). 66. A-66 (Cal.); accord, A-.34 (Neb.) (need for retarded people to be “de tained in the institution against the desire of the parent”). 67. A-21 (R.I.). 68. A-73 (Utah). 69. A-6.3 (Cal.); A-6 (Md.). 70. The history of exclusion from the schools is noted in Pennsylvania Ass’n f o r R etarded Children v. Pennsylvania, 343 F.Supp. 279, 294-95 (E.D. Pa. 1972); B oard o f Education o f H endrick Hudson School District v . Rowley, 458 U.S. 176, 191(1982); and committee reports on the Education of All Hand icapped Children’s Act, e.g ., S. Rep . No. 94-168, 94th Cong., 1st sess. 9 (1975). 71. E .g ., A-63-64 (Cal.); A-26 (Iowa); A-5 (Me.); A-59-60 (Va.). 72. E .g., A-3,4 (Conn.); A-81 (D.C.). Indiana required by law that “the labor in constructing” all of the institution's “buildings, improvements, and facilities shall be supplied as far as possible by the persons committed to the institution.” A-24. 73. See Brief of Amici AAMD, e ta l.; Wald, Basic Personal and Civil Rights in Presidents Committee on Mental Retardation, The Mentally Re tarded Citizen and the Law 3, 7-9, 25 (M. Kindred, et a l , eds. 1976). 74. Defective B abe Dies As D ecreed: Physician, Refusing Saving O pera tion, D efends Course as Wisest f o r Country’s Good, W atches as Im becile C hild’s Life Wanes, N.Y. Times, Nov. 18, 1915, at 1, col. 3. 75. For Howe’s position, see pp. A-6-7. the new century, however, the times had changed. In 1903 Walter Fernald, a Massachusetts official and a leading figure in the As sociation of Medical Officers of American Institutions for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded Persons, dismissed Howe’s view, saying: “[T]he Doctor wrote before the tide of immigration had set so strongly to our shores. . . . What is to be done with the feeble-minded progeny of the foreign hordes that have set tled and are settling among us?”76 A solution equal to the severity and the magnitude of the problem was imperative. In 1913-14, at the request of the United States Public Health Service, Henry H. Goddard — the ac claimed author of The Kallihak Family 77 — administered Binet’s IQ test to the southern and eastern European immigrants arriv ing in steerage at Ellis Island. “[G]iv[ing] the immigrant the 76. P. T yor, S egregatio n or S u rg ery : T he M entally R eta rd ed in Am erica , 1850-1920, at 160 (Diss. Nw. Univ. 1972), published in P. T yor & L. B e l l , C aring for th e R eta rd ed in Am erica : A H istory (1984). The stand ard historical works on America’s treatment of retarded people include P. T yor , supra- S. B. Sarason & J. D o ris , Psychological Pro blem s in M ental D e fic ien c y , chs. 12-16 (4th rev. ed. 1969), and E ducational Handicap, Pu blic Policy and S ocial H istory (1979); see also Appendix D to this Brief. 77. The Kallikak F amily (MacMillan, 1912). Asking “What is to be done? ’ The Kallikak Family concludes: . . . For the low-grade idiot, the loathsome unfortunate that may be seen in some of our institutions, some have proposed the lethal chambers. But humanity is steadily tending away from the possibility of that method. . . We cannot successfully cope . . . until we recognize feeble-mindedness and its hereditary nature, recognize it early, and take care of it. [Segregation through colonization seems in the present state of our knowl edge to be the ideal and perfectly satisfactory method.” Id. at 101, 116-117. The leading standard historical works describing the per vasive place of eugenics in the era and its decisive role in action against im migrants, blacks and retarded people include M. H. Haller, EUGENICS: Heriditarian Attitudes in American Thought (1963); K. M. Ludmerer, Genetics and American Society: A Historical Appraisal (1972); L. Kamin , The Science and Politics o f I.Q. (1974); Kevles, Annals o f Eugenics, New Yorker. Oct. 8, 1984, at 99-115; id. Oct. 15, 1984, at 99-125; id. Oct. 22, 1984, at 92, 93. 16 benefit of every doubt, he found that 79% of the Italians, 80% of the Hungarians, 83% of the Jews and 87% of the Russians were feeble-minded.78 This was — as Kenneth M. Stampp writes in his historio graphical analysis of this early 20th Century era — “a time when xenophobia had become almost a national disease. It was a time “when Negroes and immigrants were being lumped together in the category of unassimilable aliens. During the first decades of the century, “the new immigrant groups had become the victims of cruel racial stereotypes. Taken collectively it would appear that they were, among other things, innately inferior to the Anglo- Saxons in their intellectual and physical traits, dirty and im moral in their habits, inclined toward criminality, receptive to dangerous political beliefs and shiftless and irresponsible. In due time, those who repeated these stereotypes awoke to the realization that what they were saying was not really very original — that, as a matter of fact, these generaliza tions were precisely the ones southern men had been mak ing about Negroes for years.”79 And the solution for the now apprehended “common problem” was, in the new decades of a new century, precisely similar: state- imposed segregation alike of “the Negro” and of retarded people. The animus that supported segregation of “the feeble-minded” bore unmistakable similarity to the animus that evoked Jim Crow. Compare titles like The Menace o f the Fee- 78. Goddard, Mental Testing and the Immigrants, 2 J. D elin quency 243, 249, 252 (1917). Additional “findings” were extensively reported, e.g ., N.Y. Times, Jan. 13, 1913, at 10 (“Alien Defectives”); see A-12-16, 64-65. 79. K. M. Stampp, The Tragic Legend o f Reconstruction, the introduction in E ra o f Reconstruction 19-20 (1965) (Stampp’s emphasis). The standard historical works on the response of the era to immigration, describing its crucial contribution to the adoption of Jim Crow and its identi fication of new immigrants as so fearfully subhuman as to require state action, include T. J. ARCHDEACON, BECOMING AMERICAN: AN ETHNIC HISTORY 158-172 (1983); J. H icham , Strangers in th e L and: Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925, at 131-175 (1978); O. H andlin , T he U prooted 247-267 (2d ed. 1973); see also J. S. Ha l ler , O utcasts from E volution : Sc ien tific At ti tu d es o f Racial Inferiority ', 1859-1900, at 170-175 (1971). 17 bleminded in Connecticut (1915) with such popular southern works advancing Jim Crow as “The Negro a Beast”: Or “In the Image o f G od” (1900); The Negro: A Menace to American Civi lization (1907). They were, alike, “a part of the then current lit erature of the ‘Yellow Peril’ school and the flourishing cult of Nordicism.”80 Champions of life-long segregation for retarded people ex plicitly invoked the then-exploding prejudice against black peo ple. For example, in 1903, Martin W. Barr, President of the American Association of Medical Officers for Institutions for Id iotic and Feeble-Minded Persons, addressed the virtues of “life long custodial service” in retardation institutions in these terms: “[Tjhey partake of the industrial and manual training given in the antebellum days on the plantation, which were in fact — as the world is fast acknowledging — training schools for a backward race, many of whom were feeble-minded. ”81 The recitations of the arguments supporting life-long institu tional segregation of retarded people matched the recitations on behalf of Jim Crow: “the shibboleths of . . . the Negro's innate inferiority, shiftlessness, and hopeless unfitness for full partici pation in the white man’s civilization”; invocation of “the su 80. C. V. Woodward, T he Strange C areer o f J im Crow 94 (3d rev. ed. 1974). Other standard historical works on Jim Crow include J. H. FRANKLIN, F rom Slavery to F reedo m : A History o f Neg ro Americans (5th ed. 1980); R. Kluger, S imple J ustice (1975); I. A. Newby. J im Crows D e f e n s e : Anti- Negro T hought in America 1900-1930(1965); G. M. F rederickson , T he Black Image I n the W hite Mind (1971). 81. Barr, State C are o f the Feeblem inded, 76 N.Y. M e d . J. 1159 (1903). Com pare the 1900 address of the President of the Southern Education Asso ciation on behalf of Jim Crow, quoted in C. V. W oodw ard , supra note 80, at 95. Champions of Jim Crow invoked the sterotypes of feeble mindedness against black people. For example, Henry Fairfield Osborn, lead ing paleontologist and President of the American Museum of Natural History from 1908 to 1933, wrote that the intelligence of "the Negro” rarely exceeded that of the eleven-vear-old youth of the species Homo sapiens ; A. B. Hart wrote, “the Negro mind ceases to develop after adolescence. Osborn, The Evolution o f Human R aces, 26 Nat. Hist. 5 (1926); A. B. Hart, T he Southern South 104 (1910). 18 preme law of self preservation”; and the necessity of “the stronger and cleverer race, free to impose its will upon new caught, sullen peoples.”82 William Graham Sumners’ 1907 Folkways was seized upon to establish “the irremedial backwardness of the negro and the futility of efforts to improve him.”83 Asserted dangerousness was crucial to the arguments for per manent segregation. For Jim Crow, “a sensational press played up and headlined current stories of Negro crime . . . . a daily barrage of Negro atrocity stories.”84 For life-long segregation of retarded people, the fiction of their dangerousness was also sys tematically invented and perpetuated. In Texas, for example, in 1914, the State Conference on Charities and Corrections was told by one of its leaders: “The refusal of Texas to make provision for its feeble-minded for the simple reason that from them they fear no personal bodily violence is an increasing menace to the mental and spiritual life of our State, in contrast to which the fancied physical safety is negligible. I have used the phrase fancied physical safety, advisedly, for security from bodily ills is not gained through segregation of the insane and promiscuous freedom of the feeble-minded. . . .Not only are the feeble minded a menace as regards actual criminal proclivities but they are equally a menace as regards public health. 85 The Jim Crow movement proceeded in “mounting stages of aggression” until, by 1911 “ ‘[i]ts spirit is that of an all-absorbing autocracy of race, an animus of aggrandizement which makes, in the imagination of the white man, an absolute identification of 82. C. V. W oodw ard , supra note 80, at 70, 72-73. 83. R. Klu g e r , supra note 80, at 86. 84. C. V. WOODWARD, supra note 80, at 86. 85. PROCEEDINGS (1914), supra note 10, at 63. The General Secretary of the National. Conference on Charities and Corrections had in 1899 set the Na tional Conference on a campaign to persuade the public that “the feeble minded” were dangerous. Johnson, Report o f the Committee on Colonies fo r Segregation o f Defectives, 30 Proc . Nat'l C o n f . C harities & C orrections 248-49 (1903), quoted in P. Tyor, supra note 76, at 184; see also Barr, The Im becile and Epileptic Versus the Taxpayer and the Community, 29 Pro c . Nat'l C o n f . C harities & C orrections 163 (1902). 19 the stronger race with the very being of the state. ’ ”86 As Richard Kluger has written: “Keeping blacks separate, everyone understood, would pre vent contamination of white blood by the defective genes of colored people, whose unfortunate traits stemmed from their tribal origins in densest Africa and were incurably fixed upon the face from generation to generation. , . . [T]heir very blackness bespoke their low and brutish nature. All litera ture, folklore, and custom of the English-speaking peoples reinforced the notion that the African’s tawny hide was a primal stain.”87 The apotheosis of the demands of racial purity was. as the State of Kentucky represented to this Court in its brief in Berea Col lege v. Kentucky, 211 U.S. 45 (1908): “If the progress, advancement and civilization of the twen tieth century is to go forward, then it must be left not only to the unadulterated blood of the Anglo-Saxon-Caucasian race, but to the highest types and geniuses of that race. . . .”88 The demands of “racial betterment” required the very most severe measures within their grasp. Solutions beyond segrega tion were examined but had to be discarded. The Texas pam phlet was illustrative: “. . . euthanasia, neo-malthusianism, and polygamy are either impossible under the protective forces of modern social conditions or are ideas repugnant to present day ideas of religion and humanity.” Segregation “has appealed to society’s feelings of humanity and fair play with greatest force.” Segregation is “the most feasible, most easily put into force, and least subversive o f constitutional prerogative”89 — a plain state ment of the impact on the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537, 544-52 (1896). Without Plessy’s permission, no state in con templation of the Fourteenth Amendment could have dared to impose life-long segregation upon any citizen. 86. C. V. W oodw ard , supra note 80, at 108. 87. R. KLUGER, supra note 80, at 305. 88. Id . at 87. 89. C. S. YOAKUM, supra note 10, at 82 (emphasis supplied). 2 0 State-imposed segregation was justified as benign and even beneficial to its victims according to the near constant profes sions of those who established it. Segregation of “the feeble minded,” the Texas rationale went, consistent with a “deep and abiding charity,” “permits all to live under those circumstances best suited to make each useful and happy.”90 As to segregation by race, a Texan wrote, “both races believe that a separate social life is most desirable and most practical.”91 Jim Crow in Texas was not “petty persecution of the Negro, attributed to a desire to humiliate, stigmatise, and degrade him, [it is] the embodiment of enlightened public policy, and is the surest guarantee of a minimum of friction between the races.”92 Separation, President Woodrow Wilson said, was “not humiliating, but a benefit . . . ‘rendering them more safe in their possession of office and less likely to be discriminated against.’ ”93 The Cleburne ordinance excluding “homes for the . . . fee bleminded” is thus not an isolated enactment but the perpetu ation of a pattern of invidious inflictions.94 Indeed, the legislation from which Cleburne’s exclusionary provision is copied — Dal las’ ordinance of 192995 — was formulated in the era that estab lished the state regime for the life-long segregation of retarded people. This case will determine whether that regime of segregation will be disestablished and whether a decent respect will be ex 90. I d . at 83. 91. R. E. S m ith , C hristianity and th e Race Problem 10 (1922). 92. A. H. Stone, Studies in the American Race Problem 64 (1908). 9.3. R. Kluger , s u p ra note 80, at 91. 94. Amici had available to them, in the library of the University of Texas at Austin, current zoning ordinances of sixty Texas cities. Of these, the codes of twelve cities explicitly exclude homes for persons with retardation from neigh borhoods where comparable dwellings for noil-retarded persons are permitted. They are Amarillo Co d e , chs. 26-8, 26-ll(43a); Beaumont Co d e , §42-15(A)(l); Carollton Co d e , art. XY(14); Copperas Cove Co d e , §5(4)(m); D uncanville Co d e , art. 111(14); E dinburg Co d e , art. IV, §4-2(3): Killeen Co d e , eh. 9, art. 2, §8-l(fk Midland Co d e , S11 -1 - 10(A); New B raunfels Co d e , S6C.1-6; Port Neches Co d e , §24-6; San Angelo Co d e , §33-2-14(6); Sulphur Springs Co d e , art.6(a). 95. The ordinances are set out in App. B. 2 1 tended to retarded people. Disestablishing that regime requires the full measure of equal protection lest retarded people be again treated as “unfit for citizenship.”96 97 II. CLASSIFICATIONS BASED UPON RETARDATION THAT EXCLUDE AND SEGREGATE RETARDED PER SONS ARE SUSPECT AND SHOULD BE GIVEN STRICT AND SEARCHING SCRUTINY. A. A History of Purposeful Unequal Treatment Imposed By the State Triggers the Standard for Strict Scrutiny of Leg islative Classifications. This terrible, purposeful life-long segregation of retarded people undertaken by the states to separate “them” out entirely from the rest of “us” constitutes the extraordinary “history of purposeful unequal treatment” that is the predicate of strict and searching scrutiny of legislative classifications. San Antonio In dependent School District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1, 28 (1973). Retarded people as such97 “have . . . experienced a history of purposeful unequal treatment [and] been subjected to unique disabilities on the basis of stereotyped characteristics not truly indicative of their abilities.” Massachusetts Board o f Retirement 96. 1920 Miss. Laws 288, set out at p. A-47. 97. The basis of classification that amici urge be held suspect is not the use of “intelligence” across the spectrum of capabilities, but rather the specific targeting of the lowest end of the spectrum, as such. The suspect criterion is not intelligence but the status of “being retarded. Thus fine points of state college admissions requirements or civil service examinations, for example, may rest upon rational bases. No people in this country ever have been forcibly sterilized or chained to the walls of an institutional back ward because they failed to gain admission to Harvard. The evil here is the targeting of retarded people as such. To be sure, college admissions based on SAT scores do dis criminate against retarded people, and retarded people (among others of us) are barred from Harvard (or Berkeley, if state action is wanted). But such discrim ination based upon intelligence under the Equal Protection Clause should be viewed as “indirect deprivation” as in Schweiker v . Wilson, 450 U.S. 221, 234 (1981) or as “unintentional” or “incidental as in Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 238-48 (1976). 2 2 «• Murgia, 427 U.S. 307, 313 (1976). «* The disqualifications im posed by the regime of segregation are the most severe imagi nable among citizens: retarded people as such are “not only de prived of their physical liberty, [but] also deprived of friends, family and community. ” Parham v .J .R., 442U.S. 584, 626(1979) (concurring & dissenting opinion). Legislative classifications that segregate, exclude or isolate retarded people, precisely because they are based in this history of purposeful unequal treatment are thus “more likely than oth ers to reflect deepseated prejudice,” Palmore v. Sidoti, 104 S. Ct. 1879, 1882 (1984); Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 216 n.14 (1982), and to embody — as the ordinance here plainly does — exactly the kind of “class or caste” treatment that the Equal Pro tection Clause was designed to abolish. Such legislative classi fications should, therefore, be treated as presumptively invidious. B. Retardation Is an Immutable Characteristic That Has Been Subject to Invidious Classification. The characteristics of racial status that betoken a special vul nerability to historically provoked invidious classification, and that have thus caused the Court to apply a constant, searching scrutiny to disadvantaging racial classifications, are present also in the status of being retarded. That status is observable and immutable; retardation is present from birth or early thereafter through all of life, and is present through no fault of the retarded person, nor any reason within the person’s control. In these characteristics, the status of being retarded is more like racial status than is illegitimacy, alienage or national origin, each of which the Court has variously said are suspect bases for classification. 98 98. Neither the aged, the mentally ill, alcoholics, drug addicts nor 'vic tims of cancer . . . , the unemployed, or bankrupts, " Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae at 9, has ever been subjected to such a regime of state- imposed, life-long segregation. 23 The Court has regarded illegitimacy in many respects as analogous to the characteristics of a racial classification." Trimble v. Gordon, 430 U.S. 762, 767 (1977). Because of the mutability of illegitimacy and its essential social invisibility, even apart from the limited disqualification that status has historically imposed, the Court has declined to apply “strictest scrutiny” to illegiti macy. Id. In terms of suspect characteristics, illegitimacy resem bles a racial status less than does the status of being retarded. Retardation or skin color, unlike illegitimacy, cannot be elimi nated by the child’s parents subsequently marrying or filing a court paper acknowledging their responsibility for their child. Although classifications based on alienage have been held to be “inherently suspect,”99 100 the Court has been willing to ap prove discrimination involving alienage on occasion because of the relative mutability of the status, its relative invisibility, and the absence of gross and pervasive hardships imposed on aliens as such.101 The classifications held offensive,the Court empha sized in Foley v. Connelie, 435 U.S. 291, 295 (1978), were “ex clusions” that “struck at the non-citizens’ ability to exist in the community.’’ On those occasions that it has permitted alienage classifications, the Court has noted that alien status is alterable by the individual persons who “in effect [choose] to classify them selves.” Ambach v. Norwick, 441 U.S. 68, 80 (1979); see Cabell v. Chavez-Salido, 454 U.S. 432 (1982). Moreover, in Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. at 220, the school exclusion imposed on alien chil dren was overturned precisely because the children were help less in changing their alien status (this would depend upon their parents) and because of the pervasive hardship worked on the children by their exclusion from education. 99. “ 'Visiting this condemnation on the head of an infant is illogical and unjust.’ . . . [Illegitimate children can affect neither their parents’ conduct nor their own status.” Trim ble v. G ordon , 430 U.S. 762, 769-70 (1977). 100. Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 365, 372 (1970); Examining Board v. Flores de Otero. 426 U.S. 572, 602 (1976). 101. E .g ., Matthews v.Diaz, 426 U.S. 67(1976). 24 C. Utilization of a Suspect Standard for Disadvantaging Class ifications Will Not Be Fatal to Classifications That Benefit Retarded People. Suspect class status does not mean that the classification can never be used for any purpose. Scrutiny of a classification based upon race must be “strict” and “searching” but it is not auto matically “fatal in fact.” G . GUNTHER, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW: CASES AND M a t e r ia l s 752 (1980). As to race itself, the Court has ordinarily applied strict scrutiny only to “disadvantaging ra cial classifications,” id. at 745-52, in particular to classifications that exclude or segregate (or are a part of the exclusionary re gime), e.g., Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 9-12 (1967). Fur thermore, this Court has upheld racial classifications under strict scrutiny so long as there is a sufficient showing that the classi fication in fact benefits the suspect class, overcoming past dis crimination or its virulent effects. Bakke, 438 U.S. at 355-62 (Brennan, White, Marshall, Blackmun, JJ.); Fullilove v. Klutznick, 448 U.S. 448, 472 (Burger,C.J., White, Powell, JJ.); id. at 495, 496 & n. 1. (Powell, J.); id. at 517-19 (Marshall, Bren nan, Blackmun, JJ.); id. at 532, 548 (Stevens, J.) (1980). Accordingly, special education programs for retarded chil dren would not fall. Thus, applying the Education for All Hand icapped Children Act of 1975, 20 U.S.C. §1401, the Court has held that the standard for “appropriate” educational programs provided for under the Act is that they be “reasonably calculated to yield educational benefit, ” akin to a minimum rationality stand ard. Board o f Education o f Hendrick Hudson School District v. Rowley, 458 U.S. at 203, 207 nn. 25, 28. But, under that Act, any exclusionary or isolating form of special education is justified only if a segregated program in fact benefits the child and its segre gation is demonstratedly necessary to that benefit, akin to a strict and searching standard. Roncker v . Walter, 700 F.2d 1058, 1063 (6th Cir. 1983), cert, denied, 104 S.Ct. 196 (1984).i<* 102 102. The R oncker court correctly articulated the statutory test as “whether the services which make [the segregated] placement superior could feasibly be provided in a non-segregated setting. If they could, the placement in the seg regated school would be inappropriate under the Act.” This standard would 25 Thus, familiar classifications including retarded people in governmental assistance programs and in programs for special assistance (which the United States unaccountably raises as trou blesome103) are, like other welfare classifications, subject only to minimum scrutiny. Any classification in such a program, how ever, that segregates or excludes retarded people would trigger searching scrutiny and would be sustained only if the segregation in fact benefits retarded people and is necessary to secure that benefit. D. Cleburne’s Exclusion of Retarded People from the Com munity Is Perverse: It Cannot be Justified on the Basis of Any Characteristic or Need of Retarded People. The excluding legislative classification at issue here subjects retarded people “to unique disabilities on the basis of stereo typed characteristics not truly indicative of their abilities.” Murgia, 427 U.S. at 313. Indeed, “to the extent it reflects any [real] difference between [retarded people and non-retarded], it is actually perverse.” Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190, 212-13(1976) (Stevens, J., concurring). Separating retarded people is perverse. Plainly so when measured against any profession of benign purpose as to retarded people; less evidently, perhaps, because of the stereotype, but no less plainly when measured against any legitimate104 purpose govern the continued provision of programs for retarded persons in institu tional settings, allowing those that demonstrated!) benefit retarded persons and that could not be provided elsewhere in a non-segregated setting. 103. If the problem is thought to be that special programs for retarded people exclude non-retarded people, the answer is that non-retardation can in no way be thought to be a basis for suspectness. If the problem is that special programs isolate retarded people, and hence trigger searching scrutiny, the practical answer is that special programs for retarded people need not isolate them, but that if they do truly isolate retarded people then, because of the risk that deep-seated prejudice and not any real benefit has prompted the isolation, the necessity of such isolation to benefit should be searchinglv scrutinized. 104. The Court has rejected summarily argument that discrimination may be justified by a desire to discriminate as “unpersuasive on its face. E.g., Examining B oard v. Flores de Otero, 426 U.S. at 605; Buchannan v. Worley, 214 U.S. 60 (1916). “The Constitution cannot control such prejudices but neither can it tol- 2 6 concerning the quality of life and community for the rest of “us. ” Learning (and much else) by retarded people requires the example of other non-retarded people and in real-world envi ronments where what is learned is done.105 As for all people, but relatively more so for retarded people (it is one of their “differ ences”), learning by retarded people during all of life proceeds in significant part by imitation and example and in the concrete, rather than by generalization from one context into another. Learning by retarded people flourishes in properly structured and integrated environments; in isolation it is destroyed,106 As members of the community, retarded people of all ranges of ability can and do maintain not only steady but productive jobs.107 Retarded people can and do significantly care for them selves, keep clean and even pleasing rooms, and respect the rights of others, for in the community you never know when a friend whose respect you wish to keep may drop in.108 Retarded people do make good neighbors, to their own benefit and their neigh erate them. Private biases may be outside the reach of the law, but the law cannot, directly or indirectly, give them effect. ” Patmore v. Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. at 1882. 105. See, e .g ,, Brown, et at., Toward the Realization o f Integrated E d ucational Environments f o r Severely H andicapped Students, 2 Rev.Am.Assn. E duc. Severely & Profoundly Handicapped 195 (1977); R. Horner & G. B ellamy, Structured Employment: Productivity and Productive Capacity, in Vocational Habilitation for Severely Handicapped Persons (G. Bellamy, et a l ., eds. 1979). 106. Thus, the loss in institutions of skills achieved by retarded people before institutionalization, and the terrible explosion of aberrant behavior and injury in institutions, arise because the segregated retarded people have only their custodians and themselves to imitate. Youngberg v . Romeo, 457 U. S. 307, 327 (1982) (concurring opinion); Pennhurst State School It Hospital v. Haider- man, 104 S.Ct. 900, 904 (1984). 107. Pr esid en t ’s C om m ittee on M ental Retardation , T he Mentally R eta rd ed W o rk er , An E conomic D isco very : Report to th e Presid en t (1983); Bellamy, et al., Habilitation o f Severely and Profoundly R etarded: Il lustrations o f Com petence, 10 E d . & T rng. M en t . Retard ed 174 (1975). 108. E .g., Pr esid en t 's C om m ittee on M ental Retardation , T he L ead ing E d g e , S erv ice Programs T hat W o rk : Report to th e Presid en t (1978). 27 bors’.109 The abysmally ignorant stereotypes to the contrary do not withstand the facts or a correct understanding of what dif ference being retarded makes. Retarded people need assistance, as do all persons, often relatively more, but that means not ex clusion from the community but participation in it.110 The City of Cleburne’s excluding ordinance and the regime of segregation of which it is a part would create an “underclass of . . . citizens,” a permanent caste, perverse from the standpoint of any state purpose legitimate under the Equal Protection Clause. Plyler, 457 U.S. at 239 (concurring opinion). “We can’t ignore the significant social costs borne by our Nation when se lect groups are denied the means to absorb the values and skills upon which our social order rests.” Plyler, 457 U.S. at 221. III. THE CONTINUED VIRULENCE OF CLASSIFICA TIONS EXCLUDING AND SEGREGATING ON THE BASIS OF RETARDATION REQUIRES THEY BE GIVEN STRICT AND SEARCHING SCRUTINY. Observing the destructiveness of life-long segregation upon retarded people, Fernald and others later changed their minds and withdrew from their positions. But the power of the state had already been engaged and no personal apology could have dissolved its terrible force, nor did it. Once established the pur poseful regime of segregation and the deep-seated prejudices it legitimated are not so easily disestablished. The extraordinary undertakings of the states, all of them, in that segregating Era “put the weight of government behind . . . 109. E .g., R. P e r sk e , New L if e in T he Neigh bo rh ood (1980); cf. Co lumbus Board o f Educ. v. Penich, 443 U.S. 449, 485 n.5 (1979) (Powell, J., dissenting) (“integration’ furthers the “essential” end that “diverse peoples of our country learn to live in harmony and mutual respect”). 110. The power of the stereotype is sometimes irresistible even by the most caring persons. In Romeo, for example, the Court observed that [Respondent, in light of the severe character of his retardation, concedes that no amount of training will make possible his release.” 457 U.S. at 317. Yet ten months after the Court’s decision, Nicholas Romeo moved to a group home in Philadelphia and since April, 1983, has successfully lived in the community, working in a community workshop. Woestendiek, The Deinstitutionalization o f Nicholas Romeo, Phila. Inquirer Mag., May 27, 1984, at 18. 2 8 hatred and separatism” as virulent as racial hatred and separa tism. Bakke, 438 U.S. at 357-58 (Brennan, White, Marshall, Blackman, JJ.). "It would ignore reality to suggest that preju dices so like “racial and ethnic prejudices do not exist or that all manifestations of these prejudices have been eliminated.” Palmore v. Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. at 1882. Substantial political victories in such enactments as the fed eral Education for All Handicapped Children Act, and the visible organization of the Associations for Retarded Citizens, National Down Syndrome Congress and People First organizations them selves do not differentiate retarded from black people; they show yet another direct parallel. The federal Education for All Hand icapped Children Act was as much a response to initial judicial “discovery” (and invalidation) of the gross discrimination by the States against retarded people111 as were the Civil Rights Acts of 1964, 1965 and 1968 a response to Brown. In both instances, moreover, the legislation was belated recognition of past abuse and an expression of resolve to remedy this abuse. The Court has not read this belated political success” of blacks to mean that racial classifications by states are no longer suspect. Palmore v. Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. at 1882.112 Retarded people continue to be under the pains of the re gime of purposeful discrimination. Invidious statutes and ordi nances — like the Cleburne ordinance — are still on the books and routinely applied to disadvantage retarded people.113 The continued virulence of classifications excluding people with re 111. In its opinion in Rowley, 458 U.S. at 192-93, the Court recognized the origin of the Education Act in the judicial decision in Pennsylvania Asso ciation for R etarded Children v .Pennsylvania, 343F .Supp. 245(E.D. Pa. 1972). 112. The enforceability against states of the congressional enactments, and even whether they have any meaning or not, may depend upon whether a Fourteenth Amendment right underlies them. Pennhurst State School ir Hos pital v. H alderm an, 451 U.S. 1, 16-18 (1981). 113. See, e.g ., zoning ordinances cited supra note 94; for state laws pro hibiting retarded persons from marrying, see Linn & Bowers, The Historical Fallacies Behind Legal Prohibitions o f Marriages Involving Mentally R etarded Persons, 13 GONZAGA L. Rev. 625, 677-689 (1978). 29 tardation is plainly evident and is painfully experienced by re tarded people and their families. The practice of denying cor rective surgery to retarded children is longstanding.114 Notwithstanding the congressional realization that “the vast majority”115 of retarded persons institutionalized should not be in those institutions, and the continuing congressional concern and attention to the unending reports of abuse, neglect and de terioration of retarded persons in those institutions, thousands of retarded persons remain in segregated institutions subject to their acknowledged, decried, but ultimately condoned brutality.116 Re tarded people seeking to reenter the society from which they have been excluded face rejection, antipathy and hostility from organized society.117 Daily, the amici organizations have cause to try to assert against continuing prejudice and invidious official action the claims of retarded people to a decent respect. As the President’s Committee on Mental Retardation has reported: “So much has happened in the past 25 years to reverse social policies, to change public attitudes, to open the way to re ducing the occurrence of mental retardation and to improve the quality of life for mentally retarded persons that we are 114. For evidence of the social acceptability of withholding treatment from retarded infants, see Hentoff, The Awful Privacy o f Baby Doe, ATLANTIC, Jan., 1985, at 54. For the persistence of the practice see note 74 supra. 115. S. R e p . No. 94-160, 94th Cong., 1st sess. 32 (1975). 116. C om pare Institutional C are and Services f o r Retarded C itizens: H ear ing B efore the Subcomm. on the H andicapped o f the Comm, on L abor and Human Resources, 98th Cong., 1st sess. 63-104, 224-30 (1983); with B. B latt & F. Kaplan, C hristmas in Purgatory: A Photographic E ssay on M ental Retardation (1974); see Youngberg v. Romeo, 457 U.S. at 310; Pennhurst State School & Hospital v. Halderman, 451 U.S. at 7. 117. See, e.g ., Keating, The W ar Against the Mentally Retarded, N.Y. Mag., Sept. 17, 1979, at 87; Finley, Arson Hits House Planned f o r Retarded, Detroit News, Apr. 30, 1982; Ford, 2d Home fo r Retarded Is Set Ablaze, De troit Free Press, Dec. 5, 1980; Christensen, “Not My Block” Reactions Greet Group Homes, Dayton Daily News, Mar. 18, 1984; see also D. & S. Rothman, T he W illow brook W ars 180-99 (1984). 3 0 tempted to think the problem is essentially solved, that we can coast in on the momentum of these achievements. Noth ing could be fu rth er from the truth .118 By invoking the full measure of respect that the Equal Pro tection Clause requires be extended, this Court can assure that retarded people are not further treated as “unfit for citizenship” and disestablish the invidious regime. The country is beginning to recognize past error; states are beginning to return retarded citizens to their communities. The Court must not allow the Cleburne ordinance enacting the spirit of the segregating past to be utilized now to reverse a new beginning. To do so would be to officially sanction the regime of segregation again. CONCLUSION For the foregoing reasons, the Court should hold that re tarded people are a suspect class. On that basis, the judgment of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed. Respectfully submitted, Thomas K. Gilhool* Frank J. Laski Michael Churchill Judith A. Gran Timothy M. Cook Public Interest Law Center of Philadelphia 1315 Walnut St., Suite 1632 Philadelphia, PA 19107 (215) 735-7200 Counsel f o r amici curiae Date: February 2, 1985 * Counsel o f record. 118. PRESIDENT’S COMMITTEE ON MENTAL RETARDATION, MENTAL RETAR DATION, Past and Pr ese n t 259 (1977)(emphasis provided). In its report to the President the Committee went on to warn: In truth we have only a beginning. Social policies have been only partially turned around, and could swing back again to repressive, restrictive, de humanizing methods of control.” Id. A P P E N D I C E S APPEN DIX A COMPENDIUM OF PU RPO SEFU L STATE ACTION FOR THE SEGREGATION AND EXCLUSION OF RETARDED PERSONS IN THE F IF T Y STATES AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA This Appendix presents the official actions of the states promoting and requiring by statute the segrega tion of retarded people.* Amici have included a sampling of state reports of agencies, officials, committees and boards that constitute the legislative history and the post- enactment history of the laws that were adopted.** All italics have been added by amici. CONTENTS Northeastern States Connecticut Delaware............. M ain e ................. M aryland........... Massachusetts. . Page A-l A-l A-4 A-5 A-5 A-6 New Hampshire..........................................................A-9 New Je rs e y ..................... ........................................ A-10 New York................................................................... A-12 Pennsylvania........................................................... A-18 *In addition to the 50 states, the federal law enacted by the United States Congress to segregate retarded people found in the District of Columbia is set out at A-76-81. **For a sampling of state actions affecting retarded people in other areas, e.g., restrictions on marriage, voting, and education, see Appendix B to the Amici Brief of the American Association of iMental Deficiency, et al. A - i C O N T E N T S— (C on tinued) Rhode Island..............................................................A-20 Vermont...................................................................... A-21 Midwestern S ta te s .................................................. A-22 Illinois................... A-22 Indiana........................................................................ A-22 Io w a .............................................................................A-25 K an sas........................................................................ A-26 Kentucky.................................................................... A-29 M ichigan.................................................................... A-29 M innesota..................................................................A-32 Missouri...................................................................... A-32 N ebraska.................................................................... A-33 North D akota............................................................A-35 O h io ............................................................................ A-36 South D akota............................................................A-37 W isconsin ..................................................................A-42 Southern States................................................................A-44 Alabama...................................................................... A-44 Arkansas...................................................................... A-45 Florid a........................................................................ A-45 Georgia............................................ A-45 Louisiana.................................................................... A-46 Mississippi..................................................................A-47 North Carolina......................................................... A-48 Page A-ii C O N T E N T S— (C on tinued ) Page Oklahoma.................................................................. A-49 South Carolina....................................................... A-50 T en n essee........................................ ....................... A-51 T e x a s ........................................................................... A-52 Virginia.........................................................................A-57 West V irginia............................................................A-60 Western States.................................................................. A-61 Alaska........................................................................... A-61 Arizona.........................................................................A-61 California.....................................................................A-62 Colorado.......................................................................A-67 H aw aii.........................................................................A-68 Idaho............................................................................. A-68 Montana..................... A-69 Nevada...................................................................... A-70 New M exico .............................................................. A-70 Oregon...................................................................... A-70 U ta h .................................. •.......................................A-72 Washington................................................................ A-73 W yoming.....................................................................A-75 District of Colum bia ................................................... A-76 A-iii Northeastern States Connecticut. The first recorded provision of a spe cialized facility for retarded people in this country oc curred in Connecticut when the American Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb, located in Hartford, in 1818 counted among its students a few “idiot children.” REPORT OF the Com m ission ers on Idiocy to th e General As sembly OF CONNECTICUT 62 (1856). Later, the Con necticut legislature provided some funding for a private school in Lakeville. After the turn of the century, though, that facility began receiving a sharply increased number of residents, and it soon became a custodial institution. In 1906 the Director was already reporting that “remov als are almost unknown.” REPORT OF THE DIRECTORS and Su perin ten d en t of the Connecticut School for Im bec iles 6 (1906). Ry 1908 the operators of the facility claimed they had “a wide knowledge of the imperative need of providing permanent custodial care for the safeguarding of girls and women of feeble mind, and a growing appreciation of the preventive value of equal custodial care for the male of evil tendencies. Backed by effective legislation the care of the defective has resolved itself into a com paratively simply matter. . . . ” REPORT OF THE DIREC TORS and S u perin ten d en t of the Connecticut School for Im bec iles 12 (1908). “[T]he surest, most humane and most economical solution of the problem of prevention lies in providing custodial care for the feeble minded of every condition and/or a lifetime.” Id. at 13. In 1911, the General Assembly enacted a statute pro viding that “imbecile[sj” could be admitted to the Lakeville facility by application of the “selectmen” of any town. 1911 Conn. Pub. Acts 1493, ch. 211. In 1913 the state formally took control of the institution by enact ment of a statute specifying that its “object” would hence forth be the “custody” of any “imbeciles resident of this state.” 1913 Conn. Pub. Acts 1765, ch. 160, §1. A-l A-2/C o n n ec ticu t The following year, state officials reported that they were “of the opinion that the problem of the feeble minded in the State of Connecticut urgently demands a much more adequate provision for these unfortunate in dividuals than is now supplied. It has been estimated that there m ust be at least three thousand feeble-m inded in the State, and at the present time, provision is m ade fo r only three hundred. It is a now recognized fact that feeble mindedness is to a much greater extent than insanity an inheritable condition and it is known that this class is particularly prolific. The criminal, the alcoholic, and the prostitute are all recruited from the ranks of the feeble minded. The only practicable way to restrict the growth of the feeble-mindedness in the state is to segregate the feeble minded and particularly feeble-minded women during the child bearing-period. The question to be de cided is really this: Shall we of this generation accept the burden of this care, or shall we hand on to the next gen eration a much larger share? Undoubtedly failure to now segregate the feeble-minded will result in an increasing prevalence of the condition as time goes on.” STATE OF Co n n ecticu t , B iennial Report of Con necticut School for Im b e c il e s , Lakeville , Conn., F or Two Years E nded Septem ber 30, 1913-14, at 8 (Pub. Doc. No. 15, 1915). The report also recommended that the “institution should not be situated in the midst of a pop ulous village. While it should be convenient to railroad communication, it should be somewhat rem ote from the centers o f population fo r reasons that are obvious.” Id. at 7. In order to gain public support for the new facility, Superintendent Charles T. LaMoure and the Board of Trustees of the School for Imbeciles published and dis tributed widely a pamphlet in which they claimed an ur gent need to “[s]top the supply of the vicious, the weak, the no-willed people who cannot support themselves in the community — of the criminals and prostitutes and paupers, by cutting off the supply at its source, namely The N ortheast/A -3 — by providing adequate custodial care fo r the feeb le minded o f the S t a t e THE CONN. SCHOOL FOR IMBE CILES, T he Menace of the F e e b l e -Minded in Con n ecticut 9 (1915). These “feeble-minded” people, “though really children, are allowed to go about through the community as though they were adults. They have an impaired sense of right and wrong, weak will power and no power of realizing the future. . . . “Moreover, the feeble-minded are unusually prolific. Therefore the longer the State of Connecticut delays in making adequate provision for the feeble-minded, the greater the burden of feeble-mindedness she will have to bear in future [sic].” Id. at 3. But they proposed a solu tion: “The State has the opportunity of buying for this institution a large tract of forest and arable land — be tween six and seven hundred acres. . . . This property is in the central part of the State, remote from centres o f population . . . and there is room for the institution to grow indefinitely.” Id. at 13. For this purpose, “[t]he trus tees of the Connecticut School for Imbeciles are asking the General Assembly for authority to sell the present plant, and to use the proceeds and $200,000 to be ap propriated by the State in the purchase of this property, and in equipping it for the needs of the institution. This would provide, aside from the necessary alterations to buildings, etc., sufficient cattle and farming implements, so that the institution could produce its own milk and vegetables, using fo r the most part the labor o f its high grade patien ts.” Id. at 14. On February 25, 1915, a hearing was held before the state legislature’s Committee on Humane Institutions. One witness testified that “hardly a week goes by but what we have a case of a feeble-minded girl or boy called to our attention. We have no way of getting rid o f these kinds of cases.” Connecticut School fo r Imbeciles: H ear ings on H. B. No. 644 Before the Jo in t Standing Com mittee on Humane Institutions 20 (typed transcript, Feb. 25, 1915) (statement of Mr. Kerner of Waterbury). An A-4/C o n n ec ticu t other thought it necessary for “every feeble-minded child in the school [to be] eliminated or placed in a special class.” Id. (statement of Miss Wright of Stanford). Su perintendent Alexander Johnson of New jersey’s insti tution at Vineland brought to the Committee’s attention “this book called, 'The Menace of the Feeble-Minded in Connecticut,’ which was gotten up by the Board of Trus tees for the School of Imbeciles, and I would recommend anyone who has any doubt as to the proper care of that class to read this book very carefully.” Id. at 2 (statement of Dr. Johnson). On May 20, 1915, the Connecticut legislature fol lowed the recommendations of the state officials and the witnesses at the hearing and appropriated the $200,000 requested for an ambitious construction project on state- owned land at Mansfield Depot, an isolated railway stop sixty miles northeast of Hartford. By the time he wrote his 1916 Biennial Report, Su perintendent LaMoure thought that “[t]he dangers as sociated with allowing the feeble-m inded to rem ain at large among the general population have been so fre quently discussed that it is not necessary to do more than refer to them.” STATE OF CONNECTICUT, BIENNIAL RE PORT of th e Co n n ecticut T raining School for F e e b l e -Min d ed , Lakeville , Conn ., F or th e Two Years E nded Se pt em be r 30, 1915-16, at 7 (Pub. Doc. No. 15, 1917). He looked forward to the completion of the new institution, where, he noted, “[mjany of the male inm ates . . . are capable of doing a considerable am ount o f satisfactory fa rm w ork under supervision, and, with a proper farm we should be in a position to improve the quality of our food and save the State a considerable amount of money by raising vegetables, producing our own milk and eggs, and using rather than wasting our garbage by the keeping of pigs.” Id. Delaware. On March 21, 1917, the Delaware Gen eral Assembly established the state’s first home for “the feeble-minded.” 1917 Del. Laws 597, ch. 172. The in The N ortheast/A - 5 stitutionalization of such persons could be sought by “any reputable citizen of the State,” which was to be ordered by the county judge “when by reason of such mental condition, or o f existing social conditions , it would he detrim ental to any community o f this State to allow such ■person to remain at large.” Id. §9. The legislature also adopted “AN ACT to provide for the sterilization of certain mental defectives,” 1923 Del. Laws, ch. 62, authorizing the surgery for those at the state home for whom a “physician, alienist and superin tendent unanimously determine that procreation is unadvisable.” Id. Maine. In 1907, the Legislature of Maine established the “Maine School for Feeble Minded.” 1907 Me. Acts 42, ch. 44. A special committee chaired by Governor Wil liam T. Cobb “[a]fter careful consideration,” located the institution “on an area of farmland. . . . The plan called for a large tract of land, which should be removed from any large town. . . . ” Hood, Vineland Observer, in PINELANDS, 60 YEARS: 1908-1968 (L. Moore, ed. 1968). In 1921, the lawmakers extended those eligible for commitment to “idiotic and feeble-minded males, be tween the ages of six years and forty years, and females, between the ages of six years and forty-five years.” 1921 Me. Acts 65, ch. 60. Four years later, the legislature au thorized sterilization for all those for whom that surgery “may be indicated for the prevention of the reproduction of further feeble-mindedness.” 1925 Me. Acts 198, ch. 208. Maryland. On March 31, 1888, the General Assem bly of Maryland passed “AN ACT to establish an asylum and training school for the feeble minded of the State of Maryland.” 1888 Md. Laws 268, ch. 183. In 1906, the lawmakers mandated that the institution “receive, care lor and educate, free of charge, all idiotic, imbecile and feeble-minded persons in this state” approved by the board of visitors of the facility. 1906 Md. Laws 653, ch. 362. The law required that “all such persons shall re main in the care, custody and control of the visitors of said institution, and the visitors of said institution are hereby authorized to retain all such persons in their care, custody and control at said institution, until such time as in the judgment of said visitors, or a majority of them, the welfare of such persons and the public interest shall ju s tify or call for their release. . . . ” Id. at 653-54. The Board of Visitors campaigned vigorously for in creased admissions. These reports revealed the institution’s segregating purposes: “One of the sad fea tures which hangs as a black cloud over the work, is the fact that some hundreds of children, many of whom are a burden to the fam ily and a m enace to the community in which they live, are continuously knocking at our doors for admission, but only a small number of these can be received solely for want of funds to maintain them, though we have empty beds awaiting their reception.” TWENTY- FOURTH Report of th e Board of Visito rs of th e Rosew ood State T raining School, Owings Mil l s , Baltim ore County 5 (1936). Massachusetts. As a result of a legislatively com missioned report authored by Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe of the Harvard Medical School, S. G. HOWE, FIRST COM PLETE Report Made to th e Legislature Of Mass ach usetts UPON IDIOCY 16, 30-55 (Mass. Sen. Doc. No. 51, 1848), the Massachusetts legislature, on May 8, 1848 appropriated $2,500 for an experimental school for idi otic children to be located in a wing of the Perkins In stitute for the Blind in Boston. Howe was named direc tor, and ten indigent “idiots” were selected as pupils. T hird and F inal Report on the Experim ental School for T eaching and Training Idiotic Chil dren 305 (1852). With perhaps a premonition of the evils that lurked in his creation, Howe stated in his final report: “Now the danger of misdirection in this pious and benevolent work is, that two false principles may be incorporated with the projected institutions which will be as rotten piles in the A-6/M aryland The N ortheast/A -7 foundations and make the future establishments deplor ably defective and mischievous. These are, first, close congregation; and, second, the life-long association of a large number of idiots; whereas, the true, sound princi ples are: separation of idiots from each other; and then diffusion among the normal population. . . . For these and other reasons it is unwise to organize establishments for teaching and training idiotic children, upon such prin ciples as will tend to make them become asylums for life. . . . Even idiots have 7'ights which should be carefully considered! At any rate let us try for something which shall not imply segregating the wards in classes, remov ing them from our sight and knowledge, ridding our selves of our responsibility as neighbors, and leaving the wards closely packed in establishments where the spirit of pauperism is surely engendered, and the morbid pe culiarities of each are intensified by constant and close association of others of his class.” S. G. HOWE, REPORT of th e S u perin ten d en t to the T r u st ee s of the Massach usetts School for Idiotic Children (1874). Howe’s advice was forgotten and, by 1886, the Mas sachusetts legislature had established “a custodial de partment” for “custody of feeble-minded persons beyond the school age or not capable of being benefited by school instruction.” 1886 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 298, §1. After the turn of the century, commitment procedures were modified to permit any person, not just relatives, to seek the commitment of “feeble-minded” persons to the institution. See 1904 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 459, §5; 1906 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 508, §12. The superintendent of Massachusetts’ institution, Dr. Walter E. Fernald, reported in 1908 that “[t]he ex istence of this large institution is largely due to the de mands of parents, physicians, clergymen, court officers, social workers, and thoughtful people generally, that feeble-minded women should be perm anently removed from the com m unity . In this State there is an urgent de A-8 /M a ssa ch u se tts mand for the commitment and perm anent detention of the higher grade cases of defect, where the social inca pacity and the moral weakness are more obvious than the mental backwardness. These cases cannot support themselves, and are most undesirable and troublesome members o f society . ” SlXTY-FlRST ANNUAL REPORT OF th e T r u st e e s of th e Massachusetts School for th e F e e b l e -minded at Waltham, for the Year end ing Novem ber 30, 1908, at 22-23 (1909). On June 12, 1912, Superintendent Fernald deliv ered an influential speech as the Annual Discourse be fore the Massachusetts Medical Society, printed and widely distributed in pamphlet form by the Massachu setts Society for Mental Hygiene: “The past few years have witnessed a striking awakening of professional and popular consciousness of the widespread prevalence of feeble-mindedness and its influence as a source of wretchedness to the patient himself and to his family, and as a causative factor in the production of crime, pros titution, pauperism, illegitimacy, intemperance and other complex social diseases. . . . The social and economic burdens of uncomplicated feeble-mindedness are only too well known. The feeble-minded are a parasitic, preda tory class, never capable of self-support or of managing their own affairs. The great majority ultimately become public charges in some form. They cause unutterable sor row at home and are a m enace and danger to the com munity. Feeble-minded women are almost invariably im moral, and if at large usually become carriers of venereal disease or give birth to children who are as defective as themselves. The feeble-minded woman who marries is twice as prolific as the normal woman. . . . [SJegregation carried out thoroughly for a generation would largely re duce the amount of feeble-mindedness. The high-grade female imbecile group is the most dangerous class. They are not capable of becoming desirable or safe members of the community. They are never able to support them selves. They are certain to become sexual offenders and The N ortheast/A-9 to spread venereal disease or to give birth to degenerate children. Their numerous progeny usually become pub lic charges as diseased or neglected children, imbeciles, epileptics, juvenile delinquents or later on as adult pau pers or criminals. The segregation of this class should be rapidly extended until all not adequately guarded at home are placed under strict sexual quarantine. Hundreds of known cases of this sort are now at large because the institutions are overcrowded. Only 2000 feeble-minded persons are now cared for in institutions in this State, and over 1000 applicants are awaiting admission to the institutions. There is an urgent dem and fo r greatly in creased institutional provision for this class. . . . ” W. F ernald , T he B urden o f F e e b l e -Min d ed n ess 3, 7, 10 (1912). New Hampshire. On March 22, 1901, the New Hampshire General Court enacted legislative to “estab lish and maintain” the “New Hampshire School for the Feeble-minded Children.” 1901 N.H. Laws 597, ch. 102, §1. Although that law limited admissions to “the idiotic and feeble-minded, between three and twenty-one years of age,” id., amendments added four years later made provision for others “after they reach the age of twenty- one, if in the judgment of the board of trustees their seg regation seems to be fo r the best interests o f the commu nity. . . . ” 1905 N.H. Laws 413, ch. 23, § 1, first for women, id., and later for men as well, 1917 N.H. Laws 645, ch, 141, §1. Later, in 1917, the General Court adopted “AN ACT PERMITTING STERILIZING OPERATIONS” for those for whom that surgery “may be indicated for the prevention of the reproduction of further feeble mindedness.” 1917 N.H. Laws 704, ch. 181, §2. In 1929, the law was extended to permit the superintendent of the institution, if “of opinion that it is for the best interests of the inmate and o f society” to authorize the surgery with out the consent of the “feeble-minded” resident, if after a hearing the governing board of the institution finds that the resident “is the probable potential parent of socially inadequate offspring likew ise afflicted .” 1929 N.H. Laws 162, 164, ch. 138, § § 1, 6. New Jersey . The New Jersey General Assembly in 1888 established the first New Jersey “home” for the “feeble-minded” at Vineland. 1888 N.J. Laws. 267, ch. 208. By 1906, state officials were calling for permanent segregation: “It is a fact that the Institutions in New Jer sey for the care and training of the feeble-minded do not begin in any way to cover the number of those who should be in the Institutions, and it seems that the Governor, the Legislature and the Commissioner of Charities in their wisdom might hold a conference with the Boards of the Feeble-Minded Institutions, looking towards the segre gation o f all the feeble-m inded who are now at large. The feeble-minded belong to that class of defectives of either hereditary degenerates or whose condition is of such a character as should be treated like them, and for whom the time has come fo r complete and perm anent control.” Annual Report of the State HoiME for the Care and T raining of F e e b l e -Minded Women at VINELAND, 1906, at 6 (1907). The report indicated that “[t]he most celebrated authorities on the care and seg regation of the feeble-minded and other defectives are very much in favor of the colonization o f all defectives where the development of its members could be properly classified.” Id. at 7. The legislature began its response in 1911, by pass ing “An Act to authorize and provide for the sterilization of feeble-minded (including idiots, imbeciles and mo rons).” 1911 N.J. Laws 353, ch. 190. That law created a “Board of Examiners of Feeble-minded,” which, upon a “findfing] that procreation is inadvisable and that there is no probability that the condition of such inmate so ex amined will improve to such an extent as to render pro creation by such inmate advisable,” was authorized “to A-10/N ew H am psh ire The N ortheast/A -l 1 perform such operation for the prevention of procreation as shall be decided by said board of examiners to be most effective. . . . ” Id. §§ 1, 3. Two years after its enactment, the New Jersey Su preme Court ruled that New Jersey’s law violated the right to equal protection of the laws. Smith v. Board o f Exam iners o f Feeble-Minded, 85 N.J.L. 46, 88 A. 963 (1913). The court noted that “the feeble-minded and epileptics are not the only persons in the community whose elim ination as undesirable citizens would, or might in the judgment of the legislature, be a distinct benefit to so ciety. . . . Racial differences, for instance, [also] might af ford a basis for such an opinion in communities where that question is unfortunately a permanent and para mount issue.” 88 A. at 965. The court concluded that “it is clear that the order with which we have to deal threat ens possibly the life, and certainly the liberty, of the prosecutrix in a manner forbidden by both the state and federal Constitutions, unless such order is a valid exer cise of the police power. . . . The general limitation of such power to which the prosecutrix must appeal is that under our system of government the artificial enhancement of the public welfare by the forceable suppression of the constitutional rights of the individual is inadmissible.” Id. at 965. In 1915, the legislature provided for more pervasive segregation of retarded people through the admission to Vineland of “mentally defective men, women and chil dren, o f all ages and grades. . . .” 1915 N.J. Laws 278, ch. 151, § 2. By 1918, the lawmakers had authorized “the location of additional colonies upon forest reserve or other lands owned by the State.” 1918 N.J. Laws 410, ch. 147, art. 6 § 636. It was in these institutions that the “in mates” were to be “kept.” Id. at 409, 410, §§ 631, 635. In 1919, the legislature required relatives “to waive all right to remove either perm anently or fo r a lim ited tim e” their kin from any institution. 1919 N.J. Laws 508, ch. 217, § A-12/New York New York. On July 10, 1851, the Legislature of New York adopted “AN ACT to establish an asylum for idiots.” 1851 N.Y. Laws 941, ch. 502. It was not until 1894 that the New York legislature established an institution in Oneida County purely for the “custody of unteachable idiots,” designated as “the Rome State Custodial Asylum.” 1894 N.Y. Laws 806, ch. 382. The movement to segregate began most earnestly at the same time as the citizenry began to express concern about the “rising tide” of immigration. In 1905, for ex ample, an article in the New York Times typical of those appearing during this period discussed the urgent need for “remedying the evils which have too long been tol erated in the ‘dumping’ of undesirable immigrants into this country.” Undesirable Im m igration, N.Y. Times, Feb. 10, 1905, at 6, col. 3. In 1911, the first of many studies purporting to link “feeblemindedness” with the new immigration was pub lished under the auspices of the State Charities Aid As sociation. The survey found that all but 40 of 317 “men tally defective” children selected “at random” from thirty- two ungraded classes in the New York public schools were either foreign-born or the children of foreign par ents. A. Mo o re , T he F e e b l e -Minded in New Yo rk : A Repo rt Prepared for the Public E ducation Asso ciation of New York, N.Y. (1911). By 1912, the New York Times was reporting a defi nite link between immigration and “feeble-mindedness.” An article appearing on February 18, 1912 quoted “[a]n important report of the special committee appointed by the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children to investigate the subject of abnormal and feeble-minded children. . . . ” Feeble-M inded Scholars M ake Up 1 Per Cent o f the School Population, Investi gators Report, N.Y. Times, Feb. 18, 1912, at 8, col. 4. The report stated that there were in New York City “ 10,000 mental or moral defectives who now roam at large The Northeast/A-13 in the community without any proper parental supervi sion or medical care. Recent census statistics show that 80 per cent of the feeble-minded children in the general population of the United States are the progeny of aliens or naturalized citizens. We may safely assume, there fore, that at least 8,000 of the 10,000 feeble-minded chil dren in the city today were brought here by or are the offspring of the 9,000,000 aliens who have passed through Ellis Island during the past ten years.” Quoted in id. at cols. 4-5. Three weeks later, the New York Times featured an article on Henry H. Goddard, who was a state adminis trator for New Jersey’s retardation institution at Vineland. The report began: “From the army of 300,000 feeble minded persons in the United States come the recruits that swell the ranks of the drunkards, criminals, pau pers, and other social outcasts. Twenty-five per cent of the girls and boys in our reformatories are lacking in men tal fibre and are unable to discern the difference between right and wrong or are too weak in character to do right whenever there is any inducement to do wrong. Sixty- five per cent of the feeble-minded children have a mother or a father, or both, who are feeble-minded. This country has so far taken no steps to segregate these irresponsible parents, so the number of them is constantly increasing. These facts, and many more equally startling, are set forth in an article written for The Survey by Dr. Henry H. Stoddard, [sic] director of the department of research of the training school at Vineland, N.J. ‘Our Government spends hundreds of thousands of dollars examining im migrants to see that none who are feeble-minded are ad mitted,’ writes Dr. Stoddard [sic]; ‘but here is a group already in our country who are breeding a race of feeble minded people more dangerous than many barred by the Immigration Inspectors.’ ” W eak-Minded Fill R anks o f Criminals: Dr. Henry Stoddard [sic] Says Social Prob lems Can Be Solved By Segregating Them, N.Y. Times, Mar. 10, 1912, at 6, col. 3. Goddard urged, in language A -14/New York later quoted in some state statutes, “permanent care where they will be happy and harmless,” for all those “unable to compete with their fellows on equal terms. . . . This army furnishes the recruits for the ranks of the crim inals, paupers, drunkards, the ne-er-do-wells, and others who are social misfits.” Quoted in id. “[W]hat then is to be done?” he asked. Dr. Goddard answered his own ques tion by proposing that “[a]fter these cases have been dis covered they must be removed from the environment in which it has been proved they are incapable o f living norm al lives in accordance w ith the conventions o f so ciety. They must be colonized in groups where they may be perfectly happy and somewhat useful. Only one lim itation needs be placed upon them in these places, and that is they must never become parents.” Quoted in id. Goddard concluded by emphasizing that “[w]e are dis cussing a possible State policy . . . many parents are ei ther normal or of such a high grade of defectiveness that they never get into court and yet have feeble-minded chil dren. We cannot touch these adults. We must somehow get hold of their children. . . . We may reasonably hope that a policy of segregation, carefully followed, will in a generation or two largely reduce our feeble-minded pop ulation and thereby solve our problems of criminals, dis ease, drunkenness, and crime.” Quoted in id. at cols. 3-4. On April 16, 1912, the legislature created a new state board and empowered it to authorize the sterilization “by such operation for the prevention of procreation as shall be decided by said board to be most effective,” “any” in stitutionalized person who, in the judgment of the board, “would produce children with an inherited tendency” to “feeble-mindedness, idiocy or imbecility.” 1912 N.Y. Laws 924, 925, ch. 445, §351. New York’s special treatment of its “alien defectives” during this period is evidenced by the response state of ficials gave to a survey form sent to each state on June 20, 1912 by a Pennsylvania commission gathering infor mation to assist the latter state in expanding its own in The N ortheas t/A-15 stitutions. New York’s response indicated that the state already had nearly 6,000 citizens segregated, noting spe cially that it “contributes towards the support of the alien poor patients in these institutions. ” REPORT OF THE COM MISSION on th e Segregation , Care and T reatm ent of F e e b l e -Min ded and E pileptic Perso n s in th e Commonwealth of Pennsylvania 28, 31 (1913). No other group was singled out by New York officials for special support. It was also about this time that the newly reknowned Henry Goddard was invited by the United States Public Health Service to administer Binet’s I.Q. test to the south ern and eastern European immigrants arriving in steer age at Ellis Island. “[G]iv[ing] the immigrant the benefit of every doubt,” he found that 79% of the Italians, 80% of the Hungarians, 83% of the Jews, and 87% of the Rus sians he tested were “feeble-minded.” Goddard, Mental Testing and the Im m igrants, 2 J. DELINQUENCY 243, 249, 252 (1917). The New York Times reported in an article entitled Alien Defectives appearing on January 13, 1913 that since “three-tenths of feeble-minded children are of alien or naturalized parents, the problem of detecting defective immigrants is very grave.” N.Y. Times, Jan. 13, 1913, at 10. The account cited a recommendation by Assistant Surgeon C. P. Knight of the United States Public Health Service at Ellis Island, writing in the January 11 issue of the Am erican M edical Association Journal, for “control ling the procreation of the mentally defective by segre gating them.” Alien Defectives, supra. As Dr. Knight had stated, “[t]here is scarcely a ship coming into the Port of New York which does not carry among its passengers a mental defective of some degree.” Id., quoting Knight, The Detection o f the Mentally Defective Among Im m i grants, 60 A.M.A.J. 106 (1913). In the A.M.A. Jou rn al article, Dr. Knight explained that he had “becom[e] familiar with different races” so he could “tell at a glance the abnormal from the normal.” A-16 /N ew York Id. at 107. “In studying the physical characteristics of mental defectives, the various ethnologic types are easily discerned: the dark skin, the curly hair and thick lips of the Ethiopian, the prominent and high cheekbones and deep orbits of the American Indian and the straight coarse hair and peculiar cast of countenance of the Mongolian.” Id. Even “more important in the determination of the mental status of the alien,” according to Dr. Knight, was “close application to the study of the race.” Thus, exam iners “should interpret the mental reaction of the alien only after having full knowledge of the different racial characteristics, for that which is a defect in an individual of a race o f high m ental attainm ent may be a normal condition in the existence of other people who have not atta in ed the sam e grade o f development. It is perfectly normal for the southern Italian to show emotion on the slightest provocation but should he show the stolidity and indifference of the Pole or Russian, we would look on him with suspicion and perhaps hold him for a detailed examination.” Id. By the use of such techniques, Knight hoped to “reduc[e] to a minimum the entrance into this country of the mentally and morally low type of alien. Immigration largely contributes to the high percentage of this class in the United States.” Id. at 106. By 1914, the “defectives” were being expelled from the public schools. As the New York Times editorialized: “If the policy recommended by the Board of Education’s committee on ungraded classes had been sensibly adopted in the beginning a good deal of money might have been saved for teaching sound-minded children that has been wasted on mental defectives who could not be helped. The report says: ‘Most imbeciles and all idiots can in no way derive any lasting benefits from atten dance at the public schools. Their mental condition can not be improved either by the course of study or disci pline. The only practical and humane solution is insti tutional care.’ ” The Feeble-Minded in Schools, N.Y. Times, Mar. 13, 1914, at 8, col. 4. The N ortheast/A-17 That same year, as a result of the public demand for action, the legislature created a special State Commis sion to study the problem, as urged by the New York Times. 1914 N.Y. Laws 772, ch. 272. The Commission believed that “we are now in a po sition where it is both a duty and a privilege to adopt a complete system o f public provision that will in a very large measure elim inate the burden o f feeble-m indedness from the c o m m u n ity Id . at 18. Sterilization, according to the Commission, was no panacea, since surgery prevented only parenthood, and did not eliminate the other social menaces stemming from permitting “defectives” to be at large. Moreover, such a law might lead to “withdrawfl] from the influence o f our institutions large numbers of feeble-minded who other wise might be amenable to whatever advantages and w hatever custodial provision was m ade.” Id. at 19. STATE of New York , Report of th e State Commission to Investigate Provision for th e Mentally De f i cien t 19 (1915). The major problem, according to state officials, was that thousands of “mental defectives are at liberty in the community today . . . without restraint or public con trol.” Id. at 34. “To attempt reformation is a gross waste of time and of money. The average cost per inmate in a specially organized institution for defectives is half of the average cost in our reformatory institutions.” Id. at 35. The solution was to expand the institutions and to bring more of the “defectives” under control. Accordingly, the legislature enacted on May 14, 1919 “AN ACT in relation to mental defectives. . . .” 1919 N.Y. Laws 1683, ch. 633. The law defined “mental defective” to mean “any person afflicted with mental defectiveness from birth or from an early age to such an extent that he is incapable of managing himself and his affairs, who for his own welfare or the welfare of others or o f the com munity requires supervision, control or care, and who is not insane or of unsound mind. ”/d. at 1684, art. 1, § 2(5). A-18/New York The legislation established a procedure for certifying that one’s mental defect was “of such a nature as to require his supervision, control and care for his own welfare and for the welfare of others or fo r the w elfare o f the com m unity.” Id. at 1697, art. 4, § 26. This determination was to be made by “qualified examiners.” Id. § 25. As a result of this law, state officials were soon over whelmed with retarded people to segregate. The State Commission for Mental Defectives indicated in 1926 that although it was “gratifying to report progress during the year in additional housing for mental defectives[, t]he need of more beds is so great that it outweighs other con siderations.” State of New York, E ighth Annual Re port of th e State Com m ission for Mental De f e c t iv e s , J uly 1, 1925 to J une 30, 1926, at 7 (Leg. Doc. No. 92, 1927). The scope of the physical expansion ne cessitated by the 1919 law was noted in the agency’s An nual Report: “Defectives who are detrimental to society cannot be segregated until institution bed capacity is in creased. Those of too low grade intelligence to be cared for in the public schools are often neglected at home and a source of economic disaster to the family. The segre gation o f these in institutions awaits erection of new buildings.” Id. Thousands of beds were planned and pro vided throughout the state. Id. Pennsylvania. In 1893 the Pennsylvania General As sembly authorized the construction of a large institution in western Pennsylvania with a capacity for at least “eight hundred inmates,” to include a “custodial or asylum de partment.” 1893 Pa. Laws 289, 290, No. 256, § 7. The facility was to be for the “reception” and “detention” of “idiotic and feeble-minded children,” id. at 291, § 10, the sole restriction being that they be “under the age of twenty years,” id. § 11. By 1903, a second institution similarly organized was authorized to be built in the eastern part of the state. 1903 Pa. Laws 446, No. 424. In 1911, the Pennsylvania Conference of Charities and Corrections argued to the legislature that it had a The Northeast!A - 19 large problem on its hands. The legislature decided that a comprehensive study was necessary, and so adopted a joint resolution to establish a special commission, “the duty of which Commission shall be to take into consid eration the number and status of feeble-minded and ep ileptic persons in the Commonwealth and the increase of such persons, and to report to the General Assembly at its next session a plan or plans for the segrega tion, care, and treatment of such defectives. . . . ” 1911 Pa. Laws 927, § 1. The resolution was enacted because the legislature felt that “[a] proper regard for the public welfare requires that some action be taken looking to the segregation of such feeble-minded and epileptic persons.” Id. (pream ble). On April 21, 1913, the Commission reported to the legislature that “[w]here the mental disability is of a de gree which renders the afflicted individuals unfit for cit izenship, or a menace to the peace, they are regarded and treated as anti-social beings, and may be permanently segregated in institutions especially constructed for their reception and care. The condition of mind in amentia is irremediablef;] the segregation as the rule should there fore be permanent.” REPORT OF THE COMMISSION ON the Segregation , Care and T reatment of F e e b l e - Minded and E pileptic Perso n s in the Common wealth of Pennsylvania 43 (1913). The Commission considered retarded people “such an unpleasant burden, that parents usually are more than willing to part with them,” id. at 38, but “[legislation” was “needed to compel the segregation of feeble-minded and epileptic persons,” id. at 40. Who was to be incar cerated? “[A] type of mind must be established as a nor mal standard for the age, race and social status of each individual, and he who falls below this to a recognizable degree is ipso facto feeble-minded.” Id. at 42. Six weeks later, the legislature enacted comprehen sive legislation, creating a new official purpose for the state’s institution: “segregation” of all “idiotic, imbecile A-20/P en n sy lvan ia or feeble-minded persons,” 1913 Pa. Laws 494, No. 328, § 1, and the removal of all age restrictions on admissions, id. at 496, § 3. The lawmakers also established a new “Village for Feeble-Minded Women” to be “entirely and specially devoted to the reception, segregation [and] de tention” of “feeble-minded women of child-bearing age. . . .” 1913 Pa. Laws 1319, No. 817. By 1922, the Superintendent of the Eastern Pennsylvania State Insti tution for the Feeble-Minded was reporting that “the gen eral public [is] now convinced more than ever that it is a good thing to segregate the idiot and the imbecile.” R. Sm ilovitz , a Br ie f History of Pen n h urst 1908-1926, Com piled from S u perin ten d en t ’s Doc um en ts (1974). Rhode Island. The General Assembly of Rhode Is land enacted in 1907 “AN ACT FOR THE ESTABLISH MENT, MAINTENANCE, MANAGEMENT, AND CONTROL OF THE RHODE ISLAND SCHOOL FOR THE FEEBLE-M IN DED.” 1907 R.I. Pub. Laws 89, ch. 1470. Within the institution there was created a special “custodial department for the care and custody of feeble minded persons beyond school age, or who are not ca pable of being benefited by school instruction.” Id. at 90, § 3. Institutionalization could be sought by filing a “com plaint in writing” alleging that "any person within the district wherein such court is established is feeble-minded, so as to require restraint for his own wel fare or for the welfare of the public.” Id. at 91, § 6. The purpose of the institution, according to the first annual report to the legislature, was to “not only protect the [feeble-minded] children themselves, but at the same time to guard society against the children.” REPORT OF th e Rhode Island School for th e F e e b l e -Minded IN EXETER 20 (1910). State officials strongly encouraged parents to commit their children voluntarily to the facil ity: “Society is made up of families and when the family suffers society suffers. Talk with any one who has had the opportunity to know intimately the history of families The N ortheast/A-21 in which there have been feeble-minded children, and let him tell of the cases of fathers driven to drink, whole families plunged into poverty and pauperism, and of mothers made insane or even done to death by the pres ence of the unfortunate child in the home.” Id. at 21. Vermont. In 1913, the General Assembly of Ver mont created the “Vermont State School for Feeble-minded Children.” 1913 Vt. Acts 96, No. 81, § 1. Proceedings to place a retarded person in the institution could be initiated by, in addition to a parent or guardian, any “selectman of the town . . . in which such child re sides.” Id. at 98, § 13. In 1916, state officials “report[ed] that the people in Vermont are beginning to take a marked interest in the study of feeble-mindedness, and its baneful and increas ing effects on the population of the State, and that with a better understanding of the conditions which exist, there will be a tendency to view the handling of the ques tion in a more practical and common sense manner. The burden of feeble-mindedness is felt by the entire public, and every intelligent person who has carefully consid ered the subject realizes that this blight on m ankind is increasing at a rapid rate, and that unless radical meas ures are adopted to curb the influences which tend to promote its growth it will only be a matter of time before the resulting pauperism and criminality will be a burden too heavy for any country or people to bear. The feeb le minded are a parasitic, predatory class, never capable of self-support or of managing their own affairs, and the majority of them ultimately become public charges.” RE- po rtof th e Verm ont State School for th e F e e b l e - Minded Children for the Period E nding Septem ber 30, 1916, at 17-18 (1916). As a result of the actions of the state, “[t]he public is now fully aware of the danger the defective is at large and realizes the importance of instituting means for their con trol. There is nothing that can be done more effectively toward the prevention of feeble-mindedness, crime and A.-22/V erm ont poverty and toward the prom otion o f our best citizen ship, than to segregate the feeble-m inded and properly care for them.” Id. at 18. Midwestern States Illinois. On June 24, 1915, the Illinois General As sembly passed a bill establishing a facility as an institu tion for the “detention of feeble-minded persons.” 1915 111. Laws 245. Such “detention” was mandated not only for the retarded person’s “own welfare,” but also “for the welfare of others, or fo r the welfare o f the community so long as the person was “not classifiable as an ‘insane person.’ ” Id. at 245-46, §1. “[A]ny reputable citizen of the county in which such supposed feeble-minded per son resides or is found could seek the institutionalization of such a person by filing a petition stating that it was detrimental “to the w elfare o f the community, fo r him to be at large.” Id. at 246, §3. The “guiding and controlling thought of the court” at these proceedings was to be not only “the welfare of the feeble-minded person” but also “the w elfare o f the com m unity.” Id. at 249, § 9. Indiana. In 1914, Indiana officials reported to the Governor that there were still “at the most conservative estimate that can be made, at least four thousand feeble minded in Indiana” requiring institutionalization, and that “[these] people are at large, a nuisance to the com munity in which they live; nearly all of them paupers; many of them petty criminals; the women filling the houses of prostitution; all of them poor, improvident, lazy — in short, incompetents. These people are increasing rapidly, and unless cared for will, in the next hundred years, bring an unbearable burden on our grandchildren and great-grandchildren. Shall we leave them such an inheritance, or shall we do something now to stop it? Were we to put all these four thousand defectives now at large into institutional care today, this institution could provide for practically all needing the care of an institu The M idwest/A-23 tion at the end of the next fifty years. No provision is made for adult male feeble-minded in this State, and these men should be segregated from the world in some place where they could be made in a measure self-supporting.” Thirty-S ixth Annual Report of the Indiana School for F e e b l e -Minded Youth for th e F iscal Year E nding Septem ber 30, 1914, at 14 (1914). In 1915, the Board of State Charities of Indiana adopted a resolution that read: “Whereas, The problem of the mental defective is one of our greatest social as well as financial burdens and is increasing in importance and weight every year, and Whereas, Mental defective ness is believed to be one of the most important if not the most important cause of pauperism, degeneracy and crime,” resolved that a committee be established to make recommendations concerning this problem. Governor Ralston acted favorably on this resolution and appointed a Committee on Mental Defectives. The work of the Committee and its first report, on November 10, 1916, was used to convince the governor and the legislature that it was “imperative that the State must very soon take cognizance of the large number of dependent defectives at large in the State, a menace to society, increasing at a rapid rate, and take steps to seg regate them from the public, and thus check their repro duction not alone as a matter of philanthropy, but as an economic measure.” THIRTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE INDIANA SCHOOL FOR FEEBLE-MINDED YOUTH, Fort Wayne, Indiana, F or the F iscal Year E nding Septem ber 30, 1916, at 14 (1917). The Indiana officials were also “pleased to note that ‘The Committee on Men tal Defectives’ appointed by you to study the problem of Mental Defectiveness in Indiana, recently urgently rec ommended the enactment of such a law, and we wish to strongly endorse their recommendation and urge that this remedial legislation be had at the coming session of the Legislature. We have deeply felt the need of this law in several cases in recent years, where we found ourselves A -24 /Ind iana utterly helpless to prevent the withdrawal of girls by par ents or relatives while we knew that were unfit to be out in the world. . . . ” Id. at 15. They also recommended “the establishment of a new and separate institution to house them from the danger o f contact with the public.” Id. The Committee on Mental Defectives was reap pointed by newly elected Governor James P. Goodrich. The Committee’s second report was published March 6, 1919. One week later, the General Assembly passed as “emergency” legislation “AN ACT to provide for the es tablishment and government of an Indiana farm colony for feeble-minded” which incorporated practically all of the recommendations of the Committee on Mental Defec tives. 1919 Ind. Acts 480, ch. 94. The lawmakers created a commission and ordered it to “select a suitable site for the farm colony” and to “purchase not less than 1,000 acres of land in a body” for it. Id. § 2. The law specified that “the buildings to be constructed for its use shall be plain and inexpensive in character,” id. at 482, § 6, and required that “the labor in constructing such buildings, improvements and facilities shall be supplied as far as applicable by the persons committed to the institution,” id. The Committee on Mental Defectives, while express ing gratitude for this legislation, “recommend[ed] in creased provision at the Farm Colony for Feeble-Minded” in order for the state “to provide adequately for such cases as cannot, without m enace to the community, be pro vided for in the home or the public school.” M E N T A L Defe c t iv es in Indiana: T hird Report of th e Indi ana Com m ittee on Mental Defec tiv es 8 (1922). The exact nature of the menace was described by the Governor’s Committee as follows: “The uncared-for insane, epileptic and feebleminded constitute a social menace, but the part played by the feeblem inded in dis counting social progress is by fa r the most potent influ ence fo r evil under which society is struggling today. . . . The M idwest/A-25 Modern theory grants that the rights of the individual must not interfere with the welfare of the community. From the latter standpoint, the mental defective must be considered as a possible financial burden to the commu nity, a potential menace through the commission of crime, and an increasing detriment to the race through the propagation of his kind. . . . What subject is more vital than this to the people of our state? The menace of the mental defective is a real and pressing one. All indi viduals and organizations interested in human welfare are urged to cooperate in a state-wide program for in forming the citizens o f our state concerning the dangers that threaten, and awakening them to the disastrous con sequences if this important matter is neglected. This should result in such united action as will lessen the bur den of pauperism, degeneracy, disease and crime, and decrease the cost to the taxpayers.” Id. at 6. In addition to appropriating the increased funds re quested for segregation, the legislature, on March 3, 1931, passed “AN ACT providing for the sexual sterili zation of feeble minded persons.” 1931 Ind. Acts 116, ch. 50. Indiana has been the first state in the country to en act a sterilization law. 1907 Ind. Acts 877, ch. 215. The new law provided that, at the point at which com m it ment o f any mentally retarded person was sought, “it shall be the duty of each of the examining physicians appointed by the court” to “certify to the court whether, in his opinion, such person is the probable potential par ent of mentally incompetent or socially inadequate off spring likewise afflicted.” Id. § 1. Upon a finding by the court that “the welfare of society and of such feeble minded person will be promoted by his or her steriliza tion,” the superintendent “may have performed upon such feeble-minded person” sterilization surgery “at such time as he may deem expedient.” Id. § 3. Iowa. On March 17, 1876, the General Assembly of Iowa enacted legislation “FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN ASYLUM FOR FEEBLE MINDED CHIL- A-26 /Iowa DREN.” 1876 Iowa Acts 145, ch. 152. Admission was originally limited to “children between the ages of seven and eighteen.” Id. at 148, § 15. After the turn of the cen tury, the state authorized the segregation of increased numbers of retarded people. The first to be confined, by enactment of April 7, 1902, were “all feeble-minded women under forty-six years of age.” 1902 Iowa Acts 73, ch. 118. The next were “all feeble minded men under 46 years of age.” 1909 Iowa Acts 171, ch. 173. In 1921, all age restrictions were repealed. 1921 Iowa Acts 126, ch. 129. State officials continually campaigned for the ex pansion of facilities for segregation, see, e.g., TWENTY- F ourth B iennial Report of th e S uperin ten d en t of th e Iowa Institution for the F eeblem in d ed 7-8 (1922). On April 13, 1929, the General Assembly enacted legislation “to create a state board of eugenics, to define the powers and duties of said board, [and] to fix the pro cedure in the sexual sterilization of persons.” 1929 Iowa Acts 106, ch. 66. The members of the Board of Eugenics, which consisted of not only the superintendents of state institutions, but also the commissioner of public health, were ordered to “report to the state board of eugenics the names of all persons, male or female, living in this state, of whom he or she may have knowledge, who are feeble minded . . . and who are a menace to society.” Id. § 2. Kansas. In 1881, the Legislature of Kansas estab lished “the Kansas state asylum for idiotic and imbecile youth.” 1881 Kan. Sess. Laws 74, ch. 35. Admission was limited to those “not over fifteen years of age.” Id. at 75, § 6 . The superintendent of the institution, I.W. Clark, in 1906 urged the adoption of a law to enlarge the institu tion and to accomplish the segregation of feeble-minded persons of all ages. THIRTEENTH BIENNIAL REPORT OF th e Kansas School for F e e b l e -Minded Youth , W in fie l d , Kansas, for th e Two Years ending J une 30, 1906, at 6 (1906). According to Superintendent Clark: The M idw est/A-27 “Legislative attention to a more extended provision for the idiotic and feeble-minded is an imperative demand upon the state. For a score of years the opinions of phi lanthropists and of those interested in sociologic work have been steadily advancing in a certain direction, until now they are unanimously convinced that as a m atter o f public policy all the feeble-m inded class shoidd be segre gated and provided fo r by the state. Various are the rea sons which have led up to this conviction, and to most persons they are easily obvious. In this state to-day there are in the county-houses, and in the communities at large, a large num ber o f this class who are a menace, a blight and a m isfortune both to themselves and to the public.” Id. at 12. Therefore, the superintendent recommended that “[t]he age limit of fifteen years should be removed, and the capacity of the home be enlarged so as to receive all persons who are feeble-m inded, regardless of age." Id. at 6. On March 12, 1909, the legislature acted. The name of the institution was “hereby changed to the State Home for Feeble-minded,” and “[a]ll inmates admitted to said institution” were placed “under the custody and control of the superintendent of said institution, and the super intendent may restrain any such inmate when he deems it necessary for the welfare of such inmate and the proper conduct of the institution.” 1909 Kan. Sess. Laws 560-61, ch. 233, §§ 1, 2. In 1917, the legislature enacted a law providing that, if the Superintendent of the State Home for Feeble minded “shall certify in writing” to the institution’s gov erning board “that he or she believes that the mental or physical condition of any inmate would be improved thereby or that procreation by such inmate would be likely to result in defective or feeble-minded children with crim inal tendencies, and that the condition of such inmate is not likely to improve so as to make procreation by such person desirable or beneficial to the state, [then] it shall be lawful to perform a surgical operation for the sterili A-28 /Kansas zation of such inmate.” 1917 Kan. Sess. Laws 443 ch 299, § 1. State officials applauded this legislation, and pre dicted a marked decrease in the number of feeble-minded persons. However, they reported that “the decrease will be nothing like so great as it should be unless our im m igration laws are so changed as to greatly reduce the number o f undesirables from Europe entering this coun try. . . . We shall be disappointed further that the de crease is no greater on account of the ease with which feeble-minded persons may obtain a marriage certificate, enter the marriage state and rear a family like unto them selves. . . . Asexualization will be condemned by some as being too harsh a measure, but it becomes incumbent on those who would discourage it to offer something better, for the future will compel us to act. If society by her phil anthropic efforts annuls the law of the survival of the fittest, then self-interest will compel her to adopt meas ures which will prevent the multiplication of those who at best can only add degeneracy to the race.” TWENTI ETH B iennial Report of th e State T raining School F or th e Two Years E nding J une 30, 1920 at 7-8 (1920). Two years later, the superintendent reported “that the population of the institution has grown steadily,” and noted “the increased activity of welfare and Red Cross associations over the state that are constantly on the look out for unfortunate people, both young and old” to be institutionalized. TWENTY-FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT OF th e State T raining School F or the Two Years ENDING J une 30, 1922, at 3 (1922). As a result of the state’s policies, people were persuaded to place their re tarded relatives in the institution. The Superintendent noted that ‘as a consequence our ward buildings are be coming crowded, some wards housing twenty per cent more than the estimated capacity. Additional ward room is a necessity.” Id. at 11. The M idw est/A-29 Kentucky . The General Assembly of the Common wealth of Kentucky first chartered the “Kentucky Insti tution for Feeble-minded Children” as a corporate entity in 1894, although the facility apparently had been in ex istence previous to that date. See 1894 Ky. Acts 96, ch. 48, art. I, § 1. Admission to the institution at that time was limited to persons aged six through eighteen “whose mental condition is such that, in the judgment of the superintendent, they may be taught to read and write, or can be educated or trained to do work.” Id. at 115, art. Ill, §5 . In 1918, the General Assembly enacted more ma levolent legislation, entitled “AN ACT to provide for the commitment, care, treatment, training, segregation and custody” of “feeble-minded” persons. 1918 Ky. Acts 156, ch. 54. The law defined “feeble-minded person” as one who “requires supervision, care, training, control or cus tody for his own welfare or for the welfare of others or the com m unity . ” Id. § 1. It also established and authorized “The Farm Colony for the Feeble-Minded,” including an ambitious plan for new construction on a 500-acre site. Id. at 156-57, 159-60, §§ 1, 9, 10. Proceedings to confine a person in the institution could be instituted against any person in the county who appears to be . . . feeble-minded.” Id. at 161, § 16. The same law made it “one of the special duties of every health officer and o f every public health nurse to institute proceedings to se cure the proper segregation and custody offeeble-m inded persons, likely to become fathers or mothers of other feeble-minded persons,” id., at 171, § 30, and made it a crime “to aid or abet the marriage of any feeble-minded person, and any person found guilty of aiding or abetting such marriage shall be fined not less than fifty dollars, nor more than five hundred dollars,"id. § 32. Michigan. In 1893, the Michigan Legislature estab lished the “Home for the Feeble-Minded and Epileptic.” 1893 Mich. Pub. Acts 412, No. 209. The institution was available to “[a]ll feeble-minded and epileptic persons be tween the ages of six and twenty-one.” Id. at 416, §§ 20, 21. In 1905, to insure long-term segregation, the legis lature required thatparents and guardians admitting their children to the home “waive all right to remove such inmate thereafter either permanently or for a limited time.” 1905 Mich. Pub. Acts 169-70, No. 121. A more comprehensive revision of the law took place four years later, 1909 Mich. Pub. Acts 189, No. 101, elim inating age restrictions, id. at 192, § 13, providing for roving physicians “empowered to go where such feeble minded and epileptic person may be and make such per sonal examination of him as to enable them to offer an opinion as to his mental condition” in order to certify them as “feeble-minded,” id. § 14. If, following a hearing, “such person shall be found and adjudged to be feeble-minded or epileptic the court shall immediately issue an order for his admission to the home for the feeble-minded.” Id. at 194. State officials described the value of the new law in maintaining life-long segregation and control in their re port to Governor Woodbridge Ferris: “Prior to the enact ment of the law of 1909, patients were admitted to this institution by direct application either by parents, guard ians, or certain public officials. The matter of the status of these patients was constantly before the Board of Con trol. The Board found it impossible to hold certain cases where, in their opinion, the welfare o f the State would dictate their being held. We therefore went to the Leg islature, requesting the passage of an act bringing all these cases, where the patient had not had his day in court, before the Probate Courts of the several counties for review and legal commitment. We now have no pa tients not committed by the Probate Court.” TENTH BI ENNIAL Report of th e Board of Control of the Michigan Hoime and T raining School at Lapeer for the B iennial Period E nding J une 30, 1914 (1914). A-30/M ichigan The M idw est/A-31 As John N. McCormick, Chairman of the State Board of Corrections and Charities later stated in official, pub lished instructions to Dr. H. A. Haynes, Superintendent of the Michigan home: “The members of this Board con sider it imperative that ample provision be made for the segregation and proper care of feeble-minded persons. A recent survey of Michigan removes any doubt as to the plain duty o f the State regarding feeble-m indedness, not only from a sociological but an economical standpoint as well. From our discussion of the situation with you at the meeting of this Board held at your institution, we are of the opinion that the items stated in your estimate of ap propriations for the next two years are needed, and the same are hereby approved.” ELEVENTH BIENNIAL RE PORT of th e Board of Control of th e Michigan Home and T raining School at Lapeer for th e B i ennial Perio d E nding J une 30, 1916, at 7 (1916). On May 25, 1923, the Michigan legislature adopted “AN ACT to authorize the sterilization of mentally de fective persons,” which class was “deemed to include id iots, imbeciles and the feeble-minded, but not insane per sons.” 1923 Mich. Pub. Acts 453, No. 285, § 1. “When ever a person is adjudged defective,” the court was au thorized to “order such treatment by x-rays or operation of vasectomy or salpingectomy. . . . ” Id. at 454, § 2. In a 1929 amendment, the legislature “hereby de clared [it] to be the policy of the state to prevent the pro creation and increase in number of feeble-minded, in sane and epileptic persons, idiots, imbeciles, moral de generates, and sexual perverts, likely to become a m en ace to society or wards of the state. The provisions o f this act are to be liberally construed to accom plish this pur pose.” 1929 Mich. Pub. Acts 689-90, No. 281, § 1. The law made it “the duty” of state officials operating the Home for Feeble-minded “to bring to the attention of the governing board or body of such institution and to the state welfare commission” any “mentally defective per son who would be likely to procreate children unless closely confined or rendered incapable of procreation” for whom they were “of the opinion” that it would be “for the best interest of such person and o f society that such men tally defective person should be sexually sterilized.” Id. at 690, § 4. The law made it “the duty,” in turn, of “the governing board or body of such institution and the state welfare commission to cause an investigation, and ex amination to be made to determine whether such men tally defective person would be likely, i f allowed to min gle in society, to procreate children having an inherited tendency to feeble-mindedness, insanity, idiocy, imbe cility, epilepsy, or sexual degeneracy, and who would be likely to become a social menace or a ward of the state, and whether there is no probability that the condition of such person would improve to such an extent as to avoid such consequences.” Id. at 690-91. Minnesota. In 1909, the legislature of Minnesota en acted a law “providing a department for incurables” for “all idiotic and epileptic persons resident of the state. . . ” 1909 Minn. Laws 72, ch. 80. A decade later, because the institution, located at Faribault, had filled beyond capac ity, the legislature authorized the state board of control “to select from the public lands of this state, the title to which is vested in the state, not to exceed two (2) sec tions of land to be used as a location for a colony for feeble minded persons. . . . ” 1919 Minn. Laws 475, ch. 407, § 1. In 1925, the legislature authorized residents of its institutions “to be sterilized by the operation of vasec tomy or tubectomy.” 1925 Minn. Laws 140, ch. 154. Missouri. In 1899, the “Missouri Colony for the Feeble-minded” was established. 1899 Mo. Laws 1821, ch. 118, art. 10. As the institution’s population grew, the “board of managers of said colony” was “empowered to establish other colonies in temporary or permanent camps.” 1919 Mo. Laws 183-84, § 2. State officials continually requested increased ap propriations for expansion. In one annual report to the legislature, for example. Dr. E. E. Brunner, superintend A-32 /M ichigan The Midivest/A-33 ent of the institution, stated: “We need another building to care for the custodial type of idiot patients as that build ing is entirely overcrowded.” SIXTH BIENNIAL REPORT of the Board of Managers of the State E leem o s ynary In stitu tio n s to th e F ifty -Seventh General Assem bly of th e State of Misso u ri for the Two F iscal Years Beginning J anuary 1, 1931, and E nd ing De c em ber 31, 1932, at 291 (1933). According to Superintendent Brunner, “[t]he number of applications is not an indication that the number of feeble-minded is on the increase in the State, but to the education of the people of the State as to the significance o f feeble-m indedness and the need o f perm anent custodial care. . . Id. at 288. Nebraska. On March 5, 1885, the Legislature of Ne braska passed “AN ACT to establish and endow an Asy lum Home for feeble-minded children and adults at or near the city of Beatrice, Nebraska, and making appro priation and levy therefor.” 1885 Neb. Laws 255, ch. 52. By 1914, Silas A. Holcomb, chairman of the newly established state Board of Commissioners, was writing in his first report to the governor and legislature that “[t]he population of the institution has increased to the point where its capacity is taxed to the limit. The demand for additional admissions is steady and will continue.” The Board recommended an ambitious expansion program, “[w]ith a view of relieving the congested condition and making suitable provisions for future admissions. F IR ST Biennial Report of the Board of Com m issioners of State In stitutions to the Governor and Leg islature of th e State of Nebraska for the B ien nium E nding November 30, 1914, at 9 (1915). Expanded institutions would be necessary partially as a result of projected population increases for the state. See id. They would also be the necessary result, however, of a comprehensive program “submitted] for the serious consideration of the Governor and the legislature” of test ing and registration which “would unquestionably re- veal others who are feeble-minded and who ought not to be returned to society .” Id. at 10. Observing that “[t]he only effective m easures to meet these conditions are segregation and sterilization ,” the Board criticized the then current law: “but in our state neither of these may be applied except as a voluntary proceeding on the part of the legal guardian of the feeble- mindedperson. . . . Itisnotaproceedingby whichafeeble- minded person may be committed to nor detained in the institution against the desire of the parent or guardian.” Id. at 11. By amending the law, “the community is en abled to seclude those who cannot safety be allowed to mingle freely w ith their fellow s. We, therefore, recom mend that a statute, similar to those above mentioned, be enacted by this state to provide that admission to the in stitution for feeble-minded be by order of commitment entered by the county court of the proper county, after due hearing and finding upon a petition filed by the hus band, wife, parent, guardian or other person standing in loco parentis to the alleged feeble-minded person, or by the superintendents, managers or trustees of any insti tution having such person in charge, or by the county commissioners, county attorney, superintendent or prin cipal of schools, or a probation officer of the county in which such alleged feeble-minded person shall reside.” Id. at 11-12. The legislature responded, enacting an amendment on April 14, 1915, extending the list of people eligible to initiate commitment proceedings to include “the county commissioners, county attorney, any poor law official, any superintendent or principal of schools, or any probation or parole officer of the county of which such idiotic, im becile or feeble-minded person is a bona fide resident, . . . and the superintendent or managing officer of any public or charitable institution having in charge any id iotic, imbecile or feeble-minded person.” 1915 Neb. Laws 294, ch. 131. “[Detention” was mandated if “it shall ap pear that the person named in the application is an idiot, A-34 /N ebraska The M idwest/A - 3 5 an imbecile or a feeble-minded person and that the best interests of such person or the welfare o f society require that he be committed to said institution for the feeble minded.” Id. at 295. “It shall be the duty of said institu tion to receive all such idiotic, imbecile and feeble minded persons duly committed thereto and to detain them therein, and to arrest and return any who may es cape therefrom.” Id. Shortly thereafter, the lawmakers passed “AN ACT to authorize the sterilization of feeble-minded,” whose “children would probably become a social menace” and “would be harmful to society.” 1915 Neb. Laws 554-55, ch. 237. The act was not approved by the governor, but became operative without his signature. In 1921, the legislature changed the name of the in stitution from the “Nebraska Institution for Feeble-minded Youth” to simply the “Nebraska Institu tion for the Feeble-minded,” in recognition of the aban donment of all age restrictions. 1921 Neb. Laws 843, ch. 241, § 1. “The objects of the institution shall be to pro vide custodial care and humane treatment for those who are feeble-minded, to segregate them from society, to study to improve their condition, [and] to classify them.” Id. North Dakota. The Legislative Assembly of North Dakota in 1903 adopted “AN ACT to Establish an Insti tution for the Feeble Minded,” to be “permanently main tained at or near the city of Grafton” for “all idiotic and epileptic persons residents of this state.” 1903 N.D. Sess. Laws 142, 143, ch. 108, §§ 1, 6. State Superintendent L. B. Baldwin reported that it was “advisable that they be placed in institutions of this character fo r life. A rela tionship exists between the forms of degeneracy, namely, the criminal, the inebriate, the prostitute and the feeble minded.” The view of state officials was that “to protect posterity,” it was necessary to undertake “the gathering of this great number of defectives into institutions and colonies.” F ir st BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE NORTH DA A -36 /N orth D akota kota In stitu tio n s for F e e b l e Minded at Grafton fo r th e Perio d E nding J une 30, 1904 to th e Gov ern o r of North Dakota 9-10 (1904). In 1909, the Legislative Assembly promoted the per manent segregation of those committed by providing that “any inmate of such institution shall not be removed therefrom,” except by written application, and “said re quest must receive the approval of the superintendent before such inmate can be removed.” 1909 N.D. Sess. Laws 317-18, ch. 213, § 1. In 1913, the legislature provided that “any feeble minded person who is offensive to the -public peace or to good morals, and who is a proper subject for classifica tion and discipline in the institution, may be commit ted” without consent. 1913 N.D. Sess. Laws 222, ch. 166, § 1. This provision was enacted as an emergency meas ure in view of “the fact that there is now no law for com pulsory commitment of feeble-minded persons obnox ious to the peace and good morals of the public.” Id. § 3. The Legislative Assembly authorized the superin tendent to “admit to the institution temporarily, without commitment, under such rules and regulations as the Board of Administration may prescribe, for purposes of observation, such children or adults as are suspected of being feeble minded or idiotic, to ascertain whether or not such person is actually mentally defective and a proper case for care, treatment and training in an institution for the feeble-minded.” 1921 N.D. Sess. Laws 123, ch. 64. It was also made “the duty of the superintendent” to “report quarterly to the Board of Examiners herein pro vided for, all feeble-minded” who were considered as hav ing “potential to producing off-spring, who, because of inheritance of inferior or antisocial traits, would probably become a social menace. . . . ” 1927 N.D. Sess. Laws 433, ch. 263, § 1. The Board would, following a hearing, “make an order requiring such person to be sterilized.” Id. at 434, § 3. The purpose of the law was to “protect society from the menace of procreation by said inmate.” Id. § 5. The M idw est/A-37 Ohio. As early as 1857, the General Assembly of Ohio established the “Ohio State Asylum for Idiots. ” 1857 Ohio Laws 190, 191. In 1898, Ohio lawmakers established “a custodial de partment” for the “detention” of “idiotic and feeble-minded children and adults,” 1898 Ohio Laws 209, § 1, and established an involuntary commitment pro cedure, id. at 211, § 6. In 1912, Superintendent E. J. Emerick called for in creased facilities. “If we could segregate these defectives when they are young and keep them confined during their natural lives, it would obviate the expense of having them committed repeatedly to our penitentiaries when they grow older. Under our present plan they are sent to our penal institutions for a short term after committing some crime, allowed to go out again, scatter their progeny, and commit other crimes and depredations, only to be recom mitted time after time. . . . If we take these children into our institution, brighten them up as best we can, and turn them loose on the public, it has not only been a waste of time, money, and energy, but we have done the world an irreparable injury.” Emerick, The Segregation o f the Defective in PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL Education Association , 1912, at 1291-92 (1912). Emerick and others continued the same theme for the next several years. See E. J. EMERICK, THE PROBLEM OF the F eeblem in d ed (1913); J uvenile Protective As sociation of Cincinnati, T he F eeblem in d ed , or . The Hub to our Wh eel of Vice (1915); M. Se ssio n s , The F eeblem in d ed in Ohio (1918). In 1919, the legislature established “an additional in stitution in the state for the custody, supervision, con trol, care, m aintenance , and training of feeble-minded persons,” to receive “feeble-minded persons committed to its custody and care from any county in the state.” 1919 Ohio Laws 430, § 1. South Dakota. South Dakota’s first facility for the segregation of retarded people was a department of the A-38 /South D akota Northern Hospital for the Insane established as early as 1893. 1893 S.D. Sess. Laws 169, ch. 101. In 1917, the legislature enacted the state’s first sterilization law, mak ing it “the duty” of the State Board of Charities and Cor rections to order the sterilization of “any of said inmates [who] would produce children with a tendency to dis ease, feeble-mindedness, idiocy or imbecility. . . .” 1917 S.D. Sess. Laws 378-379, ch. 236, § 2. In 1921, the legislature passed an act “RELATING TO THE SEGREGATION OF FEEBLE MINDED.” 1921 S.D. Sess. Laws 344, ch. 235. The law created the State Commission for the Control of the Feeble Minded and empowered it “to make all necessary7 rules and reg ulations pertaining to the segregation, care and control of feeble minded persons. . . . ” Id. §§ 1, 3. It was “the purpose of this act to provide that all feeble minded per sons resident within this state shall become the wards o f the state and shall be kept segregated.” Id. § 2. In order to enforce this mandate, the “state commission shall make a survey of all state institutions and o f the state generally to ascertain the persons whom they believe to be feeble minded in order that said state commission may make necessary complaints to the county commission.” Id. at 344-45, § 5. Additionally, “[a]ll teachers” were required to “report all feeble-m inded childi'en coming to their a t tention to the state board.” Id. at 345. This system of outreach efforts to systematically segregate retarded peo ple became known nationwide as the “South Dakota Plan,” and became a model for similar efforts in other states. The legislation was deemed by the Commission to “constitute a substantially laid foundation upon which to erect the super-structure of a wise social and economic administration of the feeble-minded problem.” STATE OF South Dakota, Second B iennial Report of the Com mission for Segregation and Control of the F e e b l e -minded for the Period E nding J une 30, 1928 To th e Governor 2 (1928). The M idw est/A-39 The Commission proposed legislation to require the “identification of all feeble-minded in the state and their registration as a matter of record [ , ] . . . a confirmative census [,] . . . supervision and control by properly con stituted authorities [ , ] . . . [and] the operation of the ster ilization law and the anti-marriage law. In fact the law is designed to give the defective the protection of the state, and at the same time to protect the state against his so cial i n a d e q u a c y STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA, THIRD BI ENNIAL Report of the Commission for Segregation and Control of the F e e b l e -Minded F or the Pe riod E nding J une 30, 1930 To the Governor 3 (1930). The Commission warned that the proposed leg islation was necessary due to the large numbers of “feeble minded” who were “at large and uncontrolled by the state.” Id. at 4. On February 19, 1931, the comprehensive law re quested by the Commission was enacted. The term “fee ble minded” was broadly and vaguely defined to include “all individuals , except the insane, who by reason of men tal deficiency are incapable of doing the work of the grades in the public schools in a reasonable ratio to their years o f life ; or who by reason of mental deficiency and other associated defects are incapable of making the proper ad justm ents to life for one of their chronological age.” 1931 S.D. Sess. Laws 200, ch. 153, § 1. The Commission drafted into the law its paramount “authority in all mat ters pertaining to the care, supervision, and control of all feeble-minded persons in the State of South Dakota not confined within the state school and home for the feeble minded. Said commission shall determine the conditions under which such feeble minded persons shall be per mitted to remain outside of said institution; and when, and under what conditions, commitment to such insti tution shall be required.” Id. § 2. The Commission was given “the duty” to “maintain a continuative census of the feeble minded in the state, and all boards of educa tion, school principals, county superintendents of A-40 /Sou th D akota schools, city school superintendents, and teachers, are hereby specifically required to give said commission, or its agents, such access as the commission, or its agents, deem necessary to all school records, and to all children within their control for purposes of examination. . . . ” Id. § 3(a). Moreover, it was to “be the duty of all teachers, city school superintendents and county superintendents of schools” as well as “the duty of all doctors, nurses, hospitals, penal and charitable institutions, county wel fare boards, public health officers, and public officers, boards, or commissions within the State of South Da kota, to report to the state commission for the control of the feeble minded the name, age, and residence of all children believed by them to be feeb le minded, and also to furnish whenever requested by the state commission for control of the feeble minded any and all information which they may have relative to the name, age, residence and antecedents of any person believed to be feeble minded.” Id. § 3(b), (c). “Sub-Commissions,” were es tablished in each county of the state “under the direct authority of the state commission” with the “specific au thority” to “apprehend, exam ine, commit, establish guardian ships, transport, and m aintain the custody of any feeble m inded person within their respective coun ties.” Id. at 200-01, § 4. “It shall also be the duty of each sub-commission to declare to be feeble minded all of those persons whom the sub-commission, or whom a majority of the members of such sub-commission, find upon in vestigation and examination to be feeble minded; and forthwith to commit such feeble minded to the supervi sion and control of the state commission. . . . ” Id. at 201, § 6 . This legislation, according to the Commission, “would serve the purpose of securing control and super vision o f cdl the feeble-m inded outside o f institutions in the State.” STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA, FOURTH BIEN NIAL Report of the Commission for Segregation and Control of th e F e e b l e -Minded F or th e Pe The M idw est/A-41 riod E nding J une 30, 1932 To the Governor 3 (1932). “[T]he Commission was thoroughly convinced that the great problem o f feeble-m indedness lay in that large group of feeble-minded outside o f institutions,” who were “scattered throughout the population” and “in possession o f all the righ ts and liberties o f normal peo ple.” Id. The Commission found that most of “the feeble minded were at large and uncontrolled by the State,” id., but that would change: “To have control there must be: 1st, Identification; 2nd, Examination; 3rd, Registration; 4th, Supervision; 5th, Prevention (of marriage); 6th, Ster ilization. The new law is designed to fulfill these require ments.” Id. Commission personnel “were sent into the various counties and through contact with the schools, welfare boards, health officers, social agencies, physicians, nurses, and public agencies of every kind, sought to lo cate every possible feeble-m inded individual.” Id. at 9. Two years later, the Commission reported “the number who have been committed to the State Commis sion, those who are segregated in the institution and those who have been sterilized, are now all under State Con trol.” State of South Dakota, F ifth B iennial Re port of the State Com mission for th e Control of the F e e b l e -Minded F or the Period E nding J une 30, 1934 To THE GOVERNOR 5 (1934). The Commission complained, though, that the state’s sterilization law was “much too complicated and cumbersome to achieve the best results.” Id. The legislature agreed, enacting legislation the fol lowing February giving each Sub-Commission, follow ing a hearing, “the power to make an order for the ster ilization of any feeble-minded person found within its re spective county. . . .” 1935 S.D. Sess. Laws 163, ch. 113, § 1. A petition for sterilization could be “filed with the Chairman of the Sub-Commission of the County in which A-42/Sou th D akota the person believed to be feeble-minded is found,” by “any resident of the County in which such person may be found.” Id. The “South Dakota Plan” was in effect in similar form at least through 1968. See STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA, Tw en ty-Second B iennial Report of th e State Com m ission for th e Mentally Retarded F or the Period E nding J une 30, 1968 To th e Governor (1968). Wisconsin. Public support in Wisconsin for segre gation of retarded people did not begin in earnest until the 1890s. Among those lobbying for the establishment of an institution, through a state-wide petition drive, were the Board of Health, the Federation of Women’s Organ ization, and the State Teachers Association. One such petition, signed by the leading citizens of Washburn County in 1891, called for the building of an institution “for the feeble-minded, who are a constant menace to the good order of society, and to social and domestic safety and tranquility. . . . ” Quoted in A. RUGG, ONE HUNDRED Years of Public Care for People with Mental Re tardation in W isconsin 8 (1983). Dr. J. H. McBride, a member of the Wisconsin Con ference of Charities and Corrections, stated the popular belief that retarded children should be removed from the family: “That an idiot child is, with its repulsive appear ance and disorderly habits, a demoralizing association fo r brothers and sisters, a thing that would seem to go without saying. Daily experience with the course and rude behavior of an idiot is an experience that must, of necessity, be seriously injuring to young and tender na tures.” Proceedings of th e W isconsin Co n feren c e of Ch arities and Correction s 118 (1890). In 1895, the legislature established “The Wisconsin Home for feeble-minded.” 1895 Wis. Laws 280, ch. 138, § 1. The facility was for “[a]ll feeble-minded, epileptic and idiotic persons, residents of the state.” Id. at 241, § 4. The law was amended in 1897, to provide that “when The M idwest/A-43 ever it shall appear that any feeble-minded female of child bearing age is, by reason of her condition, a menace to society, it is the duty of the supervisor to bring the person before the county judge. . . . ” 1897 Wis. Laws, ch. 360, § 1 . In his first biennial report. Superintendent Alfred W. Wihnarth requested of the legislature increased appro priations for additional dormitories in order to “purge so ciety and obstruct the increase of feeble-mindedness.” Wisconsin Board of Control, B iennial Report 321 (1898). What training that was provided focussed upon “educating the child as a useful member of the institu tional community where he will always live.” WISCON SIN Board of Control, B iennial Report 356 (1904). Indeed, Superintendent Wilmarth complained in his re port of the “annoyance . . . created by friends of some children who demand their release when they are en tirely unfit to go into general society.” Id. at 376. By 1912, state officials were reporting that the work of the institution basically “consisted] of separating them from society, feeding, and clothing them.” WISCONSIN Board of Con trol, B iennial Report 20 (1912). That same year, “the Board of Control was directed not to con sider ‘paroling’ anyone who ‘might’ become a menace to the community.” Id. A Visiting Committee of the legislature endorsed the continuation and extension of this approach and, in ad dition, urged the enactment of a sterilization law because of the “present danger to the race.” Report o f the Legis lative Visiting Committee, SENATE JOURNAL 263 (48th Leg. Sess.). In 1913, the legislature authorized the ster ilization of residents of the institution for whom it was found “that procreation is inadvisable.” 1913 Wis. Laws 972, ch. 693, § 3. The same day, the lawmakers made room for the incarceration of more “feeble-minded” by establishing a second institution. Id. at 963, ch. 689, § 1. It was needed since the population of the Home for the Feebleminded increased from 394 to 1060 in the period A-44 /W isconsin 1900-1920. W isconsin Board of Con trol, B iennial Report 290 (1920). Southern States Alabama. On September 29, 1919, the legislature of Alabama established “The Alabama Home” for “mental inferiors.” 1919 Ala. Acts 738, No. 568, § 2. “[D]eclared to be mental inferiors or deficients, or feeble-minded” by the legislature for purposes of con finement at the Home were “[ajll persons of whatever age, who are deficient or inferior to the extent of being classed in either of the following groups of the feeble minded: That is to say, idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded or morons, and any of whom may be, or may not be ep ileptics, but not violent or insane.” Id. at 739, § 7. The terms “feeble-minded” and “men tal inferior or deficient” were defined in the act to “in clude every person with such a degree of mental defec tiveness from birth, or from an early age that he is unable to care for himself and to manage his affairs with ordi nary prudence, or that he is a m enace to the happiness or safety of himself or o f others in the community, and requires care, supervision, and control either for his own protection or fo r the protection o f o t h e r s I d . The courts were given “the power and authority to commit such person to the Home notw ithstanding the family or relatives may object thereto.” Id. at 740, § 9. The same enactment also instructed the operators of the Alabama Home, that, if “they deem it advisable they are hereby authorized and empowered to sterilize any inmate.” Id. § 13. The law provided that “[t]he Superintendent must not grant a parole to any inmate unless he is of the opin ion that it will not be detrimental to such inmate or to society, and the Superintendent must recall said parole whenever he is satisfied that the welfare of such paroled The Sou th /A-45 inmate, or o f the com m unity to which said inm ate is p a roled requires it.” Id. § 14. Arkansas. Arkansas’ institution “for the Feeble-Minded” was created by an act of the legislature on March 6, 1917. 1917 Ark. Acts 942. The law broadly defined “feeble-minded” for the pur poses of confinement at the institution “to include all degrees o f m ental defect due to arrested or imperfect men tal development. Those feeble-minded persons possess ing approximate mental development not to exceed that of a normal child of three, shall be classed as ‘idiots;’ those approximately of the mentality of children from four to seven, inclusive, shall be known as ‘imbeciles;’ and those approximately with the mental development of normal children from eight to twelve, inclusive, shall be known as ‘morons.’ ” Id. § 11. Florida. In 1919, the Florida Legislature, noting “an alarming state of facts” in a report submitted to it by a committee appointed by the governor (see 1915 Fla. Laws 263, ch. 6920), and further noting “[f]rom the findings of the said Committee there can be no doubt that there should be established and created in this State an Insti tution for the care of Epileptic and Feeble-Minded, where they can be segregated,” established the “Florida Farm Colony for Epileptic and Feeble-Minded.” 1919 Fla. Laws 231, ch. 7887, preamble & § 1, The Colony was founded “to the end that these un fortunates may be prevented from reproducing their kind, and the various com m unities and the State at Large re lieved from the heavy economic and moral losses arising by reason o f their existence.” Id. § 8. Its purpose was “for the segregation” of the “feeble-minded. ” Id. Georgia. On August 19, 1919, the General Assembly of Georgia passed “An Act to establish in the State of Georgia an institution to be known as the ‘Georgia Train ing School for Mental Defectives.’ ” 1919 Ga. Laws 377, No. 373. The institution was ordered built “as soon as possible” for all “defectives” who “constitute menaces to themselves or the com m unity.” Id. § 1. The statute mandated that “preference in admission shall be given to children and women of child-bearing age,” but the institution was open to any “defective” who “constitutes a m enace to the happiness of himself or o f others in the com m unity” who were “not insane or of unsound mind.” Id. at 379, § 3. The institution opened in 1921. A year later, its first superintendent, George H. Preston, M.D., complained that the facility was “not large enough to fulfill the de mands made of it.” An n u a l R e p o r t o f t h e Ge o r g ia T r a in in g S c h o o l f o r M e n t a l D e f e c t i v e s , Gr a c e w o o d GEORGIA 4 (1922). According to the Re port, “the fact of primary importance to remember is that a defective child will be a defective adult, and will die a defective. There is not a philosopher’s stone to turn the base metals of defect into gold.” Id. The Georgia legislature enacted the state’s first ster ilization law, “for the protection of . . . future genera tions,” in 1937. 1937 Ga. Laws 414, No. 5. Louisiana. The “State Colony and Training School” was established by the Louisiana legislature in 1918 as “an institution especially provided for the feeble-minded persons of the state of Louisiana.” 1918 La. Acts, No. 141, § 1. A “ [f]eeble-minded” person was defined as “any person afflicted with mental defectiveness” who “requires supervision, control and care for his own welfare, or for the welfare of others, or fo r the welfare o f the commu nity, who is not classifiable as an insane person.” Id. § 2. “When any person residing in this state shall be sup posed to be feeble-minded,” and “it is unsafe and dan gerous to the welfare of the community for him to be at large without supervision, control, and care, any relative, guardian or conservator or any reputable citizen o f the parish in which such supposed feeble-minded person re sides” was authorized to seek that person’s commitment to the state colony. Id. § 11. The law required “the guid A-46/Georgia The Sou th /A-47 ing and controlling thought of the court throughout the proceedings” to be not only “the welfare of the feeble minded person” but also “the welfare of the com m unity.” Id. § 15. Mississippi. On April 3, 1920, the Mississippi Leg islature passed “AN ACT to provide for the establishment and maintenance of the Mississippi School and Colony for the Feebleminded . . . [and] to prevent the multipli cation of feebleminded criminals and paupers.” 1920 Miss. Laws 288, ch. 210. The law included in its defi nition of “feebleminded” those who “constitute m enaces to the happiness or safety of themselves or o f other per sons in the com m unity, and require care, supervision and control either for their own protection or for the protec tion of others.” Id. §2. The enactment was based upon the legislative finding that “the greatest danger of the feebleminded to the community lies in the frequency of the passing on of mental deficiency from one generation to another, and in the consequent propagation of crim inals and paupers.” Id. at 289. “[A] sufficient acreage of the Rankin County state convict farm” was ordered se lected and improved “as soon as practicable” for the es tablishment of the Mississippi Colony, bearing in mind the desirability of a large tract of land to provide for the growing demands of said institution.” Id. at 290, §8. The “Plan of the Mississippi Colony” was to provide “the most economical production of shelter, with the necessary dis tribution of heat, light and food, at the same time secur ing the isolation and segregation required.” Id. at 291, §9. The chancery courts were given jurisdiction over “all cases of legal inquiry in regard to feeblemindedness, in cluding idiocy, imbecility, and the higher grades and va rieties of mental inferiority which render the subjects un fit fo r citizenship .” Id. at 294, §17. Application for com mitment could be made “[a]t any time” by “any relative” to the clerk of the court, “but if the relatives of any fee bleminded person shall neglect or refuse to make appli cation to the clerk of the chancery court to have him ad judged feebleminded, and shall perm it him to go at large, the clerk of the chancery court shall, on the application, in writing and under oath, of a citizen of the county in question, issue a summons to the sheriff to summon the alleged feebleminded person and his parent, guardian, or next friend to contest the application.” Id. An order of commitment was to issue if the court “shall be satisfied that the person is feebleminded, and that for the safety or happiness of the feebleminded himself, or fo r the safety or happiness o f other persons in the community, he should be committed to the Mississippi Colony.” Id. at 297, §23. The legislature later authorized “the operation of ster ilization” to be performed “whenever” the Mississippi Colony’s superintendent “shall be of the opinion that it is for the best interests of the patients and o f society that any inmate of the institution under his care should be sexually sterilized,” 1928 Miss. Laws, ch. 294, §1 (em phasis provided), and that the board of trustees of the Colony “shall find that the said inmate” is “feeble minded or epileptic, and by the laws of heredity is the probable potential parent of socially inadequate offsprings like wise afflicted, that the said inmate may be sexually ster ilized without detriment to his or her general health, and that the welfare of the inmate and o f society will be pro moted by such sterilization.” Id. at 372, §2. North Carolina. The General Assembly of North Car olina in 1911 established the “North Carolina School for the Feebleminded” for all persons “idiotic and feeble minded six years of age and upward.” 1911 N.C. Sess. Laws 256, ch. 87, §1. The clerk of the county court was authorized to order commitment “[w]henever it is made to appear” that “any person resident in said county” was “a fit subject” for institutionalization. Id. at 257, §4. By a 1915 amendment, the General Assembly authorized commitment proceedings for children to be brought by, in addition to a parent or guardian, “third, by a guardian A-48 /Mississippi The South/A-49 duly appointed; fourth, by the superintendent of any county home, or by the person having the management of any orphanage, association, charity, society, children’s home workers, ministers, teachers, or physicians, or other institutions where children are cared for. Under items third and fourth, consent o f parents, i f living, is not re q u ir ed ” 1915 N.C. Sess. Laws 337-38, ch. 266, §3. According to state officials, “the aim of the institu tion” was “to segregate” all of “the state’s mental defec tives.” T h ir d B ie n n ia l R e p o r t o f t h e Ca s t l e T r a in ing S c h o o l , K in s t o n , N.C., F o r T h e Ye a r s 1915-1916, at 13(1916). “[I]f for a period of two or three generations mentally defective men and women were pre vented by segregation or sterilization from propagating their kind, mental deficiency would be very materially decreased. . . Id. at 14. By 1923, the General Assembly had authorized the commitment of “feeble-minded and mentally defective persons o f any age when in the judgment of the officer of public welfare and the board of directors of said insti tution it is deemed advisable.” 1923 N.C. Sess. Laws 223, ch. 34, §2. Under 1929 legislation, the superintendent of the in stitution was “hereby authorized and directed to have the necessary operation for asexualization or sterilization per formed upon any mentally defective or feeble-minded in mate or patient thereof, as may be considered best in the interest of the mental, moral, or physical improvement of the patient or inmate, or fo r the public good.” 1929 N.C. Sess. Laws 28, ch. 34, §1. Oklahoma. The Oklahoma legislature established the “Oklahoma Institution for the Feeble-minded” in 1909, for “all imbecile and idiotic persons of whatever state who are not insane.” 1909 Okla. Sess. Laws 534-35, 536, ch. 34, art. 2, § § 1, 4. Application for a commitment could be made by the father or mother, or: “Third: By a guardian duly appointed. Fourth: By the supei’intendent of any county alms house. Fifth: By the persons having A -50/O klahom a the management of any institution or asylum where chil dren are cared for. Sixth: By the trustees of any township in Oklahoma. Under the items ‘Three,’ ‘Four,’ ‘Five,’ and ‘Six’ above, the consent o f parents is not required.’' Id. at 538, §8. In 1931, the legislature authorized the superintend ent of the institution to sterilize those “afflicted with” such conditions as “idiocy” or “imbecility.” 1931 Okla. Sess. Laws 80, ch. 26, art 3. South Carolina. On February 12, 1918, the General Assembly of South Carolina passed “AN ACT to Estab lish the State Training School for the Feeble-minded, and to Provide for Its Government and Maintenance.” 1918 S.C. Acts 729, No. 398. Once the facility was built, the “Board of Regents shall notify the Governor, who shall thereupon by proclamation, declare the said Training School for the Feeble-minded ready to receive patients.” Id. at 731, § 9. The term “feeble-minded persons” was defined to mean “any moron, imbecile or idiotic person, of whatever grade, who is afflicted with mental defectiveness from birth or from an early age, so pronounced that he is in capable of competing on equal terms with his normal fellows or of managing himself or his affairs with ordi nary prudence, and who, therefore, required custodial care and training for his own protection and for the wel fare of others and o f the Com m unity , but who is not in sane or of unsound mind. . . . ” Id. at 731-32, § 10. Institutionalization proceedings could be initiated by “any reputable citizen of this State” by filing “a petition in writing, setting forth that the person therein named is feeble-minded” and that it was “unsafe or dangerous to the welfare of the community for such person to be at large. . . .” Id. at 733, § 13. State officials reported candidly to the General As sembly that the name of the facility was a misnomer since they “continue to forego” the provision of any “training of mental defectives” but “devote our efforts m ainly to seg The South /A-51 regating and giving physical care to as large a number as possible. . . . ” F ift h Annual Re po r t of t h e State T raining Sch ool fo r t h e F e e b l e m in d e d , Clin to n , S.C., 1922, at 3 (1923). As stated by Dr. B. O. Whitten, the Superintendent of the institution, “[i]n almost every instance the propa gation of this element of society results in grief and dis appointment to the persons in question and will scarcely ever operate in any way which can be expected to pro mote happiness or even Anglo Saxon liberty.” SIXTH AN NUAL R e p o r t of t h e State T raining S chool fo r t h e F e e b l e m in d e d , Cl in to n , S.C., 1923, at 12 (1924). In 1935, the legislature authorized the “sterilization of mental defectives.” 1935 S.C. Acts 428, No. 304. Tennessee. On April 14, 1919, the General Assem bly of Tennessee passed “An Act to provide for the pro tection, care, control, oversight, custody, m aintenance and training of feeble-minded persons; to define who are feeble-minded within the meaning of this Act; and for the establishment, construction and maintenance of the Tennessee Home and Training School for Feeble- Minded Persons.” 1919 Tenn. Pub. Acts 561, ch. 150. The Act applied to “any person with such a degree of mental defectiveness” as to be “a m enace to the happi ness or safety of himself or o f others in the community” who “comprise those commonly called idiots, imbeciles, and morons or high-grade feeble-minded persons” and who “may or may not be subject to epileptic seizures.” Id. § 2 . “Any relative of a feeble-minded person may make application to have the person so adjudged; but if the relatives and friends of any feeble-minded person shall neglect or refuse to place him or her in the Tennessee Home and Training School for Feeble-Minded Persons, or in a private institution for the feeble-minded, and shall permit him or her to go at large, then any reputable per son being a resident of the county in which such feeble minded person is found may make application lor com A -52 /T ennessee mitment in writing and under oath to any one of the courts of his county, as above mentioned and shall not be sub ject to exception or demurrer for defects of form.” Id. at 564, § 4. It was “the special duty of every county health officer and of every County Superintendent of Education in the State to file application for the commitment of feeble-minded persons whose parents or guardians ne glect such duty . . . whenever such officer shall have rea sonable cause to believe that such commitment is nec essary to secure the welfare of such feeble-minded per sons or o f those persons with whom they come in con tact:” Id. § 5. State officials acknowledged the legislation as a nec essary enactment since “[o]f course, all will agree that there are very many feeble-minded in the State of Ten nessee who have never gotten into one of the State in stitutions and are more or less a m enace and burden to their respective communities.” 1 Q. Re p . St . INSTITU TIONS 30-31 (1919). Texas. Texas became the first southern state to seg regate its retarded citizens when it opened in 1904 a spe cial unit of the State Epileptic Colony, for “idiotic, im- becilic, and feeble-minded epileptics.” Gaver, M ental Re tardation , in Menta l Il l n e s s and Menta l Retarda t io n : T he H isto ry of Sta te Care in T exas 20, 22 (1976). In 1912, the Texas Conference on Charities and Cor rections, which had been organized the previous year, presented in the last address of its annual conference a call by Professor Bird T. Baldwin of the University of Texas for an institution for the state’s “mental defectives, who are contam inating society by their presence, absorbing time and thought that should be devoted to normal chil dren, and later filling the almshouses, charitable insti tutions, and prisons with illegitimate and irresponsible offspring.” Baldwin, The Causes, Prevention and Care o f Feeble-M inded Children, in PROCEEDINGS OF THE STATE Co n f e r e n c e o f Ch a r ities and Co r r e c t io n s at its The Sou th /A-53 S e c o n d An n u a l M e e t in g He l d at W aco , Ap r il 14-16, 1912, at 86 (1912). According to Professor Baldwin, these “mental defectives or feeble-minded, who are by-products o f unfinished hum anity, belong in an institution where they may be cared for, made happy, and to some extent useful. They should be segregated and not allowed to go to our schools with normal chil dren and should not be permitted to have offspring.” Id. at 87-88. The following year, the legislature heeded the call by enacting a bill establishing an institution for the “feeble minded,” but it was vetoed by the governor, apparently on budgetary grounds. This prompted a more concerted effort, again led by the State Conference on Charities and Corrections. Dr. C. S. Yoakum, Secretary of the State Conference, wrote a 156-page monograph calling for the enactment of this legislation. C. S. YOAKUM, CARE OF t h e F e e b l e -m in ded and Insane in T exa s , B u l l . U. T e x ., No . 369 (Humanistic Ser. No. 16, Nov. 5, 1914). The monograph called for the removal of “defectives” from the family since “[i]n a home where there is one feeble-minded child among a number of children, we have the definite effects of such communication. To be sure, we recognize the increase in sympathetic under standing that children and parents exercise toward such feeble-minded children; but these moral and social traits are infrequently developed and far overbalanced by the amount of time and energy required to care for such a child, especially if he be of the low grade imbecile or id iotic type. One writer states that we may figure without error that the time of one adult is needed for the care of every feeble-minded or low grade imbecile child or adult. In a custodial institution five of these defective children or adults may be cared for by a single attendant in a much better manner and with much better results than in the home. We are, then, by sending such children to insti tutions provided for their care, relieving four out of every five of the normal adults now busied in caring for such A-54 /Texas defectives, for the economic and business life of the nor mal community.” Id. at 44-45. Moreover, “[i]t is certain that the feeble-minded girl and boy are often the bearers of many of the social diseases, and it is especially true that feeble-minded girls are, in the large majority of cases, the inmates of our houses of prostitution.” Thus, “the effect upon the community of the single individual of this type is bad in the extreme in so far as the social, eco nomic, and moral ideals of that community are con cerned.” Id. at 45, 46. According to Professor Yoakum, “[t]he only safe pro cedure is custodial and institutional care throughout life for the great majority. . . . Sterilization laws and other means of prevention must for years to come be secondary to this solution of the problem. Id. at 66. The monograph set forth an extensive comparison of the various remedies to the “problem.” “Restrictive mar riage laws and customs are important, and educative, but fail to reach the irresponsible and degenerate till too late. The ‘socially inadequate’ are so named just because they are without the influence of law and order. Eugenic ed ucation, better environment, and systems of matings pur porting to remove defective traits do not affect the im pure blood and inheritable factors with the surety nec essary to eliminate defects. Laissez-faire or natural se lection, euthanasia, neo-malthusianism, and polygamy are either impossible under the protective forces of mod ern social conditions or are ideas repugnant to present- day ideals of religion and humanity.” Of all the solutions, “[t]he evidence so far collected points toward segregation [emphasis in the original] as the most feasible, most eas ily put into force, and least subversive of constitutional prerogative.” Id. at 82. Yoakum quoted a report prepared by his parent or ganization to demonstrate the folly of the early approach taken by schools in the East: “A word to the West! . . . New States and communities should equip themselves properly to attack these problems, and should make their The Sou th /A-55 plans on the basis of complete control. Had the States of the East followed this method during the last fifty years their burdens would be only a fraction as great as they now are.” Id. at 17, quoting REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE on Public S upervision and Administration to T he National Co n feren c e of Charities and Co rrec tio n s, SEATTLE, 1913, at 194 (1913). The bulletin con cluded by stressing “the necessity for custodial care and oversight for all feeble-minded,” through the enactment of legislation to “open[] the door of the institution to all feeble-minded of the State. . . . ” Id. at 80, 83. The State Conference meeting in San Antonio in No vember, 1914, presented additional papers. One con cluded that “idiots” have “no economic value, and their care can only remain so much of a dead load upon so ciety, whether cared for in a home or in an institution. They are, however, less expense in an institution than in the home, poor farm or asylum.” Kelley, The Colony Plan fo r the Care o f the Feeble-Minded, 2 BULL. TEX. St . CONF. Charities & Correction s 57, 48 (1915). Another con cluded that “[f]or the actual idiot there is, or should be, no question as to procedure. The disease indicates its own remedy. The next legislature should make an ap propriation for a permanent institution, in which these its most unfortunate citizens could be perm anently seg regated.” Smith, The Feeble-Minded Girls in the Virginia K. Johnson H om e, in id. at 61, 62. Four months later, state representatives Ice Berg Reeves and D. S. McMillan had no difficulty convincing the legislature to reenact their H. B. No. 73, “An Act to provide for the establishment and maintenance of a State Farm Colony for the feeble-minded.” 1915 Tex. Gen. Laws 143, ch. 90. With Governor Jim Ferguson’s signa ture on the bill on March 22, 1915, Texas provided for “custodial care” for all of “the feeble minded of the State” to the end that these unfortunates may be prevented from reproducing their kind and society relieved o f the heavy economic and moral losses arising from the existence at A -56/T exas large of these unfortunate persons.” Id. § § 1,2. The col ony opened on October 31, 1917. Gaver, supra at 24. State officials, led by Superintendent J. W. Bradfield, urged the legislature to make it easier to populate the institution: “The female can, under the faulty labor con ditions of today, make a living for a while, but she is, as a rule, quite unmoral, and makes no effort to protect her self. Her children, usually illegitimate, must, as degen erates, criminals, or defectives, eventually become wards of the State. The male moron is also a potential criminal, and is the class from which inmates for our jails and re formatories are recruited. Their segregation and control, through life, is the remedy. This can be obtained only by legally committing them to an institution where they can he kept perm anently .” In order to resolve this “most se rious problem,” he “urge[d] the enactment of an ade quate commitment law.” Bradfield, Report o f Superin tendent, State Colony fo r Feebleminded, in FIRST AN NUAL Repo r to f the State Board of Cgn trolto T he Governor and th e Legislature of T he State of T exas, F iscal Year E nding August 31, 1920, at 147 (1921). The legislature responded favorably, enacting, by a unanimous vote, an act establishing a special “court for the feeble-minded” in each county. 1923 Tex. Gen. Laws 172, ch. 82, § 1. Authority was given to “[a]ny person who is a resident of the county having knowledge of a person in his county who appears to be feebleminded” to petition to institutionalize that person. Id. § 2. “It shall be sufficient, if the affidavit shall be upon information and belief.” Id. at 173. A hearing would then be scheduled by the court’s issuance of an order “to show cause, if any, why such person should not be declared by said court to be feebleminded. . . . ” That order also was deemed to “be sufficient authority to the sheriff or any constable of the county to bring such feebleminded person before the court for such hearing.” Id. § 3. A jury could be de manded. Id. § 1. The finder of fact then “shall investigate The Sou th /A-57 the facts and ascertain whether such alleged feeble minded person is such.” Id. § 4. “If it be found by the court or jury that the alleged feebleminded person is such, the court shall enter its order so adjudging him, and that he be committed to the custody of the State Coloney [sic] for the Feebleminded,” id. § 5, and “[a]ll persons here tofore or hereafter committed or admitted to such insti tution shall reviain in its custody as perm anent w ard o f the State until released by the management thereof,” id. at 174, § 6. As a result of the state’s encouragement, the “de mand for entrance into this institution . . . steadily continuefd] over our accommodations.” THIRD REPORT of th e State Board of Control to th e Governor and th e Legislature of T exas, Covering Period from Septem ber 1, 1924, to August 31, 1926, at 9 (1927). According to Superintendent Bradfield “[t]his pe riod has been marked by considerable growth of the in stitution, and we feel that we are now much better pre pared to be of real service to the State. . . . These addi tions represent a healthy growth and encourage us in the belief that proper provision for the feeble-minded of the State is now being recognized as an absolute necessity.” Bradfield, Superintendent’s Report, in id. at 137, 138. In the same report, the Board of Control reported candidly that “[t]his institution is, of course, purely custodial. . . . ” Id. at 9. Virginia. On March 20, 1914, the General Assembly of Virginia enacted a law directing the State Board of Charities and Corrections to “investigat[e] . . . the ques tion of the weak-minded in the State, other than insane and epileptic, and to report to the General Assembly of nineteen hundred and sixteen a comprehensive, practi cal scheme for the training, segregation and the preven tion of the procreation of mental defectives.” 1914 Va. Acts 242, ch. 147, § 1. Under the direction of its chair man, S. C. Hatcher, the Board published in 1915 a 128- page compilation of studies, recommendations, and pro posed legislation under the title of T he MENTAL DEFEC TIVES IN VIRGINIA: A SPECIAL REPORT OF THE STATE Board of Charities and Correction s to th e Gen eral Assem bly of Nin eteen S ixteen on W eak- Min d ed n ess in th e State of Virginia T ogether with a Plan for T raining, Segregation and Pr e vention of the Procreation of th e F e e b l e m in ded . A letter of transmittal from Chairman Hatcher to Gov ernor Henry Carter Stuart accompanying the report stated that “the corrupt fruits of mental degeneracy in any community will disappear in proportion to the re duction of feeble-mindedness in that community . . . the most urgent need in the work of reducing degeneracy is the elimination of the feeble-minded.” Id. at 5. Quoting approvingly eugenicist C. B. Davenport, Chairman Hatcher recommended that “ ‘[i]f the State were to seg regate its feeble-m inded, were to exam ine fo r m ental de fects all im m igrants settling in its borders, and were to deport those found to be defective, there will be a con stantly diminishing attendance at State institutions for the feeble-minded, and at the end of thirty years there would be practically no use for such institutions.’ ” Id. The official report detailed numerous “case studies” to support its recommendations. For example, one such “feeble-minded” case “with certain facial lines make one feel that he is not fa r removed from the brute, and is perhaps cruel with the unconscious cruelty of an an i m al.” Id. at 20. Another case “ha[d] not even the glim merings of intelligence manifested by some of the lower forms of anim al life.” Id. at 41. Another had a wife who was already committed “in a suitable institution, but it seems a pity that the man, who is lower grade mentally than his wife, though not so much of a menace, cannot be segregated instead o f being allowed to run at large. A larger and more adequate colony would remedy this.” Noting that “the civilized nations of the earth are awak ened to the menace of feeble-mindedness, and are taking A -58/V irg in ia The Sou th /A-59 steps for the elimination and prevention of this evil, the report stated “that the principal things to be sought are identification and control, with the object finally of elim ination; and so we will have to rely largely on segrega tion and education for the prevention of feeble mindedness.” Id. at 17. “[T]he main idea is to keep them healthy, happy, and out of mischief. [W]e must take our mental defectives back to the soil to get the best results.” The report recommended that “the State should have au thority to segregate and to detain mentally defective per sons under proper conditions and limitations. This is in the nature of an indeterminate sentence, and is at the basis of the law which provides that the superintendent of the Virginia Colony for the Feeble-minded shall have authority to hold mentally defective persons as long as he pleases, and discharge such persons when he pleases. . . .” Id. at 114. In terms of those “at large,” the State Board proposed that it “be empowered” to “have charge of the registration of the mentally defective per sons of the Commonwealth” and to “have supervision of the care of such persons pending admission to institu tions.” Id. Additionally, “whenever, in the opinion of the said Board and the Division Superintendent of Schools, a child has proven to be a mental defective, the said Board should have authority, in its discretion, to transfer such child to the State School for the Feeble-minded.” Id. at 117. The General Assembly responded positively to the report, enacting the following March “An ACT to define feeble-mindedness and to provide for the examination, legal commitment, and the custody and care of feeble minded persons, and their segregation in institutions.” 1916 Va. Acts 662, ch. 388. In 1924, the General Assembly passed “An ACT to provide for the sexual sterilization of inmates of State institutions.” 1924 Va. Acts 569, ch. 394. This law, the constitutionality of which was upheld by the Supreme Court in Buckv. Bell, 274 U.S. 200 (1927), provided that “whenever the superintendent” of “the State Colony for Epileptics and Feeble-Minded, shall be of opinion that it is fo r the best interests of the patients and o f society that any inmate of the institution under his care should be sexually sterilized, such superintendent is hereby au thorized to perform, or cause to be performed by some capable physician or surgeon, the operation of steriliza tion on any such patient confined in such institution af flicted with hereditary forms of insanity that are recur rent, idiocy, imbecility, feeble-mindedness or epilepsy.” 1924 Va. Acts 569, § 1. The law was enacted, in part, for “the welfare o f society.” Id. (preamble). The law pro vided for an appeal to a special board, but such appeal was to be dismissed if it be found that the “feeble-minded” resident was “the probable potential parent of socially inadequate offspring likewise afflicted” and that “the welfare of the inmate and o f society will be promoted by such sterilization. . . . ” Id. at 570, § 2. West Virginia. In 1917, Governor Henry D. Hatfield first called for the erection of “an institution” which would “provide for the detention and care of many feebleminded persons now at large and would assist in solving the prob lem in this state in preventing the multiplication of such class.” Second Biennial Message o f Governor H. D. H atfield to the Legislature (1917) in STATE PAPERS AND Pu blic Ad d r e s s e s of Hen ry D. Ha t fie l d 77 (n.d.) “If such an institution should be authorized by the legislature, lands should be purchased to the extent of 500 acres upon which the institution should be erected. This would result in the institution becoming nearly self- supporting because of the fact that practically all of the inmates are able bodied and could perform any ordinary labor under competent supervision.” Id. at 76-77. In 1921, the Legislature of West Virginia created for “mental defectives” a state institution to be known as the “West Virginia Training School,” for “any person” who “because of mental defect is a menace to the happiness and w elfare of himself or herself or o f others in the com- A -60/V irg in ia The W est!A-61 munity, and therefore requires care, training or control for the protection of' himself or herself or of others, and yet who is not insane. This type of persons, commonly classed as feeble-minded, including idiots, imbeciles and morons, shall be known and designated as mental defec tives for the purposes of this act. Should the school at any time not be able to accommodate all persons of such class offered for admission, preference in admission shall be given to children and women of child-bearing age.” 1921 W. Va. Acts 479-80, ch. 131, §§ 1, 3. “Any relative of a person affected may make application, by complaint un der oath, to have the person adjudged a mental defective; but when the relatives o f a mentally defective person ei ther neglect or refuse to place said person in said school, or in some private institution of a like nature, and shall perm it him or her to go at large, then any reputable cit izen of the county may, by complaint under oath, make application to the mental hygiene commission for such commitment. . . .” Id. at 480, § 4(a). The same law empowered the “medical staff” at the institution “to administer such medical treatment and perform such surgical operations for the inmates therein as may be necessary and expedient for the cure and pre vention of mental defectiveness or disease.” Id. at 482, § 5. Western States Alaska. Alaska’s population was insufficient to ju s tify a separate institution for retarded people in that state. In the territorial days, Congress authorized their com mitment temporarily to the detention hospitals at Nome and Fairbanks until they could be transferred perma nently to institutions in other states. See Pub. L. No. 216, § 7, 35 Stat. 601 (1909); Pub. L. No. 306, ch. 424, § 1, 36 Stat. 352 (1910). Arizona. On April 20, 1927, the Legislature of Ari zona established an institution for “mentally defective A-62/A rizona children in the State of Arizona, which shall be known as the Arizona Children’s Colony.” 1927 Ariz. Sess. Laws 367, ch. 96, § 1. Such “defectives,” the law mandated, “if not insane, shall be held and be determined to be men tally deficient, and be entitled to enter said colony.” Id. at 369, § 10. Included among the considerations for deter mining mental deficiency was that the resident “require supervision, control, care and education, for their own welfare, or for the welfare of others, or fo r the welfare o f the com m unity.” Id. at 370, § 10(a). California. On March 9, 1887, California became the first state to provide for the segregation, “for life,” of “im becile or feeble-minded” people. 1887 Cal. Stats. 69, ch. 57. The original funding for the facility, located in Santa Clara, had been authorized two years earlier. 1885 Cal. States. 198, ch. 156. Because the state promoted segregation, the Santa Clara home grew quickly. By 1889, the institution was admitting not only severely retarded people, but also “cases well calculated to deceive the most observing.” Sonoma State Hom e, T he Institution B ulletin (1910). Larger accommodations were soon needed. Therefore, on March 6, 1889, the state legislature ap propriated $170,000 to purchase land and “to erect proper and substantial buildings . . . upon said site.” 1889 Cal. Stats. 69, ch. 75. The state purchased 1660 acres of land in a remote area near Eldridge in Sonoma County. By 1891 buildings were constructed and on November 24 of that year the residents were moved from Santa Clara. State Board of Charities and Correctio n s, F irst B iennial Report 62 (1905). State officials praised this development, noting that the “special province of the Home for the Feeble-Minded is to deal with the incipient aberration of the mental proc esses—striking at the cause. . . . This institution would remove from society the cause, so far as possible to do so.” California Hom e fo r t h e F e e b l e -Min d e d , S ixth Annual Re p o r t 30-31 (1890). Indeed, there was The W est/A-63 a felt need to track down the “very large class of those unfortunates for whom no application for admission into this institution has been made.” Id. at 29. On March 31, 1897, a law was passed amending the 1885 statute that had restricted admissions to those “feeble-minded children between the ages of 5 and 18 years . . . who are incapable of receiving instruction in the common schools.” 1885 Cal. Stats. 198, ch. 156, § 8. Under the new law, the institution was “directed] to ad mit” not only “idiots” but also “epileptics and mentally enfeebled paralytics . . . irrespective o f age, as the ac commodations of the home may permit, and as may, in the judgment of the management, appear suitable sub jects for such admission.” 1897 Cal. Stats. 251, ch. 188. In its First B iennial Report, the newly created State Board of Charities and Corrections stated: “There are sev eral reasons why the feeble-minded should be cared for in Homes of this sort. Their presence in the community at large is apt to be very detrimental to normal children, and when they come to the adolescent age the danger of reproduction in kind is very great and should, if possible, be prevented.” FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT, supra at 41. By the time of its Third Biennial Report, the State Board was stating unequivocally that there were “now in county hospitals, in orphan asylums, and other institu tions, and even in homes, children who could be much better cared for in the State Home for the Feeble- Minded. Such a child is generally a m enace to the insti tution, the fa m ily , or the community in which he is. It is desirable in every way to accept into the Home these chil dren, as to keep those who are now there.” State Board of Ch arities and Co r rec tio n s, T hird B iennial Re port 73 (1908). In 1909, the California legislature became the sec ond in the nation to vote into law “an act to permit asexualization of inmates of . . . the California Home.” 1909 Cal. Stats, ch. 720. This law was progressively extended to cover more individuals by amendments of 1913 and 1917. The 1913 measure specified that sterilization could be performed “with or without the consent of the patient.” 1913 Cal. Stats, ch. 363. The 1917 act extended the procedure to all persons deemed to suffer from “marked departures from normal mentality.” 1917 Cal. Stats, ch. 489. State officials also kept constant pressure on the leg islature to provide increased appropriations to segregate more and more retarded persons, linking retardation with the immigration of “defectives.” In 1915, an act was passed authorizing a legislative committee to investigate the necessity for a second mental retardation institution in the state. 1915 Cal. Stats. 1139, ch. 729. That com mittee found: “So fundamental is this problem of the feeble-minded that one can assert without fear of suc cessful contradiction that if all the time, money and ef fort now devoted to the solution of all of our social prob lems were concentrated for the next ten years on the question of feeble-mindedness, there is not a social prob lem that would not be nearer its solution at the end of ten years than it will be under the present plan. The first step is to provide state colonies.” LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE on Mental Defic ien c y , Report on Mental De f i ciency 22 (1917). The Committee further found, “[i]n considering the advantages of creating such an institu tion for the proper care of the mentally defective as un fortunate individuals, there is also to be remembered the benefit to society of thus being relieved of the menace of their unsocial conduct.” Id. at 65. The Committee also recommended legislation “creating a new institution for feeble-minded and epileptic persons, to be located in Southern California.” Id. at 63. In the meantime, the State Board commissioned a series of “surveys in mental deviation” to bolster its case for another institution. Based upon the surveys it had commissioned, the Board reported a firm “relation be tween race and mental deficiency.” STATE BOARD OF A-64/C alifornia The W est/A-65 Charities and Correctio n s, E ighth B iennial Re port 51 (1918). One of the surveys, focusing upon the Merced County public schools, found that 4.24% of the students were “feebleminded.” CALIFORNIA BOARD OF Charities and Co rrectio n s, Report of the State J oint Co m m ittee on Defec tiv es in California 27 (1918). This high number was explained by the fact that the county surveyed “possess|ed] an exceptionally high proportion o f foreign-born in its population.” Id. Since “of those found feeble-minded, 75.7% had foreign born parents,” it was “evident, therefore, that m ost o f the f e e blem indedness in this country is due to the immigration o f undesirable types.” Id. at 35. Referring specifically to greater retardation it found among Mexicans and Portu guese, the report expressed “no wonder that these na tionalities are present in the reform schools and state pris ons in far greater proportions than their numbers in the state would seem to warrant.” Id. at 35-36. The survey found “the ratio o f feeble-m indedness was fa r higher among M exicans, Negroes, and recent immi grants from Europe than among those o f native Ameri can stock,” and concluded that “California has drawn a large proportion o f immigrants o f an undesirable type.” Id. at 13-14, 19. Referring to the survey of the Merced schools, the report found that the “hopelessly feeble-minded should be removed from the public schools and placed under perm anent custodial care.” Id. at 45. The report “estimated the annual cost of feeble-mindedness in the State of California at $5,000,000” including “relief for indigent and dependent defectives, expenditures for court proceedings and pro bation work for feeble-minded delinquents, depredations committed by defective delinquents, expense to the state of feeble-minded individuals in the prisons . . . and fi nally the money which is worse than wasted in the futile attempt to educate feeble-minded children. . . . We have not included in these estimates the losses accruing from vocational unfitness, alcoholism, venereal disease, and prostitution among the defective population. It would not be surprising if these losses, although less tangible and altogether impossible to estimate accurately, were as great as all the other losses combined.” Id. at 42. The report noted the state’s “awakening to the men ace of the feeble-minded” as one of the most noteworthy movements of present public thought,” id. at 5, and con cluded that “[a]ll of the findings of this study emphasize the necessity o f bringing a larger proportion o f our defec tives under social surveillance and r e s t r a i n t i d . at 19. Lamenting the fact that “California has but one state in stitution for the care of the feeble-minded,” and arguing for the “perm anent segregation of all feeble-minded in dividuals” and to “extinguish the defective strains which now encumber our prisons, reform schools, jails, courts, and public schools,” the report urged as the “first step in this direction” the appropriation of funds for “the estab lishment of an additional state home for the feeble minded.” Id. at 51, 43. The legislature in 1919 appropriated $100,000, 1919 Cal. Stats. 1214, ch. 562, and, in 1921, $120,000, 1921 Cal. Stats, ch. 445, for the construction of buildings at the “Pacific Colony.” The facility opened on March 20, 1921. F ir s t B ien nia l R e p o r t of t h e De pa r t m e n t of I n s t it u t io n s o f t h e Sta te o f California 68 (1922). In 1915, the legislature amended the law permitting the institutionalization of any “imbecile or feeble-minded person or any idiot” to the Sonoma State Home. The amendment added a proviso that, in addition to a parent or guardian, “any peace officer may petition said court for an order admitting such a person to such hospital.” 1915 Cal. Stats. 1262, ch. 638. State officials stated that the new law would “make it possible to secure the commitment of children who need institutional care but whose parents or guardians are averse to such action .” STATE BOARD OF CHARITIES an d C o r r e c t i o n s , B ie n n ia l R e p o r t 30 (1916). A-G6I C aliforn ia The W est!A-67 Colorado. On May 5, 1909, the General Assembly of Colorado established that state’s institution “for mental defectives.” 1909 Colo, Sess. Laws 180, ch. 71. The in stitution was opened on July 1, 1912, and its purpose from the outset was the “segregation, in an institution, for life,” of the “defectives.” FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT OF the Board of Com m ission ers and Su perin ten d en t of th e Colorado State Home and T raining School for Mental De fe c t iv e s , 1911-1912, at 5 (1912). The program instituted by Colorado officials to en force the state’s new law was summarized in its Second Biennial Report: “The law of Colorado requires the legal commitment of all inmates to the State Home and Train ing School for Mental Defectives. This gives the man agement the control regarding the question of removal or discharge, and, in a limited sense, enables the institution to prevent this class o f persons from coming in contact with the populace. It is impossible to restore feeble-minded persons to a normal condition, and by rea son of this fact they should he kept in an institution in definitely, and not be permitted to marry and perpetuate their kind. In years gone by, institutions for this class of persons took some pride in graduating as many as pos sible, and would turn them loose in the world to multiply; but this error is being corrected, as far as possible, by holding them indefinitely in institutions provided for their care and training.” SECOND BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE Board of Com m ission ers and S uperin ten d en t of the Colorado State Home and T raining School for Mental De fe c t iv e s , 1913-1914, at 4-5 (1914). By then, a peonage system had been established. “Many of the boys work on the farm and in the garden, in the laundry and in the kitchen. Girls and boys alike assist in making beds, sweeping, scrubbing floors, wash ing dishes, setting tables, and doing all kinds of house work. Some are capable of driving teams and can handle the hay-stacker quite skillfully. As the institution grows older, and more buildings are provided, and the popula A -68 /Colorado tion increases, there will be enough boys who will be come skilled by teaching and training to make the insti tution in a measure self-supporting.” SECOND BIENNIAL R epo rt of th e Board of Com m ission ers and S uper in ten d en t of th e Colorado State Home and T rain ing School for Mental De fe c t iv e s , 1913-1914 at 5 (1914). Hawaii. On April 19, 1919, the Legislature of the Territory of Hawaii passed “AN ACT Providing for the Establishment and Maintenance of a Home for Feeble- Minded Persons.” 1919 Haw. Sess. Laws 137, Act 102. The law specified custody, “said home [to be] conducted on the farm colony’ plan.” Id. § 2.The Home was open to all Hawaiians requiring institutionalization “for their own welfare, for the welfare of others, or fo r the ivelfare o f the com m unity . ” Id. at 138, § 4. The institution was “considered merely a place to get the feeble-minded out of the community. .-. .” DEPART MENT OF INSTITUTIONS, TERRITORY OF HAWAII, THE F ir st T en Years, 1939 through 1949, at 37 (1949). Idaho. The “Idaho State Sanitarium” for “the feeble minded was established in 1911 by enactment of the Legislature of Idaho. 1911 Idaho Sess. Laws 86, ch. 41. Upon a finding that a person was “feeble-minded,” ac cording to the state, a judge “must issue and deliver to some peace officer for service a warrant directing that such person be arrested and taken before any Judge of a Court of record within the county for examination. ” Id at 94, § 33. In 1921, it was explicitly mandated that the institu tion be used for confinement of those “mentally defective from birth and not insane, irrespective o f age, who are legal residents of the state, and who are from a social standpoint dangerous to he at large and a m enace to s o c i e t y 1921 Idaho Sess. Laws 326, ch. 139, § 1. To assist in the elimination of this “menace,” the leg islature adopted “AN ACT TO CREATE A STATE BOARD OF EUGENICS; TO PROVIDE FOR THE The W est!A-69 STERILIZATION OF ALL FEEBLE-M INDED . . . WHO ARE A MENACE TO SOCIETY.” 1925 Idaho Sess. Laws 358, ch. 194. The law “declared the duty” of the superintendent of the Idaho State Sanitarium to register with the new Board of Eugenics “all persons, male or female, who are feebleminded . . . who are, or in their opinion are likely to become, a menace to society.” Id. at 359, § 2.“[I]f in the judgment of a majority of said Board procreation by such person would produce a child or chil dren having an inherited tendency to feeble-mindedness . . . or who would probably become a social menace or ward of the State, and there is no probability that the condition of such person so investigated and examined will improve to such an extent as to avoid such conse quences, then it shall be the duty of such Board to make an order embodying its conclusions with reference to such a person in said respects and specifying such a type of sterilization as may be deemed by said Board best suited to the condition of said person and most likely to produce the beneficial results in the respects specified in this sec tion.” Id. One of the “objects to be sought” by this chap ter was "to protect society from the acts of such person, or from the menace of procreation by such person.” Id. Montana. On March 4, 1919, the Legislative Assem bly of Montana passed “An Act Relating to the Admis sion, Care and Retention of Feeble-Minded Per sons. ”1919 Mont. Laws 196, ch. 102. The law estab lished the “Montana Training School for Feeble-Minded Persons” for the “detention” of “feeble-minded minors and adults.” Id. § 1. The law also provided that “no in m ate m ay he removed from said institution, perm anently or tem porarily , except upon a written order of the su perintendent or upon an order of any District Court of the state and the provisions of this Section shall apply to adults as well as to the minors therein. The costs of such court action to be borne by the party bringing the action.” Id. at 198, § 9. A-70 /M on tana Four years later, the lawmakers authorized surgery that would “surely and permanently nullify the power to procreate offspring, to achieve permanent sexual steril ity” of the “feebleminded,” 1923 Mont. Laws 535, ch. 164, § 2(e), with the purpose of “protecting] society from the menace of procreation by said inmate,” id. at 537, § 8 . Nevada. Nevada, like Alaska, did not have sufficient population to support its own institution. For this reason, the legislature authorized state officials “to make arrange ments with the director of any institution for the feeble minded in California, or Utah, or other states” for Nevada’s “feeble-minded.” 1913 Nev. Stats. 576, ch. 287. New Mexico. On March 20, 1925, the Legislature of New Mexico mandated that “[t]here shall be established and hereafter maintained by this State an institution to be known as The Home and Training School for Mental Defectives,” for “any person mentally underdeveloped or faultily developed” who “requires supervision, care and control for his own welfare, or for the welfare of others, or for the welfare of the community, and which mentally defective person is not classified as an insane person.” 1925 N.M. Laws 254, ch. 133, §§ 1, 2. Commitment pro ceedings could be initiated by “[a]ny person over the age of twenty-one years” by alleging “the facts bringing each person within the provisions of this Act and shall state the name and place of residence of such person. . . . ” Id. at 255, § 5. “The superintendent, with the approval of the Board, may give preference to cases which constitute a special social menace.” Id. Oregon. Before authorizing the establishment of a segregative institution, the Oregon Legislative Assembly ordered a formal study. The report that issued indicated that the reason “for custody of feeble-minded” that “outweigh[ed] all others in importance to the State” was that the “effect of the mingling of the feeble-minded with society is a most baneful evil.” REPORT OF THE BOARD OF B uilding Com m ission ers of th e State of Oregon The W est/A-71 Relative to th e Location and E stablishm en t of an In stitution for F e e b l e -Minded and E pileptic Pe r so n s , to th e Tw en ty-Fourth Legislative As sem bly , Regular Se ssio n , 1970, at 22, 23 (1906). “Once admitted, they remain at the institution fo r life.” Id. at 37. The Legislative Assembly followed the recom mendation of the report when, on February 23, 1907, it passed “AN ACT Creating the State Institution for Feeble- Minded,” for the “care and custody of feeble-minded, id iotic, and epileptic persons.” 1907 Or. Laws 145, ch. 83, § 1. The facility was for “all idiotic and epileptic persons” residing in the state for at least a year. Id. at 146, § 8. In 1917, the Legislative Assembly enacted a more sweeping law: “The county judge of any county of this State shall, upon the application o f any citizen in writ ing, setting forth that any person over five years of age is feeble-m inded or who, by reason of feeble mindedness, is criminally inclined, or is unsafe to be at large, or may procreate children, cause such person to be brought be fo re him at such time and place as he may direct . . . Such judge, if in his opinion said person is feebleminded, shall commit said person to the Institution for the Feeble minded of the state of Oregon for indeterm inate deten tion. . . .” 1917 Or. Laws 739, ch. 354, § 1. The same law required that “[a]ll county superintendents of schools shall make reports on the first of June and the first of December of each year to the county courts of their re spective counties which report shall contain the names and addresses of all scholars in the public schools and of all children of school age in their respective counties who are mentally defective. . . . ” Id. at 740, § 5. Soon thereafter, the lawmakers installed a “state board of eugenics,” and “declared the duty” of “the su perintendent of the state institution for feeble-minded” to “report,” on a quarterly basis to the board “all persons, male or female, who are feeble-minded that “are, or in his opinion are likely to become, a menace to society.” 1923 Or. Laws 280, ch. 194, §§ 1,2. The board’s “duty” was to review the superintendent’s opinion and, if in agreement, order sterilization. Id. at 280-81, § 3. If the resident failed to consent to the surgery, “such operation shall thereupon be performed upon said person by or un der the direction of the superintendent of the institu tion.” Id. § 6. Utah. The “Utah State Training School for Feeble minded” was established in 1929 for “all feeble-minded persons who are residents of the State, whose defects prevent them from properly taking care of themselves or who are a social m enace.” 1929 Utah Laws 102, 108, ch. 75, § 22. Commitment proceedings could be initiated by “any person” by alleging that someone in the community “by reason of feeble-mindedness is a social m enace.” Id. at 110, § 23(3). “Upon receipt of such application, dul\ signed and acknowledged, the clerk of the district court shall present the same at the earliest date, and the judge of the district court shall issue a warrant to the sheriff of the county to produce the person described in such ap plication before the court forthwith for examination.” Id. at 112. If the court “believes” that such person is, “by reason of feeble-mindedness, a social menace” then it “must make an order that such person be confined in the Utah State Training School.” Id. at 113, § 29. The same legislation required that “any patien t” at the institution “should be sexually sterilized” by “the op eration of sterilization or asexualization .” Such surgery was to be performed “[w]henever the Superintendent and board of trustees of the Utah State Training School shall be of the opinion that it is for the best interests of the patients and o f society ” Id. at 115, § 31. The state institution was soon filled to capacity. By 1938, the Board of Trustees was able to report to the leg islature and the Governor that “[t]he physical growth of the Utah State Training School and the scope of its serv ice to the State of Utah must be recognized as having removed all possible doubt or question as to the fu n d a A -72/Oregon The W est/A-73 m ental necessity of maintaining such an institution as a part of the broad program of education and social regu lation and control.” FOURTH BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE Board of T r u st e e s of th e Utah State T raining School, American Fork , Utah, to th e Governor and Legisla tu re for th e B iennium E nding J une 30, 1938, at 3 (1938). “The many actual experiences of the board since the school was established has demon strated that the presence o f a feeblem inded child in a home is more depressing, expensive and tragic than any known disease. Mental defect vitiates the offspring, and wounds our citizenry a thousand times m ore than any plague m an is heir to. Even though this grief is often veiled with a smile, it destroys, demoralizes and sets as naught the lives of too many of our people. The Board of Trustees has considered the so-called South Dakota plan by which responsibility is divided among the different community organizations and state agencies, but all with the ulti m ate purpose o f segregating, supervising, and then ster ilizing certain of the mentally deficient within the state.” Id. A major outreach effort was undertaken with the sup port of the state agency: “Under the welfare program as now operating, community welfare workers are cooper ating with the schools in the various communities and in this way many of the mentally deficient who have here tofore been overlooked and held as problems to their fa m ilies and im m ediate neighbors only, are now detected and the necessity recognized for some action to prevent their continuing as a menace. . . . When once they are detected and their status is known, proper protection to society requires that they be segregated and supervised, at least until they are sterilized.” Id. at 5. Washington, In 1905, the Legislature of the state of Washington adopted as an emergency measure “AN ACT providing for the care of defective and feeble minded youth, establishing an institution therefor.” 1905 Wash. Laws 133, ch. 70. The law made it “the duty of the clerks of all school districts in the State of Washington at the time of making the annual reports, to report to the school superintendent of their respective counties the names of all feeble-minded youth residing within their respective districts.” Id. at 135, § 7. The school superintendents, in turn, were required to annually “report to the State Board of Control” those names. Id. at 134, § 4. The law stated, flatly: “It shall be the duty of the parents or guardians of such defective youth to send them to the said institution for feeble-minded.” Id. at 135, § 9. Moreover, the legislature made it a crime for the parents to fail to follow this “duty”: upon their failure to send their child to the state institution, the parents “shall he deem ed guilty o f a m isdem eanor, and upon conviction thereof, upon the complaint of any officer or citizen of the county or state, before any justice of the peace or superior court, shall be fin ed in any sum not less than fifty nor more than two hundred dollars in the discretion of the court.” Id. A 1909 amendment to the law provided that “chil dren who are idiotic, epileptic or afflicted in any partic ular that renders them unfitted fo r com panionship with other children shall be segregated. . . . ” 1909 Wash. Laws 260, tit. I., subch. 6, § 2. In 1913, the legislature changed the name of the state institution to the “State School and Colony,” and pro vided that commitment proceedings could be initiated, without the consent of the parents, by the superinten dent of the institution and by county superintendents of schools, and by county commissioners. 1913 Wash. Laws 598, ch. 173, §§ 1, 2. The law provided that “[c]ounty superintendents of schools shall cause to be filled out the prescribed blank applications for admission for such chil dren in their respective districts, who by reason of men tal or physical defects are incapable of receiving instruc tion in the common schools of this state, or whose habits are such as to render them unfit fo r com panionship with norm al children.” Id. at 598-99, § 4. The law also elim inated a restriction in the prior law limiting admissions to A -74 /W a sh in g to n The W est/A - 7 5 those under twenty-one years of age. Id. at 599-600, § § 8, 9. In accord with the real purpose of the facility, the name was changed once again, this time to “The State Custo dial School.” 1917 Wash. Laws 224-25, ch. 64. In 1921, the lawmakers passed “AN ACT to prevent the procreation of feeble minded,” which “declared the duty” of the superintendent of the state institution” to report to the Board of Health “all feeble minded . . . who are persons potential to producing offspring who, be cause of inheritance of inferior or anti-social traits, would 'probably become a social menace or wards of the State.” 1921 Wash. Laws 162, ch. 53, § 1. The Board was given “the duty,” following an investigation and a hearing, to “make an order directing the superintendent of the in stitution in which such inmate is confined to perform or cause to be performed upon such inmate such a type of sterilization as may be deemed best by said Board,” with the only proviso being that “no person shall be emascu lated under the authority of this act except that such op eration shall be found to be necessary to improve the phys ical, mental, neural or psychic condition of the inmate.” Id. at 163-64, §§ 2, 3. Wyoming. On February 18, 1907 the Legislature of Wyoming “established in this state an institution for the custody, care, education, proper treatment and d isci pline of feeble-minded and epilpetic persons, under the name and style of the “Wyoming Home of the Feeble- Minded and Epileptic.” 1907 Wyo. Sess. Laws 188-89, ch. 104, § 1. The institution was created for “[a]ll feeble minded and epileptic persons over the age of six years, who are legal residents of the State of Wyoming.” Id. at 190, § 9. Four years later, the name was changed to the “Wy oming School for Defectives,” 1911 Wyo. Sess. Laws 166-67, ch. 103, § 1, and an involuntary commitment procedure was established, id. In 1929, the legislature expanded the law to permit the initiation of commitment proceedings by the “pros A -76 /W yom ing ecuting attorney of the county in which hearing under this Act is proposed to be held, or by any citizen of Wy oming,” 1929 Wyo. Sess. Laws 156, ch. 95, § 16, and the person to be committed was given the right to demand a jury trial, id. at 158, § 20. District of Columbia The segregation of retarded people in the District was encouraged and required by the executive and legislative branches of the United States in those days preceding District home rule. The earliest involvement of the United States occurred when, in the nineteenth century, “cer tain feeble-minded children were taken in charge from time to time by the Secretary of the Interior” and sent to the Pennsylvania Training School at Elwyn. CHARITA BLE and Reform atory In stitu tio n s in th e Distric t of Colum bia : History and Developm en t of the Public Charitable and Reformatory In stitution s and Ag en cies in th e Distric t of Columbia , S. Doc. No. 207, 69th Cong., 2d sess. 326 (1927). At the turn of the century the prevailing public sen timent had become one of intolerance. The District Board of Charities in its 1902 Annual Report first called for the establishment of an institution for the District. “Many of the class of children referred to remain children perma nently, regardless of their age, and it is important that they should be under custodial care, because of the great menace to the community involved. . . . ” S. DOC. No. 207, supra at 327. In 1907, the Board of Charities again stated that it could “not too strongly emphasize the im portance of the perm anent segregation of this class.” Id. at 328. By 1913, the language of the Board’s recommen dation had become more urgent yet: “While institutions for the care of the feeble minded are usually designated as ‘schools,’ it must not be forgotten that many of this class should be segregated and under supervision during their entire lives, and most of them should never be al~ D istr ic t o f Colum bia!A -77 lowed at large. . . . We recommend, therefore, that steps be taken as soon as possible looking to the acquirement of a tract of land and the establishment thereon of a suit able institution for the care and training of the feeble minded and the perm anent segregation therein of such of them as are unfit to be at large in the com m unity.” Id. at 329-30. The Monday Evening Club formed a commit tee to pursuade Congress of the need for “[segregation of the adult feeble-minded.” Urges Institution fo r Feeble- Minded, Wash. Star, Nov. 18, 1913, at 9. The United States Department of Labor, through its Bureau of Children’s Services, undertook a comprehen sive “study of the extent of the problem of mental defec tiveness in the District of Columbia,” as the Department explained in the introduction to its report, “at the request of a citizen committee . . . organized under the leader ship of the Monday Evening Club, [and] composed of representatives of various philanthropic and social agen cies and institutions of the District whose dealings with the problems of the community have made them realize the urgent need for securing an institution for the proper care and treatment of mental defectives.” U.S. DEPART MENT of Labor, Mental De fe c t iv es in th e Distric t of Colum bia : A Br ie f Description of Local Con ditions and th e Need for Custodial Care and TRAINING 7 (G.P.O. 1915). Federal employees at the De partment gathered data regarding “the danger to the whole com m unity resulting from the lack of proper pro vision for those suffering from mental defect.” Id. at 8. Under a chapter entitled “reasons for segregation,” the Department of Labor listed a number of considera tions it thought important. For example, “[a] mentally defective child in a family demands a large share of the energy of the mother and not only interferes with the training of the other children but exercises a dem oral izing influence on the fam ily life.” Id. at 20. The “men tally defective” were also a “danger to society”: “The number of mental defectives among recidivists empha sizes the need of discovering mental defect early in the careers of delinquents and segregating them permanently for their own welfare and fo r the protection o f society. . . Id. at 21. Only “ [b]y means of segregating mental defectives it is possible to cut off at the source a large proportion of degeneracy, pauperism, and crime.” Id. In deed, the Department of Labor expressed concern that “[m]any children . . . now in the schools constitute a men ace to the other pupils.” Id. at 18. Thus, according to the federal agency, “[i]nstead of being regarded as an indi vidual misfortune, mental defect has come to be recog nized as a destructive social force.” Id. at 20. The Department of Labor acknowledged that the es tablishment of the institution for the District of Columbia would create its own demand: “[T]he number of inmates will increase as the institution becomes better established and as the public becomes familiar with its purposes and the value of its work to those cared for and to society. It has been said that the presence in a community of any specified type of defectives becomes apparent only when accommodations are provided for the care of this partic ular class. Without question this will be found to be the situation in the case of mental defectives.” Id. at 19. But it would be “out of the question to provide separate in stitutions for the different types of mental defectives.” Id. at 24. Referring to the “various grades” of “idiot,” “im becile,” and “moron,” id. at 8, 24, the Department rec ommended that the facility “be large enough to provide the necessary room for all these classes, allowing for proper separation of white and colored, male and female,” id. at 24. The report of the United States Department of Labor concluded by quoting approvingly from an edito rial in Survey magazine (March 2, 1912): “The greatest need of all is for more institutional care. When this has been brought about in every State we shall witness a great gaol delivery. . . . Biology and economics unite in A -78/D is tr ic t o f Colum bia D istric t o f C olum bia/A-79 dem anding that the strains of feeble-m indedness shall be elim inated by the humane segregation o f the mentally defective.” Id. at 28. The Congress responded to the Department of Labor’s strong recommendations, when it “authorized and directed” the District Commissioners “to use a site for a home and school for feeble-minded persons, said site to be located in the District of Columbia. . . .” P.L. No. 67-256, 42 Stat. 39 (1922). The Board of Charities, while generally pleased that Congress had acted, noted that the proviso that the institution be located within the District was “a fatal error” in the enactment. REPORT OF th e Board of Ch a rities of th e Distr ic t of Colum bia 9 (1922). According to the Board, it would be far bet ter to locate the institution “away from thickly settled communities” since “[f]or these unfortunates, children in mind but many of them old in years, all that society can do is to provide humane and sympathetic care apart from the excitem ent and com plexities o f modern life." Id. at 10. In 1923, the Executive Secretary of the Board of Char ities, George S. Wilson, accompanied by five other mem bers of the Board, appeared before the Senate Committee on the District of Columbia to express their concern over the specified location of the institution. Wilson testified that “there is a unanimity of opinion on the part of the people of the District of Columbia on this item, greater than we have ever seen exhibited in regard to any matter of great public interest. It is not only the medical and social, and the general welfare organizations, but it is the civic associations and the Board of Trade and other or gans of public opinion. At this moment the Board of Trade is circulating among its members a petition, and the Mon day Evening club and other bodies are circulating similar petitions, and we are all very much concerned about it.” District o f Columbia A ppropriations Bill, Hearings Be fo re the Comm, on A ppropriations, 67th Cong., 2d sess. 94-98, 183-84 (Jan. 13, 15, 1923). In response to questioning by the Senators, Wilson explained further “the difficulties that they have in all these other States. I have just come from a visit to the Michigan school. They have the low-grade idiot, which the Senator knows is not much above the animal. They have the imbeciles; that term is almost self-explanatory. They have the higher grade, the dangerous cases, the morons, the fellow s that set fir e to buildings, and the women who have illegitim ate children. There are at least three classes that no persons having humane instincts would classify together. Those three, multiplied by two to separate the sexes, make six; and then we have to mul tiply by two to provide for the separate colors here, which makes a minimum of 12 groups of these dependent peo ple that we must provide for—helpless and dependent— and above everything else unable to associate safely with norm al people. Isolation is demanded, absolutely , and the only thing we can promise to put into their lives is hu mane segregation in the open a ir .” Id. at 96. Wilson con cluded his testimony by emphasizing that it was “the seg regation from society that is the best of things.” Id. at 183. Senator Ball commented, “[i] f you are going to seg regate that class of people to make them more content, you want a farm entirely separate.” The following year, the Congress “authorized and di rected” the District Commissioners “to acquire a site for a home and school for feeble-minded persons, said site to be located in the District of Columbia or in the State o f M aryland or in the State o f Virginia, and to erect thereon suitable buildings at a total cost not exceeding $300,000___ ” P.L. No. 67-457, 42 Stat. 37 (1923). On March 3, 1925, the Congress enacted “An Act to provide for commitments to, maintenance in, and dis charges from the District Training School. . . .” P.L. No. 69-578, 43 Stat. 1135 (1925). The law defined “feeble minded persons” to include “any person afflicted with mental defectiveness from birth or from an early age, so pronounced that he is incapable of managing himself and A-80/D is tr ic t o f Colum bia D istric t o f Columbia/A-81 his affairs, or being taught to do so, and who requires supervision, control, and care for his own welfare, or for the welfare of others, or fo r the w elfare o f the commu nity, and is not insane or of unsound mind. . . . ” Id. § 2 . Congress gave “any reputable citizen of the District of Columbia” the authority to initiate commitment proceed ings, id. § 7, and “if it shall be made to appear to the court by evidence given under oath that it is for the best in terest of the alleged feeble-minded person or o f other per sons or o f the community that such person be at once taken into custody . . . id. § 10, 43 Stat. at 1136. A week later, on March 10, 1925, the institution, lo cated at Annapolis Junction, “midway between Baltimore and Washington” began operation when “10 boys were received,” housed in a “temporary building.” REPORT OF th e Board of Charities of the Distric t of Colum bia 2 (1925). They were immediately put to work: “The boys thus far have been engaged in clearing and grading for the location of buildings, repairing roads, digging trenches, etc., and in general farm work. A good garden was started in time to supply vegetables in abundance during the summer. An encouraging beginning has been made in actual farm work; 60 acres of corn were planted and a good yield will furnish sufficient grain and forage for the stock, chickens, hogs, etc., during the coming winter. Enough potatoes have been raised also to meet the institution needs until next spring.” Id. A PPEN D IX B TEXTS OF THE 1947 ZONING ORDINANCE OF THE CITY OF CLEBURNE AND THE 1929 ZONING ORDINANCE OF THE CITY OF DALLAS The Ordinance of the City of Cleburne passed and approved the 26th day of September, 1947 provided: “Sec. 5. Second Residential District. In a second residential district no building or premises shall be used, and no building shall be erected or structurally altered which is arranged or designed to be used for other than one or more of the following uses: Any use permitted in First Residential District, Advertising signs or symbols, Tourist courts, ice delivery stations, Battery shop, furniture store, meat market, hardware store. Ladies and Mens Ready to Wear Store, lum ber yard and building supplies, Florist shop, antique shop, barber shop, beauty shop, Contractors office, Carpenter shop, electric shop, carpet cleaning shop, Fruit stand, grocery' store, filling station with washing and greasing, Mattress renovating, furniture repair, plumbing shop, drug stores, Picture show, private club, sign shop, clean ing and pressing shop, Hand laundry with not over 5 employees, washateria, cafe or drive-in, Melon garden, playground or recreational park, Funeral home, hospital or clinic, other than [for] tubercular, liquor, narcotic, insane, or fe e ble minded patients, B-l B -2 Educational or philanthropic institutions, other than correctional or penal, No installation or business will be permitted that cause smoke, dust, fumes, odors, gasses, noises, vibrations, or electric disturbances or static, No power over 10 h.p. may be used or installed.” The Ordinance of the City of Dallas, No. 2052, passed September 11, 1929 provided: “SECTION 4. APARTMENT DISTRICT. In an apartment district no building or premises shall be used, and no building shall be erected or structurally altered which is arranged or designed to be used, for other than one or more of the following uses: (1) A use permitted in a dwelling district. (2) Apartment house. Hotel. Boarding or lodging house. (3) H ospital or clinic other than fo r tuber cular, liquor, narcotic, insane, or feeble-m inded patients. (4) Institution of an educational or philan thropic nature, other than a penal or correctional institution. (5) Private garage as an accessory use when located not less than 60 feet back from the front lot line and not less than 20 feet back from any other street line, or located in a compartment as an integral part of the main building. (6) Accessory buildings and uses customar ily incident to any of the above uses when lo cated on the same lot and not involving the con duct of a business.” A PPEN D IX C STATEMENTS OF AMICI SELF-ADVOCACY ORGANIZATIONS ON DISCRIMINATORY ZONING LEGISLATION Sta tem en t o f Un ited To g eth er United Together, a nationwide network of disabled self-advocates, believes the Cleburne City law which pro hibits “homes for . . . the feebleminded . . .’’ is unreason able and unjust. Though the term “feebleminded” is old fashioned, the law performs the same job now as it did when written. The purpose of the law was and is to en force a local bias: “We don’t know anything about ‘those people’ so we don’t want them in our neighborhood.” America was conceived on the principle that indi viduals have a right to aspire and to be all they can be. Some people need more help than others in reaching their potential, help from family and friends. No law or label — which is what an I.Q. score is — can predict what a per son can achieve. Since under ordinary circumstances Americans have a right to live wherever they want to as long as they can pay for it, these zoning laws perform only one job: to take ordinary rights from people the lawmakers know nothing about except that they have been given a certain label. Social behavior is influenced by family values, envi ronment, and affection. Educators and psychologists do not claim that I.Q. scores — which are the litmus tests for whether or not someone is labeled retarded — can be used to predict social behavior. The only thing I.Q. tests are supposed to measure is intelligence, and there is a great deal of controversy over how well they do that. United Together believes that discriminatory zoning laws help no one. C-l C-2 Sta tem en t b y P e o p l e F ir st of Nebra ska People First of Nebraska is a statewide group com posed of persons who have a developmental disability (most of the members have mental retardation). The group was formed in 1978 and represents the approxi mately 48,000 persons in Nebraska who have develop mental disabilities. Membership is open to all persons who historically have not had the opportunity to speak out for themselves. People First of Nebraska has as one of its major pur poses the education of its members on how to speak for themselves since for so long people spoke for us for many years. One of the ways we can speak for ourselves is to decide on issues concerning us, such as where we want to live, where we want to work, or have the same free doms that other people have. We should be looked upon as people first and decisions should not be made because of our disabilities alone. There would be a big difference in people’s lives if they would be able to live and work where they wanted to. We feel very strongly that persons with mental retar dation should not be discriminated against. Sta tem en t o f P e o p l e F ir st of Washington People First of Washington strongly believes that all people with developmental disabilities have the right to live in neighborhoods in the community in the same way as any other citizen. People First believes that the zoning laws of the city of Cleburne, Texas, are discriminatory and illegal under the Constitution of the United States of America. People First of Washington does not believe that just because a person has a developmental disability, they should have to obtain a “special zoning permit” to live in the neighborhood and community of their choice. C-3 Here in Washington State, there are dozens of group homes and other residential programs for people with de velopmental disabilities. There is no evidence whatso ever, that people with developmental disabilities affect the quality of life in any neighborhood or should be re quired to obtain special permits to live in the same way as any other citizen. In fact, we would like to suggest that people with developmental disabilities living in the com munity improves a neighborhood. In Washington State, there has been a successful “deinstitutionalization” of people with development dis abilities to community living programs similar to the Cleburne Living Center Program, which are highly suc cessful and improve the quality of life for all citizens. Any law which discriminates against citizens with developmental disabilities must be challenged. The Cleburne zoning law which describes people as “feeble minded” and requires special zoning permits, is illegal, discriminatory, unconstitutional, and must be challenged. Sta tem en t of The Consum er Ad v iso ry B oard o f th e Massa ch u setts Association fo r R eta rd ed C itizen s The members of the CAB believe that everyone has the right to live in the community and to enjoy the rights, privileges and responsibilities of full citizenship. The CAB members believe that discrimination based upon the la bel of mental retardation is wrong and should be de clared unconstitutional. Many CAB members had previously lived in large state institutions that denied them human dignity and control over their own lives. CAB members have become good neighbors and productive citizens since moving into group homes and apartments in the community. C-4 The Consumer Advisory Board continues to work to guarantee the civil rights of people with disabilities. We consider the right to live in the community an essential part of our civil rights. Sta tem en t of W isconsin Advocates We, the Wisconsin Advocates, a division of the As sociation for Retarded Citizens in Wisconsin unani mously believe that, any law that treats people with men tal retardation differently from non-retarded people should be measured by the same standards as those deal ing with discrimination on the basis of race, national or igin, or gender. Sta tem en t b y De b b ie Va r n er , P r e sid e n t , Texa s Advocates I am Debbie Varner - President of Texas Advocates. Texas Advocates is a state-wide organization of people who are mentally retarded. We have about 325 members in thirteen local units. Our job is to help people who are retarded to speak out for their rights. It is also important for our organization to speak out on problems that trou ble all people with mental retardation. I just don’t think it’s right for cities to use strange laws to keep us from living in group homes if that’s what we need. We have as much right to live in regular neigh borhoods as anyone. Sometimes people think that if peo ple who are retarded move in that it will ruin their neigh borhood. That’s just not true. In fact, I think most people with mental retardation would make good neighbors. Af ter all, many of us right now live in regular neighbor hoods either on our own or with our families. Many Texas Advocates members and others with re tardation would like to live in group homes. We want to be able to enjoy community life just like everyone else. But laws like the one in Cleburne keep us from living in regular neighborhoods and from enjoying community C - 5 life. They violate our rights and show that city officials don’t respect us as citizens. That’s not right or fair. Texas Advocates want to do something about this problem. The decision The Supreme Court makes in the Cleburne case could affect my life and my rights as well as those of many other people with mental retardation. Sta tem en t o f Speakin g fo r Ou r se l v e s Speaking For Ourselves is an organization run by and for people labeled mentally retarded. We have over 500 members living in group homes, institutions, at home with their parents and attending sheltered workshops throughout southeastern Pennsylvania. Many of our members are part of the plaintiff class in the Pennhurst case. We know that people think that we are bad com pany. They think that we go around hurting people and that we don’t know how to do anything. We know that many of our neighbors don’t want us to live nearby because we can’t talk straight . . . can’t walk straight. We’ve had neighbors call us names. We’ve had neighbors’ kids throw snowballs at us. We are human beings, just like everyone else. God put us all here. We have a right to live in the community. Everyone is equal under the law. How would the neigh bors feel if they were their family members and no one would let them live there? The neighbors have no right to chase anyone out of their home just because they are handicapped. Nobody should have their home taken away simply because they are “retarded.” Where are they sup posed to live? Out in the street? In institutions? The issue is that we have a right to live in the com munity and no one should be able to take that right away from us. C - 6 Sta tem en t o f S.T.A.N.D. To g eth er o f Maryland S.T.A.N.D. Together is the state board for the Mary land Self Advocacy Movement for adults with develop mental disabilities working together in spirit, teamwork, and new determination. We are fifteen elected represent atives who represent over 400 members of Self-Advocacy groups throughout Maryland, Our purpose is to advocate in a unified way on issues of concern to all persons with disabilities. We feel very strongly about the Cleburne case. Peo ple with disabilities should have the same rights and guar antees of law as all citizens. We should not be discrim inated against nor segregated because we are mentally retarded or in a wheelchair. We worked for many years to free ourselves from inhumane institutional existence so that we could live in an integrated and free society. We are contributing citizens of society who strive to uphold the law and use our skills and capabilities in positive ways. Living in the community cannot be denied to us just be cause we are disabled. We strongly abhor any person or ordinance that wrongfully labels us “feebleminded”. That is a gross insult to our humanness and personal dignity. No citizen should have to prove their worth as a human being to be granted equal protection under the law. Sta tem en ts b y Me m b e r s o f P e o p l e F ir st o f M ichigan “You won’t learn very much in an institution. It’s best to be where you can work and see how things are done in the community.” “You don’t get to go anywhere like movies, baseball games, or other things when you’re in an institution.” “In institutions you are watched 24 hours a day. I live in a family home where I am treated like a member of the family. In most independent homes you get to do more. That’s why we prefer that we should have more group homes.” C - 7 “I was in [an institution] for 16 years. It wasn’t very nice. A group home is better. That way you are not tied up in an institution. In the institution they used to stand people up in the corner and other things I can’t tell about. ” “I’m in a group home where it’s safe. I can learn to go places like downtown, to church and home. I can learn what I can do or can’t do.” “In group homes they’re not as strict on us as at (an institution). In a group home, if you act up, they can handle you in a more adult way rather than placing you in a straight jacket or in a lock up.” “At the institution I came from, they were too strict.” “When my father died, my mother thought about placing me in an institution, but she found a group home and that was really great.” “People need a place to go like a group home when their family can no longer take care of them.” “In the institution, they cut your hair, even when you don’t want it.” “Giving you a choice —in the institution, they used to sterilize people without their permission.” “In institutions they tied up Bruce D. (a friend of mine) in a chair all the time.” “I knew a man [in an institution] who was strapped down in his bed.” “I had a friend who was in an institution and they did a lot of things to him that were wrong. People should have a chance to prove what they are worth.” “An institution is: looking at four walls: living in smelly rooms; and you have to do what they tell you to do. You can’t make your own decisions.” “We are people first. We are adults and should be treated like adults.” “Institutions are no place for human beings.” C-8 S ta tem en ts b y M ich a el Ken n ed y and P atricia K il l in s , Coordinators of S e l f -Advocates o f Cen tra l New Y ork We are self-advocacy coordinators for Self-Advocates of Central New York. We feel strongly about our right to live in the community. 1 (Michael) lived in 3 New York institutions for people called mentally retarded for 15 years. I have cerebral palsy and use a wheelchair. Now I live in a Medicaid-supported apartment with 3 other people with severe disabilities. Anyone who says 1 can’t live in their neighborhood doesn’t know me. 1 (Patricia) lived in 2 state institutions for a total of 18 years. I am blind, have cerebral palsy and use a wheel chair. Now I live in an apartment similar to Mike’s. When I lived in the institution, I helped other people get out. Then I thought I ’d better start looking out for myself. Some places didn’t even give me a chance because of my disabilities. Finally I got out. More people could get out of the institution if there were more group homes and apartments like ours. Peo ple who don’t want us living in their neighborhoods shouldn’t be afraid of us because we’re disabled. They’re just reacting to silly labels like “retarded” or “handi capped.” We don’t like those labels. They should treat us like people with the same rights that they have. Sta tem en t of Ca pito l P e o p l e F ir s t , Incorporated Capitol People First, Inc. is a non-profit organization of adults with mental retardation who advocate for their own rights both as citizens and as persons with devel opmental disabilities, and who advocate for the rights of all other developmentally disabled people as well. In 1984, members of Capitol People First wrote a report under contract to the California State Council on Developmental Disabilities entitled: Surviving in the Sys tem: Mental Retardation and the Retarding Environ- C-9 merit. To our knowledge, that report was the first to use the phrase “the retarding environment.” The phrase can be very useful for describing what happens to people who are defined by the community as having mental retar dation. Not only do people with mental retardation have to struggle with their biological impairments, but they also have to struggle both with service systems and with pub lic attitudes which all too often conspire to prevent growth and development for which there is a genuine potential. As we understand Cleburne, the issue is a local zoning ordinance which denies people diagnosed as having men tal retardation the same access to residential locations in that community that is available without question to peo ple who are not diagnosed as “feebleminded.” Many of us have been subjected to open or masked discrimination of this sort, and we know that it has contributed to keeping the social environment we live in a “retarding” one. APPENDIX D BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ON HISTORICAL SOURCES: EUGENICS, RACE, RETARDATION, IMMIGRATION Amici ARC/USA, et al. offer this note on the leading scholarly historical works that describe the conditions during the period 1896-1930, particularly as they relate to eugenics, race, retardation and immigration. In that Era, blacks, immigrants and retarded persons all were singled out for exclusion from society, and similar ide ologies and stereotypes were developed to justify that ex clusion. The leading works on Jim Crow, on the move ment for racial restrictions on immigration, and on the movement to segregate retarded persons are most in structively read together because they describe different facets of a single social process and historical experience. C. V. Woodward’s classic, The Strange Career o f Jim Crow (3d rev. ed. 1974), shows how the southern regime of de ju re segregation arose, in the early decades of the 20th century, and traces the forces in the North, includ ing the problems presented by immigration and imperial ventures abroad, that allowed this regime to emerge. Woodward, as well as R. Kluger, Simple Ju stice (1975), and J. H. Franklin’s standard text, From Slavery to Free dom (5th ed. 1980), which both document the pervasive racism directed against blacks in the North and the South during this Era, should therefore be read in conjunction with the standard works on immigrants in the United States. T. J. Archdeacon’s Becoming American (1983), the most comprehensive work on the history of immi gration, contains an excellent account of the social im pact of the “new immigration” of the period 1890-1930. J. Higham’s Strangers in the Land (2d ed. 1978) is a useful synthetic account of American nativism as a com mon set of attitudes underlying the treatment of blacks and immigrants in the North and in the South. Higham D-l D-2 also documents the transformation of inchoate nativist sentiments among Americans of “older stock” into a co herent racial ideology during this period. The eugenics movement developed during this pe riod. Northerners and southerners alike were receptive to such ideas to explain crime, vice, and the variety of other intractable social problems created by industriali zation as the product of the innate genetic inferiority of those who differed from themselves. They were equally receptive to the solution offered by eugenics to those ills: segregating and excluding blacks, immigrants, and “the feeble-minded,” whom they held responsible. M. Haller’s classic Eugenics (1963) is an excellent general account of the history of the eugenics movement of the Era and its translation into legislation. Haller documents the com mon origins of the campaign for the segregation of “the feeble-minded” and the campaign for restrictive immi gration laws, and shows how those movements drew on the Jim Crow laws in the South (which were thought to serve a eugenic purpose) to support their own similar goals. K. M. Ludmerer shows in Genetics and American Society (1972), a good overview of the subject, that eu genics was a popular social and political movement rather than a scientific one and in fact was rejected by the lead ing geneticists of the Era. L. Kamin, The Science and Politics o f IQ (1974), and S. J. Gould, The M ismeasure o f Man (1981) are both excellent accounts of the transfor mation of intelligence testing during this period into a political tool to exclude those of “innately inferior” non- Nordic ethnic backgrounds and to segregate retarded per sons. D. Kevles, Annals o f Eugenics, New Yorker, Octo ber 8, 15, 22, 29, 1984, also provides an overview of the eugenics movement and its impact on legislation and pol icy toward retarded people and toward immigrants. Works that focus on the origins of segregated cus todial institutions in the early decades of the 20th cen tury show how the era’s general approach and remedy for social problems was applied specifically to retarded D-3 persons. P. Tyor, Segregation or Surgery (Diss. Nw. Univ. 1972), 'published in P. Tyor and L. Bell, Caring fo r the R etarded in America (1972), is the most comprehensive history of the development of retardation institutions dur ing the period 1850-1920 and the transformation of in stitutions from short-term training programs to custodial facilities designed for life-long segregation. Both Tyor and W. Wolfensberger, The Origin and N ature o f Our Insti tutional Models (1975), another excellent source for the evolution of retardation institutions, analyze the relation ship between eugenist attitudes toward retarded people as a “menace” to society and the institutional models de veloped to implement those attitudes. That social reform ers interested in retarded persons shared the racial and hereditarian attitudes of the Era and its devaluation of non-whites and non-Nordics as well as retarded persons, is clear from these accounts and from Sarason and Doris, Educational H andicap, Public Policy, and Social H is tory (1979), an analysis of the impact of industrialization and immigration on the social institutions of the period. Sarason and Doris focus on the experience of retarded persons segregated in or excluded from the public schools. The hostility and stereotypes of the Era toward re tarded persons are well-documented in these works, par ticularly in Tyor and Wolfensberger. To make the com parison with the ideology of Jim Crow, they should be read in conjunction with R. Kluger, supra, I. A. Newby, Jim Crow’s Defense (1965), and G. M. Frederickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (1971). The legacy of the segregation of retarded persons is most recently documented in D. and S. Rothman, The W illowbrook Wars (1984).