Escambia County, FL v. McMillan Brief of Appellees
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1983
Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Escambia County, FL v. McMillan Brief of Appellees, 1983. 80c46505-b19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/4fb979e9-5a5a-4d3a-9e18-88de6e325c03/escambia-county-fl-v-mcmillan-brief-of-appellees. Accessed January 09, 2026.
Copied!
NO. 82-1295
IN THE
^ufxzmz Court © f JHmtrfr ^tatrs
OCTOBER TERM, 1983
ESCAMBIA COUNTY, FLORIDA, ET AL.,
Appellants,
HENRY T. MCMILLAN, ET AL.,
Appellees.
ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES COURT
OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF OF APPELLEES
W . Edward St il l
R eeves and Still
Suite 400, Commerce Center
2027 First Avenue. North
Birmingham, Alabama 35203
Ken t Spriggs
Spriggs and H enderson
117 S. Martin Luther King,
Jr. BlvdL
Tallahassee, Florida 32301
J ames U. Bi .ack.shkr
Larry T. M en efee
B lacksher, M e n efee &
St e in , P.A.
405 Van Antwerp Building
P. O. Box 1051
Mobile, Alabama 36633
J ack G reenberg
E ric Schnapper
N apoleon B. W illiam s
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York. New York 10019
Counsel for Appellees
1
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of Authorities_______________________________ iii
JURISDICTION _________________________________ 1
STATEMENT OF THE CASE ____________________ 2
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT _____________________ 4
ARGUMENT
I. The Appeal Should Be Dismissed For
Want of Jurisdiction_________________________ 8
II. The Judgment Below, Grounded on the
Fourteenth Amendment, Should Be Affirmed,
Because the Trial Court’s Factual Findings
of Racial Motives Behind the Appellants’
Decision to Retain the At-Large Scheme
Are Not Clearly Erroneous ___________________ 10
III. The District Court’s Findings Provide Addi
tional Constitutional Grounds for Affirming
the Judgment of the Court of Appeals___________ 26
A. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed
Under the Fifteenth Amendment, Because
the At-Large Scheme Was Adopted Through
a Referendum Election in Which Black
Citizens Were Denied the Right to Vote____ 27
B. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed
Under the Fourteenth Amendment,
Because For Plalf a Century the At-Large
Election Was Part of the State’s Design to
Exclude Blacks From the Political Process__ 29
C. Considering Only Objective Factors, the
District Court’s Findings Support Its
Conclusion that the At-Large Election
System Purposefully Dilutes Blacks’
Voting Strength________________________ 31
11
Page
IV. Because the Proper Legislative Authority
Rejected a Proposed Constitutional Remedy,
the District Court was Correct to Order Its
Own Districting Plan ________________________ 37
A. The Escambia County Commission Lacks
the Power to Change Its Method of
Election ______________________________ 38
B. The Courts Below Properly Applied
Wise v. Lipscomb _______________________ 40
C. McDaniel v. Sanchez Has Not Overruled
Wise v. Lipscomb ___ :__________________ 42
CONCLUSION _______ :_____ __ ____________ _____ 43
APPENDIX A ______ A-l
APPENDIX B ____________________________________ A-2
A-4
TABLE OF CONTENTS - (Continued)
APPENDIX C ...
Ill
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases Page(s)
Alabama v. United States,
304 F.2d 583 (5th Cir. 1962) ---- ,----------- -.............. 27, 28.
Augustus v. Board of Public Instruction of Escambia
County, 306 F.2d 862 (5th Cir. 1962) ........ ...... - ............. 30
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962) -...........- ......-....... - .... 34
Bell v. Hood, 327 U.S. 678 (1946) ---------- ------- ------------ 28
Bell v. Southwell, 376 F.2d 659 (5th Cir. 1967) ........-.... 27, 28
Bishop v. Wood, 426 U.S. 341 ------------------------- 39
Bolden v. City of Mobile, 423 F.Supp. 384 (S.D. Ala.
1976), affd, 571 F.2d 238 (5th Cir. 1978), rev’d and
remanded, 446 U.S. 55 (1980), on remand,
542 F.Supp. 1050 (S.D. Ala. 1982) ----- -:....... ........... . I6> 27
Bradley v. Richmond School Bd., 416 U.S. 656 (1976) ----- 9
Brown v. Thompson, 103 S.Ct. 2690 (1983) — -------- ---35, 36
City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980) ......... 20, 27, 35
Cort v. Ash, 422 U.S. 66 (1960) ............ ............. —- 9
Cross v. Baxter, 103 S.Ct. 1515 (1983) ----------- ---- 9
Davis v. State ex rel. Cromwell,
156 Fla. 181, 23 So.2d 85 (1945) ............... .......... ----- 30
East Carroll Parish School Bd. v. Marshall,
424 U.S. 636 (1976) ...._______ _----------------------------- 35
Eastland v. TV A, 704 F.2d 613 (11th Cir. 1983) ------------ 15
Ervin v. Richardson, 70 So.2d 585 (Fla. 1954) —--------23, 30
Escambia County v. McMillan,
52 U.S.L.W. 3246 (Oct. 4, 1983) ................. ........ .........4, 37
Escambia County v. McMillan,
103 S.Ct. 1766 (1983) __________ _—..
Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735 (1973)
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - (Continued)
Cases Page(s)
Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339 (1960) ______ .__ ... 28
Green v. County School Bd. (New Kent County),
391 U.S. 430 (1968) ..._____________ ____________ 30
Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 227 (1976) ________________ 15
Hamer v. Campbell, 358 F.2d 215 (5th Cir. 1966) ______ 27
Hutto v. Finney, 437 U.S. 678 (1978) ____...____________ 9
Jenkins v. City of Pensacola, 638 F.2d 1249 (5th
Cir. 1981), appeal and cert. pet. dismissed,
453 U.S. 946 (1981) ______________________________ 2
Karcher v. Daggett, 103 S.Ct. 2653 (1983) ________ 34, 36, 37
Keyes v. School Dist. No. 1, 413 U.S. 189 (1983) ________ 30
Kirksey v. Board of Supenisors of Hinds County,
554 F.2d 139 (5th Cir.) (en banc),
cert, denied, 434 U.S. 968 (1977) ___________ ____...__ 30
Lockiuood v. Jefferson Area Teachers’ Ass’n,
103 S.Ct. 27 (1983) ______________________________ 9
Lucas v. Forty-fourth General Ass’y of Colo., ^
377 U.S. 713 (1964) ______________________________ 14
MacGregor v. State Mutual Life Assurance Co.,
315 U.S. 280 (1942) _____________ 39
McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452 U.S. 130 (1981) __ __________8,42
McGill v. Gadsden County Commission,
535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976) ______________ .............21, 27
McMillan v. Escambia County,
638 F.2d 1239 (5th Cir. 1981) __ ___________________ 2
McMillan v. Escambia County,
559 F.Supp. 720 (N.D. Fla. 1983) ______________.,____ 7
Major v. Treen, __ F.Supp. __ (E.D. La.,
Sept. 23, 1983) (3-judge court) ________...._________ 16
Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267 (1977) ______________ 28
iv
V
Cases Page(s)
Perry Education Ass’n v. Perry Local Educators’
Ass’n, 103 S.Ct. 948 (1983) .... ......................... ....... .... -...8,9
Propper v. Clark, 337 U.S. 472 (1949) .... -J_4_............... 39
Pullman Standard v. Swint, 102 S.Ct. 1781 (1982) --------5, 11
Regents of the University of Cal. v. Bakke,
438 U.S. 255 (1978) _____________ U.----------- -------- 36
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ----- - . 34,36,41
Rogers v. Lodge. 102 S.Ct. 3272 (1982) 3, 5, 10, 11, 19,
20, 22, 31-35
Sims v. Amos, 365 F.Supp. 215 (M.D. Ala. 1973)
(3-judge court), aff’d sub nom., Wallace v.
Sims, 415 U.S. 902 (1974) ____________ ____________ 38
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. of
Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971) ------- ------ --------------- 28, 30
Toney v. White, 348 F.Supp. 188 (M.D. La. 1972),
„ aff’d in part and rev’d in part, 476 F.2d 203,
mod. on. rehearing, 488 F.2d 310 (5th Cir.
1973) (en banc) .....----------- --------------- .....--------------- 28
United States v. Durham Lumber Co.,
363 U.S. 522 (1960) _____________________________ 39
United States v. Schooner Peggy,
5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 1032 (1801) ____ ____ ____________ 9
Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing
Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252 (1977) -----------------5, 11
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976) ------------------- 15
White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973) _______ ___— 31, 33
Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535 (1978) ...........2, 3, 7, 8, 38-41
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY
PROVISIONS:
Constitution of the United States
Amendment XIV ..... ...... ...... ...... 1-------------------- 2, passim
Amendment XV -------------------- -------- ----- ---------passim
28 U.S.C. §1254(2) ......... - ---- ----------------------- -----1,4, 8, 9
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - (Continued)
VI
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - (Continued)
Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Page(s)
Voting Rights Act of 1965
Section 2, 42 U.S.C. §1973 ____ ____________________ 2, 9
Section 3, 42 U.S.C. §1973a ________________-..-A , 38
Section 5, 42 U.S.C. §1973c ............ ..... —------------------- 42
Constitution of Florida
Article VIII, §1 (e) ______________________ —-2, 8, 38, 39
Florida Statutes §124.01 --------------------------------------— 39
1907 Florida Laws, Ch. 5697, §1 ___________________ 29
Senate Report No. 97-417, 97th Cong.,
2d Sess. 1982 ___________________________-— 9
MISCELLANEOUS:
A. Bickel, The Morality of Consent (1975) ----------------- 36
Blacksher and Menefee, “From Reynolds v. Sims to
City of Mobile v. Bolden: Have the White
Suburbs Commandeered the Fifteenth Amendment?”
34 Hastings L.J. 1 (1982) ------------------- ----------------- 35
Derfner, “Racial Discrimination and the Right to
Vote,” 26 Vand.L.Rev. 523 (1973) ,_________ _______ 34
Fisher, “Multiple Regression in Legal Proceedings,”
80 Colum.L.Rev. 702 (1980) _________ __________ . - 15
Hartman, “Racial Vote Dilution and Separation of
Powers: An Exploration of the Conflict Between
the Judicial ‘Intent’ and the Legislative ‘Results’
Standards,” 50 Geo.Wash.L.Rev. 689 (1982) _________ 31
O’Rourke, “Constitutional and Statutory Challenges
to Local At-Large Elections,”
17 U.Rich.L.Rev. 39 (1982) ______ 1_______________ 33
Parker, “The ‘Results’ Test of Section 2 of the
Voting Rights Act: Abandoning the Intent Standard,”
69 Va.L.Rev. 715 (1983) _____________ - L _ L 2 3 i- _ - 35
Schnapper, “Perpetuation of Past Discrimination,”
96 Harv.L.Rev. 828 (1983) ________L_____________ 30
Note: “Making the Violation Fit the Remedy:
The Intent Standard and Equal Protection Law,”
92 Yale L.J. 328 (1983) _____________________ 30
NO. 82-1295
IN THE
Jsmprsmg fflourt ®f 3Ihs Putted
OCTOBER TERM, 1983
ESCAMBIA COUNTY, FLORIDA, ET AL.,
Appellants,
v,
HENRY T. MCMILLAN, ET AL.,
Appellees.
ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES COURT
OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF OF APPELLEES
Appellees Henry T. McMillan, Robert Crane, Charles L.
Scott, William F. Maxwell, and Clifford Stokes, on behalf of
themselves and the class of black citizens of Escambia County,
submit this brief and request the Court to dismiss the appeal
or to affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals.
JURISDICTION
This Court does not have jurisdiction over this appeal under
28 U.S.C. §1254(2), as Appellants assert. No state statute or
constitutional provision has been invalidated by the judgment
below. See Argument, infras at p. 8,
2
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
This action by black citizens challenging the at-large system
for electing county commissioners in Escambia County, Flor
ida, commenced on March 18, 1977. J.A. 45. Following a nine-
day nonjury trial, the district court entered an opinion and
judgment on July 10, 1978, finding that the election scheme
had been maintained for a racially indivious purpose and that
it effectively diluted the voting strength of black voters in vio
lation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C.
§1973, and the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. J.S. 71a,
114a.1
Acknowledging the directions in Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S.
535 (1978), the District Court postponed entry of a remedial
order to provide the state an opportunity to present a legisla
tive plan meeting constitutional requirements. J.S. 104-05a.2
Tire Florida Constitution requires all noncharter counties to
utilize at-large elections exclusively for their county commis
sions. Fla. Const. Art. VIII, §1; J.S. 123-24a. The local legis
lative delegation had already appointed a charter committee
Similar claims against the election systems for the Escambia County
School Board and the City of Pensacola Council were tried and decided
at the same time. The district court found racial motives behind all three
election schemes and concluded that all three were unconstitutional and
unlawful. J.S. 99a-100a. The City of Pensacola and one member of the
school board (but not the entire board) appealed with the county com
missioners to the Court of Appeals. The Court of Appeals affirmed the
judgments against the city council and school board election structures,
and both matters are now finally resolved. Jenkins v. City of Pensacola,
638 F.2d 1249 (5th Cir. 1981), appeal and pet. for cert, dismissed per
stipulations, 453 U.S. 946 (1981); McMillan v. Escambia County, 638
F.2d 1239 (5th Cir. 1981).
2The Pensacola City Council, which operates under a home rule
municipal charter, adopted by ordinance a mixed plan of seven single
member districts and three at-large seats. Under Wise, the district court
gave legislative deference to the city council’s plan and ruled that it met
constitutional standards. Plaintiffs appealed this remedial plan, but the
Court of Appeals affirmed. See generally, Jenkins v. City of Pensacola,
supra. There was no legislative proposal for the school board, and a court-
ordered plan, utilizing single-member districts exclusively, was adopted
for that body. See McMillan v. Escambia County, supra.
3
and had set in motion the process for a referendum election
on home rule. J.S. 67a; J.A. 318. The election system in the
proposed charter called for a seven-member county commission
with five elected from single-member districts and two elected
at large. J.S. 67a. In light of Wise v. Lipscomb, the District
Court gave legislative deference to the charter proposal and
approved the 5-2 plan as satisfying constitutional requirements.
J.S. 70a. However, on November 6, 1979, Escambia County’s
voters defeated the home rule proposal. J.S. 54a. Accordingly,
on December 3, 1979, the District Court adopted a court-
ordered election plan consisting of five single-member districts.
J.S. 59a. Another 5-2 plan advanced by the incumbent county
commissioners was rejected on the ground that, lacking home
rule powers, the commission had no authority under Florida
law to change the constitutionally designated at-large structure.
J.S. 68a.
On February 19, 1981, the Court of Appeals reversed the
judgment against the county commission at-large system, hold
ing that the district judge’s disbelief of the commissioners’
“good government” reasons was insufficient to support a find
ing of racial intent in the absence of other contradictory evi
dence. J.S. 43a. However, on September 24, 1982, the panel
granted Plaintiffs’ petition for rehearing and affirmed the Dis
trict Court’s judgment striking down the at-large county com
mission election system. J.S. la. In its opinion on rehearing,
the Court of Appeals acknowledged that the district judge had
in fact considered a wide range of other historical evidence and
testimony that supported his finding of invidious intent, and
that there had been inconsistencies in the commissioners’ non-
racial explanations. J.S. 13-2la. Obeying the teaching of this
Court’s intervening decision in Rogers v. Lodge, 102 S.Ct. 3272
(1982), the Court of Appeals concluded that the District
Court’s findings of fact were supported by the evidence and
were not clearly erroneous. J.S. 21-22a. Finally, it affirmed the
District Court’s remedial rulings as properly applying the prin
ciples of Wise v. Lipscomb. J.S. 28-29a.
4
On November 30, 1982, the incumbent county commissioners3
filed a notice of appeal to this Court, citing 28 U.S.C. §1254 (2) .
J.S. 120-21 a. Probable jurisdiction was noted on April 18, 1983.
Escambia County v. McMillan, 103 S.Ct. 1766 (1983).
On October 4, 1983, the Court denied Appellants’ petition for
writ of certiorari to review issues concerning redistricting that
had arisen on remand and which have not yet been addressed
by the Court of Appeals. Escambia County v. McMillan, 52
U.S.L.W. 3246 (Oct. 4, 1983) . These remand issues concern
primarily preclearance under Section 3 of the Voting Rights
Act, 42 U.S.C. §1973a, of new district boundaries approved by
the District Court as a result of the intervening 1980 census.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The Court does not have jurisdiction over this appeal, be
cause no state statute has been declared invalid by the Court
of Appeals. The District Court did enter findings of fact and
conclusions of law that support its judgment on the alternative
ground that the state constitutional provision requiring at-large
elections in noncharter counties is invalid as applied to Escam
bia County.. But the judgment of the Court of Appeals is
grounded solely on the District Court’s finding of fact that the
county commissioners, for racially invidious reasons that violate
the fourteenth amendment, chose not to adopt an alternative
single-member district election method that is authorized by
the Florida Constitution.
If the Court nevertheless considers the appeal as a petition
for writ of certiorari, the petition should be denied. Because
the Court of Appeals declined to consider the Voting Rights
Act claim, reversal of the constitutional ruling striking down
the at-large plan would, at most, require a remand for consid
3This appeal was taken by Escambia County, Fla., and the members of
its Board of County Commissioners. J.S. 120a. The five commissioners
who were elected November 1, 1983, and who will take office November
15 are Phil Waltrip, Kenneth Kelson, Willie Junior, Max Dickson, and
Grady Albritton. The Supervisor of Elections is not a party to. the appeal.
Appellants’ Brief at 1 n.l.
5
eration of the same facts to determine if there has been a statu
tory violation. Moreover, the remedy issues presented by the
Appellants concern only the construction of Florida law. The
Attorney General of Florida agrees with both lower courts that
the county commission is barred by state law from changing its
election system, unless the county adopts home rule. Escambia
County’s voters defeated the home rule charter presented to
them during the remedy phase of this case. The Florida Legis
lature has been asked to address this question, and the Court
should not inject itself in the state’s deliberations about what
government body should be given authority to adopt a legisla
tive remedy for an unconstitutional election system.
If the Court decides to review this case on its merits, the
judgment of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed. There
is extensive evidence supporting the District Court’s finding of
fact that the decision of the incumbent commissioners not to
give the voters a single-member district option was racially
motivated. The district judge listened to the in-court testimony
of the commissioners and found that their nonracial explana
tions were inconsistent with their current practices and could
not be believed. The applicable standard of review does not
permit setting aside this finding unless it is clearly erroneous.
Rogers v. Lodge, 102 S.Ct. 3272 (1982) ; Pullman Standard v.
Swint, 102 S.Ct. 1781 (1982). In this case, the District Court
assessed the Appellants’ motives in light of the criteria for de
tecting invidious intent set out in Village of Arlington Heights
v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252
(1977). The District Court also applied the analytical stand
ards later approved by this Court in Rogers v. Lodge, supra.
The trial judge made specific findings that the at-large system
systematically denies black voters in Escambia County an equal
opportunity to participate in the electoral process. Looking be
yond this adverse impact, leading up to the incumbent commis
sioners’ actions he found a century-long historical background
of official manipulation of the election system for the purpose
of excluding the electoral choices of black citizens. The official
policy of Florida during the half a century when the election
6
was determined in the all-white primary favored single-member
districts. The primaries changed to at-large voting in 1954, after
this Court struck down the white primary. The District Court’s
findings, therefore, make this a paradigm of the kind of intense
ly factual decision that ought not to be disturbed on appeal.
Independent of the appellant commissioners’ racial motives,
the findings of fact made by the District Court in regard to the
purposefully discriminatory history of the state law governing
the county commission election system provide alternative con
stitutional grounds, not reached by the Court of Appeals, for
affirming the judgment:
(1) The at-large election requirement for noncharter coun
ty commissions was adopted in 1901 in violation of the fif
teenth amendment, because black citizens were officially denied
the right to vote in the referendum election that approved the
constitutional amendment.
(2) For'the first half of the twentieth century, Florida op
erated a “dual” election system, in which white voters were
allowed to use single-member districts in the all-white Demo
cratic Primary — the only election that counted, while blacks
were restricted to voting in the at-large general elections. The
state officially authorized blacks to vote in the primary in 1945
and then changed to at-large voting in the primaries in 1954.
But, the District Court found, polarized racial voting, caused
in part by past official sanction of the dual election system, con
tinues systematically to defeat all of the blacks electoral choices
under the at-large scheme. Consequently, in Escambia County,
the state has failed to take adequate steps to eliminate the ves
tiges of the de jure dual system.
(3) Under a separate theory, suggested by justice Stevens,
a racial legislative purpose in the at-large election law may be
inferred solely from the following objective facts found by the
District Court: For the last two decades, the at-large county
commission election system has resulted in the systematic defeat
of blacks’ electoral choices, on account of a predictable antago
nistic vote by the controlling white majority bloc. In addition,
the election system is characterized by special features, num
7
bered places and a majority vote requirement, that demonstrate
a clear design to maximize the political strength of the majority
faction.
Since the judgment in this appeal was entered, the District
Court has ordered a new election plan, based on the 1980 cen
sus. McMillan v. Escambia County, 559 F.Supp. 720 (N.D.
Fla. 1983). Although the new remedial plan technically may
not moot this appeal (because the District Court rested its
1983 remedy order, in the first instance, on law of the case) ,
there is a serious question whether in this appeal the remedy
issue remains meaningful.
In providing a remedy for the constitutional violation, the
District Court carefully followed the teaching of Wise v. Lip
scomb, 437 U.S. 535 (1978) . The Florida Constitution speci
fies the use of at-large elections for county commissions, except
.where the county adopts home rule, in which event it may
choose any election method it wishes in its charter. Following
entry of its judgment striking down the at-large scheme, the
District Court withheld a ruling on remedy to allow the coun
ty’s citizens time to vote on a proposal initiated by Escambia
County’C legislative delegation to adopt a home rule charter.
Before the referendum was held, the court ruled that, if it
passed, the proposed charter’s mixed plan of five single-member
districts and two at-large seats would be a constitutionally ade
quate legislative remedy. However, the voters defeated the
charter referendum. Accordingly, the District Court entered
its own remedial plan, which consisted exclusively of five sin
gle-member districts. It held that another 5-2 plan urged by
the county commissioners was not entitled to legislative defer
ence, because the state constitution forbids a noncharter county
from using any method other than at-large elections.
Appellants’ first contention is that, notwithstanding the ex
plicit specification of at-large voting for noncharter county
commissions, state authority for the incumbent commissioners
to adopt a new election system can be inferred from tire Florida
Constitution. Both lower courts rejected this strained interpre
tation of state law.
8
Appellants’ second contention is that the District Court
should have accorded their 5-2 plan legislative deference re
gardless of whether state law authorized the county commission
to change its own election system. This position is contrary to
the holding of Wise v. Lipscomb. If it were accepted by the
Court, it would directly repudiate the will of Escambia Coun
ty’s electorate and would otherwise invite unnecessary federal
court interference in the state’s constitutional procedures for
determining local election structures.
Finally, Appellants contend that McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452
U.S. 130 (1981), has overruled Wise v. Lipscomb. This simply
is incorrect. McDaniel v. Sanchez was concerned solely with
interpreting the coverage of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act
and did not consider the issue in Wise v. Lipscomb: whether
federal courts should defer to the election systems proposed by
local government bodies regardless of their state authority to
enact such changes.
ARGUMENT
I. The Appeal Should Be Dismissed For Want
Of Jurisdiction.
Appellants base this appeal on 28 U.S.C. §1254(2), claiming
to be parties “relying on a State statute held by a court of ap
peals to be invalid as repugnant to the Constitution, treaties
or laws of the United States.” But the Court of Appeals has
not held any state statute to be invalid in the instant case.
Section 1 (e) of Article VIII of the Florida Constitution, J.S.
123a, which provides for at-large county commission elections
in noncharter counties, has not been invalidated. Rather, the
Court of Appeals has held that relevant local officials of Escam
bia County, for invidious racial reasons, have chosen not to ex
ercise the option afforded by the home rule provisions of the
state constitution to change to single-member districts. J.S. 20a
and n.19. Accordingly, the conditions of 28 U.S.C. §1254(2)
are not satisfied, and this appeal should be dismissed. See
Perry Education Ass’n v. Perry Local Educators’ Ass’n, 103 S.Ct.
9
948 (1983) ; Lockwood v. Jefferson Area Teachers’ Ass’n, .103
S.Ct. 27 (1983) .
Appellees realize that, even though the Court lacks jurisdic
tion of this appeal under 28 U.S.C. §1254(2), in its discretion
it could treat the appeal papers as a petition for writ of cer
tiorari and review the case nonetheless. Perry Education Ass’n
V. Perry Local Educators’ Ass’n, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 954. How
ever, for the following reasons, certiorari should be denied.
See Lockwood' v. Jefferson Area Teachers’ Ass’n, supra.
First, with respect to the liability issues, the judgment of the
Court of Appeals is grounded solely on the fourteenth amend
ment. J.S. 3-5a n.2, 29a. If this Court were to reverse the con
stitutional ruling, it still would be necessary to remand for
consideration of the statutory claim under the amended Sec
tion 2 of the Voting Rights Act.4 See Cross v. Baxter, 103 S.Ct.
1515 (1983). Appellees do not presume that this Court would
be inclined to address the amended Voting Rights Act issues
when it has not been considered by either court below. Accord
ingly we will not discuss in this brief how the findings of fact
made by the trial court satisfy the “results” standard established
by Congress under the amended Section 2.5 If the Court docs
wish to review the statutory issue on the merits at this time, we
suggest that the parties be so notified and that additional briefs
be requested.
4The District Court grounded its judgment on the unamended Section 2
of the Voting Rights Act, as well as on the Constitution, J.S. 101a. The
Court of Appeals thought that Appellees had "presented a cogent argu
ment that die amended Act entitles them to relief," but declined to reach
the statutory question. J.S. 4-5a n.2. 42 U.S.C. § 1973 (1976), as amended
by Pub.L, 97-205, 96 Stat. 131 (1982) took effect upon enactment, i.e.,
June 29, 1982, and should apply to pending litigation. See generally
H utto v. Finney, 437 U.S. 678, 694-695 n.23 (1978); Bradley v. Richmond
School Board, 416 U.S. 656 (1976); Cort v. Ash, 422 U.S. 66 (1960);
United States V. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 1032 (1801). Both
the House and Senate Floor Managers stated that "Section 2 . . . will, of
Course, apply to pending cases in accordance with . . . well established
principles . . ." V28 Cong. Rec. HS841 (daily ed. June 23, 1982) (remarks
of Rep. Sensenbrenner); 128 Cong. Rec. S. 7095 (daily ed. June 17, 1982)
(remarks of Sen. Kennedy).
•’Senate Report No. 97-417, 97th Cong., 2d Sess., p.27 (1982).
10
Second, the remedy issues Appellants seek to raise are, on the
facts of this case, clearly without merit. The courts below prop
erly rejected the county commissioners’ contention that they
could exercise home rule legislative powers that the voters had
denied them in two recent charter referendums. By challeng
ing these rulings, Appellants are asking the Court to disregard
the state constitution and to inject itself unnecessarily in a
question the Florida Legislature is about to consider regarding
the proper allocation of power to change county commission
election systems.
Moreover, because another election plan was adopted by the
District Court in 1983, resolution of the issues presented con
cerning the 1979 plan may not finally dispose of the remedy
issues now pending in the Court of Appeals. See fn.69 infra.
II. The Judgm ent Below, Grounded On The Fourteenth
Amendment, Should Be Affirmed, Because The Trial
Court’s Factual Findings Of Racial Motives Behind The
Appellants’ Decision To Retain The At-Large Scheme
;Are Not Clearly Erroneous../
The Court of Appeals affirmed the District Court’s finding
of a fourteenth amendment violation because the trial judge
squarely had addressed the question of intent‘and had found,
as a matter of fact, that the county commissioners had decided
to retain the dilutive, atdarge system, ..at least in ..part, io r racial
motives. J:S. 21-22ai-‘The: District Court’s, inquicy/ipto.the pur
pose of the; election ‘plan Was specific and carefully' focused.
T his was not a case, dike 'Rogers v. Lodge, ',102 'S.Ct. 3272
(1982) , where the court inferred invidious intent solely -from
the broad circumstances of longstanding official discrimination,
against blacks in the local community,6 Rather, ‘the District
Court in the instant case looked in the eyes of the local olficiaK
who, at the time of trial, had been responsible for -the latest
decisions to reject single-member district proposals,and did nof
believe their nonraciaT explanations., ,J.S. 96-98a. The court
«102 S.Ct. at 3279-81.
i l
found, again as matters of pure fact, that the recent racially
motivated actions of the Appellants were only the latest in an
unrelieved series of changes in the election structure, extend
ing over 100 years, that were intended to deny black citizens
the opportunity to elect county commissioners of their choice.
J.S, 73-77a, 92-93a, 96-98a. The District Court further but
tressed its findings of intent by considering all of the circum
stantial factors enunciated in Village of Arlington Heights v.
Metropolitan. Housing Development Corp.,7 including exhaus
tive evidence of the present adverse impact of the at-large
scheme on blacks’ voting strength. J.S. 79-92a,
Under Rogers v. Lodge8 and Pullman Standard v. Swint?
the District Court’s findings of racial intent may not be dis
turbed unless they are clearly erroneous. Considering the depth
and comprehensiveness of the evidence supporting the trial
judge’s findings here, the judgment should be affirmed.
The district judge was able to hear the testimony and ob
serve the demeanors of four of the county commissioners on
the stand. J.A. 470, 495, 507, 532. He did not believe their
purported nonracial reason for striking down the district elec
tion proposals. J.S. 96-98a. Not only was this critical finding
on the question of credibility buttressed by all the Arlington
Heights circumstantial evidence, but glaring inconsistencies ef
fectively impeached the Appellants’ testimony.
The race-neutral reason alleged by the commissioners for
striking the single-member district proposals was to avoid the
“individual little kingdoms” that supposedly had existed under
the pre-1954 district system. J.A. 511; accord, J.A. 481, 498,
540. But cross-examination revealed that even under the exist
ing at-large system each of the county commissioners was run
ning the same little kingdom, because he exercised final con
trol over the road and bridge funds allocated to his residency
subdistrict. J.A. 473-74, 478-79, 487, 498, 514, 520, 523-24.
7429 U.S. 252 (1977).
8102 S.Ct. at 3278.
»102 S,Ct. 1781 (1982).
12
There were other contradictions in Appellants’ testimony.
Commissioner Deese, who as a charter committee member had
“go[ne] over the charter word by word to see what needed to be
adjusted,” J.A. 510, could not explain why, with no objections,
he had signed the unanimous committee report urging the
adoption of single-member districts and then reversed his posi
tion when the charter came before the county commission.
J-A. 510, 528-30. One of the commissioners had not consulted
or heard from black citizens concerning their feelings about
the election structure. J.A. 488, 492. Three testified that they
would not consider blacks’ vote dilution in deciding their pref
erence for election plans. J.A. 490, 492, 504, 530-31. Commis
sioner Kenney’s testimony at trial directly contradicted the
views he had expressed at the public hearing.10
It is important to notice that the purportedly nonracial justi
fication of trying to maintain their incumbencies was not even
mentioned; by the county commissioners on the stand. It ap
peared for the first time in a post-trial memorandum filed by
their counsel. J.S. 98a. In other words, their post-trial memo
randum impeached the commissioners’ “little kingdom” ex
planation at trial. This was the point made by the district
I0At trial, Mr. Kenney took this view of changes in the commission’s
responsibilities:
1 voted for countywide representation. I voted for it basically on
the premise that there are issues and problems that transcend district
lines and perhaps did not exist, these problems did not exist in, prior
to 1950 when the old road boards were in operation.
J.A. 540. But previously, at the public hearing, Mr. Kenney, responding
to a black citizen’s plea for single-member districts, had viewed the modern
problems in the opposite light:
I think you have a very valid point, and I am not really very strong
on county wide thing myself. I don’t really feel it is that important.
I feel like to a degree, it is kind of a hang over from the old Road
Board that this Commission used to be where the Commissioner’s only
job was to take care of paving roads in a certain district and that
was all he had to worry about. We have progressed quite a ways since
then, where we deal with municipal problems a great deal more
since % ’s of our population lives outside the city limits and still
wants municipal services.
J.A. 1135.
13
judge, who wrote that independently he had found the com
missioners’ good government justifications to be unbelievable.
Id. Instead, the trial judge concluded, the commissioners’ mo
tive for rejecting the proposals for single-member districts “was
to continue the present dilution of black voting strength,” so
that none of them could be replaced by a black candidate. Id.
Such a motive is not, as Appellants now contend, race-free.
The District Court did not ground its finding of invidious in
tent on the incumbents’ motive to exclude all other potential
candidates, but on their intent to exclude black potential can
didates in particular.11 This is no different than the finding-
upheld by this Court in Rogers v. Lodge. But whereas the trial
judge in Rogers had to infer from total legislative inactivity
that state lawmakers intended to retain Burke County’s at-large
system in order to minimize black political strength, 102 S.Ct.
at 3280, the district judge in the instant case could base the
same finding on specific legislative events and the opportunity
to observe the testimony of the relevant officials.12 J.S. 77a,
96a-98a.
u
To this court the reasonable inference to be drawn from their
actions in retaining at-large districts is that they were motivated,
at least in part, by the possibility single district elections might
result in one of more of them being displaced in subsequent elections
by blacks.
J.S. 98a. The evidence reveals at least one occasion when the commis
sioners were squarely confronted with this prospect. At the public hearings,
a black precinct committeeman said to them:
Thank you. The very first part where it says five members elected
county wide. County wide automatically kills it for me because
eventually I plan on running maybe for one of your jobs. As long
as it is county wide, I can never beat Jack Kenney out.
J.A. 1133.
12Although Justice Stevens would not invalidate any electoral device
simply because the elected officials were “motivated by a desire to retain
control of the local political machiney,” Rogers, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3292
(J. Stevens, dissenting), the findings in the instant case satisfy even his
standards. The Appellant Commissioners made no attempt to justify an
at-large scheme that employed both a majority-vote and numbered place
requirements in the primary, "devicejs] that servej] no purpose other
than to exclude minority groups from effective participation. . . Id,
14
The District Court’s findings here are grounded on virtually
every type of direct and circumstantial evidence that this Court
lias referred to in its decisions concerning discriminatory intent.
Indeed, in the section of its opinion devoted entirely and ex
plicitly to the issue of intent, the District Court was guided by
the criteria of Arlington Heights.
In Arlington Heights the Supreme Court set out several
factors indicative of discriminatory intent. They are
(1) the effect of the official action, (2) the historical
background of the decision, “particularly if it reveals a
series of official actions taken for invidious purposes,”
(3) the sequence of events, (4) substantive and proce
dural departures, (5) legislative history. 429 U.S. at 266-
68. These criteria must be applied to the official act or
acts which give rise to the respective election systems in
this case.
J.S. 92a. There was credible evidence of each of these five ele
ments, in addition to the trial judge’s actual observation of the
commissioners’ testimony, supporting his finding that the at-
large plan has been maintained for racially discriminatory pur
poses. Moreover, the District Court “bolstered” its findings of
racial intent by an analysis of the circumstantial evidence using
the criteria that have been approved in Rogers v. Lodge.
J.S. 98a.
Appellants also contend that a post-trial, post-judgment charter refer
endum held in 1979, in which home rule was again rejected by the voters,
this time based on a charter proposal that included a 5-2. single-member
district and at-large mixed election plan, means that the racial motives
of the incumbents in 1975 and 1977 are no longer responsible for the
maintenance of the discriminatory election plan. Appellants’ Bf. at 31-32.
This argument is flawed for at least two reasons. First, the at-large system
had been adjudged unconstitutional before the 1979 referendum election
took place, and the calling of another referendum election on charter
government could not, by itself, meet the state’s legal obligation to afford
a remedy. Second, even if there had been no prior judicial ruling, if the
1975 and 1977 official actions actually violated blacks’ constitutionally
protected voting rights, that denial of rights could not be cured “by a
vote of a majority of [the county’s] electorate.” Lucas v. Forty-fourth
General Assembly of Colo., 377 U.S. 713, 746 (1964).
15
. (1) Adverse Impact,
“The impact of the official action - whether it ‘bears more
heavily on one race than another’ — may provide an important
starting point [for a sensitive inquiry about intent].” Arlington
Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 266, quoting Washington v. Davis,
426 U.S. 229, 242 (1976) . The District Court found “that the
voting strength of blacks is effectively diluted under the pres
ent election systems of the county and city.” J.S. 90a (footnote
omitted). According to Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at
8279, evidence that a distinct racial minority consistently has
its candidates defeated by a bloc-voting white majority “bears
heavily on the issue of purposeful discrimination.” In the in
stant case, the District Court arrived at this finding after con
sidering [t]he complete record of county elections since
1955. . . .” J.S. 81a. This massive record was analyzed by an
expert statistician and by a political scientist. Numerous black
candidates testified about racial bloc voting, discouragement,
threats and intimidation which they encountered in their cam
paigns. Substantial evidence was introduced about black turn
out and political participation and about the social and eco
nomic disabilities of the black community in Escambia County.
Unrebutted evidence of sharply polarized voting along racial
lines was presented to the District Court. An expert statisti
cian13 analyzed the correlations between the vote received by
given candidates in each election precinct with the percentage
of registered voters in that precinct who were black, with the
median income of residents in the precinct, with party affilia
tion and with gender of the registered voters. J.A. 733-50, 1277.
Step-wise multiple regression analyses14 of these data were per
13Dr. David Curry, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of South
Alabama. J.A. 1267. Dr. Curry was qualified by the District Court as an
expert in the sociological and demographic applications of statistics.
J.A. 1268.
14Multiple regression analysis is an accepted statistical technique, a
quantitative method of estimating the effects of different variables of
interest.” Eastland v. TV A, 704 F.2d 613, 621 (11th Cir. 1983), citing
Fisher, “Multiple Regression in Legal Proceedings,” 80 Colum.L.Rev.
702 (1980). See also, Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 227, 234 (1976) (J.
16
formed. Id. In modern times, black persons bad sought elec
tion to the Escambia County Commission on four occasions, to
the school board on five occasions, and to the Pensacola City
Council on nineteen occasions. J.S. 107-13a. A total of 168 re
gression analyses were performed.15 Computer-generated “scat
ter diagrams,” J.A. 751-54, visually displayed what the expert
political scientist16 called “irrefutable” evidence of racially po
larized voting. J.A. 421. In addition, the political scientist
studied raw election returns, visited Escambia County five
times, conducted over twenty in-depth interviews of politically
knowledgeable persons in Escambia County, and did back
ground reading in local newspapers and publications. J.A. 401.
Based on all this information, he expressed the opinion that,
under the at-large system, the votes of black citizens in Escam
bia County were diluted, in that their electoral preferences
were submerged consistently by the bloc-voting white majority.
J.A. 403.
The District Court heard extensive testimony from black
candidates. J.A. 255-310, 334-74. They were uniformly discour
aged from making further attempts as candidates in countywide
at-large elections. J.A. 419, 422-25. The consistent defeat of
blacks in the past and the high financial cost of countywide
campaigning when compared with the paucity of financial re
Marshall, dissenting). In particular, regression analysis is an acknowledged
method for displaying racial bloc voting. See Major v. Treen, ____F.Supp.
___ , Manu.Op. at 30 (E.D.La., Sept. 23, 1983) (3-judge court); Bolden
v. City of Mobile, 423 F.Supp. 384, 388 (S.D.Ala. 1976), affd, 571 F.2d
238 (5th Cir. 1978), rev’d and remanded on other grounds, 446 U.S. 55
(1980), on remand, 542 F.Supp. 1050 (S.D.Ala. 1982).
ispi. Exs. 13-16. All the regression analysis results are summarized at
J.A. 771-98. A summary of the analyses only of those elections in which
blacks were candidates is appended to the District Court’s opinion. J.S.
107-13a. In the county commission elections involving black candidates,
the correlation coefficient between race of registered voters and vote
obtained by the candidates ranged from 0.85 to 0.98. J.S. 107a. A correla
tion coefficient of .5 is considered to be unusually high in social science
data. J.A. 1274-76.
leDr. Charles Cotrell, Professor of Political Science, St. Mary's Univer
sity, San Antonio, Texas. J.A. 398. Dr. Cotrell was accepted by the court
as an expert in the field of political science. J.A. 398, 400.
17
sources in the black community were the reasons given.17 Just
as discouraging for black candidates in Escambia County has
been the hostility of the white electorate, much of it openly
expressed. Charlie Taite, knowing that he needed white votes
to win, campaigned door-to-door in white neighborhoods wear
ing common work clothes, so that he would not seem like a
“busybody” and arouse a white backlash. J.A. 264. Rev. Otha
Leverette received death threats over the telephone, J.A. 278,
and when he tried to conceal the fact that he was black during
the general election, his own party published his picture in
campaign literature. J.A. 274-75. Dr. Donald Spence also testi
fied to having received telephone threats, as well as other activi
ties directed against him by the Ku Klux Klan. Vol. XVI 558,
565. F. L. Henderson received telephone threats, had the win
dows of his car destroyed and found a dead cat hung on the
door of his home. Vol. XVII 633. Elmer Jenkins received
threatening phone calls and had difficulty finding campaign
workers who were not afraid of going into the white neighbor
hoods. Vol. XVII 733, 753. Nathanial Dedmond, a local black
attorney, was threatened over the telephone during his cam
paign. J.A. 353. James Brewer was unsuccessful in his attempts
to solicit financial support in the white community. Vol. XVII
802-04. Charlie Taite testified that lie had been offered $10,000
to drop out of the election and lost his job when he refused.
Vol. XVI 363.
The testimony of black politicians confirmed the feeling of
futility and discouragement the political scientist had found
among his interviewees. J.A. 419. In his opinion, the reluc
tance of qualified black citizens to offer as candidates was an
other manifestation of the inability of the black electorate to
have any of its preferences expressed in the political process. Id.
He found this sense of futility and lack of interest expressed in
the turnout data. It shows that black voters turn out at much
lower rates than whites except when there are black candidates,
wTaite, J.A. 271: Leverette, J.A. 275, 277; Spencer, J.A. 289, 302-03: 0.
Marshall, J.A. 335-36; Henderson, J.A. 339; Jenkins, J.A. 347; Dedmond,
J.A. 351; Hunter, Vol. XVII 784; Brewer, Vol. XVII 802-04,
18
in which event the black turnout rate has been equal to or
higher than the white turnout rate. J.A. 421-432. Governor
Rubin Askew, who testified at trial about his involvement, as
a freshman state legislator from Escambia County, in the 1959
change of election systems for city council, agreed with the po
litical scientist that lack of fair representation explains the dis
couragement within the black electorate:
I have come to believe and believe very strongly that while
single-member districting will not require necessarily fair
representation among minorities, in my opinion it is the
single most important step you can take to better insure
representation by minorities. . . . I personally feel that if
black people in this case, other minorities, if they are not
afforded an opportunity through single-districting to speak
and elect some of their own people to the Boards, which
that government is supposed to represent them, I don’t
know how we can say that government is truly represen
tative of all the people. . . . We need more minority rep
resentation on government if government is supposed to
fairly represent them and if we want young black people
in particular to feel they are part of the system. Then they
have got to be given a chance in a fair way and not be out
voted with a larger majority. ,
J.A. 467.
The evidence detailing blacks’ current lack of access to the
political process in Escambia County followed extensive testi
mony by two respected Florida historians18 'about the long his
tory of violence, physical and economic intimidation, segrega
tion and official oppression that had marked the previous one
hundred years of Florida’s history. Based on this evidence the
18Dr. Jerrell Shofner, Professor and Chairman of the Department of
History, Florida Technological University, Orlando. J.A. 146. Dr. Shofner
has researched and written extensively on Florida history during the
Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction periods. J.A. 147. At the time of
his testimony in this case, he was serving as President of the Florida
Historical Society. Id.
Dr. James McGovern, Associate Professor of History, University of
West Florida, Pensacola. PI. Ex. 3. Dr. McGovern was the officially desig
nated Bicentennial Historian for the City of Pensacola. PI. Ex. 4.
19
District Court found that during the Jim Crow period in Flor
ida “the white government was unwilling or unable to prevent
a shocking degree of violence and intimidation suffeied by
blacks at the hands of whites,” J.S. 93a. Although the modern
forms of intimidation described at trial were not as brutal, per
haps, as those of the past, they remain, nevertheless, a real and
substantial additional burden for blacks seeking to participate
in Escambia County’s political process today. The expert po
litical scientist spoke of the “shadow of history that still hangs
over black political participation. J.A. 423.
The District Court also received extensive evidence about
the depressed socio-economic condition of the black community
in Escambia County, which, under Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102
S.Ct. at 3280, is further evidence that the at-large system lias a
racial purpose. J.A. 799-1036. Mr. DeVrees, City Planner for
Pensacola, admitted that neighborhood blight, including de
teriorating housing, poor streets, and lack of recreational facili
ties, closely correlates with the proportion of blacks in the
neighborhood population. Vol. XIX, 1123-24. Mr. Page, a
senior planner with the West Florida Regional Planning Com
mission; testified that his Survey of drug abuse, unemployment,
poor housing’̂ ftinditions, lack of recreational facilities, crime,
welfare; ‘tietftai'; health,> youth services, fire, tuberculosis and
venereal disease fat§o;*torrelated with the proportion of blacks
■in each neighborhood. >Vol. XXI, 1635. Considering all this
evidence, the‘‘District:Court entered the following findings of
fact: '■■■■■-. ■■..:■ •■>■; /'
State enforced segregation and discrimination have helped
create two societies in the city and county — segregated
churches, clubs, neighborhoods and, until a few years ago,
schools. These laws left blacks in an inferior social and
economic position, with generally inferior education. The
lingering effects upon black individuals, coupled with
their continued separation from the dominant white so
ciety, have helped reduce black voting strength and par
ticipation in government.
J.S. 86a. Similar findings of “lingering effects of past discrimi
20
nation” were approved in Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at
3280.
Finally, with regard to the adverse impact of the at-large sys
tem, the District Court found “independent significance” in
the severe underrepresentation of blacks on appointed county
boards and committees. J.S. 90a. Accord, Rogers v. Lodge,
supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3280. “With such a paucity of black elected
and appointed representatives, blacks are excluded from almost
all positions of responsibility in the governmental policymaking-
machinery.” J.S. 90-91a.
(2) The Historical Background.
The racially motivated charter decisions of the county com
missioners were only the latest of a series of invidiously in
tended legislative election changes.
The District Court made explicit findings of fact that Flor
ida’s official policy from 1868 until at least 1954 was to main
tain a county commission election structure that assured that
no black person could be elected. Under Arlington Heights,
429 U.S. at 267, “[t]he historical background of the decision is
one evidentiary source, particularly if it reveals a series of offi
cial actions taken for invidious purposes.” (Citations omitted).
Similarly, Rogers v. Lodge relied pjr ‘‘fte ;j*npact of past dis
crimination on the ability "of blacks *fo pariicipf te effectively in
the political process.” 102 S.Ct. at 3279.,
The following chain of decisional responsibility1-® was estab
lished for the election system used hi Escambia County:
(1) From 1868 to 1901 the county commissioners were ap
pointed by the governor “to ensure against the possibility that
blacks might be elected in majority black counties.” J.S. 74a,
16a. The delegates to the ;1868 and ,1885 Florida Constitution
al Conventions were responsible for the development and main
tenance of tins system. J.A. 154.-59. 9
I9The District Court’s findings cannot be faulted for “failure to identify
the state officials whose intent it considered relevant." Rogers v. Lodge,
supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3281 (J. Powell, dissenting), quoting City of Mobile
v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 74 n.20 (1980).
21
(2) In 1901 sufficient numbers of blacks had been disfran
chised to make white supremacists feel safe about returning the
selection of county commissioners to the electorate, and the
state constitution was amended to provide for at-large general
elections. J.S. 74a. The historical sequence of events and the
contemporaneous passage of Jim Crow laws indicated to the
district court a racial motive in the adoption of at-large elec
tions. J.S. 92a-93a; Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24.20 But it declined to find
a racial intent behind the adoption of the 1901 constitutional
amendment, primarily because the Fifth Circuit previously had
held that there could be no racial motive when blacks were al
ready disfranchised.21
~ '(3) Both the primary and general elections were apparently
conducted on an at-large basis for one election. J.A. 173. But a
1907 statute changed the primary elections to single-member
districts, leaving the general elections to be held at large. Id.
Because the Democratic primary was for whites only and was in
effect the only election that counted, the district court found
that the “anomaly” of a districted primary and an at-large gen
eral election “worked, not surprisingly, to the unique disadvan
tage of blacks,” J.S. 75a, was “clearly race related,” J.S. 92a, and
was part of “a concerted state effort to institutionalize white
supremacy,” J.S. 74a. This “dual”22 election system for county
commissioners remained in effect in Escambia County until
1954. Then, in the wake of judicial rulings striking down the
all-white primary, the state courts declared that single-member
district primaries were inconsistent with the 1901 state consti
tutional amendment requiring county commissioners to be
20Page 24 of the district court’s opinion is omitted in the Jurisdictional
Statement at p. 92a, after the words “The sequence of”. Page 24 of the
opinion is reproduced as an appendix to this brief.
21 J.S. 93a, and Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24, citing McGill v. Gadsden County
Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976). The District Court also under
stood Dr. Shofner, Plaintiffs’ expert historian, to have “reinforced” the
conclusion of McGill. Id. Actually, Dr. Shofner testified that the elimi
nation of blacks as a political threat is what allowed a. return of county
government to local control; he did not say that the choice of an at-large
scheme had no racial purpose. T.A. 195-96.
22J.S. 19a.
22
elected at large. J.S. 75a-76a. The Florida Legislature and the
Democratic Party bore the responsibility for the exclusion of
blacks from the real election for county commissioners, which
was conducted by single-member districts. j.A. 173-74.
(4) Since 1954, Escambia County’s election structure could
be changed only by the adoption of home rule, charter govern
ment (unless, of course, the state constitution itself were
amended). The incumbent county commissioners controlled
what charter propositions would be submitted to Escambia
County’s voters, and the district court found that the commis
sioners acted with racial motives when in 1975 and again in
1977 they rejected proposals by their own appointed charter
committees to change to district elections. J.S. 77a, 96a-98a.
It is important to keep in mind, as the District Court did,
that until post-World War II federal intervention began re
infranchising black voters, state policy favored single-member
district elections for all three major local government bodies in
Escambia County. J.S. 74a, 86a; Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24.
At-large requirements have been in effect for general elec
tions of county commissioners and school board members
since 1901 and 1895, respectively. However, in the pri
maries, which were then tantamount to election, the com
missioners were elected in single-member districts from
1907 to 1954, and school board members from 1907 to
1947. Half the city council was elected from single-mem
ber districts until 1959. Moreover, the evidence shows . . .
that there were racial motivations connected with the at-
large requirements of each of these election systems.
J.S. 86a. During most of this period black citizens were offi
cially excluded from the electoral process by devices like the
poll tax and the white-only Democratic primary. J.S. 74-75a;
Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24; J.A. 159-64. See Rogers v. Lodge, supra,
102 S.Ct. at 3279. Only after the white primary was struck
down in 1945 was there a precipitate swing to an at-large pol
icy. J.S. 75a. In the very next session of the legislature, state
law was amended to require use of at-large voting for school
boards. J.S. 93a. The District Court agreed with the expert
23
historian that this 1947 change in the school board election
structure was racially motivated. J.S. 93-94a; J.A. 183. Next,
in 1953 the Escambia County Circuit Court struck down the
single-member district feature of county commission primaries,
in a lawsuit brought by “good government’’ groups backed by
the Pensacola Journal.23 The Florida Supreme Court affirmed
the decision in 1954,24 The District Court did not. make a find
ing that the state courts were racially motivated, but the his
torian expressed the opinion that the lack of official resistance
to the change could be accounted for, at least in part, by the
desire to preserve white supremacy.25 Finally, single-member
district elections were eliminated from the city council plan in
a 1959 charter amendment. J.S. 78a. Relying in part on an
editorial from the Pensacola Journal urging voters to approve
the charter referendum,26 the District Court found a racial mo
tive behind this change as well. J.S. 94a.
23Def. Ex. 12; J.A. 1099.
24J.S. 75-76a, citing Ervin v. Richardson, 70 So.2d 585 (Fla. 1954).
25J-A. 183, 209, 213-14. Dr. Shofner explained;
I think the point is that it did not upset the desires of the people who
Were in control in the comity at that particular time. I think that,
however, whether or not it was initiated for this reason, it served
them very well
J.A. 214. The record in Ervin v. Richardson, supra, supports Dr. Shofner’s
Opinion. Def. Ex. 12. The case was adjudicated from start to finish in two
months. The state attorney general intervened solely for the purpose of
ensuring statewide uniformity of the election law and did not vigorously
defend the fifty-year policy of single-member primaries. The defendant
county commissioners did not join the attorney general’s appeal, and
neither the Democratic Party nor any state political leaders objected. The
state supreme court affirmed the circuit judge even as it acknowledged
"that nominations of county commissioners by districts has been the
established policy of the State for many years. . . .” 70 So.2d at 587. There
was no evidence that any attempt was made after the ruling to amend
the state constitution or to take any other action to preserve this "estab
lished policy.”
26The 1959 Journal editorial contained a "smoking gun” admission of
the racial motives behind the election change and recalled similar changes
in the county commission and school board election methods:
This would be an advantageous change for at least two reasons.
One reason is that small groups which might dominate one ward
could not choose a councilman. Thus one ward might conceivably
24
(3) The Sequence of Events.
“The specific sequence of events leading up to the challenged
decision also may sited some light on the decisionmaker’s pur
poses.” Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 267. In finding
that the Appellant county commissioners had acted with racial
motives when they rejected recent single-member district pro
posals, the District Court relied heavily on the sequence of
events. J.S. 77a, 96a. First one and then a second commission-
appointed charter committee recommended different forms of
districted systems.27 Blacks appealed to the commissioners in
public hearings to accept the committee’s proposal for the sake
elect a Negro councilman, although the city as a whole would not.
This probably is the prime reason behind the proposed change.
However, the best argument for the change, the one which we
offer, is that all councilmen would be responsible to all city voters,
not merely to those in their particular section. Councilmen should
have a city-wide viewpoint, not a localized outlook.
We favored such representation in the county, both for school board
members and for county commissions. Prior to the Minimum Founda
tion Law, school board members were chosen by districts, equivalent
to city wards. This change was helpful as it widened horizons and
banished petty district politics. A vote in Century became as im
portant as a vote in Pensacola.
Later, the News Journal attempted by legislation to have county
commissioners elected county-wide, instead of by districts, because
the district plan made each commissioner more concerned with his
district while roads and other problems crossing district lines were
neglected. Legislation failed, but a suit brought by citizens resulted in
the Supreme Court deciding the district election was invalid. Now
commissioners over the state are chosen by county-wide vote and we
think it has resulted in great improvement.
J.A. 1098-99. The editors’ juxtaposition of black vote dilution and good
government theories illustrates perfectly the point made by Dr. Shofner
about policies of this period:
Mr. Cash, the historian of the Democratic Party in ’36, talked about
good government in terms of cleaning up the electorate by keeping-
blacks out of it. I think that that is more satisfactory to a person to
say than to say, “Let’s disenfranchise blacks.”
J.A. 183-84.
2"The 1977 charter committee recommended a five-member county
commission with all five elected from single-member districts. J.A. 1233.
The 1975 charter committee had added two at-large seats to the five from
single-member districts to “provide balanced representation.” J.A. 1201.
25
of fair minority representation. J.A. 1131-41. One commis
sioner voted for the change as a charter committee member,
but later all five commissioners voted to strike the single-mem
ber districts before the charter was submitted to the voters.
J.A. 528-30.
(4) Procedural and Substantive Departures.
The District Court noted that two separate charter commit
tees were appointed by the county commission, and that even
after the second committee came back with a single-member
district recommendation, Appellants still refused to submit the
election change to the voters. J.S. 77a, 96a. “Departures from
the normal procedural sequence . . . [and] [sjubstantive depar
tures too may be relevant, [to a determination of intent].”
Arlington PIcights, supra, 429 U.S. at 267.
(5) The Legislative History.
“The legislative . . . history may be highly relevant, espe
cially where there are contemporary statements by members of
tiie decisionmaking body, minutes of its meetings, or reports.”
Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 268. The reports of the
charter committees, J.A. 1195-1227, and the transcript of one
public hearing conducted by the county commission, J.A. 1131,
were introduced in evidence. They show that Appellants made
no attempt to respond to the carefully articulated reasons given
by the charter committee for favoring district elections.28 In
particular, the committee squarely rebutted the rationale Ap
pellants gave the District Court. Compare J.S. 77a with J.A.
1201:
28
District representation will cut the mounting cost of running for
Countywide election, and the increasing reliance on special interest
for financing. The districts will also insure meaningful representation
and allow close identification and scrutiny of the district Commis
sioners. The district Commissioners will be closer to the people who
elected them and more responsive to district problems and needs. The
district Commissioners will have a ready and in-hand knowledge of
their districts.
J.A. 1201.
2 6
There may be an argument that district Commissioners
may be responsive to district pressures first and consider
vital Countywide matters second. It is based upon the as-
sumption and not fact that the County Commission can
only act as a unit in passing County laws or establishing
policy or issuing administrative directives.
Finally, “members [of the decisionmaking body were] called
to the stand at the trial to testify concerning the purpose of the
official action. . . Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 268.
As discussed, supra at pp. 10-3, the district judge was able to
gauge the commissioners’ credibility by direct observation.
When, as here, the factfinder’s conclusion is supported by lit-*
erally every conceivable kind of direct and circumstantial evi-
dence, there is no basis for disturbing it on appeal.
III. The District Court’s Findings Provide Additional
Constitutional Grounds For Affirming The Judgment
Of The Court Of Appeals.
The Court of Appeals affirmed the judgment under the four*
teenth amendment on the ground that the District Court did
not clearly err in finding that the incumbent county commis
sioners acted, in part, with racial motives when they struck
districted elections from the 1975 and 1977 charter proposals.
j.S. 20-22a. The Court of Appeals did not decide whether the
District Court’s other findings supported its conclusions that
judgment for Plaintiffs could be grounded on (unamended)
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the fourteenth and fif
teenth amendments. See j.S. 100-lQla. For reasons stated at
p. 9 supra, we have not briefed the statutory issue. But if
the Court decides to review the constitutional issues, it ought
to consider the additional fourteenth and fifteenth amendment
bases for affirming the judgment below.
27
A. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed Under the Fif
teenth Amendment, Because the At-Large Scheme Was
Adopted Through a Referendum Election in Which Black
Citizens Were Denied the Right to Vote.
In its opinion on rehearing the panel stuck by the view ex
pressed by the plurality in City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S.
55 (1980), that vote dilution cases are not cognizable under
the fifteenth amendment. J.S. 4a n.2. However, in this Court,
given the peculiar facts of this case, the fifteenth amendment
affords an alternative ground for affirming the judgment be
low, a ground that would satisfy even the standard of the
Bolden plurality.
It is undisputed that in the last two decades of the nineteenth
century the State of Florida enacted constitutional and statu
tory measures designed to disfranchise its black citizens and
that by 1900 only a few blacks were still registered. J.S. 74a;
j.A. 159-61. Ironically, in the instant case this massive official
denial of blacks’ voting rights has disadvantaged their ability
to obtain relief. Adhering to an earlier precedent,29 both lower
courts concluded that, because of the need to prove invidious
intent, the elimination of blacks as a statewide electoral threat
foreclosed the possibility that the 1901 constitutional amend
ment mandating at-large voting in the general election for
county commissioners could have been adopted in violation of
the fourteenth amendment. J.S. 20a n.18, 93a and n.8.
By holding that the “race-proof”30 origin of the election
scheme constitutionally exonerates its continued use, the courts
below have overlooked the line of cases that command federal
courts to provide effective remedies for blacks whose fifteenth
amendment right to vote plainly has been denied in state or
local elections.31 These decisions hold that when blacks pur-
29McGill v. Gadsden County Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976).
soBolden v. City of Mobile, 571 F.2d 238, 245 (5th Cir. 1978), rev’d
and remanded, 446 U.S. 55 (1980), on remand, 542 F.Supp. 1050 (S.D.
Ala. 1982).
31Bell v. Southwell, 376 F.2d 659 (5th Cir. 1967); Hamer v. Campbell,
358 F.2d 215 (5th Cir. 1966); Alabama v. United States, 304 F.2d 583
28
posefully have been denied the right to participate in an elec
tion, a per se fifteenth amendment violation is established, and
“the sole question remaining is the sort of relief to be grant
ed.”52 Providing such relief, the federal court of equity “may
use any available remedy to make good the wrong done.”33
Appellees do not contend that every legislative action taken
during the period when blacks were officially disfranchised
must be voided or that all elections conducted during this pe
riod should be set aside. But in this case there is a direct, un
deniable connection between the undisputed fifteenth amend
ment violation and the 1901 legislative adoption of the election
structure being challenged. Because the at-large scheme was
installed through an amendment to the state constitution, the
electorate was an integral part of the legislative process. Thus
blacks were officially barred from the decision to adopt the
very same state law that they have demonstrated to he a present
cause of their exclusion from the political process in Escambia
County. The 1901 statewide referendum election ought not be
voided altogether eighty years later. But federal courts are not
powerless to provide anxmedy in those counties, like Escambia,
where the-state camiot demonstrate affirmatively that the un
constitutionally established at-large structure no longer disad
vantages the class of black citizens.84O
(5th Gir. 1962); Toney v. White, 348 F.Supp. 188 (W.D. La. 1972),
aff’d in part and rev’d in part, 476 F.2d 203, modified on rehearing, 488
F.2d 310 (5th Gir. 1973) (en banc) .
s2Bell v. Southwell, supra, 376 F.2d at 662.
33Alabama v. United States, supra, 304 F.2d at 590, quoting Bell v.
Hood, 327 U.S. 678, (1946).
34Cf. Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339, 347-48 (1960). Once invoked,
“the scope of a district court’s equitable powers to remedy past wrongs is
broad, for breadth and flexibility are inherent in equitable remedies.”
Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267, 281 (1977), quoting Swann v. Charlotte-
Mecklenburg Bd. of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 15 (1971).
29
B. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed Under the Four
teenth Amendment, Because For Half a Century the At-
Large Election Was Part of the State’s Design to Exclude
Blacks From the Political Process.
In addition to its findings about state actions in the 1970’s
intended to retain a racially discriminatory election system, the
District Court found that, at least during the period from 1907
to 1954, the maintenance of at-large voting in the general elec
tions for county commissioners was part of “a concerted state
effort to institutionalize white supremacy.” J.S. 74a. The Dis
trict Court found that, following the successful efforts late in
the nineteenth century to disfranchise Florida’s black citizens,
[bjlack participation in the electoral process was further
hampered by the Jim Crow laws and the exclusion of
blacks from the Democratic Party, both of which began in
1900. A few years later, the state provided for primary
elections of county commissioners . . . in which the candi
dates were elected from single-member districts. 1907 Fla.
Laws, Ch. 5697, §1. By that time the white primary sys
tem, effectively disfranchising black voters, was firmly es
tablished. The resulting anomaly between having district
primary elections and at-large general elections worked,
not surprisingly, to the uuitjuc yli|adv!iynta.ge of blacks,
Since blacks could not vote .in Remecratjc Primary’
district elections, they were forced Jjp challenge white Dem
ocratic nominees in at-large eleGtjopa which blacks had
no voter majorities. In effect, Che. white primary was the
election, < ’ :
J.S. 75a. v A; y '7 ’• '
These findings establish two critical points: (1) for nearly
fifty years, state policy favored the use of single-member dis
tricts for the election of county commissioners, and (2) by
maintaining an at-large system in the general elections, Florida
denied black citizens as a class the opportunity to participate
in single-member district elections. Such a situation is in rele
vant respects constitutionally indistinguishable from Florida’s
30
contemporaneous maintenance of de jure school segregation.39
There was a “dual”36 county commission election system as well
as a dual school system. Florida removed its official imprimatur
from the dual election system in 1945 by opening the Demo-
■■ cratic primary to blacks.37 But it did not carry out in the elec
tion area the same affirmative obligation it had in the schools
to “dismantle” or “disestablish” the racially discriminatory
vestiges of the de jure system. See Green v. County School
Board (New Kent County), 381 U.S. 430., 437-40 (1968).38
Instead, in 1954 the state merely eliminated the single-
member district feature of the primary elections.89 In light
of the district court’s finding that present-day racially polarized
voting in Escambia County “resultfs] from the prior state en
forced segregation of the races,” J.S. 87a, the imposition of at-
large schemes in both the primary and general elections per
petuated the prior official exclusion of blacks from the political
process in the same way that freedom of choice policies per
petuated de jure school segregation.40
_• z*E.g$‘'Aa*giiStm;■ v, JBoard, of Public Instruction of Escambia County,
(5th Cir. 1962).
-citing Davis, v. State ex rel. Cromwell, 156 Fla. 181, 23 So.2d
8 945)., ....
. ^ 8Th^ disestablishment principle of Green was applied in the context
of discriminatory election systems in Kirksey v. Board of Supv’rs of Hinds
County, 554 F.2d 139, 144-45 and n.12 (5th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied,
434 U.S. 968 (1977). See also, Note: “Making the Violation Fit the
Remedy: The Intent Standard and Equal Protection Law,” 92 Yale L.J.
328, 346-47 n.113 (1983).
89J.S. 75-76 ;̂ citing Ervin v. Richardson, 70 So.2d 585 (Fla. 1954).
40Green v. County School Bd., supra, 391 U.S. 437. Just as prior de jure
segregated school systems are required to do more than merely end official
assignment of students on the basis of race, so should a jurisdiction that
has institutionalized racial segregation in election structures have an
affirmative constitutional obligation to disestablish all its vestiges. C.f.
Keyes v. School Dist. No. I, 413 U.S. 189, 200 and n .li (1973), citing
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 15 (1971).
See Schnapper, “Perpetuation of Past Discrimination," 96 Harv. L. Rev.
828, 855-58 (1983) (“When governmental discrimination creates con
tinuing social or physical: conditions, each injury caused by those con
ditions is a fresh constitutional violation. The appropriate remedy in such
cases is not merely to redress specific injuries, but also to. disestablish
31
The maintenance of at-large election structures in both the
primary and general elections of county commissioners in
Escambia County unconstitutionally perpetuates41 prior de jure
exclusion of black citizens from the political process. Because
the past official discrimination that is being perpetuated was a
dual election system, the causal connection between past acts
and present injury to blacks’ effective exercise of the franchise
is even more direct here than it was in similar perpetuation
circumstances condemned by the Court.42 There is, therefore,
even less constitutional justification for allowing the facially
neutral at-large system to continue in Escambia County.
C. Considering Only Objective Factors, the District Court’s
Findings Support Its Conclusion That the At-large Election
System Purposefully Dilutes Blacks’ Voting Strength.
A separate theory for detecting purposeful discrimination
behind at-large election laws Iras been suggested by Justice
Stevens. Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3286-88 (J. Ste
vens, dissenting). This analysis was not employed byjhe. courts
below, but in this Court it affords an alternative ground for
affirmance. •
Analyzing voluminous, comprehensive evidence of how, local
elections have operated over two decades, the District Court
found that a geographically isolated, politically cohesive racial
whatever ongoing state of affairs produced those injuries and threatens
future harms.”) .
4iThe particular at-large scheme utilized in the primary elections
actually aggravates the racially dilutive effect of the overall election
system by injecting a majority vote requirement, which maximizes the
strength of the majority in Escambia County. See pp. 32-33 infra.
42Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3280 (inferring discriminatory
intent," in part, from election practices, “which though neutral on their
face, serve to maintain the status quo,” where past discrimination was
found in non-election areas like jury selection and public hiring) ; White
v. Regester, supra, 412 U.S. at 769 (single-member districts properly
ordered to remedy broad societal discrimination against Mexican-Ameri-
cans) . See Hartman, “Racial Vote Dilution and Separation of Powers: An
Exploration of the Conflict Between the Judicial ‘Intent’ and the Legis
lative ‘Results’ Standards.” 50 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 689, 719 (1982).
32
group has had its electoral choices systematically excluded by a
bloc-voting majority. J.S. 79a-84a, 86a-87a. The evidence un
derpinning this holding went far beyond a mere showing that
disproportionately few blacks had been elected, and the court
did not merely presume that the inherent tendency of at-large
schemes to submerge minority voting strength accounted for
their poor showing. Rather, Plaintiffs-Appellees proved that,
over a substantial period of time, members of the black com
munity have supported with their votes candidates identified
with their interests, but that the white majority, voting as a
controlling bloc,43 had consistently and predictably defeated
them.44 In addition, the parties stipulated that in Escambia
County there was sufficient residential segregation to make it
probable that at least some of the black voters’ choices would
prevail in a districted election. J.A. 78.
This Court has held that trial court findings like these go
far toward establishing purposeful discrimination, but that they
are “insufficient in themselves’’ absent “other evidence” that
blacks do not have an equal opportunity to participate in the
political process.45 Justice Stevens has urged that this “other
evidence” be sought out not in the subjective motives of par
ticular officials but in “objective circumstances that . . . would
invalidate a similar law wherever it might be found.”46 Justice
Stevens has expressed the further view that objective evidence
of an unconstitutional at-large election plan may be found in
“additional features” or “special features” like the majority
vote requirement and numbered places noted by the district
court in the instant case.47 The special features that serve only
48Not all majority-race voters voted against the minority’s favorites.
J.S. 84a. But the courts below correctly held that white crossover voting
did not foreclose a finding of majority bloc voting where enough whites
could be counted on to vote against the blacks’ choice to defeat consis
tently the combined weight of solid black support plus white crossovers.
J.S. 33a-35a n.6.
44See pp. 15-18 supra.
45Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3279.
46/d. at 3286 (J. Stevens, dissenting).
47Compare id. at 3287-88 (J. Stevens, dissenting), with J.S. 87a-88a. The
special features include designated ballot places, majority vote require
33
“to perpetuate the power of an entrenched majority” are not
necessary for the intended functioning of an at-large scheme.48 49
Even though White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973), speaks
of these special features as “neither in themselves improper nor
invidious,”48 it does not disagree with Justice Stevens’ difficulty-
in finding them “either desirable or legitimate,”50 particularly
“when viewed in combination” and against a backdrop of dem
onstrated minority vote submergence.51
Under this analysis, the district court’s findings that the elec
toral choices of a geographically concentrated racial minority-
have consistently been excluded over a substantial period by a
bloc-voting white majority, coupled with “other evidence” that
the at-large scheme lias special or additional features that un
necessarily exaggerate the majority’s political stranglehold, sat
isfy an objective measure of an at-large election scheme, viewed
in its entirety, as having a legislative purpose to minimize the
electoral strength of black voters.52 The Appellants did not
offer at trial any compelling justifications for an election system
that clearly is designed to maximize the power of an electoral
majority.
ments, anti-single-shot voting rules and other such provisions, referred to
by one commentator as “percentage-determining rules.” O'Rourke, “Con
stitutional and Statutory Challenges to Local At-Large Elections,” 17
U. Rich. L. Rev. 39, 92 (1982).
48Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3288 (J. Stevens, dissenting).
494 1 2 U.S. at 766.
^Rogers v. Lodge,-supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3288 (J. Stevens, dissenting).
51/d.
52See Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3283 (J. Powell, joined by
J. Rehnquist, dissenting) (“the factors identified by Justice Stevens as
‘objective’ in fact are direct, reliable, and unambiguous indices of dis
criminatory intent”). It is the at-large system as a whole that violates
blacks’ constitutional rights, not just its component parts. Indeed, the
special features of a majority-vote requirement and numbered places pro
vided unnecessary protection for the white majority in Escambia County,
where only two black candidates had made the runoffs in countywide
elections, neither of whom had been the leading vote-getter in the first
primary. J.S. 107a-09a. Thus, merely enjoining the special features in the
instant action would provide little or no relief to the black victims of the
intentionally dilutive scheme.
34
Among the “additional features” which can be shown to en
hance the majority’s voting strength are numbered places, ma
jority runoffs, residency subdistricts, and full ballot laws
(requiring the voter to cast as many votes as there aie seats
available for election) ,53 Current researcli demonstrates that
these additional features are found primarily in the South and
affect in a measurable way the electoral chances of blacks.54
Judicial analysis of at-large vote dilution claims, like claims
of gerrymandering, raises “special problems.”55 * An at-large
scheme ought not be thought of as just another potentially
gerrymandered districting plan. Rather, it represents a delib
erate choice not to draw district boundaries at all; that is, not
to apportion seats among geographic areas but to allow the
same jurisdiction-wide majority the opportunity to control all
the seats.50 Consequently, objective criteria for detecting in
vidious gerrymandering in districted election plans are likely
not to be helpful in assessing the constitutionality of at-large
schemes.57
Therefore, the Court should make it clear that where, in
cases like the instant one, at-large election structures have sys
tematically excluded the choices of racial minorities and are
53E.g ,̂ see Derfner, “Racial Discrimination and the Right to Vote”, 26
Vand. L. Rev. 523, 553-55 (1973).
54Appendix B to this brief contains two tables prepared by Profs.
Engstrom and McDonald of the University of New Orleans based on
their current, but not yet published, research. Blacks are elected at about
70% of their expected rate in cities that use pure at-large elections but
at 22%-S2% in cities that have “additional features.”
55Karcher v. Daggett, 103 S.Ct. 2653, 2667 (1983) (J. Stevens, con
curring) .
56Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735, 753 (1973) (“The very essence
of districting is to produce a different — a more ‘politically fair’ — result
than would be reached with elections at large”); accord, Baker v. Carr,
369 U.S. 186, 328 (1962) (J. Frankfurter, dissenting). See also Rogers v.
Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3275; id. at 3286 n.16 (J. Stevens, dissenting) .
5?Concepts of compactness, integrity of political boundaries, and fair
ness in the boundary-drawing process, Karcher v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct.
at 2672-74 (J. Stevens, concurring), have no relevance in the context of
at-large voting. Where no district lines need be drawn, there is no risk
that the apportionment result will look like a * crazy quilt, id. at 2690
(J. Powell, dissenting), quoting Reynolds v. Sims, supra, Ull U.S. at 568.
35
characterized by features that are designed to strengthen ma
jority control, purposeful racial vote dilution will be presumed,
and violation of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments es
tablished, solely from these objective facts.
Justice Stevens’ objective test of at-large vote dilution lias
promise as a more judicially manageable constitutional stand
ard, which accommodates both local; government interests in
autonomy and the racial minority’s interest in fair political
access.58 The theory should not include a requirement that the
judicial remedy be restricted to striking down only the special
features, leaving at-large voting intact.59 Unlike R o g ers v.
Lodge, in the instant case, an injunction directly solely at the
majority-vote and numbered place requirements would afford
no relief for blacks in Escambia County.60 If tire established
rule61 requiring singlermember districts in court-ordered reme
dies were left undisturbed, recognition of Justice Stevens’ ob
jective test would present a strong incentive for local govern
ments voluntarily to improve minority access in their election
systems rather than to wait for a judicial, challenge.
This objective measure of unconstitutional vote dilution af
fords vulnerable racial and ethnic minorities surer protection
against representational unfairness than does a subjective in
tent standard,62, and it is more in line with the underlying prin
ciples of one person, .one vote.63 * Recently, in B ro w n v. T iio m p -
58Hartman, supra fn. 42, at 724.
59/d. (Criticizing Justice Stevens’ theory as “incomplete” if it includes
such a remedial restriction). In. fact, in Rogers, Justice Stevens thought
the question “need not be decided”. 102 S.Ct. at 3288 n.22.
®°See fn. 52, supra. Escambia County has only a 20% black population.
It contrasts sharply in this regard with Burke County, which had a 53.6%
black majority. 102 S.Ct. at 3274. Consequently it is not at all “apparent”,
as it was for Justice Stevens in Rogers, 102 S.Ct. at 3288 n.22, that a well-
organized black minority could elect anyone in Escambia County.
elE.g., East Carroll Parish School Bd. v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976).
62See Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3284-93 (J. Stevens, dissent
ing) ; id. at 3283 (J. Powell, dissenting); City of Mobile v. Bolden, supra,
446 U.S. at 121 (J. Marshall, dissenting).
ezSee generally, Parker, “The ‘Results’ Test of Section 2 of the Voting-
Rights Act: Abandoning the Intent Standard,” 69 Va. L. Rev. 715 (1983):
Blacksher and Menefee, “From Reynolds v. Sims to City of Mobile v.
36
son, 103 S.Ct. 2690 (1983), and Karcher v. Daggett, 103 S.Ct.
2653 (1983), the Court undertook a fresh examination of the
extent to which states are bound to adhere to strict population
equality notwithstanding the need to take account of other,
nonpopulation factors affecting fair representation. The in
stant challenge to an at-large election scheme may present the
converse question: To what extent may states rely on inherent
population equality to justify failure or refusal to change elec
tion structures that are systematically unfair to particular racial
groups? A proper resolution of both constitutional issues, how
ever, depends on recognition of the same fundamental princi
ple of equal protection recalled in Brown v. Thompson and
Karcher v. Daggett. Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ,
did not simply announce a rule of numbers; rather, it acknowl
edged that other important representational concerns may out
weigh even large population disparities04 and that the ultimate
constitutional mandate is “fair and effective representation.”65
The Court has never suggested that the population equality
rule, derived from the Civil War amendments to the Constitu
tion, furthered a constitutional policy more important than the
elimination of racial discrimination in the exercise of the fran
chise. To the contrary, it has identified elimination of state
supported racial discrimination as a primary judicial concern
because it is “illegal, immoral, unconstitutional, inherently
wrong, and destructive of democratic society.”66 Further, the
Court has acknowledged that the population equality rule does
not by itself measure every variety of unconstitutional denial
of fair and effective representation.67 In fact, fairness of group
Bolden: Have the White Suburbs Commandeered the Fifteenth Amend
ment?” 34 Hastings L. J. 1 (1982).
MBrown v. Thompson, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2697.
65Karcher v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2689 (J. Powell, dissenting),
quoting Reynolds v. Sims, supra, 377 U.S. at 565; accord, Karcher v.
Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2678 (J. Stevens, concurring); id. at 2678
(J. White, dissenting).
66Regents of the University of Cal. v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 255, 295 n.35
(1978), quoting A. Bickel, The Morality of Consent 133 (1975).
67Brown v. Thompson, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2696; accord, Karcher v.
Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2671 (J. Stevens, concurring).
37
participation in the political process may be more important
constitutionally than mere numerical equality.6 * * 68 Recognition
of an Equal Protection violation under this objective standard
could restore constitutional priorities in the area of fair repre
sentation.
IV. Because The P roper Legislative A uthority ' Rejected
A Proposed Constitutional Remedy, The District Court
Was Correct To O rder Its Own Districting Plan.
Before addressing the complicated, somewhat arcane ques
tions of state and federal law governing the District Court’s
discretion in providing a remedy for the constitutional viola
tion, a broader view of Appellants’ claim should be considered.
The question they present is whether the District Court was
required to accept a plan advanced by the very same local offi
cials it had found to be guilty of racial discrimination, even
though their plan had just been rejected by the county’s voters.
The Appellants challenge the 1979 remedial order69 of the
District Court solely on the ground, rejected by both courts
6SKarcker v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2671 (J. Stevens, concurring) :
accord, id at 2683 (J. White, dissenting); id. 2689 (J. Powell, dissenting).
"There is some question whether the remedy issue in this appeal is
still meaningful. Since the remedy order was entered in 1979, the District
Court has conducted new proceedings as a result of the 1980 census and
has considered afresh new plans presented by both the county commission
and the Plaintiffs. The remedial election plan now’ before the Court has
been replaced by another plan adopted by the District Court in 1983. The
Court has denied petitions to stay implementation of the 1683 plan, and
elections have been held under it. The county commissioners’ challenge
of the 1983 plan is now pending in the Court of Appeals. This Court
denied a petition for writ of certiorari that would have bypassed the Court
of Appeals. Escambia County v. McMillan, 52 U.S.L.W. 3246 (Oct. 4.
1983)/
Technically, the remedy issue in this appeal may not be moot, because
the District Court’s first ground for rejecting the latest 5-2 plans of the
county commissioners was law of the case, based on the instant judgment of
the Court of Appeals holding that Appellants lack the requisite legislative
power under Florida law. McMillan v. Escambia County, 559 F’.Supp. 720.
725 (1983) . But even if the Court were to decide in this appeal that
Appellants should have been accorded legislative deference in 1979, the
ruling would not necessarily answer the question whether the commis-
38
below, that the County Commission had the power under state
law to restructure the method by which it is elected and to in
crease the number of commissioners. Appellants’ Brief at 42.
The District Court found, and the Court of Appeals agreed,
that, because Escambia County’s electorate had refused to adopt
the home rule option offered by Florida law, the incumbent
commissioners were bound by explicit state constitutional pro
visions governing the method of electing noncharter county
commissions and lacked the legislative authority to adopt any
other method of election, J.S. 68a.
A. The Escambia County Commission Lacks the Poiver to
Change Its Method of Election.
The Florida Constitution sets a general policy of at-large
elections for county commissions, but allows counties which
adopt home rule charters to vary the method of election.?0
sioners’ 198S plans also should have been accorded legislative deference.
Issues about the 1983 election proposals still would require fresh assess
ment by the lower courts. For example, it is not certain, even if the
county commissioners’ 1979 5-2 plan was entitled to deference, that they
could still exercise the same Wise v. Lipscomb extraordinary legislative
powers four years later. The intervening period has afforded ample time
for new home rule charter proposals, legislative initiatives and even
amendment of the state constitutional provision that restricts noncharter
counties to five-member commissions elected at-large. No such clear legis
lative responses have been forthcoming, and even Wise v. Lipscomb
suggests a time limit on the . local government’s emergency powers. See
p. 41 infra.
Moreover, even if the commissioners’ plans are entitled to legislative de
ference, the District Gdurt'-has made alternative rulings that the Appel
lants’ 1983: plans would mot meet .constitutional and Voting Rights stand
ards. The commissioners "have not on the record carried the burden on
them of showing that they do not have the purpose and will not have the
effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or
color. . . .” 559 F.Supp. at 726, This is a burden of Appellants must con
tinue to bear with each new election proposal, a burden imposed both by
Section 3 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973a, J.S. 61a, and, be
cause they have been adjudicated guilty of purposeful racial discrimina
tion, by the Constitution. Sims v. Amos, 365 F.Supp. 215, 220 n.2 (M.D.
Ala. 1973) (3-judge court), aff’d sub nom., Wallace v. Sims, 415 U.S. 902
(1974).
70Fla. Const., Art VIII, § 1 (e) (1968), provides “Except when other
wise provided By county charter, the governing body of each county shall
39
Twice within the last six years, the citizens of Escambia County
have rejected referendum proposals to adopt a home rule char
ter. J.S. 54a, 96a. The Constitution of Florida strictly pro
hibits any form of election for non-home rule counties other
than the at-large system. Fla. Const. Art. VIII, §1 (e). Conse
quently, unlike the City Council of Dallas,71 the Escambia
County Commission may not adopt another election structure.
The Attorney General of Florida agrees. In a letter dated
July 19, 1983, to the Speaker of the Florida House of Repre
sentatives, the Attorney General pointed to the problem that
arises when noncharter counties are successfully sued for utiliz
ing an at-large system that dilutes blacks’ voting strength. (The
full text of this letter is attached to this brief as Appendix C.)
Article VIII, §1 (e) Fla. Const, and §124.01 Fla. Stat. pro
vide for the at-large election of county commissioners ex
cept when otherwise provided by county charter. Thus,
unless a charter provides' otherwise, a county is without
authority under state law to enact a single-member system
or other alternatives to a purely at-large election system for
county commissioners.;
Both the district court and the Court of Appeals interpreted
the Florida Constitution‘in thd same Way;'' J:S. 24-26aj 68a. The
long established t ide in ibis Court, is- that- it'Will'not-disturb
the interpretation o {.-State law concurred in' by a' local federal
district judge, wlid has practiced law-forrtiany years iii the state,
and by the federal coiirt 'ol' appeals fb'r that state.- Bishop -v.
Wood, 426 U.S: 341, 345-16 and h.lD: (I976H Yitmg m tif'd
States v. Durhdih'Lubibef'"Go:, 363 l S:\522 (I960) \ Propper
v. Clark, 337 I'.S. 472, 486-87 fl'949) .''Bcro'rd. e.gp MacGregor
v. State Mutual Life 'Assurance Go.,- 315' ITS! 280-(1942)'-.'' ;
be a board of . county commissioners composed o.f five members serving-
staggered terms of four years. After each decennial census the. Board of
County Commissioners shall divide" the county’into districts of contiguous
territory as nearly equal in population as practicable;' One commissioner
residing in each district shall be elected by the electors of the county.”
nwise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535, 544 and n.8 (1978).
40
B. The Courts Below Properly Applied Wise v. Lipscomb.
Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535 (1978) , holds that an elec*
tion plan adopted by a local government body should be- treated
as a legislative plan by a federal court only if state law provides
that body with the power, express or implied, to change its
election structure. Id. at 542-46. The critical feature of Wise
was that the City of Dallas government exercised home rule
powers. Id. at 544 and n.8. Consequently, since there was in
sufficient time to complete the charter amendment process,
which culminated in a referendum election, id. at 539 and n.3,
the federal court could presume that the residual legislative
power to act in such an emergency had been delegated by the
state to the city, making the city council’s plan one that was
entitled to legislative deference. Id. at 544. By contrast, in the
instant case, Escambia County’s citizens had decided against
giving the county commission home rule powers, so the district
court properly concluded that the residual legislative power to
change the method of election remained with the state govern
ment. The adoption of a new election plan by the county com
mission did not relieve the court of its duty to order its own
remedial plan.
IE Appellants’ contention were upheld, it would emasculate
the legislative authority requirement insisted on by a majority
of the Court in W ise v , L ip sc o m b . It would mean that federal
courts would have given the Escambia CQunty Commission a
legislative power that the Florida Constitution carefully has
withheld front the local government, except where the county
chooses to adopt a home rule chatter. To avoid unnecessary
and unseemly interference with states’ prerogatives, federal
courts must refer to state law to determine who has the author
ity to adopt new election structures. This case is a perfect ex
ample of the mischief that otherwise would be likely. Here in
cumbent county commissioners are asserting that, by a stroke
of the pen, a federal district court has invested them with the
very same legislative power that the people of Escambia County
have on two recent occasions denied them. Indeed, the 5-2 elec
41
tion scheme, which the Appellants claim now to have the force
of law, was the one contained in the latest charter proposal re
jected by the voters. J.S. 67a,
In effect, the Appellants by their contention are asking this
Court to choose between competing claimants for lawmaking
authority: the citizens of Escambia County, who are designated
by the state constitution, and the incumbent commissioners,
who claim that they have been empowered by the district
court’s judgment to ignore the state constitution. Other possi
ble competing claims for “deference preference” that could be
occasioned if Appellants’ contentions were accepted include:
different plans adopted by each house of a state legislature but
rejected by the other; one plan adopted by the state legislature
and another adopted by the local government; one plan adopt
ed by the local government body and another adopted by the
county’s legislative delegation; a plan adopted by the legislature
in one form, amended by the governor (using executive amend
ment power), and then rejected by the legislature in that form.
It must be remembered that a court-ordered election plan is
by definition a temporary one, to remain in effect only until
the proper authorities can enact a constitutionally adequate
plan under state law.72 The Court was willing to overlook
Dallas’ failure to comply with the full charter revision process
in Wise only because of the shortness of time. 437 U.S. at 544
n.8. After pending elections had been held under the remedial
plan, the voters of Dallas ratified the proposed change in the
city’s charter. 437 U.S. at 539 n.3. Had they voted it down, it
would have been necessary for the district court to adopt its
own temporary plan. In the instant case, however, there was
sufficient time before the next elections for a properly drawn
charter proposal to be presented to the Escambia County elec
torate, and it was rejected. In these circumstances, the district
court correctly entered a court-ordered election plan. This ju
dicial course is least likely to interfere with Florida’s constitu
72Reynolds v. Sims, supra, 377 U.S. at 586-87; accord, Wise v. Lipscomb,
supra, 437 U.S. at 540.
42
tionally crafted procedure for determining the election struc
tures for its county commissions. The court-ordered plan will
remain in force only until Escambia County’s voters accept a
legally and constitutionally adequate charter proposal, or until
the state constitutional provisions governing the method of
electing noncharter county commissions are themselves amend
ed. Only a few weeks ago, the Attorney General of Florida
asked the state legislature to consider whether changes should
be made in the constitutional procedure. See Appendix C to
this brief.
C. McDaniel v. Sanchez has not overruled Wise v. Lipscomb.
The Appellants also argue that McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452
U.S. 130 (1981), compels the decision that the courts below
erred in their interpretation of Wise, because it had been modi
fied by McDaniel. Brief of Appellants at 44.73 The Appellants’'
argument is based entirely on one statement, in McDaniel.74
McDaniel, however, is clearly an interpretation of §5 of the
Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973c, and not the “legislative
deference” issue regarding state legislative authority to change
methods of election. Indeed, the Court noted that all “parties
appear to agree that the Commissioners Court had authority
under Texas law to redraw the boundaries of the commission
ers’ precincts,” 452 U.S. at 152 n.34.
Although the question of “legislative deference” and the
question of §5 preclearance will often arise in the same case!,
Wise and McDaniel do not hold that they are analyzed the
same way. Clearly, because entirely different policies are at
stake, they should not be analyzed the same way. On the one
hand, the policy underlying deference to state legislative au
thority when formulating a constitutionally adequate remedy
73The appellants did not suggest this theory for reversal while the
appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals, nor did they mention it in
their Jurisdictional Statement.
74“[T]he essential characteristic of a legislative plan is the exercise of
legislative judgment. The fact that particular requirements of state law
may not be satisfied before a plan is proposed to a federal court does not
alter this essential characteristic.” 452 U.S. at 152.
43
is the avoidance of unnecessary interference with the state’s le
gitimate legislative processes. On the other hand, the preclear
ance policy of the Voting Rights Act seeks to assure strict fed
eral scrutiny of all changes affecting voting initiated by the
state or its political subdivisions.
CONCLUSION
The appeal should be dismissed for lack of jurisdiction. If
the Court determines to review the merits of the appeal, the
judgment of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
J ames U. B lacksher
L arry T . M en efee
B lacksher, M en efee & St e in , P.A.
405 Van Antwerp Building
P. O. Box 1051
Mobile, Alabama 36633
W . Edward Still
R eeves and Still
Suite 400, Commerce Center
2027 First Avenue, North
Birmingham, Alabama 35203
Ken t Spriggs
Spriggs and H enderson
117 S. Martin Luther King,
Jr. Blvd.
Tallahassee, Florida 32301
J ack G reenberg
Eric Schnapper
N apoleon B. W illiam s
Suite 2030
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019
Counsel for Appellees
A P P E N D I X
A-l
APPENDIX A
events, including the Democratic Party’s establishment of
the white primary in 1900, suggest racial motivation. There
was no procedural departure, but a substantive inconsistency
was soon apparent. Beginning in 1907, commissioners ran in
single-member districts in the white primary, which was
tantamount to election. Thus, though the constitution man
dated at-large elections, the effect of the state policy was to
ensure that commissioners were elected from single-meniber
districts. The ultimate effect of all this was a system in
which whites were elected in single-member districts and
blacks were forced to challenge them in at-large elections.
No blacks were elected under this scheme.
Although these factors indicate racial motives, in affirm
ing another voting dilution case from the Northern District
of Florida, the Fifth Circuit was able to reach the conclusion
that there was no racial motivation behind the 1901 amend
ment because blacks were effectively disenfranchised at that
time. M c G ill v . G a d s d e n C o u n ty Commission, 535 F.2d 277,
280-81 (5th Cir. 1976). Dr. Shofner, plaintiffs’ expert his
torian, testified that there was general disenfranchisement
due to the poll tax and that blacks were no political threat
at the time. Though he did not specifically mention the 1901
amendment, he did testify that another at-large requirement
passed in 1895 for the school board was not racially motivated
due to this disenfranchisement. The evidence did show, how
ever, that there were always some blacks registered to vote
in Florida. Furthermore, Dr. McGovern, plaintiffs’ other his
torian,
A-2
APPENDIX B
Research of Profs. Engstrom and McDonald
Table 1
Combined Categorizations of At-Large Types
(central cities of SMSAs)
ALL SOUTH1 NONSOUTH
Free for all 81*
N
15
<%)
(25)
N
66
(%)
(75)
Residency sub-districts,
majority 203 16 (26) 4 (5)
Residency sub-districts,
plurality 94 5 (8) 4 (5)
Numbered places, majority 32 20 (33) 12 (14)
Numbered places, plurality 4 2 (3) 2 (2)
No Place, full slate5 36 3 (5) 0 (0)
TOTAL (at large systems) 149 61 (100) 88 (100)
TOTAL (all central cities) 317 103 214
1. Former Confederate States.
2. Contains one majority black city, Detroit. Also, 21 of
the cities actually have separately elected mayors who sit on
the council.
3. Contains 5 cities with separately elected mayor who
sits on council. Also has 3 cities which have sub-district resi
dency requirement for only some of the members.
4. Contains one majority black city, Augusta. Also one
city has subdistrict residency requirement for some council
members; Augusta has majority requirement for mayor.
5. Each voter must cast as many votes as there are seats
available in the election.
6. Contains one majority black city, Birmingham, which
elects council in two groups with staggered terms. The other
two (Jackson and Pascagoula, MS) have full slate rule for
council members but separately elected mayor sits on the
council.
A-3
Table 2
Regression Equations, by system type1
Type black % of council =
all districts —.641 + .955 (black pop. %)
pure at-large —1.74 + .697 (black pop. %) 59
pure at-large (designated
mayor on council) +4.86 + .217 (black pop. %) 21
at-large, residency,
majority +2.91 + .325 (blackpop. % ) 20
at-large, place system,
majority vote +5.65 + .227 (black pop. %) 32
Majority black cities are excluded.
S
I2
A-4
APPENDIX C
Letter of Attorney General
DEPARTMENT OF LEGAL AFFAIRS
OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
THE CAPITOL
TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA 32301
JIM SMITH
A t to r n e y G e n e ra l
S ta t e o f F lo r id a
July 19, 1983
Honorable Lee Moffitt
Speaker, House of Representatives
Room 420, The Capitol
Tallahassee, Florida 32301
Dear Mr. Speaker:
It has come to my attention that a number of recent law
suits have been filed against counties concerning at-large
elections for county commissioners and school boards mem
bers. I am also informed that possibly as many as 30 addi
tional suits may be brought against county school boards.
These suits address alleged vote dilution resulting from
at-large elections. I am concerned about these cases because
of the implications of the decisions in NAACP v. Gadsden
County School Board, 691 F.2d 978 (11th Cir. 1982) and
McMillan v. Escambia County, 638 F.2d 1239 (5th Cir. 1981).
In NAACP v. Gadsden County, supra, the Eleventh Cir
cuit, citing Supreme Court authority, stated:
Accordingly, to prevail in a vote dilution case under the
equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment, a
plaintiff must demonstrate (1) the existence of a dis
criminatory purpose in either the enactment or oper
ation of the election scheme; and (2) differential impact,
i.e., dilution of the minority’s voting power.
The court found that § 230.08 and § 230.10, Fla. Stat., were
enacted with a discriminary purpose. Having satisfied the
first prong of the vote dilution test, the court then held that
the legislation has had the effect of diluting minority votes
in Gadsden County, thus satisfying the second prong of the
vote dilution test. Based on the facts present there, § 230.08
and § 230.10, Fla. Stat., were found unconstitutional as they
apply to Gadsden County.
My first concern in view of the NAACP v. Gadsden
decision is that while the factual findings regarding the dis
criminatory purpose behind § 230.08 and § 230.10, Fla. Stat.,
may be limited to Gadsden County and not be binding in
future litigation, they appear to be supported by the history
behind the legislation and consequently could he persuasive
in future litigation. If such were the case, it would then only
remain for a plaintiff to prove a differential impact (dilution)
in order to prevail in a vote dilution case. . ,
In sum, the implication of NAACP v. Gadsden could well
be that in order for a plaintiff to prevail in a vote dilution
case challenging the at-large election of county school board
members, the plaintiff would merely have to prove dilution.
This is generally proven by evidence that a substantial
minority is consistently unable to elect candidates of its
choice.
Assuming arguendo that a plaintiff could establish such
dilution in any of these lawsuits, a dilemma becomes ap
parent for such counties. Sections 230.08 and 230.10, Fla.
Stat., mandate that the “election of members of the school
board shall be by vote of the qualified electors of the entire
district.” Consequently, counties, which may realize that
the at-large system has diluted a minority’s voting power
are without authority under state law to enact a single
member system or other alternative to a purely at-large
system. Such counties’ hands are tied should they wish to
unilaterally remedy the situation.
A similar dilemma arises in the election of county com
missioners. Article VIII § 1 (e) Fla, Const, and § 124.01 Fla.
A-5
A-6
Stat. provide for the at-large election of county commis
sioners except when otherwise provided by county charter.
Thus, unless a county charter provides otherwise, a county
is without authority under state law to enact a single
member system or other alternative to a purely at-large elec
tion system for county commissioners.
In order to examine means for alleviating the counties’
potential dilemma, I recommend that the legislature con
sider this subject as an interim study project. The study
project should consider amending § 230.08, § 230.10, § 124.02
Fla. Stat. and Article VIII § 1(e), Fla. Const., to allow all
counties the option to utilize single-member districts for the
election of school board members and county commissioners.
Single-member districts at the statewide level have proyen
responsive to the voters’ needs and are, in my opinion, ap
propriate to consider for the local level at least on an optional
basis. Such study project should also consider the applica
bility and impact of the 1982 Congressional Amendments to
§ 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 USC § 1973 (Pub.
L. No. 97-205, § 3, 97th Cong., 2d Sess., 1982) to vote dilution
cases.
The courts have been implementing single-member re
districting plans and imposing significant attorneys’ fees
awards in vote dilution cases where minority plaintiffs have
prevailed. Therefore, I urge your thorough consideration of
this matter. I and my staff will be happy to assist the legis
lature in any way you desire.
If you should have any questions, please do not hesitate
to contact me.
Sincerely,
/ s / J im Smith
Attorney General
JS: vb
cc: Honorable Bob Graham, Governor
State of Florida
Honorable Curtis Peterson, President
Senate
Mr. Donald Magruder, Executive
Director, Florida School
Board Association
Mr. John Thomas, Executive
Director, State Association of
County Commissioners of
Florida