Escambia County, FL v. McMillan Brief of Appellees
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January 1, 1983

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Escambia County, FL v. McMillan Brief of Appellees, 1983. 80c46505-b19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/4fb979e9-5a5a-4d3a-9e18-88de6e325c03/escambia-county-fl-v-mcmillan-brief-of-appellees. Accessed May 03, 2025.
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NO. 82-1295 IN THE ^ufxzmz Court © f JHmtrfr ^tatrs OCTOBER TERM, 1983 ESCAMBIA COUNTY, FLORIDA, ET AL., Appellants, HENRY T. MCMILLAN, ET AL., Appellees. ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT BRIEF OF APPELLEES W . Edward St il l R eeves and Still Suite 400, Commerce Center 2027 First Avenue. North Birmingham, Alabama 35203 Ken t Spriggs Spriggs and H enderson 117 S. Martin Luther King, Jr. BlvdL Tallahassee, Florida 32301 J ames U. Bi .ack.shkr Larry T. M en efee B lacksher, M e n efee & St e in , P.A. 405 Van Antwerp Building P. O. Box 1051 Mobile, Alabama 36633 J ack G reenberg E ric Schnapper N apoleon B. W illiam s Suite 2030 10 Columbus Circle New York. New York 10019 Counsel for Appellees 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Table of Authorities_______________________________ iii JURISDICTION _________________________________ 1 STATEMENT OF THE CASE ____________________ 2 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT _____________________ 4 ARGUMENT I. The Appeal Should Be Dismissed For Want of Jurisdiction_________________________ 8 II. The Judgment Below, Grounded on the Fourteenth Amendment, Should Be Affirmed, Because the Trial Court’s Factual Findings of Racial Motives Behind the Appellants’ Decision to Retain the At-Large Scheme Are Not Clearly Erroneous ___________________ 10 III. The District Court’s Findings Provide Addi tional Constitutional Grounds for Affirming the Judgment of the Court of Appeals___________ 26 A. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed Under the Fifteenth Amendment, Because the At-Large Scheme Was Adopted Through a Referendum Election in Which Black Citizens Were Denied the Right to Vote____ 27 B. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed Under the Fourteenth Amendment, Because For Plalf a Century the At-Large Election Was Part of the State’s Design to Exclude Blacks From the Political Process__ 29 C. Considering Only Objective Factors, the District Court’s Findings Support Its Conclusion that the At-Large Election System Purposefully Dilutes Blacks’ Voting Strength________________________ 31 11 Page IV. Because the Proper Legislative Authority Rejected a Proposed Constitutional Remedy, the District Court was Correct to Order Its Own Districting Plan ________________________ 37 A. The Escambia County Commission Lacks the Power to Change Its Method of Election ______________________________ 38 B. The Courts Below Properly Applied Wise v. Lipscomb _______________________ 40 C. McDaniel v. Sanchez Has Not Overruled Wise v. Lipscomb ___ :__________________ 42 CONCLUSION _______ :_____ __ ____________ _____ 43 APPENDIX A ______ A-l APPENDIX B ____________________________________ A-2 A-4 TABLE OF CONTENTS - (Continued) APPENDIX C ... Ill TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Cases Page(s) Alabama v. United States, 304 F.2d 583 (5th Cir. 1962) ---- ,----------- -.............. 27, 28. Augustus v. Board of Public Instruction of Escambia County, 306 F.2d 862 (5th Cir. 1962) ........ ...... - ............. 30 Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962) -...........- ......-....... - .... 34 Bell v. Hood, 327 U.S. 678 (1946) ---------- ------- ------------ 28 Bell v. Southwell, 376 F.2d 659 (5th Cir. 1967) ........-.... 27, 28 Bishop v. Wood, 426 U.S. 341 ------------------------- 39 Bolden v. City of Mobile, 423 F.Supp. 384 (S.D. Ala. 1976), affd, 571 F.2d 238 (5th Cir. 1978), rev’d and remanded, 446 U.S. 55 (1980), on remand, 542 F.Supp. 1050 (S.D. Ala. 1982) ----- -:....... ........... . I6> 27 Bradley v. Richmond School Bd., 416 U.S. 656 (1976) ----- 9 Brown v. Thompson, 103 S.Ct. 2690 (1983) — -------- ---35, 36 City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980) ......... 20, 27, 35 Cort v. Ash, 422 U.S. 66 (1960) ............ ............. —- 9 Cross v. Baxter, 103 S.Ct. 1515 (1983) ----------- ---- 9 Davis v. State ex rel. Cromwell, 156 Fla. 181, 23 So.2d 85 (1945) ............... .......... ----- 30 East Carroll Parish School Bd. v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976) ...._______ _----------------------------- 35 Eastland v. TV A, 704 F.2d 613 (11th Cir. 1983) ------------ 15 Ervin v. Richardson, 70 So.2d 585 (Fla. 1954) —--------23, 30 Escambia County v. McMillan, 52 U.S.L.W. 3246 (Oct. 4, 1983) ................. ........ .........4, 37 Escambia County v. McMillan, 103 S.Ct. 1766 (1983) __________ _—.. Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735 (1973) TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - (Continued) Cases Page(s) Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339 (1960) ______ .__ ... 28 Green v. County School Bd. (New Kent County), 391 U.S. 430 (1968) ..._____________ ____________ 30 Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 227 (1976) ________________ 15 Hamer v. Campbell, 358 F.2d 215 (5th Cir. 1966) ______ 27 Hutto v. Finney, 437 U.S. 678 (1978) ____...____________ 9 Jenkins v. City of Pensacola, 638 F.2d 1249 (5th Cir. 1981), appeal and cert. pet. dismissed, 453 U.S. 946 (1981) ______________________________ 2 Karcher v. Daggett, 103 S.Ct. 2653 (1983) ________ 34, 36, 37 Keyes v. School Dist. No. 1, 413 U.S. 189 (1983) ________ 30 Kirksey v. Board of Supenisors of Hinds County, 554 F.2d 139 (5th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied, 434 U.S. 968 (1977) ___________ ____...__ 30 Lockiuood v. Jefferson Area Teachers’ Ass’n, 103 S.Ct. 27 (1983) ______________________________ 9 Lucas v. Forty-fourth General Ass’y of Colo., ^ 377 U.S. 713 (1964) ______________________________ 14 MacGregor v. State Mutual Life Assurance Co., 315 U.S. 280 (1942) _____________ 39 McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452 U.S. 130 (1981) __ __________8,42 McGill v. Gadsden County Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976) ______________ .............21, 27 McMillan v. Escambia County, 638 F.2d 1239 (5th Cir. 1981) __ ___________________ 2 McMillan v. Escambia County, 559 F.Supp. 720 (N.D. Fla. 1983) ______________.,____ 7 Major v. Treen, __ F.Supp. __ (E.D. La., Sept. 23, 1983) (3-judge court) ________...._________ 16 Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267 (1977) ______________ 28 iv V Cases Page(s) Perry Education Ass’n v. Perry Local Educators’ Ass’n, 103 S.Ct. 948 (1983) .... ......................... ....... .... -...8,9 Propper v. Clark, 337 U.S. 472 (1949) .... -J_4_............... 39 Pullman Standard v. Swint, 102 S.Ct. 1781 (1982) --------5, 11 Regents of the University of Cal. v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 255 (1978) _____________ U.----------- -------- 36 Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ----- - . 34,36,41 Rogers v. Lodge. 102 S.Ct. 3272 (1982) 3, 5, 10, 11, 19, 20, 22, 31-35 Sims v. Amos, 365 F.Supp. 215 (M.D. Ala. 1973) (3-judge court), aff’d sub nom., Wallace v. Sims, 415 U.S. 902 (1974) ____________ ____________ 38 Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. of Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971) ------- ------ --------------- 28, 30 Toney v. White, 348 F.Supp. 188 (M.D. La. 1972), „ aff’d in part and rev’d in part, 476 F.2d 203, mod. on. rehearing, 488 F.2d 310 (5th Cir. 1973) (en banc) .....----------- --------------- .....--------------- 28 United States v. Durham Lumber Co., 363 U.S. 522 (1960) _____________________________ 39 United States v. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 1032 (1801) ____ ____ ____________ 9 Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252 (1977) -----------------5, 11 Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976) ------------------- 15 White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973) _______ ___— 31, 33 Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535 (1978) ...........2, 3, 7, 8, 38-41 CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS: Constitution of the United States Amendment XIV ..... ...... ...... ...... 1-------------------- 2, passim Amendment XV -------------------- -------- ----- ---------passim 28 U.S.C. §1254(2) ......... - ---- ----------------------- -----1,4, 8, 9 TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - (Continued) VI TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - (Continued) Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Page(s) Voting Rights Act of 1965 Section 2, 42 U.S.C. §1973 ____ ____________________ 2, 9 Section 3, 42 U.S.C. §1973a ________________-..-A , 38 Section 5, 42 U.S.C. §1973c ............ ..... —------------------- 42 Constitution of Florida Article VIII, §1 (e) ______________________ —-2, 8, 38, 39 Florida Statutes §124.01 --------------------------------------— 39 1907 Florida Laws, Ch. 5697, §1 ___________________ 29 Senate Report No. 97-417, 97th Cong., 2d Sess. 1982 ___________________________-— 9 MISCELLANEOUS: A. Bickel, The Morality of Consent (1975) ----------------- 36 Blacksher and Menefee, “From Reynolds v. Sims to City of Mobile v. Bolden: Have the White Suburbs Commandeered the Fifteenth Amendment?” 34 Hastings L.J. 1 (1982) ------------------- ----------------- 35 Derfner, “Racial Discrimination and the Right to Vote,” 26 Vand.L.Rev. 523 (1973) ,_________ _______ 34 Fisher, “Multiple Regression in Legal Proceedings,” 80 Colum.L.Rev. 702 (1980) _________ __________ . - 15 Hartman, “Racial Vote Dilution and Separation of Powers: An Exploration of the Conflict Between the Judicial ‘Intent’ and the Legislative ‘Results’ Standards,” 50 Geo.Wash.L.Rev. 689 (1982) _________ 31 O’Rourke, “Constitutional and Statutory Challenges to Local At-Large Elections,” 17 U.Rich.L.Rev. 39 (1982) ______ 1_______________ 33 Parker, “The ‘Results’ Test of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act: Abandoning the Intent Standard,” 69 Va.L.Rev. 715 (1983) _____________ - L _ L 2 3 i- _ - 35 Schnapper, “Perpetuation of Past Discrimination,” 96 Harv.L.Rev. 828 (1983) ________L_____________ 30 Note: “Making the Violation Fit the Remedy: The Intent Standard and Equal Protection Law,” 92 Yale L.J. 328 (1983) _____________________ 30 NO. 82-1295 IN THE Jsmprsmg fflourt ®f 3Ihs Putted OCTOBER TERM, 1983 ESCAMBIA COUNTY, FLORIDA, ET AL., Appellants, v, HENRY T. MCMILLAN, ET AL., Appellees. ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT BRIEF OF APPELLEES Appellees Henry T. McMillan, Robert Crane, Charles L. Scott, William F. Maxwell, and Clifford Stokes, on behalf of themselves and the class of black citizens of Escambia County, submit this brief and request the Court to dismiss the appeal or to affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals. JURISDICTION This Court does not have jurisdiction over this appeal under 28 U.S.C. §1254(2), as Appellants assert. No state statute or constitutional provision has been invalidated by the judgment below. See Argument, infras at p. 8, 2 STATEMENT OF THE CASE This action by black citizens challenging the at-large system for electing county commissioners in Escambia County, Flor ida, commenced on March 18, 1977. J.A. 45. Following a nine- day nonjury trial, the district court entered an opinion and judgment on July 10, 1978, finding that the election scheme had been maintained for a racially indivious purpose and that it effectively diluted the voting strength of black voters in vio lation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. §1973, and the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. J.S. 71a, 114a.1 Acknowledging the directions in Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535 (1978), the District Court postponed entry of a remedial order to provide the state an opportunity to present a legisla tive plan meeting constitutional requirements. J.S. 104-05a.2 Tire Florida Constitution requires all noncharter counties to utilize at-large elections exclusively for their county commis sions. Fla. Const. Art. VIII, §1; J.S. 123-24a. The local legis lative delegation had already appointed a charter committee Similar claims against the election systems for the Escambia County School Board and the City of Pensacola Council were tried and decided at the same time. The district court found racial motives behind all three election schemes and concluded that all three were unconstitutional and unlawful. J.S. 99a-100a. The City of Pensacola and one member of the school board (but not the entire board) appealed with the county com missioners to the Court of Appeals. The Court of Appeals affirmed the judgments against the city council and school board election structures, and both matters are now finally resolved. Jenkins v. City of Pensacola, 638 F.2d 1249 (5th Cir. 1981), appeal and pet. for cert, dismissed per stipulations, 453 U.S. 946 (1981); McMillan v. Escambia County, 638 F.2d 1239 (5th Cir. 1981). 2The Pensacola City Council, which operates under a home rule municipal charter, adopted by ordinance a mixed plan of seven single member districts and three at-large seats. Under Wise, the district court gave legislative deference to the city council’s plan and ruled that it met constitutional standards. Plaintiffs appealed this remedial plan, but the Court of Appeals affirmed. See generally, Jenkins v. City of Pensacola, supra. There was no legislative proposal for the school board, and a court- ordered plan, utilizing single-member districts exclusively, was adopted for that body. See McMillan v. Escambia County, supra. 3 and had set in motion the process for a referendum election on home rule. J.S. 67a; J.A. 318. The election system in the proposed charter called for a seven-member county commission with five elected from single-member districts and two elected at large. J.S. 67a. In light of Wise v. Lipscomb, the District Court gave legislative deference to the charter proposal and approved the 5-2 plan as satisfying constitutional requirements. J.S. 70a. However, on November 6, 1979, Escambia County’s voters defeated the home rule proposal. J.S. 54a. Accordingly, on December 3, 1979, the District Court adopted a court- ordered election plan consisting of five single-member districts. J.S. 59a. Another 5-2 plan advanced by the incumbent county commissioners was rejected on the ground that, lacking home rule powers, the commission had no authority under Florida law to change the constitutionally designated at-large structure. J.S. 68a. On February 19, 1981, the Court of Appeals reversed the judgment against the county commission at-large system, hold ing that the district judge’s disbelief of the commissioners’ “good government” reasons was insufficient to support a find ing of racial intent in the absence of other contradictory evi dence. J.S. 43a. However, on September 24, 1982, the panel granted Plaintiffs’ petition for rehearing and affirmed the Dis trict Court’s judgment striking down the at-large county com mission election system. J.S. la. In its opinion on rehearing, the Court of Appeals acknowledged that the district judge had in fact considered a wide range of other historical evidence and testimony that supported his finding of invidious intent, and that there had been inconsistencies in the commissioners’ non- racial explanations. J.S. 13-2la. Obeying the teaching of this Court’s intervening decision in Rogers v. Lodge, 102 S.Ct. 3272 (1982), the Court of Appeals concluded that the District Court’s findings of fact were supported by the evidence and were not clearly erroneous. J.S. 21-22a. Finally, it affirmed the District Court’s remedial rulings as properly applying the prin ciples of Wise v. Lipscomb. J.S. 28-29a. 4 On November 30, 1982, the incumbent county commissioners3 filed a notice of appeal to this Court, citing 28 U.S.C. §1254 (2) . J.S. 120-21 a. Probable jurisdiction was noted on April 18, 1983. Escambia County v. McMillan, 103 S.Ct. 1766 (1983). On October 4, 1983, the Court denied Appellants’ petition for writ of certiorari to review issues concerning redistricting that had arisen on remand and which have not yet been addressed by the Court of Appeals. Escambia County v. McMillan, 52 U.S.L.W. 3246 (Oct. 4, 1983) . These remand issues concern primarily preclearance under Section 3 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. §1973a, of new district boundaries approved by the District Court as a result of the intervening 1980 census. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT The Court does not have jurisdiction over this appeal, be cause no state statute has been declared invalid by the Court of Appeals. The District Court did enter findings of fact and conclusions of law that support its judgment on the alternative ground that the state constitutional provision requiring at-large elections in noncharter counties is invalid as applied to Escam bia County.. But the judgment of the Court of Appeals is grounded solely on the District Court’s finding of fact that the county commissioners, for racially invidious reasons that violate the fourteenth amendment, chose not to adopt an alternative single-member district election method that is authorized by the Florida Constitution. If the Court nevertheless considers the appeal as a petition for writ of certiorari, the petition should be denied. Because the Court of Appeals declined to consider the Voting Rights Act claim, reversal of the constitutional ruling striking down the at-large plan would, at most, require a remand for consid 3This appeal was taken by Escambia County, Fla., and the members of its Board of County Commissioners. J.S. 120a. The five commissioners who were elected November 1, 1983, and who will take office November 15 are Phil Waltrip, Kenneth Kelson, Willie Junior, Max Dickson, and Grady Albritton. The Supervisor of Elections is not a party to. the appeal. Appellants’ Brief at 1 n.l. 5 eration of the same facts to determine if there has been a statu tory violation. Moreover, the remedy issues presented by the Appellants concern only the construction of Florida law. The Attorney General of Florida agrees with both lower courts that the county commission is barred by state law from changing its election system, unless the county adopts home rule. Escambia County’s voters defeated the home rule charter presented to them during the remedy phase of this case. The Florida Legis lature has been asked to address this question, and the Court should not inject itself in the state’s deliberations about what government body should be given authority to adopt a legisla tive remedy for an unconstitutional election system. If the Court decides to review this case on its merits, the judgment of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed. There is extensive evidence supporting the District Court’s finding of fact that the decision of the incumbent commissioners not to give the voters a single-member district option was racially motivated. The district judge listened to the in-court testimony of the commissioners and found that their nonracial explana tions were inconsistent with their current practices and could not be believed. The applicable standard of review does not permit setting aside this finding unless it is clearly erroneous. Rogers v. Lodge, 102 S.Ct. 3272 (1982) ; Pullman Standard v. Swint, 102 S.Ct. 1781 (1982). In this case, the District Court assessed the Appellants’ motives in light of the criteria for de tecting invidious intent set out in Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S. 252 (1977). The District Court also applied the analytical stand ards later approved by this Court in Rogers v. Lodge, supra. The trial judge made specific findings that the at-large system systematically denies black voters in Escambia County an equal opportunity to participate in the electoral process. Looking be yond this adverse impact, leading up to the incumbent commis sioners’ actions he found a century-long historical background of official manipulation of the election system for the purpose of excluding the electoral choices of black citizens. The official policy of Florida during the half a century when the election 6 was determined in the all-white primary favored single-member districts. The primaries changed to at-large voting in 1954, after this Court struck down the white primary. The District Court’s findings, therefore, make this a paradigm of the kind of intense ly factual decision that ought not to be disturbed on appeal. Independent of the appellant commissioners’ racial motives, the findings of fact made by the District Court in regard to the purposefully discriminatory history of the state law governing the county commission election system provide alternative con stitutional grounds, not reached by the Court of Appeals, for affirming the judgment: (1) The at-large election requirement for noncharter coun ty commissions was adopted in 1901 in violation of the fif teenth amendment, because black citizens were officially denied the right to vote in the referendum election that approved the constitutional amendment. (2) For'the first half of the twentieth century, Florida op erated a “dual” election system, in which white voters were allowed to use single-member districts in the all-white Demo cratic Primary — the only election that counted, while blacks were restricted to voting in the at-large general elections. The state officially authorized blacks to vote in the primary in 1945 and then changed to at-large voting in the primaries in 1954. But, the District Court found, polarized racial voting, caused in part by past official sanction of the dual election system, con tinues systematically to defeat all of the blacks electoral choices under the at-large scheme. Consequently, in Escambia County, the state has failed to take adequate steps to eliminate the ves tiges of the de jure dual system. (3) Under a separate theory, suggested by justice Stevens, a racial legislative purpose in the at-large election law may be inferred solely from the following objective facts found by the District Court: For the last two decades, the at-large county commission election system has resulted in the systematic defeat of blacks’ electoral choices, on account of a predictable antago nistic vote by the controlling white majority bloc. In addition, the election system is characterized by special features, num 7 bered places and a majority vote requirement, that demonstrate a clear design to maximize the political strength of the majority faction. Since the judgment in this appeal was entered, the District Court has ordered a new election plan, based on the 1980 cen sus. McMillan v. Escambia County, 559 F.Supp. 720 (N.D. Fla. 1983). Although the new remedial plan technically may not moot this appeal (because the District Court rested its 1983 remedy order, in the first instance, on law of the case) , there is a serious question whether in this appeal the remedy issue remains meaningful. In providing a remedy for the constitutional violation, the District Court carefully followed the teaching of Wise v. Lip scomb, 437 U.S. 535 (1978) . The Florida Constitution speci fies the use of at-large elections for county commissions, except .where the county adopts home rule, in which event it may choose any election method it wishes in its charter. Following entry of its judgment striking down the at-large scheme, the District Court withheld a ruling on remedy to allow the coun ty’s citizens time to vote on a proposal initiated by Escambia County’C legislative delegation to adopt a home rule charter. Before the referendum was held, the court ruled that, if it passed, the proposed charter’s mixed plan of five single-member districts and two at-large seats would be a constitutionally ade quate legislative remedy. However, the voters defeated the charter referendum. Accordingly, the District Court entered its own remedial plan, which consisted exclusively of five sin gle-member districts. It held that another 5-2 plan urged by the county commissioners was not entitled to legislative defer ence, because the state constitution forbids a noncharter county from using any method other than at-large elections. Appellants’ first contention is that, notwithstanding the ex plicit specification of at-large voting for noncharter county commissions, state authority for the incumbent commissioners to adopt a new election system can be inferred from tire Florida Constitution. Both lower courts rejected this strained interpre tation of state law. 8 Appellants’ second contention is that the District Court should have accorded their 5-2 plan legislative deference re gardless of whether state law authorized the county commission to change its own election system. This position is contrary to the holding of Wise v. Lipscomb. If it were accepted by the Court, it would directly repudiate the will of Escambia Coun ty’s electorate and would otherwise invite unnecessary federal court interference in the state’s constitutional procedures for determining local election structures. Finally, Appellants contend that McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452 U.S. 130 (1981), has overruled Wise v. Lipscomb. This simply is incorrect. McDaniel v. Sanchez was concerned solely with interpreting the coverage of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act and did not consider the issue in Wise v. Lipscomb: whether federal courts should defer to the election systems proposed by local government bodies regardless of their state authority to enact such changes. ARGUMENT I. The Appeal Should Be Dismissed For Want Of Jurisdiction. Appellants base this appeal on 28 U.S.C. §1254(2), claiming to be parties “relying on a State statute held by a court of ap peals to be invalid as repugnant to the Constitution, treaties or laws of the United States.” But the Court of Appeals has not held any state statute to be invalid in the instant case. Section 1 (e) of Article VIII of the Florida Constitution, J.S. 123a, which provides for at-large county commission elections in noncharter counties, has not been invalidated. Rather, the Court of Appeals has held that relevant local officials of Escam bia County, for invidious racial reasons, have chosen not to ex ercise the option afforded by the home rule provisions of the state constitution to change to single-member districts. J.S. 20a and n.19. Accordingly, the conditions of 28 U.S.C. §1254(2) are not satisfied, and this appeal should be dismissed. See Perry Education Ass’n v. Perry Local Educators’ Ass’n, 103 S.Ct. 9 948 (1983) ; Lockwood v. Jefferson Area Teachers’ Ass’n, .103 S.Ct. 27 (1983) . Appellees realize that, even though the Court lacks jurisdic tion of this appeal under 28 U.S.C. §1254(2), in its discretion it could treat the appeal papers as a petition for writ of cer tiorari and review the case nonetheless. Perry Education Ass’n V. Perry Local Educators’ Ass’n, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 954. How ever, for the following reasons, certiorari should be denied. See Lockwood' v. Jefferson Area Teachers’ Ass’n, supra. First, with respect to the liability issues, the judgment of the Court of Appeals is grounded solely on the fourteenth amend ment. J.S. 3-5a n.2, 29a. If this Court were to reverse the con stitutional ruling, it still would be necessary to remand for consideration of the statutory claim under the amended Sec tion 2 of the Voting Rights Act.4 See Cross v. Baxter, 103 S.Ct. 1515 (1983). Appellees do not presume that this Court would be inclined to address the amended Voting Rights Act issues when it has not been considered by either court below. Accord ingly we will not discuss in this brief how the findings of fact made by the trial court satisfy the “results” standard established by Congress under the amended Section 2.5 If the Court docs wish to review the statutory issue on the merits at this time, we suggest that the parties be so notified and that additional briefs be requested. 4The District Court grounded its judgment on the unamended Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, as well as on the Constitution, J.S. 101a. The Court of Appeals thought that Appellees had "presented a cogent argu ment that die amended Act entitles them to relief," but declined to reach the statutory question. J.S. 4-5a n.2. 42 U.S.C. § 1973 (1976), as amended by Pub.L, 97-205, 96 Stat. 131 (1982) took effect upon enactment, i.e., June 29, 1982, and should apply to pending litigation. See generally H utto v. Finney, 437 U.S. 678, 694-695 n.23 (1978); Bradley v. Richmond School Board, 416 U.S. 656 (1976); Cort v. Ash, 422 U.S. 66 (1960); United States V. Schooner Peggy, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 1032 (1801). Both the House and Senate Floor Managers stated that "Section 2 . . . will, of Course, apply to pending cases in accordance with . . . well established principles . . ." V28 Cong. Rec. HS841 (daily ed. June 23, 1982) (remarks of Rep. Sensenbrenner); 128 Cong. Rec. S. 7095 (daily ed. June 17, 1982) (remarks of Sen. Kennedy). •’Senate Report No. 97-417, 97th Cong., 2d Sess., p.27 (1982). 10 Second, the remedy issues Appellants seek to raise are, on the facts of this case, clearly without merit. The courts below prop erly rejected the county commissioners’ contention that they could exercise home rule legislative powers that the voters had denied them in two recent charter referendums. By challeng ing these rulings, Appellants are asking the Court to disregard the state constitution and to inject itself unnecessarily in a question the Florida Legislature is about to consider regarding the proper allocation of power to change county commission election systems. Moreover, because another election plan was adopted by the District Court in 1983, resolution of the issues presented con cerning the 1979 plan may not finally dispose of the remedy issues now pending in the Court of Appeals. See fn.69 infra. II. The Judgm ent Below, Grounded On The Fourteenth Amendment, Should Be Affirmed, Because The Trial Court’s Factual Findings Of Racial Motives Behind The Appellants’ Decision To Retain The At-Large Scheme ;Are Not Clearly Erroneous../ The Court of Appeals affirmed the District Court’s finding of a fourteenth amendment violation because the trial judge squarely had addressed the question of intent‘and had found, as a matter of fact, that the county commissioners had decided to retain the dilutive, atdarge system, ..at least in ..part, io r racial motives. J:S. 21-22ai-‘The: District Court’s, inquicy/ipto.the pur pose of the; election ‘plan Was specific and carefully' focused. T his was not a case, dike 'Rogers v. Lodge, ',102 'S.Ct. 3272 (1982) , where the court inferred invidious intent solely -from the broad circumstances of longstanding official discrimination, against blacks in the local community,6 Rather, ‘the District Court in the instant case looked in the eyes of the local olficiaK who, at the time of trial, had been responsible for -the latest decisions to reject single-member district proposals,and did nof believe their nonraciaT explanations., ,J.S. 96-98a. The court «102 S.Ct. at 3279-81. i l found, again as matters of pure fact, that the recent racially motivated actions of the Appellants were only the latest in an unrelieved series of changes in the election structure, extend ing over 100 years, that were intended to deny black citizens the opportunity to elect county commissioners of their choice. J.S, 73-77a, 92-93a, 96-98a. The District Court further but tressed its findings of intent by considering all of the circum stantial factors enunciated in Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan. Housing Development Corp.,7 including exhaus tive evidence of the present adverse impact of the at-large scheme on blacks’ voting strength. J.S. 79-92a, Under Rogers v. Lodge8 and Pullman Standard v. Swint? the District Court’s findings of racial intent may not be dis turbed unless they are clearly erroneous. Considering the depth and comprehensiveness of the evidence supporting the trial judge’s findings here, the judgment should be affirmed. The district judge was able to hear the testimony and ob serve the demeanors of four of the county commissioners on the stand. J.A. 470, 495, 507, 532. He did not believe their purported nonracial reason for striking down the district elec tion proposals. J.S. 96-98a. Not only was this critical finding on the question of credibility buttressed by all the Arlington Heights circumstantial evidence, but glaring inconsistencies ef fectively impeached the Appellants’ testimony. The race-neutral reason alleged by the commissioners for striking the single-member district proposals was to avoid the “individual little kingdoms” that supposedly had existed under the pre-1954 district system. J.A. 511; accord, J.A. 481, 498, 540. But cross-examination revealed that even under the exist ing at-large system each of the county commissioners was run ning the same little kingdom, because he exercised final con trol over the road and bridge funds allocated to his residency subdistrict. J.A. 473-74, 478-79, 487, 498, 514, 520, 523-24. 7429 U.S. 252 (1977). 8102 S.Ct. at 3278. »102 S,Ct. 1781 (1982). 12 There were other contradictions in Appellants’ testimony. Commissioner Deese, who as a charter committee member had “go[ne] over the charter word by word to see what needed to be adjusted,” J.A. 510, could not explain why, with no objections, he had signed the unanimous committee report urging the adoption of single-member districts and then reversed his posi tion when the charter came before the county commission. J-A. 510, 528-30. One of the commissioners had not consulted or heard from black citizens concerning their feelings about the election structure. J.A. 488, 492. Three testified that they would not consider blacks’ vote dilution in deciding their pref erence for election plans. J.A. 490, 492, 504, 530-31. Commis sioner Kenney’s testimony at trial directly contradicted the views he had expressed at the public hearing.10 It is important to notice that the purportedly nonracial justi fication of trying to maintain their incumbencies was not even mentioned; by the county commissioners on the stand. It ap peared for the first time in a post-trial memorandum filed by their counsel. J.S. 98a. In other words, their post-trial memo randum impeached the commissioners’ “little kingdom” ex planation at trial. This was the point made by the district I0At trial, Mr. Kenney took this view of changes in the commission’s responsibilities: 1 voted for countywide representation. I voted for it basically on the premise that there are issues and problems that transcend district lines and perhaps did not exist, these problems did not exist in, prior to 1950 when the old road boards were in operation. J.A. 540. But previously, at the public hearing, Mr. Kenney, responding to a black citizen’s plea for single-member districts, had viewed the modern problems in the opposite light: I think you have a very valid point, and I am not really very strong on county wide thing myself. I don’t really feel it is that important. I feel like to a degree, it is kind of a hang over from the old Road Board that this Commission used to be where the Commissioner’s only job was to take care of paving roads in a certain district and that was all he had to worry about. We have progressed quite a ways since then, where we deal with municipal problems a great deal more since % ’s of our population lives outside the city limits and still wants municipal services. J.A. 1135. 13 judge, who wrote that independently he had found the com missioners’ good government justifications to be unbelievable. Id. Instead, the trial judge concluded, the commissioners’ mo tive for rejecting the proposals for single-member districts “was to continue the present dilution of black voting strength,” so that none of them could be replaced by a black candidate. Id. Such a motive is not, as Appellants now contend, race-free. The District Court did not ground its finding of invidious in tent on the incumbents’ motive to exclude all other potential candidates, but on their intent to exclude black potential can didates in particular.11 This is no different than the finding- upheld by this Court in Rogers v. Lodge. But whereas the trial judge in Rogers had to infer from total legislative inactivity that state lawmakers intended to retain Burke County’s at-large system in order to minimize black political strength, 102 S.Ct. at 3280, the district judge in the instant case could base the same finding on specific legislative events and the opportunity to observe the testimony of the relevant officials.12 J.S. 77a, 96a-98a. u To this court the reasonable inference to be drawn from their actions in retaining at-large districts is that they were motivated, at least in part, by the possibility single district elections might result in one of more of them being displaced in subsequent elections by blacks. J.S. 98a. The evidence reveals at least one occasion when the commis sioners were squarely confronted with this prospect. At the public hearings, a black precinct committeeman said to them: Thank you. The very first part where it says five members elected county wide. County wide automatically kills it for me because eventually I plan on running maybe for one of your jobs. As long as it is county wide, I can never beat Jack Kenney out. J.A. 1133. 12Although Justice Stevens would not invalidate any electoral device simply because the elected officials were “motivated by a desire to retain control of the local political machiney,” Rogers, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3292 (J. Stevens, dissenting), the findings in the instant case satisfy even his standards. The Appellant Commissioners made no attempt to justify an at-large scheme that employed both a majority-vote and numbered place requirements in the primary, "devicejs] that servej] no purpose other than to exclude minority groups from effective participation. . . Id, 14 The District Court’s findings here are grounded on virtually every type of direct and circumstantial evidence that this Court lias referred to in its decisions concerning discriminatory intent. Indeed, in the section of its opinion devoted entirely and ex plicitly to the issue of intent, the District Court was guided by the criteria of Arlington Heights. In Arlington Heights the Supreme Court set out several factors indicative of discriminatory intent. They are (1) the effect of the official action, (2) the historical background of the decision, “particularly if it reveals a series of official actions taken for invidious purposes,” (3) the sequence of events, (4) substantive and proce dural departures, (5) legislative history. 429 U.S. at 266- 68. These criteria must be applied to the official act or acts which give rise to the respective election systems in this case. J.S. 92a. There was credible evidence of each of these five ele ments, in addition to the trial judge’s actual observation of the commissioners’ testimony, supporting his finding that the at- large plan has been maintained for racially discriminatory pur poses. Moreover, the District Court “bolstered” its findings of racial intent by an analysis of the circumstantial evidence using the criteria that have been approved in Rogers v. Lodge. J.S. 98a. Appellants also contend that a post-trial, post-judgment charter refer endum held in 1979, in which home rule was again rejected by the voters, this time based on a charter proposal that included a 5-2. single-member district and at-large mixed election plan, means that the racial motives of the incumbents in 1975 and 1977 are no longer responsible for the maintenance of the discriminatory election plan. Appellants’ Bf. at 31-32. This argument is flawed for at least two reasons. First, the at-large system had been adjudged unconstitutional before the 1979 referendum election took place, and the calling of another referendum election on charter government could not, by itself, meet the state’s legal obligation to afford a remedy. Second, even if there had been no prior judicial ruling, if the 1975 and 1977 official actions actually violated blacks’ constitutionally protected voting rights, that denial of rights could not be cured “by a vote of a majority of [the county’s] electorate.” Lucas v. Forty-fourth General Assembly of Colo., 377 U.S. 713, 746 (1964). 15 . (1) Adverse Impact, “The impact of the official action - whether it ‘bears more heavily on one race than another’ — may provide an important starting point [for a sensitive inquiry about intent].” Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 266, quoting Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 242 (1976) . The District Court found “that the voting strength of blacks is effectively diluted under the pres ent election systems of the county and city.” J.S. 90a (footnote omitted). According to Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 8279, evidence that a distinct racial minority consistently has its candidates defeated by a bloc-voting white majority “bears heavily on the issue of purposeful discrimination.” In the in stant case, the District Court arrived at this finding after con sidering [t]he complete record of county elections since 1955. . . .” J.S. 81a. This massive record was analyzed by an expert statistician and by a political scientist. Numerous black candidates testified about racial bloc voting, discouragement, threats and intimidation which they encountered in their cam paigns. Substantial evidence was introduced about black turn out and political participation and about the social and eco nomic disabilities of the black community in Escambia County. Unrebutted evidence of sharply polarized voting along racial lines was presented to the District Court. An expert statisti cian13 analyzed the correlations between the vote received by given candidates in each election precinct with the percentage of registered voters in that precinct who were black, with the median income of residents in the precinct, with party affilia tion and with gender of the registered voters. J.A. 733-50, 1277. Step-wise multiple regression analyses14 of these data were per 13Dr. David Curry, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of South Alabama. J.A. 1267. Dr. Curry was qualified by the District Court as an expert in the sociological and demographic applications of statistics. J.A. 1268. 14Multiple regression analysis is an accepted statistical technique, a quantitative method of estimating the effects of different variables of interest.” Eastland v. TV A, 704 F.2d 613, 621 (11th Cir. 1983), citing Fisher, “Multiple Regression in Legal Proceedings,” 80 Colum.L.Rev. 702 (1980). See also, Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 227, 234 (1976) (J. 16 formed. Id. In modern times, black persons bad sought elec tion to the Escambia County Commission on four occasions, to the school board on five occasions, and to the Pensacola City Council on nineteen occasions. J.S. 107-13a. A total of 168 re gression analyses were performed.15 Computer-generated “scat ter diagrams,” J.A. 751-54, visually displayed what the expert political scientist16 called “irrefutable” evidence of racially po larized voting. J.A. 421. In addition, the political scientist studied raw election returns, visited Escambia County five times, conducted over twenty in-depth interviews of politically knowledgeable persons in Escambia County, and did back ground reading in local newspapers and publications. J.A. 401. Based on all this information, he expressed the opinion that, under the at-large system, the votes of black citizens in Escam bia County were diluted, in that their electoral preferences were submerged consistently by the bloc-voting white majority. J.A. 403. The District Court heard extensive testimony from black candidates. J.A. 255-310, 334-74. They were uniformly discour aged from making further attempts as candidates in countywide at-large elections. J.A. 419, 422-25. The consistent defeat of blacks in the past and the high financial cost of countywide campaigning when compared with the paucity of financial re Marshall, dissenting). In particular, regression analysis is an acknowledged method for displaying racial bloc voting. See Major v. Treen, ____F.Supp. ___ , Manu.Op. at 30 (E.D.La., Sept. 23, 1983) (3-judge court); Bolden v. City of Mobile, 423 F.Supp. 384, 388 (S.D.Ala. 1976), affd, 571 F.2d 238 (5th Cir. 1978), rev’d and remanded on other grounds, 446 U.S. 55 (1980), on remand, 542 F.Supp. 1050 (S.D.Ala. 1982). ispi. Exs. 13-16. All the regression analysis results are summarized at J.A. 771-98. A summary of the analyses only of those elections in which blacks were candidates is appended to the District Court’s opinion. J.S. 107-13a. In the county commission elections involving black candidates, the correlation coefficient between race of registered voters and vote obtained by the candidates ranged from 0.85 to 0.98. J.S. 107a. A correla tion coefficient of .5 is considered to be unusually high in social science data. J.A. 1274-76. leDr. Charles Cotrell, Professor of Political Science, St. Mary's Univer sity, San Antonio, Texas. J.A. 398. Dr. Cotrell was accepted by the court as an expert in the field of political science. J.A. 398, 400. 17 sources in the black community were the reasons given.17 Just as discouraging for black candidates in Escambia County has been the hostility of the white electorate, much of it openly expressed. Charlie Taite, knowing that he needed white votes to win, campaigned door-to-door in white neighborhoods wear ing common work clothes, so that he would not seem like a “busybody” and arouse a white backlash. J.A. 264. Rev. Otha Leverette received death threats over the telephone, J.A. 278, and when he tried to conceal the fact that he was black during the general election, his own party published his picture in campaign literature. J.A. 274-75. Dr. Donald Spence also testi fied to having received telephone threats, as well as other activi ties directed against him by the Ku Klux Klan. Vol. XVI 558, 565. F. L. Henderson received telephone threats, had the win dows of his car destroyed and found a dead cat hung on the door of his home. Vol. XVII 633. Elmer Jenkins received threatening phone calls and had difficulty finding campaign workers who were not afraid of going into the white neighbor hoods. Vol. XVII 733, 753. Nathanial Dedmond, a local black attorney, was threatened over the telephone during his cam paign. J.A. 353. James Brewer was unsuccessful in his attempts to solicit financial support in the white community. Vol. XVII 802-04. Charlie Taite testified that lie had been offered $10,000 to drop out of the election and lost his job when he refused. Vol. XVI 363. The testimony of black politicians confirmed the feeling of futility and discouragement the political scientist had found among his interviewees. J.A. 419. In his opinion, the reluc tance of qualified black citizens to offer as candidates was an other manifestation of the inability of the black electorate to have any of its preferences expressed in the political process. Id. He found this sense of futility and lack of interest expressed in the turnout data. It shows that black voters turn out at much lower rates than whites except when there are black candidates, wTaite, J.A. 271: Leverette, J.A. 275, 277; Spencer, J.A. 289, 302-03: 0. Marshall, J.A. 335-36; Henderson, J.A. 339; Jenkins, J.A. 347; Dedmond, J.A. 351; Hunter, Vol. XVII 784; Brewer, Vol. XVII 802-04, 18 in which event the black turnout rate has been equal to or higher than the white turnout rate. J.A. 421-432. Governor Rubin Askew, who testified at trial about his involvement, as a freshman state legislator from Escambia County, in the 1959 change of election systems for city council, agreed with the po litical scientist that lack of fair representation explains the dis couragement within the black electorate: I have come to believe and believe very strongly that while single-member districting will not require necessarily fair representation among minorities, in my opinion it is the single most important step you can take to better insure representation by minorities. . . . I personally feel that if black people in this case, other minorities, if they are not afforded an opportunity through single-districting to speak and elect some of their own people to the Boards, which that government is supposed to represent them, I don’t know how we can say that government is truly represen tative of all the people. . . . We need more minority rep resentation on government if government is supposed to fairly represent them and if we want young black people in particular to feel they are part of the system. Then they have got to be given a chance in a fair way and not be out voted with a larger majority. , J.A. 467. The evidence detailing blacks’ current lack of access to the political process in Escambia County followed extensive testi mony by two respected Florida historians18 'about the long his tory of violence, physical and economic intimidation, segrega tion and official oppression that had marked the previous one hundred years of Florida’s history. Based on this evidence the 18Dr. Jerrell Shofner, Professor and Chairman of the Department of History, Florida Technological University, Orlando. J.A. 146. Dr. Shofner has researched and written extensively on Florida history during the Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction periods. J.A. 147. At the time of his testimony in this case, he was serving as President of the Florida Historical Society. Id. Dr. James McGovern, Associate Professor of History, University of West Florida, Pensacola. PI. Ex. 3. Dr. McGovern was the officially desig nated Bicentennial Historian for the City of Pensacola. PI. Ex. 4. 19 District Court found that during the Jim Crow period in Flor ida “the white government was unwilling or unable to prevent a shocking degree of violence and intimidation suffeied by blacks at the hands of whites,” J.S. 93a. Although the modern forms of intimidation described at trial were not as brutal, per haps, as those of the past, they remain, nevertheless, a real and substantial additional burden for blacks seeking to participate in Escambia County’s political process today. The expert po litical scientist spoke of the “shadow of history that still hangs over black political participation. J.A. 423. The District Court also received extensive evidence about the depressed socio-economic condition of the black community in Escambia County, which, under Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3280, is further evidence that the at-large system lias a racial purpose. J.A. 799-1036. Mr. DeVrees, City Planner for Pensacola, admitted that neighborhood blight, including de teriorating housing, poor streets, and lack of recreational facili ties, closely correlates with the proportion of blacks in the neighborhood population. Vol. XIX, 1123-24. Mr. Page, a senior planner with the West Florida Regional Planning Com mission; testified that his Survey of drug abuse, unemployment, poor housing’̂ ftinditions, lack of recreational facilities, crime, welfare; ‘tietftai'; health,> youth services, fire, tuberculosis and venereal disease fat§o;*torrelated with the proportion of blacks ■in each neighborhood. >Vol. XXI, 1635. Considering all this evidence, the‘‘District:Court entered the following findings of fact: '■■■■■-. ■■..:■ •■>■; /' State enforced segregation and discrimination have helped create two societies in the city and county — segregated churches, clubs, neighborhoods and, until a few years ago, schools. These laws left blacks in an inferior social and economic position, with generally inferior education. The lingering effects upon black individuals, coupled with their continued separation from the dominant white so ciety, have helped reduce black voting strength and par ticipation in government. J.S. 86a. Similar findings of “lingering effects of past discrimi 20 nation” were approved in Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3280. Finally, with regard to the adverse impact of the at-large sys tem, the District Court found “independent significance” in the severe underrepresentation of blacks on appointed county boards and committees. J.S. 90a. Accord, Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3280. “With such a paucity of black elected and appointed representatives, blacks are excluded from almost all positions of responsibility in the governmental policymaking- machinery.” J.S. 90-91a. (2) The Historical Background. The racially motivated charter decisions of the county com missioners were only the latest of a series of invidiously in tended legislative election changes. The District Court made explicit findings of fact that Flor ida’s official policy from 1868 until at least 1954 was to main tain a county commission election structure that assured that no black person could be elected. Under Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 267, “[t]he historical background of the decision is one evidentiary source, particularly if it reveals a series of offi cial actions taken for invidious purposes.” (Citations omitted). Similarly, Rogers v. Lodge relied pjr ‘‘fte ;j*npact of past dis crimination on the ability "of blacks *fo pariicipf te effectively in the political process.” 102 S.Ct. at 3279., The following chain of decisional responsibility1-® was estab lished for the election system used hi Escambia County: (1) From 1868 to 1901 the county commissioners were ap pointed by the governor “to ensure against the possibility that blacks might be elected in majority black counties.” J.S. 74a, 16a. The delegates to the ;1868 and ,1885 Florida Constitution al Conventions were responsible for the development and main tenance of tins system. J.A. 154.-59. 9 I9The District Court’s findings cannot be faulted for “failure to identify the state officials whose intent it considered relevant." Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3281 (J. Powell, dissenting), quoting City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 74 n.20 (1980). 21 (2) In 1901 sufficient numbers of blacks had been disfran chised to make white supremacists feel safe about returning the selection of county commissioners to the electorate, and the state constitution was amended to provide for at-large general elections. J.S. 74a. The historical sequence of events and the contemporaneous passage of Jim Crow laws indicated to the district court a racial motive in the adoption of at-large elec tions. J.S. 92a-93a; Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24.20 But it declined to find a racial intent behind the adoption of the 1901 constitutional amendment, primarily because the Fifth Circuit previously had held that there could be no racial motive when blacks were al ready disfranchised.21 ~ '(3) Both the primary and general elections were apparently conducted on an at-large basis for one election. J.A. 173. But a 1907 statute changed the primary elections to single-member districts, leaving the general elections to be held at large. Id. Because the Democratic primary was for whites only and was in effect the only election that counted, the district court found that the “anomaly” of a districted primary and an at-large gen eral election “worked, not surprisingly, to the unique disadvan tage of blacks,” J.S. 75a, was “clearly race related,” J.S. 92a, and was part of “a concerted state effort to institutionalize white supremacy,” J.S. 74a. This “dual”22 election system for county commissioners remained in effect in Escambia County until 1954. Then, in the wake of judicial rulings striking down the all-white primary, the state courts declared that single-member district primaries were inconsistent with the 1901 state consti tutional amendment requiring county commissioners to be 20Page 24 of the district court’s opinion is omitted in the Jurisdictional Statement at p. 92a, after the words “The sequence of”. Page 24 of the opinion is reproduced as an appendix to this brief. 21 J.S. 93a, and Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24, citing McGill v. Gadsden County Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976). The District Court also under stood Dr. Shofner, Plaintiffs’ expert historian, to have “reinforced” the conclusion of McGill. Id. Actually, Dr. Shofner testified that the elimi nation of blacks as a political threat is what allowed a. return of county government to local control; he did not say that the choice of an at-large scheme had no racial purpose. T.A. 195-96. 22J.S. 19a. 22 elected at large. J.S. 75a-76a. The Florida Legislature and the Democratic Party bore the responsibility for the exclusion of blacks from the real election for county commissioners, which was conducted by single-member districts. j.A. 173-74. (4) Since 1954, Escambia County’s election structure could be changed only by the adoption of home rule, charter govern ment (unless, of course, the state constitution itself were amended). The incumbent county commissioners controlled what charter propositions would be submitted to Escambia County’s voters, and the district court found that the commis sioners acted with racial motives when in 1975 and again in 1977 they rejected proposals by their own appointed charter committees to change to district elections. J.S. 77a, 96a-98a. It is important to keep in mind, as the District Court did, that until post-World War II federal intervention began re infranchising black voters, state policy favored single-member district elections for all three major local government bodies in Escambia County. J.S. 74a, 86a; Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24. At-large requirements have been in effect for general elec tions of county commissioners and school board members since 1901 and 1895, respectively. However, in the pri maries, which were then tantamount to election, the com missioners were elected in single-member districts from 1907 to 1954, and school board members from 1907 to 1947. Half the city council was elected from single-mem ber districts until 1959. Moreover, the evidence shows . . . that there were racial motivations connected with the at- large requirements of each of these election systems. J.S. 86a. During most of this period black citizens were offi cially excluded from the electoral process by devices like the poll tax and the white-only Democratic primary. J.S. 74-75a; Dist. Ct. Op. p. 24; J.A. 159-64. See Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3279. Only after the white primary was struck down in 1945 was there a precipitate swing to an at-large pol icy. J.S. 75a. In the very next session of the legislature, state law was amended to require use of at-large voting for school boards. J.S. 93a. The District Court agreed with the expert 23 historian that this 1947 change in the school board election structure was racially motivated. J.S. 93-94a; J.A. 183. Next, in 1953 the Escambia County Circuit Court struck down the single-member district feature of county commission primaries, in a lawsuit brought by “good government’’ groups backed by the Pensacola Journal.23 The Florida Supreme Court affirmed the decision in 1954,24 The District Court did not. make a find ing that the state courts were racially motivated, but the his torian expressed the opinion that the lack of official resistance to the change could be accounted for, at least in part, by the desire to preserve white supremacy.25 Finally, single-member district elections were eliminated from the city council plan in a 1959 charter amendment. J.S. 78a. Relying in part on an editorial from the Pensacola Journal urging voters to approve the charter referendum,26 the District Court found a racial mo tive behind this change as well. J.S. 94a. 23Def. Ex. 12; J.A. 1099. 24J.S. 75-76a, citing Ervin v. Richardson, 70 So.2d 585 (Fla. 1954). 25J-A. 183, 209, 213-14. Dr. Shofner explained; I think the point is that it did not upset the desires of the people who Were in control in the comity at that particular time. I think that, however, whether or not it was initiated for this reason, it served them very well J.A. 214. The record in Ervin v. Richardson, supra, supports Dr. Shofner’s Opinion. Def. Ex. 12. The case was adjudicated from start to finish in two months. The state attorney general intervened solely for the purpose of ensuring statewide uniformity of the election law and did not vigorously defend the fifty-year policy of single-member primaries. The defendant county commissioners did not join the attorney general’s appeal, and neither the Democratic Party nor any state political leaders objected. The state supreme court affirmed the circuit judge even as it acknowledged "that nominations of county commissioners by districts has been the established policy of the State for many years. . . .” 70 So.2d at 587. There was no evidence that any attempt was made after the ruling to amend the state constitution or to take any other action to preserve this "estab lished policy.” 26The 1959 Journal editorial contained a "smoking gun” admission of the racial motives behind the election change and recalled similar changes in the county commission and school board election methods: This would be an advantageous change for at least two reasons. One reason is that small groups which might dominate one ward could not choose a councilman. Thus one ward might conceivably 24 (3) The Sequence of Events. “The specific sequence of events leading up to the challenged decision also may sited some light on the decisionmaker’s pur poses.” Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 267. In finding that the Appellant county commissioners had acted with racial motives when they rejected recent single-member district pro posals, the District Court relied heavily on the sequence of events. J.S. 77a, 96a. First one and then a second commission- appointed charter committee recommended different forms of districted systems.27 Blacks appealed to the commissioners in public hearings to accept the committee’s proposal for the sake elect a Negro councilman, although the city as a whole would not. This probably is the prime reason behind the proposed change. However, the best argument for the change, the one which we offer, is that all councilmen would be responsible to all city voters, not merely to those in their particular section. Councilmen should have a city-wide viewpoint, not a localized outlook. We favored such representation in the county, both for school board members and for county commissions. Prior to the Minimum Founda tion Law, school board members were chosen by districts, equivalent to city wards. This change was helpful as it widened horizons and banished petty district politics. A vote in Century became as im portant as a vote in Pensacola. Later, the News Journal attempted by legislation to have county commissioners elected county-wide, instead of by districts, because the district plan made each commissioner more concerned with his district while roads and other problems crossing district lines were neglected. Legislation failed, but a suit brought by citizens resulted in the Supreme Court deciding the district election was invalid. Now commissioners over the state are chosen by county-wide vote and we think it has resulted in great improvement. J.A. 1098-99. The editors’ juxtaposition of black vote dilution and good government theories illustrates perfectly the point made by Dr. Shofner about policies of this period: Mr. Cash, the historian of the Democratic Party in ’36, talked about good government in terms of cleaning up the electorate by keeping- blacks out of it. I think that that is more satisfactory to a person to say than to say, “Let’s disenfranchise blacks.” J.A. 183-84. 2"The 1977 charter committee recommended a five-member county commission with all five elected from single-member districts. J.A. 1233. The 1975 charter committee had added two at-large seats to the five from single-member districts to “provide balanced representation.” J.A. 1201. 25 of fair minority representation. J.A. 1131-41. One commis sioner voted for the change as a charter committee member, but later all five commissioners voted to strike the single-mem ber districts before the charter was submitted to the voters. J.A. 528-30. (4) Procedural and Substantive Departures. The District Court noted that two separate charter commit tees were appointed by the county commission, and that even after the second committee came back with a single-member district recommendation, Appellants still refused to submit the election change to the voters. J.S. 77a, 96a. “Departures from the normal procedural sequence . . . [and] [sjubstantive depar tures too may be relevant, [to a determination of intent].” Arlington PIcights, supra, 429 U.S. at 267. (5) The Legislative History. “The legislative . . . history may be highly relevant, espe cially where there are contemporary statements by members of tiie decisionmaking body, minutes of its meetings, or reports.” Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 268. The reports of the charter committees, J.A. 1195-1227, and the transcript of one public hearing conducted by the county commission, J.A. 1131, were introduced in evidence. They show that Appellants made no attempt to respond to the carefully articulated reasons given by the charter committee for favoring district elections.28 In particular, the committee squarely rebutted the rationale Ap pellants gave the District Court. Compare J.S. 77a with J.A. 1201: 28 District representation will cut the mounting cost of running for Countywide election, and the increasing reliance on special interest for financing. The districts will also insure meaningful representation and allow close identification and scrutiny of the district Commis sioners. The district Commissioners will be closer to the people who elected them and more responsive to district problems and needs. The district Commissioners will have a ready and in-hand knowledge of their districts. J.A. 1201. 2 6 There may be an argument that district Commissioners may be responsive to district pressures first and consider vital Countywide matters second. It is based upon the as- sumption and not fact that the County Commission can only act as a unit in passing County laws or establishing policy or issuing administrative directives. Finally, “members [of the decisionmaking body were] called to the stand at the trial to testify concerning the purpose of the official action. . . Arlington Heights, supra, 429 U.S. at 268. As discussed, supra at pp. 10-3, the district judge was able to gauge the commissioners’ credibility by direct observation. When, as here, the factfinder’s conclusion is supported by lit-* erally every conceivable kind of direct and circumstantial evi- dence, there is no basis for disturbing it on appeal. III. The District Court’s Findings Provide Additional Constitutional Grounds For Affirming The Judgment Of The Court Of Appeals. The Court of Appeals affirmed the judgment under the four* teenth amendment on the ground that the District Court did not clearly err in finding that the incumbent county commis sioners acted, in part, with racial motives when they struck districted elections from the 1975 and 1977 charter proposals. j.S. 20-22a. The Court of Appeals did not decide whether the District Court’s other findings supported its conclusions that judgment for Plaintiffs could be grounded on (unamended) Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the fourteenth and fif teenth amendments. See j.S. 100-lQla. For reasons stated at p. 9 supra, we have not briefed the statutory issue. But if the Court decides to review the constitutional issues, it ought to consider the additional fourteenth and fifteenth amendment bases for affirming the judgment below. 27 A. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed Under the Fif teenth Amendment, Because the At-Large Scheme Was Adopted Through a Referendum Election in Which Black Citizens Were Denied the Right to Vote. In its opinion on rehearing the panel stuck by the view ex pressed by the plurality in City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980), that vote dilution cases are not cognizable under the fifteenth amendment. J.S. 4a n.2. However, in this Court, given the peculiar facts of this case, the fifteenth amendment affords an alternative ground for affirming the judgment be low, a ground that would satisfy even the standard of the Bolden plurality. It is undisputed that in the last two decades of the nineteenth century the State of Florida enacted constitutional and statu tory measures designed to disfranchise its black citizens and that by 1900 only a few blacks were still registered. J.S. 74a; j.A. 159-61. Ironically, in the instant case this massive official denial of blacks’ voting rights has disadvantaged their ability to obtain relief. Adhering to an earlier precedent,29 both lower courts concluded that, because of the need to prove invidious intent, the elimination of blacks as a statewide electoral threat foreclosed the possibility that the 1901 constitutional amend ment mandating at-large voting in the general election for county commissioners could have been adopted in violation of the fourteenth amendment. J.S. 20a n.18, 93a and n.8. By holding that the “race-proof”30 origin of the election scheme constitutionally exonerates its continued use, the courts below have overlooked the line of cases that command federal courts to provide effective remedies for blacks whose fifteenth amendment right to vote plainly has been denied in state or local elections.31 These decisions hold that when blacks pur- 29McGill v. Gadsden County Commission, 535 F.2d 277 (5th Cir. 1976). soBolden v. City of Mobile, 571 F.2d 238, 245 (5th Cir. 1978), rev’d and remanded, 446 U.S. 55 (1980), on remand, 542 F.Supp. 1050 (S.D. Ala. 1982). 31Bell v. Southwell, 376 F.2d 659 (5th Cir. 1967); Hamer v. Campbell, 358 F.2d 215 (5th Cir. 1966); Alabama v. United States, 304 F.2d 583 28 posefully have been denied the right to participate in an elec tion, a per se fifteenth amendment violation is established, and “the sole question remaining is the sort of relief to be grant ed.”52 Providing such relief, the federal court of equity “may use any available remedy to make good the wrong done.”33 Appellees do not contend that every legislative action taken during the period when blacks were officially disfranchised must be voided or that all elections conducted during this pe riod should be set aside. But in this case there is a direct, un deniable connection between the undisputed fifteenth amend ment violation and the 1901 legislative adoption of the election structure being challenged. Because the at-large scheme was installed through an amendment to the state constitution, the electorate was an integral part of the legislative process. Thus blacks were officially barred from the decision to adopt the very same state law that they have demonstrated to he a present cause of their exclusion from the political process in Escambia County. The 1901 statewide referendum election ought not be voided altogether eighty years later. But federal courts are not powerless to provide anxmedy in those counties, like Escambia, where the-state camiot demonstrate affirmatively that the un constitutionally established at-large structure no longer disad vantages the class of black citizens.84O (5th Gir. 1962); Toney v. White, 348 F.Supp. 188 (W.D. La. 1972), aff’d in part and rev’d in part, 476 F.2d 203, modified on rehearing, 488 F.2d 310 (5th Gir. 1973) (en banc) . s2Bell v. Southwell, supra, 376 F.2d at 662. 33Alabama v. United States, supra, 304 F.2d at 590, quoting Bell v. Hood, 327 U.S. 678, (1946). 34Cf. Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339, 347-48 (1960). Once invoked, “the scope of a district court’s equitable powers to remedy past wrongs is broad, for breadth and flexibility are inherent in equitable remedies.” Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267, 281 (1977), quoting Swann v. Charlotte- Mecklenburg Bd. of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 15 (1971). 29 B. The Judgment Below May Be Affirmed Under the Four teenth Amendment, Because For Half a Century the At- Large Election Was Part of the State’s Design to Exclude Blacks From the Political Process. In addition to its findings about state actions in the 1970’s intended to retain a racially discriminatory election system, the District Court found that, at least during the period from 1907 to 1954, the maintenance of at-large voting in the general elec tions for county commissioners was part of “a concerted state effort to institutionalize white supremacy.” J.S. 74a. The Dis trict Court found that, following the successful efforts late in the nineteenth century to disfranchise Florida’s black citizens, [bjlack participation in the electoral process was further hampered by the Jim Crow laws and the exclusion of blacks from the Democratic Party, both of which began in 1900. A few years later, the state provided for primary elections of county commissioners . . . in which the candi dates were elected from single-member districts. 1907 Fla. Laws, Ch. 5697, §1. By that time the white primary sys tem, effectively disfranchising black voters, was firmly es tablished. The resulting anomaly between having district primary elections and at-large general elections worked, not surprisingly, to the uuitjuc yli|adv!iynta.ge of blacks, Since blacks could not vote .in Remecratjc Primary’ district elections, they were forced Jjp challenge white Dem ocratic nominees in at-large eleGtjopa which blacks had no voter majorities. In effect, Che. white primary was the election, < ’ : J.S. 75a. v A; y '7 ’• ' These findings establish two critical points: (1) for nearly fifty years, state policy favored the use of single-member dis tricts for the election of county commissioners, and (2) by maintaining an at-large system in the general elections, Florida denied black citizens as a class the opportunity to participate in single-member district elections. Such a situation is in rele vant respects constitutionally indistinguishable from Florida’s 30 contemporaneous maintenance of de jure school segregation.39 There was a “dual”36 county commission election system as well as a dual school system. Florida removed its official imprimatur from the dual election system in 1945 by opening the Demo- ■■ cratic primary to blacks.37 But it did not carry out in the elec tion area the same affirmative obligation it had in the schools to “dismantle” or “disestablish” the racially discriminatory vestiges of the de jure system. See Green v. County School Board (New Kent County), 381 U.S. 430., 437-40 (1968).38 Instead, in 1954 the state merely eliminated the single- member district feature of the primary elections.89 In light of the district court’s finding that present-day racially polarized voting in Escambia County “resultfs] from the prior state en forced segregation of the races,” J.S. 87a, the imposition of at- large schemes in both the primary and general elections per petuated the prior official exclusion of blacks from the political process in the same way that freedom of choice policies per petuated de jure school segregation.40 _• z*E.g$‘'Aa*giiStm;■ v, JBoard, of Public Instruction of Escambia County, (5th Cir. 1962). -citing Davis, v. State ex rel. Cromwell, 156 Fla. 181, 23 So.2d 8 945)., .... . ^ 8Th^ disestablishment principle of Green was applied in the context of discriminatory election systems in Kirksey v. Board of Supv’rs of Hinds County, 554 F.2d 139, 144-45 and n.12 (5th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied, 434 U.S. 968 (1977). See also, Note: “Making the Violation Fit the Remedy: The Intent Standard and Equal Protection Law,” 92 Yale L.J. 328, 346-47 n.113 (1983). 89J.S. 75-76 ;̂ citing Ervin v. Richardson, 70 So.2d 585 (Fla. 1954). 40Green v. County School Bd., supra, 391 U.S. 437. Just as prior de jure segregated school systems are required to do more than merely end official assignment of students on the basis of race, so should a jurisdiction that has institutionalized racial segregation in election structures have an affirmative constitutional obligation to disestablish all its vestiges. C.f. Keyes v. School Dist. No. I, 413 U.S. 189, 200 and n .li (1973), citing Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 15 (1971). See Schnapper, “Perpetuation of Past Discrimination," 96 Harv. L. Rev. 828, 855-58 (1983) (“When governmental discrimination creates con tinuing social or physical: conditions, each injury caused by those con ditions is a fresh constitutional violation. The appropriate remedy in such cases is not merely to redress specific injuries, but also to. disestablish 31 The maintenance of at-large election structures in both the primary and general elections of county commissioners in Escambia County unconstitutionally perpetuates41 prior de jure exclusion of black citizens from the political process. Because the past official discrimination that is being perpetuated was a dual election system, the causal connection between past acts and present injury to blacks’ effective exercise of the franchise is even more direct here than it was in similar perpetuation circumstances condemned by the Court.42 There is, therefore, even less constitutional justification for allowing the facially neutral at-large system to continue in Escambia County. C. Considering Only Objective Factors, the District Court’s Findings Support Its Conclusion That the At-large Election System Purposefully Dilutes Blacks’ Voting Strength. A separate theory for detecting purposeful discrimination behind at-large election laws Iras been suggested by Justice Stevens. Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3286-88 (J. Ste vens, dissenting). This analysis was not employed byjhe. courts below, but in this Court it affords an alternative ground for affirmance. • Analyzing voluminous, comprehensive evidence of how, local elections have operated over two decades, the District Court found that a geographically isolated, politically cohesive racial whatever ongoing state of affairs produced those injuries and threatens future harms.”) . 4iThe particular at-large scheme utilized in the primary elections actually aggravates the racially dilutive effect of the overall election system by injecting a majority vote requirement, which maximizes the strength of the majority in Escambia County. See pp. 32-33 infra. 42Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3280 (inferring discriminatory intent," in part, from election practices, “which though neutral on their face, serve to maintain the status quo,” where past discrimination was found in non-election areas like jury selection and public hiring) ; White v. Regester, supra, 412 U.S. at 769 (single-member districts properly ordered to remedy broad societal discrimination against Mexican-Ameri- cans) . See Hartman, “Racial Vote Dilution and Separation of Powers: An Exploration of the Conflict Between the Judicial ‘Intent’ and the Legis lative ‘Results’ Standards.” 50 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 689, 719 (1982). 32 group has had its electoral choices systematically excluded by a bloc-voting majority. J.S. 79a-84a, 86a-87a. The evidence un derpinning this holding went far beyond a mere showing that disproportionately few blacks had been elected, and the court did not merely presume that the inherent tendency of at-large schemes to submerge minority voting strength accounted for their poor showing. Rather, Plaintiffs-Appellees proved that, over a substantial period of time, members of the black com munity have supported with their votes candidates identified with their interests, but that the white majority, voting as a controlling bloc,43 had consistently and predictably defeated them.44 In addition, the parties stipulated that in Escambia County there was sufficient residential segregation to make it probable that at least some of the black voters’ choices would prevail in a districted election. J.A. 78. This Court has held that trial court findings like these go far toward establishing purposeful discrimination, but that they are “insufficient in themselves’’ absent “other evidence” that blacks do not have an equal opportunity to participate in the political process.45 Justice Stevens has urged that this “other evidence” be sought out not in the subjective motives of par ticular officials but in “objective circumstances that . . . would invalidate a similar law wherever it might be found.”46 Justice Stevens has expressed the further view that objective evidence of an unconstitutional at-large election plan may be found in “additional features” or “special features” like the majority vote requirement and numbered places noted by the district court in the instant case.47 The special features that serve only 48Not all majority-race voters voted against the minority’s favorites. J.S. 84a. But the courts below correctly held that white crossover voting did not foreclose a finding of majority bloc voting where enough whites could be counted on to vote against the blacks’ choice to defeat consis tently the combined weight of solid black support plus white crossovers. J.S. 33a-35a n.6. 44See pp. 15-18 supra. 45Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3279. 46/d. at 3286 (J. Stevens, dissenting). 47Compare id. at 3287-88 (J. Stevens, dissenting), with J.S. 87a-88a. The special features include designated ballot places, majority vote require 33 “to perpetuate the power of an entrenched majority” are not necessary for the intended functioning of an at-large scheme.48 49 Even though White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973), speaks of these special features as “neither in themselves improper nor invidious,”48 it does not disagree with Justice Stevens’ difficulty- in finding them “either desirable or legitimate,”50 particularly “when viewed in combination” and against a backdrop of dem onstrated minority vote submergence.51 Under this analysis, the district court’s findings that the elec toral choices of a geographically concentrated racial minority- have consistently been excluded over a substantial period by a bloc-voting white majority, coupled with “other evidence” that the at-large scheme lias special or additional features that un necessarily exaggerate the majority’s political stranglehold, sat isfy an objective measure of an at-large election scheme, viewed in its entirety, as having a legislative purpose to minimize the electoral strength of black voters.52 The Appellants did not offer at trial any compelling justifications for an election system that clearly is designed to maximize the power of an electoral majority. ments, anti-single-shot voting rules and other such provisions, referred to by one commentator as “percentage-determining rules.” O'Rourke, “Con stitutional and Statutory Challenges to Local At-Large Elections,” 17 U. Rich. L. Rev. 39, 92 (1982). 48Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3288 (J. Stevens, dissenting). 494 1 2 U.S. at 766. ^Rogers v. Lodge,-supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3288 (J. Stevens, dissenting). 51/d. 52See Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3283 (J. Powell, joined by J. Rehnquist, dissenting) (“the factors identified by Justice Stevens as ‘objective’ in fact are direct, reliable, and unambiguous indices of dis criminatory intent”). It is the at-large system as a whole that violates blacks’ constitutional rights, not just its component parts. Indeed, the special features of a majority-vote requirement and numbered places pro vided unnecessary protection for the white majority in Escambia County, where only two black candidates had made the runoffs in countywide elections, neither of whom had been the leading vote-getter in the first primary. J.S. 107a-09a. Thus, merely enjoining the special features in the instant action would provide little or no relief to the black victims of the intentionally dilutive scheme. 34 Among the “additional features” which can be shown to en hance the majority’s voting strength are numbered places, ma jority runoffs, residency subdistricts, and full ballot laws (requiring the voter to cast as many votes as there aie seats available for election) ,53 Current researcli demonstrates that these additional features are found primarily in the South and affect in a measurable way the electoral chances of blacks.54 Judicial analysis of at-large vote dilution claims, like claims of gerrymandering, raises “special problems.”55 * An at-large scheme ought not be thought of as just another potentially gerrymandered districting plan. Rather, it represents a delib erate choice not to draw district boundaries at all; that is, not to apportion seats among geographic areas but to allow the same jurisdiction-wide majority the opportunity to control all the seats.50 Consequently, objective criteria for detecting in vidious gerrymandering in districted election plans are likely not to be helpful in assessing the constitutionality of at-large schemes.57 Therefore, the Court should make it clear that where, in cases like the instant one, at-large election structures have sys tematically excluded the choices of racial minorities and are 53E.g ,̂ see Derfner, “Racial Discrimination and the Right to Vote”, 26 Vand. L. Rev. 523, 553-55 (1973). 54Appendix B to this brief contains two tables prepared by Profs. Engstrom and McDonald of the University of New Orleans based on their current, but not yet published, research. Blacks are elected at about 70% of their expected rate in cities that use pure at-large elections but at 22%-S2% in cities that have “additional features.” 55Karcher v. Daggett, 103 S.Ct. 2653, 2667 (1983) (J. Stevens, con curring) . 56Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735, 753 (1973) (“The very essence of districting is to produce a different — a more ‘politically fair’ — result than would be reached with elections at large”); accord, Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 328 (1962) (J. Frankfurter, dissenting). See also Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3275; id. at 3286 n.16 (J. Stevens, dissenting) . 5?Concepts of compactness, integrity of political boundaries, and fair ness in the boundary-drawing process, Karcher v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2672-74 (J. Stevens, concurring), have no relevance in the context of at-large voting. Where no district lines need be drawn, there is no risk that the apportionment result will look like a * crazy quilt, id. at 2690 (J. Powell, dissenting), quoting Reynolds v. Sims, supra, Ull U.S. at 568. 35 characterized by features that are designed to strengthen ma jority control, purposeful racial vote dilution will be presumed, and violation of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments es tablished, solely from these objective facts. Justice Stevens’ objective test of at-large vote dilution lias promise as a more judicially manageable constitutional stand ard, which accommodates both local; government interests in autonomy and the racial minority’s interest in fair political access.58 The theory should not include a requirement that the judicial remedy be restricted to striking down only the special features, leaving at-large voting intact.59 Unlike R o g ers v. Lodge, in the instant case, an injunction directly solely at the majority-vote and numbered place requirements would afford no relief for blacks in Escambia County.60 If tire established rule61 requiring singlermember districts in court-ordered reme dies were left undisturbed, recognition of Justice Stevens’ ob jective test would present a strong incentive for local govern ments voluntarily to improve minority access in their election systems rather than to wait for a judicial, challenge. This objective measure of unconstitutional vote dilution af fords vulnerable racial and ethnic minorities surer protection against representational unfairness than does a subjective in tent standard,62, and it is more in line with the underlying prin ciples of one person, .one vote.63 * Recently, in B ro w n v. T iio m p - 58Hartman, supra fn. 42, at 724. 59/d. (Criticizing Justice Stevens’ theory as “incomplete” if it includes such a remedial restriction). In. fact, in Rogers, Justice Stevens thought the question “need not be decided”. 102 S.Ct. at 3288 n.22. ®°See fn. 52, supra. Escambia County has only a 20% black population. It contrasts sharply in this regard with Burke County, which had a 53.6% black majority. 102 S.Ct. at 3274. Consequently it is not at all “apparent”, as it was for Justice Stevens in Rogers, 102 S.Ct. at 3288 n.22, that a well- organized black minority could elect anyone in Escambia County. elE.g., East Carroll Parish School Bd. v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976). 62See Rogers v. Lodge, supra, 102 S.Ct. at 3284-93 (J. Stevens, dissent ing) ; id. at 3283 (J. Powell, dissenting); City of Mobile v. Bolden, supra, 446 U.S. at 121 (J. Marshall, dissenting). ezSee generally, Parker, “The ‘Results’ Test of Section 2 of the Voting- Rights Act: Abandoning the Intent Standard,” 69 Va. L. Rev. 715 (1983): Blacksher and Menefee, “From Reynolds v. Sims to City of Mobile v. 36 son, 103 S.Ct. 2690 (1983), and Karcher v. Daggett, 103 S.Ct. 2653 (1983), the Court undertook a fresh examination of the extent to which states are bound to adhere to strict population equality notwithstanding the need to take account of other, nonpopulation factors affecting fair representation. The in stant challenge to an at-large election scheme may present the converse question: To what extent may states rely on inherent population equality to justify failure or refusal to change elec tion structures that are systematically unfair to particular racial groups? A proper resolution of both constitutional issues, how ever, depends on recognition of the same fundamental princi ple of equal protection recalled in Brown v. Thompson and Karcher v. Daggett. Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) , did not simply announce a rule of numbers; rather, it acknowl edged that other important representational concerns may out weigh even large population disparities04 and that the ultimate constitutional mandate is “fair and effective representation.”65 The Court has never suggested that the population equality rule, derived from the Civil War amendments to the Constitu tion, furthered a constitutional policy more important than the elimination of racial discrimination in the exercise of the fran chise. To the contrary, it has identified elimination of state supported racial discrimination as a primary judicial concern because it is “illegal, immoral, unconstitutional, inherently wrong, and destructive of democratic society.”66 Further, the Court has acknowledged that the population equality rule does not by itself measure every variety of unconstitutional denial of fair and effective representation.67 In fact, fairness of group Bolden: Have the White Suburbs Commandeered the Fifteenth Amend ment?” 34 Hastings L. J. 1 (1982). MBrown v. Thompson, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2697. 65Karcher v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2689 (J. Powell, dissenting), quoting Reynolds v. Sims, supra, 377 U.S. at 565; accord, Karcher v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2678 (J. Stevens, concurring); id. at 2678 (J. White, dissenting). 66Regents of the University of Cal. v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 255, 295 n.35 (1978), quoting A. Bickel, The Morality of Consent 133 (1975). 67Brown v. Thompson, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2696; accord, Karcher v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2671 (J. Stevens, concurring). 37 participation in the political process may be more important constitutionally than mere numerical equality.6 * * 68 Recognition of an Equal Protection violation under this objective standard could restore constitutional priorities in the area of fair repre sentation. IV. Because The P roper Legislative A uthority ' Rejected A Proposed Constitutional Remedy, The District Court Was Correct To O rder Its Own Districting Plan. Before addressing the complicated, somewhat arcane ques tions of state and federal law governing the District Court’s discretion in providing a remedy for the constitutional viola tion, a broader view of Appellants’ claim should be considered. The question they present is whether the District Court was required to accept a plan advanced by the very same local offi cials it had found to be guilty of racial discrimination, even though their plan had just been rejected by the county’s voters. The Appellants challenge the 1979 remedial order69 of the District Court solely on the ground, rejected by both courts 6SKarcker v. Daggett, supra, 103 S.Ct. at 2671 (J. Stevens, concurring) : accord, id at 2683 (J. White, dissenting); id. 2689 (J. Powell, dissenting). "There is some question whether the remedy issue in this appeal is still meaningful. Since the remedy order was entered in 1979, the District Court has conducted new proceedings as a result of the 1980 census and has considered afresh new plans presented by both the county commission and the Plaintiffs. The remedial election plan now’ before the Court has been replaced by another plan adopted by the District Court in 1983. The Court has denied petitions to stay implementation of the 1683 plan, and elections have been held under it. The county commissioners’ challenge of the 1983 plan is now pending in the Court of Appeals. This Court denied a petition for writ of certiorari that would have bypassed the Court of Appeals. Escambia County v. McMillan, 52 U.S.L.W. 3246 (Oct. 4. 1983)/ Technically, the remedy issue in this appeal may not be moot, because the District Court’s first ground for rejecting the latest 5-2 plans of the county commissioners was law of the case, based on the instant judgment of the Court of Appeals holding that Appellants lack the requisite legislative power under Florida law. McMillan v. Escambia County, 559 F’.Supp. 720. 725 (1983) . But even if the Court were to decide in this appeal that Appellants should have been accorded legislative deference in 1979, the ruling would not necessarily answer the question whether the commis- 38 below, that the County Commission had the power under state law to restructure the method by which it is elected and to in crease the number of commissioners. Appellants’ Brief at 42. The District Court found, and the Court of Appeals agreed, that, because Escambia County’s electorate had refused to adopt the home rule option offered by Florida law, the incumbent commissioners were bound by explicit state constitutional pro visions governing the method of electing noncharter county commissions and lacked the legislative authority to adopt any other method of election, J.S. 68a. A. The Escambia County Commission Lacks the Poiver to Change Its Method of Election. The Florida Constitution sets a general policy of at-large elections for county commissions, but allows counties which adopt home rule charters to vary the method of election.?0 sioners’ 198S plans also should have been accorded legislative deference. Issues about the 1983 election proposals still would require fresh assess ment by the lower courts. For example, it is not certain, even if the county commissioners’ 1979 5-2 plan was entitled to deference, that they could still exercise the same Wise v. Lipscomb extraordinary legislative powers four years later. The intervening period has afforded ample time for new home rule charter proposals, legislative initiatives and even amendment of the state constitutional provision that restricts noncharter counties to five-member commissions elected at-large. No such clear legis lative responses have been forthcoming, and even Wise v. Lipscomb suggests a time limit on the . local government’s emergency powers. See p. 41 infra. Moreover, even if the commissioners’ plans are entitled to legislative de ference, the District Gdurt'-has made alternative rulings that the Appel lants’ 1983: plans would mot meet .constitutional and Voting Rights stand ards. The commissioners "have not on the record carried the burden on them of showing that they do not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color. . . .” 559 F.Supp. at 726, This is a burden of Appellants must con tinue to bear with each new election proposal, a burden imposed both by Section 3 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973a, J.S. 61a, and, be cause they have been adjudicated guilty of purposeful racial discrimina tion, by the Constitution. Sims v. Amos, 365 F.Supp. 215, 220 n.2 (M.D. Ala. 1973) (3-judge court), aff’d sub nom., Wallace v. Sims, 415 U.S. 902 (1974). 70Fla. Const., Art VIII, § 1 (e) (1968), provides “Except when other wise provided By county charter, the governing body of each county shall 39 Twice within the last six years, the citizens of Escambia County have rejected referendum proposals to adopt a home rule char ter. J.S. 54a, 96a. The Constitution of Florida strictly pro hibits any form of election for non-home rule counties other than the at-large system. Fla. Const. Art. VIII, §1 (e). Conse quently, unlike the City Council of Dallas,71 the Escambia County Commission may not adopt another election structure. The Attorney General of Florida agrees. In a letter dated July 19, 1983, to the Speaker of the Florida House of Repre sentatives, the Attorney General pointed to the problem that arises when noncharter counties are successfully sued for utiliz ing an at-large system that dilutes blacks’ voting strength. (The full text of this letter is attached to this brief as Appendix C.) Article VIII, §1 (e) Fla. Const, and §124.01 Fla. Stat. pro vide for the at-large election of county commissioners ex cept when otherwise provided by county charter. Thus, unless a charter provides' otherwise, a county is without authority under state law to enact a single-member system or other alternatives to a purely at-large election system for county commissioners.; Both the district court and the Court of Appeals interpreted the Florida Constitution‘in thd same Way;'' J:S. 24-26aj 68a. The long established t ide in ibis Court, is- that- it'Will'not-disturb the interpretation o {.-State law concurred in' by a' local federal district judge, wlid has practiced law-forrtiany years iii the state, and by the federal coiirt 'ol' appeals fb'r that state.- Bishop -v. Wood, 426 U.S: 341, 345-16 and h.lD: (I976H Yitmg m tif'd States v. Durhdih'Lubibef'"Go:, 363 l S:\522 (I960) \ Propper v. Clark, 337 I'.S. 472, 486-87 fl'949) .''Bcro'rd. e.gp MacGregor v. State Mutual Life 'Assurance Go.,- 315' ITS! 280-(1942)'-.'' ; be a board of . county commissioners composed o.f five members serving- staggered terms of four years. After each decennial census the. Board of County Commissioners shall divide" the county’into districts of contiguous territory as nearly equal in population as practicable;' One commissioner residing in each district shall be elected by the electors of the county.” nwise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535, 544 and n.8 (1978). 40 B. The Courts Below Properly Applied Wise v. Lipscomb. Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535 (1978) , holds that an elec* tion plan adopted by a local government body should be- treated as a legislative plan by a federal court only if state law provides that body with the power, express or implied, to change its election structure. Id. at 542-46. The critical feature of Wise was that the City of Dallas government exercised home rule powers. Id. at 544 and n.8. Consequently, since there was in sufficient time to complete the charter amendment process, which culminated in a referendum election, id. at 539 and n.3, the federal court could presume that the residual legislative power to act in such an emergency had been delegated by the state to the city, making the city council’s plan one that was entitled to legislative deference. Id. at 544. By contrast, in the instant case, Escambia County’s citizens had decided against giving the county commission home rule powers, so the district court properly concluded that the residual legislative power to change the method of election remained with the state govern ment. The adoption of a new election plan by the county com mission did not relieve the court of its duty to order its own remedial plan. IE Appellants’ contention were upheld, it would emasculate the legislative authority requirement insisted on by a majority of the Court in W ise v , L ip sc o m b . It would mean that federal courts would have given the Escambia CQunty Commission a legislative power that the Florida Constitution carefully has withheld front the local government, except where the county chooses to adopt a home rule chatter. To avoid unnecessary and unseemly interference with states’ prerogatives, federal courts must refer to state law to determine who has the author ity to adopt new election structures. This case is a perfect ex ample of the mischief that otherwise would be likely. Here in cumbent county commissioners are asserting that, by a stroke of the pen, a federal district court has invested them with the very same legislative power that the people of Escambia County have on two recent occasions denied them. Indeed, the 5-2 elec 41 tion scheme, which the Appellants claim now to have the force of law, was the one contained in the latest charter proposal re jected by the voters. J.S. 67a, In effect, the Appellants by their contention are asking this Court to choose between competing claimants for lawmaking authority: the citizens of Escambia County, who are designated by the state constitution, and the incumbent commissioners, who claim that they have been empowered by the district court’s judgment to ignore the state constitution. Other possi ble competing claims for “deference preference” that could be occasioned if Appellants’ contentions were accepted include: different plans adopted by each house of a state legislature but rejected by the other; one plan adopted by the state legislature and another adopted by the local government; one plan adopt ed by the local government body and another adopted by the county’s legislative delegation; a plan adopted by the legislature in one form, amended by the governor (using executive amend ment power), and then rejected by the legislature in that form. It must be remembered that a court-ordered election plan is by definition a temporary one, to remain in effect only until the proper authorities can enact a constitutionally adequate plan under state law.72 The Court was willing to overlook Dallas’ failure to comply with the full charter revision process in Wise only because of the shortness of time. 437 U.S. at 544 n.8. After pending elections had been held under the remedial plan, the voters of Dallas ratified the proposed change in the city’s charter. 437 U.S. at 539 n.3. Had they voted it down, it would have been necessary for the district court to adopt its own temporary plan. In the instant case, however, there was sufficient time before the next elections for a properly drawn charter proposal to be presented to the Escambia County elec torate, and it was rejected. In these circumstances, the district court correctly entered a court-ordered election plan. This ju dicial course is least likely to interfere with Florida’s constitu 72Reynolds v. Sims, supra, 377 U.S. at 586-87; accord, Wise v. Lipscomb, supra, 437 U.S. at 540. 42 tionally crafted procedure for determining the election struc tures for its county commissions. The court-ordered plan will remain in force only until Escambia County’s voters accept a legally and constitutionally adequate charter proposal, or until the state constitutional provisions governing the method of electing noncharter county commissions are themselves amend ed. Only a few weeks ago, the Attorney General of Florida asked the state legislature to consider whether changes should be made in the constitutional procedure. See Appendix C to this brief. C. McDaniel v. Sanchez has not overruled Wise v. Lipscomb. The Appellants also argue that McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452 U.S. 130 (1981), compels the decision that the courts below erred in their interpretation of Wise, because it had been modi fied by McDaniel. Brief of Appellants at 44.73 The Appellants’' argument is based entirely on one statement, in McDaniel.74 McDaniel, however, is clearly an interpretation of §5 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973c, and not the “legislative deference” issue regarding state legislative authority to change methods of election. Indeed, the Court noted that all “parties appear to agree that the Commissioners Court had authority under Texas law to redraw the boundaries of the commission ers’ precincts,” 452 U.S. at 152 n.34. Although the question of “legislative deference” and the question of §5 preclearance will often arise in the same case!, Wise and McDaniel do not hold that they are analyzed the same way. Clearly, because entirely different policies are at stake, they should not be analyzed the same way. On the one hand, the policy underlying deference to state legislative au thority when formulating a constitutionally adequate remedy 73The appellants did not suggest this theory for reversal while the appeal was pending in the Court of Appeals, nor did they mention it in their Jurisdictional Statement. 74“[T]he essential characteristic of a legislative plan is the exercise of legislative judgment. The fact that particular requirements of state law may not be satisfied before a plan is proposed to a federal court does not alter this essential characteristic.” 452 U.S. at 152. 43 is the avoidance of unnecessary interference with the state’s le gitimate legislative processes. On the other hand, the preclear ance policy of the Voting Rights Act seeks to assure strict fed eral scrutiny of all changes affecting voting initiated by the state or its political subdivisions. CONCLUSION The appeal should be dismissed for lack of jurisdiction. If the Court determines to review the merits of the appeal, the judgment of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed. Respectfully submitted, J ames U. B lacksher L arry T . M en efee B lacksher, M en efee & St e in , P.A. 405 Van Antwerp Building P. O. Box 1051 Mobile, Alabama 36633 W . Edward Still R eeves and Still Suite 400, Commerce Center 2027 First Avenue, North Birmingham, Alabama 35203 Ken t Spriggs Spriggs and H enderson 117 S. Martin Luther King, Jr. Blvd. Tallahassee, Florida 32301 J ack G reenberg Eric Schnapper N apoleon B. W illiam s Suite 2030 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 Counsel for Appellees A P P E N D I X A-l APPENDIX A events, including the Democratic Party’s establishment of the white primary in 1900, suggest racial motivation. There was no procedural departure, but a substantive inconsistency was soon apparent. Beginning in 1907, commissioners ran in single-member districts in the white primary, which was tantamount to election. Thus, though the constitution man dated at-large elections, the effect of the state policy was to ensure that commissioners were elected from single-meniber districts. The ultimate effect of all this was a system in which whites were elected in single-member districts and blacks were forced to challenge them in at-large elections. No blacks were elected under this scheme. Although these factors indicate racial motives, in affirm ing another voting dilution case from the Northern District of Florida, the Fifth Circuit was able to reach the conclusion that there was no racial motivation behind the 1901 amend ment because blacks were effectively disenfranchised at that time. M c G ill v . G a d s d e n C o u n ty Commission, 535 F.2d 277, 280-81 (5th Cir. 1976). Dr. Shofner, plaintiffs’ expert his torian, testified that there was general disenfranchisement due to the poll tax and that blacks were no political threat at the time. Though he did not specifically mention the 1901 amendment, he did testify that another at-large requirement passed in 1895 for the school board was not racially motivated due to this disenfranchisement. The evidence did show, how ever, that there were always some blacks registered to vote in Florida. Furthermore, Dr. McGovern, plaintiffs’ other his torian, A-2 APPENDIX B Research of Profs. Engstrom and McDonald Table 1 Combined Categorizations of At-Large Types (central cities of SMSAs) ALL SOUTH1 NONSOUTH Free for all 81* N 15 <%) (25) N 66 (%) (75) Residency sub-districts, majority 203 16 (26) 4 (5) Residency sub-districts, plurality 94 5 (8) 4 (5) Numbered places, majority 32 20 (33) 12 (14) Numbered places, plurality 4 2 (3) 2 (2) No Place, full slate5 36 3 (5) 0 (0) TOTAL (at large systems) 149 61 (100) 88 (100) TOTAL (all central cities) 317 103 214 1. Former Confederate States. 2. Contains one majority black city, Detroit. Also, 21 of the cities actually have separately elected mayors who sit on the council. 3. Contains 5 cities with separately elected mayor who sits on council. Also has 3 cities which have sub-district resi dency requirement for only some of the members. 4. Contains one majority black city, Augusta. Also one city has subdistrict residency requirement for some council members; Augusta has majority requirement for mayor. 5. Each voter must cast as many votes as there are seats available in the election. 6. Contains one majority black city, Birmingham, which elects council in two groups with staggered terms. The other two (Jackson and Pascagoula, MS) have full slate rule for council members but separately elected mayor sits on the council. A-3 Table 2 Regression Equations, by system type1 Type black % of council = all districts —.641 + .955 (black pop. %) pure at-large —1.74 + .697 (black pop. %) 59 pure at-large (designated mayor on council) +4.86 + .217 (black pop. %) 21 at-large, residency, majority +2.91 + .325 (blackpop. % ) 20 at-large, place system, majority vote +5.65 + .227 (black pop. %) 32 Majority black cities are excluded. S I2 A-4 APPENDIX C Letter of Attorney General DEPARTMENT OF LEGAL AFFAIRS OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL THE CAPITOL TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA 32301 JIM SMITH A t to r n e y G e n e ra l S ta t e o f F lo r id a July 19, 1983 Honorable Lee Moffitt Speaker, House of Representatives Room 420, The Capitol Tallahassee, Florida 32301 Dear Mr. Speaker: It has come to my attention that a number of recent law suits have been filed against counties concerning at-large elections for county commissioners and school boards mem bers. I am also informed that possibly as many as 30 addi tional suits may be brought against county school boards. These suits address alleged vote dilution resulting from at-large elections. I am concerned about these cases because of the implications of the decisions in NAACP v. Gadsden County School Board, 691 F.2d 978 (11th Cir. 1982) and McMillan v. Escambia County, 638 F.2d 1239 (5th Cir. 1981). In NAACP v. Gadsden County, supra, the Eleventh Cir cuit, citing Supreme Court authority, stated: Accordingly, to prevail in a vote dilution case under the equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment, a plaintiff must demonstrate (1) the existence of a dis criminatory purpose in either the enactment or oper ation of the election scheme; and (2) differential impact, i.e., dilution of the minority’s voting power. The court found that § 230.08 and § 230.10, Fla. Stat., were enacted with a discriminary purpose. Having satisfied the first prong of the vote dilution test, the court then held that the legislation has had the effect of diluting minority votes in Gadsden County, thus satisfying the second prong of the vote dilution test. Based on the facts present there, § 230.08 and § 230.10, Fla. Stat., were found unconstitutional as they apply to Gadsden County. My first concern in view of the NAACP v. Gadsden decision is that while the factual findings regarding the dis criminatory purpose behind § 230.08 and § 230.10, Fla. Stat., may be limited to Gadsden County and not be binding in future litigation, they appear to be supported by the history behind the legislation and consequently could he persuasive in future litigation. If such were the case, it would then only remain for a plaintiff to prove a differential impact (dilution) in order to prevail in a vote dilution case. . , In sum, the implication of NAACP v. Gadsden could well be that in order for a plaintiff to prevail in a vote dilution case challenging the at-large election of county school board members, the plaintiff would merely have to prove dilution. This is generally proven by evidence that a substantial minority is consistently unable to elect candidates of its choice. Assuming arguendo that a plaintiff could establish such dilution in any of these lawsuits, a dilemma becomes ap parent for such counties. Sections 230.08 and 230.10, Fla. Stat., mandate that the “election of members of the school board shall be by vote of the qualified electors of the entire district.” Consequently, counties, which may realize that the at-large system has diluted a minority’s voting power are without authority under state law to enact a single member system or other alternative to a purely at-large system. Such counties’ hands are tied should they wish to unilaterally remedy the situation. A similar dilemma arises in the election of county com missioners. Article VIII § 1 (e) Fla, Const, and § 124.01 Fla. A-5 A-6 Stat. provide for the at-large election of county commis sioners except when otherwise provided by county charter. Thus, unless a county charter provides otherwise, a county is without authority under state law to enact a single member system or other alternative to a purely at-large elec tion system for county commissioners. In order to examine means for alleviating the counties’ potential dilemma, I recommend that the legislature con sider this subject as an interim study project. The study project should consider amending § 230.08, § 230.10, § 124.02 Fla. Stat. and Article VIII § 1(e), Fla. Const., to allow all counties the option to utilize single-member districts for the election of school board members and county commissioners. Single-member districts at the statewide level have proyen responsive to the voters’ needs and are, in my opinion, ap propriate to consider for the local level at least on an optional basis. Such study project should also consider the applica bility and impact of the 1982 Congressional Amendments to § 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 USC § 1973 (Pub. L. No. 97-205, § 3, 97th Cong., 2d Sess., 1982) to vote dilution cases. The courts have been implementing single-member re districting plans and imposing significant attorneys’ fees awards in vote dilution cases where minority plaintiffs have prevailed. Therefore, I urge your thorough consideration of this matter. I and my staff will be happy to assist the legis lature in any way you desire. If you should have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact me. Sincerely, / s / J im Smith Attorney General JS: vb cc: Honorable Bob Graham, Governor State of Florida Honorable Curtis Peterson, President Senate Mr. Donald Magruder, Executive Director, Florida School Board Association Mr. John Thomas, Executive Director, State Association of County Commissioners of Florida