Correspondence from Gilhool to Chambers; City of Cleburne, TX v. Cleburne Living Center Motion and Brief Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
February 2, 1985 - February 4, 1985
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Correspondence from Gilhool to Chambers; City of Cleburne, TX v. Cleburne Living Center Motion and Brief Amici Curiae, 1985. b2eff0c8-ad9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/4323f9f3-b07a-4a09-81a3-b1223213783b/correspondence-from-gilhool-to-chambers-city-of-cleburne-tx-v-cleburne-living-center-motion-and-brief-amici-curiae. Accessed October 30, 2025.
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THOMAS K. GiLHOOL
CHVBF COUNSEL
JEROME SALTER
MICHAEL CHURCHILL
FRANK J , LASK!
DAVID <3. DAVIS
ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICER
STANLEY R. WOLFE EDWIN D. WOLF
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
1974-1976
February 4, 1985
Julius Chambers, Esquire
NAACP Legal Defense Fund
99 Hudson Street, 16th Fl.
New York, NY 10013
Dear Julius:
I enclose the brief we filed amicus on behalf of
the retardation organizations. It is, as you will see,
primarily an historical essay. When you have had an oppor
tunity to read it I'd very much like, for the future, to
think some things through together.
Best wishes.
Very truly yours,
/*VvL
THOMAS K. GILHOOL
TKG:ecr
enclosure
AFFILIATED WITH LAWYERS COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW
No. 84-468
IN T H E
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
October Term, 1984
City oe^Cl e b u r n e , T exa s, et al.
Petitioners,
v.
C lebu rn e L iving C e n t e r , et a l.,
R esp on d en ts .
ON W RIT O F C ERTIO RA RI TO TH E U N ITED
STATES COURT O F APPEALS FO R TH E
F IF T H C IRC U IT
MOTION AND B R IE F AMICI CCRIAE OF
Association fo r Reta rd ed C itizen s/USA
Association fo r Reta rd ed C itizen s/Texas
National D own Syn drom e Con gress
Pe o p l e F irst International and Pe o p l e F irst
Organizations o f Iowa, Louisiana , Michigan ,
Nebra ska , Oregon and Washington
Un ited To g eth er
S.T .A .N .D . T o g eth er
Speaking fo r Ou rselv es
Co n su m er Advocacy Board o f th e Massachusetts
Association fo r Reta rd ed C itizens
T exas Advocates
W iscon sin Advocates
Capitol Pe o pl e F irst
Se l f -Advocates o f Central Ne w York
Thomas K. Gilhool*
Frank J. Laski
Michael Churchill
Judith A. Gran
Timothy M. Cook
Pu blic In terest Law Cen ter
o f Ph ila delph ia
1315 Walnut St. Rm. 1632
Philadelphia, Pa. 19107
(215) 735-7200
* C ounsel o f R ecord C ounsel f o r Am ici C u riae
PACKARD PRESS / LEGAL DIVISION, 10th & SPRING GARDEN STREETS, PHILA., PA. 13123 (21 5) 23 6-2 000
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE B R IEF AMICI
CURIAE FOR THE ASSOCIATION FOR
RETARDED CITIZENS/USA, et al.
Amici respectfully move this Court for an order grant
ing leave to file the attached brief amici curiae on behalf of
respondents. Amici are organizations of retarded people and
their families and, as such, have a substantial stake in the
outcome of this case, i .e ., whether they are to be accorded
the fullest reach of the Equal Protection Clause. Respond
ents have consented to the filing of this brief. Amici have
requested that petitioners consent, but they have refused
to do so.
1. The Association for Retarded Citizens of the United
States (ARC/USA) is a national voluntary organization of
parents, families and friends of retarded people, as well as
of people who are retarded, directed and led since its found
ing in 1950 by active volunteer parents. The Association is
organized into 1,360 local and 48 state-wide chapters, in
addition to chapters in United States territories and mili
tary installations abroad. The ARC/USA is the national vol
untary organization devoted solely to the interests of all
adults and children who are retarded whatever their race,
creed, national origin, residence, etiology or severity of
handicap. ARC/USA, which in 1974 changed its name from
“Retarded Children” to “Retarded Citizens,” was created
and exists today “to promote the general welfare of the m en
tally retarded of all ages everywhere, to encourage the for
mation of [state and local] associations for Retarded C iti
zens, [and] to advise and aid parents in the solution of their
problems. . . . ” (ARC/USA Constitution, § 5). A leading
problem that led to the formation of the ARC/USA was to
overcome the historical discrimination and prejudice against
people who are retarded and to secure a rightful place for
them in society. Since its inception, the ARC/USA has vig
orously challenged attitudes and public policy, based on
false stereotypes, that have authorized or encouraged seg
regation and abuse of children and adults who are retarded,
1
2
in virtually all areas of life. It is the experience ol ARC/USA
that retarded persons have the capability to enjoy and con
tribute to the life of the community. To achieve the goal of
community living, the ARC/USA has adopted the following
official position:
"Persons with mental retardation of all functioning lev
els . . . should have access to community residence and
services.
"Residential homes should be like others in the neigh
borhood in terms of size and appearance. They should
be dispersed throughout the community, rather than
congregated in one neighborhood.
In the experience of the Association, the segregation of per
sons who are retarded continues to be widely practiced and
vigorously defended. The continuing work of the ARC/USA
is based upon the reality that, as its official position states:
"The fundamental rights of people who are mentally re
tarded are not yet fully acknowledged or secured, despite
the vigorous efforts of advocates to help them achieve the
same basic human and constitutional rights as other human
beings.”
2. The Association for Retarded Citizens of Texas
(ARC/Texas) is composed of fifty-five local chapters through
out the state. A non-profit association founded by parents in
1950, like ARC/USA, ARC/Texas has among its official pur
poses “[t]o insure that persons with retardation are ac
cepted by the public as fully participating members of so
ciety and live in conditions most conducive to their opti
mum developm ent.”
The opinions expressed in the record before the City Coun
cil of Cleburne and its excluding actions, in the experience
of ARC/Texas, arise commonly across Texas. Combatting
these exclusionary actions so that retarded people may have
a decent and respected place in Texas’ communities, con
stitutes the most substantial and pressing part of the work
of ARC/Texas.
3
3. The National Down Syndrome Congress is a voluntary
organization of parents and families of people with Down
syndrome. Established as a national organization in 1974,
the National Down Syndrome Congress is a network of more
than 600 parent groups serving the needs of families in their
local communities. Among its official purposes are “[t]o ad
vocate for the realization of the full spectrum of human and
civil rights for persons with Down syndrome” and“[t]o ad
dress the social policies and conditions that limit the full
growth and potential of children and adults with Down
syndrome.”
People with Down syndrome evoke a quintessential ster
eotype of retardation, provoking and sustaining a sense of
their differentness and danger. The label “mongoloid” was
a response to their “facial” difference and supported their
official exclusion from common society, which denied their
humanity and the reality of their capabilities. C om p are the
view that the “mongoloid” is an atavistic regression to a
more backward race, expressed in John Langdon Down,
O bservation s on an E thn ic C lassification o f Id iots, LON
DON Hospita l C lin ical L e c tu r es and Repo rts 209
(1866), an d in F. G. CROOKSHANK, T h e MONGOL IN OUR
MIDST (1924) — a view whose legacy in public opinion and
official action amicus seeks to overcome — ivith, e .g ., S. M.
Pe u s c h e l , D own Sy n d r o m e : Grow ing and L earn
ing (1978), a view amicus seeks to bring to popular and
official understanding and action.
4. People First International; United Together;
5 . T .A .N .D . Together; Speaking for Ourselves; People First
of Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, Oregon and Wash
ington; the Consumer Advisory Board of the Massachusetts
Association for Retarded Citizens; Texas Advocates; W is
consin Advocates; Capitol People First; and Self-Advocates
of Central New York are each established and led by per
sons with retardation. All share a common purpose: to sup
port their m em bers’ right to speak for themselves rather
4
than let others speak for them, to make their own decisions,
and to know and exercise their rights as citizens, including
the right to live in the community.
People First International was formed in 1974 by former
residents of Fairview Training Center who met in Salem,
Oregon to discuss forming their own organization. Conver
sation turned to the selection of a name and someone said,
“Why not call ourselves People First, because we want to
be known as people before we’re known for our handicap.”
People First International provides support services and
advocacy for persons who are retarded and are moving from
institutions into the community. People First International
members serve on Boards of Directors of other national and
state-wide organizations concerned with developmental dis
abilities, and have testified at a variety of state and local
legislative bodies concerning zoning, sterilization, guardi
anship and other issues.
United Together, a nationwide network of disabled self
advocates, was formed in 1980 at a national conference in
Kansas City, Missouri. At that meeting, people with retar
dation met and talked about the issues they considered im
portant: housing, transportation, employment, health care
and basic human rights. A group of representatives was
elected, one from each of the ten federal regions. Since
then the group has organized a national conference that was
totally planned and run by people with disabilities and has
conducted workshops for professionals, parents, and gov
ernm ent agencies.
People First of Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska,
Oregon and Washington are each state-wide organizations,
formed in 1982, 1983, 1980, 1978, 1983 and 1974, respec
tively. S .T .A .N .D . together of Maryland, Speaking for Our
selves in Pennsylvania, the Consumer Advisory Board of
the Massachusetts Association for Retarded Citizens, Texas
Advocates, and Wisconsin Advocates, are each state-wide
self-advocacy organizations. Capitol People First is a self-
advocacy organization for persons with retardation in cen
tral California. Self-Advocates of Central New York was
5
formed in 1984; most members are former residents of New
York State institutions for retarded people now living in the
community.
All these organizations have members who have lived
in institutions and now live in group homes in the commu
nity, and members who still live in institutions but wish to
live in the community. Many have suffered from efforts to
exclude their group homes from neighborhoods. Policy
statements by these organizations on discriminatory zoning
legislation and statements by their members on the impor
tance of the right to live in the community are contained in
Appendix C to the attached brief.
5. The ordinance at issue in this case is part of a pattern of
historic, state-imposed segregation. Overcoming this pat
tern of discrimination is amici’s common goal. Amici are
intimately familiar with the prejudice at issue in this case,
and provide what they believe to be an importan t and unique
perspective not elsewhere presented, that strict and search
ing scrutiny should be applied to the ordinance at issue in
this case.
For these reasons, this Motion for Leave to File a Brief
as Amici Curiae should be granted.
Respectfully submitted,
Thomas K. Gilhool*
Frank J. Laski
Michael Churchill
Judith A. Gran
Timothy M. Cook
PU BLIC IN TER EST LAW C EN TER
O F PH ILA D ELPH IA
1315 Walnut Street, Suite 1632
Philadelphia, PA 19107
(215) 735-7200
February, 1985 C ounsel f o r Am ici C uriae
Counsel o f record.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
IN T E R E ST O F A M IC I ........................................................ 1
SUMMARY O F A R G U M E N T .......................................... 2
A R G U M E N T ............................................................................. 3
I. TH E C L EBU R N E ORDINANCE IS PART O F
A PATTERN O F STA TE-IM PO SED L IF E
LONG SEG REG A TIO N O F R ETA RD ED
P E O P L E , THAT IN ANIMUS AND PU R PO SE
FU L UNEQUAL TREA TM EN T IS PARALLEL
TO TH E TREA TM EN T O F BLACK P E R
SO N S................................................................................. 5
II. C LA SSIFIC A TIO N S BA SED UPON
RETARDATION THAT E X C L U D E AND
SEG R E G A TE R ETA RD ED PERSON S ARE
SU SPEC T AND SH O U LD BE GIVEN
STRICT AND SEARCH ING SCRUTIN Y.......... 21
A. A History of Purposeful Unequal Treatment
Imposed by the State Triggers the Standard
for Strict Scrutiny of Legislative Classifica
tions............................................................................. 21
B. Retardation Is an Immutable Characteristic
That Has Been Subject to Invidious Glassifi
cation............................................ 22
C. Utilization of a Suspect Standard for Dis
advantaging Classifications Will Not Be Fatal
to Classifications that Benefit Retarded
P e o p le ........................................................................ 24
TA BLE O F A U T H O R IT IE S .............................................. iii
Page
D. Cleburne’s Exclusion of Retarded People
from the Community Is Perverse: It Cannot
Be Justified on the Basis of any Characteris
tic or Need of Retarded P e o p le ..................... 25
III. T H E C O N TIN U ED V IR U LEN C E O F
C LA SSIFIC A TIO N S EX C L U D IN G AND
SEG R EG A TIN G ON TH E BASIS O F
RETA RD A TION R E Q U IR E S TH EY BE
G IVEN STRIC T AND SEARCH IN G
T A BLE O F CO N TEN TS— (Continued)
SC RU TIN Y....................................................................... 27
C O N C L U SIO N ......................................................................... 30
Appendix A. Compendium of Purposeful State Ac
tion For the Segregation and Exclusion
of Retarded Persons in the Fifty States
and the District of Columbia
Appendix B. Texts of the 1947 Zoning Ordinance of
the City of Cleburne And the 1929 Zon
ing Ordinance of the City of Dallas
Appendix C. Statements of Amici Self-Advocacy
Organizations
Appendix D. Bibliographical Note on Historical
Sources: Eugenics, Race, Retardation,
Immigration
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
C ases: Page
A m bach v. N orw ich , 441 U.S. 68 (1 9 7 9 )....................... 23
B ell v. M aryland, 378 U.S. 226 (1964).............................. 4
B erea C ollege v. K entucky, 211 U.S. 45 (1 9 0 8 ) ......... 19
B o a rd o f Edu cation o f H en drick H udson S chool D is
trict v. R ow ley, 458 U .S. 176 (1 9 8 2 )......... 14, 24, 28
B o a rd o f R egents o f th e U niversity o f C aliforn ia v.
B akke , 438 U.S. 265 ( 1 9 7 8 ) ................ 3, 24, 28
B u channan v. W orley , 214 U.S. 60 (1 9 1 6 ).............. 25, 26
C a b e ll v. C havez-S alido, 454 U.S. 432 (1982).................. 23
C olum bus B o a rd o f E ducation v. Penich, 443 U.S. 449
(1 9 7 9 ).................................................................................... 27
C raig v. B oren , 429 U.S. 190 (1 9 7 6 ) .............................. 25
Exam ining B o a rd o f Engineers, A rchitects an d
Surveyors v. F lores d e O tero, 426 U.S. 572
(1976)'........................................................................ 4, 23, 25
F oley v. C onn elie, 435 U.S. 291 (1 9 7 8 ).......................... 23
Fullilove v. K lutznick, 448 U.S. 448 (1980)......... .. 24
G rah am v. R ichardson , 403 U.S. 365 (1970)................ 23
In graham v. W right, 430 U.S. 651 (1977)..................... 4
Loving v. V irginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).............................. 24
M assachusetts B o a rd o f R etirem ent v. M urgia, 427
U .S. 307 (1 9 7 6 )................................................. .. 21, 22, 25
M atthew s v. D iaz, 426 U.S. 67 (1976 )............................ 23
P alm ore v. Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. 1879 (1 9 8 4 )......... 22, 26, 28
P arham v . J .R . , 422 U.S. 584 (1 9 7 9 ) .............................. 22
iii
T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (Continued)
C ases: Page
Pennhurst State S chool <b H ospital v. H alderm an , 104
S.C t. 900 (1 9 8 4 )............................................................... 26
Pennhurst State S chool <b H ospital v. H ald erm an , 451
U.S. 1 (1 9 8 1 )...................................................................... 29
Pennsylvania A ss’n o f R eta rd ed C hildren v. Pennsyl
v an ia , 343 F.Supp. 279 (E .D . Pa. 1 9 7 2 )......... 14, 28
Plessy v. F erguson , 163 U.S. 537 (1 8 9 6 ) ....................... 19
Plyler v. D oe, 457 U .S. 202 (1982)................ 4, 22, 23, 27
R o n c k erv . W alter, 700 F.2d 1058 (6th Cir. 1983), cert.
den ied , 104 S.C t. 196 (1984)........................................ 24
San A ntonio In d ep en d en t S chool D istrict v . R odriguez,
411 U.S. 1 (1 9 7 3 )............................................................ 21
Scluveiker v. W ilson, 450 U.S. 221 (1981)....................... 21
Traux v. R aich , 239 U.S. 33 (1 9 1 5 ) ................................ 3
T rim ble v. G ordon , 430 U.S. 762 (1977)....................... 23
W ashington v. D avis, 426 U.S. 229 (1 9 7 6 ) ................... 21
Tick W o v. H opkins, 118 U.S. 356 (1886)..................... 3
Y oungberg v. R om eo, 457 U .S. 307 (1982).............. 26, 29
State Session Law s:
1917 Ark. Acts 942, § 1 1 ........................................................ 3
1907 Tex. Gen. Laws 5 8 ........................................................ 6
1915 Tex. Gen. Laws 143, eh, 9 0 ..................................... 6
1913 Pa. Laws 494, No. 328, § 1 ....................................... 9
1919 Fla. Laws 231, §§1, 8 ................................................. 10
i v
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES— (C ontinued)
State Session Law s: Page
1929 Utah Laws 102, eh. 75, §§1, 2 9 ............................. 10
1920 Miss. Laws 288 ............................................................. 21
U nited States Law s:
20 U .S.C. § 1 4 0 1 ................................................................... 24
Texas M unicipal C odes:
Am arillo Co d e , ehs. 26-8, 2 6 - l l(4 3 a ) ...................... 20
B eaum ont Co d e , §42-15(A)(l)...................................... 20
Carollton C o d e , art. X V (14)...................................... 20
Copperas Cove Co d e , §5(4)(m).................................... 20
D uncanville Co d e , art. 111(14)................................. 20
E d in bu rg Co d e , art. IV, §4-2(3).................................. 20
Kil l e e n Co d e , eh. 9, art. 2, §8-1(1)........................... 20
M idla n d Co d e , §11-1-10(A).......................................... 20
New Bra u n fels Co d e , § 6 C .l -6 ................................. 20
Port Ne c h es Co d e , §24 -6 ............................................. 20
San An gelo Co d e , §33-2-14(b).................................... 20
Su lph ur Springs Co d e , art. 6 (a ) ............................... 20
C on gression al R eports an d H earings
S. r e p . NO. 94-160, 94th Cong., 1st sess. (1975)---- 29
S. REP. NO. 94-168, 94th Cong., 1st sess. (1975)___ 14
Institu tional C are an d Services f o r R etard ed Citizens:
H earing B e fo re the S u hcom m , on the H an d icapped
o f the C om m , on L a b o r an d Human R esources,
98th Cong., 1st sess. (1983 )...................................... 29
v
O th er A u thorities: Page
T. J. Arch d ea c o n , B eco m in g Am erica n : An E th
nic H istory (1983)...................................................... 16
Baker, O utcom e E quality o r E quality o f R espect, 131
U. Pa . L. Re v . 933 (1983).......... .'.......................... 4
Barr, T he Im becile an d E p ilep tic Versus the T axpayer
an d the Com m unity, 29 PROC. NAT’L CONF.
C h arities & Correctio n s 163 (1902)................ 18
Barr, State C a re o f the F eeb lem in ded , 76 N.Y. MED.
J. 1159 (1903 )................................................................. 17
Bellamy, e ta l . , H abilitation o f Severely an d P rofoundly
R etard ed : Illustrations o f C om peten ce, 10 EDUC.
& T raining Mentally Reta rd ed 174 (1975). 26
B. B latt & F. Kaplan , C hristmas in Purgatory;
A Photographic E ssay on Mental Retarda
tion ................................................................................... 29
Brown, et a l T o w a r d the R ealization o f In teg rated
E du cation a l E nvironm ents f o r Severely H andi
ca p p ed Students, 2 REV. AM. ASSN. EDUC. SE
VERELY & Pro fo un dly Handicapped 195
(1977)................................................................................. 26
T h e B urden o f F e e b l e -M in d e d n e ss (1912) . . . . 10
Burt, C onstitutional Law an d the T eaching o f P ara
b les, 93 YALE L .J. 455 (1984)..................................... 4
Christensen, “N ot My B lock” R eactions G reet G roup
H om es, Dayton Daily News, Mar. 18, 1984 . . . . 29
Dallas Morning News, Jan. 7, 1985, at 17A, col. 1 . . 6
T A BLE O F A U TH O RITIES— (Continued)
vi
O ther A uthorities: Page
D efective B a b e D ies As D ecreed : Physician, Refusing
Saving O p era tion , D efends C ourse as W isest f o r
C ou n try ’s G o o d , W atches as Im becile C h ild ’s L ife
W anes, N.Y. Times, Nov. 18, 1915, at 1,
col. 3 ...................................................................................... 14
T he F e e b l e -M in d e d , o r , th e Hub to Our W h e e l
o f Vic e (1913)................................................................. 10
Finley, A rson H its H ouse P lanned f o r R etarded , D e
troit News, Apr. 30, 1 9 8 2 ............................................ 29
F irst Annual Repo rt o f th e State Board o f
Control to th e Governor and th e L e g is
lature o f th e State o f T exas (1 9 2 1 )..............6, 7
Ford, 2 d H om e f o r R eta rd ed is Set A blaze, Detroit
Free Press, Dec. 5, 1980 ............................................ 29
J. H. F ranklin , F rom Slavery to F r e e d o m : A H is
tory o f Neg ro Am ericans (5th ed. 1980) . . . . 17
G. M. F r e d e r ic k so n , T he B lack I mage in th e
W h ite Mind (1 9 7 1 ) ..................................................... 17
Goddard, F ou r H u n dred F eeb le-M in ded C hildren
C lassified by th e B inet M ethod, 15 J. PSYCHO-
ASTHENICS 13 (1910)...................................................... 5
H. H. Go d d a rd , T he Kallikak Fa m ily .- A Study
in th e He r e d it y o f F e e b l e m in d e d n e ss
(1912)................................................................................. 15
Goddard, M ental Testing an d the Im m igrants, 2 J. DE
LINQUENCY 243 (1917 )............................................... 16
G. Gu n th er , Constitutional Law : Ca ses and
xMaterials (1 9 8 0 ) .......................................................... 24
T A BLE O F A U TH O RITIES— (Continued)
vii
O th er A u thorities: Page
J. S. Ha l l e r , Outcasts from E vo lu tio n : Sc ie n
t if ic ATTITUDES OF RACIAL INFERIORITY,
1859-1900 (1971)............................................................. 16
M. H. Haller, EUGENICS: HEREDITARIAN ATTITUDES
in American T hought (1963)............................... 15
O. Ha n d lin , T he Upro o ted (2d ed. 1973)............. 16
A. B. Hart, T he Southern South (1910)................ 17
Hentoff, T he A w ful Privacy o f B aby D oe, ATLANTIC,
Jan., 1985 .................... ............... . ................................. 29
J. H igh a m , Strangers in th e Land : Patterns o f
American Nativism 1860-1925 (1 9 7 8 )................ 16
Horner & Bellamy, S tructured Em ploym ent: P rodu c
tivity an d P roductive C apacity , in VOCATIONAL
Ha bilitation fo r Se v e r el y Han dicapped
Perso n s (1979)............................................................... 26
L. Kam in , T he Sc ien c e and Po litic s o f I.Q.
(1974)................................................................................. 15
Johnson, R ep ort o f th e C om m ittee on C olon ies f o r Seg
regation o f D efectives, 30 PROC. Nat’L CONF.
C h a rities & Co rrectio n s (1 9 0 3 )....................... 18
Karst, T he Suprem e C ourt, 1976 Term — F orw ard :
E q u a l C itizenship U nder the F ou rteen th A m end
m ent, 91 Harv. L. REV. 1 (1977)........................... 4
Keating, T he W ar A gainst the M entally R etard ed , N.Y.
MAG., Sept. 17, 1979, at 8 7 ...................................... 29
Kevles, A nnals o f Eugenics, NEW YORKER, Oct. 8,
1984, Oct. 15, 1984, Oct. 22, 1984 ......................... 15
R. Kl u g e r , Sim p l e J u stic e (1975 )......... 17, 18, 19, 20
T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (Continued)
viii
O ther A uthorities: Page
Kuhlman, D egree o f M ental D eficiency in C hildren As
E xp ressed by the Relation o f A ge to M ental A ge ,
17 J. P S Y C H O -A S T H E N IC S 132 (1913).................... 5
Linn & Bowers, The H istorical F allacies B eh in d Legal
P roh ib ition s o f M arriages Involving M entally
R eta rd ed Persons, 13 GO N ZAGA L. REV. 625
(1978)................................................................................. 29
K. M. L u d m e r e r , Gen etic s and American So c i
e ty ; A H istorical Appraisal (1972).................. 15
T he Menace o f t h e F e e r l e -M in d e d in Con nect
ic u t (1915).......................................................... 10, 16, 17
T he Menace o f t h e F e e b l e -M in d e d in Pen n syl
vania (1913)................................................................... 10
“T he Neg ro a B ea st”: or “I n th e I mage o f Go d ”
(1900)................................................................... 17
The Ne g r o : A Menace to American C ivilization
(1907)................................................................................. 17
Alien D efectives, N.Y. Times, Jan. 13, 1913, at 10 . . 16
I. A. Ne w b y , J im Cro w ’s D e f e n s e : Anti-Negro
T h ough t in Am erica (1 9 6 5 )................................... 17
Osborn, The Evolution o f H um an R aces, 26 Nat. HIST.
5 (1 9 2 6 ).................... 17
R. Pe r s k e , Ne w L if e in th e Neig h bo rh o o d
(1980)................................................................................. 27
Pr e sid e n t ’s Co m m ittee on Mental Retarda
tio n , T he L eadin g E d g e , Serv ic e Programs
THAT WORK: REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT
(1978)............................................................................ 27
TA BLE O F A U TH O RITIES— (Continued)
IX
T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (C ontinued)
O th er A u thorities: Page
P R E S ID E N T ’S C O M M IT T E E ON M E N T A L R E T A R D A
T IO N , Mental Retardation , Past and
Pr e se n t (1 9 7 7 )............................................................. 30
Pr e s id e n t ’s C o m m ittee on Mental Retarda
tio n , T he Mentally Reta rd ed Wo r k e r , An
E con om ic D isc o v e r y : Repo rt to th e Pr e s i
d en t (1 9 8 3 ) .................................................................... 26
Pr o c e e d in g s o f th e T exas Co n fe r e n c e on
C h a rities and C o rrectio n s (1912 ).................. 7
Pr o c e e d in g s o f th e Texas Co n fe r e n c e on
C h a rities and Co rrectio n s (1914 ).................. 18
D. & S. Rothman , T he W illo w bro o k Wars
(1984)........................................................ . ...................... 29
S. B. Sarason & J. D o r is , E ducational Handi
cap, Pu bl ic Po licy and Social H istory
(1979) .................................................................................. 15
S. B. Sarason & J. Do r is , Psych ological Pro b
l em s in Mental D e fic ie n c y (4th rev. ed.
1969).................................................................................... 15
R. E. Sm ith , C h ristianity and th e Race Pro b
lem (1922)........................................................................ 20
K. M. Sta m pp, E ra o f Recon struction (1965)... 16
A. H. St o n e , St u d ie s in th e American Race Pro b
l em (1908)........................................................................ 20
P. Tyo r , Segreg a tio n or Su rg ery : T he Men
tally Re ta r d ed in Am erica , 1850-1920 (diss.
Nw. Univ. 1972), p u b lish ed in P. TYOR&L. BELL,
Caring fo r th e Re ta r d ed in Am eric a : A His
tory (1984)................................................................. 15, 18
X
O ther A u thorities: Page
Wald, B asic P erson al an d Civil Rights, in P R E S ID E N T ’S
C o m m itte e on Mental Retarda tion , T he
Men tally Re ta r d ed C itizen and th e Law
(M. Kindred, et a l. eds. 1 9 7 6 )................................... 14
W oestendiek, T he D einstitutionalization o f N icholas
R om eo, Phila. Inquirer Mag., May 27, 1984 . . . . 27
C. V. W o o d w a rd , T h e Strange Ca r eer o f Tim
C r o w (3d rev. ed. 1974)............................ 6, 17, 18, 19
C. S. Yoakum , Care o f th e F e e b l e m in d e d and
Insane in T exa s, B u lletin o f th e Un iv er
sity o f T e x a s , NO. 369 (Humanistic Ser. No. 16,
Nov. 5, 1 9 1 4 ) .................................................................. 7, 19
T A BLE O F A U TH O R ITIES— (Continued)
xi
No. 84-468
IN THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
October Term, 1984
City of Cleburne, Texas, et al.,
V.
Petitioners,
Cleburne Living Center, et al.,
Respondents.
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED
STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE
FIFTH CIRCUIT
B R IE F FOR THE ASSOCIATION FOR
R ETA R D E D C ITIZEV S/l SA. et a l . ,
AS AM ICI CURIAE
IN TEREST OF AMICI
Amici are eighteen national, state and local organizations of
retarded people and their families interested in disestablishing
the regime of state-imposed exclusion of retarded people from
the communities of this nation.
Amici know the history of purposeful unequal treatment im
posed upon retarded people by the states and know, as well, that
the ordinance at issue here is part of that terrible history. Amici
have a direct, personal interest in securing for retarded persons
the full measure of equal protection. Thus, amici present this
brief on behalf of respondents not only to argue that the Cleburne
ordinance must fall, but also to present the history that compels
1
2
the view that the Court should apply strict and searching scru
tiny to the ordinance and other disadvantaging classifications that
exclude and segregate retarded people.1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
This case concerns the deju re exclusion of thirteen retarded
citizens from the community of Cleburne because they hap
pened to be retarded. This quite invidious exclusion has been
visited upon these citizens and others like them as a direct result
of a pattern of official action, historically, of each of the state
governments.
Texas, along with every other state, adopted a policy of seg
regating and isolating “feeble-minded people for life, prevent
ing their remaining “at large” in the community. The states forth
rightly and systematically sought to “purge society” of their re
tarded citizens and by law declared them “unfit for citizenship. ”
The Cleburne ordinance, modeled on a 1929 Dallas ordi
nance, has its origin in this period and—along with at least twelve
similar ordinances in Texas alone—is rooted in the invidious dis
crimination of that time.
The compelled segregation and isolation of—and pure ani
mus toward— retarded people, clothed in the full weight,
strength, and authority of the government, dictates the strictest,
most searching scrutiny of official action excluding those citizens.
Onlv by invoking strict scrutiny can the stereotypes (such as those
in evidence here) be separated from the facts, thereby enabling
the Court to determine whether the classification directed solely
at retarded persons is a fair one.
The classification we seek to have held suspect is not “in
telligence,” but that of “being retarded,” for it is that immutable
trait that is at the root of the “history of purposeful unequal treat
ment.” Strict scrutiny will not foreclose classifications of retarded
persons for proper purposes or that properly recognize their
differences. _____________________________ ____________
1. The interest of each amicus is fully set forth in the accompanying mo
tion .
3
ARGUMENT
The ordinance of the City of Cleburne excluding “homes
. . . for the feebleminded”2 from the mid-Texas town of 20,000
people has its roots in the most xenophobic era of our history,
1896 to 1930, when both Jim Crow statutes segregating people
by race and state statutes imposing life-long segregation upon
“the feebleminded” were formulated and systematically enacted
by the states. Unlike the legacy of race discrimination in this
country, however, compare, e.g., Board, o f Regents o f the Uni
versity o f California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 387-94 & n .l (1978)
(Marshall, J.), the history of discrimination on the basis of re
tardation is not widely known. Yet the Court cannot decide this
case without a full appreciation of that history. Amici’s major
reason for filing this brief is to place the history before the Court
and to argue that that history is dispositive of this case.
This case poses the question of the respect required by the
Equal Protection Clause to be accorded retarded people: what
degree of scrutiny and justification is required of official classi
fication that excludes, segregates, degrades and isolates retarded
people. Amici submit that in light of the extraordinary history of
purposeful unequal treatment, the proper standard to be ex
tended under the Equal Protection Clause to retarded people is
that heretofore accorded people who are black.
The classification here—part of the historical pattern of state
action to eliminate retarded people altogether from common so
ciety and to disassociate “them” from “us”— offends the Equal
Protection Clause at what the Court’s opinions3 from the begin
2. “Feebleminded” was the encompassing term pervasively used in the
early decades of this century to designate retarded people as such, including
the “moron” (mildly retarded people), the “imbecile” (moderately retarded
people) and the “idiot” (severely or profoundly retarded people). See, e.g .,
1917 Ark. Acts 942, §11.
3. E.g., Tick W ov . Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 370 (1886) (“the very idea that
one man may be compelled to hold his life, or the means of living, or any
material right essential to the enjoyment of life, at the mere will of another,
seems to be intolerable in any country where freedom prevails, as being the
essence of slavery itself’); Traux v. Raich, 239 U.S. 33, 41 (1915) (“right to work
for a li ving in the common occupations of the community is of the very essence
of the personal freedom and opportunity that it is the purpose of the [Four
4
ning to now show to be its core:
“The principle of equal citizenship presumptively insists that
the organized society treat each individual as a person, one
who is worthy of respect, one who ‘belongs.’ Stated nega
tively, the principle presumptively forbids the organized so
ciety to treat an individual either as a member of an inferior
or dependent caste or as a non-participant.”4
Classifications that explicitly single out retarded people and
have exclusive impact on them should be considered suspect and
given strict and searching scrutiny in view of the terrible history
of such classification.5
teenth] Amendment to secure”); Bell v. Maryland, 378 U.S. 226, 317 (1964)
(concurring opinion) ("constitutional right of all Americans to be treated as equal
members of the community with respect to public accommodations . . . ‘is too
important in our free society to be stripped of judicial protection’ ”); Examining,
B oard o f Engineers, Architects and Surveyors v. Flores de Otero, 426 U.S.
572, 604 (1976); Ingraham v. Wright, 430 U.S. 651, 670 (1977); cf. Plyler v.
D oe, 457 U.S. 202, 223 (1982) (“. . . the ability to live within the structure of
our civic institutions, and . . . contribute . . . to the progress of our Nation”).
4. Karst, The Supreme Court, 1976 Term — Forw ard: E qual Citizenship
Under the Fourteenth Amendment, 91 Harv. L. Rev. 1, 6 (1977); accord, Baker,
Outcome Equality o r Equality o f Respect, 131 U. Pa. L. Rev . 933 (1983);Burt,
Constitutional Law and the Teaching o f Parables, 93 Yale L. J. 455, 490-500
(1984).
5. The dissent from the denial of rehearing en banc below thought “the
retarded” to have “minds at or below third-grader level in the bodies of oth
erwise healthy adults” (J.A. 141). This manifestly incorrect statement of what
being retarded is repeats a persistent part of the stereotype that evoked the
official state undertaking to segregate retarded people: the myth of “mental
age,” that retarded people are eternal children, innocent but fitful, erratic,
unreachable, fearsome, forever possessed of a “mental age” of eight (or, five,
or three), condemned to wander the world only with what an eight-year old
would have learned. Correctly understood, mental age describes not a ceiling
on how much a person can learn or the skills he has command of, but a rate of
learning.
Thus, for example, retarded people chronologically aged forty-five who
are said to have a mental age of eight will — if the opportunities to learn are
decently at hand, have mastered much more during the thirty-seven additional
years they have been learning at the eight-vear-old "rate” than someone who
was eight only for a year. Indeed, H. H. Goddard, who in 1910 “validated the
concept of “mental age” and introduced this “measurement into American
5
I. THE CLEBURNE ORDINANCE IS PART OF A PATTERN
OF STATE-IMPOSED, LIFE-LONG SEGREGATION OF
RETARDED PEOPLE THAT IN ANIMUS AND PUR
POSEFUL UNEQUAL TREATMENT IS PARALLEL TO
THE TREATMENT OF BLACK PERSONS.
The decades at the turn into this century imposed a stark
legacy upon the country. The xenophobic hysteria of the era,
fueled by the new scientism of the eugenics movement, pos
sessed by severe Darwinian strictures and doubts, assaulted by
the unprecedented flow of new immigration and the uncertain
ties of a new industrial age, took on all the force of state power
and focused it pervasively against black people and against re
tarded people and visited upon them the most severe disquali
fications imaginable among citizens.
discourse met “this very difficulty at the outset”:
“We soon realized that having in one of these groups that test to the men
tality of say an eight-year-old normal child, we were facing a very inter
esting problem, as to what was the difference between children who had
lived in the world twelve years, and those who had lived twenty years
. . . . In other words, a child who tests according to the Binet test, ten years
of age, but is actually fifty years old, may be expected to do a great many
things which will quite surprise us because we never have happened to
know of a ten-year-old child that could do those things . . . .”
Goddard’s solution to the measurement difficulty?
“[I]n order to get some accurate idea as to what mental age meant . . . .
we had to cut out all those who were beyond the training period [i.e., those
over twenty years].”
Thus Goddard “validated” — and the Era installed and perpetuated in the
common prejudice — a measure that does not measure. Goddard, Four Hun
dred Feeble-M inded Children Classified By the Binet Method, 15 J. Psycho-
ASTHENICS 13 (1910). Others made the point, for example, Kuhlman, Degree
o f Mental Deficiency In Children As Expressed By The Relation o f Age To
Mental Age, 17 J. PSYCHO-ASTHENICS 132 (1913):
“Feeble-mindedness is a retarded rate of mental development. The term
‘arrested development’ or ‘mental arrest’ is a misnomer, for it implies that
development has ceased. It is a common observation that feeble-minded
children do develop mentally. We also find that their mental ages as meas
ured by the Binet-Simon tests increase as they grow older. ”
But it is the “ceiling” idea of “mental age” that was codified into invidious
6
The Jim Crow system segregating people by race was not a
19th century invention, but a creation of this era. C. V.
Woodward, The Strange Career of J im Crow (3d rev. ed.
1974). Similarly, large, isolated institutions that separate retarded
people from the wider society for life are an invention of this era.
Like Jim Crow, these institutions were created by state law in
tentionally to segregate retarded people. Thus a regime of state-
imposed life-long segregation of retarded people was commis
sioned, and public, as well as private, attitudes and action that
would reinforce it were legitimated and evoked.6 This case will
determine whether it shall be disestablished.
In Texas, Jim Crow was enacted and in force in the first
decade of this century.7 8 Texas created its first institution “for the
feeble-minded” of the State by Act of March 22, 1915.6 Section
2 of the Act declared as its purpose to end “the heavy economic
and moral losses arising from the existence at large of these un
fortunate persons.” The Superintendent of the State Colony for
the Feeble-Minded reiterated its purposes in his Third Annual
Report:
“[T]heir segregation and control, through life, is the rem
edy. This can be obtained only by legally committing them
to an institution where they can be kept permanently.”9
stereotype, to wit: The January 7, 1985 Dallas Morning News (17A, col. 1)
opened a six-column feature story with lead paragraphs saying:
"Sarah is three years old — forever.
“She was horn 26 years ago, but something went wrong, and her mind
stopped growing at the mental age of three.”
6. The exclusion in the Cleburne ordinance at issue here did not first
appear in the Cleburne zoning ordinance in 1965 as petitioners have incorrectly
asserted throughout. The exclusion of "feeble-minded patients” appeared first
in the Cleburne ordinances in 1947. It was taken verbatim from the September
11, 1929 ordinance of the City of Dallas. The relevant portions of both ordi
nances are reproduced at Appendix B.
7. Sec, c .g .. 1907 Tex. Gen. Laws 58.
8. "An Act to Provide for the Establishment and Maintenance of a State
Farm Colony for the Feeble-Minded and to Make Appropriations Therefore,
and to Declare an Emergency. 1915 Tex. Gen. Laws 143, eh. 90.
9. Superintendent's Report (August 31, 1920) in FIRST ANNUAL RKPORTOF
thk SI vi i Board o f C ontrol T o tiik G ovkrnor and T uk L kgislatcrk o f
/
The animus of the Act creating the State Colony to segregate
retarded people is set forth in a 1914 pamphlet of the Texas State
Conference on Charities and Corrections.10The pamphlet opens:
“Every state, to maintain the highest efficiency in its gov
ernmental and social functions, must consider the nature of
its citizens. We are in the habit of dividing citizens into two
classes based on their value to society or their amenableness
to social custom and law — desirable and undesirable citi
zens. The latter class comes in conflict with law and is gen
erally considered a menace to good government.” Id. at 11.
It continues:
“The general public has already been educated to the belief
that it is a good thing to segregate the idiot or the distinct
imbecile, but they have not, as yet, been quite so fully con
vinced as to the proper treatment of this brighter and more
dangerous class, the defective delinquent. From a financial
standpoint, segregation of the defective delinquent would
be a great economy, to say nothing about the more salient
feature, that of stopping them from producing their kind. If
we could segregate these defectives when they are young
and keep them confined during their natural lives, it would
THE State OF T exas 147 (1921) (Docs. Coll. Tex. St. Archives).
10. C.S. Yoakum, Care of the F eeblem in ded and Insane in Texas,
Bulletin of the University of T exas, No . 369 (Humanistic Ser. No. 16,
Nov. 5, 1914) (on file in Pamph. Coll., Tex. St. Archives, Austin, Tex.). The
pamphlet originated as a committee report of the State Conference on Charities
and Corrections, which, like conferences in other states and the National Con
ference on Charities and Corrections, was composed of leading citizens, most
often drawn from the leading families — professors, journalists and public of
ficials, including mayors and legislators — and was the active progenitor of the
Act of March 22, 1915, as it had been of the juvenile court law, the suspended
sentence law and other Progressive Era legislation.
"It aims to bring together for a free exchange of views and experiences for
united action all persons and all organizations and institutions, public and
private, engaged or interested in work of a charitable or philanthropic
character, or in administering our penal and correctional institutions and
agencies.”
Proceedings of the State Conference on C harities and Corrections
11-12 (1912) [hereinafter cited as PROCEEDINGS].
8
obviate the expense of having them committed repeatedly
to our penitentiaries when they grow older. . . .
“ ‘Some may say, “Why it is a pity to confine these children
in an institution all their lives”; but that is where they are
greatly mistaken, as for instance, in Ohio, I can say to you
that we have a community of over 1600 of the happiest chil
dren in the State in our institution.’ . ” Id. at 46.
The pamphlet goes on to warn:
‘To discharge, unsterilized, the defective child, after hav
ing taught him habits of neatness and a few tricks that make
his mental deficiency less noticeable, is worse than never to
have put him in an institution. ’ In other words, the defective
is a person who, for the good of society, must end his line
of descent with himself. We have indicated in other places
that he is personally a menace to society while alive.
“The only safe procedure is custodial care and institutional
care throughout life for the great majority. Some authorities
believe that a small percentage of those who are trainable
may after a time be returned to society. Even these are usu
ally far better off in an institution where they can earn a
living under watchful care. In the paragraphs that follow, we
shall describe the type of institution that is best suited to
such lifelong protection of these derelicts in society.” Id. at
66 .
The pamphlet concludes:
“A clean-limbed, pure-minded, sane thinking people is an
ideal alone commensurate with the ideals of this State and
this nation. What shall we do to attain, to eliminate this
great and ever-increasing source of ignorance, poverty, and
crime? ‘One of the most shocking and easily cured evils is
the increase of the feeble-minded, the begetters of numer
ous degenerate children. The remedy is their segregation
by the State . . .’ The answer comes with no uncertain ring.
“This problem of racial betterment is called in modern
phrase, eugenics. Our purpose in this discussion has been
limited. We have, therefore, discussed the single phase of
9
the general problem — the elimination of the defective
strains. Many answers and solutions have been offered,
among them segregation has appealed to society’s feelings of
humanity and fair play with greatest force. Restrictive mar
riage laws and customs are important, and educative, but
fail to reach the irresponsible and degenerate till too late.
. . . Laissez-faire or natural selection, euthanasia, neo-
malthusianism, and polygamy are either impossible under
the protective forces of modern social conditions or are ideas
repugnant to present-day ideals of religion and humanity.
Of all the solutions suggested, the two most advocated are
sterilization and segregation. Both of these ideas were em
bodied in bills submitted to the last Legislature in Texas.
“The evidence so far collected points toward segregation as
the most feasible, most easily put into force, and least sub
versive of constitutional prerogative. . . . ” Id. at 81-83
(pamphlet’s emphasis).11
This Texas undertaking by force of law of the life-long seg
regation of retarded persons was universal among the states.12
Each of the states resolved, de jure, as did Pennsylvania:
“that the Eastern Pennsylvania State Institution for the
Feeble-Minded and Epileptic shall be devoted to segrega
tion, care, maintenance, treatment, training and education
of epileptic, idiotic, imbecile or feeble-minded persons,”
1913 Pa. Laws 494, No. 328, § 1; and as did Florida:
“that there is hereby established . . . a Florida Farm Colony
for Epileptic and Feeble-Minded . . . for the segregation
and employment of the epileptic and feeble-minded . . . to
the end that these unfortunates may be prevented from re-
producing their kind, and the various communities and the
11. A second, separate section of the Texas pamphlet, addressing care of
“the insane” (id. at 84-145), reflects confusion of the two (109-128), but no
where calls for, but rather rejects (100, 136-37) permanent, life-long segrega
tion of mentally ill people.
12. See Appendix A, Compendium of Purposeful State Action for the Seg
regation and Exclusion of Retarded People in the Fifty States and the District
of Columbia [references to App. A hereinafter cited as “A-____ ”].
10
State at Large relieved from the heavy economic and moral
losses arising by reason of their existence,”
1919 Fla. Laws 231, §§ 1, 8; and as did Utah, in the same year
the predecessor to the Cleburne ordinance was enacted, 1929
Utah Laws 102, eh. 75, §§ 1, 29 (App. A-71.).
The animus of each was everywhere the same. A sampling
from Appendix A of the very titles recurrent among the many
pamphlets advancing institutional segregation describes vividly
that ill-will: The Menace o f the Feeble-M inded in Pennsylvania
(1913); The Menace o f the Feeble-M inded in Connecticut (1915);
The Burden o f Feeble-M indedness (1912) (Mass.); The Feeble
m inded , Or, The Hub to Our W heel o f Vice (1913) (Ohio).
The policy of exclusion of retarded people, implemented
through state action, is epitomized by a Mississippi law creating
a “Colony for the Feebleminded” for the segregation of “all cases”
deemed “unfit fo r citizenship.”13 That law, and the others like it,
present as starkly as imaginable the essence of an equal protec
tion violation, exclusion of a particular people from the very “cit
izenship” of the land. Government officials in every state estab
lished formal policies in inexorable fashion: Retarded people were
“entirely unfit to go into general society,”14 a “menace to the
happiness . . . of the community,”15 “unfitted for companion
ship with other children,”16 a “blight on mankind”17 whose very
“presence”18 in the community was “detrimental to normal” peo
ple, 19 and whose “mingling . . . with society” was “a most bane
ful evil.”20
Official policy was to “prevent this class of persons from com
ing in contact with the populace,”21 to “purge society”22 of these
13. A-47 (emphasis provided); see also A-19 (Pa.).
14. A-43 (Wis.); see A-24 (Ind.) (“unfit to be out in the
world”).
13. A-44 (Ala.).
16. A-74 (Wash.).
17. A-21 (Vt.).
18. A-21 (R.I).
19. A-63 (Cal.).
20. A-70 (Ore.).
21. A-67 (Colo.).
11
“anti-social beings,”22 23 to “segregate [them] from the world,”24 25 so
that they “not . . . be returned to society”23 since “[m]ental de
fect . . . wounds our citizens a thousand times more than any
plague.”26 “Nothing” would better “promot[e] our best citizen
ship, than to segregate the feeble-minded.”27
To that end, the enactments of nine state legislatures spec
ified “segregation” in the body of their laws28 and the official
documents of practically each other state and of the United States
for the District of Columbia specified the same object.29
Institutions, as a matter of law, were houses of “detention”30
where retarded “inmates” were “kept”31 and “held”32 “for
life.”33 As the official reports indicate, detention would be “per
manent,”34 in the nature of “an indeterminate sentence”33 to the
“institutional community where he’ll always live,”36 since “a de
fective child will be a defective adult, and will die a defective.
There is not a philosopher’s stone to turn the base metals of de
fect into gold. ”37 They could never be let “loose in the world, ”38
22. A-43 (Wis.).
23. A-19, 20 (Pa.).
24. A-23 (Ind.).
25. A-34 (Neb.).
26. A-73 (Utah).
27. A-21-22 (Vt.).
28. A-45 (Fla.); A-29 (Ky.); A-47 (Miss.) (“isolation and segregation”); A-35
(Neb.) (“to segregate them from society”); A-9 (N.H.); A-19 (Pa.); A-38 (S. Dak.);
A-57, 59 (Va.); A-74 (Wash.).
29. E .g., A-66 (Cal.); A-67 (Colo.); A-2 (Conn.); A-27 (Kan.); A-23 (Ind.);
A-8 (Mass.); A-31 (Mich.); A-10 (N.J.); A-18 (N.Y.); A-49 (N.Car.); A-37 (Ohio);
A-50-51 (S.Car.); A-56 (Tex.); A-73 (Utah); A-22 (Vt.); A-43 (Wis.) (“separating
them from society”); A-77-78 (U.S.).
30. E .g., A-22 (111.); A-69 (Mont.); A-34 (Neb.); A-37 (Ohio): A-71 (Ore.);
A-20 (PaL.).
31. A -ll (N.J.)
32. A-62 (Ariz.)1
33. A-62 (Cal.); see A-l (Conn.); A-35 (N. Dak.)
34. A-8 (Mass .); A-33 (Mo.); A-10 (N.J.); A-19 (Pa.); A-56 (Tex.); A-77
(U.S.).
35. A-59 (Va.);:see A-67 (Colo.) (to be “kept in an institution indefinitely );
A-71 (Ore.) “indeterminate detention”).
36. A-43 (Wis.).
37. A-46 (Ga.).
12
and it was felt especially important to keep them “away from
thickly settled communities,”38 39 “remote from the centers of pop
ulation for reasons that are obvious.”40 Retarded persons simply
did not have the “rights and liberties of normal people.”41 The
Executive Secretary of the District of Columbia Board of Charity
urged a congressional committee to authorize the erection of an
institution since retarded people are “not much above the ani
mal. 42 State officials elsewhere also sought to remove retarded
people from the realm of humanity, referring to them as “not far
removed from the brute. 43 They were not quite persons, but
“by-products of unfinished humanity.”44
Retarded people were segregated for being a “nuisance to
the community,”45 or a “menace to the happiness . . . of others
in the community,”46 or a “menace to society,”47 or “for the wel
fare of the community”48 or “of society,”49 or so that “the state at
large [may be] relieved from the heavy economic and moral losses
arising by reason of their existence.”50 It was important to find a
way of getting rid of these kinds of cases.”51
Official reports labeled retarded people “a parasitic, pred
atory class,”52 a “danger to the race,”53 “a blight and a misfortune
both to themselves and to the public,”54 whose role “in discount
38. A-67 (Colo.).
39. A-79 (U.S.).
40. A-2 (Conn.).
41. A-41 (S.Dak.).
42. A-80.
43. A-58 (Va.).
44. A-53 (Tex.).
45. A-22 (Ind.).
46. A-44 (Ala.); A-46 (Ga.); A-47 (Miss.); A-51 (Tenn.); A-60-61 (VV.Va.).
47. A-68-69 (Idaho); A-43 (Wis.); A-72 (Utah) (“a social menace”).
48. A-62 (Ariz,); A-22 (111.); A-47 (La.); A-70 (N.Mex.); A-80-81 (U.S )
49. A-35 (Neb.).
50. A-45 (Fla.); accord, A-55-56 (Tex.).
51. A-3 (Conn.); see A-68 (Hawaii) (“a place to get the feeble-minded out
of the community”).
52. A-8 (Mass.); A-21 (Vt.).
53. A-43 (Wis.).
54. A-27 (Kan.).
13
ing social progress is by far the most potent influence for evil
under which society is struggling today.”35
The states actively inculcated fear of retarded persons, di
rected their identification and removal from the community, and
enlisted assistance of the public to do so. Government officials
undertook major outreach efforts.56 Physicians, teachers, and so
cial workers were required by law' in some states to report to the
government all persons “believed by them to be feeble
minded.”57 Other states made it “one of the special duties of
every health officer and of every public health nurse to institute
proceedings to secure the proper segregation and custody of fee
bleminded persons.”58 Those states with no formal reporting or
registration requirement at least officially encouraged health, wel
fare, and social workers to be “constantly on the lookout”59 for
potential cases to be institutionalized, and authorized a wide va
riety of public and private persons60 —or sometimes simply “any
reputable citizen”61— to institutionalize a person if a parent or
relative “either neglect[ed] or refus[ed]” to do so.62 Washington
state legislators dispensed with that procedure and simply made
it a criminal offense, punishable by a $200 fine, for any parents
refusing to perform their “duty” to segregate in the state insti
tution their “feebleminded” son or daughter.63 Some states even
permitted detention temporarily with no procedural rights for
those who were “suspected of being feebleminded or idiotic.”64
Once parents placed their child in an institution, some states
required them to “waive all right to remove such inmate there- 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64
55. A-24 (Ind.).
56. E .g., A-62-63, 65-66 (Cal.); A-25 (Ind.); A-56 (Tex.).
57. A-40 (S.Dak.); see also A-71 (Ore.).
58. A-29 (Ky.); accord, A-52 (Tenn.).
59. A-28 (Kan.).
60. E .g., A-66 (Cal.) (“any peace officer”); A-49(N. Car.) (“ministers, teach
ers, or physicians); A-50 (Okla.) (“trustees of any township”); A-21 (Vt.) (the
selectman of [any] town”); A-75 (Wyo.) (the county prosecutor).
61. A-5 (Del.); A-22 (111.); A-46 (La.); A-51 (Tenn.); A-61 (W.Va.).
62. A-47-48 (Miss.); A-51 (Tenn.); A-61 (W.Va.); see A-44 (Ala.) (“notwith
standing the family or relatives may object thereto”); A-50 (Okla.).
63. A-74.
64. E .g., A-36 (N.Dak.).
14
after either permanently or for a limited time.”63 All of these
steps, and others, were thought necessary to segregate those
whose parents or guardians are averse to such actions.”66 Gov
ernment officials made the judgment that “the presence of the
unfortunate child in the home”67 was “more tragic than any known
disease,”66 and a “menace to . . . the family.”69
The regime of segregation reached to and was reinforced by
systematic exclusion from public schooling,70 forced steril
ization,'1 peonage,72 bans upon marriage and exercise of the
franchise,'3 and even reached to the death of “defective”
babies.74
Where did it all come from? Previously, in the mid-19th
century, Dr. Samuel GricUey Howe and others had established
residential schools for retarded people, all small, in or near the
towns, with the purpose that retarded children should attend,
learn, and return after a little while to their homes to live and to
work. Howe insisted that the schools should not become custo-
dial and warned against life-long segregation.75 By the turn into
65. A-30 (Mich.); A -ll (N.J.); accord, A-69 (Mont.); A-36 (N.Dak.).
66. A-66 (Cal.); accord, A-.34 (Neb.) (need for retarded people to be “de
tained in the institution against the desire of the parent”).
67. A-21 (R.I.).
68. A-73 (Utah).
69. A-6.3 (Cal.); A-6 (Md.).
70. The history of exclusion from the schools is noted in Pennsylvania
Ass’n f o r R etarded Children v. Pennsylvania, 343 F.Supp. 279, 294-95 (E.D.
Pa. 1972); B oard o f Education o f H endrick Hudson School District v . Rowley,
458 U.S. 176, 191(1982); and committee reports on the Education of All Hand
icapped Children’s Act, e.g ., S. Rep . No. 94-168, 94th Cong., 1st sess. 9 (1975).
71. E .g ., A-63-64 (Cal.); A-26 (Iowa); A-5 (Me.); A-59-60 (Va.).
72. E .g., A-3,4 (Conn.); A-81 (D.C.). Indiana required by law that “the
labor in constructing” all of the institution's “buildings, improvements, and
facilities shall be supplied as far as possible by the persons committed to the
institution.” A-24.
73. See Brief of Amici AAMD, e ta l.; Wald, Basic Personal and Civil Rights
in Presidents Committee on Mental Retardation, The Mentally Re
tarded Citizen and the Law 3, 7-9, 25 (M. Kindred, et a l , eds. 1976).
74. Defective B abe Dies As D ecreed: Physician, Refusing Saving O pera
tion, D efends Course as Wisest f o r Country’s Good, W atches as Im becile C hild’s
Life Wanes, N.Y. Times, Nov. 18, 1915, at 1, col. 3.
75. For Howe’s position, see pp. A-6-7.
the new century, however, the times had changed. In 1903 Walter
Fernald, a Massachusetts official and a leading figure in the As
sociation of Medical Officers of American Institutions for Idiotic
and Feeble-Minded Persons, dismissed Howe’s view, saying:
“[T]he Doctor wrote before the tide of immigration had set
so strongly to our shores. . . . What is to be done with the
feeble-minded progeny of the foreign hordes that have set
tled and are settling among us?”76
A solution equal to the severity and the magnitude of the
problem was imperative. In 1913-14, at the request of the United
States Public Health Service, Henry H. Goddard — the ac
claimed author of The Kallihak Family 77 — administered Binet’s
IQ test to the southern and eastern European immigrants arriv
ing in steerage at Ellis Island. “[G]iv[ing] the immigrant the
76. P. T yor, S egregatio n or S u rg ery : T he M entally R eta rd ed in
Am erica , 1850-1920, at 160 (Diss. Nw. Univ. 1972), published in P. T yor &
L. B e l l , C aring for th e R eta rd ed in Am erica : A H istory (1984). The stand
ard historical works on America’s treatment of retarded people include P. T yor ,
supra- S. B. Sarason & J. D o ris , Psychological Pro blem s in M ental D e
fic ien c y , chs. 12-16 (4th rev. ed. 1969), and E ducational Handicap, Pu blic
Policy and S ocial H istory (1979); see also Appendix D to this Brief.
77. The Kallikak F amily (MacMillan, 1912). Asking “What is to be
done? ’ The Kallikak Family concludes:
. . . For the low-grade idiot, the loathsome unfortunate that may be seen
in some of our institutions, some have proposed the lethal chambers. But
humanity is steadily tending away from the possibility of that method. . .
We cannot successfully cope . . . until we recognize feeble-mindedness
and its hereditary nature, recognize it early, and take care of it.
[Segregation through colonization seems in the present state of our knowl
edge to be the ideal and perfectly satisfactory method.”
Id. at 101, 116-117. The leading standard historical works describing the per
vasive place of eugenics in the era and its decisive role in action against im
migrants, blacks and retarded people include M. H. Haller, EUGENICS:
Heriditarian Attitudes in American Thought (1963); K. M. Ludmerer,
Genetics and American Society: A Historical Appraisal (1972); L. Kamin ,
The Science and Politics o f I.Q. (1974); Kevles, Annals o f Eugenics, New
Yorker. Oct. 8, 1984, at 99-115; id. Oct. 15, 1984, at 99-125; id. Oct. 22, 1984,
at 92, 93.
16
benefit of every doubt, he found that 79% of the Italians, 80%
of the Hungarians, 83% of the Jews and 87% of the Russians were
feeble-minded.78
This was — as Kenneth M. Stampp writes in his historio
graphical analysis of this early 20th Century era — “a time when
xenophobia had become almost a national disease. It was a time
“when Negroes and immigrants were being lumped together in
the category of unassimilable aliens. During the first decades of
the century,
“the new immigrant groups had become the victims of cruel
racial stereotypes. Taken collectively it would appear that
they were, among other things, innately inferior to the Anglo-
Saxons in their intellectual and physical traits, dirty and im
moral in their habits, inclined toward criminality, receptive
to dangerous political beliefs and shiftless and irresponsible.
In due time, those who repeated these stereotypes awoke to
the realization that what they were saying was not really
very original — that, as a matter of fact, these generaliza
tions were precisely the ones southern men had been mak
ing about Negroes for years.”79
And the solution for the now apprehended “common problem”
was, in the new decades of a new century, precisely similar: state-
imposed segregation alike of “the Negro” and of retarded people.
The animus that supported segregation of “the
feeble-minded” bore unmistakable similarity to the animus that
evoked Jim Crow. Compare titles like The Menace o f the Fee-
78. Goddard, Mental Testing and the Immigrants, 2 J. D elin quency 243,
249, 252 (1917). Additional “findings” were extensively reported, e.g ., N.Y.
Times, Jan. 13, 1913, at 10 (“Alien Defectives”); see A-12-16, 64-65.
79. K. M. Stampp, The Tragic Legend o f Reconstruction, the introduction
in E ra o f Reconstruction 19-20 (1965) (Stampp’s emphasis).
The standard historical works on the response of the era to immigration,
describing its crucial contribution to the adoption of Jim Crow and its identi
fication of new immigrants as so fearfully subhuman as to require state action,
include T. J. ARCHDEACON, BECOMING AMERICAN: AN ETHNIC HISTORY 158-172
(1983); J. H icham , Strangers in th e L and: Patterns of American Nativism
1860-1925, at 131-175 (1978); O. H andlin , T he U prooted 247-267 (2d ed.
1973); see also J. S. Ha l ler , O utcasts from E volution : Sc ien tific At ti
tu d es o f Racial Inferiority ', 1859-1900, at 170-175 (1971).
17
bleminded in Connecticut (1915) with such popular southern
works advancing Jim Crow as “The Negro a Beast”: Or “In the
Image o f G od” (1900); The Negro: A Menace to American Civi
lization (1907). They were, alike, “a part of the then current lit
erature of the ‘Yellow Peril’ school and the flourishing cult of
Nordicism.”80
Champions of life-long segregation for retarded people ex
plicitly invoked the then-exploding prejudice against black peo
ple. For example, in 1903, Martin W. Barr, President of the
American Association of Medical Officers for Institutions for Id
iotic and Feeble-Minded Persons, addressed the virtues of “life
long custodial service” in retardation institutions in these terms:
“[Tjhey partake of the industrial and manual training given
in the antebellum days on the plantation, which were in fact
— as the world is fast acknowledging — training schools for
a backward race, many of whom were feeble-minded. ”81
The recitations of the arguments supporting life-long institu
tional segregation of retarded people matched the recitations on
behalf of Jim Crow: “the shibboleths of . . . the Negro's innate
inferiority, shiftlessness, and hopeless unfitness for full partici
pation in the white man’s civilization”; invocation of “the su
80. C. V. Woodward, T he Strange C areer o f J im Crow 94 (3d rev.
ed. 1974). Other standard historical works on Jim Crow include J. H. FRANKLIN,
F rom Slavery to F reedo m : A History o f Neg ro Americans (5th ed. 1980);
R. Kluger, S imple J ustice (1975); I. A. Newby. J im Crows D e f e n s e : Anti-
Negro T hought in America 1900-1930(1965); G. M. F rederickson , T he
Black Image I n the W hite Mind (1971).
81. Barr, State C are o f the Feeblem inded, 76 N.Y. M e d . J. 1159 (1903).
Com pare the 1900 address of the President of the Southern Education Asso
ciation on behalf of Jim Crow, quoted in C. V. W oodw ard , supra note 80, at
95.
Champions of Jim Crow invoked the sterotypes of feeble
mindedness against black people. For example, Henry Fairfield Osborn, lead
ing paleontologist and President of the American Museum of Natural History
from 1908 to 1933, wrote that the intelligence of "the Negro” rarely exceeded
that of the eleven-vear-old youth of the species Homo sapiens ; A. B. Hart
wrote, “the Negro mind ceases to develop after adolescence. Osborn, The
Evolution o f Human R aces, 26 Nat. Hist. 5 (1926); A. B. Hart, T he Southern
South 104 (1910).
18
preme law of self preservation”; and the necessity of “the stronger
and cleverer race, free to impose its will upon new caught, sullen
peoples.”82 William Graham Sumners’ 1907 Folkways was seized
upon to establish “the irremedial backwardness of the negro and
the futility of efforts to improve him.”83
Asserted dangerousness was crucial to the arguments for per
manent segregation. For Jim Crow, “a sensational press played
up and headlined current stories of Negro crime . . . . a daily
barrage of Negro atrocity stories.”84 For life-long segregation of
retarded people, the fiction of their dangerousness was also sys
tematically invented and perpetuated. In Texas, for example, in
1914, the State Conference on Charities and Corrections was
told by one of its leaders:
“The refusal of Texas to make provision for its feeble-minded
for the simple reason that from them they fear no personal
bodily violence is an increasing menace to the mental and
spiritual life of our State, in contrast to which the fancied
physical safety is negligible. I have used the phrase fancied
physical safety, advisedly, for security from bodily ills is not
gained through segregation of the insane and promiscuous
freedom of the feeble-minded. . . .Not only are the feeble
minded a menace as regards actual criminal proclivities but
they are equally a menace as regards public health. 85
The Jim Crow movement proceeded in “mounting stages of
aggression” until, by 1911 “ ‘[i]ts spirit is that of an all-absorbing
autocracy of race, an animus of aggrandizement which makes, in
the imagination of the white man, an absolute identification of
82. C. V. W oodw ard , supra note 80, at 70, 72-73.
83. R. Klu g e r , supra note 80, at 86.
84. C. V. WOODWARD, supra note 80, at 86.
85. PROCEEDINGS (1914), supra note 10, at 63. The General Secretary of
the National. Conference on Charities and Corrections had in 1899 set the Na
tional Conference on a campaign to persuade the public that “the feeble
minded” were dangerous. Johnson, Report o f the Committee on Colonies fo r
Segregation o f Defectives, 30 Proc . Nat'l C o n f . C harities & C orrections
248-49 (1903), quoted in P. Tyor, supra note 76, at 184; see also Barr, The
Im becile and Epileptic Versus the Taxpayer and the Community, 29 Pro c .
Nat'l C o n f . C harities & C orrections 163 (1902).
19
the stronger race with the very being of the state. ’ ”86 As Richard
Kluger has written:
“Keeping blacks separate, everyone understood, would pre
vent contamination of white blood by the defective genes of
colored people, whose unfortunate traits stemmed from their
tribal origins in densest Africa and were incurably fixed upon
the face from generation to generation. , . . [T]heir very
blackness bespoke their low and brutish nature. All litera
ture, folklore, and custom of the English-speaking peoples
reinforced the notion that the African’s tawny hide was a
primal stain.”87
The apotheosis of the demands of racial purity was. as the State
of Kentucky represented to this Court in its brief in Berea Col
lege v. Kentucky, 211 U.S. 45 (1908):
“If the progress, advancement and civilization of the twen
tieth century is to go forward, then it must be left not only
to the unadulterated blood of the Anglo-Saxon-Caucasian
race, but to the highest types and geniuses of that
race. . . .”88
The demands of “racial betterment” required the very most
severe measures within their grasp. Solutions beyond segrega
tion were examined but had to be discarded. The Texas pam
phlet was illustrative: “. . . euthanasia, neo-malthusianism, and
polygamy are either impossible under the protective forces of
modern social conditions or are ideas repugnant to present day
ideas of religion and humanity.” Segregation “has appealed to
society’s feelings of humanity and fair play with greatest force.”
Segregation is “the most feasible, most easily put into force, and
least subversive o f constitutional prerogative”89 — a plain state
ment of the impact on the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S.
537, 544-52 (1896). Without Plessy’s permission, no state in con
templation of the Fourteenth Amendment could have dared to
impose life-long segregation upon any citizen.
86. C. V. W oodw ard , supra note 80, at 108.
87. R. KLUGER, supra note 80, at 305.
88. Id . at 87.
89. C. S. YOAKUM, supra note 10, at 82 (emphasis supplied).
2 0
State-imposed segregation was justified as benign and even
beneficial to its victims according to the near constant profes
sions of those who established it. Segregation of “the feeble
minded,” the Texas rationale went, consistent with a “deep and
abiding charity,” “permits all to live under those circumstances
best suited to make each useful and happy.”90 As to segregation
by race, a Texan wrote, “both races believe that a separate social
life is most desirable and most practical.”91 Jim Crow in Texas
was not “petty persecution of the Negro, attributed to a desire to
humiliate, stigmatise, and degrade him, [it is] the embodiment
of enlightened public policy, and is the surest guarantee of a
minimum of friction between the races.”92 Separation, President
Woodrow Wilson said, was “not humiliating, but a benefit . . .
‘rendering them more safe in their possession of office and less
likely to be discriminated against.’ ”93
The Cleburne ordinance excluding “homes for the . . . fee
bleminded” is thus not an isolated enactment but the perpetu
ation of a pattern of invidious inflictions.94 Indeed, the legislation
from which Cleburne’s exclusionary provision is copied — Dal
las’ ordinance of 192995 — was formulated in the era that estab
lished the state regime for the life-long segregation of retarded
people.
This case will determine whether that regime of segregation
will be disestablished and whether a decent respect will be ex
90. I d . at 83.
91. R. E. S m ith , C hristianity and th e Race Problem 10 (1922).
92. A. H. Stone, Studies in the American Race Problem 64 (1908).
9.3. R. Kluger , s u p ra note 80, at 91.
94. Amici had available to them, in the library of the University of Texas
at Austin, current zoning ordinances of sixty Texas cities. Of these, the codes
of twelve cities explicitly exclude homes for persons with retardation from neigh
borhoods where comparable dwellings for noil-retarded persons are permitted.
They are Amarillo Co d e , chs. 26-8, 26-ll(43a); Beaumont Co d e ,
§42-15(A)(l); Carollton Co d e , art. XY(14); Copperas Cove Co d e , §5(4)(m);
D uncanville Co d e , art. 111(14); E dinburg Co d e , art. IV, §4-2(3): Killeen
Co d e , eh. 9, art. 2, §8-l(fk Midland Co d e , S11 -1 - 10(A); New B raunfels
Co d e , S6C.1-6; Port Neches Co d e , §24-6; San Angelo Co d e , §33-2-14(6);
Sulphur Springs Co d e , art.6(a).
95. The ordinances are set out in App. B.
2 1
tended to retarded people. Disestablishing that regime requires
the full measure of equal protection lest retarded people be again
treated as “unfit for citizenship.”96 97
II. CLASSIFICATIONS BASED UPON RETARDATION
THAT EXCLUDE AND SEGREGATE RETARDED PER
SONS ARE SUSPECT AND SHOULD BE GIVEN STRICT
AND SEARCHING SCRUTINY.
A. A History of Purposeful Unequal Treatment Imposed By
the State Triggers the Standard for Strict Scrutiny of Leg
islative Classifications.
This terrible, purposeful life-long segregation of retarded
people undertaken by the states to separate “them” out entirely
from the rest of “us” constitutes the extraordinary “history of
purposeful unequal treatment” that is the predicate of strict and
searching scrutiny of legislative classifications. San Antonio In
dependent School District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1, 28 (1973).
Retarded people as such97 “have . . . experienced a history
of purposeful unequal treatment [and] been subjected to unique
disabilities on the basis of stereotyped characteristics not truly
indicative of their abilities.” Massachusetts Board o f Retirement
96. 1920 Miss. Laws 288, set out at p. A-47.
97. The basis of classification that amici urge be held suspect is not the use
of “intelligence” across the spectrum of capabilities, but rather the specific
targeting of the lowest end of the spectrum, as such. The suspect criterion is
not intelligence but the status of “being retarded. Thus fine points of state
college admissions requirements or civil service examinations, for example,
may rest upon rational bases. No people in this country ever have been forcibly
sterilized or chained to the walls of an institutional back ward because they
failed to gain admission to Harvard. The evil here is the targeting of retarded
people as such. To be sure, college admissions based on SAT scores do dis
criminate against retarded people, and retarded people (among others of us) are
barred from Harvard (or Berkeley, if state action is wanted). But such discrim
ination based upon intelligence under the Equal Protection Clause should be
viewed as “indirect deprivation” as in Schweiker v . Wilson, 450 U.S. 221, 234
(1981) or as “unintentional” or “incidental as in Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S.
229, 238-48 (1976).
2 2
«• Murgia, 427 U.S. 307, 313 (1976). «* The disqualifications im
posed by the regime of segregation are the most severe imagi
nable among citizens: retarded people as such are “not only de
prived of their physical liberty, [but] also deprived of friends,
family and community. ” Parham v .J .R., 442U.S. 584, 626(1979)
(concurring & dissenting opinion).
Legislative classifications that segregate, exclude or isolate
retarded people, precisely because they are based in this history
of purposeful unequal treatment are thus “more likely than oth
ers to reflect deepseated prejudice,” Palmore v. Sidoti, 104 S.
Ct. 1879, 1882 (1984); Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 216 n.14
(1982), and to embody — as the ordinance here plainly does —
exactly the kind of “class or caste” treatment that the Equal Pro
tection Clause was designed to abolish. Such legislative classi
fications should, therefore, be treated as presumptively invidious.
B. Retardation Is an Immutable Characteristic That Has
Been Subject to Invidious Classification.
The characteristics of racial status that betoken a special vul
nerability to historically provoked invidious classification, and
that have thus caused the Court to apply a constant, searching
scrutiny to disadvantaging racial classifications, are present also
in the status of being retarded. That status is observable and
immutable; retardation is present from birth or early thereafter
through all of life, and is present through no fault of the retarded
person, nor any reason within the person’s control.
In these characteristics, the status of being retarded is more
like racial status than is illegitimacy, alienage or national origin,
each of which the Court has variously said are suspect bases for
classification. 98
98. Neither the aged, the mentally ill, alcoholics, drug addicts nor 'vic
tims of cancer . . . , the unemployed, or bankrupts, " Brief for the United States
as Amicus Curiae at 9, has ever been subjected to such a regime of state-
imposed, life-long segregation.
23
The Court has regarded illegitimacy in many respects as
analogous to the characteristics of a racial classification." Trimble
v. Gordon, 430 U.S. 762, 767 (1977). Because of the mutability
of illegitimacy and its essential social invisibility, even apart from
the limited disqualification that status has historically imposed,
the Court has declined to apply “strictest scrutiny” to illegiti
macy. Id. In terms of suspect characteristics, illegitimacy resem
bles a racial status less than does the status of being retarded.
Retardation or skin color, unlike illegitimacy, cannot be elimi
nated by the child’s parents subsequently marrying or filing a
court paper acknowledging their responsibility for their child.
Although classifications based on alienage have been held to
be “inherently suspect,”99 100 the Court has been willing to ap
prove discrimination involving alienage on occasion because of
the relative mutability of the status, its relative invisibility, and
the absence of gross and pervasive hardships imposed on aliens
as such.101 The classifications held offensive,the Court empha
sized in Foley v. Connelie, 435 U.S. 291, 295 (1978), were “ex
clusions” that “struck at the non-citizens’ ability to exist in the
community.’’ On those occasions that it has permitted alienage
classifications, the Court has noted that alien status is alterable
by the individual persons who “in effect [choose] to classify them
selves.” Ambach v. Norwick, 441 U.S. 68, 80 (1979); see Cabell
v. Chavez-Salido, 454 U.S. 432 (1982). Moreover, in Plyler v.
Doe, 457 U.S. at 220, the school exclusion imposed on alien chil
dren was overturned precisely because the children were help
less in changing their alien status (this would depend upon their
parents) and because of the pervasive hardship worked on the
children by their exclusion from education.
99. “ 'Visiting this condemnation on the head of an infant is illogical and
unjust.’ . . . [Illegitimate children can affect neither their parents’ conduct nor
their own status.” Trim ble v. G ordon , 430 U.S. 762, 769-70 (1977).
100. Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 365, 372 (1970); Examining Board
v. Flores de Otero. 426 U.S. 572, 602 (1976).
101. E .g ., Matthews v.Diaz, 426 U.S. 67(1976).
24
C. Utilization of a Suspect Standard for Disadvantaging Class
ifications Will Not Be Fatal to Classifications That Benefit
Retarded People.
Suspect class status does not mean that the classification can
never be used for any purpose. Scrutiny of a classification based
upon race must be “strict” and “searching” but it is not auto
matically “fatal in fact.” G . GUNTHER, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW:
CASES AND M a t e r ia l s 752 (1980). As to race itself, the Court
has ordinarily applied strict scrutiny only to “disadvantaging ra
cial classifications,” id. at 745-52, in particular to classifications
that exclude or segregate (or are a part of the exclusionary re
gime), e.g., Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 9-12 (1967). Fur
thermore, this Court has upheld racial classifications under strict
scrutiny so long as there is a sufficient showing that the classi
fication in fact benefits the suspect class, overcoming past dis
crimination or its virulent effects. Bakke, 438 U.S. at 355-62
(Brennan, White, Marshall, Blackmun, JJ.); Fullilove v.
Klutznick, 448 U.S. 448, 472 (Burger,C.J., White, Powell, JJ.);
id. at 495, 496 & n. 1. (Powell, J.); id. at 517-19 (Marshall, Bren
nan, Blackmun, JJ.); id. at 532, 548 (Stevens, J.) (1980).
Accordingly, special education programs for retarded chil
dren would not fall. Thus, applying the Education for All Hand
icapped Children Act of 1975, 20 U.S.C. §1401, the Court has
held that the standard for “appropriate” educational programs
provided for under the Act is that they be “reasonably calculated
to yield educational benefit, ” akin to a minimum rationality stand
ard. Board o f Education o f Hendrick Hudson School District v.
Rowley, 458 U.S. at 203, 207 nn. 25, 28. But, under that Act, any
exclusionary or isolating form of special education is justified only
if a segregated program in fact benefits the child and its segre
gation is demonstratedly necessary to that benefit, akin to a strict
and searching standard. Roncker v . Walter, 700 F.2d 1058, 1063
(6th Cir. 1983), cert, denied, 104 S.Ct. 196 (1984).i<* 102
102. The R oncker court correctly articulated the statutory test as “whether
the services which make [the segregated] placement superior could feasibly be
provided in a non-segregated setting. If they could, the placement in the seg
regated school would be inappropriate under the Act.” This standard would
25
Thus, familiar classifications including retarded people in
governmental assistance programs and in programs for special
assistance (which the United States unaccountably raises as trou
blesome103) are, like other welfare classifications, subject only to
minimum scrutiny. Any classification in such a program, how
ever, that segregates or excludes retarded people would trigger
searching scrutiny and would be sustained only if the segregation
in fact benefits retarded people and is necessary to secure that
benefit.
D. Cleburne’s Exclusion of Retarded People from the Com
munity Is Perverse: It Cannot be Justified on the Basis of
Any Characteristic or Need of Retarded People.
The excluding legislative classification at issue here subjects
retarded people “to unique disabilities on the basis of stereo
typed characteristics not truly indicative of their abilities.”
Murgia, 427 U.S. at 313. Indeed, “to the extent it reflects any
[real] difference between [retarded people and non-retarded], it
is actually perverse.” Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190, 212-13(1976)
(Stevens, J., concurring).
Separating retarded people is perverse. Plainly so when
measured against any profession of benign purpose as to retarded
people; less evidently, perhaps, because of the stereotype, but
no less plainly when measured against any legitimate104 purpose
govern the continued provision of programs for retarded persons in institu
tional settings, allowing those that demonstrated!) benefit retarded persons
and that could not be provided elsewhere in a non-segregated setting.
103. If the problem is thought to be that special programs for retarded
people exclude non-retarded people, the answer is that non-retardation can in
no way be thought to be a basis for suspectness. If the problem is that special
programs isolate retarded people, and hence trigger searching scrutiny, the
practical answer is that special programs for retarded people need not isolate
them, but that if they do truly isolate retarded people then, because of the risk
that deep-seated prejudice and not any real benefit has prompted the isolation,
the necessity of such isolation to benefit should be searchinglv scrutinized.
104. The Court has rejected summarily argument that discrimination may
be justified by a desire to discriminate as “unpersuasive on its face. E.g.,
Examining B oard v. Flores de Otero, 426 U.S. at 605; Buchannan v. Worley,
214 U.S. 60 (1916).
“The Constitution cannot control such prejudices but neither can it tol-
2 6
concerning the quality of life and community for the rest of “us. ”
Learning (and much else) by retarded people requires the
example of other non-retarded people and in real-world envi
ronments where what is learned is done.105 As for all people, but
relatively more so for retarded people (it is one of their “differ
ences”), learning by retarded people during all of life proceeds
in significant part by imitation and example and in the concrete,
rather than by generalization from one context into another.
Learning by retarded people flourishes in properly structured
and integrated environments; in isolation it is destroyed,106
As members of the community, retarded people of all ranges
of ability can and do maintain not only steady but productive
jobs.107 Retarded people can and do significantly care for them
selves, keep clean and even pleasing rooms, and respect the rights
of others, for in the community you never know when a friend
whose respect you wish to keep may drop in.108 Retarded people
do make good neighbors, to their own benefit and their neigh
erate them. Private biases may be outside the reach of the law, but the law
cannot, directly or indirectly, give them effect. ”
Patmore v. Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. at 1882.
105. See, e .g ,, Brown, et at., Toward the Realization o f Integrated E d
ucational Environments f o r Severely H andicapped Students, 2 Rev.Am.Assn.
E duc. Severely & Profoundly Handicapped 195 (1977); R. Horner & G.
B ellamy, Structured Employment: Productivity and Productive Capacity, in
Vocational Habilitation for Severely Handicapped Persons (G. Bellamy,
et a l ., eds. 1979).
106. Thus, the loss in institutions of skills achieved by retarded people
before institutionalization, and the terrible explosion of aberrant behavior and
injury in institutions, arise because the segregated retarded people have only
their custodians and themselves to imitate. Youngberg v . Romeo, 457 U. S. 307,
327 (1982) (concurring opinion); Pennhurst State School It Hospital v. Haider-
man, 104 S.Ct. 900, 904 (1984).
107. Pr esid en t ’s C om m ittee on M ental Retardation , T he Mentally
R eta rd ed W o rk er , An E conomic D isco very : Report to th e Presid en t
(1983); Bellamy, et al., Habilitation o f Severely and Profoundly R etarded: Il
lustrations o f Com petence, 10 E d . & T rng. M en t . Retard ed 174 (1975).
108. E .g., Pr esid en t 's C om m ittee on M ental Retardation , T he L ead
ing E d g e , S erv ice Programs T hat W o rk : Report to th e Presid en t (1978).
27
bors’.109 The abysmally ignorant stereotypes to the contrary do
not withstand the facts or a correct understanding of what dif
ference being retarded makes. Retarded people need assistance,
as do all persons, often relatively more, but that means not ex
clusion from the community but participation in it.110
The City of Cleburne’s excluding ordinance and the regime
of segregation of which it is a part would create an “underclass of
. . . citizens,” a permanent caste, perverse from the standpoint
of any state purpose legitimate under the Equal Protection
Clause. Plyler, 457 U.S. at 239 (concurring opinion). “We can’t
ignore the significant social costs borne by our Nation when se
lect groups are denied the means to absorb the values and skills
upon which our social order rests.” Plyler, 457 U.S. at 221.
III. THE CONTINUED VIRULENCE OF CLASSIFICA
TIONS EXCLUDING AND SEGREGATING ON THE
BASIS OF RETARDATION REQUIRES THEY BE
GIVEN STRICT AND SEARCHING SCRUTINY.
Observing the destructiveness of life-long segregation upon
retarded people, Fernald and others later changed their minds
and withdrew from their positions. But the power of the state
had already been engaged and no personal apology could have
dissolved its terrible force, nor did it. Once established the pur
poseful regime of segregation and the deep-seated prejudices it
legitimated are not so easily disestablished.
The extraordinary undertakings of the states, all of them, in
that segregating Era “put the weight of government behind . . .
109. E .g., R. P e r sk e , New L if e in T he Neigh bo rh ood (1980); cf. Co
lumbus Board o f Educ. v. Penich, 443 U.S. 449, 485 n.5 (1979) (Powell, J.,
dissenting) (“integration’ furthers the “essential” end that “diverse peoples of
our country learn to live in harmony and mutual respect”).
110. The power of the stereotype is sometimes irresistible even by the
most caring persons. In Romeo, for example, the Court observed that
[Respondent, in light of the severe character of his retardation, concedes that
no amount of training will make possible his release.” 457 U.S. at 317. Yet ten
months after the Court’s decision, Nicholas Romeo moved to a group home in
Philadelphia and since April, 1983, has successfully lived in the community,
working in a community workshop. Woestendiek, The Deinstitutionalization o f
Nicholas Romeo, Phila. Inquirer Mag., May 27, 1984, at 18.
2 8
hatred and separatism” as virulent as racial hatred and separa
tism. Bakke, 438 U.S. at 357-58 (Brennan, White, Marshall,
Blackman, JJ.). "It would ignore reality to suggest that preju
dices so like “racial and ethnic prejudices do not exist or that all
manifestations of these prejudices have been eliminated.”
Palmore v. Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. at 1882.
Substantial political victories in such enactments as the fed
eral Education for All Handicapped Children Act, and the visible
organization of the Associations for Retarded Citizens, National
Down Syndrome Congress and People First organizations them
selves do not differentiate retarded from black people; they show
yet another direct parallel. The federal Education for All Hand
icapped Children Act was as much a response to initial judicial
“discovery” (and invalidation) of the gross discrimination by the
States against retarded people111 as were the Civil Rights Acts of
1964, 1965 and 1968 a response to Brown. In both instances,
moreover, the legislation was belated recognition of past abuse
and an expression of resolve to remedy this abuse. The Court has
not read this belated political success” of blacks to mean that
racial classifications by states are no longer suspect. Palmore v.
Sidoti, 104 S.Ct. at 1882.112
Retarded people continue to be under the pains of the re
gime of purposeful discrimination. Invidious statutes and ordi
nances — like the Cleburne ordinance — are still on the books
and routinely applied to disadvantage retarded people.113 The
continued virulence of classifications excluding people with re
111. In its opinion in Rowley, 458 U.S. at 192-93, the Court recognized
the origin of the Education Act in the judicial decision in Pennsylvania Asso
ciation for R etarded Children v .Pennsylvania, 343F .Supp. 245(E.D. Pa. 1972).
112. The enforceability against states of the congressional enactments, and
even whether they have any meaning or not, may depend upon whether a
Fourteenth Amendment right underlies them. Pennhurst State School ir Hos
pital v. H alderm an, 451 U.S. 1, 16-18 (1981).
113. See, e.g ., zoning ordinances cited supra note 94; for state laws pro
hibiting retarded persons from marrying, see Linn & Bowers, The Historical
Fallacies Behind Legal Prohibitions o f Marriages Involving Mentally R etarded
Persons, 13 GONZAGA L. Rev. 625, 677-689 (1978).
29
tardation is plainly evident and is painfully experienced by re
tarded people and their families. The practice of denying cor
rective surgery to retarded children is longstanding.114
Notwithstanding the congressional realization that “the vast
majority”115 of retarded persons institutionalized should not be
in those institutions, and the continuing congressional concern
and attention to the unending reports of abuse, neglect and de
terioration of retarded persons in those institutions, thousands of
retarded persons remain in segregated institutions subject to their
acknowledged, decried, but ultimately condoned brutality.116 Re
tarded people seeking to reenter the society from which they
have been excluded face rejection, antipathy and hostility from
organized society.117
Daily, the amici organizations have cause to try to assert
against continuing prejudice and invidious official action the
claims of retarded people to a decent respect. As the President’s
Committee on Mental Retardation has reported:
“So much has happened in the past 25 years to reverse social
policies, to change public attitudes, to open the way to re
ducing the occurrence of mental retardation and to improve
the quality of life for mentally retarded persons that we are
114. For evidence of the social acceptability of withholding treatment from
retarded infants, see Hentoff, The Awful Privacy o f Baby Doe, ATLANTIC, Jan.,
1985, at 54. For the persistence of the practice see note 74 supra.
115. S. R e p . No. 94-160, 94th Cong., 1st sess. 32 (1975).
116. C om pare Institutional C are and Services f o r Retarded C itizens: H ear
ing B efore the Subcomm. on the H andicapped o f the Comm, on L abor and
Human Resources, 98th Cong., 1st sess. 63-104, 224-30 (1983); with B. B latt
& F. Kaplan, C hristmas in Purgatory: A Photographic E ssay on M ental
Retardation (1974); see Youngberg v. Romeo, 457 U.S. at 310; Pennhurst
State School & Hospital v. Halderman, 451 U.S. at 7.
117. See, e.g ., Keating, The W ar Against the Mentally Retarded, N.Y.
Mag., Sept. 17, 1979, at 87; Finley, Arson Hits House Planned f o r Retarded,
Detroit News, Apr. 30, 1982; Ford, 2d Home fo r Retarded Is Set Ablaze, De
troit Free Press, Dec. 5, 1980; Christensen, “Not My Block” Reactions Greet
Group Homes, Dayton Daily News, Mar. 18, 1984; see also D. & S. Rothman,
T he W illow brook W ars 180-99 (1984).
3 0
tempted to think the problem is essentially solved, that we
can coast in on the momentum of these achievements. Noth
ing could be fu rth er from the truth .118
By invoking the full measure of respect that the Equal Pro
tection Clause requires be extended, this Court can assure that
retarded people are not further treated as “unfit for citizenship”
and disestablish the invidious regime. The country is beginning
to recognize past error; states are beginning to return retarded
citizens to their communities. The Court must not allow the
Cleburne ordinance enacting the spirit of the segregating past to
be utilized now to reverse a new beginning. To do so would be
to officially sanction the regime of segregation again.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the Court should hold that re
tarded people are a suspect class. On that basis, the judgment of
the Court of Appeals should be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
Thomas K. Gilhool*
Frank J. Laski
Michael Churchill
Judith A. Gran
Timothy M. Cook
Public Interest Law Center
of Philadelphia
1315 Walnut St., Suite 1632
Philadelphia, PA 19107
(215) 735-7200
Counsel f o r amici curiae
Date: February 2, 1985
* Counsel o f record.
118. PRESIDENT’S COMMITTEE ON MENTAL RETARDATION, MENTAL RETAR
DATION, Past and Pr ese n t 259 (1977)(emphasis provided). In its report to the
President the Committee went on to warn:
In truth we have only a beginning. Social policies have been only partially
turned around, and could swing back again to repressive, restrictive, de
humanizing methods of control.” Id.
A P P E N D I C E S
APPEN DIX A
COMPENDIUM OF PU RPO SEFU L STATE ACTION
FOR THE SEGREGATION AND EXCLUSION OF
RETARDED PERSONS IN THE F IF T Y STATES
AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
This Appendix presents the official actions of the
states promoting and requiring by statute the segrega
tion of retarded people.* Amici have included a sampling
of state reports of agencies, officials, committees and
boards that constitute the legislative history and the post-
enactment history of the laws that were adopted.** All
italics have been added by amici.
CONTENTS
Northeastern States
Connecticut
Delaware.............
M ain e .................
M aryland...........
Massachusetts. .
Page
A-l
A-l
A-4
A-5
A-5
A-6
New Hampshire..........................................................A-9
New Je rs e y ..................... ........................................ A-10
New York................................................................... A-12
Pennsylvania........................................................... A-18
*In addition to the 50 states, the federal law enacted by the
United States Congress to segregate retarded people found in the
District of Columbia is set out at A-76-81.
**For a sampling of state actions affecting retarded people in
other areas, e.g., restrictions on marriage, voting, and education, see
Appendix B to the Amici Brief of the American Association of iMental
Deficiency, et al.
A - i
C O N T E N T S— (C on tinued)
Rhode Island..............................................................A-20
Vermont...................................................................... A-21
Midwestern S ta te s .................................................. A-22
Illinois................... A-22
Indiana........................................................................ A-22
Io w a .............................................................................A-25
K an sas........................................................................ A-26
Kentucky.................................................................... A-29
M ichigan.................................................................... A-29
M innesota..................................................................A-32
Missouri...................................................................... A-32
N ebraska.................................................................... A-33
North D akota............................................................A-35
O h io ............................................................................ A-36
South D akota............................................................A-37
W isconsin ..................................................................A-42
Southern States................................................................A-44
Alabama...................................................................... A-44
Arkansas...................................................................... A-45
Florid a........................................................................ A-45
Georgia............................................ A-45
Louisiana.................................................................... A-46
Mississippi..................................................................A-47
North Carolina......................................................... A-48
Page
A-ii
C O N T E N T S— (C on tinued )
Page
Oklahoma.................................................................. A-49
South Carolina....................................................... A-50
T en n essee........................................ ....................... A-51
T e x a s ........................................................................... A-52
Virginia.........................................................................A-57
West V irginia............................................................A-60
Western States.................................................................. A-61
Alaska........................................................................... A-61
Arizona.........................................................................A-61
California.....................................................................A-62
Colorado.......................................................................A-67
H aw aii.........................................................................A-68
Idaho............................................................................. A-68
Montana..................... A-69
Nevada...................................................................... A-70
New M exico .............................................................. A-70
Oregon...................................................................... A-70
U ta h .................................. •.......................................A-72
Washington................................................................ A-73
W yoming.....................................................................A-75
District of Colum bia ................................................... A-76
A-iii
Northeastern States
Connecticut. The first recorded provision of a spe
cialized facility for retarded people in this country oc
curred in Connecticut when the American Asylum for
the Deaf and Dumb, located in Hartford, in 1818 counted
among its students a few “idiot children.” REPORT OF
the Com m ission ers on Idiocy to th e General As
sembly OF CONNECTICUT 62 (1856). Later, the Con
necticut legislature provided some funding for a private
school in Lakeville. After the turn of the century, though,
that facility began receiving a sharply increased number
of residents, and it soon became a custodial institution.
In 1906 the Director was already reporting that “remov
als are almost unknown.” REPORT OF THE DIRECTORS
and Su perin ten d en t of the Connecticut School
for Im bec iles 6 (1906).
Ry 1908 the operators of the facility claimed they had
“a wide knowledge of the imperative need of providing
permanent custodial care for the safeguarding of girls
and women of feeble mind, and a growing appreciation
of the preventive value of equal custodial care for the
male of evil tendencies. Backed by effective legislation
the care of the defective has resolved itself into a com
paratively simply matter. . . . ” REPORT OF THE DIREC
TORS and S u perin ten d en t of the Connecticut
School for Im bec iles 12 (1908). “[T]he surest, most
humane and most economical solution of the problem of
prevention lies in providing custodial care for the feeble
minded of every condition and/or a lifetime.” Id. at 13.
In 1911, the General Assembly enacted a statute pro
viding that “imbecile[sj” could be admitted to the
Lakeville facility by application of the “selectmen” of any
town. 1911 Conn. Pub. Acts 1493, ch. 211. In 1913 the
state formally took control of the institution by enact
ment of a statute specifying that its “object” would hence
forth be the “custody” of any “imbeciles resident of this
state.” 1913 Conn. Pub. Acts 1765, ch. 160, §1.
A-l
A-2/C o n n ec ticu t
The following year, state officials reported that they
were “of the opinion that the problem of the feeble
minded in the State of Connecticut urgently demands a
much more adequate provision for these unfortunate in
dividuals than is now supplied. It has been estimated that
there m ust be at least three thousand feeble-m inded in
the State, and at the present time, provision is m ade fo r
only three hundred. It is a now recognized fact that feeble
mindedness is to a much greater extent than insanity an
inheritable condition and it is known that this class is
particularly prolific. The criminal, the alcoholic, and the
prostitute are all recruited from the ranks of the feeble
minded. The only practicable way to restrict the growth
of the feeble-mindedness in the state is to segregate the
feeble minded and particularly feeble-minded women
during the child bearing-period. The question to be de
cided is really this: Shall we of this generation accept the
burden of this care, or shall we hand on to the next gen
eration a much larger share? Undoubtedly failure to now
segregate the feeble-minded will result in an increasing
prevalence of the condition as time goes on.” STATE OF
Co n n ecticu t , B iennial Report of Con necticut
School for Im b e c il e s , Lakeville , Conn., F or Two
Years E nded Septem ber 30, 1913-14, at 8 (Pub. Doc.
No. 15, 1915). The report also recommended that the
“institution should not be situated in the midst of a pop
ulous village. While it should be convenient to railroad
communication, it should be somewhat rem ote from the
centers o f population fo r reasons that are obvious.” Id. at
7.
In order to gain public support for the new facility,
Superintendent Charles T. LaMoure and the Board of
Trustees of the School for Imbeciles published and dis
tributed widely a pamphlet in which they claimed an ur
gent need to “[s]top the supply of the vicious, the weak,
the no-willed people who cannot support themselves in
the community — of the criminals and prostitutes and
paupers, by cutting off the supply at its source, namely
The N ortheast/A -3
— by providing adequate custodial care fo r the feeb le
minded o f the S t a t e THE CONN. SCHOOL FOR IMBE
CILES, T he Menace of the F e e b l e -Minded in Con
n ecticut 9 (1915). These “feeble-minded” people,
“though really children, are allowed to go about through
the community as though they were adults. They have
an impaired sense of right and wrong, weak will power
and no power of realizing the future. . . .
“Moreover, the feeble-minded are unusually prolific.
Therefore the longer the State of Connecticut delays in
making adequate provision for the feeble-minded, the
greater the burden of feeble-mindedness she will have to
bear in future [sic].” Id. at 3. But they proposed a solu
tion: “The State has the opportunity of buying for this
institution a large tract of forest and arable land — be
tween six and seven hundred acres. . . . This property is
in the central part of the State, remote from centres o f
population . . . and there is room for the institution to
grow indefinitely.” Id. at 13. For this purpose, “[t]he trus
tees of the Connecticut School for Imbeciles are asking
the General Assembly for authority to sell the present
plant, and to use the proceeds and $200,000 to be ap
propriated by the State in the purchase of this property,
and in equipping it for the needs of the institution. This
would provide, aside from the necessary alterations to
buildings, etc., sufficient cattle and farming implements,
so that the institution could produce its own milk and
vegetables, using fo r the most part the labor o f its high
grade patien ts.” Id. at 14.
On February 25, 1915, a hearing was held before the
state legislature’s Committee on Humane Institutions.
One witness testified that “hardly a week goes by but
what we have a case of a feeble-minded girl or boy called
to our attention. We have no way of getting rid o f these
kinds of cases.” Connecticut School fo r Imbeciles: H ear
ings on H. B. No. 644 Before the Jo in t Standing Com
mittee on Humane Institutions 20 (typed transcript, Feb.
25, 1915) (statement of Mr. Kerner of Waterbury). An
A-4/C o n n ec ticu t
other thought it necessary for “every feeble-minded child
in the school [to be] eliminated or placed in a special
class.” Id. (statement of Miss Wright of Stanford). Su
perintendent Alexander Johnson of New jersey’s insti
tution at Vineland brought to the Committee’s attention
“this book called, 'The Menace of the Feeble-Minded in
Connecticut,’ which was gotten up by the Board of Trus
tees for the School of Imbeciles, and I would recommend
anyone who has any doubt as to the proper care of that
class to read this book very carefully.” Id. at 2 (statement
of Dr. Johnson).
On May 20, 1915, the Connecticut legislature fol
lowed the recommendations of the state officials and the
witnesses at the hearing and appropriated the $200,000
requested for an ambitious construction project on state-
owned land at Mansfield Depot, an isolated railway stop
sixty miles northeast of Hartford.
By the time he wrote his 1916 Biennial Report, Su
perintendent LaMoure thought that “[t]he dangers as
sociated with allowing the feeble-m inded to rem ain at
large among the general population have been so fre
quently discussed that it is not necessary to do more than
refer to them.” STATE OF CONNECTICUT, BIENNIAL RE
PORT of th e Co n n ecticut T raining School for
F e e b l e -Min d ed , Lakeville , Conn ., F or th e Two
Years E nded Se pt em be r 30, 1915-16, at 7 (Pub. Doc.
No. 15, 1917). He looked forward to the completion of
the new institution, where, he noted, “[mjany of the male
inm ates . . . are capable of doing a considerable am ount
o f satisfactory fa rm w ork under supervision, and, with a
proper farm we should be in a position to improve the
quality of our food and save the State a considerable
amount of money by raising vegetables, producing our
own milk and eggs, and using rather than wasting our
garbage by the keeping of pigs.” Id.
Delaware. On March 21, 1917, the Delaware Gen
eral Assembly established the state’s first home for “the
feeble-minded.” 1917 Del. Laws 597, ch. 172. The in
The N ortheast/A - 5
stitutionalization of such persons could be sought by “any
reputable citizen of the State,” which was to be ordered
by the county judge “when by reason of such mental
condition, or o f existing social conditions , it would he
detrim ental to any community o f this State to allow such
■person to remain at large.” Id. §9.
The legislature also adopted “AN ACT to provide for
the sterilization of certain mental defectives,” 1923 Del.
Laws, ch. 62, authorizing the surgery for those at the
state home for whom a “physician, alienist and superin
tendent unanimously determine that procreation is
unadvisable.” Id.
Maine. In 1907, the Legislature of Maine established
the “Maine School for Feeble Minded.” 1907 Me. Acts
42, ch. 44. A special committee chaired by Governor Wil
liam T. Cobb “[a]fter careful consideration,” located the
institution “on an area of farmland. . . . The plan called
for a large tract of land, which should be removed from
any large town. . . . ” Hood, Vineland Observer, in
PINELANDS, 60 YEARS: 1908-1968 (L. Moore, ed. 1968).
In 1921, the lawmakers extended those eligible for
commitment to “idiotic and feeble-minded males, be
tween the ages of six years and forty years, and females,
between the ages of six years and forty-five years.” 1921
Me. Acts 65, ch. 60. Four years later, the legislature au
thorized sterilization for all those for whom that surgery
“may be indicated for the prevention of the reproduction
of further feeble-mindedness.” 1925 Me. Acts 198, ch.
208.
Maryland. On March 31, 1888, the General Assem
bly of Maryland passed “AN ACT to establish an asylum
and training school for the feeble minded of the State of
Maryland.” 1888 Md. Laws 268, ch. 183. In 1906, the
lawmakers mandated that the institution “receive, care
lor and educate, free of charge, all idiotic, imbecile and
feeble-minded persons in this state” approved by the
board of visitors of the facility. 1906 Md. Laws 653, ch.
362. The law required that “all such persons shall re
main in the care, custody and control of the visitors of
said institution, and the visitors of said institution are
hereby authorized to retain all such persons in their care,
custody and control at said institution, until such time as
in the judgment of said visitors, or a majority of them, the
welfare of such persons and the public interest shall ju s
tify or call for their release. . . . ” Id. at 653-54.
The Board of Visitors campaigned vigorously for in
creased admissions. These reports revealed the
institution’s segregating purposes: “One of the sad fea
tures which hangs as a black cloud over the work, is the
fact that some hundreds of children, many of whom are
a burden to the fam ily and a m enace to the community
in which they live, are continuously knocking at our doors
for admission, but only a small number of these can be
received solely for want of funds to maintain them, though
we have empty beds awaiting their reception.” TWENTY-
FOURTH Report of th e Board of Visito rs of th e
Rosew ood State T raining School, Owings Mil l s ,
Baltim ore County 5 (1936).
Massachusetts. As a result of a legislatively com
missioned report authored by Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe
of the Harvard Medical School, S. G. HOWE, FIRST COM
PLETE Report Made to th e Legislature Of Mass
ach usetts UPON IDIOCY 16, 30-55 (Mass. Sen. Doc. No.
51, 1848), the Massachusetts legislature, on May 8, 1848
appropriated $2,500 for an experimental school for idi
otic children to be located in a wing of the Perkins In
stitute for the Blind in Boston. Howe was named direc
tor, and ten indigent “idiots” were selected as pupils.
T hird and F inal Report on the Experim ental
School for T eaching and Training Idiotic Chil
dren 305 (1852).
With perhaps a premonition of the evils that lurked
in his creation, Howe stated in his final report: “Now the
danger of misdirection in this pious and benevolent work
is, that two false principles may be incorporated with the
projected institutions which will be as rotten piles in the
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The N ortheast/A -7
foundations and make the future establishments deplor
ably defective and mischievous. These are, first, close
congregation; and, second, the life-long association of a
large number of idiots; whereas, the true, sound princi
ples are: separation of idiots from each other; and then
diffusion among the normal population. . . . For these and
other reasons it is unwise to organize establishments for
teaching and training idiotic children, upon such prin
ciples as will tend to make them become asylums for life.
. . . Even idiots have 7'ights which should be carefully
considered! At any rate let us try for something which
shall not imply segregating the wards in classes, remov
ing them from our sight and knowledge, ridding our
selves of our responsibility as neighbors, and leaving the
wards closely packed in establishments where the spirit
of pauperism is surely engendered, and the morbid pe
culiarities of each are intensified by constant and close
association of others of his class.” S. G. HOWE, REPORT
of th e S u perin ten d en t to the T r u st ee s of the
Massach usetts School for Idiotic Children
(1874).
Howe’s advice was forgotten and, by 1886, the Mas
sachusetts legislature had established “a custodial de
partment” for “custody of feeble-minded persons beyond
the school age or not capable of being benefited by school
instruction.” 1886 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 298, §1.
After the turn of the century, commitment procedures
were modified to permit any person, not just relatives, to
seek the commitment of “feeble-minded” persons to the
institution. See 1904 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 459, §5;
1906 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 508, §12.
The superintendent of Massachusetts’ institution,
Dr. Walter E. Fernald, reported in 1908 that “[t]he ex
istence of this large institution is largely due to the de
mands of parents, physicians, clergymen, court officers,
social workers, and thoughtful people generally, that
feeble-minded women should be perm anently removed
from the com m unity . In this State there is an urgent de
A-8 /M a ssa ch u se tts
mand for the commitment and perm anent detention of
the higher grade cases of defect, where the social inca
pacity and the moral weakness are more obvious than
the mental backwardness. These cases cannot support
themselves, and are most undesirable and troublesome
members o f society . ” SlXTY-FlRST ANNUAL REPORT OF
th e T r u st e e s of th e Massachusetts School for
th e F e e b l e -minded at Waltham, for the Year end
ing Novem ber 30, 1908, at 22-23 (1909).
On June 12, 1912, Superintendent Fernald deliv
ered an influential speech as the Annual Discourse be
fore the Massachusetts Medical Society, printed and
widely distributed in pamphlet form by the Massachu
setts Society for Mental Hygiene: “The past few years
have witnessed a striking awakening of professional and
popular consciousness of the widespread prevalence of
feeble-mindedness and its influence as a source of
wretchedness to the patient himself and to his family,
and as a causative factor in the production of crime, pros
titution, pauperism, illegitimacy, intemperance and other
complex social diseases. . . . The social and economic
burdens of uncomplicated feeble-mindedness are only too
well known. The feeble-minded are a parasitic, preda
tory class, never capable of self-support or of managing
their own affairs. The great majority ultimately become
public charges in some form. They cause unutterable sor
row at home and are a m enace and danger to the com
munity. Feeble-minded women are almost invariably im
moral, and if at large usually become carriers of venereal
disease or give birth to children who are as defective as
themselves. The feeble-minded woman who marries is
twice as prolific as the normal woman. . . . [SJegregation
carried out thoroughly for a generation would largely re
duce the amount of feeble-mindedness. The high-grade
female imbecile group is the most dangerous class. They
are not capable of becoming desirable or safe members of
the community. They are never able to support them
selves. They are certain to become sexual offenders and
The N ortheast/A-9
to spread venereal disease or to give birth to degenerate
children. Their numerous progeny usually become pub
lic charges as diseased or neglected children, imbeciles,
epileptics, juvenile delinquents or later on as adult pau
pers or criminals. The segregation of this class should be
rapidly extended until all not adequately guarded at home
are placed under strict sexual quarantine. Hundreds of
known cases of this sort are now at large because the
institutions are overcrowded. Only 2000 feeble-minded
persons are now cared for in institutions in this State,
and over 1000 applicants are awaiting admission to the
institutions. There is an urgent dem and fo r greatly in
creased institutional provision for this class. . . . ” W.
F ernald , T he B urden o f F e e b l e -Min d ed n ess 3, 7,
10 (1912).
New Hampshire. On March 22, 1901, the New
Hampshire General Court enacted legislative to “estab
lish and maintain” the “New Hampshire School for the
Feeble-minded Children.” 1901 N.H. Laws 597, ch. 102,
§1. Although that law limited admissions to “the idiotic
and feeble-minded, between three and twenty-one years
of age,” id., amendments added four years later made
provision for others “after they reach the age of twenty-
one, if in the judgment of the board of trustees their seg
regation seems to be fo r the best interests o f the commu
nity. . . . ” 1905 N.H. Laws 413, ch. 23, § 1, first for women,
id., and later for men as well, 1917 N.H. Laws 645, ch,
141, §1. Later, in 1917, the General Court adopted “AN
ACT PERMITTING STERILIZING OPERATIONS” for
those for whom that surgery “may be indicated for the
prevention of the reproduction of further feeble
mindedness.” 1917 N.H. Laws 704, ch. 181, §2. In 1929,
the law was extended to permit the superintendent of the
institution, if “of opinion that it is for the best interests of
the inmate and o f society” to authorize the surgery with
out the consent of the “feeble-minded” resident, if after
a hearing the governing board of the institution finds that
the resident “is the probable potential parent of socially
inadequate offspring likew ise afflicted .” 1929 N.H. Laws
162, 164, ch. 138, § § 1, 6.
New Jersey . The New Jersey General Assembly in
1888 established the first New Jersey “home” for the
“feeble-minded” at Vineland. 1888 N.J. Laws. 267, ch.
208.
By 1906, state officials were calling for permanent
segregation: “It is a fact that the Institutions in New Jer
sey for the care and training of the feeble-minded do not
begin in any way to cover the number of those who should
be in the Institutions, and it seems that the Governor, the
Legislature and the Commissioner of Charities in their
wisdom might hold a conference with the Boards of the
Feeble-Minded Institutions, looking towards the segre
gation o f all the feeble-m inded who are now at large. The
feeble-minded belong to that class of defectives of either
hereditary degenerates or whose condition is of such a
character as should be treated like them, and for whom
the time has come fo r complete and perm anent control.”
Annual Report of the State HoiME for the Care
and T raining of F e e b l e -Minded Women at
VINELAND, 1906, at 6 (1907). The report indicated that
“[t]he most celebrated authorities on the care and seg
regation of the feeble-minded and other defectives are
very much in favor of the colonization o f all defectives
where the development of its members could be properly
classified.” Id. at 7.
The legislature began its response in 1911, by pass
ing “An Act to authorize and provide for the sterilization
of feeble-minded (including idiots, imbeciles and mo
rons).” 1911 N.J. Laws 353, ch. 190. That law created a
“Board of Examiners of Feeble-minded,” which, upon a
“findfing] that procreation is inadvisable and that there is
no probability that the condition of such inmate so ex
amined will improve to such an extent as to render pro
creation by such inmate advisable,” was authorized “to
A-10/N ew H am psh ire
The N ortheast/A -l 1
perform such operation for the prevention of procreation
as shall be decided by said board of examiners to be most
effective. . . . ” Id. §§ 1, 3.
Two years after its enactment, the New Jersey Su
preme Court ruled that New Jersey’s law violated the right
to equal protection of the laws. Smith v. Board o f Exam
iners o f Feeble-Minded, 85 N.J.L. 46, 88 A. 963 (1913).
The court noted that “the feeble-minded and epileptics
are not the only persons in the community whose elim
ination as undesirable citizens would, or might in the
judgment of the legislature, be a distinct benefit to so
ciety. . . . Racial differences, for instance, [also] might af
ford a basis for such an opinion in communities where
that question is unfortunately a permanent and para
mount issue.” 88 A. at 965. The court concluded that “it
is clear that the order with which we have to deal threat
ens possibly the life, and certainly the liberty, of the
prosecutrix in a manner forbidden by both the state and
federal Constitutions, unless such order is a valid exer
cise of the police power. . . . The general limitation of such
power to which the prosecutrix must appeal is that under
our system of government the artificial enhancement of
the public welfare by the forceable suppression of the
constitutional rights of the individual is inadmissible.”
Id. at 965.
In 1915, the legislature provided for more pervasive
segregation of retarded people through the admission to
Vineland of “mentally defective men, women and chil
dren, o f all ages and grades. . . .” 1915 N.J. Laws 278,
ch. 151, § 2. By 1918, the lawmakers had authorized “the
location of additional colonies upon forest reserve or other
lands owned by the State.” 1918 N.J. Laws 410, ch. 147,
art. 6 § 636. It was in these institutions that the “in
mates” were to be “kept.” Id. at 409, 410, §§ 631, 635. In
1919, the legislature required relatives “to waive all right
to remove either perm anently or fo r a lim ited tim e” their
kin from any institution. 1919 N.J. Laws 508, ch. 217, §
A-12/New York
New York. On July 10, 1851, the Legislature of New
York adopted “AN ACT to establish an asylum for idiots.”
1851 N.Y. Laws 941, ch. 502.
It was not until 1894 that the New York legislature
established an institution in Oneida County purely for
the “custody of unteachable idiots,” designated as “the
Rome State Custodial Asylum.” 1894 N.Y. Laws 806, ch.
382.
The movement to segregate began most earnestly at
the same time as the citizenry began to express concern
about the “rising tide” of immigration. In 1905, for ex
ample, an article in the New York Times typical of those
appearing during this period discussed the urgent need
for “remedying the evils which have too long been tol
erated in the ‘dumping’ of undesirable immigrants into
this country.” Undesirable Im m igration, N.Y. Times,
Feb. 10, 1905, at 6, col. 3.
In 1911, the first of many studies purporting to link
“feeblemindedness” with the new immigration was pub
lished under the auspices of the State Charities Aid As
sociation. The survey found that all but 40 of 317 “men
tally defective” children selected “at random” from thirty-
two ungraded classes in the New York public schools
were either foreign-born or the children of foreign par
ents. A. Mo o re , T he F e e b l e -Minded in New Yo rk : A
Repo rt Prepared for the Public E ducation Asso
ciation of New York, N.Y. (1911).
By 1912, the New York Times was reporting a defi
nite link between immigration and “feeble-mindedness.”
An article appearing on February 18, 1912 quoted “[a]n
important report of the special committee appointed by
the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to
Children to investigate the subject of abnormal and
feeble-minded children. . . . ” Feeble-M inded Scholars
M ake Up 1 Per Cent o f the School Population, Investi
gators Report, N.Y. Times, Feb. 18, 1912, at 8, col. 4.
The report stated that there were in New York City
“ 10,000 mental or moral defectives who now roam at large
The Northeast/A-13
in the community without any proper parental supervi
sion or medical care. Recent census statistics show that
80 per cent of the feeble-minded children in the general
population of the United States are the progeny of aliens
or naturalized citizens. We may safely assume, there
fore, that at least 8,000 of the 10,000 feeble-minded chil
dren in the city today were brought here by or are the
offspring of the 9,000,000 aliens who have passed
through Ellis Island during the past ten years.” Quoted
in id. at cols. 4-5.
Three weeks later, the New York Times featured an
article on Henry H. Goddard, who was a state adminis
trator for New Jersey’s retardation institution at Vineland.
The report began: “From the army of 300,000 feeble
minded persons in the United States come the recruits
that swell the ranks of the drunkards, criminals, pau
pers, and other social outcasts. Twenty-five per cent of
the girls and boys in our reformatories are lacking in men
tal fibre and are unable to discern the difference between
right and wrong or are too weak in character to do right
whenever there is any inducement to do wrong. Sixty-
five per cent of the feeble-minded children have a mother
or a father, or both, who are feeble-minded. This country
has so far taken no steps to segregate these irresponsible
parents, so the number of them is constantly increasing.
These facts, and many more equally startling, are set forth
in an article written for The Survey by Dr. Henry H.
Stoddard, [sic] director of the department of research of
the training school at Vineland, N.J. ‘Our Government
spends hundreds of thousands of dollars examining im
migrants to see that none who are feeble-minded are ad
mitted,’ writes Dr. Stoddard [sic]; ‘but here is a group
already in our country who are breeding a race of feeble
minded people more dangerous than many barred by the
Immigration Inspectors.’ ” W eak-Minded Fill R anks o f
Criminals: Dr. Henry Stoddard [sic] Says Social Prob
lems Can Be Solved By Segregating Them, N.Y. Times,
Mar. 10, 1912, at 6, col. 3. Goddard urged, in language
A -14/New York
later quoted in some state statutes, “permanent care
where they will be happy and harmless,” for all those
“unable to compete with their fellows on equal terms. . . .
This army furnishes the recruits for the ranks of the crim
inals, paupers, drunkards, the ne-er-do-wells, and others
who are social misfits.” Quoted in id. “[W]hat then is to
be done?” he asked. Dr. Goddard answered his own ques
tion by proposing that “[a]fter these cases have been dis
covered they must be removed from the environment in
which it has been proved they are incapable o f living
norm al lives in accordance w ith the conventions o f so
ciety. They must be colonized in groups where they may
be perfectly happy and somewhat useful. Only one lim
itation needs be placed upon them in these places, and
that is they must never become parents.” Quoted in id.
Goddard concluded by emphasizing that “[w]e are dis
cussing a possible State policy . . . many parents are ei
ther normal or of such a high grade of defectiveness that
they never get into court and yet have feeble-minded chil
dren. We cannot touch these adults. We must somehow
get hold of their children. . . . We may reasonably hope
that a policy of segregation, carefully followed, will in a
generation or two largely reduce our feeble-minded pop
ulation and thereby solve our problems of criminals, dis
ease, drunkenness, and crime.” Quoted in id. at cols. 3-4.
On April 16, 1912, the legislature created a new state
board and empowered it to authorize the sterilization “by
such operation for the prevention of procreation as shall
be decided by said board to be most effective,” “any” in
stitutionalized person who, in the judgment of the board,
“would produce children with an inherited tendency” to
“feeble-mindedness, idiocy or imbecility.” 1912 N.Y.
Laws 924, 925, ch. 445, §351.
New York’s special treatment of its “alien defectives”
during this period is evidenced by the response state of
ficials gave to a survey form sent to each state on June
20, 1912 by a Pennsylvania commission gathering infor
mation to assist the latter state in expanding its own in
The N ortheas t/A-15
stitutions. New York’s response indicated that the state
already had nearly 6,000 citizens segregated, noting spe
cially that it “contributes towards the support of the alien
poor patients in these institutions. ” REPORT OF THE COM
MISSION on th e Segregation , Care and T reatm ent
of F e e b l e -Min ded and E pileptic Perso n s in th e
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania 28, 31 (1913). No
other group was singled out by New York officials for
special support.
It was also about this time that the newly reknowned
Henry Goddard was invited by the United States Public
Health Service to administer Binet’s I.Q. test to the south
ern and eastern European immigrants arriving in steer
age at Ellis Island. “[G]iv[ing] the immigrant the benefit
of every doubt,” he found that 79% of the Italians, 80%
of the Hungarians, 83% of the Jews, and 87% of the Rus
sians he tested were “feeble-minded.” Goddard, Mental
Testing and the Im m igrants, 2 J. DELINQUENCY 243,
249, 252 (1917).
The New York Times reported in an article entitled
Alien Defectives appearing on January 13, 1913 that since
“three-tenths of feeble-minded children are of alien or
naturalized parents, the problem of detecting defective
immigrants is very grave.” N.Y. Times, Jan. 13, 1913, at
10. The account cited a recommendation by Assistant
Surgeon C. P. Knight of the United States Public Health
Service at Ellis Island, writing in the January 11 issue of
the Am erican M edical Association Journal, for “control
ling the procreation of the mentally defective by segre
gating them.” Alien Defectives, supra. As Dr. Knight had
stated, “[t]here is scarcely a ship coming into the Port of
New York which does not carry among its passengers a
mental defective of some degree.” Id., quoting Knight,
The Detection o f the Mentally Defective Among Im m i
grants, 60 A.M.A.J. 106 (1913).
In the A.M.A. Jou rn al article, Dr. Knight explained
that he had “becom[e] familiar with different races” so
he could “tell at a glance the abnormal from the normal.”
A-16 /N ew York
Id. at 107. “In studying the physical characteristics of
mental defectives, the various ethnologic types are easily
discerned: the dark skin, the curly hair and thick lips of
the Ethiopian, the prominent and high cheekbones and
deep orbits of the American Indian and the straight coarse
hair and peculiar cast of countenance of the Mongolian.”
Id. Even “more important in the determination of the
mental status of the alien,” according to Dr. Knight, was
“close application to the study of the race.” Thus, exam
iners “should interpret the mental reaction of the alien
only after having full knowledge of the different racial
characteristics, for that which is a defect in an individual
of a race o f high m ental attainm ent may be a normal
condition in the existence of other people who have not
atta in ed the sam e grade o f development. It is perfectly
normal for the southern Italian to show emotion on the
slightest provocation but should he show the stolidity and
indifference of the Pole or Russian, we would look on
him with suspicion and perhaps hold him for a detailed
examination.” Id. By the use of such techniques, Knight
hoped to “reduc[e] to a minimum the entrance into this
country of the mentally and morally low type of alien.
Immigration largely contributes to the high percentage
of this class in the United States.” Id. at 106.
By 1914, the “defectives” were being expelled from
the public schools. As the New York Times editorialized:
“If the policy recommended by the Board of Education’s
committee on ungraded classes had been sensibly
adopted in the beginning a good deal of money might
have been saved for teaching sound-minded children that
has been wasted on mental defectives who could not be
helped. The report says: ‘Most imbeciles and all idiots
can in no way derive any lasting benefits from atten
dance at the public schools. Their mental condition can
not be improved either by the course of study or disci
pline. The only practical and humane solution is insti
tutional care.’ ” The Feeble-Minded in Schools, N.Y.
Times, Mar. 13, 1914, at 8, col. 4.
The N ortheast/A-17
That same year, as a result of the public demand for
action, the legislature created a special State Commis
sion to study the problem, as urged by the New York
Times. 1914 N.Y. Laws 772, ch. 272.
The Commission believed that “we are now in a po
sition where it is both a duty and a privilege to adopt a
complete system o f public provision that will in a very
large measure elim inate the burden o f feeble-m indedness
from the c o m m u n ity Id . at 18.
Sterilization, according to the Commission, was no
panacea, since surgery prevented only parenthood, and
did not eliminate the other social menaces stemming from
permitting “defectives” to be at large. Moreover, such a
law might lead to “withdrawfl] from the influence o f our
institutions large numbers of feeble-minded who other
wise might be amenable to whatever advantages and
w hatever custodial provision was m ade.” Id. at 19. STATE
of New York , Report of th e State Commission to
Investigate Provision for th e Mentally De f i
cien t 19 (1915).
The major problem, according to state officials, was
that thousands of “mental defectives are at liberty in the
community today . . . without restraint or public con
trol.” Id. at 34. “To attempt reformation is a gross waste
of time and of money. The average cost per inmate in a
specially organized institution for defectives is half of the
average cost in our reformatory institutions.” Id. at 35.
The solution was to expand the institutions and to bring
more of the “defectives” under control.
Accordingly, the legislature enacted on May 14, 1919
“AN ACT in relation to mental defectives. . . .” 1919 N.Y.
Laws 1683, ch. 633. The law defined “mental defective”
to mean “any person afflicted with mental defectiveness
from birth or from an early age to such an extent that he
is incapable of managing himself and his affairs, who for
his own welfare or the welfare of others or o f the com
munity requires supervision, control or care, and who is
not insane or of unsound mind. ”/d. at 1684, art. 1, § 2(5).
A-18/New York
The legislation established a procedure for certifying that
one’s mental defect was “of such a nature as to require
his supervision, control and care for his own welfare and
for the welfare of others or fo r the w elfare o f the com
m unity.” Id. at 1697, art. 4, § 26. This determination was
to be made by “qualified examiners.” Id. § 25.
As a result of this law, state officials were soon over
whelmed with retarded people to segregate. The State
Commission for Mental Defectives indicated in 1926 that
although it was “gratifying to report progress during the
year in additional housing for mental defectives[, t]he
need of more beds is so great that it outweighs other con
siderations.” State of New York, E ighth Annual Re
port of th e State Com m ission for Mental De f e c
t iv e s , J uly 1, 1925 to J une 30, 1926, at 7 (Leg. Doc.
No. 92, 1927). The scope of the physical expansion ne
cessitated by the 1919 law was noted in the agency’s An
nual Report: “Defectives who are detrimental to society
cannot be segregated until institution bed capacity is in
creased. Those of too low grade intelligence to be cared
for in the public schools are often neglected at home and
a source of economic disaster to the family. The segre
gation o f these in institutions awaits erection of new
buildings.” Id. Thousands of beds were planned and pro
vided throughout the state. Id.
Pennsylvania. In 1893 the Pennsylvania General As
sembly authorized the construction of a large institution
in western Pennsylvania with a capacity for at least “eight
hundred inmates,” to include a “custodial or asylum de
partment.” 1893 Pa. Laws 289, 290, No. 256, § 7. The
facility was to be for the “reception” and “detention” of
“idiotic and feeble-minded children,” id. at 291, § 10, the
sole restriction being that they be “under the age of twenty
years,” id. § 11. By 1903, a second institution similarly
organized was authorized to be built in the eastern part
of the state. 1903 Pa. Laws 446, No. 424.
In 1911, the Pennsylvania Conference of Charities
and Corrections argued to the legislature that it had a
The Northeast!A - 19
large problem on its hands. The legislature decided that
a comprehensive study was necessary, and so adopted a
joint resolution to establish a special commission, “the
duty of which Commission shall be to take into consid
eration the number and status of feeble-minded and ep
ileptic persons in the Commonwealth and the increase of
such persons, and to report to the General Assembly at its
next session a plan or plans for the segrega tion, care, and
treatment of such defectives. . . . ” 1911 Pa. Laws 927,
§ 1. The resolution was enacted because the legislature
felt that “[a] proper regard for the public welfare requires
that some action be taken looking to the segregation of
such feeble-minded and epileptic persons.” Id. (pream
ble).
On April 21, 1913, the Commission reported to the
legislature that “[w]here the mental disability is of a de
gree which renders the afflicted individuals unfit for cit
izenship, or a menace to the peace, they are regarded and
treated as anti-social beings, and may be permanently
segregated in institutions especially constructed for their
reception and care. The condition of mind in amentia is
irremediablef;] the segregation as the rule should there
fore be permanent.” REPORT OF THE COMMISSION ON
the Segregation , Care and T reatment of F e e b l e -
Minded and E pileptic Perso n s in the Common
wealth of Pennsylvania 43 (1913).
The Commission considered retarded people “such
an unpleasant burden, that parents usually are more than
willing to part with them,” id. at 38, but “[legislation”
was “needed to compel the segregation of feeble-minded
and epileptic persons,” id. at 40. Who was to be incar
cerated? “[A] type of mind must be established as a nor
mal standard for the age, race and social status of each
individual, and he who falls below this to a recognizable
degree is ipso facto feeble-minded.” Id. at 42.
Six weeks later, the legislature enacted comprehen
sive legislation, creating a new official purpose for the
state’s institution: “segregation” of all “idiotic, imbecile
A-20/P en n sy lvan ia
or feeble-minded persons,” 1913 Pa. Laws 494, No. 328,
§ 1, and the removal of all age restrictions on admissions,
id. at 496, § 3. The lawmakers also established a new
“Village for Feeble-Minded Women” to be “entirely and
specially devoted to the reception, segregation [and] de
tention” of “feeble-minded women of child-bearing
age. . . .” 1913 Pa. Laws 1319, No. 817. By 1922, the
Superintendent of the Eastern Pennsylvania State Insti
tution for the Feeble-Minded was reporting that “the gen
eral public [is] now convinced more than ever that it is a
good thing to segregate the idiot and the imbecile.” R.
Sm ilovitz , a Br ie f History of Pen n h urst
1908-1926, Com piled from S u perin ten d en t ’s Doc
um en ts (1974).
Rhode Island. The General Assembly of Rhode Is
land enacted in 1907 “AN ACT FOR THE ESTABLISH
MENT, MAINTENANCE, MANAGEMENT, AND
CONTROL OF THE RHODE ISLAND SCHOOL FOR
THE FEEBLE-M IN DED.” 1907 R.I. Pub. Laws 89, ch.
1470. Within the institution there was created a special
“custodial department for the care and custody of feeble
minded persons beyond school age, or who are not ca
pable of being benefited by school instruction.” Id. at 90,
§ 3. Institutionalization could be sought by filing a “com
plaint in writing” alleging that "any person within the
district wherein such court is established is
feeble-minded, so as to require restraint for his own wel
fare or for the welfare of the public.” Id. at 91, § 6.
The purpose of the institution, according to the first
annual report to the legislature, was to “not only protect
the [feeble-minded] children themselves, but at the same
time to guard society against the children.” REPORT OF
th e Rhode Island School for th e F e e b l e -Minded
IN EXETER 20 (1910). State officials strongly encouraged
parents to commit their children voluntarily to the facil
ity: “Society is made up of families and when the family
suffers society suffers. Talk with any one who has had
the opportunity to know intimately the history of families
The N ortheast/A-21
in which there have been feeble-minded children, and
let him tell of the cases of fathers driven to drink, whole
families plunged into poverty and pauperism, and of
mothers made insane or even done to death by the pres
ence of the unfortunate child in the home.” Id. at 21.
Vermont. In 1913, the General Assembly of Ver
mont created the “Vermont State School for
Feeble-minded Children.” 1913 Vt. Acts 96, No. 81, § 1.
Proceedings to place a retarded person in the institution
could be initiated by, in addition to a parent or guardian,
any “selectman of the town . . . in which such child re
sides.” Id. at 98, § 13.
In 1916, state officials “report[ed] that the people in
Vermont are beginning to take a marked interest in the
study of feeble-mindedness, and its baneful and increas
ing effects on the population of the State, and that with
a better understanding of the conditions which exist,
there will be a tendency to view the handling of the ques
tion in a more practical and common sense manner. The
burden of feeble-mindedness is felt by the entire public,
and every intelligent person who has carefully consid
ered the subject realizes that this blight on m ankind is
increasing at a rapid rate, and that unless radical meas
ures are adopted to curb the influences which tend to
promote its growth it will only be a matter of time before
the resulting pauperism and criminality will be a burden
too heavy for any country or people to bear. The feeb le
minded are a parasitic, predatory class, never capable of
self-support or of managing their own affairs, and the
majority of them ultimately become public charges.” RE-
po rtof th e Verm ont State School for th e F e e b l e -
Minded Children for the Period E nding Septem
ber 30, 1916, at 17-18 (1916).
As a result of the actions of the state, “[t]he public is
now fully aware of the danger the defective is at large and
realizes the importance of instituting means for their con
trol. There is nothing that can be done more effectively
toward the prevention of feeble-mindedness, crime and
A.-22/V erm ont
poverty and toward the prom otion o f our best citizen
ship, than to segregate the feeble-m inded and properly
care for them.” Id. at 18.
Midwestern States
Illinois. On June 24, 1915, the Illinois General As
sembly passed a bill establishing a facility as an institu
tion for the “detention of feeble-minded persons.” 1915
111. Laws 245. Such “detention” was mandated not only
for the retarded person’s “own welfare,” but also “for the
welfare of others, or fo r the welfare o f the community
so long as the person was “not classifiable as an ‘insane
person.’ ” Id. at 245-46, §1. “[A]ny reputable citizen of
the county in which such supposed feeble-minded per
son resides or is found could seek the institutionalization
of such a person by filing a petition stating that it was
detrimental “to the w elfare o f the community, fo r him to
be at large.” Id. at 246, §3. The “guiding and controlling
thought of the court” at these proceedings was to be not
only “the welfare of the feeble-minded person” but also
“the w elfare o f the com m unity.” Id. at 249, § 9.
Indiana. In 1914, Indiana officials reported to the
Governor that there were still “at the most conservative
estimate that can be made, at least four thousand feeble
minded in Indiana” requiring institutionalization, and
that “[these] people are at large, a nuisance to the com
munity in which they live; nearly all of them paupers;
many of them petty criminals; the women filling the
houses of prostitution; all of them poor, improvident, lazy
— in short, incompetents. These people are increasing
rapidly, and unless cared for will, in the next hundred
years, bring an unbearable burden on our grandchildren
and great-grandchildren. Shall we leave them such an
inheritance, or shall we do something now to stop it?
Were we to put all these four thousand defectives now at
large into institutional care today, this institution could
provide for practically all needing the care of an institu
The M idwest/A-23
tion at the end of the next fifty years. No provision is
made for adult male feeble-minded in this State, and these
men should be segregated from the world in some place
where they could be made in a measure self-supporting.”
Thirty-S ixth Annual Report of the Indiana
School for F e e b l e -Minded Youth for th e F iscal
Year E nding Septem ber 30, 1914, at 14 (1914).
In 1915, the Board of State Charities of Indiana
adopted a resolution that read: “Whereas, The problem
of the mental defective is one of our greatest social as
well as financial burdens and is increasing in importance
and weight every year, and Whereas, Mental defective
ness is believed to be one of the most important if not the
most important cause of pauperism, degeneracy and
crime,” resolved that a committee be established to make
recommendations concerning this problem. Governor
Ralston acted favorably on this resolution and appointed
a Committee on Mental Defectives.
The work of the Committee and its first report, on
November 10, 1916, was used to convince the governor
and the legislature that it was “imperative that the State
must very soon take cognizance of the large number of
dependent defectives at large in the State, a menace to
society, increasing at a rapid rate, and take steps to seg
regate them from the public, and thus check their repro
duction not alone as a matter of philanthropy, but as an
economic measure.” THIRTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE INDIANA SCHOOL FOR FEEBLE-MINDED YOUTH,
Fort Wayne, Indiana, F or the F iscal Year E nding
Septem ber 30, 1916, at 14 (1917). The Indiana officials
were also “pleased to note that ‘The Committee on Men
tal Defectives’ appointed by you to study the problem of
Mental Defectiveness in Indiana, recently urgently rec
ommended the enactment of such a law, and we wish to
strongly endorse their recommendation and urge that this
remedial legislation be had at the coming session of the
Legislature. We have deeply felt the need of this law in
several cases in recent years, where we found ourselves
A -24 /Ind iana
utterly helpless to prevent the withdrawal of girls by par
ents or relatives while we knew that were unfit to be out
in the world. . . . ” Id. at 15. They also recommended “the
establishment of a new and separate institution to house
them from the danger o f contact with the public.” Id.
The Committee on Mental Defectives was reap
pointed by newly elected Governor James P. Goodrich.
The Committee’s second report was published March 6,
1919.
One week later, the General Assembly passed as
“emergency” legislation “AN ACT to provide for the es
tablishment and government of an Indiana farm colony
for feeble-minded” which incorporated practically all of
the recommendations of the Committee on Mental Defec
tives. 1919 Ind. Acts 480, ch. 94. The lawmakers created
a commission and ordered it to “select a suitable site for
the farm colony” and to “purchase not less than 1,000
acres of land in a body” for it. Id. § 2. The law specified
that “the buildings to be constructed for its use shall be
plain and inexpensive in character,” id. at 482, § 6, and
required that “the labor in constructing such buildings,
improvements and facilities shall be supplied as far as
applicable by the persons committed to the institution,”
id.
The Committee on Mental Defectives, while express
ing gratitude for this legislation, “recommend[ed] in
creased provision at the Farm Colony for Feeble-Minded”
in order for the state “to provide adequately for such cases
as cannot, without m enace to the community, be pro
vided for in the home or the public school.” M E N T A L
Defe c t iv es in Indiana: T hird Report of th e Indi
ana Com m ittee on Mental Defec tiv es 8 (1922).
The exact nature of the menace was described by
the Governor’s Committee as follows: “The uncared-for
insane, epileptic and feebleminded constitute a social
menace, but the part played by the feeblem inded in dis
counting social progress is by fa r the most potent influ
ence fo r evil under which society is struggling today. . . .
The M idwest/A-25
Modern theory grants that the rights of the individual
must not interfere with the welfare of the community.
From the latter standpoint, the mental defective must be
considered as a possible financial burden to the commu
nity, a potential menace through the commission of
crime, and an increasing detriment to the race through
the propagation of his kind. . . . What subject is more
vital than this to the people of our state? The menace of
the mental defective is a real and pressing one. All indi
viduals and organizations interested in human welfare
are urged to cooperate in a state-wide program for in
forming the citizens o f our state concerning the dangers
that threaten, and awakening them to the disastrous con
sequences if this important matter is neglected. This
should result in such united action as will lessen the bur
den of pauperism, degeneracy, disease and crime, and
decrease the cost to the taxpayers.” Id. at 6.
In addition to appropriating the increased funds re
quested for segregation, the legislature, on March 3,
1931, passed “AN ACT providing for the sexual sterili
zation of feeble minded persons.” 1931 Ind. Acts 116, ch.
50. Indiana has been the first state in the country to en
act a sterilization law. 1907 Ind. Acts 877, ch. 215. The
new law provided that, at the point at which com m it
ment o f any mentally retarded person was sought, “it
shall be the duty of each of the examining physicians
appointed by the court” to “certify to the court whether,
in his opinion, such person is the probable potential par
ent of mentally incompetent or socially inadequate off
spring likewise afflicted.” Id. § 1. Upon a finding by the
court that “the welfare of society and of such feeble
minded person will be promoted by his or her steriliza
tion,” the superintendent “may have performed upon
such feeble-minded person” sterilization surgery “at such
time as he may deem expedient.” Id. § 3.
Iowa. On March 17, 1876, the General Assembly of
Iowa enacted legislation “FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF AN ASYLUM FOR FEEBLE MINDED CHIL-
A-26 /Iowa
DREN.” 1876 Iowa Acts 145, ch. 152. Admission was
originally limited to “children between the ages of seven
and eighteen.” Id. at 148, § 15. After the turn of the cen
tury, the state authorized the segregation of increased
numbers of retarded people. The first to be confined, by
enactment of April 7, 1902, were “all feeble-minded
women under forty-six years of age.” 1902 Iowa Acts 73,
ch. 118. The next were “all feeble minded men under 46
years of age.” 1909 Iowa Acts 171, ch. 173. In 1921, all
age restrictions were repealed. 1921 Iowa Acts 126, ch.
129. State officials continually campaigned for the ex
pansion of facilities for segregation, see, e.g., TWENTY-
F ourth B iennial Report of th e S uperin ten d en t
of th e Iowa Institution for the F eeblem in d ed 7-8
(1922).
On April 13, 1929, the General Assembly enacted
legislation “to create a state board of eugenics, to define
the powers and duties of said board, [and] to fix the pro
cedure in the sexual sterilization of persons.” 1929 Iowa
Acts 106, ch. 66. The members of the Board of Eugenics,
which consisted of not only the superintendents of state
institutions, but also the commissioner of public health,
were ordered to “report to the state board of eugenics the
names of all persons, male or female, living in this state,
of whom he or she may have knowledge, who are feeble
minded . . . and who are a menace to society.” Id. § 2.
Kansas. In 1881, the Legislature of Kansas estab
lished “the Kansas state asylum for idiotic and imbecile
youth.” 1881 Kan. Sess. Laws 74, ch. 35. Admission was
limited to those “not over fifteen years of age.” Id. at 75,
§ 6 .
The superintendent of the institution, I.W. Clark, in
1906 urged the adoption of a law to enlarge the institu
tion and to accomplish the segregation of feeble-minded
persons of all ages. THIRTEENTH BIENNIAL REPORT OF
th e Kansas School for F e e b l e -Minded Youth ,
W in fie l d , Kansas, for th e Two Years ending J une
30, 1906, at 6 (1906). According to Superintendent Clark:
The M idw est/A-27
“Legislative attention to a more extended provision for
the idiotic and feeble-minded is an imperative demand
upon the state. For a score of years the opinions of phi
lanthropists and of those interested in sociologic work
have been steadily advancing in a certain direction, until
now they are unanimously convinced that as a m atter o f
public policy all the feeble-m inded class shoidd be segre
gated and provided fo r by the state. Various are the rea
sons which have led up to this conviction, and to most
persons they are easily obvious. In this state to-day there
are in the county-houses, and in the communities at large,
a large num ber o f this class who are a menace, a blight
and a m isfortune both to themselves and to the public.”
Id. at 12. Therefore, the superintendent recommended
that “[t]he age limit of fifteen years should be removed,
and the capacity of the home be enlarged so as to receive
all persons who are feeble-m inded, regardless of age." Id.
at 6.
On March 12, 1909, the legislature acted. The name
of the institution was “hereby changed to the State Home
for Feeble-minded,” and “[a]ll inmates admitted to said
institution” were placed “under the custody and control
of the superintendent of said institution, and the super
intendent may restrain any such inmate when he deems
it necessary for the welfare of such inmate and the proper
conduct of the institution.” 1909 Kan. Sess. Laws 560-61,
ch. 233, §§ 1, 2.
In 1917, the legislature enacted a law providing that,
if the Superintendent of the State Home for Feeble
minded “shall certify in writing” to the institution’s gov
erning board “that he or she believes that the mental or
physical condition of any inmate would be improved
thereby or that procreation by such inmate would be likely
to result in defective or feeble-minded children with crim
inal tendencies, and that the condition of such inmate is
not likely to improve so as to make procreation by such
person desirable or beneficial to the state, [then] it shall
be lawful to perform a surgical operation for the sterili
A-28 /Kansas
zation of such inmate.” 1917 Kan. Sess. Laws 443 ch
299, § 1.
State officials applauded this legislation, and pre
dicted a marked decrease in the number of feeble-minded
persons. However, they reported that “the decrease will
be nothing like so great as it should be unless our im
m igration laws are so changed as to greatly reduce the
number o f undesirables from Europe entering this coun
try. . . . We shall be disappointed further that the de
crease is no greater on account of the ease with which
feeble-minded persons may obtain a marriage certificate,
enter the marriage state and rear a family like unto them
selves. . . . Asexualization will be condemned by some as
being too harsh a measure, but it becomes incumbent on
those who would discourage it to offer something better,
for the future will compel us to act. If society by her phil
anthropic efforts annuls the law of the survival of the
fittest, then self-interest will compel her to adopt meas
ures which will prevent the multiplication of those who
at best can only add degeneracy to the race.” TWENTI
ETH B iennial Report of th e State T raining School
F or th e Two Years E nding J une 30, 1920 at 7-8
(1920).
Two years later, the superintendent reported “that
the population of the institution has grown steadily,” and
noted “the increased activity of welfare and Red Cross
associations over the state that are constantly on the look
out for unfortunate people, both young and old” to be
institutionalized. TWENTY-FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT OF
th e State T raining School F or the Two Years
ENDING J une 30, 1922, at 3 (1922). As a result of the
state’s policies, people were persuaded to place their re
tarded relatives in the institution. The Superintendent
noted that ‘as a consequence our ward buildings are be
coming crowded, some wards housing twenty per cent
more than the estimated capacity. Additional ward room
is a necessity.” Id. at 11.
The M idw est/A-29
Kentucky . The General Assembly of the Common
wealth of Kentucky first chartered the “Kentucky Insti
tution for Feeble-minded Children” as a corporate entity
in 1894, although the facility apparently had been in ex
istence previous to that date. See 1894 Ky. Acts 96, ch.
48, art. I, § 1. Admission to the institution at that time
was limited to persons aged six through eighteen “whose
mental condition is such that, in the judgment of the
superintendent, they may be taught to read and write, or
can be educated or trained to do work.” Id. at 115, art. Ill,
§5 .
In 1918, the General Assembly enacted more ma
levolent legislation, entitled “AN ACT to provide for the
commitment, care, treatment, training, segregation and
custody” of “feeble-minded” persons. 1918 Ky. Acts 156,
ch. 54. The law defined “feeble-minded person” as one
who “requires supervision, care, training, control or cus
tody for his own welfare or for the welfare of others or the
com m unity . ” Id. § 1. It also established and authorized
“The Farm Colony for the Feeble-Minded,” including an
ambitious plan for new construction on a 500-acre site.
Id. at 156-57, 159-60, §§ 1, 9, 10. Proceedings to confine
a person in the institution could be instituted against any
person in the county who appears to be . . .
feeble-minded.” Id. at 161, § 16. The same law made it
“one of the special duties of every health officer and o f
every public health nurse to institute proceedings to se
cure the proper segregation and custody offeeble-m inded
persons, likely to become fathers or mothers of other
feeble-minded persons,” id., at 171, § 30, and made it a
crime “to aid or abet the marriage of any feeble-minded
person, and any person found guilty of aiding or abetting
such marriage shall be fined not less than fifty dollars,
nor more than five hundred dollars,"id. § 32.
Michigan. In 1893, the Michigan Legislature estab
lished the “Home for the Feeble-Minded and Epileptic.”
1893 Mich. Pub. Acts 412, No. 209. The institution was
available to “[a]ll feeble-minded and epileptic persons be
tween the ages of six and twenty-one.” Id. at 416, §§ 20,
21.
In 1905, to insure long-term segregation, the legis
lature required thatparents and guardians admitting their
children to the home “waive all right to remove such
inmate thereafter either permanently or for a limited
time.” 1905 Mich. Pub. Acts 169-70, No. 121.
A more comprehensive revision of the law took place
four years later, 1909 Mich. Pub. Acts 189, No. 101, elim
inating age restrictions, id. at 192, § 13, providing for
roving physicians “empowered to go where such feeble
minded and epileptic person may be and make such per
sonal examination of him as to enable them to offer an
opinion as to his mental condition” in order to certify them
as “feeble-minded,” id. § 14.
If, following a hearing, “such person shall be found
and adjudged to be feeble-minded or epileptic the court
shall immediately issue an order for his admission to the
home for the feeble-minded.” Id. at 194.
State officials described the value of the new law in
maintaining life-long segregation and control in their re
port to Governor Woodbridge Ferris: “Prior to the enact
ment of the law of 1909, patients were admitted to this
institution by direct application either by parents, guard
ians, or certain public officials. The matter of the status
of these patients was constantly before the Board of Con
trol. The Board found it impossible to hold certain cases
where, in their opinion, the welfare o f the State would
dictate their being held. We therefore went to the Leg
islature, requesting the passage of an act bringing all
these cases, where the patient had not had his day in
court, before the Probate Courts of the several counties
for review and legal commitment. We now have no pa
tients not committed by the Probate Court.” TENTH BI
ENNIAL Report of th e Board of Control of the
Michigan Hoime and T raining School at Lapeer for
the B iennial Period E nding J une 30, 1914 (1914).
A-30/M ichigan
The M idw est/A-31
As John N. McCormick, Chairman of the State Board
of Corrections and Charities later stated in official, pub
lished instructions to Dr. H. A. Haynes, Superintendent
of the Michigan home: “The members of this Board con
sider it imperative that ample provision be made for the
segregation and proper care of feeble-minded persons. A
recent survey of Michigan removes any doubt as to the
plain duty o f the State regarding feeble-m indedness, not
only from a sociological but an economical standpoint as
well. From our discussion of the situation with you at the
meeting of this Board held at your institution, we are of
the opinion that the items stated in your estimate of ap
propriations for the next two years are needed, and the
same are hereby approved.” ELEVENTH BIENNIAL RE
PORT of th e Board of Control of th e Michigan
Home and T raining School at Lapeer for th e B i
ennial Perio d E nding J une 30, 1916, at 7 (1916).
On May 25, 1923, the Michigan legislature adopted
“AN ACT to authorize the sterilization of mentally de
fective persons,” which class was “deemed to include id
iots, imbeciles and the feeble-minded, but not insane per
sons.” 1923 Mich. Pub. Acts 453, No. 285, § 1. “When
ever a person is adjudged defective,” the court was au
thorized to “order such treatment by x-rays or operation
of vasectomy or salpingectomy. . . . ” Id. at 454, § 2.
In a 1929 amendment, the legislature “hereby de
clared [it] to be the policy of the state to prevent the pro
creation and increase in number of feeble-minded, in
sane and epileptic persons, idiots, imbeciles, moral de
generates, and sexual perverts, likely to become a m en
ace to society or wards of the state. The provisions o f this
act are to be liberally construed to accom plish this pur
pose.” 1929 Mich. Pub. Acts 689-90, No. 281, § 1. The
law made it “the duty” of state officials operating the
Home for Feeble-minded “to bring to the attention of the
governing board or body of such institution and to the
state welfare commission” any “mentally defective per
son who would be likely to procreate children unless
closely confined or rendered incapable of procreation” for
whom they were “of the opinion” that it would be “for the
best interest of such person and o f society that such men
tally defective person should be sexually sterilized.” Id.
at 690, § 4. The law made it “the duty,” in turn, of “the
governing board or body of such institution and the state
welfare commission to cause an investigation, and ex
amination to be made to determine whether such men
tally defective person would be likely, i f allowed to min
gle in society, to procreate children having an inherited
tendency to feeble-mindedness, insanity, idiocy, imbe
cility, epilepsy, or sexual degeneracy, and who would be
likely to become a social menace or a ward of the state,
and whether there is no probability that the condition of
such person would improve to such an extent as to avoid
such consequences.” Id. at 690-91.
Minnesota. In 1909, the legislature of Minnesota en
acted a law “providing a department for incurables” for
“all idiotic and epileptic persons resident of the state. . . ”
1909 Minn. Laws 72, ch. 80. A decade later, because the
institution, located at Faribault, had filled beyond capac
ity, the legislature authorized the state board of control
“to select from the public lands of this state, the title to
which is vested in the state, not to exceed two (2) sec
tions of land to be used as a location for a colony for feeble
minded persons. . . . ” 1919 Minn. Laws 475, ch. 407,
§ 1. In 1925, the legislature authorized residents of its
institutions “to be sterilized by the operation of vasec
tomy or tubectomy.” 1925 Minn. Laws 140, ch. 154.
Missouri. In 1899, the “Missouri Colony for the
Feeble-minded” was established. 1899 Mo. Laws 1821,
ch. 118, art. 10. As the institution’s population grew, the
“board of managers of said colony” was “empowered to
establish other colonies in temporary or permanent
camps.” 1919 Mo. Laws 183-84, § 2.
State officials continually requested increased ap
propriations for expansion. In one annual report to the
legislature, for example. Dr. E. E. Brunner, superintend
A-32 /M ichigan
The Midivest/A-33
ent of the institution, stated: “We need another building
to care for the custodial type of idiot patients as that build
ing is entirely overcrowded.” SIXTH BIENNIAL REPORT
of the Board of Managers of the State E leem o s
ynary In stitu tio n s to th e F ifty -Seventh General
Assem bly of th e State of Misso u ri for the Two
F iscal Years Beginning J anuary 1, 1931, and E nd
ing De c em ber 31, 1932, at 291 (1933). According to
Superintendent Brunner, “[t]he number of applications
is not an indication that the number of feeble-minded is
on the increase in the State, but to the education of the
people of the State as to the significance o f
feeble-m indedness and the need o f perm anent custodial
care. . . Id. at 288.
Nebraska. On March 5, 1885, the Legislature of Ne
braska passed “AN ACT to establish and endow an Asy
lum Home for feeble-minded children and adults at or
near the city of Beatrice, Nebraska, and making appro
priation and levy therefor.” 1885 Neb. Laws 255, ch. 52.
By 1914, Silas A. Holcomb, chairman of the newly
established state Board of Commissioners, was writing in
his first report to the governor and legislature that “[t]he
population of the institution has increased to the point
where its capacity is taxed to the limit. The demand for
additional admissions is steady and will continue.” The
Board recommended an ambitious expansion program,
“[w]ith a view of relieving the congested condition and
making suitable provisions for future admissions. F IR ST
Biennial Report of the Board of Com m issioners
of State In stitutions to the Governor and Leg
islature of th e State of Nebraska for the B ien
nium E nding November 30, 1914, at 9 (1915).
Expanded institutions would be necessary partially
as a result of projected population increases for the state.
See id. They would also be the necessary result, however,
of a comprehensive program “submitted] for the serious
consideration of the Governor and the legislature” of test
ing and registration which “would unquestionably re-
veal others who are feeble-minded and who ought not to
be returned to society .” Id. at 10.
Observing that “[t]he only effective m easures to meet
these conditions are segregation and sterilization ,” the
Board criticized the then current law: “but in our state
neither of these may be applied except as a voluntary
proceeding on the part of the legal guardian of the feeble-
mindedperson. . . . Itisnotaproceedingby whichafeeble-
minded person may be committed to nor detained in the
institution against the desire of the parent or guardian.”
Id. at 11. By amending the law, “the community is en
abled to seclude those who cannot safety be allowed to
mingle freely w ith their fellow s. We, therefore, recom
mend that a statute, similar to those above mentioned, be
enacted by this state to provide that admission to the in
stitution for feeble-minded be by order of commitment
entered by the county court of the proper county, after
due hearing and finding upon a petition filed by the hus
band, wife, parent, guardian or other person standing in
loco parentis to the alleged feeble-minded person, or by
the superintendents, managers or trustees of any insti
tution having such person in charge, or by the county
commissioners, county attorney, superintendent or prin
cipal of schools, or a probation officer of the county in
which such alleged feeble-minded person shall reside.”
Id. at 11-12.
The legislature responded, enacting an amendment
on April 14, 1915, extending the list of people eligible to
initiate commitment proceedings to include “the county
commissioners, county attorney, any poor law official, any
superintendent or principal of schools, or any probation
or parole officer of the county of which such idiotic, im
becile or feeble-minded person is a bona fide resident,
. . . and the superintendent or managing officer of any
public or charitable institution having in charge any id
iotic, imbecile or feeble-minded person.” 1915 Neb. Laws
294, ch. 131. “[Detention” was mandated if “it shall ap
pear that the person named in the application is an idiot,
A-34 /N ebraska
The M idwest/A - 3 5
an imbecile or a feeble-minded person and that the best
interests of such person or the welfare o f society require
that he be committed to said institution for the feeble
minded.” Id. at 295. “It shall be the duty of said institu
tion to receive all such idiotic, imbecile and feeble
minded persons duly committed thereto and to detain
them therein, and to arrest and return any who may es
cape therefrom.” Id.
Shortly thereafter, the lawmakers passed “AN ACT
to authorize the sterilization of feeble-minded,” whose
“children would probably become a social menace” and
“would be harmful to society.” 1915 Neb. Laws 554-55,
ch. 237. The act was not approved by the governor, but
became operative without his signature.
In 1921, the legislature changed the name of the in
stitution from the “Nebraska Institution for
Feeble-minded Youth” to simply the “Nebraska Institu
tion for the Feeble-minded,” in recognition of the aban
donment of all age restrictions. 1921 Neb. Laws 843, ch.
241, § 1. “The objects of the institution shall be to pro
vide custodial care and humane treatment for those who
are feeble-minded, to segregate them from society, to
study to improve their condition, [and] to classify them.”
Id.
North Dakota. The Legislative Assembly of North
Dakota in 1903 adopted “AN ACT to Establish an Insti
tution for the Feeble Minded,” to be “permanently main
tained at or near the city of Grafton” for “all idiotic and
epileptic persons residents of this state.” 1903 N.D. Sess.
Laws 142, 143, ch. 108, §§ 1, 6. State Superintendent L.
B. Baldwin reported that it was “advisable that they be
placed in institutions of this character fo r life. A rela
tionship exists between the forms of degeneracy, namely,
the criminal, the inebriate, the prostitute and the feeble
minded.” The view of state officials was that “to protect
posterity,” it was necessary to undertake “the gathering
of this great number of defectives into institutions and
colonies.” F ir st BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE NORTH DA
A -36 /N orth D akota
kota In stitu tio n s for F e e b l e Minded at Grafton
fo r th e Perio d E nding J une 30, 1904 to th e Gov
ern o r of North Dakota 9-10 (1904).
In 1909, the Legislative Assembly promoted the per
manent segregation of those committed by providing that
“any inmate of such institution shall not be removed
therefrom,” except by written application, and “said re
quest must receive the approval of the superintendent
before such inmate can be removed.” 1909 N.D. Sess.
Laws 317-18, ch. 213, § 1.
In 1913, the legislature provided that “any feeble
minded person who is offensive to the -public peace or to
good morals, and who is a proper subject for classifica
tion and discipline in the institution, may be commit
ted” without consent. 1913 N.D. Sess. Laws 222, ch. 166,
§ 1. This provision was enacted as an emergency meas
ure in view of “the fact that there is now no law for com
pulsory commitment of feeble-minded persons obnox
ious to the peace and good morals of the public.” Id. § 3.
The Legislative Assembly authorized the superin
tendent to “admit to the institution temporarily, without
commitment, under such rules and regulations as the
Board of Administration may prescribe, for purposes of
observation, such children or adults as are suspected of
being feeble minded or idiotic, to ascertain whether or
not such person is actually mentally defective and a proper
case for care, treatment and training in an institution for
the feeble-minded.” 1921 N.D. Sess. Laws 123, ch. 64.
It was also made “the duty of the superintendent” to
“report quarterly to the Board of Examiners herein pro
vided for, all feeble-minded” who were considered as hav
ing “potential to producing off-spring, who, because of
inheritance of inferior or antisocial traits, would probably
become a social menace. . . . ” 1927 N.D. Sess. Laws 433,
ch. 263, § 1. The Board would, following a hearing, “make
an order requiring such person to be sterilized.” Id. at
434, § 3. The purpose of the law was to “protect society
from the menace of procreation by said inmate.” Id. § 5.
The M idw est/A-37
Ohio. As early as 1857, the General Assembly of Ohio
established the “Ohio State Asylum for Idiots. ” 1857 Ohio
Laws 190, 191.
In 1898, Ohio lawmakers established “a custodial de
partment” for the “detention” of “idiotic and
feeble-minded children and adults,” 1898 Ohio Laws
209, § 1, and established an involuntary commitment pro
cedure, id. at 211, § 6.
In 1912, Superintendent E. J. Emerick called for in
creased facilities. “If we could segregate these defectives
when they are young and keep them confined during their
natural lives, it would obviate the expense of having them
committed repeatedly to our penitentiaries when they
grow older. Under our present plan they are sent to our
penal institutions for a short term after committing some
crime, allowed to go out again, scatter their progeny, and
commit other crimes and depredations, only to be recom
mitted time after time. . . . If we take these children into
our institution, brighten them up as best we can, and
turn them loose on the public, it has not only been a
waste of time, money, and energy, but we have done the
world an irreparable injury.” Emerick, The Segregation
o f the Defective in PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL
Education Association , 1912, at 1291-92 (1912).
Emerick and others continued the same theme for the
next several years. See E. J. EMERICK, THE PROBLEM OF
the F eeblem in d ed (1913); J uvenile Protective As
sociation of Cincinnati, T he F eeblem in d ed , or .
The Hub to our Wh eel of Vice (1915); M. Se ssio n s ,
The F eeblem in d ed in Ohio (1918).
In 1919, the legislature established “an additional in
stitution in the state for the custody, supervision, con
trol, care, m aintenance , and training of feeble-minded
persons,” to receive “feeble-minded persons committed
to its custody and care from any county in the state.”
1919 Ohio Laws 430, § 1.
South Dakota. South Dakota’s first facility for the
segregation of retarded people was a department of the
A-38 /South D akota
Northern Hospital for the Insane established as early as
1893. 1893 S.D. Sess. Laws 169, ch. 101. In 1917, the
legislature enacted the state’s first sterilization law, mak
ing it “the duty” of the State Board of Charities and Cor
rections to order the sterilization of “any of said inmates
[who] would produce children with a tendency to dis
ease, feeble-mindedness, idiocy or imbecility. . . .” 1917
S.D. Sess. Laws 378-379, ch. 236, § 2.
In 1921, the legislature passed an act “RELATING
TO THE SEGREGATION OF FEEBLE MINDED.”
1921 S.D. Sess. Laws 344, ch. 235. The law created the
State Commission for the Control of the Feeble Minded
and empowered it “to make all necessary7 rules and reg
ulations pertaining to the segregation, care and control
of feeble minded persons. . . . ” Id. §§ 1, 3. It was “the
purpose of this act to provide that all feeble minded per
sons resident within this state shall become the wards o f
the state and shall be kept segregated.” Id. § 2. In order
to enforce this mandate, the “state commission shall make
a survey of all state institutions and o f the state generally
to ascertain the persons whom they believe to be feeble
minded in order that said state commission may make
necessary complaints to the county commission.” Id. at
344-45, § 5. Additionally, “[a]ll teachers” were required
to “report all feeble-m inded childi'en coming to their a t
tention to the state board.” Id. at 345. This system of
outreach efforts to systematically segregate retarded peo
ple became known nationwide as the “South Dakota
Plan,” and became a model for similar efforts in other
states. The legislation was deemed by the Commission to
“constitute a substantially laid foundation upon which to
erect the super-structure of a wise social and economic
administration of the feeble-minded problem.” STATE OF
South Dakota, Second B iennial Report of the
Com mission for Segregation and Control of the
F e e b l e -minded for the Period E nding J une 30,
1928 To th e Governor 2 (1928).
The M idw est/A-39
The Commission proposed legislation to require the
“identification of all feeble-minded in the state and their
registration as a matter of record [ , ] . . . a confirmative
census [,] . . . supervision and control by properly con
stituted authorities [ , ] . . . [and] the operation of the ster
ilization law and the anti-marriage law. In fact the law is
designed to give the defective the protection of the state,
and at the same time to protect the state against his so
cial i n a d e q u a c y STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA, THIRD BI
ENNIAL Report of the Commission for Segregation
and Control of the F e e b l e -Minded F or the Pe
riod E nding J une 30, 1930 To the Governor 3
(1930). The Commission warned that the proposed leg
islation was necessary due to the large numbers of “feeble
minded” who were “at large and uncontrolled by the
state.” Id. at 4.
On February 19, 1931, the comprehensive law re
quested by the Commission was enacted. The term “fee
ble minded” was broadly and vaguely defined to include
“all individuals , except the insane, who by reason of men
tal deficiency are incapable of doing the work of the grades
in the public schools in a reasonable ratio to their years
o f life ; or who by reason of mental deficiency and other
associated defects are incapable of making the proper ad
justm ents to life for one of their chronological age.” 1931
S.D. Sess. Laws 200, ch. 153, § 1. The Commission
drafted into the law its paramount “authority in all mat
ters pertaining to the care, supervision, and control of all
feeble-minded persons in the State of South Dakota not
confined within the state school and home for the feeble
minded. Said commission shall determine the conditions
under which such feeble minded persons shall be per
mitted to remain outside of said institution; and when,
and under what conditions, commitment to such insti
tution shall be required.” Id. § 2. The Commission was
given “the duty” to “maintain a continuative census of
the feeble minded in the state, and all boards of educa
tion, school principals, county superintendents of
A-40 /Sou th D akota
schools, city school superintendents, and teachers, are
hereby specifically required to give said commission, or
its agents, such access as the commission, or its agents,
deem necessary to all school records, and to all children
within their control for purposes of examination. . . . ” Id.
§ 3(a). Moreover, it was to “be the duty of all teachers,
city school superintendents and county superintendents
of schools” as well as “the duty of all doctors, nurses,
hospitals, penal and charitable institutions, county wel
fare boards, public health officers, and public officers,
boards, or commissions within the State of South Da
kota, to report to the state commission for the control of
the feeble minded the name, age, and residence of all
children believed by them to be feeb le minded, and also to
furnish whenever requested by the state commission for
control of the feeble minded any and all information
which they may have relative to the name, age, residence
and antecedents of any person believed to be feeble
minded.” Id. § 3(b), (c). “Sub-Commissions,” were es
tablished in each county of the state “under the direct
authority of the state commission” with the “specific au
thority” to “apprehend, exam ine, commit, establish
guardian ships, transport, and m aintain the custody of
any feeble m inded person within their respective coun
ties.” Id. at 200-01, § 4. “It shall also be the duty of each
sub-commission to declare to be feeble minded all of those
persons whom the sub-commission, or whom a majority
of the members of such sub-commission, find upon in
vestigation and examination to be feeble minded; and
forthwith to commit such feeble minded to the supervi
sion and control of the state commission. . . . ” Id. at 201,
§ 6 .
This legislation, according to the Commission,
“would serve the purpose of securing control and super
vision o f cdl the feeble-m inded outside o f institutions in
the State.” STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA, FOURTH BIEN
NIAL Report of the Commission for Segregation
and Control of th e F e e b l e -Minded F or th e Pe
The M idw est/A-41
riod E nding J une 30, 1932 To the Governor 3
(1932). “[T]he Commission was thoroughly convinced
that the great problem o f feeble-m indedness lay in that
large group of feeble-minded outside o f institutions,”
who were “scattered throughout the population” and “in
possession o f all the righ ts and liberties o f normal peo
ple.” Id. The Commission found that most of “the feeble
minded were at large and uncontrolled by the State,” id.,
but that would change: “To have control there must be:
1st, Identification; 2nd, Examination; 3rd, Registration;
4th, Supervision; 5th, Prevention (of marriage); 6th, Ster
ilization. The new law is designed to fulfill these require
ments.” Id.
Commission personnel “were sent into the various
counties and through contact with the schools, welfare
boards, health officers, social agencies, physicians,
nurses, and public agencies of every kind, sought to lo
cate every possible feeble-m inded individual.” Id. at 9.
Two years later, the Commission reported “the
number who have been committed to the State Commis
sion, those who are segregated in the institution and those
who have been sterilized, are now all under State Con
trol.” State of South Dakota, F ifth B iennial Re
port of the State Com mission for th e Control of
the F e e b l e -Minded F or the Period E nding J une
30, 1934 To THE GOVERNOR 5 (1934). The Commission
complained, though, that the state’s sterilization law was
“much too complicated and cumbersome to achieve the
best results.” Id.
The legislature agreed, enacting legislation the fol
lowing February giving each Sub-Commission, follow
ing a hearing, “the power to make an order for the ster
ilization of any feeble-minded person found within its re
spective county. . . .” 1935 S.D. Sess. Laws 163, ch. 113,
§ 1. A petition for sterilization could be “filed with the
Chairman of the Sub-Commission of the County in which
A-42/Sou th D akota
the person believed to be feeble-minded is found,” by
“any resident of the County in which such person may
be found.” Id.
The “South Dakota Plan” was in effect in similar form
at least through 1968. See STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA,
Tw en ty-Second B iennial Report of th e State
Com m ission for th e Mentally Retarded F or the
Period E nding J une 30, 1968 To th e Governor
(1968).
Wisconsin. Public support in Wisconsin for segre
gation of retarded people did not begin in earnest until
the 1890s. Among those lobbying for the establishment
of an institution, through a state-wide petition drive, were
the Board of Health, the Federation of Women’s Organ
ization, and the State Teachers Association. One such
petition, signed by the leading citizens of Washburn
County in 1891, called for the building of an institution
“for the feeble-minded, who are a constant menace to the
good order of society, and to social and domestic safety
and tranquility. . . . ” Quoted in A. RUGG, ONE HUNDRED
Years of Public Care for People with Mental Re
tardation in W isconsin 8 (1983).
Dr. J. H. McBride, a member of the Wisconsin Con
ference of Charities and Corrections, stated the popular
belief that retarded children should be removed from the
family: “That an idiot child is, with its repulsive appear
ance and disorderly habits, a demoralizing association
fo r brothers and sisters, a thing that would seem to go
without saying. Daily experience with the course and
rude behavior of an idiot is an experience that must, of
necessity, be seriously injuring to young and tender na
tures.” Proceedings of th e W isconsin Co n feren c e
of Ch arities and Correction s 118 (1890).
In 1895, the legislature established “The Wisconsin
Home for feeble-minded.” 1895 Wis. Laws 280, ch. 138,
§ 1. The facility was for “[a]ll feeble-minded, epileptic
and idiotic persons, residents of the state.” Id. at 241, § 4.
The law was amended in 1897, to provide that “when
The M idwest/A-43
ever it shall appear that any feeble-minded female of child
bearing age is, by reason of her condition, a menace to
society, it is the duty of the supervisor to bring the person
before the county judge. . . . ” 1897 Wis. Laws, ch. 360,
§ 1 .
In his first biennial report. Superintendent Alfred W.
Wihnarth requested of the legislature increased appro
priations for additional dormitories in order to “purge so
ciety and obstruct the increase of feeble-mindedness.”
Wisconsin Board of Control, B iennial Report 321
(1898). What training that was provided focussed upon
“educating the child as a useful member of the institu
tional community where he will always live.” WISCON
SIN Board of Control, B iennial Report 356 (1904).
Indeed, Superintendent Wilmarth complained in his re
port of the “annoyance . . . created by friends of some
children who demand their release when they are en
tirely unfit to go into general society.” Id. at 376.
By 1912, state officials were reporting that the work
of the institution basically “consisted] of separating them
from society, feeding, and clothing them.” WISCONSIN
Board of Con trol, B iennial Report 20 (1912). That
same year, “the Board of Control was directed not to con
sider ‘paroling’ anyone who ‘might’ become a menace to
the community.” Id.
A Visiting Committee of the legislature endorsed the
continuation and extension of this approach and, in ad
dition, urged the enactment of a sterilization law because
of the “present danger to the race.” Report o f the Legis
lative Visiting Committee, SENATE JOURNAL 263 (48th
Leg. Sess.). In 1913, the legislature authorized the ster
ilization of residents of the institution for whom it was
found “that procreation is inadvisable.” 1913 Wis. Laws
972, ch. 693, § 3. The same day, the lawmakers made
room for the incarceration of more “feeble-minded” by
establishing a second institution. Id. at 963, ch. 689, § 1.
It was needed since the population of the Home for the
Feebleminded increased from 394 to 1060 in the period
A-44 /W isconsin
1900-1920. W isconsin Board of Con trol, B iennial
Report 290 (1920).
Southern States
Alabama. On September 29, 1919, the legislature of
Alabama established “The Alabama Home” for “mental
inferiors.” 1919 Ala. Acts 738, No. 568, § 2.
“[D]eclared to be mental inferiors or deficients, or
feeble-minded” by the legislature for purposes of con
finement at the Home were “[ajll persons of whatever
age, who are deficient or inferior to the extent of being
classed in either of the following groups of the feeble
minded: That is to say, idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded
or morons, and any of whom may be, or may not be ep
ileptics, but not violent or insane.”
Id. at 739, § 7. The terms “feeble-minded” and “men
tal inferior or deficient” were defined in the act to “in
clude every person with such a degree of mental defec
tiveness from birth, or from an early age that he is unable
to care for himself and to manage his affairs with ordi
nary prudence, or that he is a m enace to the happiness
or safety of himself or o f others in the community, and
requires care, supervision, and control either for his own
protection or fo r the protection o f o t h e r s I d .
The courts were given “the power and authority to
commit such person to the Home notw ithstanding the
family or relatives may object thereto.” Id. at 740, § 9.
The same enactment also instructed the operators of
the Alabama Home, that, if “they deem it advisable they
are hereby authorized and empowered to sterilize any
inmate.” Id. § 13.
The law provided that “[t]he Superintendent must
not grant a parole to any inmate unless he is of the opin
ion that it will not be detrimental to such inmate or to
society, and the Superintendent must recall said parole
whenever he is satisfied that the welfare of such paroled
The Sou th /A-45
inmate, or o f the com m unity to which said inm ate is p a
roled requires it.” Id. § 14.
Arkansas. Arkansas’ institution “for the
Feeble-Minded” was created by an act of the legislature
on March 6, 1917. 1917 Ark. Acts 942.
The law broadly defined “feeble-minded” for the pur
poses of confinement at the institution “to include all
degrees o f m ental defect due to arrested or imperfect men
tal development. Those feeble-minded persons possess
ing approximate mental development not to exceed that
of a normal child of three, shall be classed as ‘idiots;’ those
approximately of the mentality of children from four to
seven, inclusive, shall be known as ‘imbeciles;’ and those
approximately with the mental development of normal
children from eight to twelve, inclusive, shall be known
as ‘morons.’ ” Id. § 11.
Florida. In 1919, the Florida Legislature, noting “an
alarming state of facts” in a report submitted to it by a
committee appointed by the governor (see 1915 Fla. Laws
263, ch. 6920), and further noting “[f]rom the findings of
the said Committee there can be no doubt that there
should be established and created in this State an Insti
tution for the care of Epileptic and Feeble-Minded, where
they can be segregated,” established the “Florida Farm
Colony for Epileptic and Feeble-Minded.” 1919 Fla. Laws
231, ch. 7887, preamble & § 1,
The Colony was founded “to the end that these un
fortunates may be prevented from reproducing their kind,
and the various com m unities and the State at Large re
lieved from the heavy economic and moral losses arising
by reason o f their existence.” Id. § 8. Its purpose was “for
the segregation” of the “feeble-minded. ” Id.
Georgia. On August 19, 1919, the General Assembly
of Georgia passed “An Act to establish in the State of
Georgia an institution to be known as the ‘Georgia Train
ing School for Mental Defectives.’ ” 1919 Ga. Laws 377,
No. 373. The institution was ordered built “as soon as
possible” for all “defectives” who “constitute menaces to
themselves or the com m unity.” Id. § 1.
The statute mandated that “preference in admission
shall be given to children and women of child-bearing
age,” but the institution was open to any “defective” who
“constitutes a m enace to the happiness of himself or o f
others in the com m unity” who were “not insane or of
unsound mind.” Id. at 379, § 3.
The institution opened in 1921. A year later, its first
superintendent, George H. Preston, M.D., complained
that the facility was “not large enough to fulfill the de
mands made of it.” An n u a l R e p o r t o f t h e Ge o r g ia
T r a in in g S c h o o l f o r M e n t a l D e f e c t i v e s ,
Gr a c e w o o d GEORGIA 4 (1922). According to the Re
port, “the fact of primary importance to remember is that
a defective child will be a defective adult, and will die a
defective. There is not a philosopher’s stone to turn the
base metals of defect into gold.” Id.
The Georgia legislature enacted the state’s first ster
ilization law, “for the protection of . . . future genera
tions,” in 1937. 1937 Ga. Laws 414, No. 5.
Louisiana. The “State Colony and Training School”
was established by the Louisiana legislature in 1918 as
“an institution especially provided for the feeble-minded
persons of the state of Louisiana.” 1918 La. Acts, No.
141, § 1. A “ [f]eeble-minded” person was defined as “any
person afflicted with mental defectiveness” who “requires
supervision, control and care for his own welfare, or for
the welfare of others, or fo r the welfare o f the commu
nity, who is not classifiable as an insane person.” Id. § 2.
“When any person residing in this state shall be sup
posed to be feeble-minded,” and “it is unsafe and dan
gerous to the welfare of the community for him to be at
large without supervision, control, and care, any relative,
guardian or conservator or any reputable citizen o f the
parish in which such supposed feeble-minded person re
sides” was authorized to seek that person’s commitment
to the state colony. Id. § 11. The law required “the guid
A-46/Georgia
The Sou th /A-47
ing and controlling thought of the court throughout the
proceedings” to be not only “the welfare of the feeble
minded person” but also “the welfare of the com m unity.”
Id. § 15.
Mississippi. On April 3, 1920, the Mississippi Leg
islature passed “AN ACT to provide for the establishment
and maintenance of the Mississippi School and Colony
for the Feebleminded . . . [and] to prevent the multipli
cation of feebleminded criminals and paupers.” 1920
Miss. Laws 288, ch. 210. The law included in its defi
nition of “feebleminded” those who “constitute m enaces
to the happiness or safety of themselves or o f other per
sons in the com m unity, and require care, supervision and
control either for their own protection or for the protec
tion of others.” Id. §2. The enactment was based upon
the legislative finding that “the greatest danger of the
feebleminded to the community lies in the frequency of
the passing on of mental deficiency from one generation
to another, and in the consequent propagation of crim
inals and paupers.” Id. at 289. “[A] sufficient acreage of
the Rankin County state convict farm” was ordered se
lected and improved “as soon as practicable” for the es
tablishment of the Mississippi Colony, bearing in mind
the desirability of a large tract of land to provide for the
growing demands of said institution.” Id. at 290, §8. The
“Plan of the Mississippi Colony” was to provide “the most
economical production of shelter, with the necessary dis
tribution of heat, light and food, at the same time secur
ing the isolation and segregation required.” Id. at 291,
§9.
The chancery courts were given jurisdiction over “all
cases of legal inquiry in regard to feeblemindedness, in
cluding idiocy, imbecility, and the higher grades and va
rieties of mental inferiority which render the subjects un
fit fo r citizenship .” Id. at 294, §17. Application for com
mitment could be made “[a]t any time” by “any relative”
to the clerk of the court, “but if the relatives of any fee
bleminded person shall neglect or refuse to make appli
cation to the clerk of the chancery court to have him ad
judged feebleminded, and shall perm it him to go at large,
the clerk of the chancery court shall, on the application,
in writing and under oath, of a citizen of the county in
question, issue a summons to the sheriff to summon the
alleged feebleminded person and his parent, guardian, or
next friend to contest the application.” Id. An order of
commitment was to issue if the court “shall be satisfied
that the person is feebleminded, and that for the safety or
happiness of the feebleminded himself, or fo r the safety
or happiness o f other persons in the community, he
should be committed to the Mississippi Colony.” Id. at
297, §23.
The legislature later authorized “the operation of ster
ilization” to be performed “whenever” the Mississippi
Colony’s superintendent “shall be of the opinion that it is
for the best interests of the patients and o f society that
any inmate of the institution under his care should be
sexually sterilized,” 1928 Miss. Laws, ch. 294, §1 (em
phasis provided), and that the board of trustees of the
Colony “shall find that the said inmate” is “feeble minded
or epileptic, and by the laws of heredity is the probable
potential parent of socially inadequate offsprings like
wise afflicted, that the said inmate may be sexually ster
ilized without detriment to his or her general health, and
that the welfare of the inmate and o f society will be pro
moted by such sterilization.” Id. at 372, §2.
North Carolina. The General Assembly of North Car
olina in 1911 established the “North Carolina School for
the Feebleminded” for all persons “idiotic and feeble
minded six years of age and upward.” 1911 N.C. Sess.
Laws 256, ch. 87, §1. The clerk of the county court was
authorized to order commitment “[w]henever it is made
to appear” that “any person resident in said county” was
“a fit subject” for institutionalization. Id. at 257, §4. By
a 1915 amendment, the General Assembly authorized
commitment proceedings for children to be brought by,
in addition to a parent or guardian, “third, by a guardian
A-48 /Mississippi
The South/A-49
duly appointed; fourth, by the superintendent of any
county home, or by the person having the management
of any orphanage, association, charity, society, children’s
home workers, ministers, teachers, or physicians, or other
institutions where children are cared for. Under items
third and fourth, consent o f parents, i f living, is not re
q u ir ed ” 1915 N.C. Sess. Laws 337-38, ch. 266, §3.
According to state officials, “the aim of the institu
tion” was “to segregate” all of “the state’s mental defec
tives.” T h ir d B ie n n ia l R e p o r t o f t h e Ca s t l e T r a in
ing S c h o o l , K in s t o n , N.C., F o r T h e Ye a r s
1915-1916, at 13(1916). “[I]f for a period of two or three
generations mentally defective men and women were pre
vented by segregation or sterilization from propagating
their kind, mental deficiency would be very materially
decreased. . . Id. at 14.
By 1923, the General Assembly had authorized the
commitment of “feeble-minded and mentally defective
persons o f any age when in the judgment of the officer
of public welfare and the board of directors of said insti
tution it is deemed advisable.” 1923 N.C. Sess. Laws 223,
ch. 34, §2.
Under 1929 legislation, the superintendent of the in
stitution was “hereby authorized and directed to have the
necessary operation for asexualization or sterilization per
formed upon any mentally defective or feeble-minded in
mate or patient thereof, as may be considered best in the
interest of the mental, moral, or physical improvement of
the patient or inmate, or fo r the public good.” 1929 N.C.
Sess. Laws 28, ch. 34, §1.
Oklahoma. The Oklahoma legislature established
the “Oklahoma Institution for the Feeble-minded” in
1909, for “all imbecile and idiotic persons of whatever
state who are not insane.” 1909 Okla. Sess. Laws 534-35,
536, ch. 34, art. 2, § § 1, 4. Application for a commitment
could be made by the father or mother, or: “Third: By a
guardian duly appointed. Fourth: By the supei’intendent
of any county alms house. Fifth: By the persons having
A -50/O klahom a
the management of any institution or asylum where chil
dren are cared for. Sixth: By the trustees of any township
in Oklahoma. Under the items ‘Three,’ ‘Four,’ ‘Five,’ and
‘Six’ above, the consent o f parents is not required.’' Id. at
538, §8.
In 1931, the legislature authorized the superintend
ent of the institution to sterilize those “afflicted with”
such conditions as “idiocy” or “imbecility.” 1931 Okla.
Sess. Laws 80, ch. 26, art 3.
South Carolina. On February 12, 1918, the General
Assembly of South Carolina passed “AN ACT to Estab
lish the State Training School for the Feeble-minded, and
to Provide for Its Government and Maintenance.” 1918
S.C. Acts 729, No. 398. Once the facility was built, the
“Board of Regents shall notify the Governor, who shall
thereupon by proclamation, declare the said Training
School for the Feeble-minded ready to receive patients.”
Id. at 731, § 9.
The term “feeble-minded persons” was defined to
mean “any moron, imbecile or idiotic person, of whatever
grade, who is afflicted with mental defectiveness from
birth or from an early age, so pronounced that he is in
capable of competing on equal terms with his normal
fellows or of managing himself or his affairs with ordi
nary prudence, and who, therefore, required custodial
care and training for his own protection and for the wel
fare of others and o f the Com m unity , but who is not in
sane or of unsound mind. . . . ” Id. at 731-32, § 10.
Institutionalization proceedings could be initiated by
“any reputable citizen of this State” by filing “a petition
in writing, setting forth that the person therein named is
feeble-minded” and that it was “unsafe or dangerous to
the welfare of the community for such person to be at
large. . . .” Id. at 733, § 13.
State officials reported candidly to the General As
sembly that the name of the facility was a misnomer since
they “continue to forego” the provision of any “training of
mental defectives” but “devote our efforts m ainly to seg
The South /A-51
regating and giving physical care to as large a number as
possible. . . . ” F ift h Annual Re po r t of t h e State
T raining Sch ool fo r t h e F e e b l e m in d e d , Clin to n ,
S.C., 1922, at 3 (1923).
As stated by Dr. B. O. Whitten, the Superintendent
of the institution, “[i]n almost every instance the propa
gation of this element of society results in grief and dis
appointment to the persons in question and will scarcely
ever operate in any way which can be expected to pro
mote happiness or even Anglo Saxon liberty.” SIXTH AN
NUAL R e p o r t of t h e State T raining S chool fo r t h e
F e e b l e m in d e d , Cl in to n , S.C., 1923, at 12 (1924).
In 1935, the legislature authorized the “sterilization
of mental defectives.” 1935 S.C. Acts 428, No. 304.
Tennessee. On April 14, 1919, the General Assem
bly of Tennessee passed “An Act to provide for the pro
tection, care, control, oversight, custody, m aintenance
and training of feeble-minded persons; to define who are
feeble-minded within the meaning of this Act; and for
the establishment, construction and maintenance of the
Tennessee Home and Training School for Feeble-
Minded Persons.” 1919 Tenn. Pub. Acts 561, ch. 150.
The Act applied to “any person with such a degree of
mental defectiveness” as to be “a m enace to the happi
ness or safety of himself or o f others in the community”
who “comprise those commonly called idiots, imbeciles,
and morons or high-grade feeble-minded persons” and
who “may or may not be subject to epileptic seizures.” Id.
§ 2 .
“Any relative of a feeble-minded person may make
application to have the person so adjudged; but if the
relatives and friends of any feeble-minded person shall
neglect or refuse to place him or her in the Tennessee
Home and Training School for Feeble-Minded Persons,
or in a private institution for the feeble-minded, and shall
permit him or her to go at large, then any reputable per
son being a resident of the county in which such feeble
minded person is found may make application lor com
A -52 /T ennessee
mitment in writing and under oath to any one of the courts
of his county, as above mentioned and shall not be sub
ject to exception or demurrer for defects of form.” Id. at
564, § 4. It was “the special duty of every county health
officer and of every County Superintendent of Education
in the State to file application for the commitment of
feeble-minded persons whose parents or guardians ne
glect such duty . . . whenever such officer shall have rea
sonable cause to believe that such commitment is nec
essary to secure the welfare of such feeble-minded per
sons or o f those persons with whom they come in con
tact:” Id. § 5.
State officials acknowledged the legislation as a nec
essary enactment since “[o]f course, all will agree that
there are very many feeble-minded in the State of Ten
nessee who have never gotten into one of the State in
stitutions and are more or less a m enace and burden to
their respective communities.” 1 Q. Re p . St . INSTITU
TIONS 30-31 (1919).
Texas. Texas became the first southern state to seg
regate its retarded citizens when it opened in 1904 a spe
cial unit of the State Epileptic Colony, for “idiotic, im-
becilic, and feeble-minded epileptics.” Gaver, M ental Re
tardation , in Menta l Il l n e s s and Menta l Retarda
t io n : T he H isto ry of Sta te Care in T exas 20, 22
(1976).
In 1912, the Texas Conference on Charities and Cor
rections, which had been organized the previous year,
presented in the last address of its annual conference a
call by Professor Bird T. Baldwin of the University of Texas
for an institution for the state’s “mental defectives, who
are contam inating society by their presence, absorbing
time and thought that should be devoted to normal chil
dren, and later filling the almshouses, charitable insti
tutions, and prisons with illegitimate and irresponsible
offspring.” Baldwin, The Causes, Prevention and Care o f
Feeble-M inded Children, in PROCEEDINGS OF THE STATE
Co n f e r e n c e o f Ch a r ities and Co r r e c t io n s at its
The Sou th /A-53
S e c o n d An n u a l M e e t in g He l d at W aco , Ap r il
14-16, 1912, at 86 (1912). According to Professor
Baldwin, these “mental defectives or feeble-minded, who
are by-products o f unfinished hum anity, belong in an
institution where they may be cared for, made happy,
and to some extent useful. They should be segregated
and not allowed to go to our schools with normal chil
dren and should not be permitted to have offspring.” Id.
at 87-88.
The following year, the legislature heeded the call by
enacting a bill establishing an institution for the “feeble
minded,” but it was vetoed by the governor, apparently
on budgetary grounds. This prompted a more concerted
effort, again led by the State Conference on Charities
and Corrections. Dr. C. S. Yoakum, Secretary of the State
Conference, wrote a 156-page monograph calling for the
enactment of this legislation. C. S. YOAKUM, CARE OF
t h e F e e b l e -m in ded and Insane in T exa s , B u l l . U.
T e x ., No . 369 (Humanistic Ser. No. 16, Nov. 5, 1914).
The monograph called for the removal of “defectives”
from the family since “[i]n a home where there is one
feeble-minded child among a number of children, we
have the definite effects of such communication. To be
sure, we recognize the increase in sympathetic under
standing that children and parents exercise toward such
feeble-minded children; but these moral and social traits
are infrequently developed and far overbalanced by the
amount of time and energy required to care for such a
child, especially if he be of the low grade imbecile or id
iotic type. One writer states that we may figure without
error that the time of one adult is needed for the care of
every feeble-minded or low grade imbecile child or adult.
In a custodial institution five of these defective children
or adults may be cared for by a single attendant in a much
better manner and with much better results than in the
home. We are, then, by sending such children to insti
tutions provided for their care, relieving four out of every
five of the normal adults now busied in caring for such
A-54 /Texas
defectives, for the economic and business life of the nor
mal community.” Id. at 44-45. Moreover, “[i]t is certain
that the feeble-minded girl and boy are often the bearers
of many of the social diseases, and it is especially true
that feeble-minded girls are, in the large majority of cases,
the inmates of our houses of prostitution.” Thus, “the
effect upon the community of the single individual of this
type is bad in the extreme in so far as the social, eco
nomic, and moral ideals of that community are con
cerned.” Id. at 45, 46.
According to Professor Yoakum, “[t]he only safe pro
cedure is custodial and institutional care throughout life
for the great majority. . . . Sterilization laws and other
means of prevention must for years to come be secondary
to this solution of the problem. Id. at 66.
The monograph set forth an extensive comparison of
the various remedies to the “problem.” “Restrictive mar
riage laws and customs are important, and educative, but
fail to reach the irresponsible and degenerate till too late.
The ‘socially inadequate’ are so named just because they
are without the influence of law and order. Eugenic ed
ucation, better environment, and systems of matings pur
porting to remove defective traits do not affect the im
pure blood and inheritable factors with the surety nec
essary to eliminate defects. Laissez-faire or natural se
lection, euthanasia, neo-malthusianism, and polygamy
are either impossible under the protective forces of mod
ern social conditions or are ideas repugnant to present-
day ideals of religion and humanity.” Of all the solutions,
“[t]he evidence so far collected points toward segregation
[emphasis in the original] as the most feasible, most eas
ily put into force, and least subversive of constitutional
prerogative.” Id. at 82.
Yoakum quoted a report prepared by his parent or
ganization to demonstrate the folly of the early approach
taken by schools in the East: “A word to the West! . . .
New States and communities should equip themselves
properly to attack these problems, and should make their
The Sou th /A-55
plans on the basis of complete control. Had the States of
the East followed this method during the last fifty years
their burdens would be only a fraction as great as they
now are.” Id. at 17, quoting REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
on Public S upervision and Administration to T he
National Co n feren c e of Charities and Co rrec
tio n s, SEATTLE, 1913, at 194 (1913). The bulletin con
cluded by stressing “the necessity for custodial care and
oversight for all feeble-minded,” through the enactment
of legislation to “open[] the door of the institution to all
feeble-minded of the State. . . . ” Id. at 80, 83.
The State Conference meeting in San Antonio in No
vember, 1914, presented additional papers. One con
cluded that “idiots” have “no economic value, and their
care can only remain so much of a dead load upon so
ciety, whether cared for in a home or in an institution.
They are, however, less expense in an institution than in
the home, poor farm or asylum.” Kelley, The Colony Plan
fo r the Care o f the Feeble-Minded, 2 BULL. TEX. St . CONF.
Charities & Correction s 57, 48 (1915). Another con
cluded that “[f]or the actual idiot there is, or should be,
no question as to procedure. The disease indicates its
own remedy. The next legislature should make an ap
propriation for a permanent institution, in which these
its most unfortunate citizens could be perm anently seg
regated.” Smith, The Feeble-Minded Girls in the Virginia
K. Johnson H om e, in id. at 61, 62.
Four months later, state representatives Ice Berg
Reeves and D. S. McMillan had no difficulty convincing
the legislature to reenact their H. B. No. 73, “An Act to
provide for the establishment and maintenance of a State
Farm Colony for the feeble-minded.” 1915 Tex. Gen.
Laws 143, ch. 90. With Governor Jim Ferguson’s signa
ture on the bill on March 22, 1915, Texas provided for
“custodial care” for all of “the feeble minded of the State”
to the end that these unfortunates may be prevented from
reproducing their kind and society relieved o f the heavy
economic and moral losses arising from the existence at
A -56/T exas
large of these unfortunate persons.” Id. § § 1,2. The col
ony opened on October 31, 1917. Gaver, supra at 24.
State officials, led by Superintendent J. W. Bradfield,
urged the legislature to make it easier to populate the
institution: “The female can, under the faulty labor con
ditions of today, make a living for a while, but she is, as
a rule, quite unmoral, and makes no effort to protect her
self. Her children, usually illegitimate, must, as degen
erates, criminals, or defectives, eventually become wards
of the State. The male moron is also a potential criminal,
and is the class from which inmates for our jails and re
formatories are recruited. Their segregation and control,
through life, is the remedy. This can be obtained only by
legally committing them to an institution where they can
he kept perm anently .” In order to resolve this “most se
rious problem,” he “urge[d] the enactment of an ade
quate commitment law.” Bradfield, Report o f Superin
tendent, State Colony fo r Feebleminded, in FIRST AN
NUAL Repo r to f the State Board of Cgn trolto T he
Governor and th e Legislature of T he State of
T exas, F iscal Year E nding August 31, 1920, at 147
(1921).
The legislature responded favorably, enacting, by a
unanimous vote, an act establishing a special “court for
the feeble-minded” in each county. 1923 Tex. Gen. Laws
172, ch. 82, § 1. Authority was given to “[a]ny person
who is a resident of the county having knowledge of a
person in his county who appears to be feebleminded” to
petition to institutionalize that person. Id. § 2. “It shall be
sufficient, if the affidavit shall be upon information and
belief.” Id. at 173. A hearing would then be scheduled by
the court’s issuance of an order “to show cause, if any,
why such person should not be declared by said court to
be feebleminded. . . . ” That order also was deemed to “be
sufficient authority to the sheriff or any constable of the
county to bring such feebleminded person before the
court for such hearing.” Id. § 3. A jury could be de
manded. Id. § 1. The finder of fact then “shall investigate
The Sou th /A-57
the facts and ascertain whether such alleged feeble
minded person is such.” Id. § 4. “If it be found by the
court or jury that the alleged feebleminded person is such,
the court shall enter its order so adjudging him, and that
he be committed to the custody of the State Coloney [sic]
for the Feebleminded,” id. § 5, and “[a]ll persons here
tofore or hereafter committed or admitted to such insti
tution shall reviain in its custody as perm anent w ard o f
the State until released by the management thereof,” id.
at 174, § 6.
As a result of the state’s encouragement, the “de
mand for entrance into this institution . . . steadily
continuefd] over our accommodations.” THIRD REPORT
of th e State Board of Control to th e Governor
and th e Legislature of T exas, Covering Period
from Septem ber 1, 1924, to August 31, 1926, at 9
(1927). According to Superintendent Bradfield “[t]his pe
riod has been marked by considerable growth of the in
stitution, and we feel that we are now much better pre
pared to be of real service to the State. . . . These addi
tions represent a healthy growth and encourage us in the
belief that proper provision for the feeble-minded of the
State is now being recognized as an absolute necessity.”
Bradfield, Superintendent’s Report, in id. at 137, 138. In
the same report, the Board of Control reported candidly
that “[t]his institution is, of course, purely custodial. . . . ”
Id. at 9.
Virginia. On March 20, 1914, the General Assembly
of Virginia enacted a law directing the State Board of
Charities and Corrections to “investigat[e] . . . the ques
tion of the weak-minded in the State, other than insane
and epileptic, and to report to the General Assembly of
nineteen hundred and sixteen a comprehensive, practi
cal scheme for the training, segregation and the preven
tion of the procreation of mental defectives.” 1914 Va.
Acts 242, ch. 147, § 1. Under the direction of its chair
man, S. C. Hatcher, the Board published in 1915 a 128-
page compilation of studies, recommendations, and pro
posed legislation under the title of T he MENTAL DEFEC
TIVES IN VIRGINIA: A SPECIAL REPORT OF THE STATE
Board of Charities and Correction s to th e Gen
eral Assem bly of Nin eteen S ixteen on W eak-
Min d ed n ess in th e State of Virginia T ogether
with a Plan for T raining, Segregation and Pr e
vention of the Procreation of th e F e e b l e
m in ded .
A letter of transmittal from Chairman Hatcher to Gov
ernor Henry Carter Stuart accompanying the report
stated that “the corrupt fruits of mental degeneracy in
any community will disappear in proportion to the re
duction of feeble-mindedness in that community . . . the
most urgent need in the work of reducing degeneracy is
the elimination of the feeble-minded.” Id. at 5. Quoting
approvingly eugenicist C. B. Davenport, Chairman
Hatcher recommended that “ ‘[i]f the State were to seg
regate its feeble-m inded, were to exam ine fo r m ental de
fects all im m igrants settling in its borders, and were to
deport those found to be defective, there will be a con
stantly diminishing attendance at State institutions for
the feeble-minded, and at the end of thirty years there
would be practically no use for such institutions.’ ” Id.
The official report detailed numerous “case studies”
to support its recommendations. For example, one such
“feeble-minded” case “with certain facial lines make one
feel that he is not fa r removed from the brute, and is
perhaps cruel with the unconscious cruelty of an an i
m al.” Id. at 20. Another case “ha[d] not even the glim
merings of intelligence manifested by some of the lower
forms of anim al life.” Id. at 41. Another had a wife who
was already committed “in a suitable institution, but it
seems a pity that the man, who is lower grade mentally
than his wife, though not so much of a menace, cannot
be segregated instead o f being allowed to run at large. A
larger and more adequate colony would remedy this.”
Noting that “the civilized nations of the earth are awak
ened to the menace of feeble-mindedness, and are taking
A -58/V irg in ia
The Sou th /A-59
steps for the elimination and prevention of this evil, the
report stated “that the principal things to be sought are
identification and control, with the object finally of elim
ination; and so we will have to rely largely on segrega
tion and education for the prevention of feeble
mindedness.” Id. at 17. “[T]he main idea is to keep them
healthy, happy, and out of mischief. [W]e must take our
mental defectives back to the soil to get the best results.”
The report recommended that “the State should have au
thority to segregate and to detain mentally defective per
sons under proper conditions and limitations. This is in
the nature of an indeterminate sentence, and is at the
basis of the law which provides that the superintendent
of the Virginia Colony for the Feeble-minded shall have
authority to hold mentally defective persons as long as
he pleases, and discharge such persons when he
pleases. . . .” Id. at 114. In terms of those “at large,” the
State Board proposed that it “be empowered” to “have
charge of the registration of the mentally defective per
sons of the Commonwealth” and to “have supervision of
the care of such persons pending admission to institu
tions.” Id. Additionally, “whenever, in the opinion of the
said Board and the Division Superintendent of Schools,
a child has proven to be a mental defective, the said Board
should have authority, in its discretion, to transfer such
child to the State School for the Feeble-minded.” Id. at
117.
The General Assembly responded positively to the
report, enacting the following March “An ACT to define
feeble-mindedness and to provide for the examination,
legal commitment, and the custody and care of feeble
minded persons, and their segregation in institutions.”
1916 Va. Acts 662, ch. 388.
In 1924, the General Assembly passed “An ACT to
provide for the sexual sterilization of inmates of State
institutions.” 1924 Va. Acts 569, ch. 394. This law, the
constitutionality of which was upheld by the Supreme
Court in Buckv. Bell, 274 U.S. 200 (1927), provided that
“whenever the superintendent” of “the State Colony for
Epileptics and Feeble-Minded, shall be of opinion that it
is fo r the best interests of the patients and o f society that
any inmate of the institution under his care should be
sexually sterilized, such superintendent is hereby au
thorized to perform, or cause to be performed by some
capable physician or surgeon, the operation of steriliza
tion on any such patient confined in such institution af
flicted with hereditary forms of insanity that are recur
rent, idiocy, imbecility, feeble-mindedness or epilepsy.”
1924 Va. Acts 569, § 1. The law was enacted, in part, for
“the welfare o f society.” Id. (preamble). The law pro
vided for an appeal to a special board, but such appeal
was to be dismissed if it be found that the “feeble-minded”
resident was “the probable potential parent of socially
inadequate offspring likewise afflicted” and that “the
welfare of the inmate and o f society will be promoted by
such sterilization. . . . ” Id. at 570, § 2.
West Virginia. In 1917, Governor Henry D. Hatfield
first called for the erection of “an institution” which would
“provide for the detention and care of many feebleminded
persons now at large and would assist in solving the prob
lem in this state in preventing the multiplication of such
class.” Second Biennial Message o f Governor H. D.
H atfield to the Legislature (1917) in STATE PAPERS AND
Pu blic Ad d r e s s e s of Hen ry D. Ha t fie l d 77 (n.d.)
“If such an institution should be authorized by the
legislature, lands should be purchased to the extent of
500 acres upon which the institution should be erected.
This would result in the institution becoming nearly self-
supporting because of the fact that practically all of the
inmates are able bodied and could perform any ordinary
labor under competent supervision.” Id. at 76-77.
In 1921, the Legislature of West Virginia created for
“mental defectives” a state institution to be known as the
“West Virginia Training School,” for “any person” who
“because of mental defect is a menace to the happiness
and w elfare of himself or herself or o f others in the com-
A -60/V irg in ia
The W est!A-61
munity, and therefore requires care, training or control
for the protection of' himself or herself or of others, and
yet who is not insane. This type of persons, commonly
classed as feeble-minded, including idiots, imbeciles and
morons, shall be known and designated as mental defec
tives for the purposes of this act. Should the school at any
time not be able to accommodate all persons of such class
offered for admission, preference in admission shall be
given to children and women of child-bearing age.” 1921
W. Va. Acts 479-80, ch. 131, §§ 1, 3. “Any relative of a
person affected may make application, by complaint un
der oath, to have the person adjudged a mental defective;
but when the relatives o f a mentally defective person ei
ther neglect or refuse to place said person in said school,
or in some private institution of a like nature, and shall
perm it him or her to go at large, then any reputable cit
izen of the county may, by complaint under oath, make
application to the mental hygiene commission for such
commitment. . . .” Id. at 480, § 4(a).
The same law empowered the “medical staff” at the
institution “to administer such medical treatment and
perform such surgical operations for the inmates therein
as may be necessary and expedient for the cure and pre
vention of mental defectiveness or disease.” Id. at 482,
§ 5.
Western States
Alaska. Alaska’s population was insufficient to ju s
tify a separate institution for retarded people in that state.
In the territorial days, Congress authorized their com
mitment temporarily to the detention hospitals at Nome
and Fairbanks until they could be transferred perma
nently to institutions in other states. See Pub. L. No. 216,
§ 7, 35 Stat. 601 (1909); Pub. L. No. 306, ch. 424, § 1,
36 Stat. 352 (1910).
Arizona. On April 20, 1927, the Legislature of Ari
zona established an institution for “mentally defective
A-62/A rizona
children in the State of Arizona, which shall be known as
the Arizona Children’s Colony.” 1927 Ariz. Sess. Laws
367, ch. 96, § 1. Such “defectives,” the law mandated, “if
not insane, shall be held and be determined to be men
tally deficient, and be entitled to enter said colony.” Id. at
369, § 10. Included among the considerations for deter
mining mental deficiency was that the resident “require
supervision, control, care and education, for their own
welfare, or for the welfare of others, or fo r the welfare o f
the com m unity.” Id. at 370, § 10(a).
California. On March 9, 1887, California became the
first state to provide for the segregation, “for life,” of “im
becile or feeble-minded” people. 1887 Cal. Stats. 69, ch.
57. The original funding for the facility, located in Santa
Clara, had been authorized two years earlier. 1885 Cal.
States. 198, ch. 156.
Because the state promoted segregation, the Santa
Clara home grew quickly. By 1889, the institution was
admitting not only severely retarded people, but also
“cases well calculated to deceive the most observing.”
Sonoma State Hom e, T he Institution B ulletin
(1910). Larger accommodations were soon needed.
Therefore, on March 6, 1889, the state legislature ap
propriated $170,000 to purchase land and “to erect proper
and substantial buildings . . . upon said site.” 1889 Cal.
Stats. 69, ch. 75. The state purchased 1660 acres of land
in a remote area near Eldridge in Sonoma County. By
1891 buildings were constructed and on November 24 of
that year the residents were moved from Santa Clara.
State Board of Charities and Correctio n s, F irst
B iennial Report 62 (1905).
State officials praised this development, noting that
the “special province of the Home for the Feeble-Minded
is to deal with the incipient aberration of the mental proc
esses—striking at the cause. . . . This institution would
remove from society the cause, so far as possible to do
so.” California Hom e fo r t h e F e e b l e -Min d e d ,
S ixth Annual Re p o r t 30-31 (1890). Indeed, there was
The W est/A-63
a felt need to track down the “very large class of those
unfortunates for whom no application for admission into
this institution has been made.” Id. at 29.
On March 31, 1897, a law was passed amending the
1885 statute that had restricted admissions to those
“feeble-minded children between the ages of 5 and 18
years . . . who are incapable of receiving instruction in
the common schools.” 1885 Cal. Stats. 198, ch. 156, § 8.
Under the new law, the institution was “directed] to ad
mit” not only “idiots” but also “epileptics and mentally
enfeebled paralytics . . . irrespective o f age, as the ac
commodations of the home may permit, and as may, in
the judgment of the management, appear suitable sub
jects for such admission.” 1897 Cal. Stats. 251, ch. 188.
In its First B iennial Report, the newly created State
Board of Charities and Corrections stated: “There are sev
eral reasons why the feeble-minded should be cared for
in Homes of this sort. Their presence in the community
at large is apt to be very detrimental to normal children,
and when they come to the adolescent age the danger of
reproduction in kind is very great and should, if possible,
be prevented.” FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT, supra at 41.
By the time of its Third Biennial Report, the State
Board was stating unequivocally that there were “now in
county hospitals, in orphan asylums, and other institu
tions, and even in homes, children who could be much
better cared for in the State Home for the Feeble-
Minded. Such a child is generally a m enace to the insti
tution, the fa m ily , or the community in which he is. It is
desirable in every way to accept into the Home these chil
dren, as to keep those who are now there.” State Board
of Ch arities and Co r rec tio n s, T hird B iennial Re
port 73 (1908).
In 1909, the California legislature became the sec
ond in the nation to vote into law “an act to permit
asexualization of inmates of . . . the California Home.”
1909 Cal. Stats, ch. 720.
This law was progressively extended to cover more
individuals by amendments of 1913 and 1917. The 1913
measure specified that sterilization could be performed
“with or without the consent of the patient.” 1913 Cal.
Stats, ch. 363. The 1917 act extended the procedure to
all persons deemed to suffer from “marked departures
from normal mentality.” 1917 Cal. Stats, ch. 489.
State officials also kept constant pressure on the leg
islature to provide increased appropriations to segregate
more and more retarded persons, linking retardation with
the immigration of “defectives.” In 1915, an act was
passed authorizing a legislative committee to investigate
the necessity for a second mental retardation institution
in the state. 1915 Cal. Stats. 1139, ch. 729. That com
mittee found: “So fundamental is this problem of the
feeble-minded that one can assert without fear of suc
cessful contradiction that if all the time, money and ef
fort now devoted to the solution of all of our social prob
lems were concentrated for the next ten years on the
question of feeble-mindedness, there is not a social prob
lem that would not be nearer its solution at the end of ten
years than it will be under the present plan. The first step
is to provide state colonies.” LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE
on Mental Defic ien c y , Report on Mental De f i
ciency 22 (1917). The Committee further found, “[i]n
considering the advantages of creating such an institu
tion for the proper care of the mentally defective as un
fortunate individuals, there is also to be remembered the
benefit to society of thus being relieved of the menace of
their unsocial conduct.” Id. at 65. The Committee also
recommended legislation “creating a new institution for
feeble-minded and epileptic persons, to be located in
Southern California.” Id. at 63.
In the meantime, the State Board commissioned a
series of “surveys in mental deviation” to bolster its case
for another institution. Based upon the surveys it had
commissioned, the Board reported a firm “relation be
tween race and mental deficiency.” STATE BOARD OF
A-64/C alifornia
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Charities and Correctio n s, E ighth B iennial Re
port 51 (1918). One of the surveys, focusing upon the
Merced County public schools, found that 4.24% of the
students were “feebleminded.” CALIFORNIA BOARD OF
Charities and Co rrectio n s, Report of the State
J oint Co m m ittee on Defec tiv es in California 27
(1918). This high number was explained by the fact that
the county surveyed “possess|ed] an exceptionally high
proportion o f foreign-born in its population.” Id. Since
“of those found feeble-minded, 75.7% had foreign born
parents,” it was “evident, therefore, that m ost o f the f e e
blem indedness in this country is due to the immigration
o f undesirable types.” Id. at 35. Referring specifically to
greater retardation it found among Mexicans and Portu
guese, the report expressed “no wonder that these na
tionalities are present in the reform schools and state pris
ons in far greater proportions than their numbers in the
state would seem to warrant.” Id. at 35-36.
The survey found “the ratio o f feeble-m indedness was
fa r higher among M exicans, Negroes, and recent immi
grants from Europe than among those o f native Ameri
can stock,” and concluded that “California has drawn a
large proportion o f immigrants o f an undesirable type.”
Id. at 13-14, 19.
Referring to the survey of the Merced schools, the
report found that the “hopelessly feeble-minded should
be removed from the public schools and placed under
perm anent custodial care.” Id. at 45.
The report “estimated the annual cost of
feeble-mindedness in the State of California at
$5,000,000” including “relief for indigent and dependent
defectives, expenditures for court proceedings and pro
bation work for feeble-minded delinquents, depredations
committed by defective delinquents, expense to the state
of feeble-minded individuals in the prisons . . . and fi
nally the money which is worse than wasted in the futile
attempt to educate feeble-minded children. . . . We have
not included in these estimates the losses accruing from
vocational unfitness, alcoholism, venereal disease, and
prostitution among the defective population. It would not
be surprising if these losses, although less tangible and
altogether impossible to estimate accurately, were as
great as all the other losses combined.” Id. at 42.
The report noted the state’s “awakening to the men
ace of the feeble-minded” as one of the most noteworthy
movements of present public thought,” id. at 5, and con
cluded that “[a]ll of the findings of this study emphasize
the necessity o f bringing a larger proportion o f our defec
tives under social surveillance and r e s t r a i n t i d . at 19.
Lamenting the fact that “California has but one state in
stitution for the care of the feeble-minded,” and arguing
for the “perm anent segregation of all feeble-minded in
dividuals” and to “extinguish the defective strains which
now encumber our prisons, reform schools, jails, courts,
and public schools,” the report urged as the “first step in
this direction” the appropriation of funds for “the estab
lishment of an additional state home for the feeble
minded.” Id. at 51, 43.
The legislature in 1919 appropriated $100,000, 1919
Cal. Stats. 1214, ch. 562, and, in 1921, $120,000, 1921
Cal. Stats, ch. 445, for the construction of buildings at
the “Pacific Colony.” The facility opened on March 20,
1921. F ir s t B ien nia l R e p o r t of t h e De pa r t m e n t of
I n s t it u t io n s o f t h e Sta te o f California 68 (1922).
In 1915, the legislature amended the law permitting
the institutionalization of any “imbecile or feeble-minded
person or any idiot” to the Sonoma State Home. The
amendment added a proviso that, in addition to a parent
or guardian, “any peace officer may petition said court
for an order admitting such a person to such hospital.”
1915 Cal. Stats. 1262, ch. 638.
State officials stated that the new law would “make
it possible to secure the commitment of children who
need institutional care but whose parents or guardians
are averse to such action .” STATE BOARD OF CHARITIES
an d C o r r e c t i o n s , B ie n n ia l R e p o r t 30 (1916).
A-G6I C aliforn ia
The W est!A-67
Colorado. On May 5, 1909, the General Assembly of
Colorado established that state’s institution “for mental
defectives.” 1909 Colo, Sess. Laws 180, ch. 71. The in
stitution was opened on July 1, 1912, and its purpose
from the outset was the “segregation, in an institution,
for life,” of the “defectives.” FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT OF
the Board of Com m ission ers and Su perin ten d en t
of th e Colorado State Home and T raining School
for Mental De fe c t iv e s , 1911-1912, at 5 (1912).
The program instituted by Colorado officials to en
force the state’s new law was summarized in its Second
Biennial Report: “The law of Colorado requires the legal
commitment of all inmates to the State Home and Train
ing School for Mental Defectives. This gives the man
agement the control regarding the question of removal or
discharge, and, in a limited sense, enables the institution
to prevent this class o f persons from coming in contact
with the populace. It is impossible to restore
feeble-minded persons to a normal condition, and by rea
son of this fact they should he kept in an institution in
definitely, and not be permitted to marry and perpetuate
their kind. In years gone by, institutions for this class of
persons took some pride in graduating as many as pos
sible, and would turn them loose in the world to multiply;
but this error is being corrected, as far as possible, by
holding them indefinitely in institutions provided for their
care and training.” SECOND BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE
Board of Com m ission ers and S uperin ten d en t of
the Colorado State Home and T raining School
for Mental De fe c t iv e s , 1913-1914, at 4-5 (1914).
By then, a peonage system had been established.
“Many of the boys work on the farm and in the garden,
in the laundry and in the kitchen. Girls and boys alike
assist in making beds, sweeping, scrubbing floors, wash
ing dishes, setting tables, and doing all kinds of house
work. Some are capable of driving teams and can handle
the hay-stacker quite skillfully. As the institution grows
older, and more buildings are provided, and the popula
A -68 /Colorado
tion increases, there will be enough boys who will be
come skilled by teaching and training to make the insti
tution in a measure self-supporting.” SECOND BIENNIAL
R epo rt of th e Board of Com m ission ers and S uper
in ten d en t of th e Colorado State Home and T rain
ing School for Mental De fe c t iv e s , 1913-1914 at 5
(1914).
Hawaii. On April 19, 1919, the Legislature of the
Territory of Hawaii passed “AN ACT Providing for the
Establishment and Maintenance of a Home for Feeble-
Minded Persons.” 1919 Haw. Sess. Laws 137, Act 102.
The law specified custody, “said home [to be] conducted
on the farm colony’ plan.” Id. § 2.The Home was open to
all Hawaiians requiring institutionalization “for their own
welfare, for the welfare of others, or fo r the ivelfare o f the
com m unity . ” Id. at 138, § 4.
The institution was “considered merely a place to get
the feeble-minded out of the community. .-. .” DEPART
MENT OF INSTITUTIONS, TERRITORY OF HAWAII, THE
F ir st T en Years, 1939 through 1949, at 37 (1949).
Idaho. The “Idaho State Sanitarium” for “the feeble
minded was established in 1911 by enactment of the
Legislature of Idaho. 1911 Idaho Sess. Laws 86, ch. 41.
Upon a finding that a person was “feeble-minded,” ac
cording to the state, a judge “must issue and deliver to
some peace officer for service a warrant directing that
such person be arrested and taken before any Judge of a
Court of record within the county for examination. ” Id at
94, § 33.
In 1921, it was explicitly mandated that the institu
tion be used for confinement of those “mentally defective
from birth and not insane, irrespective o f age, who are
legal residents of the state, and who are from a social
standpoint dangerous to he at large and a m enace to
s o c i e t y 1921 Idaho Sess. Laws 326, ch. 139, § 1.
To assist in the elimination of this “menace,” the leg
islature adopted “AN ACT TO CREATE A STATE
BOARD OF EUGENICS; TO PROVIDE FOR THE
The W est!A-69
STERILIZATION OF ALL FEEBLE-M INDED . . .
WHO ARE A MENACE TO SOCIETY.” 1925 Idaho Sess.
Laws 358, ch. 194. The law “declared the duty” of the
superintendent of the Idaho State Sanitarium to register
with the new Board of Eugenics “all persons, male or
female, who are feebleminded . . . who are, or in their
opinion are likely to become, a menace to society.” Id. at
359, § 2.“[I]f in the judgment of a majority of said Board
procreation by such person would produce a child or chil
dren having an inherited tendency to feeble-mindedness
. . . or who would probably become a social menace or
ward of the State, and there is no probability that the
condition of such person so investigated and examined
will improve to such an extent as to avoid such conse
quences, then it shall be the duty of such Board to make
an order embodying its conclusions with reference to
such a person in said respects and specifying such a type
of sterilization as may be deemed by said Board best suited
to the condition of said person and most likely to produce
the beneficial results in the respects specified in this sec
tion.” Id. One of the “objects to be sought” by this chap
ter was "to protect society from the acts of such person,
or from the menace of procreation by such person.” Id.
Montana. On March 4, 1919, the Legislative Assem
bly of Montana passed “An Act Relating to the Admis
sion, Care and Retention of Feeble-Minded Per
sons. ”1919 Mont. Laws 196, ch. 102. The law estab
lished the “Montana Training School for Feeble-Minded
Persons” for the “detention” of “feeble-minded minors
and adults.” Id. § 1. The law also provided that “no in
m ate m ay he removed from said institution, perm anently
or tem porarily , except upon a written order of the su
perintendent or upon an order of any District Court of the
state and the provisions of this Section shall apply to adults
as well as to the minors therein. The costs of such court
action to be borne by the party bringing the action.” Id.
at 198, § 9.
A-70 /M on tana
Four years later, the lawmakers authorized surgery
that would “surely and permanently nullify the power to
procreate offspring, to achieve permanent sexual steril
ity” of the “feebleminded,” 1923 Mont. Laws 535, ch.
164, § 2(e), with the purpose of “protecting] society from
the menace of procreation by said inmate,” id. at 537,
§ 8 .
Nevada. Nevada, like Alaska, did not have sufficient
population to support its own institution. For this reason,
the legislature authorized state officials “to make arrange
ments with the director of any institution for the feeble
minded in California, or Utah, or other states” for
Nevada’s “feeble-minded.” 1913 Nev. Stats. 576, ch. 287.
New Mexico. On March 20, 1925, the Legislature of
New Mexico mandated that “[t]here shall be established
and hereafter maintained by this State an institution to
be known as The Home and Training School for Mental
Defectives,” for “any person mentally underdeveloped or
faultily developed” who “requires supervision, care and
control for his own welfare, or for the welfare of others,
or for the welfare of the community, and which mentally
defective person is not classified as an insane person.”
1925 N.M. Laws 254, ch. 133, §§ 1, 2. Commitment pro
ceedings could be initiated by “[a]ny person over the age
of twenty-one years” by alleging “the facts bringing each
person within the provisions of this Act and shall state
the name and place of residence of such person. . . . ” Id.
at 255, § 5. “The superintendent, with the approval of the
Board, may give preference to cases which constitute a
special social menace.” Id.
Oregon. Before authorizing the establishment of a
segregative institution, the Oregon Legislative Assembly
ordered a formal study. The report that issued indicated
that the reason “for custody of feeble-minded” that
“outweigh[ed] all others in importance to the State” was
that the “effect of the mingling of the feeble-minded with
society is a most baneful evil.” REPORT OF THE BOARD OF
B uilding Com m ission ers of th e State of Oregon
The W est/A-71
Relative to th e Location and E stablishm en t of
an In stitution for F e e b l e -Minded and E pileptic
Pe r so n s , to th e Tw en ty-Fourth Legislative As
sem bly , Regular Se ssio n , 1970, at 22, 23 (1906).
“Once admitted, they remain at the institution fo r life.”
Id. at 37. The Legislative Assembly followed the recom
mendation of the report when, on February 23, 1907, it
passed “AN ACT Creating the State Institution for Feeble-
Minded,” for the “care and custody of feeble-minded, id
iotic, and epileptic persons.” 1907 Or. Laws 145, ch. 83,
§ 1. The facility was for “all idiotic and epileptic persons”
residing in the state for at least a year. Id. at 146, § 8.
In 1917, the Legislative Assembly enacted a more
sweeping law: “The county judge of any county of this
State shall, upon the application o f any citizen in writ
ing, setting forth that any person over five years of age is
feeble-m inded or who, by reason of feeble mindedness, is
criminally inclined, or is unsafe to be at large, or may
procreate children, cause such person to be brought be
fo re him at such time and place as he may direct . . .
Such judge, if in his opinion said person is feebleminded,
shall commit said person to the Institution for the Feeble
minded of the state of Oregon for indeterm inate deten
tion. . . .” 1917 Or. Laws 739, ch. 354, § 1. The same law
required that “[a]ll county superintendents of schools
shall make reports on the first of June and the first of
December of each year to the county courts of their re
spective counties which report shall contain the names
and addresses of all scholars in the public schools and of
all children of school age in their respective counties who
are mentally defective. . . . ” Id. at 740, § 5.
Soon thereafter, the lawmakers installed a “state
board of eugenics,” and “declared the duty” of “the su
perintendent of the state institution for feeble-minded”
to “report,” on a quarterly basis to the board “all persons,
male or female, who are feeble-minded that “are, or in
his opinion are likely to become, a menace to society.”
1923 Or. Laws 280, ch. 194, §§ 1,2. The board’s “duty”
was to review the superintendent’s opinion and, if in
agreement, order sterilization. Id. at 280-81, § 3. If the
resident failed to consent to the surgery, “such operation
shall thereupon be performed upon said person by or un
der the direction of the superintendent of the institu
tion.” Id. § 6.
Utah. The “Utah State Training School for Feeble
minded” was established in 1929 for “all feeble-minded
persons who are residents of the State, whose defects
prevent them from properly taking care of themselves or
who are a social m enace.” 1929 Utah Laws 102, 108, ch.
75, § 22.
Commitment proceedings could be initiated by “any
person” by alleging that someone in the community “by
reason of feeble-mindedness is a social m enace.” Id. at
110, § 23(3). “Upon receipt of such application, dul\
signed and acknowledged, the clerk of the district court
shall present the same at the earliest date, and the judge
of the district court shall issue a warrant to the sheriff of
the county to produce the person described in such ap
plication before the court forthwith for examination.” Id.
at 112. If the court “believes” that such person is, “by
reason of feeble-mindedness, a social menace” then it
“must make an order that such person be confined in the
Utah State Training School.” Id. at 113, § 29.
The same legislation required that “any patien t” at
the institution “should be sexually sterilized” by “the op
eration of sterilization or asexualization .” Such surgery
was to be performed “[w]henever the Superintendent and
board of trustees of the Utah State Training School shall
be of the opinion that it is for the best interests of the
patients and o f society ” Id. at 115, § 31.
The state institution was soon filled to capacity. By
1938, the Board of Trustees was able to report to the leg
islature and the Governor that “[t]he physical growth of
the Utah State Training School and the scope of its serv
ice to the State of Utah must be recognized as having
removed all possible doubt or question as to the fu n d a
A -72/Oregon
The W est/A-73
m ental necessity of maintaining such an institution as a
part of the broad program of education and social regu
lation and control.” FOURTH BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE
Board of T r u st e e s of th e Utah State T raining
School, American Fork , Utah, to th e Governor
and Legisla tu re for th e B iennium E nding J une
30, 1938, at 3 (1938). “The many actual experiences of
the board since the school was established has demon
strated that the presence o f a feeblem inded child in a home
is more depressing, expensive and tragic than any known
disease. Mental defect vitiates the offspring, and wounds
our citizenry a thousand times m ore than any plague
m an is heir to. Even though this grief is often veiled with
a smile, it destroys, demoralizes and sets as naught the
lives of too many of our people. The Board of Trustees
has considered the so-called South Dakota plan by which
responsibility is divided among the different community
organizations and state agencies, but all with the ulti
m ate purpose o f segregating, supervising, and then ster
ilizing certain of the mentally deficient within the state.”
Id. A major outreach effort was undertaken with the sup
port of the state agency: “Under the welfare program as
now operating, community welfare workers are cooper
ating with the schools in the various communities and in
this way many of the mentally deficient who have here
tofore been overlooked and held as problems to their fa m
ilies and im m ediate neighbors only, are now detected and
the necessity recognized for some action to prevent their
continuing as a menace. . . . When once they are detected
and their status is known, proper protection to society
requires that they be segregated and supervised, at least
until they are sterilized.” Id. at 5.
Washington, In 1905, the Legislature of the state of
Washington adopted as an emergency measure “AN ACT
providing for the care of defective and feeble minded
youth, establishing an institution therefor.” 1905 Wash.
Laws 133, ch. 70. The law made it “the duty of the clerks
of all school districts in the State of Washington at the
time of making the annual reports, to report to the school
superintendent of their respective counties the names of
all feeble-minded youth residing within their respective
districts.” Id. at 135, § 7. The school superintendents, in
turn, were required to annually “report to the State Board
of Control” those names. Id. at 134, § 4.
The law stated, flatly: “It shall be the duty of the
parents or guardians of such defective youth to send them
to the said institution for feeble-minded.” Id. at 135, § 9.
Moreover, the legislature made it a crime for the parents
to fail to follow this “duty”: upon their failure to send
their child to the state institution, the parents “shall he
deem ed guilty o f a m isdem eanor, and upon conviction
thereof, upon the complaint of any officer or citizen of
the county or state, before any justice of the peace or
superior court, shall be fin ed in any sum not less than
fifty nor more than two hundred dollars in the discretion
of the court.” Id.
A 1909 amendment to the law provided that “chil
dren who are idiotic, epileptic or afflicted in any partic
ular that renders them unfitted fo r com panionship with
other children shall be segregated. . . . ” 1909 Wash. Laws
260, tit. I., subch. 6, § 2.
In 1913, the legislature changed the name of the state
institution to the “State School and Colony,” and pro
vided that commitment proceedings could be initiated,
without the consent of the parents, by the superinten
dent of the institution and by county superintendents of
schools, and by county commissioners. 1913 Wash. Laws
598, ch. 173, §§ 1, 2. The law provided that “[c]ounty
superintendents of schools shall cause to be filled out the
prescribed blank applications for admission for such chil
dren in their respective districts, who by reason of men
tal or physical defects are incapable of receiving instruc
tion in the common schools of this state, or whose habits
are such as to render them unfit fo r com panionship with
norm al children.” Id. at 598-99, § 4. The law also elim
inated a restriction in the prior law limiting admissions to
A -74 /W a sh in g to n
The W est/A - 7 5
those under twenty-one years of age. Id. at 599-600, § § 8,
9. In accord with the real purpose of the facility, the name
was changed once again, this time to “The State Custo
dial School.” 1917 Wash. Laws 224-25, ch. 64.
In 1921, the lawmakers passed “AN ACT to prevent
the procreation of feeble minded,” which “declared the
duty” of the superintendent of the state institution” to
report to the Board of Health “all feeble minded . . . who
are persons potential to producing offspring who, be
cause of inheritance of inferior or anti-social traits, would
'probably become a social menace or wards of the State.”
1921 Wash. Laws 162, ch. 53, § 1. The Board was given
“the duty,” following an investigation and a hearing, to
“make an order directing the superintendent of the in
stitution in which such inmate is confined to perform or
cause to be performed upon such inmate such a type of
sterilization as may be deemed best by said Board,” with
the only proviso being that “no person shall be emascu
lated under the authority of this act except that such op
eration shall be found to be necessary to improve the phys
ical, mental, neural or psychic condition of the inmate.”
Id. at 163-64, §§ 2, 3.
Wyoming. On February 18, 1907 the Legislature of
Wyoming “established in this state an institution for the
custody, care, education, proper treatment and d isci
pline of feeble-minded and epilpetic persons, under the
name and style of the “Wyoming Home of the Feeble-
Minded and Epileptic.” 1907 Wyo. Sess. Laws 188-89,
ch. 104, § 1. The institution was created for “[a]ll feeble
minded and epileptic persons over the age of six years,
who are legal residents of the State of Wyoming.” Id. at
190, § 9.
Four years later, the name was changed to the “Wy
oming School for Defectives,” 1911 Wyo. Sess. Laws
166-67, ch. 103, § 1, and an involuntary commitment
procedure was established, id.
In 1929, the legislature expanded the law to permit
the initiation of commitment proceedings by the “pros
A -76 /W yom ing
ecuting attorney of the county in which hearing under
this Act is proposed to be held, or by any citizen of Wy
oming,” 1929 Wyo. Sess. Laws 156, ch. 95, § 16, and the
person to be committed was given the right to demand a
jury trial, id. at 158, § 20.
District of Columbia
The segregation of retarded people in the District was
encouraged and required by the executive and legislative
branches of the United States in those days preceding
District home rule. The earliest involvement of the United
States occurred when, in the nineteenth century, “cer
tain feeble-minded children were taken in charge from
time to time by the Secretary of the Interior” and sent to
the Pennsylvania Training School at Elwyn. CHARITA
BLE and Reform atory In stitu tio n s in th e Distric t
of Colum bia : History and Developm en t of the
Public Charitable and Reformatory In stitution s
and Ag en cies in th e Distric t of Columbia , S. Doc.
No. 207, 69th Cong., 2d sess. 326 (1927).
At the turn of the century the prevailing public sen
timent had become one of intolerance. The District Board
of Charities in its 1902 Annual Report first called for the
establishment of an institution for the District. “Many of
the class of children referred to remain children perma
nently, regardless of their age, and it is important that
they should be under custodial care, because of the great
menace to the community involved. . . . ” S. DOC. No.
207, supra at 327. In 1907, the Board of Charities again
stated that it could “not too strongly emphasize the im
portance of the perm anent segregation of this class.” Id.
at 328. By 1913, the language of the Board’s recommen
dation had become more urgent yet: “While institutions
for the care of the feeble minded are usually designated
as ‘schools,’ it must not be forgotten that many of this
class should be segregated and under supervision during
their entire lives, and most of them should never be al~
D istr ic t o f Colum bia!A -77
lowed at large. . . . We recommend, therefore, that steps
be taken as soon as possible looking to the acquirement
of a tract of land and the establishment thereon of a suit
able institution for the care and training of the feeble
minded and the perm anent segregation therein of such
of them as are unfit to be at large in the com m unity.” Id.
at 329-30. The Monday Evening Club formed a commit
tee to pursuade Congress of the need for “[segregation
of the adult feeble-minded.” Urges Institution fo r Feeble-
Minded, Wash. Star, Nov. 18, 1913, at 9.
The United States Department of Labor, through its
Bureau of Children’s Services, undertook a comprehen
sive “study of the extent of the problem of mental defec
tiveness in the District of Columbia,” as the Department
explained in the introduction to its report, “at the request
of a citizen committee . . . organized under the leader
ship of the Monday Evening Club, [and] composed of
representatives of various philanthropic and social agen
cies and institutions of the District whose dealings with
the problems of the community have made them realize
the urgent need for securing an institution for the proper
care and treatment of mental defectives.” U.S. DEPART
MENT of Labor, Mental De fe c t iv es in th e Distric t
of Colum bia : A Br ie f Description of Local Con
ditions and th e Need for Custodial Care and
TRAINING 7 (G.P.O. 1915). Federal employees at the De
partment gathered data regarding “the danger to the
whole com m unity resulting from the lack of proper pro
vision for those suffering from mental defect.” Id. at 8.
Under a chapter entitled “reasons for segregation,”
the Department of Labor listed a number of considera
tions it thought important. For example, “[a] mentally
defective child in a family demands a large share of the
energy of the mother and not only interferes with the
training of the other children but exercises a dem oral
izing influence on the fam ily life.” Id. at 20. The “men
tally defective” were also a “danger to society”: “The
number of mental defectives among recidivists empha
sizes the need of discovering mental defect early in the
careers of delinquents and segregating them permanently
for their own welfare and fo r the protection o f society.
. . Id. at 21. Only “ [b]y means of segregating mental
defectives it is possible to cut off at the source a large
proportion of degeneracy, pauperism, and crime.” Id. In
deed, the Department of Labor expressed concern that
“[m]any children . . . now in the schools constitute a men
ace to the other pupils.” Id. at 18. Thus, according to the
federal agency, “[i]nstead of being regarded as an indi
vidual misfortune, mental defect has come to be recog
nized as a destructive social force.” Id. at 20.
The Department of Labor acknowledged that the es
tablishment of the institution for the District of Columbia
would create its own demand: “[T]he number of inmates
will increase as the institution becomes better established
and as the public becomes familiar with its purposes and
the value of its work to those cared for and to society. It
has been said that the presence in a community of any
specified type of defectives becomes apparent only when
accommodations are provided for the care of this partic
ular class. Without question this will be found to be the
situation in the case of mental defectives.” Id. at 19. But
it would be “out of the question to provide separate in
stitutions for the different types of mental defectives.” Id.
at 24. Referring to the “various grades” of “idiot,” “im
becile,” and “moron,” id. at 8, 24, the Department rec
ommended that the facility “be large enough to provide
the necessary room for all these classes, allowing for
proper separation of white and colored, male and female,”
id. at 24. The report of the United States Department of
Labor concluded by quoting approvingly from an edito
rial in Survey magazine (March 2, 1912): “The greatest
need of all is for more institutional care. When this has
been brought about in every State we shall witness a
great gaol delivery. . . . Biology and economics unite in
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D istric t o f C olum bia/A-79
dem anding that the strains of feeble-m indedness shall be
elim inated by the humane segregation o f the mentally
defective.” Id. at 28.
The Congress responded to the Department of
Labor’s strong recommendations, when it “authorized
and directed” the District Commissioners “to use a site
for a home and school for feeble-minded persons, said
site to be located in the District of Columbia. . . .” P.L.
No. 67-256, 42 Stat. 39 (1922). The Board of Charities,
while generally pleased that Congress had acted, noted
that the proviso that the institution be located within the
District was “a fatal error” in the enactment. REPORT OF
th e Board of Ch a rities of th e Distr ic t of Colum
bia 9 (1922). According to the Board, it would be far bet
ter to locate the institution “away from thickly settled
communities” since “[f]or these unfortunates, children
in mind but many of them old in years, all that society
can do is to provide humane and sympathetic care apart
from the excitem ent and com plexities o f modern life." Id.
at 10.
In 1923, the Executive Secretary of the Board of Char
ities, George S. Wilson, accompanied by five other mem
bers of the Board, appeared before the Senate Committee
on the District of Columbia to express their concern over
the specified location of the institution. Wilson testified
that “there is a unanimity of opinion on the part of the
people of the District of Columbia on this item, greater
than we have ever seen exhibited in regard to any matter
of great public interest. It is not only the medical and
social, and the general welfare organizations, but it is the
civic associations and the Board of Trade and other or
gans of public opinion. At this moment the Board of Trade
is circulating among its members a petition, and the Mon
day Evening club and other bodies are circulating similar
petitions, and we are all very much concerned about it.”
District o f Columbia A ppropriations Bill, Hearings Be
fo re the Comm, on A ppropriations, 67th Cong., 2d sess.
94-98, 183-84 (Jan. 13, 15, 1923).
In response to questioning by the Senators, Wilson
explained further “the difficulties that they have in all
these other States. I have just come from a visit to the
Michigan school. They have the low-grade idiot, which
the Senator knows is not much above the animal. They
have the imbeciles; that term is almost self-explanatory.
They have the higher grade, the dangerous cases, the
morons, the fellow s that set fir e to buildings, and the
women who have illegitim ate children. There are at least
three classes that no persons having humane instincts
would classify together. Those three, multiplied by two to
separate the sexes, make six; and then we have to mul
tiply by two to provide for the separate colors here, which
makes a minimum of 12 groups of these dependent peo
ple that we must provide for—helpless and dependent—
and above everything else unable to associate safely with
norm al people. Isolation is demanded, absolutely , and the
only thing we can promise to put into their lives is hu
mane segregation in the open a ir .” Id. at 96. Wilson con
cluded his testimony by emphasizing that it was “the seg
regation from society that is the best of things.” Id. at
183. Senator Ball commented, “[i] f you are going to seg
regate that class of people to make them more content,
you want a farm entirely separate.”
The following year, the Congress “authorized and di
rected” the District Commissioners “to acquire a site for
a home and school for feeble-minded persons, said site to
be located in the District of Columbia or in the State
o f M aryland or in the State o f Virginia, and to erect
thereon suitable buildings at a total cost not exceeding
$300,000___ ” P.L. No. 67-457, 42 Stat. 37 (1923).
On March 3, 1925, the Congress enacted “An Act to
provide for commitments to, maintenance in, and dis
charges from the District Training School. . . .” P.L. No.
69-578, 43 Stat. 1135 (1925). The law defined “feeble
minded persons” to include “any person afflicted with
mental defectiveness from birth or from an early age, so
pronounced that he is incapable of managing himself and
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D istric t o f Columbia/A-81
his affairs, or being taught to do so, and who requires
supervision, control, and care for his own welfare, or for
the welfare of others, or fo r the w elfare o f the commu
nity, and is not insane or of unsound mind. . . . ” Id. § 2 .
Congress gave “any reputable citizen of the District of
Columbia” the authority to initiate commitment proceed
ings, id. § 7, and “if it shall be made to appear to the court
by evidence given under oath that it is for the best in
terest of the alleged feeble-minded person or o f other per
sons or o f the community that such person be at once
taken into custody . . . id. § 10, 43 Stat. at 1136.
A week later, on March 10, 1925, the institution, lo
cated at Annapolis Junction, “midway between Baltimore
and Washington” began operation when “10 boys were
received,” housed in a “temporary building.” REPORT OF
th e Board of Charities of the Distric t of Colum
bia 2 (1925). They were immediately put to work: “The
boys thus far have been engaged in clearing and grading
for the location of buildings, repairing roads, digging
trenches, etc., and in general farm work. A good garden
was started in time to supply vegetables in abundance
during the summer. An encouraging beginning has been
made in actual farm work; 60 acres of corn were planted
and a good yield will furnish sufficient grain and forage
for the stock, chickens, hogs, etc., during the coming
winter. Enough potatoes have been raised also to meet
the institution needs until next spring.” Id.
A PPEN D IX B
TEXTS OF THE 1947 ZONING ORDINANCE
OF THE CITY OF CLEBURNE
AND THE 1929 ZONING ORDINANCE
OF THE CITY OF DALLAS
The Ordinance of the City of Cleburne passed and
approved the 26th day of September, 1947 provided:
“Sec. 5. Second Residential District. In a second
residential district no building or premises shall be
used, and no building shall be erected or structurally
altered which is arranged or designed to be used for
other than one or more of the following uses:
Any use permitted in First Residential
District,
Advertising signs or symbols,
Tourist courts, ice delivery stations,
Battery shop, furniture store, meat market,
hardware store.
Ladies and Mens Ready to Wear Store, lum
ber yard and building supplies,
Florist shop, antique shop, barber shop,
beauty shop,
Contractors office, Carpenter shop, electric
shop, carpet cleaning shop,
Fruit stand, grocery' store, filling station with
washing and greasing,
Mattress renovating, furniture repair,
plumbing shop, drug stores,
Picture show, private club, sign shop, clean
ing and pressing shop,
Hand laundry with not over 5 employees,
washateria, cafe or drive-in,
Melon garden, playground or recreational
park,
Funeral home, hospital or clinic, other than
[for] tubercular, liquor, narcotic, insane, or fe e
ble minded patients,
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Educational or philanthropic institutions,
other than correctional or penal,
No installation or business will be permitted
that cause smoke, dust, fumes, odors, gasses,
noises, vibrations, or electric disturbances or
static,
No power over 10 h.p. may be used or
installed.”
The Ordinance of the City of Dallas, No. 2052, passed
September 11, 1929 provided:
“SECTION 4. APARTMENT DISTRICT. In an
apartment district no building or premises shall be
used, and no building shall be erected or structurally
altered which is arranged or designed to be used, for
other than one or more of the following uses:
(1) A use permitted in a dwelling district.
(2) Apartment house. Hotel. Boarding or
lodging house.
(3) H ospital or clinic other than fo r tuber
cular, liquor, narcotic, insane, or feeble-m inded
patients.
(4) Institution of an educational or philan
thropic nature, other than a penal or correctional
institution.
(5) Private garage as an accessory use when
located not less than 60 feet back from the front
lot line and not less than 20 feet back from any
other street line, or located in a compartment as
an integral part of the main building.
(6) Accessory buildings and uses customar
ily incident to any of the above uses when lo
cated on the same lot and not involving the con
duct of a business.”
A PPEN D IX C
STATEMENTS OF AMICI SELF-ADVOCACY
ORGANIZATIONS ON DISCRIMINATORY
ZONING LEGISLATION
Sta tem en t o f Un ited To g eth er
United Together, a nationwide network of disabled
self-advocates, believes the Cleburne City law which pro
hibits “homes for . . . the feebleminded . . .’’ is unreason
able and unjust. Though the term “feebleminded” is old
fashioned, the law performs the same job now as it did
when written. The purpose of the law was and is to en
force a local bias: “We don’t know anything about ‘those
people’ so we don’t want them in our neighborhood.”
America was conceived on the principle that indi
viduals have a right to aspire and to be all they can be.
Some people need more help than others in reaching their
potential, help from family and friends. No law or label —
which is what an I.Q. score is — can predict what a per
son can achieve.
Since under ordinary circumstances Americans have
a right to live wherever they want to as long as they can
pay for it, these zoning laws perform only one job: to take
ordinary rights from people the lawmakers know nothing
about except that they have been given a certain label.
Social behavior is influenced by family values, envi
ronment, and affection. Educators and psychologists do
not claim that I.Q. scores — which are the litmus tests
for whether or not someone is labeled retarded — can be
used to predict social behavior. The only thing I.Q. tests
are supposed to measure is intelligence, and there is a
great deal of controversy over how well they do that.
United Together believes that discriminatory zoning
laws help no one.
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Sta tem en t b y P e o p l e F ir st
of Nebra ska
People First of Nebraska is a statewide group com
posed of persons who have a developmental disability
(most of the members have mental retardation). The
group was formed in 1978 and represents the approxi
mately 48,000 persons in Nebraska who have develop
mental disabilities. Membership is open to all persons
who historically have not had the opportunity to speak
out for themselves.
People First of Nebraska has as one of its major pur
poses the education of its members on how to speak for
themselves since for so long people spoke for us for many
years. One of the ways we can speak for ourselves is to
decide on issues concerning us, such as where we want
to live, where we want to work, or have the same free
doms that other people have. We should be looked upon
as people first and decisions should not be made because
of our disabilities alone.
There would be a big difference in people’s lives if
they would be able to live and work where they wanted
to. We feel very strongly that persons with mental retar
dation should not be discriminated against.
Sta tem en t o f P e o p l e F ir st
of Washington
People First of Washington strongly believes that all
people with developmental disabilities have the right to
live in neighborhoods in the community in the same way
as any other citizen. People First believes that the zoning
laws of the city of Cleburne, Texas, are discriminatory
and illegal under the Constitution of the United States of
America.
People First of Washington does not believe that just
because a person has a developmental disability, they
should have to obtain a “special zoning permit” to live in
the neighborhood and community of their choice.
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Here in Washington State, there are dozens of group
homes and other residential programs for people with de
velopmental disabilities. There is no evidence whatso
ever, that people with developmental disabilities affect
the quality of life in any neighborhood or should be re
quired to obtain special permits to live in the same way
as any other citizen. In fact, we would like to suggest that
people with developmental disabilities living in the com
munity improves a neighborhood.
In Washington State, there has been a successful
“deinstitutionalization” of people with development dis
abilities to community living programs similar to the
Cleburne Living Center Program, which are highly suc
cessful and improve the quality of life for all citizens.
Any law which discriminates against citizens with
developmental disabilities must be challenged. The
Cleburne zoning law which describes people as “feeble
minded” and requires special zoning permits, is illegal,
discriminatory, unconstitutional, and must be
challenged.
Sta tem en t of
The Consum er Ad v iso ry B oard
o f th e Massa ch u setts Association
fo r R eta rd ed C itizen s
The members of the CAB believe that everyone has
the right to live in the community and to enjoy the rights,
privileges and responsibilities of full citizenship. The CAB
members believe that discrimination based upon the la
bel of mental retardation is wrong and should be de
clared unconstitutional.
Many CAB members had previously lived in large
state institutions that denied them human dignity and
control over their own lives. CAB members have become
good neighbors and productive citizens since moving into
group homes and apartments in the community.
C-4
The Consumer Advisory Board continues to work to
guarantee the civil rights of people with disabilities. We
consider the right to live in the community an essential
part of our civil rights.
Sta tem en t of W isconsin Advocates
We, the Wisconsin Advocates, a division of the As
sociation for Retarded Citizens in Wisconsin unani
mously believe that, any law that treats people with men
tal retardation differently from non-retarded people
should be measured by the same standards as those deal
ing with discrimination on the basis of race, national or
igin, or gender.
Sta tem en t b y De b b ie Va r n er ,
P r e sid e n t , Texa s Advocates
I am Debbie Varner - President of Texas Advocates.
Texas Advocates is a state-wide organization of people
who are mentally retarded. We have about 325 members
in thirteen local units. Our job is to help people who are
retarded to speak out for their rights. It is also important
for our organization to speak out on problems that trou
ble all people with mental retardation.
I just don’t think it’s right for cities to use strange
laws to keep us from living in group homes if that’s what
we need. We have as much right to live in regular neigh
borhoods as anyone. Sometimes people think that if peo
ple who are retarded move in that it will ruin their neigh
borhood. That’s just not true. In fact, I think most people
with mental retardation would make good neighbors. Af
ter all, many of us right now live in regular neighbor
hoods either on our own or with our families.
Many Texas Advocates members and others with re
tardation would like to live in group homes. We want to
be able to enjoy community life just like everyone else.
But laws like the one in Cleburne keep us from living in
regular neighborhoods and from enjoying community
C - 5
life. They violate our rights and show that city officials
don’t respect us as citizens. That’s not right or fair. Texas
Advocates want to do something about this problem.
The decision The Supreme Court makes in the
Cleburne case could affect my life and my rights as well
as those of many other people with mental retardation.
Sta tem en t o f Speakin g fo r Ou r se l v e s
Speaking For Ourselves is an organization run by
and for people labeled mentally retarded. We have over
500 members living in group homes, institutions, at home
with their parents and attending sheltered workshops
throughout southeastern Pennsylvania. Many of our
members are part of the plaintiff class in the Pennhurst
case.
We know that people think that we are bad com
pany. They think that we go around hurting people and
that we don’t know how to do anything.
We know that many of our neighbors don’t want us
to live nearby because we can’t talk straight . . . can’t
walk straight. We’ve had neighbors call us names. We’ve
had neighbors’ kids throw snowballs at us.
We are human beings, just like everyone else. God
put us all here. We have a right to live in the community.
Everyone is equal under the law. How would the neigh
bors feel if they were their family members and no one
would let them live there? The neighbors have no right
to chase anyone out of their home just because they are
handicapped. Nobody should have their home taken away
simply because they are “retarded.” Where are they sup
posed to live? Out in the street? In institutions?
The issue is that we have a right to live in the com
munity and no one should be able to take that right away
from us.
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Sta tem en t o f S.T.A.N.D. To g eth er o f Maryland
S.T.A.N.D. Together is the state board for the Mary
land Self Advocacy Movement for adults with develop
mental disabilities working together in spirit, teamwork,
and new determination. We are fifteen elected represent
atives who represent over 400 members of Self-Advocacy
groups throughout Maryland, Our purpose is to advocate
in a unified way on issues of concern to all persons with
disabilities.
We feel very strongly about the Cleburne case. Peo
ple with disabilities should have the same rights and guar
antees of law as all citizens. We should not be discrim
inated against nor segregated because we are mentally
retarded or in a wheelchair. We worked for many years
to free ourselves from inhumane institutional existence
so that we could live in an integrated and free society. We
are contributing citizens of society who strive to uphold
the law and use our skills and capabilities in positive ways.
Living in the community cannot be denied to us just be
cause we are disabled. We strongly abhor any person or
ordinance that wrongfully labels us “feebleminded”. That
is a gross insult to our humanness and personal dignity.
No citizen should have to prove their worth as a human
being to be granted equal protection under the law.
Sta tem en ts b y
Me m b e r s o f P e o p l e F ir st o f M ichigan
“You won’t learn very much in an institution. It’s
best to be where you can work and see how things are
done in the community.”
“You don’t get to go anywhere like movies, baseball
games, or other things when you’re in an institution.”
“In institutions you are watched 24 hours a day. I
live in a family home where I am treated like a member
of the family. In most independent homes you get to do
more. That’s why we prefer that we should have more
group homes.”
C - 7
“I was in [an institution] for 16 years. It wasn’t very
nice. A group home is better. That way you are not tied
up in an institution. In the institution they used to stand
people up in the corner and other things I can’t tell about. ”
“I’m in a group home where it’s safe. I can learn to
go places like downtown, to church and home. I can learn
what I can do or can’t do.”
“In group homes they’re not as strict on us as at (an
institution). In a group home, if you act up, they can
handle you in a more adult way rather than placing you
in a straight jacket or in a lock up.”
“At the institution I came from, they were too strict.”
“When my father died, my mother thought about
placing me in an institution, but she found a group home
and that was really great.”
“People need a place to go like a group home when
their family can no longer take care of them.”
“In the institution, they cut your hair, even when
you don’t want it.”
“Giving you a choice —in the institution, they used
to sterilize people without their permission.”
“In institutions they tied up Bruce D. (a friend of
mine) in a chair all the time.”
“I knew a man [in an institution] who was strapped
down in his bed.”
“I had a friend who was in an institution and they did
a lot of things to him that were wrong. People should
have a chance to prove what they are worth.”
“An institution is: looking at four walls: living in
smelly rooms; and you have to do what they tell you to do.
You can’t make your own decisions.”
“We are people first. We are adults and should be
treated like adults.”
“Institutions are no place for human beings.”
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S ta tem en ts b y M ich a el Ken n ed y and
P atricia K il l in s , Coordinators of
S e l f -Advocates o f Cen tra l New Y ork
We are self-advocacy coordinators for Self-Advocates
of Central New York. We feel strongly about our right to
live in the community. 1 (Michael) lived in 3 New York
institutions for people called mentally retarded for 15
years. I have cerebral palsy and use a wheelchair. Now
I live in a Medicaid-supported apartment with 3 other
people with severe disabilities. Anyone who says 1 can’t
live in their neighborhood doesn’t know me.
1 (Patricia) lived in 2 state institutions for a total of 18
years. I am blind, have cerebral palsy and use a wheel
chair. Now I live in an apartment similar to Mike’s. When
I lived in the institution, I helped other people get out.
Then I thought I ’d better start looking out for myself.
Some places didn’t even give me a chance because of my
disabilities. Finally I got out.
More people could get out of the institution if there
were more group homes and apartments like ours. Peo
ple who don’t want us living in their neighborhoods
shouldn’t be afraid of us because we’re disabled. They’re
just reacting to silly labels like “retarded” or “handi
capped.” We don’t like those labels. They should treat us
like people with the same rights that they have.
Sta tem en t of Ca pito l
P e o p l e F ir s t , Incorporated
Capitol People First, Inc. is a non-profit organization
of adults with mental retardation who advocate for their
own rights both as citizens and as persons with devel
opmental disabilities, and who advocate for the rights of
all other developmentally disabled people as well.
In 1984, members of Capitol People First wrote a
report under contract to the California State Council on
Developmental Disabilities entitled: Surviving in the Sys
tem: Mental Retardation and the Retarding Environ-
C-9
merit. To our knowledge, that report was the first to use
the phrase “the retarding environment.” The phrase can
be very useful for describing what happens to people who
are defined by the community as having mental retar
dation.
Not only do people with mental retardation have to
struggle with their biological impairments, but they also
have to struggle both with service systems and with pub
lic attitudes which all too often conspire to prevent growth
and development for which there is a genuine potential.
As we understand Cleburne, the issue is a local zoning
ordinance which denies people diagnosed as having men
tal retardation the same access to residential locations in
that community that is available without question to peo
ple who are not diagnosed as “feebleminded.” Many of us
have been subjected to open or masked discrimination of
this sort, and we know that it has contributed to keeping
the social environment we live in a “retarding” one.
APPENDIX D
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
ON HISTORICAL SOURCES:
EUGENICS, RACE, RETARDATION, IMMIGRATION
Amici ARC/USA, et al. offer this note on the leading
scholarly historical works that describe the conditions
during the period 1896-1930, particularly as they relate
to eugenics, race, retardation and immigration. In that
Era, blacks, immigrants and retarded persons all were
singled out for exclusion from society, and similar ide
ologies and stereotypes were developed to justify that ex
clusion. The leading works on Jim Crow, on the move
ment for racial restrictions on immigration, and on the
movement to segregate retarded persons are most in
structively read together because they describe different
facets of a single social process and historical experience.
C. V. Woodward’s classic, The Strange Career o f Jim
Crow (3d rev. ed. 1974), shows how the southern regime
of de ju re segregation arose, in the early decades of the
20th century, and traces the forces in the North, includ
ing the problems presented by immigration and imperial
ventures abroad, that allowed this regime to emerge.
Woodward, as well as R. Kluger, Simple Ju stice (1975),
and J. H. Franklin’s standard text, From Slavery to Free
dom (5th ed. 1980), which both document the pervasive
racism directed against blacks in the North and the South
during this Era, should therefore be read in conjunction
with the standard works on immigrants in the United
States. T. J. Archdeacon’s Becoming American (1983),
the most comprehensive work on the history of immi
gration, contains an excellent account of the social im
pact of the “new immigration” of the period 1890-1930.
J. Higham’s Strangers in the Land (2d ed. 1978) is a
useful synthetic account of American nativism as a com
mon set of attitudes underlying the treatment of blacks
and immigrants in the North and in the South. Higham
D-l
D-2
also documents the transformation of inchoate nativist
sentiments among Americans of “older stock” into a co
herent racial ideology during this period.
The eugenics movement developed during this pe
riod. Northerners and southerners alike were receptive
to such ideas to explain crime, vice, and the variety of
other intractable social problems created by industriali
zation as the product of the innate genetic inferiority of
those who differed from themselves. They were equally
receptive to the solution offered by eugenics to those ills:
segregating and excluding blacks, immigrants, and “the
feeble-minded,” whom they held responsible. M. Haller’s
classic Eugenics (1963) is an excellent general account
of the history of the eugenics movement of the Era and
its translation into legislation. Haller documents the com
mon origins of the campaign for the segregation of “the
feeble-minded” and the campaign for restrictive immi
gration laws, and shows how those movements drew on
the Jim Crow laws in the South (which were thought to
serve a eugenic purpose) to support their own similar
goals. K. M. Ludmerer shows in Genetics and American
Society (1972), a good overview of the subject, that eu
genics was a popular social and political movement rather
than a scientific one and in fact was rejected by the lead
ing geneticists of the Era. L. Kamin, The Science and
Politics o f IQ (1974), and S. J. Gould, The M ismeasure o f
Man (1981) are both excellent accounts of the transfor
mation of intelligence testing during this period into a
political tool to exclude those of “innately inferior” non-
Nordic ethnic backgrounds and to segregate retarded per
sons. D. Kevles, Annals o f Eugenics, New Yorker, Octo
ber 8, 15, 22, 29, 1984, also provides an overview of the
eugenics movement and its impact on legislation and pol
icy toward retarded people and toward immigrants.
Works that focus on the origins of segregated cus
todial institutions in the early decades of the 20th cen
tury show how the era’s general approach and remedy
for social problems was applied specifically to retarded
D-3
persons. P. Tyor, Segregation or Surgery (Diss. Nw. Univ.
1972), 'published in P. Tyor and L. Bell, Caring fo r the
R etarded in America (1972), is the most comprehensive
history of the development of retardation institutions dur
ing the period 1850-1920 and the transformation of in
stitutions from short-term training programs to custodial
facilities designed for life-long segregation. Both Tyor and
W. Wolfensberger, The Origin and N ature o f Our Insti
tutional Models (1975), another excellent source for the
evolution of retardation institutions, analyze the relation
ship between eugenist attitudes toward retarded people
as a “menace” to society and the institutional models de
veloped to implement those attitudes. That social reform
ers interested in retarded persons shared the racial and
hereditarian attitudes of the Era and its devaluation of
non-whites and non-Nordics as well as retarded persons,
is clear from these accounts and from Sarason and Doris,
Educational H andicap, Public Policy, and Social H is
tory (1979), an analysis of the impact of industrialization
and immigration on the social institutions of the period.
Sarason and Doris focus on the experience of retarded
persons segregated in or excluded from the public
schools.
The hostility and stereotypes of the Era toward re
tarded persons are well-documented in these works, par
ticularly in Tyor and Wolfensberger. To make the com
parison with the ideology of Jim Crow, they should be
read in conjunction with R. Kluger, supra, I. A. Newby,
Jim Crow’s Defense (1965), and G. M. Frederickson, The
Black Image in the White Mind (1971).
The legacy of the segregation of retarded persons is
most recently documented in D. and S. Rothman, The
W illowbrook Wars (1984).