Elizabeth Bartholet Interview Transcript
Oral History
April 10, 2024

49 pages
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Oral History Interview with Elizabeth Bartholet, Interview by Susie Penman, April 10, 2024. Legal Defense Fund Oral History Project. Conducted in collaboration with the Southern Oral History Program. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute.
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Legal Defense Fund Oral History Project Elizabeth Bartholet Interviewed by Susie Penman April 10, 2024 Cambridge, Massachusetts Length: 01:53:49 Conducted in collaboration with the Southern Oral History Program at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute, NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc. 2 This transcript has been reviewed by Elizabeth Bartholet, the Southern Oral History Program, and LDF. It has been lightly edited, in consultation with Elizabeth Bartholet, for readability and clarity. Additions and corrections appear in both brackets and footnotes. If viewing corresponding video footage, please refer to this transcript for corrected information. 3 [START OF INTERVIEW] Susie Penman: This is Susie Penman from the Southern Oral History Program at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It is April 10th, 2024, and I'm here in Cambridge, Massachusetts, with Elizabeth Bartholet in her home to conduct an interview for the LDF Oral History Project. Thank you very much for being here and for talking with us. Elizabeth Bartholet: A pleasure. SP: So, to begin with, can you just introduce yourself and tell us a little bit about where you grew up? EB: I’m Elizabeth Bartholet and I grew up in Manhattan, New York City. SP: And you were born in New York in September 1940. Can you describe the New York of your childhood for us? EB: Well, I grew up on 98th Street and Fifth Avenue, next to Central Park, which was a really interesting area to live in. It was kind of the edge of a privileged New York of these fancy apartment buildings lining Fifth Avenue. And at the same time, from 98th Street north, it was solid Black and Puerto Rican New York, and actually quite poor. So, there was this sort of privilege juxtaposed immediately with really impoverished and also, you know, Black, Puerto Rican New York and a lot of racial hostility at the time so that, as a little blonde, white girl growing up in New York, if you got off the Madison Avenue bus which went north, one stop too far, which as a spacey child I often did, I would find myself in a really scary, scary place that, suddenly within two blocks it was solidly Black, Puerto Rican, an area in a period where that just wasn’t safe for a little white girl to be in. [00:02:07] SP: And if you can, can you talk a little bit about how that impacted your understanding of, of the world around you, when you were that young? 4 EB: I don’t know exactly how it impacted my understanding of the world. It certainly was a contrast. So, one of the things I contrast it to was my experience when I first went South to do civil rights work, which was the summer of 1963, when I was at law school. So, I grew up in New York City, white girl, feeling very protected by the police and feeling fearful of being, as I said, getting off the bus a stop too late and being in a solidly Black and Puerto Rican New York. I grew up next to Central Park, endlessly reading and hearing stories about people being killed in the park, and we grew up with the rule being that we could never, ever go into the park at night and even during the daytime that you’d sort of watch what you were doing. My brothers, who went to a privileged private school right next to us, Saint Bernard’s School, would go to the park to play baseball, and regularly there would be groups of kids that would come from the northern, less privileged space right next to us and ask to play with them. But then it would turn into a fight, or they would take the equipment and run away. There were fights up and down the back of our apartment building between these kids who would come up to my brothers and their baseball group. [00:04:03] When I went South, and I can talk more about this later, but as a law student, my first summer at Harvard Law School, I went down to Jackson, Mississippi, to work for the one civil rights lawyer who was doing, well, any real civil rights work in Mississippi at the time, Bill Higgs. There were some local Black lawyers who were getting people out of jail on bond. But Bill Higgs was really the only active civil rights lawyer and the first night I was in Jackson, after we went down there for this summer job, I was in a church and except for the five of us, who were white law students who’d come down for the summer, everybody in the church was Black. And it was a real kind of moment of, oh my God. You know, I grew up being afraid when I was in the Black parts of New York, safe when I was in 5 the white parts of New York, and here’s this flipped reality. I’m safe in this church that’s all Black people, except for us. And by the end of the summer, when I came back to Cambridge, Massachusetts, the first day I was back here I’m walking through Harvard Square and a police car came by and I shrank against the wall. I grew up with the police as my friends, protecting me. And after a brief, I don’t think I was there for more than six, eight weeks that summer in Jackson, the police were the enemy. So, yeah, it was formative. But life changes, and my experience changed. SP: I want to just make a note. I want to talk about Bill Higgs later, and I would love to ask you more about that, but we’ll continue now with your childhood a little bit. Can you tell us a little bit about your family, the community around you? EB: I had a very conservative family, actually, so that I don’t think I may fit a standard history where, you know, you might expect, given what I ended up doing, that I had this liberal family and that we all talked about changing the world. [00:06:10] But no, my family was conservative, Republican. For some reason I remember that when Franklin Delano Roosevelt died, I was told that people cheered in the elevators in Wall Street, which was a very strange story, but my father worked on Wall Street. He was in the money world, I guess Fidelity, early stages of Fidelity funds and investment banking. And there was a period of time – my father was an immigrant, from Switzerland, but became very swiftly very successful – and there was certainly a period of time when my parents were well off. And, you know, I wasn’t conscious as a youngster of politics because we really didn’t talk about it. I just absorbed their world. I just remember a moment of awakening at school when, I can’t remember what grade it was, but probably fourth or fifth. And we were studying Roosevelt. And at a certain point the teacher said, “Well, tomorrow we’re going to 6 move on to such and such.” And I raised my hand and said, “Well, but what about the bad part?” Because all my life I’d heard that Roosevelt was a terrible man and had done these terrible things. And at school I’m studying and everything I heard and read, it seemed really quite wonderful to me. So that was an early moment of realizing that, oh, my family came from some political world that was just different from the way I was beginning to understand and experience the world. [00:08:06] SP: And sort of connecting that to the schools you went to. You went to the Chapin School in New York, and then you went to Miss Porter’s in Connecticut. Can you tell us about those schools? And I’m interested in how those experiences continued to shape, you know, what you would go on to do later. EB: Right. Well, you do smoke those out, because I don’t put them on my CV and you know, I’ve come to terms with having gone to them and I’ll go back to reunions and I have some friends from those schools, but I very much think of them as in my past and as something that I moved on from. So, Chapin was, I believe, all white. I don’t know if there was a single girl of color during the time I was at Chapin. I was there from second grade through eighth – through ninth grade. And I remember there was one Jewish girl in our class. There was a Jewish head of school, which is equivalent for Chapin of president of the student body when I was there. But was thought of as very unusual and amazing. And she must have been an amazing girl. So very white, very WASP. And Farmington was all white. I was politically conscious enough at Farmington that with some other girls, we went to the headmaster when I was at Farmington – which is what we called it, not Miss Porter’s. And I remember we went to, Hollis French was his name, who was the head of school, which is equivalent to the principal, and raised with him the idea of shouldn’t Farmington admit 7 some Black girls. [00:10:01] I was there between [19]55 and [19]58 so that probably would have been [19]56 or [19]57. And to this day, I remember his answer because it was such, it was so horrifying to me. His answer was, “We want to wait and see what the other schools do and see how it goes.” I thought at least he could have been a principled segregationist. [laughter] And then, you know, it’s on principle we’re doing this. But no, there was this timidity and fear and, you know, “We'll just watch and see this revolutionary thing some other schools might do.” So I didn't have, really, much of any respect for Farmington. Chapin, the headmistress seemed a more principled woman in some way. And it was just part of the era that a privileged school like that was doing that. There were other interesting things going on in terms of women and girls and the kind of education that we got. Her name was Ethel Stringfellow, our principal. She used to say to us [girls, since it was an all- girls school]: “Be conspicuous by being inconspicuous.” Sort of, you’re going to, you know, obviously be the background. I mean, you know, she didn’t spell it out, but it’s obvious what that meant, that you’re not going to push yourself out there. You're going to probably be the background person to some man. [00:12:01] So that was the nature of the two schools I guess, racially and in, in terms of gender issues. SP: Do you remember at all. and I know this is, this is a asking a question from a while ago, but, after you heard back from that, the president about integrating the schools, do you remember at all talking to your peers about it? EB: All that happened was in the meeting. I think it was instinctively we knew right away he wasn’t going to do this, he’d just wait and see. We didn’t push it beyond that. And I don't remember how large a group of us there were that were interested in those issues. 8 SP: So, you took this education, you went to Radcliffe after that. Tell us about Radcliffe and what drew you there. And what that environment was like compared to these, these two schools that you’d gone to. EB: Radcliffe was thrilling. So, I definitely applied quite consciously to Radcliffe. I had only the fuzziest sense of what I wanted to do in this world, but it definitely had to do with not just being the girl brought up to be conspicuous by being inconspicuous, and I wanted, I always was interested from the time I began to think about work, which was probably back when I was still, well certainly when I was at Farmington, I wanted to do some kind of social change work. And I did want to work, even though I was rather vague about professional ambitions. So, I wanted to go to Radcliffe because that was the place that had the reputation of being intellectually ambitious and that was definitely what I wanted. [00:14:17] SP: So, you had it in your head, you were saying already by that point, you wanted to do some social change work, but you weren't sure what exactly that looked like. EB: Yes. SP: And this already seems like a departure from that sort of more conservative education and upbringing that you had had. EB: Yeah. I mean, I think from the time I had that FDR discovery, that my parents were people who thought this President that, as far as I could understand, had done wonderful things, they thought he was a terrible man, I think that’s when I began to distinguish myself from my parents politically, even though I was pretty naive politically because we just didn’t have those kinds of discussions in my house. 9 S: And so, can you tell us a little bit more about Radcliffe? You said it was thrilling. You know, your early – EB: It was thrilling to be in Cambridge. It was thrilling to be in a coeducational environment. You know, both of my prior schools were all girls. The educational opportunities were just amazing. So, the idea that you could take “The Human Life Cycle” from Erik Erikson, who wrote the book on the human life cycle. I mean, in many ways it wasn’t a perfect education. I majored in English literature, so there were a lot of big lecture courses, but there were still phenomenal professors. I can still recite some lines of Chaucer because I had Bill Alford, who would recite Chaucer in our class in a way that was just hypnotizing. [00:16:09] Our classmates were astounding. I mean, I met right off the bat in my freshman year, Mark Mirsky, who was directing plays at the time. And I acted in a play that he directed. And he was clearly just overwhelmingly talented. There were people who were super smart, super [knowledgeable] – it was quite intimidating. I didn’t come with any great intellectual self-confidence because I had just gone to schools that didn't cultivate and socialize me that way, and maybe for other reasons having to do with my family upbringing. I was a little, more than a little intimidated by classmates, but also excited by them and by the professors, by also just the atmosphere of Cambridge and Boston and having all of this theater and music and everything offered to us. SP: So, you studied English Lit, and at what point did you decide you wanted to pursue law school? And more specifically, if you can answer, you know, being a civil rights lawyer. EB: Very late in the game that I wanted to pursue law school. I had one uncle in my family who was a lawyer, but he ended up being an English professor, I think at the 10 University of North Carolina. And nobody else in my family was a lawyer. I wasn’t really, you know, I had two older brothers, and I think they were much more brought up to be the achievers. And I was just going to be the blonde little girl who sat on somebody’s knee and then got married. So, I wasn’t brought up thinking about careers. And in the era I went to Radcliffe, even there, there was very little going on in the way of telling us, educating us about professional opportunities. [00:18:14] So, it was more thought that if you were a decent or a good student, you’d go on to graduate school and then to teach. So it didn’t occur to me to be a lawyer until late in the game, really, spring of my senior year at college. I thought about being a doctor. I thought about being a social worker. I thought about possibly going to social work school, but I felt instinctively that’s not going to lead me where I want to go in terms of potential influence on policy. I knew I was interested in civil rights, but I didn’t think about going to law school, as I say, until spring of senior year. I wanted to go into the Peace Corps, and I got married in the spring of senior year, and my husband and I were going to go into the Peace Corps. He decided that he wanted to go to law school instead, and I was very disappointed in that decision. And then, I probably in part thought about law school because he was going to law school, but I never had any interest in the corporate law path. And eventually, after thinking about it, realizing I didn’t want to go to social work school, I began to focus on the fact that law, although I was totally down on the path I thought my husband was going to take, which he did take, the corporate law path, I thought law actually might be a really good way to do the kind of civil rights, public interest work that I always wanted to do. [00:20:10] SP: And if we can be more specific there, when you’re talking about the civil rights and public interest work, did you have a clear idea of what that would look like for you as a 11 lawyer? Were there things that you were encountering, reading about at the time that particularly influenced what you wanted to do? EB: No, in college I was just generally aware of civil rights issues, of segregation in the South. But I think I was, I had more of just a vague and general sense that I wanted to address social injustice in some way. SP: So, that decision was spring of your final year at Radcliffe. Did you go, so you must have applied pretty quickly? And did you begin in the fall? EB: I applied, I was told I was too late, I couldn’t possibly get in, I might as well take the law boards and see if I’d ever get in. And I took the law boards on my honeymoon that summer in Heidelberg. And I remember that room as like, half the room was long- haired hippies who decided they were actually going to do something with their lives other than wander around Europe. And the other half of the room was buzz cut military people who’d gotten to the end of their 20 years and were allowed to retire. And then there was me, and I was certainly the only woman in the room out of the hundreds of us. And that’s where I took my law boards. Nobody wanted me to go to law school. So my husband didn’t want me to go, my family didn’t want me to go, and his family didn’t want me to go. And they all felt that if I went to law school, and the logical place to go would be Harvard if I got in because that’s where he was going, I would ruin his life at the law school and ruin our marriage. And so, everybody was against it. [00:22:04] And anyway, I wasn’t going to get in. And then at the end of the summer, I got to Paris. And in those days, you got your mail at American Express. And [I went there and] found my law board [results], which were very high grades, and I found a letter from Harvard telling me I’d been admitted, and I should have told them a few days earlier whether I was accepting. So, I accepted and then arrived in 12 Cambridge and didn’t know if I’d been admitted because I sent in a late acceptance and went to the big desk in the reception area at Harvard Law School and said, “Well, did they let me in? Shall I go to my first class?” And that was how I went to Harvard Law School. So, there was a lot of, like much of most people’s lives, there was a lot of serendipity as well as conscious choice involved in how I ended up at law school. SP: How did you deal with that pushback of, oh, you, you know, “We don't think you should go to law school”? EB: Yeah. Well, I fought back, so I’m stubborn, and I insisted on going. But it, I definitely felt guilty about it and maybe I am going to ruin my husband’s time at the law school, and maybe I have to have a very quiet presence here. I think the salvation for me was that, once again proving myself to be a problem, I did really well, and I got on Law Review after the first year, and then I had to face the issue of, do I even accept Law Review or not? Because I'm not supposed to be here making a splash. But I am ambitious, and I do push back. And so, I did decide to accept Law Review. And then being on Law Review actually gave me a world that was mine, where I wasn’t in my husband’s face. And I could just be on the Law Review and have my buddies and do my work. I mean, had it been my choice, in those days, you got on Law Review purely by grades. And if I’d been asked to do which of the kind of honor groups I wanted to do – there was Legal Aid, there was Board of Student Advisors and there was Law Review – [00:24:23] I would have done Legal Aid. But you got on Law Review by grades, and I was worldly enough to know that as a woman, being on Law Review at Harvard would be an amazing credential. So, I did that. SP: There couldn’t have been many women there. 13 EB: I was the only woman on the Law Review. I think I’m the second woman in history to be on the Law Review. And there were only somewhere between 16 and 20 of us in the class of 600 or so, 620, I think, at the law school. So, yeah, there were very few women. SP: What sort of issues did that present for you? EB: Well. You know, on the one hand, you did stand out simply by existing and being a woman, and you got a lot of attention. I mean, a lot of it was very negative. And we accepted or didn’t particularly fight back, a level of discrimination that would just be horrifying to women today. So, one of my law professors in my first year, when he asked me questions, would only ask them in hypotheticals that had to do with knitting and sewing. And the class would laugh when he asked the question and I would answer rather than protest. I was not in the class of another professor who was famous for having Ladies Day, so he would never ask women questions at all until on Ladies Day, when he would have them all sit up in the front and only ask them questions. [00:26:08] The Dean had a so-called welcoming dinner for the women law students in my era that’s famous. So, this was Erwin Griswold. It wasn’t famous enough for us to know what was going to happen. So, he asked us to dinner, which was a stiff, awkward event. He didn’t allow any drinking. So, it was, you know, additionally stiff, no liquor to sort of soften people up. And then he sat us in a circle, in chairs in the living room, after dinner. And said, “I'm going to go around the circle, and I want each of you to tell me how you justify taking the position of a man, what you’re going to do with your career, to justify taking the position of a man.” And there were clubs that my husband belonged to, but I couldn’t belong to. I recently went to a book party at a place called the Signet Society, which is this gorgeous house in Harvard Square. And I had just 14 such ambivalent feelings about being in there because [back when I was a student] my then husband was a member of the Signet Society, which was this lovely intellectual club, and men would go and have dinner. I mean, only for men, of course, a secret society. And they would have dinner and talk, you know, intellectual things supposedly, and have a nice time. And it’s a beautiful, beautiful house. But no women were allowed. There was a library that was only for men in Harvard Yard. That was true at college also. But the law school was a much more male, overwhelmingly male world when I was there as a student. [00:28:07] And the professors really, in their defense, I suppose, didn’t know what to make of us. And so, laughing at us was kind of the only thing they knew how to do. That said, I had professors who were absolutely wonderful. Jim Vorenberg, who became the Dean later, who was a law professor of mine, criminal law professor, and crim law was one of my favorite subjects at law school. He was always a mentor for women, I think, besides myself, but certainly for me. And there were other professors who were quite open to women and doing their best. And I wouldn’t say any of them were particularly hostile. Even when, you know, I was told by one of my professors that another of them didn’t know what to do about grading, because he had a woman in his class who had done better than her husband on the exam. And my friend, the law professor who [was being appealed to], said, “What do you mean you don’t know what to do? I mean, of course you ought to give them the grades they earned.” But, you know, I think that law professor questioning whether he should give me the grade I earned, was no doubt thinking about saving my marriage [or some such]. You know, I mean, it was just a different era. And I think – I often asked, and she asked me, Elizabeth Holtzman, who you may know by reputation, was really tough, went on to become a tough district attorney in Brooklyn. And she was on the Watergate Committee when she 15 was serving in Congress. [00:30:03] And she and I will ask each other at reunions, because we were in the same class at law school, “Why did we take it?” And I think partly it was the era, and law school was less bad than the rest of the world. So, when I went to apply for jobs, even though I graduated in 1965 and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 had been passed and was in effect, judges and prosecutors were among the most discriminatory of the potential employers out there. So, Harvard Law School, in fact, did give us the grades we earned, did let me be on Law Review, did give me a phenomenal credential. And I think that I was conscious of all of that when I was there, that I was really lucky to be there, and I was getting something that would enable me to have a career that, but for that credential, I couldn’t have. SP: So, you started at Harvard Law in the fall of [19]62, and then you’ve just told us that in the summer of [19]63, you went down to Jackson, Mississippi, to do some civil rights work, and that was your first time down South. EB: Right. SP: Can you tell us about that summer, what brought you down there, how you got involved? EB: Yeah, that was an amazing summer. There was this white civil rights lawyer, Bill Higgs, who came to Harvard Law School my first year there, and my husband and I somehow heard about him, became aware, talked to him, and accepted the job he offered, which was for 50 dollars a month we could go down and work for him in Jackson. And that just seemed really exciting to both of us. And we accepted and there were three students from Columbia, also white, who were going to go down with us. And then before we got down there, he was charged with a sexual offense involving a minor. I think the technical 16 offense was corrupting a minor or something like that. [00:32:20] And all we understood was that it was some kind of sexual offense he was charged with, and that he made the decision to leave Mississippi because he basically knew that if he went to jail in Mississippi, he would be killed, as the only white lawyer or really only lawyer doing, active affirmative civil rights work in Mississippi at the time. So, we made the decision to go down anyway, as did the three Columbia students, and then had to sort of figure out what to do and how to try to be useful. SP: I’d be interested to hear, if you can remember, your very first impressions of going down South for the first time. EB: Well, my then mother-in-law was from Virginia, and I remember when my then husband and I were telling [his parents] that we were going to go and work in Mississippi for the summer, she said, “Oh, things aren’t” – and I think she actually used the phrase “Black and white,” – “they’re not as Black and white as you’re expecting,” or something, as if, you know, it’s going to be more subtle and complicated. And as we’re driving South and we get into, I think it was before Mississippi, we saw our first water fountains that said “colored only,” “white only.” And I have to say, that was the beginning of a summer where it was more extreme than I expected. And nothing subtle, nothing subtle about it. It was an extraordinary summer. So, the first night that we got there, we were in a church, and it was preparation for some demonstration the next day. And people were singing “We Shall Overcome.” And as I said, it was my first experience as a white person, feeling like, “Oh, this is where, I guess this summer, this is where I’m going to feel safe and comfortable, in this all-Black setting, instead of in my white world in New York, where I’m supposed to be afraid in the Black settings.” [00:34:38] But it was still unnerving that first night, being five 17 white people in this huge church full of Black people. But it was also amazing to be part of this event with this crowd singing “We Shall Overcome,” getting ready for whatever they were going to do the next day. Then there was trying to figure out what we were going to do because we didn’t have Bill there and it wasn’t like he was sending us instructions. So, we were kind of connecting with the local Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC kids, and others involved in protest. Somehow, I figured out the first of my long career of hopeless uphill jobs – working with Blacks who wanted to register to vote, trying to help them get prepared to take the constitutional interpretation test. Now, this constitutional interpretation test had been created in order for them to fail. It was put into effect so that the registrars in the South would have this nice subjective way of saying “no” to people. And I was trying to help people who were relatively illiterate or had limited literacy prepare for a test that hopefully some of them maybe did pass. Who knows? [00:36:01] Anyway that was what I did pretty much on a daily basis. I would go off in my car, I guess usually at night, with my voting literature. And I remember, once again in terms of this transformation of what my identity was, I remember going up to this church carrying my bundle of voting stuff in my arms, and it was at night, and I opened the door and there were all white people in there, and my heart started to pound. And I shut the door and I ran back to the car. So, you knew you were living on the edge of danger. I mean, we were in Jackson, and only later did we learn that our house was actually monitored by the White Citizens Council. At the time, we felt relatively anonymous and we weren’t really afraid. We would laugh at the idea that when we’d hear strange sounds on the phone lines, our phones were being tapped, and maybe we were doing something useful just by taking up the police time. But there was still this edge of fear, and I was literally terrified when I realized this was a white church and I 18 had this voting stuff in my arms, and I ran to the car, and I got in and I drove off looking for the correct church. And Jackson was integrated or segregated in a weird way, where there were little patches of Black and white around. And so, I finally found another church that seemed to be on the right corner. And this time I got out of the car, really carefully crept up to a window of the church, and looked in, and there were all Black people, and I was just like, you know, my people. I’m okay. And I opened the door and went in. Black people were so kind and appreciative, whether or not we were doing anything very useful. The fact that we were trying was something I think that they found amazing and wonderful, given how, for the most part, they’d been treated by white people all their lives. [00:38:08] And that was inspiring, just to be with people who were struggling with everything they were struggling with, and were appreciative that we were trying to help. I'm not sure what else to talk about from the summer except that it, I’m sure, fit into my commitment for the rest of my career to keep doing things where we were at least trying to do meaningful work that was helping people. SP: Well, that was sort of answering my next question, which is, how did that summer affect your two remaining years in law school and your trajectory after that? EB: I mean, I think I went to law school pretty determined to do some form of civil rights public interest work. So, in that sense, I don’t think it was revelatory or changed my trajectory. It probably just helped convince me that that was the right trajectory. And being at Harvard Law School, it was important to get that kind of inspiration. I think it still is today. And I noticed all the years I was teaching, it’s a very powerfully corporate oriented environment, so it can easily corrupt the students who come there thinking they know what they want to do, and that it is a positive social justice thing. But you can get corrupted by 19 being in this atmosphere where corporate law firms are on the campus and offering jobs, and where even some of my favorite professors were telling me, “Oh, you really should go work for a corporate law firm. That’s where you’ll get good training. Those other jobs are less interesting intellectually.” [00:40:01] I mean, stuff that is garbage, actually, if you know the public interest world, where I think it’s the most challenging work that there is to try to figure out how to use law to leverage power for disempowered people. But there’s a myth widely shared among faculty at Harvard Law School then, and I think still now, that the more important intellectual work or more powerfully intellectual work is being done at these corporate law firms. SP: I’m going to ask about that later, because that seems to have very much affected your teaching. EB: It did. SP: But for now, I want to, I want to ask about post law school, just a quick question. It says from [19]66 to [19]67, you were staff council on the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice in D.C. Can you tell us a little bit about that? Because that would have been right before you joined LDF. EB: Right. So, I clerked for the first year out of law school. And just again, sign of the times. I clerked for a wonderful judge, Henry Edgerton. But he was really almost the only federal judge who would hire a woman clerk. And he was on the D.C. Circuit, which was a great circuit to be on, had really interesting cases. And then I worked for the National Crime Commission, which is what we called it. Jim Vorenberg was the executive director of the commission. So, I worked as a special assistant for Jim Vorenberg. And that was a fabulous job. Really introduced me to a lot of what goes on in Washington, D.C. and 20 government. And I also wrote a chapter that was the foundation for my Legal Action Center work later. So, I was asked at a certain point – I did a lot of different things for the commission, but one of the things I did was to write a chapter for the Corrections Task Force. [00:42:03] And I was asked to do something on prisoner rights. And I discovered this issue of what was then called civil disabilities, that had to do with the fact that prisoners get out of prison and then find it enormously difficult to find jobs. At the time, there were automatic disqualifications for all kinds of licenses, often for the very licenses they’d been trained for in prison. So, in prison, a classic thing was to train people to be barbers. But you get out, try to get a barber’s license, and you can’t because of your conviction record. So, that struck me as totally insane. And I wrote a chapter talking about the various kinds of civil disabilities that people face when they get out of prison or got out of prison at the time. And, yeah, I also discovered with that job the way commissions work, is that staff write chapters and then the commission members approve them or they might ask for certain kinds of revisions. But the commission approved that chapter that I wrote without revisions, and it became part of the commission report. SP: And that went on to help you with – EB: Yeah, I mean, we can talk about it later. But when I started the Legal Action Center, I decided to focus on the issues that people with prison, but also just conviction records face in terms of employment and other opportunities like voting. SP: And then LDF. Can you talk about first hearing about LDF and the sort of work that it was doing? EB: So, I must have known about LDF all the way through law school. It was the leading civil rights law organization in the country. [00:44:02] So, it’s an entity that I’d 21 always heard about, respected, thought I might want to work there eventually, if at all possible. Also knew that it was really, really difficult to get jobs there, because [there was a] very, very limited turnover of staff, because [they were] just super desirable jobs. So, I, after the crime commission I stayed in D.C. for another [few] months, and then moved back to New York City and decided to apply to LDF, and I think I got my, I know I got my foot in the interview door because Jim Vorenberg knew Jack Greenberg and recommended me. And they were very close colleagues and friends. And so, I got an interview and then they gave me a job. SP: Do you remember the interview? EB: No. SP: Was it Jack Greenberg? EB: I do not remember who I interviewed with. SP: What about some of your earliest, you know, weeks, months there? Can you talk about settling in, figuring out what exactly you were going to be doing? EB: The early significant experience that I remember was my first legal work that I was assigned, which was to turn a brief in the Maxwell against Bishop death penalty case [into a petition for certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court]. The case had been lost in the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals. The challenge to the death penalty in this case involved a racial [discrimination theory]. I was given the assignment of taking the brief that LDF filed in the Eighth Circuit and turning it into the cert petition for the Supreme Court. [00:46:07] And that was just one of the formative amazing training experiences in my life, because Tony Amsterdam was the mastermind of the death penalty campaign, and he basically designed the litigation strategy. And I don’t know for a fact that he wrote that [Eighth 22 Circuit] brief, but he would have designed the strategy and done earlier briefs that resulted in [that] brief. And I learned from that what a really good brief in a case where you’re challenging law that is, and trying to create a different law for the future, what it looks like and how you have to amass the social science evidence and how you create persuasive arguments. You know, part of what I had wanted to do with the Legal Defense Fund from the get-go was to work on death penalty cases. And part of that was I wanted to work with Tony Amsterdam. He was a legend already. A legend that I knew about already from the time I started at LDF, and I wanted the opportunity to work with him. He was running the death penalty campaign. I wanted to work on death cases. Partly, I had always been against the death penalty, as far as I could remember, at least. And I also just wanted that lawyering opportunity [to work with Tony]. So that that was my first and really quite extraordinary experience. And I would say for the rest of my litigating career, I was applying some of what I learned in that first experience. SP: And you mind telling us a little bit about that case? I mean, that was capital punishment. It was in Arkansas, if I’m correct. [00:48:01] And then it has to do with the discriminatory pattern by which Black defendants were sentenced to death. EB: Right. Part of what the campaign was about was coming up with theories that, if accepted, would knock out the death penalty across the board throughout the United States. And then another part of the campaign had to do with keeping everybody on death row alive, and that was partly to keep them alive, because LDF was committed against the death penalty. But also, strategically, it was to build up the number of people on death row so that when the Supreme Court had to deal with one of these law-changing cases, they would know that if they upheld the death penalty, they were effectively executing not just one, but 23 hundreds of people. All the people on death row who had been waiting for the resolution of that case. So, one of those major cases was Maxwell, and it was based on the idea that the death penalty was racially discriminatory in its application. And there was very sophisticated statistical evidence that even if you take into account other factors that might have resulted in the death penalty, that race was still the primary explanation for why people ended up on death row. And there was very good statistical evidence, and we had a powerful case and lost it in the Supreme Court. SP: What did that loss mean to you at the time? And what did it tell you about, you know, how the system worked and how you might continue to work within it and fight against it? EB: I honestly don’t remember particularly at the time, but I think my experience over the years, and I’m sure this was part of what I experienced at the time, is that you don’t take a defeat as defeat. [00:50:17] You take it as, so now, what’s the next step? What do we do next to beat the system, to change the system? And if that theory doesn’t work, then we come up with another theory. So, the next theory essentially was the Furman arbitrariness theory, the next major theory. SP: So, you did this, this death penalty case work. You said, first, this is the earliest thing. You’re sort of just launched into it. But you also did, I mean, you did a variety of cases, obviously, you worked on school desegregation, draft deferment. How did you balance the, the caseload, the various issues that you’re working with that are all very different? EB: So, I wanted, I really chose to and happily they let me, have a varied set of cases. A lot of people I knew specialized. They were employment lawyers with the LDF, or 24 they were school desegregation lawyers. And I wanted to work on different cases in different areas. So, I definitely wanted to do death penalty work, but I didn’t want that to be a hundred percent of what I did. And that’s what I got to do. It was not so much a question of balance. Usually there’d be some big case. You were writing a Supreme Court brief, so you just focused on that. And then you moved on to the next case, the next area. SP: And I want to make sure that that we do talk about a couple of specific cases. Clay v. United States. I would love to hear more about that. Can you begin by laying out the issue at the heart of it? [00:52:01] EB: So, the man we came to call Muhmmad Ali later, refused to step forward for the draft. He was drafted. He refused. He was convicted. He raised a religious objection. He lost. And we raised that issue in the Supreme Court. So that was the case I worked on. And I worked with another lawyer. The two of us were mainly the lawyers working on the brief in the Supreme Court for the man then known as Clay. SP: And who was the other lawyer? EB: I’m pretty sure that that was Jonathan Shapiro. I worked with different lawyers on different things, and I’m pretty sure it was Jonathan and I that worked on that case. SP: And what was it like to work on a case with someone who was so just nationally, I mean, so famous. EB: Well, for the most part, when you’re working on the Supreme Court level, you don’t really work with the client at all. The great blessing of this particular case is that Muhammad Ali came to the Legal Defense Fund office after we had won the case. And he sat, LDF had this long row of secretary tables at the time, and I remember Muhammad Ali sat on a desk at one end of that long row and all of us staff were out there and thrilled, and 25 he handed me two tickets to what was then known as the Great Fight, which was his upcoming fight with Frazier. So, he’d [had his boxing license] reinstated and was able to fight. And I got to go to what’s the only boxing match of my life, since boxing is not really my favorite sport. Indeed, I hate boxing. But I went to that match and that was pretty amazing. SP: What were they, like, front row? EB: They were not front row, but it was an astounding scene. [00:54:02] I remember going down in the subway and it was packed with people in long ermine coats. And the crowd was amazing. And what was really stunning to me at the time was it was a very hostile-to-Ali crowd. A lot of middle-class Blacks at the time did not like Ali in the way he taunted Frazier and a lot of others. And there was a lot of screaming from the crowds saying, “Kill him, kill him,” urging Frazier to go after. [phone dings] I'm sorry. I’m just going to take a quick break and answer this. SP: So, you went to that fight which is an incredible – EB: The fight was amazing. Discovering the crowd so hostile to Ali was surprising. And it was a great privilege to get to work on those kinds of cases at LDF. I mean, most of what I did at the Legal Defense Fund was Supreme Court litigation, which would be many lawyers’ dream. My first ever oral argument was in the U.S. Supreme Court, which is ridiculous. I mean, I had argued one tiny motion in the lowest of low New York courts before I argued a Supreme Court case. That was the Father Groppi case. So, working at Legal Defense Fund was an amazing dream job. It definitely was what I wanted from the time I got out of law school. I think I fantasized about eventually working for LDF. I really feel privileged I got to work there. And I look back thinking, it’s kind of amazing I actually 26 decided to leave it and move on. But it was an astounding place. And, yeah, I also worked on a couple of cases involving the Black Panthers. The most interesting, the one that involved the most work involved Bobby Seale, who actually I saw recently. [00:56:14] He came up here a few years ago to give a talk, and I went to his talk and reintroduced myself to him. And that [case] grew out of the Democratic Convention, [1968], where various lefties were accused of fomenting riots. And Seale was really completely innocent of that. And then Seale asked for a delay in the trial so that he could be represented by the only lawyer he really trusted, who, oddly enough, was a white guy called Charles Gary. And the judge was a nutcase. Hoffman. Turned him down. And then Seale wanted to represent himself. And every time Seale tried to represent himself in court, Hoffman slapped him with a six-month contempt sentence. By the end of the trial, Bobby Seale was bound to a chair and gagged in the courtroom. And we represented Seale on the appeal of what ended up being a four-year contempt sentence for which he’d had no jury, which was outrageous. And part of the wonder of that case, other than the interest of the whole thing, was that for the appeal, we decided that the best combination for the oral argument would be Tony Amsterdam, who’s the best you can get for anything, and Charles Gary, because symbolically, it seemed important for Bobby Seale to have the lawyer that he’d been trying to get for trial on appeal. And so, we arranged to have the appeal argument split between Tony Amsterdam and Charles Gary. And out in Chicago the night before the oral argument, I was doing this work for Tony getting these cases last minute. [00:58:13] What he, you know, would want that we hadn’t already briefed and then there was going to be a meeting with Tony and Charles Gary. And I would have thought, in my neurotic super prep way, that, you know, a week before we would have figured who was going to give which part of the 27 argument, and then you can prepare. And Tony was apparently completely relaxed about the fact that he had no idea what Charles wanted to say. And he, Tony, would just figure it out in this meeting. And then they had this meeting the night before the argument. And Charles just wanted to tell stories about this and that. And the whole meeting went that way with stories. And then the next day comes the argument. They had no discussion whatsoever, except that Charles would go first and then Tony would go. And so, Charles gets up and gives half the argument, and Tony got up and seamlessly started as if they’d completely worked out the outline and gave a brilliant argument, filling in all the kinds of things that Charles had not talked about. So, that was that. But the Black Panther – I think another thing about the Panther work that’s interesting is in that era, there were a lot of interesting tensions. There was the white man, Jack Greenberg, running Legal Defense Fund in an era where that was becoming increasingly difficult. and there was also the issue of is the Legal Defense Fund, which has represented people like Martin Luther King, going to represent this revolutionary Black power, Black Panther group. [00:59:57] So there were decisions not to represent Angela Davis, which led to one of our staff members leaving. Margaret Burnham left at the time to go work with Angela Davis. But at the same time, we did decide to represent Ali, and we represented some Black Panthers. And I’m really not sure of what the thinking was behind that. So, one of the things about Legal Defense Fund is that I think brilliant as Jack Greenberg was, amazing as was the work that LDF did to lead the legal movement, really to develop civil rights law, we didn’t have much discussion about it. You know, our staff meetings were not amazing brainstorming, revelatory events. We had them relatively regularly, but we didn’t really talk through the astounding strategies that were being developed. I mean, I think they were talked through individually in smaller groups. 28 SP: But with knowing that, can you recall the feeling among your peers at LDF, any feeling about, tension post the Angela Davis decision or a feeling of like, oh, this is so great. We're representing Seale, you know, that that kind of thing. EB: I think there was some resentment that we didn’t represent Angela Davis. I – the only tension I remember about the Black Panther cases was I remember a Black member of our legal staff screaming at me when I asked him a question about one of the Panther cases I was working on. And I suspect that that may have had to do with resentment that I, a white person, was working on that case, although I never knew. [01:02:05] I just, I was dumbfounded at this hostility, and that’s the only way I can explain it. So, I think there may have been some tensions, but I think that, you know, it was a big staff and there were groups of us that were friends within it, and I don’t, I do not remember us discussing, you know, “Should we take on the Black Panthers or not?” SP: It’s a, it was a really interesting time to be representing, you know, the Panthers. Can you talk a little bit about the dynamics of doing that work at that particular moment in history? Did it, you know, of course you’re in it, but did it feel politically charged? EB: It felt politically charged. I think there is something about when you’re in the middle of it that you don’t really understand the place in history all these things have. So when I watched, years later, when I was teaching actually, Eyes on the Prize, the astounding documentary of the civil rights period, I was amazed that I had been involved in work related to, I think every single episode of Eyes on the Prize or almost every episode. It was amazing how historic so much of what I worked on in this brief five years was. But I didn’t really get it at the time. I mean, I had only a sense of Ali’s place in history, what it meant for him to refuse the draft. I didn’t even understand what it meant for him in terms of his career 29 to give up, in his peak career as a boxer, several years, and it could have been forever, for his religion, which it truly was. So, I feel I’ve only really come to understand in retrospect the significance of what we were working on. [01:04:13] SP: I want to ask you a couple of questions before we get to another specific case, similar to your experiences in education, you, I imagine, were one of the few women working at LDF at the time. EB: Yes. I was one of the few women. There just were not that many women lawyers at that point. SP: Can you talk about any particular challenges that presented, or even if it did present too many challenges? EB: I think I was just used to the fact from the time I went to Harvard Law School that I was a woman in a man’s world, and it didn’t particularly bother me. I think it was only actually when I came to join [the Faculty at] Harvard Law School that I began to feel the disadvantage of being a woman in a uniquely male environment. But I wasn’t conscious of that as a problem [so much as a student or young lawyer]. I think I was more just thrilled that I made it into that world. SP: And sort of on the same topic, can you just talk about how, describe the community of attorneys at LDF, like how you all worked together? You would work so, it seems, intensively on these cases for periods of time. Can you describe that intellectual, social, workplace, community? EB: Well, I’ve been very conscious since I’ve been teaching at Harvard Law School of the privilege of working at a place like Legal Defense Fund or Legal Action Center, which I founded and ran later. Or frankly, my job also with the Crime Commission. I mean, 30 everything I’ve done except teaching, I guess I felt like we’re part of a team and we’re on the same side and we’re fighting others out there, and that’s a wonderful feeling. [01:06:11] And if there was competition, it was pretty muted. You mostly wanted to help the people you were working with give better oral arguments, do better work. And you were thrilled with victories and celebrated them together. And that was the feeling. And it’s a great feeling. SP: How would you all celebrate? EB: I guess we’d go out and have dinners. I mean, Legal Action Center, I remember more because we would all celebrate as a whole, you know, legal staff, as well as secretaries would all have a lunch or a party. SP: Okay. I want to talk about Chance v. Board of Education. Can you, as you’ve done for us before, sort of lay out the issues? EB: So, that was a really formative case for me. Somebody came to the Legal Defense Fund and wanted us to help with school decentralization. And school decentralization was tied to the whole Black Power idea. It was like, “Oh, well, if we can decentralize the schools, then local [Black] communities can run their schools more.” So I got that, and that all made sense to me at the time. And I was prepared to step forward and say, “Yeah, I’ll help with this school decentralization case.” And there was some principal called Boston Chance who was an acting principal [denied the right to become a permanent principal because he failed the centralized civil service exam]. I can’t remember who came to us pushing the school decentralization cause. [01:08:02] And I can’t remember any conscious decision being made by the Legal Defense Fund about how invested it wanted to be. But it seemed like somebody on high at LDF had made the decision that, yeah, we 31 would do something to promote school decentralization. So, I took on this case and it was the first time I’d taken on something that wasn’t on the Supreme Court level, that was, “Oh, we need to bring a case.” And that's when I realized how simple Supreme Court litigation was and how unbelievably challenging it was, particularly for somebody who’d never been trained at Harvard Law School to do anything other than Supreme Court litigation, to do stuff on the trial level. So, I put together this case, and we filed a complaint on behalf of acting principals who failed the test to become a permanent principal. And we structured it as an employment discrimination case, which it was. There were only, there were no Black principals in the entire New York City school system with overwhelming majority Black kids in it. And no Black assistant principals either. And we brought this case on behalf of acting assistant and acting principals challenging the licensing system [as discriminatory]. d So, on one level, it was an employment discrimination case. But the idea was that if we could knock out these exams, then maybe we could somehow, and nobody had really thought through how, get local control over the decision making as to who would be the principal and the assistant principal. So, that was the goal. And then I brought this case. We tried the case, and this was my first experience trying a case, which I was woefully unprepared to do. [01:10:11] My first witness ever was a statistician that I had to examine and cross-examine, and I’d never taken statistics. I had a lot of help from people at Columbia Law School, a statistical expert and an employment discrimination expert who helped advise me. I was so naive about trying a case that I remember the night before, trying to prepare my notes for examining the witness, thinking, how do I even start? Do I say, “Who are you?” I had never even watched those TV trial programs. But somehow, I managed to win this highly sophisticated statistical racial case on the trial level. And then 32 we took it up on appeal and won it. And then I hung in there for years and years and years, and we managed to get local control because we knocked out the licensing system, and we somehow structured a system where the local boards selected principals. I realized then how challenging it was to take a social problem, figure out what litigation might help solve it, but then also do all the follow through that would make the litigation meaningful. Because we could have won. We had a New York Daily News entire front cover saying that we’d won when we knocked out the exams, and nothing would have happened different if I hadn’t spent the next five to eight years hanging in there, thinking about how to make the [court- ordered] relief give us the relief we actually wanted, which was a form of decentralization, at least temporarily. So that was an astounding education in terms of what I saw as the more challenging work out there. And that’s really what led me to leave the Legal Defense Fund. [01:12:13] As I say, looking back, I often think I can’t believe I left this dream job, where I got to do all this wonderful Supreme Court stuff. But somehow, at the time, I was idealistic enough to feel like I should do the more important work. And the easy work was really Supreme Court litigation. All the issues are formed and they’re handed to you. Of course there certainly were Legal Defense Fund lawyers who were doing that formative work. That’s just not what I was doing. At the central office, in New York City, I was just doing the Supreme Court stuff. And I thought I wanted to do the more challenging work. And I also thought at least the New York office was too focused on litigation and on Supreme Court litigation, and that I really wanted to start something that would be thinking, how do we solve the social problem? And is it litigation or is it legislation? Or is it maybe educating, socializing certain people to operate differently? What does it take to change things? So, I decided to start a new public interest law firm and I decided it should be focused on a 33 relatively narrow social problem, because that’s the only way you’re going to really understand the problem and get sophisticated about what would change it. And that was the essence of the idea of Legal Action Center. And then when I thought about what social problem, I really went back to what I’d worked on when I was at the National Crime Commission and thought, well, if you want to work on behalf of people who are really at rock bottom in society, people who have experienced prison and drug abuse and are struggling to recover and to make it in society are really among the most profound social outcasts and among those who need the most help. [01:14:12] So let’s focus on that group, and let’s keep the focus narrow so that we really know what we’re doing, and then figure out whether to help them we should be doing litigation or something else. And that was the formative idea with Legal Action Center. And I went to Vera Institute of Justice because once again, my friend and mentor and former employer, Jim Vorenberg, knew Herb Sturz [Vera’s Director], really well, and he had introduced me to Herb over the years. And Herb had offered me jobs over the years that I had not taken in earlier years. And I went to him and basically said, “I want to start this new entity.” And frankly, I went to him after we tried to kick in the doors at various foundations and gotten nowhere. And I knew that Herb was a genius at raising money. And I went to Herb and said, “I want to start this entity. Are you interested? Do you want to help?” And he said yes, and the deal was I would work for him for a year, in theory as counsel for the Vera Institute of Justice. And I did work sort of as counsel and assistant to Herb, but I also worked on starting this new entity and getting it funded. And that’s what I did for a year. So we, with Herb’s help, which was huge, got in the door at the Ford Foundation, got initial funding from Ford, founded a board, and he gave me ideas for many of the board members. And I had some other contacts from my Harvard 34 Visiting Committee that I’d been on and other lawyering stuff, and we put together an amazing board and had the funding. And then after that initial year with Vera, we started Legal Action Center. SP: And first of all, I’m just struck by how much of a pivot that seems to be. You know, you’ve gone from doing this work at LDF, to very much sort of like almost managerial, like a leadership position, doing this thing. [01:16:14] How did you handle that, that switch? EB: Yeah. It was interesting because I’d never thought of running an organization as something I wanted to do. Certainly, never thought of fundraising as something I wanted to do. And I found running the organization incredibly satisfying. So, a lot of the satisfaction came from trying to have a really good workplace where people were working hard, really committed to the work, but also getting a lot of job satisfaction out of it, which of course also led into them being really good at the work because they stayed at the job. So both legal staff and secretaries at Legal Action stayed forever. The person who is now the director and president of the Legal Action Center, I hired as a part time law student when I was there, and he's now been director for at least 25 years. There are other people, several people on the board, who were original staff members. Many secretaries stayed, made it their lifetime career. And that made them all really effective. Part of what has made Legal Action so effective is that it’s developed extraordinary expertise, which comes from, in part, the actual human beings on the staff being people who’ve often worked 20, 30 years there. And that was fun. I mean, it was really satisfying. I really loved trying to be a good boss, making it a good place to work, making it a place where, among other things, people felt happy and felt satisfied in the work and where it was a democratic institution where we celebrated, as 35 entire staff, victories and mourned losses. [01:18:15] And I think it was that. And I even found the fundraising – I always hated trying to raise money for anything else other than when it was my job to do for Legal Action – but I believed in the organization enough and discovered that [fundraising] is actually not that different from litigation. You have an audience, you set out to persuade them, hopefully you get the money, and you keep us going. And it was sort of interesting in its own right. So, you know, I'm surprised, again, looking back, I only stayed with that for five years, but I did end up feeling like I didn’t want to be raising money forever. And I didn’t want that kind of job forever. SP: It seems like it was so ahead of its time. There’s a more robust discourse about prisoner reentry now, but at the time, it seems like these issues that you were concerned with at, at the Legal Action Center were just not part of the national dialogue. EB: We were ahead of the time. Yes, I think that is really true. I think when I wrote about those issues for the Crime Commission, they were just essentially undiscovered. I think my chapter was the only thing almost, that existed for a long time in the way of any articles or writing on the topic. Legal Action was really alone there, and it was very hard to raise money because this was an unpopular, our clientele was an unpopular group. And even though, I mean, I always thought that reentry was a cause that we should be able to sell to courts as well as fundraisers because it doesn’t make sense for the larger society to be telling people who get out of prison, and almost all prisoners are going to get out, or telling people who have drug abuse problems, “You can’t have jobs and you can’t have housing.” [01:20:18] I mean, we’re just telling them your only choice is to do crime. And that’s not good for society. So, it’s something where the message should be one you can get out there. 36 At the same time, it really wasn’t out there at the time. And I do think it’s been very satisfying to see how many more people are committed to that idea today. SP: Can you talk a little bit more about that, about the evolution of this work and why it still is such a big issue? I mean, it’s still such a problem. EB: Well, the thing that discourages me – so I think there’s been a lot of progress, much of it made by Legal Action, which, since I left it in 1977, I can be outrageously proud of, because I haven’t been doing the work since 1977. I think it’s an astoundingly effective organization. The thing that most discourages me is that we have increasing numbers of people incarcerated. So, we’re still convicting people and locking them up. We’ve got a huge drug abuse problem. So, I do think Legal Action and finally some others have made things better in terms of limiting the adverse impact that having a drug history or a criminal history has on your job, housing, and other prospects. But it’s still not a good thing. I mean, even if we’ve eliminated to some degree the discrimination, people still have a harder time getting jobs, housing, and other opportunities in life if they have drug histories and criminal histories. [01:22:00] And we’ve got more of those drug histories and criminal histories. So, in that sense, the larger problem has only gotten worse. SP: What do you think, I mean, why? More people are incarcerated, of course, but as time has passed, why has this continued to be such an obstacle? EB: Well, reentry is better. So, I do think people are recognizing the irrationality of locking people out of opportunity who have criminal and drug histories, but it’s still going to take a toll on you. You know, you still may not have gone to college, university, gotten good job experience if you’ve been in prison. As well as there’s going to be some level of discrimination. So, I think the real why is, why are we a society that is incarcerating 37 increasing numbers of people, and why have we got such a horrendous drug problem that has largely gotten worse rather than better? And those things are things that Legal Action hasn’t really focused on in particular. SP: One of the first cases, one of the first things, that Legal Action would have worked on would have been Carmona v. Ward, well that was 1977. EB: Well, our first major case that I’m super proud of was Beazer. Beazer against the Transit Authority. I have a photograph upstairs if you want to take a picture before you leave of me in a hard hat and some of my lawyers in hard hats with the judge in a hard hat [all on a view of the Transit Authority during the trial] in the Beazer case. So, Beazer was our first law reform case, and Carmona built on it, and was an amazingly, sort of outrageously gutsy case, I think, given that at the time there was no law that we had to rely on. So, it came from my Legal Defense Fund “we can create good law” experience. [01:24:03] We brought that case on behalf of four named plaintiffs who worked for the City Transit, New York City Transit Authority, who had been heroin addicts and were on methadone maintenance treatment. So, they were no longer taking heroin. They were on [treatment] methadone. They were doing their jobs perfectly well. And when the Transit Authority tested them and found out they were on methadone, they fired them based on their no drugs policy – a no drugs policy that had developed, not with treatment drugs in mind, but with heroin and other illegal drugs in mind. So it was a thoughtless policy as applied to our plaintiffs. However, we had no law to go on to challenge it except the [federal] Constitution. So, we challenged this as being irrational discrimination and unconstitutional, given that it was governmental action by the City Transit Authority. And ended up in front of a judge was both a conservative and a Christian scientist, which meant he didn’t believe in 38 taking alcohol, tobacco, or certainly any of the substances that our plaintiffs had taken and was clearly biased against our case in the beginning. And in the end, we put on an amazing case where we brought on like the, all the drug treatment royalty of the New York City and national [worlds], to testify on behalf of methadone maintenance and how well it worked. And we brought on methadone maintenance program [directors], and we brought on employers, leading employers in New York who had hired [methadone maintained former addicts]. And our judge, in the end, ruled a hundred percent for us. [01:26:05] Years and years later, [the case] was lost in the Supreme Court. But Judge Griesa, this conservative Christian Scientist judge [we had at the trial level], gave us, I think it was a 56-page opinion in which he talked about how methadone-maintained addicts could be model employees and talked about methadone maintenance in a way that we were able to use on behalf of our constituency for years and years. And, so it was an incredible, positive case for the work we were trying to do and also for our reputation as a law firm. SP: It was groundbreaking. EB: It was. SP: And then Carmona v. Ward, you said that sort of laid the foundation for it in a way. EB: Right. SP: Can you lay out what Carmona v. Ward was? EB: Carmona was the Rockefeller drug law case. Carmona was another outrageously bold case. The Rockefeller drug law existed at the time in its most stringent, outrageous form. And we decided to challenge it. And we didn’t have much in existing law to go on. I can't honestly remember the theory on which we relied. I do remember getting 39 the chairman of our board, who was an incredibly respected, establishment lawyer, Arthur Liman, the lead litigator at the very respected Paul, Weiss law firm. He had a huge reputation in the public interest world as well. And he had been Chair of the Attica Commission, which issued a famous report on the riots up there. [01:28:02] So he had a huge name and was the chair of the Legal Action board. And I did get him to argue our case in the district court, because I felt that we needed somebody really with his reputation to help show that this wasn’t just a frivolous case. I believe we won in the district court and then lost in the Court of Appeals. But it started a conversation about the idiocy of the Rockefeller drug law and its horrendously punitive character, and that continued and it started Legal Action on the path of working in a variety of ways to change the Rockefeller drug law, so that by today – and Legal Action has really been very active in all stages of this [reform] – the Rockefeller drug law has been very, very limited in terms of its original draconian character. SP: So, you were, you were there for a few years. You joined the faculty of Harvard Law in 1977. EB: Yeah, I was with Legal Action from, well, I started with Vera, founding it in [19]72. So, its concept started in [19]72, [it was formed legally in 1973], and then I left in [19]77 and started at Harvard Law School. SP: How did you take the experiences, the lessons you learned at both the Legal Defense Fund and Legal Action to your, this newfound sort of teaching role that you had? EB: Well, I’d like to say it would have been easier than it was. So, it was hard. I mean, I think I started teaching without really knowing what I was getting into. I knew that I wanted a job where I could focus, I thought, more on the substance and not be worrying 40 about fundraising and lots of the minutia of administering an organization. [01:30:08] I didn’t realize how hard it would be to translate my activist public interest self into teaching. I mean, you can’t just walk into the classroom and say to your Harvard Law School students, “I want you to do something worthwhile in your life.” And I found teaching really challenging for that reason. For the first several years I wasn’t sure it was where I wanted to be, but I kept thinking, “There's such flexibility in this job. I ought to figure out how to make it fit me rather than just give up on it.” So, I stuck with it, and I’m really glad I did. The flexibility is astounding, particularly once you get tenure. A tenured law professorship enables you to do pretty much whatever you want with very few limits on your time in terms of specific teaching demands. So, the first thing I learned was that writing can be a really important advocacy tool. And that took me a while. I would say it was only when I made the transition to focus more on child welfare work, and I began to write in that area, that I realized that my writing was reaching an audience and having the potential and sometimes actual impact on policy in a way that [litigation] I had brought had [never] had. So, I realized the power of writing, and the kind of writing I’ve always done has been that kind of advocacy writing. And I’d say, yeah, once you realize that it’s essentially really hard to change the world, then writing is a powerful advocacy tool. [01:32:04] The other thing that took me a while to develop was forms of teaching, where I felt I could help inspire students to stick with the idealism that brought many of them to law school, and help them figure out what to do with that and what kind of jobs they might do. So, one example of that kind of teaching, I started a clinic/seminar called “Public Interest Law: Race and Poverty,” PILRAP for short. And what we did in that clinic was to assign students for the January semester, which was a three-and-a-half-week semester, to go work with exciting different civil rights 41 and public interest organizations around the country for three and a half weeks, then come back to Harvard and do a research project related to their placement. And also, in the seminar classroom, we would discuss their placement, their organization, its theory of social change, and how the work they were doing, their research project, related to social change. So, one example of the kind of student that I had, I mean, a pretty astounding example, but Bryan Stevenson took my PILRAP course. I sent him South to do the first anti-death penalty work he ever did. And I think Bryan would have done probably similar totally astounding things with his life regardless. But he does credit PILRAP for getting him started on the anti-death penalty track. And he also came back to the classroom and told his fellow students about what it was like to go and sit and talk in his job that summer with a guy on death row and try to help that person. [01:34:05] So, PILRAP was a way of inspiring the students, both through the particular placement they had, but also through engaging with each other’s placements and work in the context of the classroom component. And I think it was a really inspirational course for many of the students who took it. Another example of how I came to realize I could do social change work at the Harvard Law School was starting the Child Advocacy Program. So, 38 years ago, in 1985, I adopted the first of my two adopted kids. And that got me really interested in adoption, reproductive technology, child welfare, and related issues. And I began to teach in that area. And one of the amazing blessings of a tenured position at Harvard Law School is that you can change your trajectory. And I ended up teaching and writing almost entirely in that area, which is what I’ve done for the past about 35 years. And for the last 15 years or so of my teaching career, I started and then ran the Child Advocacy Program [CAP]. [CAP] had a number of courses. One of them was called the Art of Social Change and was a course focused on child welfare 42 issues, what had come to be my favorite substantive issues. But it also was all about how to do social change work. So we brought into the classroom, 12 successive weeks, lawyers, but also non-lawyers who were doing cutting edge social change work. [01:36:02] We brought in investigative journalists. We brought in people who did film documentaries that were designed to foment social change. We brought in people like Bryan Stevenson. We brought in Paul Farmer, who’s famous for the health work he’s done around the world. And they all served as inspirational examples to students, and examples of how thrilling and fun it could be to do social change work. But they also taught very sophisticated lessons through the nature of their varied work about some of the different ways that one could do this work effectively. SP: It’s just such a direct through line from your experience in Mississippi in 1963, shaping how you, you know, shaping your experience in law school. EB: Yeah. Another thing I did in [CAP] was create a clinic very much modeled on PILRAP. So [CAP] both brought people into the classroom through the Art of Social Change to inspire students by talking about their, you know, all these speakers’ different life work and methods of social change and exciting examples of particular cases or reform projects. But then we also sent students out to do work in our child advocacy clinic. So that took the form of, again, sometimes sending them throughout the country to [various] national organizations. They would come back and work in the spring, where they would talk in the classroom about their different projects. We had some of them working in individual legal services type organizations. We had some with class action organizations. We had some with more policy reform organizations, not doing litigation, some with legislative committees. [01:38:03] So the clinic gave the students this experience of what is it like, what does it 43 actually feel like to be doing legal work that’s socially meaningful? And what does it feel like to be part of an organization where all the lawyers are doing this. Are they excited? Do they feel good about their work? What would that be like? So particularly, if you’re at a place like Harvard Law School, to go back to something I said at the beginning, it’s this corporate law environment. A lot of our students come idealistic, kind of the way I was when I went to law school. “How can I use my legal career to change the world for the better?” And they get here and that just gets drilled out of them. And by the end of their first year, so many of them are saying, “Well, I guess I don’t have any choice except to go work for a corporate law firm. And anyway, it's going to pay me a ton of money, and it’s going to be a really easy life, and it’ll be really easy to get one of those jobs.” It was just made so easy. And I think a lot of my work at Harvard Law School was quite deliberately how do I keep that spirit of idealism alive in the students who come here with that and help them realize that it’s worth it. It’s worth it, and that you’ll get to go out to do work that's going to feel good as opposed to, frankly, I think a lot of our corporate law students are going out and doing jobs that they hate, and they’re doing them 12 hours a day, six days a week. SP: What sort of advice would you give to some of your law students who were interested in doing, social justice minded law but were very cognizant of the obstacles and the lack of, I guess, financial incentives, and that kind of thing? [01:40:10] EB: The lack of what? SP: Financial incentive and, the ease that you were just talking about, the ease of those corporate jobs. [01:40:17] 44 EB: Well, you know, I guess there are two options. One, to stick to [the idealistic path], and to feel it’s worth it. And there also is a choice in public interest jobs. And I always had the relatively luxurious, relatively well [paid public interest jobs]. Jesse Paddock: [coughs]. I apologize. EB: No. You okay? Do you want some water? JP: I’m fine. I’m fine. I’m fine. EB: Why don’t we take a break and get your water? [pause]. All right. So, what sort of advice? SP: What sort of advice would you give to your students? EB: [01:40:48] So, I guess I’d give them advice about a couple of options. One is stick to it. And there are choices out there. You don’t have to starve. It is true there are lots of public interest jobs that are very low paying. There are others that give you a perfectly decent income. I myself chose the ones that gave me a decent income, like Legal Defense Fund or Legal Action Center. There are a fair number of those jobs out there. You can live on that decent income. You also don’t have to do anything forever. So that, you know, if you choose one of these jobs, there are also going to be other options down the line. Then there’s also the “Okay, lots of you are going to go to the corporate law firms.” First of all, there’s some other options out there. There’s just being a small-town lawyer. So, I’ve always thought that might be fairly satisfying actually, sort of like being a doctor, that if you just are helping people do wills and buy houses and do the stuff of life, that could be satisfying. [01:42:06] I’ve got problems with the corporate law world because I feel, as I used to say to my students sometimes in the final class, that a lot of that work is actually doing more harm than good. You really have to think, if you’re working for one of those law firms, how much 45 of the work is going into preventing any form of environmental regulation, any form of OSHA regulation, any decent protection for workers, etcetera? So, I think there’s that problem. I think people thinking about those corporate law firms have to think about “Do you want your life to be meaningful?” You’re probably going to spend a lot of your waking hours for the next many decades working. There’s a real difference between working at something you care about and find meaningful and think might be making the world better as compared to something that’s meaningless and might be making the world worse. And for the corporate law job, you’re required to work insane hours to succeed, hours that are really incompatible with family life or other life. The final thing I’d say and did say over the years is, if you’re going to go to the corporate law route, then change the nature of those law firms. Those law firms could be a fantastic vehicle for social justice. And some of them are, or at least some of them try to be, to devote a huge number of resources to social justice work, though whether it really counteracts the anti-social justice work they do for their rich clients is a question you might investigate. But some of these law firms are better than others in terms of doing social justice work. And it’s in your power to transform these firms and make it so that they’re doing more of that. And frankly, less of the destructive work. [01:44:12] SP: We’re nearing the end. Thank you so much for all of this. I want to know what you think is the most important area of civil rights legislation today. EB: That is too hard a question. Too challenging. [But one important issue is poverty and the rich poor divide.] Even back when I was at the Legal Defense Fund, I think a lot of us felt this, and indeed, LDF leadership felt it was important to start something that was called, as I remember, NORI. National Organization for the Rights of the Indigent. But it 46 was really part of LDF, although it had a title as if it was a separate organization. So, we were conscious, somewhat, some of us, and certainly to some degree, leadership, that anti- poverty work was really important. And I think over the years I’ve always felt that if you really could solve the poverty/inequality problem, well, you’d solve a lot of other problems, too. You’d solve a lot of the racial problem and maybe put us in better shape as a result to solve more of the racial problem. I think today it may be even more important to think about how to challenge the poverty and inequality problem. First of all, inequality has gotten worse. So, we’re all conscious of that. That’s outrageous. It doesn’t have to be. There are other countries that don’t, indeed, I don’t know that any other country has the inequality problem we do. [01:45:57] So we ought to solve that. And I think today, given all the resistance to thinking about race as an appropriate category and the resistance to affirmative action, resistance to recognition of racial discrimination – I think that resistance is wrong. I think the right wing is wrong in what it’s doing and its emphasis. But I also think that resistance is real. And for now, we have to live in a world where the Supreme Court has eliminated affirmative action as a viable enterprise. It may therefore be even more important today to think of anti-poverty work and an anti-poverty agenda, [focusing on] lifting everybody up and figuring that, if we could accomplish that, that would address a huge amount of the race problem. SP: And looking back on the years you spent with LDF – EB: And did you have, was the question directed to just the LDF kind of area or did you ask? SP: Anything. 47 EB: We have to save the earth. There’s climate change, there’s nuclear [destruction], the problem we haven’t solved since the days when I was told to jump under my school desk to protect myself against nuclear war. There’s the fact that worldwide, human beings are so terrible at organizing themselves that in most countries we’ve got terrible leadership, and we’ve got civil wars, and we’ve got desperate poverty. And so, there’s tons of problems out there and I think there are times young people get tempted to say, “Oh, well, once we had segregation in this country and then I could have thrown myself into this work. [01:48:16] But now we don’t have anything that’s so clear cut that’s wrong.” And that’s just always been a ridiculous way of thinking. I mean, there’s always tons of problems that need addressing. And I think for people who care, it can be just immobilizing to say, “What’s the most important problem,” because you can spend the rest of your life trying to figure that out. So, it’s better to just throw yourself into the stuff that you have a passion to do. SP: And focusing on LDF, if you think about the years that you were there, how do you think about that time as, how do you think it shaped the rest of your career? And you’ve sort of been answering that this whole time, but how do you reflect upon the time that you spent there, as a young person, very fresh out of law school and that being one of the first jobs you had? EB: I have to speculate because I don’t know. I think it probably made me appreciate working with smart, committed people, being part of a group, and in my child welfare work and law school work, even though I haven’t felt that collegiality with actual teaching colleagues since it’s a very lonely profession, I’ve sort of built groups of people I work with outside of the law school. But I think I learned to appreciate working with smart people who care about what they’re doing. Learned to appreciate working on things that seem 48 meaningful. And [I learned that] even if it’s hard, you feel you’re pushing boulders up the hill, you lose the Maxwell case, you work on Furman, you lose the Furman case, [you keep going]. [01:50:09] It’s worth struggling because it’s satisfying to try to make things more just. And you have to believe that that’s better than the alternative of not trying – that it’s both more personally satisfying and that actually you do accomplish some good. SP: We could talk for a long time. But for now, is there anything that I didn’t ask that you want to talk about? That could be specific cases. It could be LDF-related. It could be more Legal Action. EB: I’ll just explain, I suppose, my shift to the child welfare area, because it relates to one of one of the last things I said to you about how it is hopeless to try to figure out the most important thing to work on. You have to kind of go with your passion. So, I started working when I came back from my first adoption on matters related to adoption, because I was so outraged at how difficult they made it for me to adopt my kids in Peru. And it seemed irrational that people would put up barriers between kids who need homes and people who want to be parents. And that [and related issues] are what I’ve ended up spending near a hundred percent of my time on since and why I started the Child Advocacy Program. And I’ve spent a lot of time on trying to make policy related to international adoption better. A human rights activist that I work with closely and have co-taught with in various of her and my classes, has asked me, “So, you know, why international adoption? Aren’t there better ways to help children?” One of my answers is: this is something I know about, and this is something I’m passionate about. And I’m sure I’m right about, and I can just pour my energy into. And I think that in part, we have to do what we feel motivated to do. And that’s going to end up producing more energy for change than if we try to figure out 49 rationally, well, the most important thing is to do climate change, if you actually aren’t feeling emotionally driven to do that. SP: And you’ve done that work for, you founded the Child Advocacy Program in – EB: Well, I’ve done that work since 1985, when I came back with my first adopted child and started teaching a seminar on adoption and reproductive technology. I wrote my first book in the area, which I published in 19[93], and started publishing articles and started teaching in the area. And did a lot of advocacy before and after starting the Child Advocacy Program. SP: And how have you seen that evolve and change since you started? EB: Well, policy has gotten worse in many ways. So, it’s once again pushing a lot of boulders up hills, but hoping that some of your work has short- and long-term impact. SP: Well, I think that’s it. EB: I think that’s it. SP: Thank you so much. I really appreciate your time and speaking with us for so long today. EB: Thank you. [01:53:49]. [END OF INTERVIEW]