Folder
School Opening 1971 Clippings (Folder)
Press
August 15, 1971 - September 5, 1971
11 pages
Cite this item
-
Division of Legal Information and Community Service, Education - School Desegregation. School Opening 1971 Clippings (Folder), 1971. cc551d1b-759b-ef11-8a69-6045bdfe0091. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/51acc748-7b58-4cb7-a148-669362b4e227/school-opening-1971-clippings-folder. Accessed November 21, 2025.
Copied!
r f f ' f ' M m S f m M
■!.■ ■■ a :
EDUCATION: School Opening 1971
f
S iS ilS sm ..-- . f
; v . \ ' v L v . .
'-4..
'* «
aw p m i
In^ra.tion Gains as Schools Throug'hou
Desegregation Projects Set
Across the Land— Plans
for Busing Stir Foes
Continued From Page 1, Col. 7
I that city. Mr. Nixon also di-
; rected the Attorney General and
; the Secretary of Health, Educa-
, tion and Welfare to "work with
‘ individual school districts to
1 hold busing to the minimum
i required by law.”
“He can only create chaos
' by diis policies,” Mrs. Gladys
:J«cNairy, acting president of
t a e Pittsburgh Board of Educa-
ion, said of Mr. Nixon’s ap-
-woach to the busing contro-
; -fersy.
“When he says. In effect,
; don’t bother about busing, you
can Imagine the effect on the
(people in in the North who
{subtly support segregation,” she
,said. “They’ve been waiting for
■tomBihing like this.”
Most school districts outside
•he South, including a number
rf major cities, still have not
been touched in a major way
w desegregation. In Chicago,
rb r example, strong pressures
tor integration that existed in
‘he nineteen-sixties have failed
«nd the municipal district re
mains one of the most segre-
fated in the country, with
lacks making up only 3 per
« n t of the enrollment in
-ichools that had a majority of
'Whites last year.
But, because of the impetus
of the civil rights movement,.
Supreme Court rulings, a pro
liferation of lawsuits and the
enforcement of Federal, state
and local civil rights laws, a
surprising number of non-
Southern communities have
found themselves faced with
desegregation plans.
Implementing the Plans
It is now a question of
whether the plans will be real
ized and the effort carried to
other cities or whether they
will be overcome by the op
position, as has already hap
pened in such cities as Denver.
“We’re all for integration,”
said Stephen Knight Jr., a mem
ber of the Denver Board of
Education who helped turn
back an ambitious desegrega
tion plan there.
“We just don’t think busing
is the right way,” Mr. Knight
continued. “We’re thinking of
a variety of other programs.
We’re trying to bring up
achievement levels. That’s the
direction we’re headed now.”
The South, whose schools
were almost totally segregated
in 1954, surpassed the rest of
the nation last year in the
percentage of blacks enrolled
in schools that had a majority
of whites. In the 11 states of
the old Confederacy, that per
centage more than doubled in
two years, from 18 per cent in
the fall of 1968 to 39 per cent
last fall. In the 32 Northern
ind Western states, it re
named unchanged at 28 per
;ent, according to a survey
onducted by the Department
(f Health, Education and Wel-
are.
The survey also showed that,
-n many of the larger, non-
Southem cities, integration de
clined from 1968 to 1970. In
New York the percentage of
blacks in majority-white schools
dropped from 19.7 to 16.3; in
Detroit, from 9 to 5.8; in Phila
delphia, from 9.6 to 7.4; in St.
Louis, from 7.1 to 2.5, and in
Boston, from 23.3 to 18.
Token Integration
Since 1954, when the Su
preme Court ruled that racial
segregation in public schools
was unconstitutional, most of
the pressure for change has
been in the South and the
Border States, which openly
maintained dual school sys-
terms. Any desegregation that
took place in the North was
largely voluntary, and token. I
In the late nineteen-sixties,
however, the Federal Govern
ment began moving against
some Northern districts through!
the civil rights laws and law-1
suits, and civil rights groups!
also went into the courts. But!
the process was slower and!
more difficult in the North, be-l
cause the plaintiffs had to!
prove that there had been al
policy of segregation or ex-1
elusion. I
These cases and executive!
action have now begun to cornel
to maturity. I
San Francisco is the largest!
city on the verge of major
school integration, and the con-1
troversy is of, major propor
tions. Meetings of the school
board, attended by capacity
crowds of 1,000 and three doz
en policemen have been inter
rupted, by heckling and fist!
fights.'
Protest Encouraged
Some of the opposition has
come from Chinese-American
parents who have joined with
white conservatives to protect
the concept of neighborhood
schools. Mayor Joseph Alioto
has been a leader of the op-1
position and has publicly en-̂
couraged parents to protest
“nonviolently.”
The district is under Federal
court order to integrate 46,000
elementary school pupils when
the schools open next month.
The plan involves the busing of
25,000 at a cost of $2.5-millionl
a year. A school board appeal
for a stay-was rejected by the
United States Court of Appeals
for the Ninth Circuit on Aug. 12.
Two adjoining d istr ic^ —Rich-
BUSING— NORTHERN STYLE: Schoolchildren in Harrisburg, Pa., starting trips to as
signed schools as program of thorough integration got under way last year. Pupils are
sent to schools by computer which bases decisions on raciai and economic factors.
mond and Berkeley—have de
segregated their schools, with
a considerable amount of busing
involved. Desegregation has al
so taken place in other Cali
fornia communities, but officials
there contend that this has not
overcome efforts to segregate
by neighborhood patterns.
Isolation Trend
Racial and ethnic isolation
is increasing,” . said Ted Neff,
assistant chief of the Office of
Intergroup Relations for the
California Department of Edu
cation. “That’s a fact.”
Wichita, Kan., is another city
scheduled to be thoroughly in
tegrated this fall, but not under
court order. Because it has
practiced overt segregation in
the past, the district has been
under pressure since 1966 from
the Department of Health, Edu
cation and Welfare.
The plan finally agreed to
calls for all Wichita schools
to have 85 per cent white and
15 per cent minority enroll
ments, which would roughly
reflect the city’s racial make-up.
About 4,250 of the district’s
5,000 black students and about
1,500 of the 29,000 white stu
dents will be bused to accom
plish this.
Evansville, Ind., also was
scheduled to undergo a thor
ough integration plan this fall.
But the school board withdrew
its agreement with the Depart
ment of Health, -Education and
Welfare after President Nixon’s
statement on Aug. 3 against
busing, and asked for new ne
gotiations. A spokesman for the
board said, “Nixon muddied the
waters and we are waiting for
a clarification.”
‘A Black Municipality’
The school board in Pontiac,
Mich., under court orders to
achieve integration this fall
through busing, was seeking
last-minute relief from the Su
preme Court on the ground
that desegregation would con
vert the city into “a black
municipality.”
“The foreseeable disaster of
race relations in terms of white
flight in Pontiac will be a
court-made disaster,” the school
district said in seeking an ap
peal from a decision of the
United States Court of Appeals
for the Sixth District, which
upheld the desegregation plan.
, A reverse of this situation
occurred in Seattle, where the
school board ordered a plan in
volving the busing of 8,500
students to achieve integration.
A state judge, William J. Wil-
kens, blocked the order and the
school board appealed.
In Indianapolis, a Feleral court
has ordered a desegregation
plan for this fall that falls con-i
siderably short of the total in
tegration sought by the Justice
Department. But the court took
steps that eventually may be
more significant. On Aug. 18,
it instructed .the Justice Depart
ment to legally attack a 1969
merger of the city with Marion
County on the ground that the
merger should have included
the school districts in the area,
as well as other government
functions.
Metropolitan Integration
The Indianapolis School Dis
trict roughly follows the pre-
merger boundaries of the city.
The court noted that nearly 40
per cent of the people living in
the school districts are black,
while the outlying districts are
mostly white. Thus, it is con
sidered likely that Indianapolis
will be one of the first cities
in which the metropolitan area
is considered as a whole in the
integration plans.
In Detroit, officials say it is
possible that the courts may
order into effect a thorough
integration plan adopted by the
school board but blocked by
the Michigan Legisiature.
In Rochester, the school
board will put into effect next
month a voluntary plan that
will include the busing of 10,-
000 students.
1 Providence, the school
board has o rd e r^ into effect,
over streng community objec
tions, the third stage of a de-
segration program that it be
gan in 1967. The steps to be
taken next month are designed
to balance the schools racially.
About 15,000 of the city’s
177,000 residents are black.
In Minnesota, Minneapolis,
St. Paul and Duluth are taking
steps for partial integration, as
a result of pressure from state
officials. In Minneapolis, the
pairing of black and white
schools has stirred controversy.
Two Northern states—Penn
sylvania and Massachusetts—
are making concerted efforts to
achieve desegregation, but the
big cities are resisting.
The Pennsylvania Human Re
lations Commission, proceeding
under a State Supreme Court
decision, is moving to break up
the predominantly black schools
and has succeeded in a num
ber of districts. Harrisburg
thoroughly integrated its
schools last year, with busing,
based on the students’ raciai
and economic background.
Pittsburgh and Philadelphia
were ordered to begin integra
tion plans this fall but have
appealed to the courts. It is
uncertain when the m atter will
be decided. Richardson Dil-
worth, presideat of the Phila
delphia school board and
former Mayor, said, “The white
population of this city would
never permit the kind of mas
sive cross-busing the order
would require, nor would the
City Council or the state legis
lature appropriate the money.”
State Funds Cut Off
The Massachusetts Board of
Education, in its enforcement of
a 1965 state law requiring ra
cial balance in the schools, has
cut off $21.3-million in State
funds to Boston, and the school
board has decided to sue for
release of the funds. Open en
rollment and other steps taken
by the board has not stopped
the trend toward more black
schools. The state refused to
accept a compromise plan sub
mitted this month, and the
issue apparently will go to the
courts.
In Denver, State Senator
-George Brown Jr., a leader in
the lagging integration drive
there, summed up feeling that
seem to predominate in most
areas.
“Fewer and fewer people are
willing to say anything positive
about integrated education,” he
said, “even though we’ve had
no opportunity to test it.”
uth
Open Quietly
Desegregation in North
By JOHN BERBERS
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, Aug. 30
This fall, for the first time, a
substantial amount of school
desegregation is scheduled to
take place in cities outside the
South and the Border States.
Integration plans stemming
from court orders, voluntary
action or pressures from state
lovernments or the Federal
Sovemment are to go into ef
fect in a number of Northern
md Western cities, from Provi-
lence, R. I., to San Francisco.
At the same time, several
Jther cities—including Philadel-
>hia, Pittsburgh, Detroit and
loston—have been embroiled
n controversies over sweeping
lesegregation orders that could
;o into force a t an undeter-
nined time.
In most cities where the issue
las t>een raised, resistance is
nounting. As in the South, the
;ontroversy centers on busing,
ind those working for integra-
:ion say that President Nixon’s
intibusing stance has stiffened
•he opposition.
On Aug. 3, the President
sked the Justice Department
0 appeal the ruling of a Fed-
ral judge upholding a plan by
school board in Austin,
ex., that provided for exten-
ive crosstown busing to de-
egregate the public schools in
lontinued on Page 23, Column 1
THE N E W YORK TIMES, SVNDA Y. A UGUST IS, 1971
Busing- for Desegreg-ation to Affect 350,000 Pupils in the South
A * YT* 1. • n> 1. j « . . . . The New YorJcT?mes/Lee Romero
At Kennedy High in Richmond, Va^ a predominantly black school, the face of a white youngster stands out as special bus brings in the students. Busing faces opposition in South.
By JAMES T. WOOTEN
SpeolaJ tio The ̂
ATLANTA, Aug. 14—Despite
politics and protest, thousands
of Southern children will be
riding buses to integrated
schools when classes resume
later this month.
Full statistics are not avail
able, but a check around the
region indicates that 350,000
children from Virginia to Mis
sissippi -will be affected by de
segregation plans involves bus-,
ing that have been approved by
Federal courts and are un
changed by the recent outburst
o f debate,
.Most of , the children are
black, and most live in urban
■ ^as were;,segregated residen
tial patterns have reduced
schools by a single race and
where racial balance is possi
ble only through crosstown
transportation.
Inguiries also showed that
officials in most districts where
busing was planned were con
fident that it would be accept
ed, a t least with stoic decorum
if not with enthusiasm.
Response by Wallace
But the resurgence of public
debate on the issue, highlighted
by President Nixon’s orders to
Federal officials to keep busing
to the minunum .'required by
law, has not been without
effect.
The response og Gov. George
C. Wallace of Alabama was per
haps the most dramatic. In the
last three days, he has issued
Executive oraers for the trans
fer of one child to a school to
which she had not been as
signed and for the reopening of
an ail-black school that had
been closed by a court order.
Mr. Wallace said today that
he xepected to take further
steps to “assist Mr. Nixon in
his antibusing campaign” and
indicated that he would issue
another order Monday.
Similarly, Gov. John J. Mc-
Eithen of Louisiana vowed yes
terday to prevent busing in his
state. Gov. John Bell Williams
of Mississippi told reporters
Thursday that he was “watch
ing the situation closely.”
Rise in Antagonism
A less spectacular but equal
ly significant reaction to the
President’s announcement has
been the renewal of overt an
tagonism to busing on the part
of private citizens and local of
ficials in the South.
. School board officials in Rich-,
mond, Va.; in Columbia and
Greenville, S. C.; in Mobile and
Birmingham, Ala., and in Jack-
son and Biloxi Miss., have re
ported an upsurge in telephone
calls and letters criticizing them
for implementing busing plans.
Last Monday night, the
school board of Jefferson Coun
ty, Ky., refused to submit a
new desegregation plan, which
i t had been advised to submit
by the United States Depart
ment of Health, Education and
Welfare.
In Jefferson Parish, La.,
school board attorneys filed a
last-^minute appeal against a
busing plan already approved
by a Federal District Court. A
similar appeal was filed last
week by the school board in
Nashville, Tenn., where the
busing issue propelled a less-
experienced poitician into a
runoff against -the incumbent
mayor.
Impact Is Minimized
All across the South, in dis
tricts where busing is already
a fact or where new desegreg
ation plans that include bus
ing are to go into effect this
autumn, public protest has
shown a marked increase in
intensity since the President’s
statement.
But only a few officials and
private citizens believe the re
cent furor will have any signi
ficant impact on desegregation
processes in their districts.
“My heart says ‘Hooray,’
but my head tells me other
wise,” said A.-F. Summer, At-
troney General of Mississippi.
“The law is the law, and
even if Nixon has really tried—
which I’m not so sure he has
■the law is still the law,
school board member in Char-
lote, N. C., said this week.
Much of the national atten-
ion on busing in the last year
has focused on Charlotte,
where a Federal District judge
in 1969 approved a desegrega
tion, plan including massive
busing a means of elnninating ̂ y^^ere busing is used to any
the last vestges of a dual great degree. “
Earle D. Jones, superintendent
of schools in Maysville, Ky.
His views were shared by
many other school officials in
the South who had counted on
Federal funds to help finance
new buses and defray the costs
of larger transportation pro
grams.
In Jackson, Miss., for instance,
the school board, which filed
at least 10 counter-integration
suits in the last eight years,
voluntarily submitted a deseg
regation plan for the first time.
The plan has won the approval
of Slack and white leaders.
The ambitious proposal, ap
proved later by the Federal
court, included massive busing
of students and the construc
tion of two modern educational
parks a t either end of the city.
Federal Money Needed
“But without Federal money,
which we had assumed we
would get as a matter of
course, this whole thing is go
ing to be difficult it not im
possible to pull off,” said Ken
neth Wagner of the Mississippi
Research and Development Cen
ter, the agency responsible for
the parks concept.
Approximately 9,000 pupils
will be bused this year in
Jackson and 2,000 in Biloxi,
the only other city in the state
going to have it that way,
anyway.”
If busing does become a po
litical issue there, it will have
had a precursor in the mayoral
race in Nashville, when the in
cumbent, Beverly Briley,
facing a runoff with Casey Jen
kins, a one-term city council
man who campaignde against
busing. Mr. Briley also opposes
busing, and “Now the trick
seems to be who can be more
against it,” according to a local
editor.
Bigger Florida Program
The desegregation plan now
in effect for Nashville calls for
the busing of about 45,000 of
the 96,000 pupils in the system.
Chattanooga is the only oth
er city planning to use busing
in Tennessee. Approximatetly
7,500 pupils are includead in its
plan.
In Virginia, busing plans are
to begin or continue in Rich
mond, Petersburg, Roanoke,
Norfolk and Lynchburg. About
50,000 children in those cities
would be affected, as well as
several thousand more if bus
ing plans for Newport News,
Portsmouth and Chesapeake
schools are approved by the
Federal courts in the next few
days.
Most large Florida cities are
now busing a total of about
150,000 pupils in an attempt
to compljf with desegregation
plans. This year, that number
will include greatly enlarged
programs in Jacksonville, Tam
pa, St. Petersburg, Fort Lauder
dale and Miami.
Unlike many other systems
in metropolitan areas of the.
South, Atlanta’s public schools
will not be busing this year.
The Federal court rejected bus
ing plans for the sprawling city
system as “not reasonable, feas
ible or workable.”
Gloomy About Future
The court suggested that new
housing and employment pat
terns in Atlanta, as well as the
construction of a rapid transit
system, would do more to unify
the school system than any
thing else.
But in Athens and Columbus,
the only two cities in Georgia
where busing is being used, ap
proximately 2,500 pupils will
be bused this year.
Most school officials and civil
rights leaders across the South
now believe that, while the
amount of busing will probably
not be substantially altered by
the latest controversy, the
future of busing as an expand
ing desegregation technique is
gloomy.
They agree that the courts
are not likely to reverse them
selves on busing cases they
have already decided, but that
future busing suits may be dealt
with quite differently.
“The one thing that Nixon
and most other people don’t
seem to understand is that the
Supreme Court and no other
court has ever made busing a
law,” a young black lawyer in
Shreveport, La., said this week.
“All the Supreme Court said
was that the lower courts and
the local school boards could
use busing it they felt it was
necessary to achieve unitary
systems.”
Now, many Southerners are
convinced that those courts and
those school boards will not be
likely to feel that way in the
future.
school system.
Ruling by High Court
His decision was appealed
by the school board, joined by
several other districts. Last
spring the Supreme Court ruled
that busing is a constitutional
technique for achieving unified
school systems in the urban
south.
The President initialljr res
ponded by saying that his Ad
ministration would uphold and
enforce the Court’s decision,
and in various cities through
out the South, attorneys for
civil righs organizations began
devising and submitting new
desegregation plans to the
courts. Many of them included
busing.
As the sumtner progressed,
many of the busing plans were
approved and ordered into im
plementation. But, earlier this
month, busing plans, drawn by
the Department of Health,’
Education and Welfare foi
Dallas and Austin, Tex., were]
rejected by Federal courts there
in favor of local school board
that provided for a
limited, part-time integration.
The President, although au
thorizing an appeal of the
Austin decision, criticized the
plans drawn by the Federal
department and instructed his
Administration to handle school
desegregation with the “mini
mum busing required by law.”
Finds Busing Doomed
He also directed Eiliot L.
Richardson, Secretary of
Health, Education and Welfare,
to draft legislation that would
exclude aid for busing from a
$1.5-billion emergency fund
now being considered by Con
gress to aid schools that are
desegregating.
“That kills busing.” said
Now there is speculation that
the current national controver
sy will produce a response
from the two men seeking the
Democratic nomination for
Governor of Mississippi.
Both Lieut. Gov. Charles Sul
livan and Wiliiam Wailer, a
Jackson lawyer, avoided raciai
issues in their preliminary cam
paigns and have not shown a
great interest in discussing bus
ing in the time remaining be
fore the runoff election on Aug.
28.
Pressure on Candidates I
But knowledgeable sources
in Jackson say that both men
are under pressure within
own camps to take antibusingj
stands.
Then we would be righl
back where we started,” a law
yer in Jackson said. “We can
not afford to have public edu
cation mixed up in politics
more, but it looks like we’i
The New York Times/Blll Barley
BUSING IN COLUMBIA, S.Ci: Pupils boarding a bus at a formerly ail-black school for an eight-mile ride home
.'I > ^
f'the Soutl
Possible Protests Indicated
in Districts That Have
Not Yet Returned
Continued From Page 1, Col 6
schools has been delayed while
similar appeals are decided.
Groups of parents in those
cities have already announced
their intentions to oppose any
departure from already estab
lished plans.
But from Little Rock, Ark.,
to Birmingham, Ala., to Raleigh,
N. C., buses rumbled to and
from the school yards today
loaded with black and white
children, and there were no
substantial problems..
When the last bells clanged,
desegregation seemed more
firmly established than ever
before.
2-to-l White Ratio
School and government of-1
ficials have no statistics this
early in the term, but estimates
based on their previous sur
veys indicate that less than 8
per cent of the 3.2 million
black students in the 11-state
region will still be attending
classes in all-black schoolswhen
all the districts have returned.
The same estimates indicate
that more than 35 per cent of
the black youngsters will be en
rolled this year in schools that
have a white majority, such as
those in Little Rock, Ark.,
where busing and pairing plans]
today produced a consist
ent 2-to-l, white-black ratio
throughout the 24,000-student|
system.
A similar ratio was achieved
as classes began in Birming
ham, Ala., and in adjacent Jef
ferson County. “We had a little
confusion — not much more
than on any first day,” a
spokesman there said as more
than 110,000 children returned
to class, many of them riding
buses out of their neighbor
hoods to distant schools.
Concern Over Mobile
The reaction of Birmingham
parents to the first school day
was watched closely by Federal
officials. Last week. Gov.
George C. Wallace urged a
peaceful resistance to busing.
“I don’t know about any of
that here,” a Birmingham
school official said today.
5,, There is concern in Alabama,
however, that the Governor’s
advice may have fallen on more
receptive ears in Mobile, the
largest system in the state.
Schools open there Sept. 8, two
days after he makes his annual
Labor Day speech at a local
park. The system is under a
court order to_ achieve ..an ap'
proximate 3-to-2, white-black
ratio in its schools by using
busing.
Governor Wallace spoke Sat
urday night in Jacksonville,
Fla., where schools are sched
uled to open with heavy busing
next week. He again challenged
President Nixon to issue Execu
tive orders against all busing
and the 1,000 people in his
audience cheered their approval.
Elsewhere in Florida today,'
schools in Miami, Tampa and
Fort Lauderdale opened smooth
ly. In West Palm Beach, how
ever, there were reports of a
boycott forming at three for
merly black schools. School
board officials estimated that
about 2,000 students may have
stayed away throughout the
60,000-student system and ap
proximately 20 mothers pick
eted at one of the elementary
schools.
In Raleigh, N. C., and Rich
mond, Va,, two cities where
busing plays a major role in
the desegregation of the
schools, there were no reported
problems.
In Charlotte, N. C., where
more than half of the 80,000
students are to be bused for
the second year, classes do notj
begin until Sept. 7. Community*
leaders there are optimistim
about continued public co-'
operation. 1
In Columbia, S.C., a busingl
plan was hnpleniented toda^
and while there were no appan--
ent difficulties, school official*
conceded that as many as
1,000 white students may have
transferred to private acade
mies during the summer. It will
be another two weeks before
all of the 11.5 million elemen
tary and high school students
in the South are back in the
classroom. Most state educa
tion officials and Federal agmi-
cies are continuing a close
surveillance of those schools
yet to open.
Report CTW
Southern Integration
Makes Major Strides,
Despite Zealous Foes
Very Few Districts Remain
Segregated; Busing Is Now
Becoming a Fact of Life
Tales of the Bracey Sisters
By Neil Maxwell
S ta tf Reporter 0/ T h e W a l l S t r e e t J o u r n a l
Fourteen years ago tomorrow, nine Negro
teenagers attempted to integrate Central High
School in Little Rock. The small group’s a r
rival a t the yellow-brick school had been sanc
tioned by a federal court and the local school
board.
But the teenagers were repelled by mem
bers of the Arkansas National Guard, who,
along with state troopers, had been sent to the
school grounds two nights earlier by Gov. Orval
E. Faubus “to maintain or restore order.”
Three tumultuous weeks passed before the
black youths were able to slip into their class
rooms through a side door-and by that time
the mood of Liitle Rock’s white community
was hysterical. The Associated Press reported:
“ ‘They’ve gone in / a man roared. ‘Oh,
God, the niggers are in the school.’
“A woman screamed, ‘Did they get in?
Did you see them go in?’
“ 'They’re in nme,’ some other man
yelled.
“ ‘Oh, m y God/ the woman screamed.
She burst into tears and tore at her hair.
Hysteria swept the crowd. Other women
began weeping and screaming.”
The chaos was such that by noon the blacks
were taken from the school in police cars.
When they returned two days later, they were
escorted up the front steps of Central High by
paratroopers of the lOlst Airborne Division-
bayonets at the ready.
That’s the way It was in 1957. Here’s the
way it is in 1971:
—It’s quite likely that the only segregated
school districts left in the South will be the
handful where whites have fled to private
schools, in effect handing over the public ones
to blacks. In 1957, by comparison, there was
not a single black student in school with whites
in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia,
South Carolina or Virginia.
-T h is fall, many urban districts such as
those in Atlanta, Nashville, Charlotte, Texar
kana, Ark., Columbia, S.C., Jackson, Miss.,
and Birmingham, Ala., will probably be as
close to desegregation as they ever will be,
-R ac ia l mixing in the schools of smaller
cities is even more complete. Chances for
meaningful integration in these cities have
been helped by many factors: School zones
have been changed, there are no suburbs for
v.hltcs to See to, and busing has long been ac
cepted as a fact of life. (Youngsters have been
bused to segregated schools lor decades.)
-Inside integrated schools, a second gener
ation of problems, including class-by-class and
person-to-person discrimination, is being recog
nized; and in many cases attempts are being
made to solve these problems.
Continuing Trouble Spots
There are, to be sure, continuing trouble
spots. In the black b e lt - a narrow band of
rural Negro population stretching across the
Southeastern U.S. from the Atlantic Ocean to
the Mississippi River-integration is working
poorly, if at all, because of a still-spreadii^
rash of segregated private schools. Neverthe
less, integration has made striking gains in the
South, with many of these gains having come
about in the past two years.
According to government figures, 39% of the
black students in Southern states last year
were attending schools with white majorities-
more than double "the 18% attending such
schools a year earlier. Furthermore, the Race
Relations Information Center, a Ford Founda
tion-supported group in Nashville, Tenn., says
the percentage of black students in integrated
schools soared to 86% last year from 32% in
1968, 16% in 1966, 6% in 1965, 2% in 1964 and
0.2% in 1960.
In fact. Southerners striving to make inte
gration work are uncharacteristically optimis
tic this year. “The overwhelming majority of
whites now will accept substantial token inte-
gratloii in everything but housing,” says Paul
Anthony, director of the Southern Regional
Council in Atlanta. “The typical businessman
has no problem with his daughter being in a
class of 20 children, six of them black. This is
genuinely revolutionary in term s of Southern
custom.”
Optimism, however, is in some cases tinged
with reservations. “I think the end of the road
is in sight,” says Winifred Green, a veteran
field worker for the American Friends Service
Committee, “but there are some forces operat
ing that could blow the whole thing up. We’re
so close, but we’ve got such a long way to go.”
’The forces working against integration are
seen throughout the South. Last fall, for exam
ple, a group of white parents in South Carolina
terrorized Negro children by overturning the
buses that brought them to a white school. And
over the years since Little Rock, there have
been a series of Southern politicians vowing
never to give in to integration.
The Role of the President
Some of these politicians are at the highest
levels. Then-Gov. Claude Kirk of Florida, tak
ing a leaf from the book of Alabama’s Gov.
George Wallace, early last year stood immova
ble In the doorway of a Bradenton, Fla., school-
house—stepping down only after a federal
judge put him under a $10,000-a-day contempt-
of-court citation. Indeed, many Southern politi
cians have only bowed to integration moves
under strong pressure from the federal govem-
m ent-som etimes from the President himself.
’This year, however, some integration propo
nents in the South say a major problem is the
President himself.
While die President’s position against wide
spread busing has thus far had little effect on
Southern school districts, most of which have
their fleets of buses already in operation or
prepared to carrjr yoiuigsters to integrated
schools this fall, it has drawn strong support
from such Southern governors as John Mc-
Please Turn to Page U, Column 5
Education,
Religion, Science,
Editorials, Letters,
® 1971 The New York Timei Compiny THE W EEKINREVIEW
Section 4
:+
Sunday, September 5,1971
toJSCHOOLBUS to
G««>%e C. Wallace Warren E> Burj;er
“Ail I’rft trying to do is help
the President and the
Attorney General and his
wife-^whal's her name?
Marthas—to do what they
say they ait wont to do,
and that's stop busing.
That’s all I'm trying to do.
Just n:u'r.e 'he>.e judges
M Ppmne,omrM(l& ,
'■atlover ereati«ru’>'
"The constitutional com-
mandto desegregate schoots ;
,chofl in every i"niimim(y
must aiwaiS i.ijleci the
racial composition o f the
school Sv'afeni <is a v.hoie."
Elliot L. nictiar<iswn
"He /Mr. hluoni helii-vcs
it is a good thing for chil
dren to nitei’d schO'il in
th.'ir ov.n nv;,;ii' iiri;oori. .
I supported that \’iew he-
1011‘, and I support it non “
Spiro T, Agnew
"f mean if people live in a
neighborhood, they're en-
, titled to be associated
iCKjelher And I mean
ihat I'm against busing
ihase t.hildten to other
nc'ghhorhou'ls snnpl} to
'I 'h ie ira n intrgialed
status of a larger
I entity."
Richard M. Nixon
•! iitiiT consistently op
posed the busing of our
nation's schoolchildren to
achieve racial balance, and
I i.m appc.Sid to th<- niislng
of children simply for
ihe sake o j busing "
Schools
New Year.
‘Too
Late Now’
To Buck
Integration
In South
ATLANTA — Most Southern
children went back to school
last week, an event traditionally
accompanied by public protest,
frequent disruption and occa
sional violence. This time, how
ever, there was, relatively speak
ing, a notable lack of resistance,
even in districts where children
rode buses out of their neighbor
hoods. Many of those who have
watched the annual tensions
come and go shrugged, turned
away and announced it was fi
nally all over.
Theirs is a premature judg
ment, of course. There were
nijisy exceptions to the rule of
peace and quiet. A bomb explod
ed in a vacant school in Co
lumbus, Ga.; a boycott took
shape in West Palm Beach, Fla.;
angry parents took a few chil
dren to the wrong schools near
Birmingham, Ala.; black young
sters and white adults scuffled
in Wilmington, N. C., and there
were some arrests in Austin, Tex.
Moreover, several districts
where there are signs of re
sistance have not yet opened
their doors, including Orlando
and Jacksonville, Fla.; Nashville,
Tenn.; Jackson, Miss., and Mo
bile, Ala.
Meanwhile, in the North, where
nfost schools have not yet op
ened their doors for the fall
term, there were some indica
tions of mounting resistance to
desegregation by busing. In Pon
tiac, Mich., for example, 10 buses
scheduled for use in a desegre
gation plan were ripped apart
by a dynamite blast.
Antibusing groups were also
making last-ditch and generally
unsuccessful efforts through the
courts. The Supreme Court re
jected llth-hour appeals from
antibusing groups attempting to
stay plans in Texas, San Fran
cisco and Nashville. Chief Jus
tice Warren E. Burger refused to
grant a stay of a busing plan
for Winston-Salem, N. C. How
ever, in a 10-page opinion, some
thing rare in a denial of a stay,
the Chief Justice said that he
is persuaded there has been a
broad misinterpretation of the
Court’s decisions on racial bal
ance and busing. He said that
judges in lower courts were not
reading the Supreme Court cor
rectly if they were ordering the
bqsing of children in the belief
that the Court required racial
balance in every school.
Still, the fact remains that
wholesale integration, including
some achieved by massive bus
ing. is now a fact of Southern
life, and because it is, the days
of stands in schooihouse doors,
of Federal troops and venomous
whites eyeing each other a t the
edge of some schoolyard, are
probably just about over.
Even Gov. George C. Wallace
was speaking to his State Legis
lature in Montgomery, Ala., in
s5fter tones. He asked for an
ahtibusing law that would give
every Alabama parent a legal
right to resist the assignment of
children to any school on the
basis of race. “I believe every
child in the state should go to
the school of his choice, whether
he be black or white,” he said.
But at week’s end. Governor
Wallace seemed about to up the
ante again. A group of state
legislators told the Montgomery
County Board of Education that
the Governor was preparing for
a showdown over desegregation
this week. He plans to use state
troopers, they said, to transport
seven white girls from a pre
dominately black elementary
school—to which they had been
assigned under a plan approved
by a Federal court—to a pre
dominately white school consid
erably farther from their homes.
The action would be taken at the
request of the girls’ parents. And
Governor Wallace himself said,
“When any school official says
everything is quiet, he’s talking
about student discipline.”
Elsewhere in the South, how
ever, most of the official voices
remained muted.
In Mississippi, Gov. John Bell
Williams, who up until this year
has been almost strident in his
denunciations of integrated pub
lic schools, spoke not a word on
the subject as the kids in his
state, black and white, went
back to school.
Down in Florida, in a summer
commencement address. Gov.
Reuben Askew asked University
of Florida graduates to go home
and promote tranquillity in their
communities, ■ and he urged all
residents of his state to accept
the law and the Court’s direc
tives, even it they included
busing.
In the other Southern states,
problems with school desegrega
tion seemed so minimal that the
governors did not feel compelled
to say anything a t all — except
here in Georgia where Gov.
•Jimmy Carter, touted nationally
as one of the “new breed” of
regional politicians, urged par
ents to make their antibusing
sentiments known in the hope
that the Federal judiciary will
be sensitive to the vox populi.
What may have been the most
important event of the week—
and perhaps the most hopeful
for opponents of integration,
especially in the North where
de facto residential segregation
makes racial balance in the class
room possible only through bus
ing—were the words of Chief
Justice Burger in his refusal to
grant a stay to Winston-Salem.
More than a few school boards
above the Mason-Dixon Line
breathed a sigh of relief in the
hope that the Chief Justice’s
counsel may save them from the
future shock of big busing.
But in the South, most educa
tors and political leaders believe
Mr. Burger’s words will have
little to do with public educa
tion’s tomorrows. “It’s too late
now,” said William Self, Super
intendent of the Charlotte, N. C.,
schools. “We’ve already got our
orders.”
So have dozens of other dis
tricts across the South, and
while there have been and no
doubt will be major problems,
they are expected to conform to
the Court’s directives and, as a
result, bring about startling
changes in the racial structure
of their systems.
It may be, however, that from
a quantitative perspective, the
South has already reached or
will reach this year the maxi
mum level of integration pos
sible in an area once so ritual-
istically committed to racially
separate schools.
The only way the South could
go further with integration is
through new and massive busing.
And that now selms unlikely,
with the antibusing forces given
new strength by the words of
Chief Justice Burger and Presi
dent Nixon.
—JAMES T. WOOTEN
School inf egraf ion has made rapid progr^s
in the SoHth in the last two years. . .
Percentage o f b lacb in scFiooIs which
have a majority of white students ~
□ Below 25% M 25 to 35% t Above 35%
But has remained virtually unchanged
in the rest o f the country.
Percentage o f blacks in schools which
have a majority of white students
27.5
39.1
1968 1970
Northenr
andWestera
1968 1970
Border Sfafes,
Wash.D.C.
1968 1970
Soutiiern
In some large cities, the school pattern
is this: Declining segregation in the
South, growing segregation in the N ort^
Percentage of blacks in schools which
have a majority of white students
1968 11970 70.8
NORTH
28.8 25.9
1 ’ -716.3
New York Columbus
57.6
1
SOUTH
25.0
3 . 2 ^
Chicago San Francisc® Minneapolis
32.9
1 6 . 8 ^
6.4 11.7 10.9
18.2 11 s i■ ’ I
Nashville Richmond Mobile Birmingham Norfolk
Changed View:
Some Old
Friends Are
Dropping
By the
W ayside
Americans have long prided
themselves on their nation’s role
as the Melting Pot of the world,
the new land where the “hud
dled masses” of the globe were
welcomed and accepted and in-
te^g,ted i^Jo the iarger society.
The job was done in large meas
ure by the public schools.
And when the nation finally
got around to including the
American Negro among those to
be integrated, it was generally
assumed that the public schools
—spurred on by the Supreme
Court’s 1954 Brown decision—
would once again bear the lion’s
share of the burden. There would
be trouble, of course, in the
South and elsewhere, but the
outlook seemed hopeful. And
until the last year or so, integra
tion did appear to be the wave of
the future.
Today there are signs that a
growing number of Americans,
members of widely disparate
groups, are indifferent, or down
right hostile, to school integra
tion. Together with the public
antibusing stance taken by the
President, this trend raises seri
ous questions as to just what
future school integration has in
this country.
The major groups involved in
clude:
•Die-hard segregationists. They
are summed up in the person of
Gov. George Wallace of Alabama,
who said recently that he held
the entire Federal judiciary, and
its integration decrees, in
“utter contempt.” Northern ex
tremists among them fire-
bombed 10 school buses in Pon
tiac, Mich., last v/eek. Notwith
standing the relatively peaceful
compliance with court orders in
most of the South this month,
they remain adamant—and often
very vocal—in their opposition.
•Biacfe Power movement. Its
leaders, particularly in the cities,
are contemptuous of integration.
They want the schools to be part
of their power base; community
control is their watchword.
That was why Rhody McCoy,
when he was administrator of
the rebellious, now dissolved
demonstration district in Brook
lyn’s Ocean Hill - Brownsville,
said: “Integration has never
worked.” And why Roy Innis,
another black power spokesman,
pronounced integration “dead.”
The phenomenon is not new:
In the 1840’s, the Catholic Irish
rebelled against what they con
sidered a Protestant-dominated
and discriminatory melting pot,
demanding money to finance
their own schools.
• New Left. Many in this
group, who had joined the free
dom marches for integration in
the sixties, have largely aban
doned the drive for peaceful
change. They have accepted the
revolutionary ideology of the
Black Panthers because they see
in the power-based separatism a
way of fighting against the sys
tem, In their minds, integration
represents nothing more than an
Establishment means of making
the system work. They see the
melting-pot approach as cultural
imperialism—a nationalist ploy
to subdue and coopt the Third
World minorities.
»Liberals. Many a liberal,
white and black, has accepted
the more radical theories that
integration must be sacrificed,
at least temporarily, to separat
ism as the road to black self-
respect and identity.
In practical terms, they say,
the ghettos need self-help—black
doctors, lawyers, hankers and
merchants who are steeped in
the black tradition. “The black
graduate of the Harvard Busi
ness School neither can nor
wants to do that job,” a moder
ate black leader said last month.
Even the late Whitney Young,
a black leader who remained
deeply devoted to an integrated
society in the long run, wrote
late in his life: “Integration is
no longer the issue, the issue
today is„equality. . . . It may be
that a period of self-develop
ment and ghetto rehabilitation
will coincide with a temporary
decline in efforts at integration.
Alexander Bickel, Yale law
The remains of one of 10 school
buses firebombed in Pontiac,
Mich., last week. “There is a
serious question as to just what
future school integration has in
this country.”
professor, wrote last year: “The
vanguard ■ of black opinion,
among intellectuals and political
activists alike, is oriented more
toward the achievement of group
identity and group autonomy
than toward the use of public
schools as assimilationist agen
cies.”
Whether or not such views
accurately reflect the will of the
majority of Negro parents—and
there is some indication that
they do not—the effect is that
many of the liberals, black and
white, who used to march for in
tegration together now have, at
least for the moment, relaxed
the melting-pot battle.
0 "Ethnics." As black separa
tists fight for their own power
base, ethnic groups are starting
to fight for their own separatist
interests. Thus, in the election ot
local community school boards
in New York City’s decentraliza
tion, local white ethnic groups,
including some affiliated with
churches, have battled to gain
control.
In some areas, Jewish day
schools have been gaining new
support. And in San Francisco,
Chinese groups have gone to
court to seek to prevent school
busing of their children out of
Chinatown. (Last week the court
turned them down.)
This re-awakening of the
search for ethnic identity is
viewed by some sociologists as
an outgrowth of the black power
movement. The demand tor black
studies programs, for example,
has led to a revival of interest
in study courses dealing with
ethnic groups.
But part of this reaction may
also stem from a fear of violence.
Professor C. Vann Woodward,
the integrationist Southern his
torian, has stressed that black
violence has created a white
backlash, even among some who
formerly supported integration.
The Jewish Defense League and
the Italian-American Civil Rights
League have their roots, to some
degree, in the climate of fear
found in our major cities. (By
the same token, last week some
black mothers in the South, fol
lowing threats of violence, said
that they would rather see their
children stay in the neighbor
hood than have them taken by
bus to integrated schools.)
For many opponents (jf school
integration, the concept of bus
ing serves as a convenient tar
get—though their basic opposi
tion is to mixed classes. The
fact is th at in the past 20 years,
the number of American school
districts has been reduced from
over 100,000 to only 17,000—
and this policy, designed for
greater educational efficiency,
and unrelated to integration ef
forts, has involved the general
acceptance by the public of the
bus as the normal route to
school for millions of children.
The enthusiasm for Integra"
tion-cum-busing has been de
clining among many parents,
including blacks, because of
what happens after the children
get off the bus. Local schools
often fail to respond to the needs
ot the bused-in children. Re
segregation within schools re
sults. A recent report from cities
North and South showed that
large numbers of black students
in newly integrated schools had
been suspended. The practice is
widespread enough to have
earned its victims an educational
label—“the pushouts,”
The cumulative effect of such
experiences is that more and
more black parents are opting
for compensatory education—
separate but different—in all
black schools rather than have
their children face the threat of
almost certain failure in in
tegrated schools..
Does the present trend mean
that integration is really dead?
Despite the wavering of some
liberals who take their cue from
more militant black voices, and
despite new doubts which are
being created by the Administra
tion’s stand on busing, many of
integration’s original supporters
have stuck to their guns. Ken
neth Clark, the black psychol
ogist who played a major role as
expert witness in the Supreme
Court’s 1954 school desegrega
tion ruling, last year threatened
to resign from the board of a
predominately white college if it
allowed a separate black dormi
tory, in response to black stu
dents’ demands.
John H. Fischer, president ot
Teachers College, who as super
intendent of Baltimore’s schools
fought for their integration, said:
“I cannot see how a child can be
prepared for a multi-racial world
if he is brought up in segregated
schools, black or white.”
The unanswered questions re
main: Will the new anti-integra
tion currents gain in power and
to what political uses they will
be put? The most poignant warn
ing comes from Professor Vann
Woodward, who expressed con
cern that Reconstruction history
might repeat itself. Negroes, he
warned, may “after an era of
promise, go from disillusionment
to a sense of unfulfillment to
withdrawal.”
—FRED M. HECHINGER
THE N E W YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 5,1971
The Nation
The Freeze;
W hat Do
W e Do
W hen the
90 Days
Are Up?
WASHINGTON— The Govern
ment and a host of distinguished
grandstand quarterbacks were
fully engaged last week in the
process of devising a means of
holding back wages and prices
when the present freeze ends in
mid-November.
It could not yet be called a
“debate.” The Government had
not put forward a concrete pro
posal for "phase two" that could
provide substance for a debate.
In fact, on Thursday President
Nixon postponed a meeting with
labor and management sched
uled for Sept. 21 because a pro
posal was not yet ready. But
ideas were beginning to circu
late, particularly as a result of
hearings conducted by the Con
gressional Joint Economic Com
mittee.
In the background was an
other grim inflation report. The
Wholesale Price Index for
August—^with nearly all the data
collected before the freeze—rose
strongly again in both industrial
and food components.
The key index of industrial
wholesale prices rose five-tenths
of 1 per cent, both before and
after adjustment for normal sea
sonal variation. Farm and food
prices fell in August but much
less than usual for the month.
The result was a rise of 1.4 per
cent, seasonally adjusted, in this
volatile portion of the index. The
over-all wholesale price index
was up seven-tenths of 1 per
cent, seasonally adjusted, the
largest rise in six months.
In addition, though it was not
directly related to the inflation
issue, unemployment for August
increased from 5.8 to 6.1 per
cent of the labor force, indicating
no pre-freeze progress on that
front, either.
As for the post-freeze pro
gram, there was general agree
ment—though the Government
had not yet made a formal an
nouncement to this effect—that
the freeze could not just be
allowed to end with nothing to
replace it. Yet the experience in
this and other countries has not
been heartening regarding ef
forts to control for long the
upward thrust of wages and
prices by either compulsory or
voluntary means.
One factor was working in
favor of success. This is not a
time of “excess demand" with
massive buying pressures pulling
up prices and theatening short
ages. The classic pressures, on
the contrary, are working toward
lower or a t least stable prices
and wages. This should help.
Nevertheless, there were a
number of fundamental ques
tions that would have to be
answered, such as:
• Should the freeze be fol
lowed by a full-scale program
of wage-price control, with the
issuance of daily regulations on .
everything from the price of
pickles to the wages of house
hold servants?
The answer was an almost
universal "no”. No witness be
fore Congress favored it. The
President has long been appalled
by the idea. Herbert Stein, a
member of the Council of Eco
nomic Advisers and chairman of
the task force that is planning
for the new program, said that
this was one alternative that the
Government “devoutly hopes”
can be avoided. Full-fledged con
trols require a small army of
bureaucrats and, even worse, it
is argued, tend to erode the es
sential flexibility of the pricing
system as a guide to more ef
ficient production and allocation
of labor. Controls halt the free
market in its tracks.
• Should the successor pro
gram have any compulsory ele
ments in it a t all?
Here there appeared to be
emerging a surprising, if perhaps
tentative, agreement that such
authority should exist. Arthur M.
Okun and Gardner Ackley, two
former chairmen of the Council
of Economic Advisers under
the Democrats, both said there
should be some kind of backup,
statutory authority to halt or
roll back specific price and wage
increases, presumably mainly
those of major practical or sym
bolic importance for the econ
omy.
Maurice H. Stans, the Secre
tary of Commerce, reported that
a group of top businessmen felt
that way, and he agreed. Else
where in the Government, offi
cials seemed to be leaning that
way. There was not much
elaboration of the point. But evi
dently the feeling was that
purely voluntary standards were
likely to be violated and that the
rollback club would make com
pliance much more likely.
• Should there be "guide
lines” for appropriate wage and
price behavior, backstopped with
DrawJni ̂by Tim/L’Express, Paris
President Nixon discusses the United States economic Hiiemma
with French President Pompidou, top right. West German Chan-
ceiior Brandt and Japanese Premier Sato—as the French cartoon
ist, Tim, imagines the conversation.
occasional use of the rollback
power?
Mr. Okun was convinced there
should be, and be proposed a set
of guidelines which would per
mit wage increases of a little
more than 5 per cent in the first
year after the freeze and in
dustrial price increases of 1 or 2
per cent on the average.
Mr. Ackley was not certain
but thought the idea had great
merit. Paul W. McCracken, Mr.
Nixon’s chairman of the council,
said the idea had “attractions”
but he is known to feel that
there are great difficulties in
promulgating acceptable guide
lines or standards.
In the absence of such guide
lines, those in charge of the new
program presumably would
simply select what they re
garded as important and
"flagrant” cases for investiga
tion and possible rollback.
• Should only prices and
wages be covered, or should the
program also include profits?
Here there was some disagree
ment. George Meany, head of the
A.F.L.-C.I.O., has long held that
profits should be included. Con
trolling profits directly is ex
tremely difficult, but most ad
ditional profits can be taxed
away through an “excess profits
tax,” which was used both in
World War II and the Korean
War.
Mr. Stans and Secretary of
Labor James D. Hodgson both
indicated that profits might have
to be covered in some way. But
Mr. Ackley and Mr. Okun~the
liberals—were, ironically, firmly
opposed to inclusion of profits.
Mr. Ackley said an excess
profits tax was "a lousy tax”—
encouraging all sorts of corpo
rate waste and inefficiency to
keep profits down. Mr. Okun
agreed. He said the tax would
"encourage wasteful advertising,
expense-account living and over
full employment of shrewd ac
countants.”
Authoritative White House
officials disclosed at the end of
the week that the President was
firmly opposed to an excess
profits tax. This was done to dis
pel rumors set off by the Hodg
son and Stans comments, though
neither man had explicitly
backed the idea.
The President was said to re
gard such an impost as a poor
form of taxation that would be
“counterproductive” in efforts
to achieve greater business effi
ciency.
• How would a new, largely
noncompulsory program be ad
ministered?
There was as yet no con
sensus. Mr. Meany was reported
to favor a tripartite board with
representatives from labor, busi
ness and the public. Mr. Ackley
supported the idea of a board,
but one made up of impartial,
distinguished private citizens
only, appointed by the President
but largely independent of White
House influence.
Another possibility was ad
ministration by a Government
agency, as the Council of Eco
nomic Advisers used to police
the Kennedy-Johnson guidelines.
• What is the roie of Con
gress?
At first, it may be very little
on the wage-price section of the
program, though Congress will
have a decisive voice later. The
present authority, under which
the President imposed the freeze,
runs out April 30. If there is to
be any compulsory element in
the new program, the law—as
is, or amended under great pres
sure from various groups—will
have to be extended. Meanwhile,
there may be morei hearings.
In the end, however, the
prospects of any post-freeze ef
fort are likely to depend upon
the degree of cooperation of the
pubiic and, possibly above all, of
organized labor.
Mr. Ackley, stating that a pro
gram can work only with the
"consent,” even if grudgingly
given, of those involved, told
Congress:
"In my view this consent can
only be forthcoming through a
widespread participation by all
groups in our society — and
particularly by the organizations
of labor and business — in a
process of recognizing quite ex
plicitly the need for the program,
in determining the broad features
of its initial design, and, there
after, its modification and
redesign.”
President Nixon said much the
same thing. He told an audience
of dairy farmers that the "one
great ingredient” in determining
success or failure of his pro
gram "is the spirit of the Amer
ican people.” He said “nothing
worthwhile can be won except
through sacrifice and self-
reliance, through discipline and
pride.”
Thus the biggest issue may
simply be whether Americans
are now ready to try being co
operative instead of combative.
If they remain combative — not
to say selfish — the chances of
averting a resumption of infla
tion will not be very bright.
—EDWIN L. DALE Jr.
Canada;
A Pain
In the
Economy
From
Mr. Nixon
TORONTO— F̂or several days
after the announcement last
month of President Nixon's
measures to shore up the Amer
ican trade balance, Canada flut
tered with anxiety. Prime Min
ister Pierre Elliott Trudeau,
after striking a posture of im
perturbability for three days,
broke off an Adriatic vacation,
flew home and counseled
against hasty protectionism and
a possible trade war.
In a rare broadcast to the
nation, the Prime Minister in-
voked the comforting ciich4
about “the spirit of friendship”
between the North American
neighbors and declared that
“Canada does not take issue
with the decision of the United
States to grapple with its eco
nomic problems,” but he also re
iterated the plea a team of his
ministers took to Washington—
that Canada deserved an ex
emption. Clearly, Canada is not
getting one.
This negative result might
have been expected to have
added to Canadian anxiety. But
last week, as it was announced
th at President Nixon would vis
it Canada next spring, there
was no indication that the trip
was designed to appease an an
gry Canada. For while there re
mained concern about the ef
fect of Mr. Nixon’s moves on
Canadian exports and jobs,
there was no outright resent
ment toward Washington.
Moreover, the Nixon visit will
come within weeks or months of
Muskie;
N ow if
He Can
Just Make
It Through
23 Primaries
WASHINGTON — The cross
country front runner is a sight
to behold. He sets the pace, but
loping behind and liable to over
take him a t any moment are
rivals who may possess bigger
lungs, sturdier legs and greater
stamina. The front runner can
not be blamed for glancing fre
quently over his shoulder,
Edmund Sixtus Muskie, the
lanky Senator from Maine, spent
the last month a t his home in
Kennebunk Beach, glancing back
a t the pack of Democrats trail
ing him in the early stage of the'
race for his party’s Presidential
nomination. Suddenly he de
cided to sprint.
Mr. Muskie set out today on
a four-month, 32-_state dash de
signed to convince his followers
they cannot catch up. His advan
tage was apparent. As John F.
Kennedy showed in 1960 and
Barry Goldwater demonstrated
four years later, the first runner
is automatically regarded as the
favorite to win, but in the coun
try’s most competitive quadren
nial sport, one misstep can be
one too many, as George Rom
ney discovered on Labor Day,
1967.
It is in hope of avoiding the
kind of collapse that ended Mr.
Romney’s ambitions that Sena
tor Muskie has decided to skip
all but the most crucial votes on
Capitol Hill and spent virtually
full time in quest of the nomina
tion. Like the Michigan Governor
in 1967, the Maine Senator in
1971 has a national following
that is wide but not deep. His
campaign, beginning tomorrow
in California, is designed to con
vince not only poll takers but
primary voters, uncommitted
Democratic professionals and, in
a sense, his own staff that he
intends to do what is necessary
to remain on top.
Only 13 states and the District
of Columbia had Presidential
primaries in 1968, but now there
are 23 and Mr. Muskie plans to
enter them all if his campaign
committee, already heavily in
debt, can raise enough cash. His
strategy is based on the aware
ness that 63 per cent of the dele
gates at the July 10 Democratic
Convention in Miami Beach will
be chosen through primaries.
The obstacles in this front
runner’s path are numerous. He
is less popular among those in his
party’s left wing than Senator
George McGovern of South Da
kota and not as solid among mi
norities as the reiuctant Senator
Edward M. Kennedy of Massa
chusetts. He is less of a favorite
of organized labor than Senator
Henry M. Jackson of Washing
ton and not as close to Demo
cratic contributors as Senator
expected elections In which
Prime Minirter Trudeau and the
federal Liberal party will seek
a fresh mandate. And Mr. Tru
deau would not have announced
the visit now if the public were
angry with the United States.
However, Canadians are un-
mistakabiy worried that Wash
ington’s emergency 10 percent
surcharge on imports will cut
into Canadian exports and push
up the high national unemploy
ment rate, 6.3 per cent in July.
Exports account for 20 per cent
of Canada’s gross national prod
uct, and two-thirds of those ex
ports go to the United States.
So when Parliament reconvenes
on Tuesday, the Government
will announce its plans to help
exporters hurt by the surcharge,
probably by remedies linked
closely to loss of jobs.
How much will the surcharge
hurt Canada? Certain imports,
including such key Canadian
raw materials as crude oil,
natural gas, copper and nickel,
are exempt from the tax. Con
sequently, only about one-fourth
of Canada’s exports to the
United .States will be subject , to
the extra leyy-
If the surcharge is kept on
for six months, it might cost
20,000 jobs, chiefly in manufac
turing, according to an analysis
by a prominent business group.
Against nonfarm employment
of 7.5-million, that may not
seem high. But the layoffs are
Trade Switch
Canada's Merdiandise
Trade Balance U5>
Cfellllons of Canadian doliars?
+ i2-
+0 8- 1
+0V-
0
-0 4 -
-0 8 -
-1 2 -
s 1 ;68 -70
Hubert H. Humphrey of Minne
sota. And he is concerned that
the 25 million new Presidential
voters under the age of 25 might
be intrigued by the newest
Democrat, Mayor John Lindsay
of New York.
Raising the cash to do what it
takes is difficult for a candidate
like Senator Muskie; Antiwar
leftists will scrape together’
nickels and dimes to back their
favorites. Right wing millionaires
will dip into their savings to sup
port their candidates. The Maine
Senator’s strength in a general
election is th a t he is offensive,
to few at either pOle, but spokes
men for the ideological center
have trouble exciting people
enough to get them to crack
open their pocketbooks.
Mr. Muskie is, though, where he;
wants to be and where most of
the votes are if he can keep his
campaign alive to turn them out
in the primaries.
Accordingly, Mr. Muskie is
unlikely to be bold in his state
ments. Rather he is expected to
continue to present himself, as
he did most effectively in his
‘‘politics of trust” speech on tele
vision the night before last, No
vember’s elections, as a calm,
deliberative, moderate and trust-;
worthy alternative to Richard-
Nixon. ,
The Muskie headquarters was
jolted, as were those of his
Democratic rivals, when Mr. Nix-
likely to be bunched in the*in-
dustrial cities and towns of Ofl-
tario and Quebec, already hard
hit by the 1970-71 business re
cession.
Given the trend toward nation
alism in Canada, it might be
wondered why Canadians have
accepted the Nixon p a c k ^
equably.
Canada’s swing to a huge
merchandise trade surplus with
the United States—$ l.l-b ilg o n
last year as against a deficit
that size in 1965—is one rea
son. A boom in auto produefloh
and employment under the
1965 Canadian-American auto
mobile free-trade agreement has,
contributed heavily to that sur
plus, and Canada doesn’t want
that agreement canceled.
Moreover, there has been
widespread support for the ‘
President’s purpose — strength^
ening the American dollar. The
reason may be, as one Canadian
put it, that the chronic Ameri
can international payments defr
icit was recognized "as a source
of international instability—»
and we’re an open economy,” ;,
Although retaliatory trgda
measures by Ottawa are unlike#
ly, the Nixon package may
produce other effects in
ada. For the third time in Id
decade, and this time without
success, Canada has appealed
to Washington for exemption
from balance of payments meas-,
ureSi Canadians are growing in
creasingly unhappy about strika
ing such a posture, and abo^t
the dependence of their econ
omy on the American. j i
Some analysts believe that
this dependence cannot be sig
nificantly modified—and that if
Britain enters the Common Mar,-
ket the North American neigte
bOrs will ineluctably move to i
ward even greater economic în
tegration. Others anticipate that
this latest reminder of Canada’s
dependency will generate senti
ment for measures to restrirt
American investment in Canada
and to make foreign subsidi;
aries more responsive to C «
nadian policy.
—EDWARD C O Vim
on suddenly adopted on Aug. l̂,{(
a Democratic-like new economic
policy. Senator Muskie’s fii;st
speech tomorrow will present his
reply to the President’s program,
HOW much enthusiasm it gesi^r-
ates may help to determine
whether the economic issue can
remain the best focal point,fp_r
Mr. Muskie’s image-building. T
Senator McGovern’s aides pro
fess themselves mystified bV
Senator Muskie’s ability to ri»-
main in the lead. “People giji
for the idea of Muskie, the con
cept,” theorized one McGovern
man. “They say to themselves;
‘I want to be with a winner,’ so
when the Gallup Poll comes
around to ask them whom
they’re for they think of the
front runner.”
Mr; Muskie’s slowness . ta
judge and his occasional admis^;
Sion that he does not have all
the answers may turn out, in tb4
long run,, to be his greatest assetr
Over the course of four monthsi’>
as he goes from airports to cocb*
tail receptions to banquets t»
press conference, he will
called upon to make a number pf
impromptu observations. I t wa*
four years ago tomorrow thgt
George ROmney began his slidjl!
from the top with the offhand
remark to a television inters
viewer that generals and diplo
mats in South Vietnam hskl
“brainwashed” him.
—JAMES M. NAUGHltHJ
Edmund S. Muskie
Drawfna by Julio Forntndet
Report Q H ^ 'S ou thern Integration
Progresses Despite Zealous Foes
Continued From First Page
Keithen of Louisiana, George Wallace of Ala
bama and Jimmy Carter of Georgia.
The President’s stand may deal some dis
tricts a severe financial blow, since the federal
government, while long indicating it would pay
the costs of added busing, now is indicating it
will do no such thing.
“If they don’t pick up the cost, we’ll be in
serious trouble,” says Jacksonville, F la.’s
school superintendent. His district recently spent
$860,tMM) for 100 used buses and is under court
order to replace them with 150 new ones for an
additional cost of about $1.25 million. “It looks
like the money is Just going to have to come
out of our educational hide,” the official says.
The Circus Ends
But despite potential financial problems, the
issue of busing seems to be more muted this
year than last. For example, in Bradenton,
where former Gov. Kirk made his stand, there
is even some evidence that 500 white children
who quit the public-school system for private
education are beginning to drift back. “After
the governor left we got away from the circus
atmosphere and things smoothed out,’* says
Bradenton’s superindendent, W. H. Bashaw.
Emphasizing his point, Mr. Bashaw says
that issues such as the optimum length of hair
and whether girls could wear pant-suits occu
pied more of the school board's time last year
than racial matters. “The kids are ahead of the
parents,” he says. "Where we do have trouble,
it’s where the parents instill (their children)
with segregationist ideas.”
Bradenton’s busing issue, however, is by no
means a dead subject. But it has taken a new
twist this year; White parents living in the P al
metto section, where most of the blacks live,
are now advocating additional busing through
out the city in order that schools in the south
ern, and predominantly white, part of the
county will have their share of black students.
[Yesterday, United Press International
reported that the busing of black students
into white neighborhoods in Ai^tin, Texas,
resulted in “some shouting, pushing and
brandishing of weapons” at two newly inte
grated high schools. UPI said eight of those
involved were arrested. Elsewhere, UPI
reported, the Alabama House passed a bill
to allow a child to attend any school re
gardless of federal court orders; and Su
preme Court Justice Potter Stewart refused
to stay a lower federal court order calling
for massive busing of school children in
Nashville, Tenn.]
The saga of school desegregation in the
South has always been laced with ironies/ one
being that less desegregation takes place in
areas with the most busing. In Holmes County,
Miss., only about a dozen whites attend public
schools with 5,000 b lacks-but two fleets of
buses crisscross the county, one carrying
blacks to the public schools, the other carrying
whites to private institutions.
Some observers feel that the South’s tradi
tion of busing may ultimately help the c^use q^ | be
integration. “The irony'is that busing will be
more easily acceptable in the South because
they are already used to busing,” says the
Scuthem Regional Council’s Mr. Anthony. (A
council survey last year foimd that segregated
academies daily bused 62% of their students an
average 17.7 miles each way, while public
schools bused ,49% of their pupils an average
10.1 miles each way each day.)
“The South has never had any objection to
busing,” says one integration worker. “It’s just
where the students get off that m atters.”
The Rule of the Courts /
Perhaps the worst setback in recent times
for busing backers occurred in Atlanta last
July, when a federal court niled that busing
n e ^ not be used to achieve a racial balance of
30%. white-70% black (the city’s pupil-popula
tion ratio) throughout the system. The pro
posed plan, the court said, would cause whites
to flee the city and thereby turn Atlanta into
the South’s first black metropolis.
“A fruit-basket turnover through busing to
create a 30% white-70% black uniformity
throughout the system would unquestionably
cause such a result (an exodus of whites) in
a few months time,” the court ruled. It further
declared Atlanta's schools legally desegregated,
despite the fact that two out of three are al-
mo.st entirely black.
But the Atlanta ruling is an exception to the
trend of the past couple of years. After years of
allowing delaying tactics and lengthy legal ma
neuvering, both the courts and the Department
of Health, Educaticn and Welfare have in re
cent months been taking much tougher pro-in
tegration stances.
(To the dismay of integration backers, how
ever, HEW Secretary Elliot L. Richardson ear
lier this week said he was in total agreement
with the President’s stand on busing. Perhaps
coincidentally. HEW staffers say they’ve been
forbidden to use words such as "busing” and
“ruelal balance." One says that “when a
school beard member asks me how we get the
kids from here to there, I tell him to take It up
with your transportation committee.” And to
avoid “racial balance,” the phrase “noncontig
uous zoning” is currently in vogue.)
Both the courts and HEW, of course, have
been intimately involved in the progress of
school integration since the passage pf-the Civil
Rights Law of 1964. Prior to the law’s enact
ment, desegregation was either a voluntary act
by a school board or was forced by a suit by
Negro parents. The Civil Rights Law gave the
government the right to demand that school
districts desegregate on penalty of a cutoff of
federal funds.
The Bracey Sisters
In the early days following the law’s pas
sage, the government merely demanded that
districts have a desegregation plan. Then the
government insisted that students be free to at
tend the school of their choice. White Southern
ers initially hated this concept but soon real
ized that economic pressure, intimidation and
occasional violence would keep most black
youths from choosing white schools.
HEW and the courts, however, soon insisted
that all youngsters within one zone attend the
same school, or that two grade schools be
paired, with all first-to-third-graders attending
one school and all third-to-sixth-graders going
to the'other. And during the past two or three
years, many schools have become sufficiently
accustomed to racially mixed student bodies
that signs of real progress are beginning to ap
pear.
The contrast with only a few years earlier
becomes clear in a chat with Georgia Bracey.
a 16-year-old black student at Wetumpka (Ala.)
High School. “I t’s gradually ch£inging,” Miss
Bracey says. “Between classes, we talk now,
and we all go to the sock hops together after
games.” (Wetumpka, however, is not ready for
interracial dancing.)
“At assemblies, some of the whites will sit
with blacks now, even though some of the
whites will move if a black sits by them,”
Miss Bracey says. She adds that “we can go
talk to the principal if we have problems.” And
she says that even the superintendent, who is
elected and aware of the growing black vote,
treats blacks sympathetically.
The change in the climate for blacks at We
tumpka High is all the more apparent when
Georgia Bracey's experience is compared with
that of her sister, Debra, who was among the
first black children to integrate the school
under the freedom-of-choice plan in effect in
1965, Debra, then 17, had been at the school for
only a few days when, enraged by continual
goading and tormenting, she jabbed a pencil
into the shoulder of a white, boy.
Debra Bracey was hauled off to jail and
charged with assault. After spending the night
in jail, she was expelled from school for the
rest of the semester. The night before she re
turned to school, her family’s home was
burned to the ground.
Blacks and Whites Together
Today, a growing number of black youths
are getting better treatment; indeed, they’re
insisting on it. Even more significantly, their
demands are often made in tandem with their
white classmates. Within a few days, for exam
ple, school officials in Texarkana, Ark,, should
im’giy-tag.a by
black and white‘s students demanding
changes in school rules ranging from the abol
ishment of hair and dress codes to the elimina
tion of restrictions on pregnant or m arried stu
dents.
“We are giving them 30 days to adopt the
new rules,” says Clyde Lee, a 17-year-old black
leader of the Texarkana coalition. “If they
don’t, we’ll put them into effect ourselves.”
To avoid student insurrection, particularly
of a racial nature, school administrators
throughout the South are beginning to encour
age more student involvement in school af
fairs. Along these lines, an integrated group of
eight students in South Carolina this summer
took an eight-week tour of the state interview
ing students and dropouts to solicit proposals
for changes in the schools.
The South Carolina study didn’t entirely
concern itself with racial matters, but impor
tant parts of the survey did deal with the
black-white situation in the state. As one exam
ple, the traveling students recommended the
reestablishment of nighttime activities—such
as proms, banquets and dances-that were
canceled at the time massive integration came
to many schools.
Educators and other groups backing the
South Carolina program ai-e currently trying to
continue the study as a permanent program to
monitor racial progress in the schools and to
help solve school problems. North Carolina al
ready has one such group, called the Task
Force on Student Involvement, which consists
of 16 students from districts throughout the
state. The group, funded by the state, holds pe
riodic meetings and is available to help any
school with racial problems.
It has been common over the years to see
official cars parked at the scene of pro-integra
tion gatherings, since a sheriff or other official
was usually on hand to keep tabs on those a t
tending. It wasn’t particularly unusual, there
fore, to see a State of North Carolina vehicle
parked outside a recent church-camp gathering
of student leaders, mostly black, who were dis
cussing how to make integration work better.
But this time, the car seemed like a sign of
progress: It had been driven to the scene by
two task force members, one black and one
white, who hud come to offer their advice.