Texas Way of Electing Judges is Upheld (The Times)
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September 29, 1990
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Case Files, LULAC and Houston Lawyers Association v. Attorney General of Texas Hardbacks, Briefs, and Trial Transcript. Texas Way of Electing Judges is Upheld (The Times), 1990. 754285f2-1e7c-f011-b4cc-6045bdffa665. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/4b8478a3-2b38-4f68-ab54-535c817ba45f/texas-way-of-electing-judges-is-upheld-the-times. Accessed November 07, 2025.
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"National"
1990
THE TIMES
September 29,
Texas Way of Electing Judges Is Upheld
By RONALD SMOTHERS
Special to The New York Times
ATLANTA, Sept. 28 — A Federal ap-
peals court in New Orleans ruled over-
whelmingly today that the 1965 Voting
Rights Act did not apply to the election
of state judges.
The ruling, by the United States
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit,
upheld the Texas system of electing
district judges by countywide voting
and the Louisiana method of electing
state Supreme Court judges by dis-
tricts.
Civil rights groups sharply criticized
the ruling, calling it a major setback in
the effort to remove discriminatory
practices from the political process.
They contended that the practice of
electing judges at large, rather than in
specific districts, diluted the strength
of minority voters.
But Renea Hicks, Texas's Deputy At-
torney General, applauded the court’s
12-to-1 ruling. He that it prevented the
Federal Government from ordering
states to redraw judicial districts with-
out proof that the system was a deliber-
ate attempt to discriminate.
“The Federal courts can still ad-
dress discrimination that is deliberate
and intentional under the 14th Amend-
ment,” Mr. Hicks said, “and this ruling
doesn’t change that. You just can’t
have Federal courts intervening in the
way states reconfigure their judicial
systems.”
Departure From Precedent
Today's decision affects only the
states in the Fifth Circuit: Louisiana,
Mississippi and Texas.
It was a clear departure from sev-
eral unchallenged lower court deci-
sions, even within the Fifth Circuit.
More than two years ago, for example,
a Federal district judge in Mississippi
ruled that the Voting Rights Act ap-
plied to judicial elections, and when the
state chose not to appeal his ruling, the
| judge, William H. Barbour Jr., redrew
| judicial districts in a way that has in-
| creased the number of minority judges
in Mississippi.
The Fifth Circuit ruling was also in
| conflict with a ruling by the United
States Court of Appeals for the Sixth
Circuit, based in Cincinnati. That court
ruled in 1988 that the Voting Rights Act
applied to judicial elections.
Consequently, lawyers on both sides
| of the issue predicted today that the
current case was likely to be taken up
soon by the Supreme Court.
f “I think the ruling is so out of step
| with what other courts have said that it
| presents a compelling case for U.S. Su-
| preme Court review,” said Frank
Parker, director of the Voting Rights
Project of the Lawyers Committee for
Civil Rights Under Law.
Appeal Is Promised
John T. Garcia, Texas state director
of the League of United Latin Amer-
ican Citizens, which brought the suit
against the Texas system, said his
group would appeal the decision.
In its suit, the group alleged discrimi
nation in the system of electing Judges
Civil rights ,
groups lose a
round in Federal
court.
Justice Department argued that Sec-
tion 2 of the Voting Rights Act applied
to state judicial offices.
Emphasis on Language
In the court’s majority opinion today,
Judge Thomas Gibbs Gee said the
judges concluded that the Voting
Rights Act of 1965 and its Section 2
amendment, passed in 1982, Soplisd
only to elections of the legislative an
executive branches. The court repeat-
edly examined the act and the amend
ment and the Congressional debate on
them, he said, and could not find a spe-
cific inclusion of judicial offices.
The language, said Judge Gee, an ap-
pointee of President Richard M. Nixon,
referred constantly to “representa-
tives.” Had Congress chosen to use a
more inclusive term like “state offi-
cial,” he said, the court might have
been prompted to include the judiciary
within the act’s scope.
“Had Congress, then, meant to ex-
clude votes in judicial elections from
the ambit of its results test, it could
scarcely have done so more plainly
than by adopting the term ‘representa-
tive’ to describe that ambit,” Judge
Gee wrote.
‘A Scar on the Flesh’
In a scathing dissent that took the
court to task for being “inconsistent”
and turning its back on an “enlightened
interpretation of civil rights legisla-
tion,” Judge Sam D. Johnson said the
judges had “mutilated and rudely
abandoned precedent.”
“The majority’s isolated opinion
stands as a burning scar on the flesh of]
the Voting Rights Act," wrote Judge
Johnson, an appointee of President
Jimmy Carter. “The majority opinion,
is not simply wrong; it is dangerous.”
Sherrilyn Ifill, a lawyer with the
NAACP Legal Defense and Education
Fund, which represented black groups
in the Texas case, said the decision
seemed to fly in the face of other court
decisions and to adopt the view that
Congress meant to allow discrimina-
tory election systems for judges while
barring them for other elected offi-
cials.
Mr. Parker said the ruling ‘“‘shows
the impact of the Nixon-Reagan-Bush
conservative appointments to the
courts.”
But when the Texas case was argued before the appellate court in June, John Dunne, the assistant United States at- torney for civil rights, came to New Or- leans to present the Justice Depart- ment’s argument on behalf of applying the Voting Rights Act to judicial races. And last month Mr. Dunne announced that the department would join black plaintiffs in Georgia who were chal- lenging that state's judicial districts as discriminatory and illegal under the Federal Act. Georgia is part of the 11th Circuit, based here in Atlanta.
Frank Kelly, a spokesman for the de- partment’s civil rights division, said to- day that the department was reviewing the appellate court’s decision.
A Divided Court
Fourteen judges heard arguments in the case, but at the last moment one did not participate in the ruling
Seven judges concurred in the ma-
jority opinion, which said the Voting
Rights Act did not apply to any state
judicial elections. Four other judges
said the act did not apply to elections of
judges at the trial level, but did apply
to election of judges to state appeals
courts. Yet another judge concurred
with the majority for different reasons.
Then there was Judge Johnson's dis-
sent.
The ruling was all the more curious
because as recently as two years agoa
three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit
ruled unanimously in Chisom v.
Roemer that the Voting Rights Act ap-
plied to judicial elections.
in nine urban counties. A Federa judge
in Texas ruled in its favor but was
overruled by a three-judge panel of the
Fifth Circuit. The panel then asked the
entire court to review its decision.
In both the Texas case and the
Louisiana case, Chisolm v. Roemer, th
civil rights division of the United tng