Correspondences between Guinier and Whatley
Correspondence
February 17, 1987

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Edelman v. Jordan Brief Amicus Curiae, 1973. 163e608c-b09a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/f339273c-5c29-4e23-b812-f209cc2a16d9/edelman-v-jordan-brief-amicus-curiae. Accessed August 19, 2025.
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1st T'HB Cuprate (ta r t nf % Itutrfr States October Term 1973 No. 72-1410 J oel E delman, etc., — v.— J ohn J ordan, et al. Petitioner, ON WRIT OE CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SEVENTH CIRCUIT BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF THE NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC. J ack Greenberg Charles Stephen R alston E ric Schnapper Suite 2030 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 Attorneys for Amicus Curiae TABLE OF CONTENTS Statement of Interest of the Amicus Curiae ............... 1 Summary of Argument ...................... .... .......................... 3 Statement of the C ase......................................................... 5 A rgument I. Neither the Eleventh Amendment nor sovereign immunity may be asserted to prevent effective relief for a violation of the Thirteenth, Four teenth or Fifteenth Amendments ....................... 8 A. The specific and more recent provisions of the Reconstruction Amendments must pre vail over sovereign immunity and the earlier general language of the Eleventh Amend ment ............................ 8 B. Sovereign immunity has no application to activities which the Reconstruction Amend ments placed outside the sovereign power of the States ......................... 12 C. The purposes of sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment are inconsistent with the purposes of the Reconstruction Amend ments ..................... ......................... ......... ......... 18 1. Reliance on state enforcement................... 18 2. Problems of federal enforcement ........... 24 3. Remedial purpose of the Reconstruction Amendments .............................. 28 PAGE 11 D. By ratifying the Reconstruction Amend ments the States consented to he sued for violations thereof .............. 34 E. An unwarranted expansion of the scope of sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment would greatly weaken the constitutional guarantees contained in the Reconstruction Amendments ............. 39 Conclusion ...................................... 42 Cases: Barron v. Baltimore, 32 U.S. (7 Pet.) 243 (1833) ------ 16 Bennett v. Gravelle, 323 F.Supp. 203 (D.Md. 1971) ------ 41 Bivens v. Six Unknown Fed. Narcotics Agents, 403, U.S. 338 (1971) ......... ........ ....... ................. .......... ......... .... -29 , 38 Board of Supervisors of Louisiana State U. v. Fleming, 265 F.2d 736 (5th Cir. 1959) ___________ ____________ 40 Board of Trustees of Arkansas A.&M. College v. Davis, 396 F.2d 730 (8th Cir. 1968) .................. ....................... 40 Chicago, etc. R.R. Co. v. United Transportation Union, 402 U.S. 570 (1971) ...................................... ......... ....... . 12 Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. (2 Dali.) 419 (1793) ....12,13,19, 25, 34, 42 Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 7 (1883) _____ _______ 28, 37, 38 Cohens v. Virginia, 19 U.S. 264 (1821) ....... 4,15, 35, 36, 37 Dillenberger v. Florida Probation and Parole Commis sion, Civ. No. 73-66 (N.D. Fla., Tallahassee Div.) .... 41 Dorsey v. State Athletic Commission, 168 F.Supp. 149 (E.D. La. 1958) .................. ....... ........ .......... ............... . 40 Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857) 16 Dugan v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609 (1963) ....... .................... . 10 PAGE I l l Employees v. Missouri Public Health Department, 411 TJ.S. 279 (1973) ...............................2, 5,11,14, 28, 37, 40, 41 Entick v. Carrington, 19 Howell St., Tr. 1029 (1765) .... 38 Ex Parte Ayers, 123 U.S. 443 (1887) ............... ..... .......... 9 Ex Parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908) .......3, 6, 7, 8, 9,10,11 Fitts v. McGhee, 172 U.S. 516 (1899) ....... ................. .. 9 General Oil Company v. Crain, 209 U.S. 211 (1908) .....9, 30 Goldberg v. Kelly, 397, U.S. 254 (1970) ............................ 6 Graham v. Marshall, Civ. T-73-77 (N.D. Fla., Tallahas PAGE see Div.) ...... ........... ............... ........................ ................ - 41 Griffin v. School Board of Prince Edward County, 377 U.S. 218 (1964) ................................. ......................... 5,10, 40 Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1 (1890) ............ ...... 19, 36, 37 Hawaii v. Gordon, 373 U.S. 57 (1963) ______ _____ _ 10 Henry v. Mississippi, 379 U.S. 443 (1965) ........ .......... 43 Jordan v. Weaver, 472 F.2d 985 (7th Cir. 1973) ........... 6 Katzenbach v. Morgan, 384 U.S. 641 (1966) .......... ........ 6 Krause v. Rhodes, Ho. 72-1318 ........................................ 2 Marbury v. Madison, 1 U.S. (Cranch) 137 (1803) .... . 29 McCoy v. Louisiana State Board of Education, 345 F.2d 720 (5th Cir. 1965) ............................................... 40 Mitchum v. Foster, 407 U.S. 225 (1972) ....... ............... 15 Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961) .............. ........ 21, 31, 32 Moultrie v. G eorgia........... .............................— ............. 39 Orleans Parish School Board v. Bush, 242 F.2d 156 (5th Cir. 1957) .......... ...... ........... ...... ............................ 40 Osborn v. The Bank of the United States, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat.) 739 (1824) ....................................... ..... ........ 15,30 IV PAGE Parden v. Terminal R.R. of Alabama Docks Depart ment, 377 U.S. 184 (1964) .... ........................................ 11 Perez v. Ledesma, 401 U.S. 82 (1971) ........ ............. .....10,38 Pollard v. United States, Civil Action No. 4126-N (M.D. Ala.) ............ ..................... ......... ................. ........ ....... . 41 Proutt v. Starr, 188 U.S. 537 (1903) .......... ............. ...... 30 Rhode Island v. Massachusetts, 37 U.S. (12 Peters) 657 (1833) ..... ........ ..... ............. ......... .................... ......... 36 Richardson v. State Board of Law Examiners (Civil Action No. 72-1219, D.S.C.) .... ........ ....... ..................... 41 Rosado v. Wyman, 397 U.S. 397 (1970) ............. ....... ..... 5 Rothstein v. Wyman, 303 F. Supp. 339 (S.D.N.Y. 1969) 6 Scheuer v. Rhodes, No. 72-914_________ ______ _______ 2 School Board of Charlottesville v. Allen, 240 F.2d 59 (4th Cir. 1956) ..... ....... ...... .......... .......... ........ ........ ..... 40 United States v. Peters, 9 U.S. (5 Cranch) 115 (1809) 25 Virginia Coupon Cases, 114 U.S. 269 (1885) ....... ....... 11 Wainwright v. State of Florida Department of Trans portation, Civ. No. 73-42 (N.D. Fla. Mariana Div.) 41 Zwickler v. Koota, 389 U.S. 241 (1967) .................. ........ 15 Statutes and Regulations: 28 U.S.C. § 1331 ......... ..... 42 U.S.C. § 1382(a) (8) .... 42 U.S.C, § 1981 ________ 42 U.S.C. § 1983 ............ . ............................ .36, 39 ............................... 5 ............... ........... ..28,41 21, 28, 32, 33, 34, 39, 41 V Civil Rights Act of 1964 .................................................. ....5,41 Civil Rights Act of 1871 .............................................. 21, 27, 31 Civil Rights Act of 1866 ......... .......... .... ..................... 20, 26, 30 Judiciary Act, section 2 5 ........... ......................................... 15 12 Stat. 765 ........ ................ ............. ....... ........ .................. 23 14 Stat. 9 ........... ....................................... ......... ................. 23 14 Stat. 27 .............................................. ............................. 27 17 Stat. 13 .................. ...... ........ ............. .... .......... .... ....... 27 Articles of Confederation ................... ...... .......... ..... ....... 24 45 C.F.R. § 106.10(3) ....................... ,.................... .............. 5 PAGE Other Authorities: Cong. Globe, 38th Cong. 1st Sess............................... ..... 19, 23 Cong. Globe 39th Cong. 1st Sess. .................. .16,17, 20, 21, 26, 30, 31, 32, 33, 37 Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. ....... .....17, 21, 27, 31, 33, 37 The Federalist, No. 1 6 ..... ............................... .............. .24, 25 The Federalist, No. 3 1 ...... ...... ........................... ............... 14 The Federalist, No. 81 ... ........... ..... .... .............. ..13,14,19, 25 Flack, The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment (1908) ...... ............... ........................ ............ ................. . 38 Jacobs, The Eleventh Amendment and Sovereign Immunity (1972) ...........................9,11,14, 25, 26, 30, 36, 39 Morrison, The Oxford History of the American People (1965) 26 YX Sehlesinger and Israel, The State of the Union Mes sages of the Presidents (1966) ....................... ........... . 22 ten Broek, Equal Under Law (1965) ..... ......... ...... .17, 30, 32 Graham “ The ‘Conspiracy Theory’ of the Fourteenth Amendment,” 47 Yale L.J. 371 (1938) ________ ____ 30 Graham, “ The Early Antislavery Backgrounds of the Fourteenth Amendment” 1950 Wis. L. Rev. 479 ......... 30 Memorandum of Administrator, Social and Rehabilita tion Service, dated April 1, 1971..... .......... ............. . 28 PAGE I n t h e ffynpnmv dmtrt nf % Inttefc BMm October T erm 1973 No. 72-1410 J oel Edelman, etc., —v.— J ohn J ordan, et al. Petitioner, ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SEVENTH CIRCUIT BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF THE NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC. Statement o f Interest o f the Amicus Curiae1 Amicus N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., is a non-profit corporation, incorporated under the laws of the State of New York in 1939. It was formed to assist Negroes to secure their constitutional rights by the prosecution of lawsuits. Its charter declares that its purposes include rendering legal services gratuitously to Negroes suffering injustice by reason of race who are unable, on account of poverty, to employ legal counsel on 1 Both the Petitioner and the Respondent have consented to the filing’ of this brief. Copies of their letters have been filed with the Clerk. 2 their own behalf. The charter has been approved by a New York Court, authorizing the organization to serve as a legal aid society. The N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. (LDF) is independent of other organizations and is supported by contributions from the public. For many years its attorneys have represented parties before this Court and the lower courts, and it has participated as amicus curiae in this Court and other courts. For many years LDF attorneys have represented plain tiffs in actions against state officials and state agencies seeking redress of violations of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. This litigation has challenged state discrimination in such disparate areas as education, public employment, voting, public assistance, public hous ing, and the administration of justice. In the instant case the named plaintiff claimed the de fendant had violated both the Fourteenth Amendment and a federal statute and regulation implementing that Amend ment, and prevailed on the latter ground. The case thus requires the Court to consider the applicability of Em ployees v. Department of Public Health and Welfare, 411 U.S. 279 (1973) to state action violating the Fourteenth Amendment or implementing legislation.2 The decision will necessarily have a substantial effect on the extent to which the prohibition against certain state action contained in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments will remain enforceable in federal courts. Thus the Amicus has a vital interest in the present case, one beyond that of the immediate litigants, and therefore presents in the attached brief an alternative argument in support of the respon dents’ position. 2 See also Krause v. Rhodes, No. 72-1318; Scheuer v. Rhodes, No. 72-914. 3 Summary o f Argument This action arises under a federal statute and regulation which protect rights arising under the Fourteenth Amend ment, particularly the guarantees of equal protection and due process of law. This Court has long recognized that neither sovereign immunity nor the Eleventh Amendment should he allowed to prevent enforcement of the Reconstruction Amendments. The legal fiction of Ex Parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908) was established to avoid a direct conflict between the Elev enth Amendment and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and F if teenth Amendments. When a conflict cannot be avoided in this manner the need to enforce the more recent and specific provisions of the Reconstruction Amendments must prevail over the Eleventh Amendment. Sovereign immunity, as its eighteenth century and recent supporters conceded, is merely a procedural protection for the sovereign power of the states. It allows the states to conduct their affairs without threat of judicial interfer ence. That immunity has no application, however, to state discrimination which violates the Reconstruction Amend ments, for those Amendments stripped the states of their sovereign power to engage in such discrimination. The primary justification for sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment has traditionally been that the sover eign, state or federal, could be relied on to do justice to all claimants without judicial compunction. The Recon struction Amendments, however, were founded on the prem ise that the states could not be trusted to respect and protect the basic rights of freedmen and others. Hamilton and other federalists who supported passage of the Eleventh Amendment were concerned that Federal 4 judicial control over the states might lead to serious and even armed confrontation between the states and the fed eral government when enforcement wTas sought. But the Congress which framed the Reconstruction Amendments was not unwilling to resort to such drastic measures if necessary. When the Amendments were enacted the coun try had just ended a civil war over the principles contained therein, and federal troops were stationed throughout the south to protect freedmen and others. It is hardly likely that those who framed the Amendments had great com punctions about resort to measures which had troubled Hamilton and others seventy years earlier. I f the states could assert sovereign immunity or the Eleventh Amendment to bar effective relief, aggrieved citi zens would have a right without a remedy. While such a situation may be appropriate under special circumstances, it is intolerable where the rights involved arise under the Reconstruction Amendments. Those Amendments were ex pressly regarded as remedial in nature; the men who framed them believed the rights described already existed under the Constitution, and were primarily concerned to provide a remedy where none had existed before. The states may of course consent to be sued in federal court. When the Reconstruction Amendments were enacted every such creation of a federal right involved, under the decisions of this Court, pro tanto waiver of sovereign im munity because of the federal question provision of Article III. Cohens v. Virginia, 19 TT.S. 264 (1821). Thus by ratify ing the Reconstruction Amendments the states waived their Eleventh Amendment and sovereign immunity defense. Throughout the last several decades states sued for viola tions of the Reconstruction Amendments, particularly the Fourteenth, have sought to defend their right to discrim inate by claiming immunity from suit. This Court has 5 rejected such claims. Griffin v. School Board of Prince Edward County, 377 U.S. 218 (1964). However, this Court’s recent decision in Employees v. Missouri Public Health Department, 411 U.S. 279 (1973), has suggested that there may be some vitality in this defense to constitutional litigation. Sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amend ment have already been used to call into question the con stitutionality of claims against a state for back pay under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Eights Act, and to insulate state officials from personal liability for willful discrimina tory acts. A clear statement from this Court is needed that neither sovereign immunity nor the Eleventh Amend ment may be asserted to prevent effective relief for violations of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. Statement o f the Case This is an action challenging, as violative of both the Fourteenth Amendment and the applicable federal statute and regulations, Illinois’ failure to process promptly cer tain applications for public assistance. The courts below resolved this question in favor of the plaintiffs on the ground that the state was not in compliance with those federal regulations, which require that eligibility deter minations be made within thirty (30) days on applications for aid to the aged and blind and within sixty (60) days on applications for assistance to the disabled. See Rosado v. Wyman, 397 U.S. 397 (1970). It is however, clear that the federal statute3 and regulation4 involved in this case, serve to protect the constitutional rights to equal protec 3 42 TJ.S.C. §1382(a)(8). 4 45 C.F.R. §106.10(3). 6 tion* 6 and due process of law6 guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. The question before the Court is whether, having con cluded that Illinois had been administering public assistance in violation of the law, the federal courts have the power to order the Director of the Illinois Department of Public Aid to pay to past applicants out of public funds the benefits to which they would have been entitled had the state properly administered the law from its inception. The defendant claims that such an order, though on its face directed at him individually, would render this a case against the state of Illinois, which cases are barred by the Eleventh Amendment and the state’s sovereign immunity. Plaintiffs urge and the Court of Appeals concluded that the disputed order was proper, both arguing that it fell within the power of the federal courts under Ex Parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908), to rectify the conduct of state officials acting in violation of the Constitution or laws of the United States. While agreeing with the position taken by the plaintiffs regarding- Ex Parte Young, the Amicus would urge that the case be resolved in favor of the plaintiffs on another ground. Defendant maintains that the order requiring back 6 The state’s failure to process all applications promptly yielded gross disparities in the actual grants received. Jordan v. Weaver, 472 F.2d 985, 998 (7th Cir. 1973). These unjustifiable variances raise serious questions of equal protection. See Bothstein v. Wyman, 303 F.Supp. 339 (S.D.N.Y. 1969), vacated on other grounds, 398 U.S. 275 (1970). 6 The right to a prompt hearing and decision is an essential part of due process. Whether a decision denying, as opposed to termi nating, welfare entitlements is a taking of property or even a deprivation of liberty, is a question of no small difficulty. See Goldberg v. Kelly, 397 U.S. 254. 262 n.8 (1970). This is, however, precisely the sort of question which Congress has authority, under section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, to resolve in favor of the individual. See Katzenbach v. Morgan, 384 U.S. 641 (1966). 7 payment of benefits, though nominally directed to a state official, is really an order against the state. There is no claim that the Director of the Department of Public Aid has sufficient personal funds to make these back payments; the only way in which adequate relief can be obtained is if the Director releases benefits wrongfully withheld at an earlier time. Thus if, as defendant asserts, the disputed order is improper, there would be no way in which a viola tion of the statute and regulation could be remedied.7 The Amicus maintains, for the reasons set out below, that neither sovereign immunity nor the Eleventh Amend ment may be asserted to bar an effective remedy for a violation of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, or of legislation implementing those pro visions. This being so, it is unnecessary to decide whether this case is, in effect, a suit against the state, for even if it were the state could not obstruct the granting of meaning ful relief. Amicus suggests that it may be preferable to decide the case on this basis, rather than attempting an exposition of Ex Parte Young which might not be limited to litigation arising under the Reconstruction Amendments. 7 The United States Department of Health, Education and Wel fare has taken the position that it lacks the power to compel the state to make such back payments. 8 ARGUMENT I. Neither the Eleventh Amendment nor sovereign im munity may be asserted to prevent effective relief for a violation o f the Thirteenth, Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments. A. The specific and more recent provisions o f the Recon struction Amendments must prevail over sovereign im munity and the earlier general language o f the Eleventh Amendment. The potential conflict between the Reconstruction Amend ments on the one hand and the Eleventh Amendment on the other is apparent on the face of those provisions. While the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments expressly, and the Thirteenth tacitly, create special rights in favor of private individuals and limit the power of the states, the Eleventh Amendment withdraws from the federal judicial power cases brought against one state by the citizen of another. Manifestly enforcement of those special rights against one state by the citizen of another would require precisely the remedy which the Eleventh Amendment ap pears to preclude. Similarly any doctrine of sovereign immunity, allowing the states to refuse to be sued by their own citizens, seems on its face inconsistent with the express grant of rights against the states to those citizens. This Court has not heretofore been required to decide which principle should prevail if the only method of en forcing the post-Civil W ar Amendments is the type of action against the state usually precluded by sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment. In Ex Parte Young, this Court expressly declined to decide whether the Fourteenth Amendment limited the effect of the Eleventh. 9 209 U.S. 123, 150 (1908).8 Bather than reach that question, this Court has consistently sought to fashion remedies for violations of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments which would not require transgressing the usual limitations on suits against the states. Ex Parte Young itself was the most important such remedy; while suits against state officers had, to a limited extent, been sanctioned before, Young worked a substantial expansion of that mode of relief. See Jacobs, The Eleventh Amend ment and Sovereign Immunity 138-146 (1972).9 The policy considerations behind Ex Parte Young were expressly detailed in an opinion handed down the same day in General Oil Company v. Crain, 209 U.S. 211, 226-27 (1908): Necessarily, to give adequate protection to constitu tional rights a distinction must be made between valid and invalid state laws, as determining the character of the suit against state officers. And the suit at bar illustrates the necessity. If a suit against state officers is precluded in the national courts by the 11th Amend ment to the Constitution, and may be forbidden by a state to its courts, as it is contended in the case at bar that it may be, without power of review by this court, it must be evident that an easy way is open to prevent the enforcement of many provisions of the Constitution; and the 14th Amendment, which is di rected at state action, could be nullified as to much 8 “We think that, whatever the rights of complainants may be, they are largely founded upon that [Fourteenth] Amendment, but a decision in this case does not require an examination or decision of the question whether its adoption in any way altered or limited the effect of the earlier [Eleventh] Amendment.” 9 Ex Parte Young represented a substantial departure from the Court’s earlier decisions in Ex Parte Ayers, 123 U.S. 443 (1887) and Fitts v. McGhee, 172 U.S. 516 (1899). 10 of its operation. . . . The swift execution of the law may seem the only good, and the rights and interests which obstruct it be regarded as a kind of outlawry. See Ex Parte Young, where this subject is fully dis cussed and the cases reviewed. Young represented, at the time it was decided, “ the cul mination of the efforts by this Court to harmonize the principles of the Eleventh Amendment with the effective supremacy of rights and powers secured elsewhere in the Constitution.” Perez v. Ledesma, 401 U.S. 82, 106 (1971) (Brennan, J. concurring and dissenting). The Court’s unwillingness to permit the Eleventh Amend ment or sovereign immunity to preclude effective relief in cases such as this was further illustrated in Griffin v. School Board of Prince Edward County, 377 U.S. 218 (1964). Ex Parte Young had stressed that the relief sought there was entirely preventative, and did not require “ affir mative action of any nature.” 209 U.S. at 159. Barely a year before Griffin this Court had reiterated, in two cases involving purely statutory causes of action, that a suit nominally against an officer was in fact a suit against the sovereign if affirmative action or the expenditure of public funds were the relief sought. Dugan v. Rank, 372 U.S. 609, 620 (1963); Hawaii v. Gordon, 373 U.S. 57, 58 (1963)10 Since the relief sought in Griffin included reopening and funding the public schools of Prince Edward County, the defendants urged at length that the case was one against 10 Both Dugan and Gordon were actions involving the United States, to which the government objected on the grounds of sov ereign immunity. Dugan questioned the statutory authority of the Secretary of the Interior to operate a particular water reclamation project. 372 U.S. at 615. Gordon involved the construction of a statute regarding the status of federally owned land in Hawaii. 373 U.S. at 57. 11 the state and thus barred by the Eleventh Amendment. 12 L.Ed. 2d 1106-1109; Jacobs, The Eleventh Amendment and Sovereign Immunity, 156-159 (1972). This Court, not ing that the complaint alleged a violation of constitutional rights protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, summarily rejected this objection. 377 U.S. at 228!1 The considerations underlying Young and Griffin sug gest that, while suits against a state should not be permitted when any other adequate remedy exists, if no such other relief is possible and such a choice cannot be avoided, vindication of the rights created by the Reconstruction Amendments must be given priority over the policies under lying the Eleventh Amendment and sovereign immunity. Such a case is very different from commonplace suits as serting essentially state law claims against the state, Par den v. Terminal R.R. of Alabama Docks Dept., 377 U.S. 184,187 n.3 (1964), or in which the federal question does not involve the vindication of constitutionally protected rights. See Employees v. Department of Public Health and Wel fare, 411 U.S. 279 (1973). This conclusion is supported by the ordinary rule of construction stated by Mr. Justice Bradley in The Virginia Coupon Cases, If the Contract Clause and the Eleventh Amendment come into conflict, the latter has paramount force. It was adopted as an amendment to the Constitution, and operates as an amendment of every part of the Con stitution to which it is at any time found to be repug- 11 11 The Court’s entire discussion of this matter was contained in but three sentences. “ It is contended that the case is an action against the State, is forbidden by the Eleventh Amendment, and therefore should be dismissed. The complaint, however, charged that state and county officials were depriving petitioners of rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. It has been settled law since Ex Parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 . . . (1908), that suits against state and county officials to enjoin them from invading constitu tional rights are not forbidden by the Eleventh Amendment.” 12 nant . . . It is the last declared will of the law-maker, and has paramount force and effect. 114 U.S. 269, 331 (1885) (dissenting opinion). In the instant case, of course, it is the Reconstruction Amendments which represent the last declared will of the law-maker. Moreover, while the Eleventh Amendment and sovereign immunity deal in a general fashion with all dis putes between individuals and states, the Thirteenth, Four teenth and Fifteenth Amendments deal more narrowly with the creation of certain specific rights. In the case of a conflict such as this the more specific provision usually controls. Chicago, etc. B.R. Co. v. United Transportation Union, 402 U.S. 570, 582 (1971). B. Sovereign immunity lias no application to activities which the Reconstruction Amendments placed outside the sov ereign power o f the States. Sovereign immunity, the doctrine that a state cannot be sued without its consent, is but a procedural incident to sovereignty itself, the right and power of a state to conduct its affairs in whatever manner it sees fit and with out outside limitations. Sovereign immunity serves to protect the state, particularly the executive branch, in the exercise of this power from control or regulation by the judiciary. In the discussions of sovereign immunity at the end of the eighteenth century, particularly those leading to the embodiment of that immunity in the Eleventh Amendment, the question of whether and to what extent a state had sovereign immunity was understood to turn on whether and to what extent the state itself was sovereign. The most important judicial exposition of the case for sovereign immunity is Justice Iredell’s historic dissent in Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. (2 Dali.) 419, 429 (1793). Justice Iredell 13 reasoned that the state had, subject to certain limitations, succeeded to the sovereignty of the King, and that the immunity from suit attendant to this sovereignty had not been waived or lifted by Article III of the Constitution: No other parts of the common law of England, it appears to me, can have any reference to this subject, but that part of it which prescribes remedies against the crown. Every state in the union in every instance where its sovereignty has not been delegated to the United States, I consider to be as completely sovereign, as the United States are in respect to the powers sur rendered. The United States are sovereign as to all the powers of government actually surrendered. Each state in the union is sovereign as to all the powers reserved. It must necessarily be so, because the United States have no claim to any authority but such as the states have surrendered to them. Of course the part not surrendered must remain as it did before. The other members of the Court, while concluding that Georgia could not claim immunity, agreed that procedural immunity and substantive sovereignty were inseparable.12 Hamilton, in the oft quoted argument for immunity in The Federalist, was also of the view that immunity derived from, and could not be asserted in the absence of, state sovereignty: It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty, not to be amenable to the suit of an individual without its 12 Justice Blair concluded that the states had waived both sov ereignty and immunity by ratifying Article III. 2 U.S. at 452. Justice Cushing believed that Article III had abridged the sover eignty of the states and with it their immunity. Id. at 468. Justice Wilson and Chief Justice Jay maintained the state had no immunity because the people, not the state, were the sovereign. Id. at 453-466, 469-479. 14 consent. This is the general sense, and the general practice of mankind; and the exemption, as one of the attributes of sovereignty, is now enjoyed by the Gov ernment of every State in the Union. Unless therefore, there is a surrender of this immunity in the plan of the Convention, it will remain with the States, and the danger intimated must be merely ideal. The circum stances which are necessary to produce an alienation of State sovereignty, were discussed in considering the Article of taxation, and need not be repeated here. (Number 81). The discussion of taxation, contained in The Federalist No. 31, dealt with the extent to which the states had sur rendered their power to enact certain types of taxes.13 Justice Iredell rejected the suggestion that the states had never been sovereign or that that sovereignty had been waived by ratifying Article III of the Constitution creat ing federal jurisdiction over actions between a state and a citizen of another state. See Jacobs, Sovereign Immunity and the Eleventh Amendment, 84-74 (1972). But both Iredell and Hamilton conceded state sovereignty could be lost by a substantive constitutional limitation on the powers of the states and that, in such a case, immunity would fail as well. At the time this was a theoretical concession of no prac tical consequence. The Constitution as it existed prior to the Civil War contained few significant limitations on the 12 12 The same connection between the state’s power and procedural immunity is reflected in the opinions in Employees v. Missouri Public Health Dept., 411 U.S. 279 (1973). Justice Douglas’ opinion equates lifting immunity with “ lifting the sovereignty of the States.” 411 U.S. at 287. Justice Marshall’s opinion derives the principle of immunity from “ the inherent nature of sover eignty,” id., as does that of Justice Brennan, 411 U.S. at 317. 15 sovereignty of the states in dealing with individual citizens. The concept of federalism prevailing at that time left largely in the hands of the states decisions as to what basic rights, if any, individuals should have against state action, and how, if at all, those rights should be enforced. The national government assumed no substantial role under the Constitution in regulating the internal affairs of the states; such matters were conceived to properly be con signed to the exclusive jurisdiction of the states, and any federal interference would have transgressed the rights and reserved powers of the states. Disputes between states and individuals raising federal questions could reach the federal courts only under Section 25 of the Judiciary Act, providing for review in this Court. The few such cases which did reach this Court involved, not violations of federally protected rights, but state actions interfering with the conduct of the national government. See, e.g., Osborn v. Bank of the United States, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat.) 738 (1824); Cohens v. Virginia, 19 U.S. (6 Wheat.) 264 (1821). So long as the states’ sovereignty in dealing with individual citizens remained intact, the immunity incident to that sovereignty was entirely appropriate. In the decade following the Civil War this situation was deliberately and drastically altered by adoption of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, which expressly limited the power of the states in their relations with private citizens. Those enactments, together with the statutes enforcing them, created a panoply of federal rights designed to implement the new national commitment to racial justice. Congress clearly conceived that it was alter ing the relationship between the states and the nation, and working a “ vast transformation” from the concepts of federalism that had prevailed in the late 18th century. Mitchum v. Foster, 407 U.S. 225, 242 (1972); Zwickler v. 16 Koota, 389 TI.S. 241, 245-46 (1967). The effect of those Amendments was to overturn several of this Court’s earlier decisions regarding the rights of individuals against the states and the ability of the national government to protect those rights. See Barron v. Baltimore, 32 U.S. (7 Pet.) 243 (1833); Bred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857). The changes wrought by the Reconstruction Amendments were understood to work a substantial restriction on the prior sovereignty and reserved rights of the states, and were opposed on just this ground. Congressman Edgerton, speaking against the Thirteenth Amendment, argued: Better, sir, for our country, better for man, that negro slavery exist a thousand years than that American white men lose their constitutional liberty in the ex tinction of the constitutional sovereignty of the Federal States of the Union. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 2987.14 * Congressman Rogers, opposing the 1866 Civil Rights Bill, the provisions of which were later codified in Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, urged: I ask you to stand by the law of the country and to regulate these Federal and State systems upon the grand principles upon which they were intended to be regulated, that we may hand down to those who are to come after us this bright jewel of civil liberty un impaired ; and I say that the Congress or men who will strip the people of these rights will be handed down to perdition for allowing this bright and beautiful 14 See also id. at 1366 (Remarks of Senator Saulsbury), 2939 (Remarks of Congressman Pruyn), 2941 (Remarks of Congressman W ood), 2943 (Remarks of Congressman Higby), 2962 (Remarks of Congressman Holman), 2994 (Remarks of Senator Pendleton). 17 heritage of civil liberty embodied in the powers and sovereign jurisdiction of the States to pass away from us. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1122-23.15 Congressman Shanklin protested that the Fourteenth Amendment struck down “the reserved rights of the states.” . Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1865-66.16 Such objections, however, were to no effect, for such a restric tion on state power and sovereignty was precisely the goal of the proponents of these measures who believed that the rights of the states ought not include “the right to defeat the very object for which all government is made . . . to inflict wrongs on free citizens by a denial of the full pro tection of the laws.” Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 84-85 App. (Remarks of Congressman Bingham).17 The Reconstruction Amendments created precisely the circumstance in which Iredell and Hamilton had agreed 16 See also id. at 604 (Remarks of Senator Cowan), 1415 (Re marks of Senator Davis), 1174 (Remarks of Congressman Rogers), 1156 (Remarks of Congressman Thornton). 16 See also id. at 2530 (Remarks of Congressman Randall), 2538 (Remarks of Congressman Rogers), 3147 (Remarks of Congress man Harding). 17 _ “ From the beginning, the program for the protection of men in their civil rights encountered the destruction of federalism argument. The Thirteenth Amendment, the first constitutional expression of that program, was proposed, encountered the federalism objection, and was adopted anyway. Next, the civil rights bill, designed to implement the Thirteenth Amendment, had heaped upon it the same charge. It was adopted notwith standing. Then, at last, came the Fourteenth Amendment, created to accomplish what the Thirteenth Amendment had been designed to do but had failed to do because of the con tinuation of the federalism objection, intended to remove from the Civil Rights Act the constitutional doubts arising from the federalism objection to it. the Fourteenth Amendment was itself, in turn, subjected to the very same criticisms. Despite that criticism, it too was adopted.” ten Broek, Equal Under Law 219-220 (1965). 18 immunity had no place, by stripping the states of their hitherto existing sovereign power to sanction slavery, deny equal protection or due process of the laws, or abridge the right to vote on account of race. In the limited areas prescribed by these Amendments the states have no au thority the free exercise of which can be protected from litigation, and in such case the purpose underlying sover eign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment cannot be served. C. The purposes o f sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment are inconsistent with the purposes o f the Reconstruction Amendments. While sovereign immunity was properly conceived as no more than an incident to sovereignty itself, the grant of immunity, particularly within a federal system, reflected a number of policies other than the mere protection of sovereignty itself. The policies which immunity would advance are, however, the very policies expressly rejected by Congress when it approved the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. 1. Reliance on state enforcement Advocates of sovereign immunity both before and after passage of the Eleventh Amendment urged that judicial jurisdiction over claims against a sovereign was unneces sary because the King, or the executive and legislative branches of a state government, could and would do jus tice in any case brought to their attention. In England, Iredell argued, while the resolution of such grievances was technically at the discretion of the crown, it was the King’s practice, through the Chancellor, to do whatever justice required. “I f any person has, in point of property, a just demand upon a King, he must petition him in his court of chancery, where his chancellor will administer right, 19 as a matter of grace, though not upon compulsion.” Chis holm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. 419, 442 (1793). A citizen with a claim against a state, it was said, could rely on the legis lature’s good faith and sense of public duty. 2 U.S. at 445-6. Hamilton urged that contracts between a nation and an individual were binding, not in a court of law, but “ on the conscience of the sovereign.” The Federalist, No. 81. The argument was reiterated by Congressman Diven in 1862 urging retention of sovereign immunity by the federal government. Now, sir, what is the theory with regard to the sat isfaction of claims against Governments? Why it is this: that Governments are always disposed to deal justly with their subjects; that Governments are never required or compelled by legal process to render jus tice to their subjects; and that they are always ready to do right when the right is ascertained; and the only object of a Court of Claims should be to aid the Gov ernment in determining what is right, and then the Government will do right always. That is the theory of government. It was a maxim of the common law that “ the King can do no wrong,” and it is the theory that Governments can do no wrong, that exempts them from this trial in courts to compel them to do right to their own citizens. It is false in theory to suppose that when an individual has a just claim against the Government it is necessary for him to sue the Gov ernment in a court of law to recover it. Cong. Globe, 38th Cong. 1st Sess. 1672. This Court, in Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, (1890), rea soned that a state could be relied on to respect “ the highest demands of natural and political law to preserve justice,” and that the security for state loans “ is the plighted faith of the State.” 134 U.S. at 16, 21. 20 When the Reconstruction Amendments and legislation were proposed, opponents objected that such measures were unnecessary, and that reliance could be placed on the “hon est purpose of the several States” to protect the rights of citizens. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1294 (Remarks of Congressman W ilson). The conclusion of the Congress and the nation, however, was to the contrary: in particular that the southern states could not be relied upon to respect and protect the rights of freedmen. Speaking in favor of the 1866 Civil Rights Bill, whose principles were soon incorporated in Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, Representative Wilson explained: I f the States would all observe the rights of our citizens, there would be no need for this bill . . . I f they would recognize that “general citizenship” . . . which under this [privileges and immunities] clause entitles every citizen to security and protection of personal rights, . . . we might safely Avithhold action. And if above all, Mr. Speaker, the States should ad mit, and practice the admission, that a citizen does not surrender these rights because he may happen to be a citizen of the State which would deprive him of them, we might, without doing violence to the duty devolved upon us, leave the whole subject to the States. But, sir, the practice of the States leaves us no avenue of escape, and we must do our duty by supplying the protection which the States deny. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1117-18. Congressman Cook argued Suppose . . . these States are restored to all the rights of sovereign States within this Union, and they carry out the same spirit they have already manifested to ward these freedmen. . . . It is idle to say these men 21 will be protected by the States. The sufficient and con clusive answer to that position I submit is, that those States have already passed laws which would now virtually reenslave them . . . Does any man in this House believe that these people can be safely left in these States without the aid of Federal legislation or military power? Does anyone believe that their free dom can be preserved without this aid? If any man does so believe, he is strangely blind to the enact ments passed by legislatures touching those freed men. Id. at 1124-25.18 Six years of experience after the Civil War served only to confirm Congress’ fears in this regard, and the 1871 Civil Eights Act, including the predecessor of Section 1983, was enacted “to afford a federal right in federal courts because, by reason of prejudice, passion, neglect, intolerance or otherwise, state laws might not be enforced and the claims of citizens to the enjoyment of rights, privileges, and immunities guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment might be denied by the state agencies.” Monroe v. Pape, 365 TJ.S. 171, 179 (1961). The “plighted faith of the States” which this Court lias found an adequate alternative to judicial enforcement of the contract clause in Hans, was expressly rejected as a sufficient guarantee of the rights of freedmen and others under the Reconstruction Amend ments. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 85 (Remarks of Congressman Bingham). The Congress which approved the Thirteenth, Four teenth and Fifteenth Amendments, had only a few years earlier ended the sovereign immunity of the federal gov- 18 See also id. at 503 (Remarks of Senator Howard), 602 (Re marks of Senator Lane). 22 eminent. In his first State of the Union message, Presi dent Lincoln had urged abolition of that immunity: It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the Government especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the duty of Government to render prompt jus tice against itself in favor of citizens as it is to admin ister the same between private individuals. The in vestigation and adjudication of claims in their nature belong to the judicial department.19 The debates on this proposal centered on whether or not the federal government was already providing a prompt and just resolution of claims against it, the procedure until that time being for Congress to enact a special appropria tion in the amount it felt fair. Proponents of immunity urged such justice was already being done. See p. 19, supra. A majority of the Congress, however, concluded otherwise. Congressman Pendleton responded to the re marks of Congressman Diven quoted above, My colleague on the committee has told us today that, in theory, the Government is always willing to do justice to the citizen, that it is always willing to do that which equity and justice requires it to do. Now, sir, that is very good in theory, but it is very bad in practice, and when that gentleman has had experience in examining the claims brought against this Govern ment year after year . . . he will find that there are innumerable claims on the calendar which have been examined and re-examined session after session . . . If the Government of the United States owes a debt to 19 Schlesinger and Israel, The State of the Union Messages of the Presidents, v. 2, 1060 (1966). 23 a citizen of the United States, why should that citizen be forced to come to Congress year after year, and spend his time and his money in besieging individual members, in order to show to them the justice of his claim, depending, in the end, even in the justest case, not upon its merits, but upon their patience to hear him fully, and their impartiality to judge fairly. Cong. Globe, 38th Cong. 1st Sess. 1675. Congressman Bingham, the aiithor of the Fourteenth Amendment, urged that the abolition of immunity would end the injustice of denying relief to citizens with legitimate grievances, and the corruption of the Congress by lobbyists pressing dubious claims. Id. at 1674. The statute con ferring binding jurisdiction on the Court of Claims was enacted in 1863, 12 Stat. 765, and the remedies available to citizens broadened further in 1866. 14 Stat. 9. The existence of a sovereign immunity defense in an ac tion under the Reconstruction Amendments is manifestly incompatible with the purpose and background of those constitutional provisions. It cannot plausibly be urged that Congress first established a panoply of federal rights and remedies on the ground that the states would not voluntarily protect those rights, and yet intended to per mit the states to avoid judicial enforcement of those rights on the grounds that the states would voluntarily protect such rights and that judicial enforcement was thus un necessary. The same state legislature which enacted a discriminatory measure could hardly be expected, in re sponse to the claims of its victims, to repeal that measure and appropriate funds to compensate them for any injuries suffered. Whatever support sovereign immunity may have commanded in the 1790’s, by the 1860’s Congress shared Lincoln’s view that the courts were the most fair and ef ficient forum for resolving claims against the government. 24 2. Problems of federal enforcement Federal jurisdiction over litigation against the states was opposed in the eighteenth century because of problems of enforcement which might arise. One of the great fail ings of the Articles of Confederation was that under it the national government could carry out its desires and policies only through the action and good will of the states. If a state was not amenable to this process, the two levels of government were necessarily arrayed directly against each other, at best resulting in a cumbersome process and at worst threatening more serious conflict. The federalists sought to give the national government power to carry out its policies directly, rather than relying on or resorting to action against the states. It was to avoid the need to coerce the states into compliance that the new constitution was designed. Under a continuation of a confederacy, Ham ilton warned, resort to such a military coercion was inevitable. I f there should not be a large army constantly at the disposal of the National Government, it would either not be able to employ force at all, or when this could be done, it would amount to a war between parts of the Confederacy, concerning the infractions of a league; in which the strongest combination would be most likely to prevail, whether it consisted of those who supported, or those who resisted, the general authority. It would rarely happen that the delinquency to be redressed would be confined to a single member; and if there were more than one, who had neglected their duty, similarity of the situation would induce them to unite for common defense. The Federalist, No. 16. But, Hamilton pointed out, I f the execution of the laws of the National Govern ment should not require the intervention of the State 25 Legislatures; if they were to pass into immediate operation upon the citizens themselves, the particular Governments could not interrupt their progress with out an open and violent exertion of an unconstitutional power. Id. Such affirmative efforts to obstruct enforcement of national laws were thought highly unlikely. It was this same consideration which, for the federalists, militated against federal jurisdiction over the states. Ham ilton himself pressed this argument in the oft quoted pas sage in The Federalist on the meaning of Article III of the proposed constitution: To what purpose would it be to authorize suits against the States for the debts they owe? How could recovery be enforced? It is evident, it could not be done, with out waging war against the contracting State, and to ascribe to the Federal Courts, by mere implication, and in destruction of a pre-existing right of the State Governments, a power which would involve such a consequence, would be altogether forced and unwar rantable. The Federalist, No. 81. The fear that such jurisdiction over the states might lead to the use of force was, at the time, not unwarranted. In the face of Chisholm, the Georgia House of Delegates passed a statute making any effort by a federal marshal to enforce a judgment for Chisholm a felony punishable by death without benefit of clergy. Jacobs, The Eleventh Amendment and Sovereign. Immunity, 56-57 (1972). In another private action in 1809 seeking to collect funds held by the heirs of the state treasurer of Pennsylvania, decided suh nom. United States v. Peters, 9 U.S. (5 Cranch.) 115 (1809), the governor deployed the state militia around the 26 home of the heirs to prevent execution of the judgment. The United States marshal enlisted a posse, and an armed clash was averted only when the state relented in the face of direct threats by President Madison. Jacobs, The Ele venth Amendment and Sovereign Immunity, 77-80 (1972). It cannot plausibly be maintained that those who framed the Reconstruction Amendments and civil rights legisla tion would have opposed suits against the states on the ground that force might be required to enforce the result ing court orders. Throughout the period when these meas ures were being enacted the armed forces of the federal government, with the enthusiastic support of Congress, were stationed throughout the former rebel states and were deeply involved in administering and policing those areas. See Morrison, The Oxford History of the American People, 717-725 (1965). After a four-year Civil War of unprecedented cost, the willingness of the national govern ment to resort to force to preserve the fruits of its victory cannot be doubted. During the debates on the 1866 Civil Rights Bill, Congressman Thayer openly expressed this willingness: Why have laws if Government has not the physical force and strength to enforce them? Enforce them if you can through the forms of judical procedure and by the ordinary means at the command of judicial tribunals as this bill provides: but if there are com binations against the peaceful enforcement of these laws, why should not the military power of the United States, in pursuance of the express power given in the Constitution, come to the rescue of the civil power in order to enforce a law solemnly promulgated by the people of the United States? Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1153. 27 Senator Pool expressed the same conviction six years later in support of the 1871 Civil Rights Act regarding the con stitutional guarantee of equal rights: I f the states shall fail to secure and enforce this right of the colored man, and deny to him protection in the free exercise of it as a citizen of the State, then the United States, by virtue of Ms national citizenship, must and will, by appropriate legislation, by all the power of its courts, by its land and naval forces, ex tend over him within the States the shield of the national authority. . . . I yet hope it is possible to escape more violent means by a prompt resort to the ordinary federal tribunals of justice. Unless that re sort be promptly and efficiently taken, there is no hope of escaping for another year the application of the most stringent and ruinous military measures. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 609. Both civil rights acts contained express provisions for re sort to military rule if civil measures proved inadequate to protect the rights of the freedmen. See 14 Stat. 27; 17 Stat. 13. To suggest that suits against the states under the Re construction Amendments should be forbidden to avoid problems of enforcement would be to ignore the fact that the congresses which framed those provisions were deter mined to use whatever measures were necessary to enforce the rights described therein. Nor are suits against state officers any less likely to incur virulent state opposition; the history of the last century, particularly since Brown, is studded with instances where extraordinary federal ac tion was necessary to effectuate the decree of a federal court against such officers. 3. Remedial purpose of the Reconstruction Amendments The defense of sovereign immunity, if allowed in all eases, would operate in some circumstances to deny citizens an effective judicial remedy to enforce their rights. Un doubtedly there are circumstances under which such a normally incongruous situation might be appropriate. Where control of state conduct is not a primary concern of the provisions establishing those rights, it may be that subjecting the states to judicial control is too drastic a method of achieving a largely incidental purpose. Where there is little reason to doubt the states will voluntarily comply with the federal requirements, Congress might con clude that harmonious federalism would best be served by trusting the states to act without threat of litigation. And where a fully effective means of enforcement less drastic than federal litigation is available, the necessity for such litigation might be doubted. See generally Em ployees v. Department of Public Health and Welfare, 411 U.S. 279 (1973). None of these factors, however, are present here. Con trol of the states was not a merely incidental effect of the Reconstruction Amendments, it was the primary concern and goal. See The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 7 (1883). The Department of Health, Education and Welfare has taken the position that it lacks authority to compel pay ment of back benefits in a case such as this,20 and enforce ment of the Reconstruction Amendments has traditionally been left primarily in the hands of private litigants. See 42 U.S.C. §§1981-1983. Those amendments and the con temporaneous legislation were founded on the conviction that the states could not be relied on to voluntarily comply with the law. See pp. 18-23 supra. The men who framed 20 Memorandum of Administrator, Social and Rehabilitation Ser vice, dated April 1, 1971, pp. 1-2. 29 those Amendments were primarily concerned, not with pre serving the delicate balance of harmonious federalism, but with assuring compliance by the recalcitrant states through whatever means necessary. This Court has long recognized the particular unde sirability of leaving those asserting constitutional rights without an effective remedy. “ The very essence of civil liberty certainly consists in the right of every individual to claim the protection of the laws, wherever he receives an injury.” Marbury v. Madison, 1 TJ.S. (Cranch) 137, 163 (1803), quoted in Bivens v. Six Unknown Fed. Nar cotics Agents, 403 U.S. 338, 397 (1971). The Constitution of the United States, with the several amendments thereof, must be regarded as one instrument, all of whose provisions are to be deemed of equal validity. It would, indeed, be most un fortunate if the immunity of the individual states from suits by citizens of other states, provided or in the 11th Amendment, were to be interpreted as nullifying those other provisions 'which confer power on Congress to regulate commerce among the several states, which forbid the states from entering into any treaty, al liance, or confederation, from passing any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, of law impairing the ob ligation of contracts or, without the consent of Con gress, from laying any duty of tonnage, entering into any agreement or compact with other states, or from engaging in war,— all of which provisions existed be fore the adoption of the 11th Amendment, which still exist, and which would be nullified and made of no effect if the judicial power of the United States could not be invoked to protect citizens affected by the passage of state laws disregarding those constitutional limitations. Much less can the 11th Amendment be 30 successfully pleaded as an invincible barrier to judicial inquiry whether the salutary provisions of the 14th Amendment have been disregarded by state enactments. Prout v. Starr, 188 U.S. 537, 543 (1903). See also General Oil Co. v. Crane, 209 U.S. 211, 226-27 (1908); Osborn v. The Bank of the United States, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat.) 739, 849 (1824); Jacobs, The Eleventh Amend ment and Sovereign Immunity 144 (1972). That any rights arising under the Reconstruction Amend ments should be without a remedy is particularly inappro priate since these Amendments, especially the Fourteenth, were primarily remedial. The abolitionists who finally won control of the Congress and many states in the 1860’s and 1870’s had long maintained that the rights described in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments al ready existed, though not recognized, by virtue of the privileges and immunities clause and the Bill of Rights. See generally ten Broek, Equal Under Law (1965); Gra ham, “ The Early Anti-slavery Backgrounds of the Four teenth Amendment” 1950 Wis. L. Rev. 479; Graham, “ The ‘Conspiracy Theory’ of the Fourteenth Amendment,” 47 Yale L.J. 371 (1938). Congressman Wilson, speaking in favor of the 1866 Civil Rights Bill explained: Mr. Speaker, I think I may safely affirm that this bill, so far as it declares the equality of all citizens in the enjoyment of civil rights and immunities, merely affirms existing law. We are following the Constitu tion. We are reducing to statute form the spirit of the Constitution. We are establishing no new right, declaring no new principle. It is not the object of this bill to establish new rights, but to protect and enforce those which already belong to every citizen. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1117. 31 Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, according to Con gressman Bingham who drafted it, was not to create new substantive rights at the expense of the states. [T]his amendment takes from no State any right that ever pertained to it. No State ever had the right, under forms of law or otherwise, to deny to any freed man the equal protection of the laws or to abridge the privileges or immunities of any citizen of the Republic, although many of them have assumed and exercised the power, and that without remedy. Id. at 2542. The problem to which these Amendments and related legislation were addressed was the unenforceability of these rights. As Congressman Bingham detailed, in support of the 1871 Civil Rights Act, The States did deny to citizens the equal protection of the laws, they did deny the rights of citizens under the Constitution, and except to the extent of the ex press limitations upon the States, as I have shown, the citizen had no remedy. They denied trial by jury, and he had no remedy. They took property without com pensation, and he had no remedy. They restricted the freedom of the press, and he had no remedy. They restricted the freedom of speech, and he had no remedy. They restricted the rights of conscience, and he had no remedy. They bought and sold men who had no remedy. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 85 App. (Emphasis added). It was to create such a federal remedy for the aggrieved citizen—not for the Attorney General—that the Reconstruc tion Amendments, and Section 1983 in particular, were enacted. See Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961). It would be particularly incongruous if the states were able to deny such a remedy by closing to such litigation, 32 by means of sovereign immunity or the Eleventh Amend ment, both the federal and state courts. One of the dis criminatory practices of particular concern to Congress after the Civil War was state legislation forbidding blacks to institute litigation or testify in state courts. Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167, 176-178 (1961); ten Broek, Equal Under Law, 187n, 191n, 192 (1965). This denial of justice was particularly opprobrious when the basic rights were in volved. As Bingham urged even before the Civil War regarding the privileges and immunities clause, This guarantee of the Constitution of the United States is useless and a mockery, if it does not limit State sovereignty and restrain each and every state from closing its territory and its courts of justice against citizens of the United States, ten Broek, Equal Under Law. 333-34 (1965). Proponents of the Amendments rejected the suggestion that, because of considerations of federalism, federal “ courts must be closed to the appeal of our citizens.” Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1924 (Remarks of Congress man Shellabarger). That the states should be able to close the federal or state courts to civil rights litigation is par ticularly inappropriate since, in most cases, the states have long ago opened their courts to litigation against them selves arising out of loans or other commercial activities. The manifest desire of Congress, in framing the Recon struction Amendments and Section 1983, was to exercise all its power to create an effective remedy21 and to withdraw from the states any power to defeat or prevent enforce ment of certain basic rights. Congressman Bingham denied that the states had the right to deny constitutional rights 21 Subject to certain express limitations not applicable here. See Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961). 33 “under any pretext whatever.” Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1088. Congressman Lawrence declared There are certain absolute rights which pertain to every citizen, which are inherent, and of wdiich a state cannot constitutionally deprive him. But not only are those rights inherent and indestructible, hut the means whereby they may be possessed and enjoyed are equally so. Id. at 1833 (Emphasis added). The plethora of unprecedented legislation in the decade after the Civil War is ample evidence of the willingness of the Congress, in the words of one Senate critic, “ to over turn the whole Constitution in order to get at a remedy for these people.” Id. at 499 (Remarks of Senator Cowan). By the time Section 1983 was enacted, the dispute within Congress was no longer over what type of judicial remedy to afford. Liberals and conservatives agreed that vindica tion of constitutional rights should be sought first' from the federal judiciary, where the complainant wras to be afforded “all the power of its courts.” See Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 578 (Remarks of Senator Trumbull), 609 (Re marks of Senator Pool). The debate centered over what further remedies, such as martial law, Congress should provide if all the powers which could be conferred upon the courts were exhausted and found wanting. Congress can hardly have intended to deny the federal courts the authority, when needed, to entertain suits against the states, for such a limitation would have increased the need for resort to drastic extrajudicial measures which northerners and southerners alike wished to avoid. Under these circumstances the existence of a sovereign immunity defense in litigation under the Reconstruction Amendments is entirely incompatible with the rights pro tected by those Amendments. The policies and assumptions 34 of fact wliicli underlie sovereign immunity are precisely tlie policies and assumptions repeatedly rejected by Congress in the decade following the Civil War. The existence of such a defense will invariably lead to situations in which no remedy exists for a violation of the rights secured by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, a totally impermissible result since those Amendments and Section 1983 were enacted for the express purpose of assur ing that persons whose rights were violated would no longer lack an effective remedy. D. By ratifying the Reconstruction Amendments the States consented to be sued for violations thereof. Inasmuch as the post-Civil War Amendments were, by their nature, inconsistent with the existence of a sovereign immunity defense, the states by ratifying those amend ments waived their general right not to be sued by a private citizen. Even without this inconsistency the ratification of those amendments would entail the same waiver, because the new constitutional provisions established new enforce able federal rights. The nature of any knowing intelligent waivers by the states during the ratification years, from 1865 to 1870, de pends upon the understanding which existed at that time as to the consequences of enacting the three Amendments. The adoption of the Eleventh Amendment did not answer all the questions posed by Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. (2 Dali.) 419 (1793). In Chisholm three of the five members of the Court agreed that the states were generally protected by sovereign immunity, but Justices Cushing and Blair held the immunity had been waived by the provision in Article III establishing federal jurisdiction over suits be tween a state and a citizen of another state. See 2 U.S. at 452, 468. The Eleventh Amendment withdrew federal juris 35 diction over such, suits, but said nothing about the existence of sovereign immunity under other circumstances. Un resolved by that Amendment, in particular, was whether the states might also have waived their sovereign immunity by authorizing, elsewhere in Article III, federal jurisdiction over eases arising under the Constitution and laws of the United States. That question received a definite answer in Cohens v. Virginia, 19 U.S. 264 (1821). In Cohens a criminal defen dant sought to appeal from a state court to this Court on the ground that his conviction violated the constitution. The state of Virginia maintained that its sovereign immun ity precluded such an appeal since it had not consented to the exercise of federal jurisdiction over itself. See 5 L.Ed. at 266-268. This Court, in an opinion written by Chief Justice Marshall, unanimously rejected the state’s contention on the ground that, in ratifying Article III, Virginia had consented to federal jurisdiction over questions arising under the constitution and laws of the United States.22 22 “With the ample powers confided to this supreme govern ment, for these interesting purposes, are connected many ex press and important limitations on the sovereignty of the states, which are made for the same purposes. The powers of the Union, on the great subjects of war, peace, and commerce, and on many others, are in themselves limitations of the sov ereignty of the states; hut in addition to these, the sovereignty of the states is surrendered in many instances where the sur render can only operate to the benefit of the people and where, perhaps no other power is conferred on Congress than a con servative power to maintain the principles established in the constitution. The maintenance of these principles in their purity, is certainly among the great duties of the government. One of the instruments by which this duty may be peaceably performed, is the judicial department. It is authorized to decide all eases of every description, arising under the con stitution or laws of the United States. From this general grant of jurisdiction, no exception is made of those cases in which a state may be a party. When we consider the situation of the 36 See also Rhode Island v. Massachusetts, 37 U.S. (12 Peters) 657, 720 (1833).23 This conclusion in Cohens was recognized at the time as of great import to the vitality of sovereign immunity and the nature of federalism. In Virginia the legislature nar rowly defeated a set of resolutions calling for constitutional amendments. Jacobs, The Eleventh Amendment and Sov ereign Immunity 91 (1972). Both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison objected to the court’s conclusion that a state might lack sovereign immunity in suits brought by its own citizens though such actions by citizen of other states were barred by the Eleventh Amendment. Id. at 92. Despite these criticisms, no constitutional amendments were seriously considered, and Cohens remained the law, un modified, from Chief Justice Marshall’s decision in 1821 until at least 1890.24 government of the Union and of a state, in relation to each other; the nature of our Constitution; the subordination of the state governments to that constitution; the great purpose for which jurisdiction over all cases arising under the consti tution and laws of the United States is confided to the judicial department, are we at liberty to insert in this general grant, an exception of those cases in which a state may be a party? Will the spirit of the constitution justify this attempt to control its words? We think it will not, We think a case arising under the constitution or laws of the United States, is cognizable in the courts of the Union, whoever may be the parties to that case.” 2 U.S. at 393-394. 23 Although under Cohens the judicial power extended to Federal question litigation against the states, it was not until 1875 that Congress conferred nisi prius jurisdiction over such cases on the Federal courts. See 28 U.S.C. §1331. 24 In 1890 the Court, after considering Cohens, refused to apply Chief Justice Marshall’s conclusions to an action to collect a debt owed by Louisiana on the ostensible ground that the state had impaired the obligation of contracts. Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S. 1, 18-21 (1890). With regard to constitutional provisions which are not self-executing, this Court has recently concluded that a state’s waiver merely confers on Congress the power to subject the 37 The legislators who enacted the post-Civil War Amend ments and civil rights legislation were well aware of Cohens, as might be expected. Congressman Bingham, the author of the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment, cited Cohens as proof of the federal power to protect in- divdual rights against claims that this would infringe state sovereignty. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 81-82 App. Opponents of this legislation made reference to Justice Marshall’s statement that the states were sovereign, urging that such sovereignty was inconsistent with the proposed federal role in protecting freedmen and others. See e.g. Cong. Globe, 39th Cong. 1st Sess. 1156 (Remarks of Con gressman Miller). In the face of Cohens, such opponents conceded that even the contract clause was enforceable against the states. Cong. Globe, 42nd Cong. 1st Sess. 577 (Remarks of Senator Trumbull). Indeed, this Court in The Civil Rights Cases seemed to have believed that federal question jurisdiction included jurisdiction to hear actions against a state to enforce the contract clause. 109 U.S. 7,12 (1883).* 26 There can be no doubt that the states understood that, under Cohens, every creation of a new federal constitu state to federal jurisdiction, and separate inquiry must be made in each case as to whether Congress elected to exercise the power conferred on it by the states. Employees v. Missouri Public Health Department^, 411 U.S. 279, 286-7 (1973). The continued vitality of Cohens in the case of self-executing constitutional provisions other than the contract clause is not clear. 26 “Probably Congress had power to pass a law giving to the courts of the United States direct jurisdiction over contracts alleged to be impaired by a state law; and under the broad pro visions of the Act of March 3, 1875, giving to the circuit courts jurisdiction of all cases arising under the Constitution and laws of the United States, it is possible that such jurisdiction now exists.” When presented squarely with that question seven years later, the Court concluded that no such jurisdiction existed. Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U.S.l (1890). 38 tional right brought with it a pro tanto waiver of sovereign immunity. Opposition among the states to the Fourteenth Amendment, for example, was centered less on the new powers of Congress under Section 5 than the expanded powers of the federal judiciary under Section 1. See gen erally, Flack, The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment (1908). The Amendment, it was said, would give the federal courts occasion to interfere in local affairs, concentrate the judicial power in the federal tribunals, enlarge federal jurisdiction to include every state law relating to life, liberty or property, and authorize the federal courts to hear every conceivable criminal and civil case, no matter how important or trivial. Id. at 150, 152, 166, 194-95. This widely expressed opposition to expanded federal jurisdic tion, in the context of a constitutional amendment dealing primarily with state action, can only have been concerned with civil rights litigation which would be brought against the states themselves. See The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 7 (1883). There is no reason to believe that the Congress which enacted the post-Civil War Amendments and the states which ratified them thought that actions against the states pursuant to Cohens would be limited to actions for injunc tive relief. Historically, damages had been regarded as the ordinary remedy for invasion of individual rights. Bivens v. Six Unknown Federal Narcotics Agents, 403 U.S. 388, 397, 399 (1971). See, e.g., Entick v. Carrington, 19 Howell St., Tr. 1029 (1765). Injunctive relief, particularly affect ing the conduct of government, has traditionally been re garded as “ strong medicine” employed only when legal re lief was inadequate. See Peres v. Ledesma, 401 U.S. 22, 111 (1971). (Brennan, J. concurring and dissenting.) The handful of cases filed against states in the Supreme Court prior to the ratification of the Eleventh Amendment were 39 not limited to monetary claims; Moultrie v. Georgia, for example, sought only a decree confirming the title to certain disputed land. Jacobs, The Eleventh, Amendment and Sov ereign Immunity 63-64 (1972). The States, in ratifying the creation of new constitutional rights by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend ments, simultaneously waived the Eleventh Amendment and the defense of sovereign immunity in any federal court empowered to hear questions arising under the Constitution of the United States. Within a few years Congress author ized the lower Federal courts to hear just such litigation, enacting in 1871 the predecessor to 42 U.S.C. §1983 and in 1875 the predecessor to 28 U.S.C. §1331. That prior consent would preclude assertion of sovereign immunity in a case under Section 1983 alleging a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment; it is no less applicable to a violation of con gressional legislation implementing that Amendment. Since the instant case alleges a violation of both that Amendment and such implementing legislation, the state cannot defeat jurisdiction by claiming immunity. E. An unwarranted expansion o f the scope o f sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment would greatly weaken the constitutional guarantees contained in the Reconstruction Amendments. In tbe preceding sections of this brief we have discussed at length reasons why the Eleventh Amendment should not be held to bar actions brought to enforce rights founded in tbe Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments. The question is not academic; it is one with which Amicus has been required to deal over a period of time in litiga tion brought to vindicate the rights of those the Recon struction Amendments were intended to protect. A de cision that casts doubt on the power of tbe federal courts to entertain such suits or to render effective relief in 40 them would have a devastating impact on the future of civil rights enforcement. In the period from 1957 until 1965, an Eleventh Amend ment defense to suits seeking to end unlawful racial dis crimination was raised in numerous instances, occasioning the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit to remark: “For the second time in the case and for the seventh time in recent years, we hold that a state agency is not immune from a suit to enjoin it from enforcing an unconstitutional statute. . . .” McCoy v. Louisiana State Board of Education, 345 F.2d 720, 721 (5th Cir. 1965). See also, School Board of Charlottesville v. Allen, 240 F.2d 59 (4th Cir. 1956); Orleans Parish School Board v. Bush, 242 F.2d 156 (5th Cir. 1957); Dorsey v. State Athletic Commission, 168 F.Supp. 149 (E.D. La. 1958); Board of Supervisors of Louisiana State U. v. Fleming, 265 F.2d 736 (5th Cir. 1959); Board of Trustees of Ar kansas A.SM. College v. Davis, 396 F.2d 730 (8th Cir. 1968). The argument that private citizens could not enforce their constitutional rights in federal court because of sov ereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment seemed to have been finally laid to rest by this Court in its unanimous decision in Griffin v. School Board of Prince Edward County, 377 U.S. 218 (1964). However, six months ago this Court issued its opinion in Employees v. Department of Public Health and Wel fare, 411 U.S. 279 (1973), concerning the applicability of sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amendment to federal legislation under the Commerce Clause. Since then state defendants have, with varying results, urged 41 that the rationale of Employees should be extended to bar enforcement against the states of the post-Civil War Amendments. For example, the constitutionality of awards of back pay in Title Y II litigation against the states has been challenged in three related cases, Dillenberger v. Florida Probation and Parole Commission, Civ. No. 73-66 (N.D. Fla., Tallahassee D iv .); WainwrigM v. State of Florida Department of Transportation, Civ. No. 73-42 (N.D. Fla. Mariana D iv .); Graham v. Marshall, Civ. T-73-77 (N.D. Fla., Tallahassee Div.).26 State officials have successfully urged that sovereign immunity and the Eleventh Amend ment, as construed by Employees, protect them from even personal liability for intentionally failing to provide treat ment to Negro males suffering from syphilis. Pollard v. United States, Civil Action No. 4126-N (M.D. Ala.) (Order dated September 18, 1973). In Richardson v. State Board of Law Examiners, the defendants have asserted without success that Employees prohibited litigation to prevent discrimination against Negro applicants for the bar (Civil Action No. 72-1219, D.S.C.). A decision by this Court that the Eleventh Amendment bars the relief sought in the present case would therefore cast serious doubt on the constitutionality of federal courts granting analogous retrospective relief in cases under Title V II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as it now applies to state agencies. Moreover, it would raise questions as to the power of the federal courts to grant certain kinds of prospective injunctive relief that would have the effect of requiring the expenditure of state funds, e.g., an order to 26 Even prior to Employees, at least one federal court had indi cated, in dictum, that the Eleventh Amendment barred suit against a state agency for employment discrimination under 42 TJ.S.C. §§1981 and 1983. Bennett v. Gravelle, 323 F. Supp. 203 (D. Md. 1971). 42 hire a black job applicant who has been denied a position because of his race. Such restrictions on the power of Congress and the courts to enforce the Reconstruction Amendments would be wholly inconsistent with decisions of this Court since 1954 and can be avoided by a holding that, where a conflict is unavoidable, those Amendments restrict the reach of the Eleventh. CONCLUSION At the end of the eighteenth century, proponents of sovereign immunity urged its erection as a solid wall insulating the states in all cases from judicial control and enforceable civil liability. That uniform opposition by the states to being sued in state or federal courts has long since passed. At the time of Chisholm v. Georgia it was large businessmen and lenders trying to collect substantial debts who sought jurisdiction over the states. Since 1800, however, the growing political and economic influence of this class of plaintiffs has won for them, in Congress and the state legislatures, the right to litigate their claims against the states and the federal govern ment. State agencies wishing to do business with private firms must, in general, agree to provide them with some avenue of judicial relief. The legislation establishing agencies to raise substantial sums by the sale of state notes and bonds invariably contains a provision author izing the agency to sue and be sued. When a large firm finds its contractual arrangement with a state or the Fed eral government no longer profitable and the contract itself does not contain a remedy, the firm is usually able, by virtue of its unusual degree of influence over public officials, to persuade the government to waive its con tractual rights or assist the firm with loans or outright 43 gifts. For a large bank, building contractor, or aircraft manufacturer, the defense of sovereign immunity has been effectively abolished. But a private citizen, aggrieved by state misconduct far more serious under our constitutional system, has no such political or economic power; for him sovereign immunity is still used to preclude the sort of relief readily dispensed to others. Under these circumstances the assertions of a defense of sovereign immunity resembles, not firm adherence to some uniformly applied principle, but the selective erec tion of a procedural barrier to the vindication of the con stitutional rights of the weak and unpopular. Whether a state has a legitimate interest in the creation of such an obstacle is a federal question of no small difficulty. See Henry v. Mississippi, 379 U.S. 443, 447-49 (1965). Cer tainly in a case such as this that question poses serious problems of equal protection. For these reasons, the Amicus urges that the judgment of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals should be affirmed. Respectfully submitted, J ack Greenberg Charles Stephen Ralston E ric Schnapper Suite 2030 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 Attorneys for Amicus Curiae MEILEN PRESS INC. — N. Y. C. 219