School Opening 1971 Clippings (Folder)
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August 15, 1971 - September 5, 1971

11 pages
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Division of Legal Information and Community Service, Education - School Desegregation. School Opening 1971 Clippings (Folder), 1971. cc551d1b-759b-ef11-8a69-6045bdfe0091. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/51acc748-7b58-4cb7-a148-669362b4e227/school-opening-1971-clippings-folder. Accessed August 07, 2025.
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r f f ' f ' M m S f m M ■!.■ ■■ a : EDUCATION: School Opening 1971 f S iS ilS sm ..-- . f ; v . \ ' v L v . . '-4.. '* « aw p m i In^ra.tion Gains as Schools Throug'hou Desegregation Projects Set Across the Land— Plans for Busing Stir Foes Continued From Page 1, Col. 7 I that city. Mr. Nixon also di- ; rected the Attorney General and ; the Secretary of Health, Educa- , tion and Welfare to "work with ‘ individual school districts to 1 hold busing to the minimum i required by law.” “He can only create chaos ' by diis policies,” Mrs. Gladys :J«cNairy, acting president of t a e Pittsburgh Board of Educa- ion, said of Mr. Nixon’s ap- -woach to the busing contro- ; -fersy. “When he says. In effect, ; don’t bother about busing, you can Imagine the effect on the (people in in the North who {subtly support segregation,” she ,said. “They’ve been waiting for ■tomBihing like this.” Most school districts outside •he South, including a number rf major cities, still have not been touched in a major way w desegregation. In Chicago, rb r example, strong pressures tor integration that existed in ‘he nineteen-sixties have failed «nd the municipal district re mains one of the most segre- fated in the country, with lacks making up only 3 per « n t of the enrollment in -ichools that had a majority of 'Whites last year. But, because of the impetus of the civil rights movement,. Supreme Court rulings, a pro liferation of lawsuits and the enforcement of Federal, state and local civil rights laws, a surprising number of non- Southern communities have found themselves faced with desegregation plans. Implementing the Plans It is now a question of whether the plans will be real ized and the effort carried to other cities or whether they will be overcome by the op position, as has already hap pened in such cities as Denver. “We’re all for integration,” said Stephen Knight Jr., a mem ber of the Denver Board of Education who helped turn back an ambitious desegrega tion plan there. “We just don’t think busing is the right way,” Mr. Knight continued. “We’re thinking of a variety of other programs. We’re trying to bring up achievement levels. That’s the direction we’re headed now.” The South, whose schools were almost totally segregated in 1954, surpassed the rest of the nation last year in the percentage of blacks enrolled in schools that had a majority of whites. In the 11 states of the old Confederacy, that per centage more than doubled in two years, from 18 per cent in the fall of 1968 to 39 per cent last fall. In the 32 Northern ind Western states, it re named unchanged at 28 per ;ent, according to a survey onducted by the Department (f Health, Education and Wel- are. The survey also showed that, -n many of the larger, non- Southem cities, integration de clined from 1968 to 1970. In New York the percentage of blacks in majority-white schools dropped from 19.7 to 16.3; in Detroit, from 9 to 5.8; in Phila delphia, from 9.6 to 7.4; in St. Louis, from 7.1 to 2.5, and in Boston, from 23.3 to 18. Token Integration Since 1954, when the Su preme Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional, most of the pressure for change has been in the South and the Border States, which openly maintained dual school sys- terms. Any desegregation that took place in the North was largely voluntary, and token. I In the late nineteen-sixties, however, the Federal Govern ment began moving against some Northern districts through! the civil rights laws and law-1 suits, and civil rights groups! also went into the courts. But! the process was slower and! more difficult in the North, be-l cause the plaintiffs had to! prove that there had been al policy of segregation or ex-1 elusion. I These cases and executive! action have now begun to cornel to maturity. I San Francisco is the largest! city on the verge of major school integration, and the con-1 troversy is of, major propor tions. Meetings of the school board, attended by capacity crowds of 1,000 and three doz en policemen have been inter rupted, by heckling and fist! fights.' Protest Encouraged Some of the opposition has come from Chinese-American parents who have joined with white conservatives to protect the concept of neighborhood schools. Mayor Joseph Alioto has been a leader of the op-1 position and has publicly en-̂ couraged parents to protest “nonviolently.” The district is under Federal court order to integrate 46,000 elementary school pupils when the schools open next month. The plan involves the busing of 25,000 at a cost of $2.5-millionl a year. A school board appeal for a stay-was rejected by the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit on Aug. 12. Two adjoining d istr ic^ —Rich- BUSING— NORTHERN STYLE: Schoolchildren in Harrisburg, Pa., starting trips to as signed schools as program of thorough integration got under way last year. Pupils are sent to schools by computer which bases decisions on raciai and economic factors. mond and Berkeley—have de segregated their schools, with a considerable amount of busing involved. Desegregation has al so taken place in other Cali fornia communities, but officials there contend that this has not overcome efforts to segregate by neighborhood patterns. Isolation Trend Racial and ethnic isolation is increasing,” . said Ted Neff, assistant chief of the Office of Intergroup Relations for the California Department of Edu cation. “That’s a fact.” Wichita, Kan., is another city scheduled to be thoroughly in tegrated this fall, but not under court order. Because it has practiced overt segregation in the past, the district has been under pressure since 1966 from the Department of Health, Edu cation and Welfare. The plan finally agreed to calls for all Wichita schools to have 85 per cent white and 15 per cent minority enroll ments, which would roughly reflect the city’s racial make-up. About 4,250 of the district’s 5,000 black students and about 1,500 of the 29,000 white stu dents will be bused to accom plish this. Evansville, Ind., also was scheduled to undergo a thor ough integration plan this fall. But the school board withdrew its agreement with the Depart ment of Health, -Education and Welfare after President Nixon’s statement on Aug. 3 against busing, and asked for new ne gotiations. A spokesman for the board said, “Nixon muddied the waters and we are waiting for a clarification.” ‘A Black Municipality’ The school board in Pontiac, Mich., under court orders to achieve integration this fall through busing, was seeking last-minute relief from the Su preme Court on the ground that desegregation would con vert the city into “a black municipality.” “The foreseeable disaster of race relations in terms of white flight in Pontiac will be a court-made disaster,” the school district said in seeking an ap peal from a decision of the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth District, which upheld the desegregation plan. , A reverse of this situation occurred in Seattle, where the school board ordered a plan in volving the busing of 8,500 students to achieve integration. A state judge, William J. Wil- kens, blocked the order and the school board appealed. In Indianapolis, a Feleral court has ordered a desegregation plan for this fall that falls con-i siderably short of the total in tegration sought by the Justice Department. But the court took steps that eventually may be more significant. On Aug. 18, it instructed .the Justice Depart ment to legally attack a 1969 merger of the city with Marion County on the ground that the merger should have included the school districts in the area, as well as other government functions. Metropolitan Integration The Indianapolis School Dis trict roughly follows the pre- merger boundaries of the city. The court noted that nearly 40 per cent of the people living in the school districts are black, while the outlying districts are mostly white. Thus, it is con sidered likely that Indianapolis will be one of the first cities in which the metropolitan area is considered as a whole in the integration plans. In Detroit, officials say it is possible that the courts may order into effect a thorough integration plan adopted by the school board but blocked by the Michigan Legisiature. In Rochester, the school board will put into effect next month a voluntary plan that will include the busing of 10,- 000 students. 1 Providence, the school board has o rd e r^ into effect, over streng community objec tions, the third stage of a de- segration program that it be gan in 1967. The steps to be taken next month are designed to balance the schools racially. About 15,000 of the city’s 177,000 residents are black. In Minnesota, Minneapolis, St. Paul and Duluth are taking steps for partial integration, as a result of pressure from state officials. In Minneapolis, the pairing of black and white schools has stirred controversy. Two Northern states—Penn sylvania and Massachusetts— are making concerted efforts to achieve desegregation, but the big cities are resisting. The Pennsylvania Human Re lations Commission, proceeding under a State Supreme Court decision, is moving to break up the predominantly black schools and has succeeded in a num ber of districts. Harrisburg thoroughly integrated its schools last year, with busing, based on the students’ raciai and economic background. Pittsburgh and Philadelphia were ordered to begin integra tion plans this fall but have appealed to the courts. It is uncertain when the m atter will be decided. Richardson Dil- worth, presideat of the Phila delphia school board and former Mayor, said, “The white population of this city would never permit the kind of mas sive cross-busing the order would require, nor would the City Council or the state legis lature appropriate the money.” State Funds Cut Off The Massachusetts Board of Education, in its enforcement of a 1965 state law requiring ra cial balance in the schools, has cut off $21.3-million in State funds to Boston, and the school board has decided to sue for release of the funds. Open en rollment and other steps taken by the board has not stopped the trend toward more black schools. The state refused to accept a compromise plan sub mitted this month, and the issue apparently will go to the courts. In Denver, State Senator -George Brown Jr., a leader in the lagging integration drive there, summed up feeling that seem to predominate in most areas. “Fewer and fewer people are willing to say anything positive about integrated education,” he said, “even though we’ve had no opportunity to test it.” uth Open Quietly Desegregation in North By JOHN BERBERS Special to The New York Times WASHINGTON, Aug. 30 This fall, for the first time, a substantial amount of school desegregation is scheduled to take place in cities outside the South and the Border States. Integration plans stemming from court orders, voluntary action or pressures from state lovernments or the Federal Sovemment are to go into ef fect in a number of Northern md Western cities, from Provi- lence, R. I., to San Francisco. At the same time, several Jther cities—including Philadel- >hia, Pittsburgh, Detroit and loston—have been embroiled n controversies over sweeping lesegregation orders that could ;o into force a t an undeter- nined time. In most cities where the issue las t>een raised, resistance is nounting. As in the South, the ;ontroversy centers on busing, ind those working for integra- :ion say that President Nixon’s intibusing stance has stiffened •he opposition. On Aug. 3, the President sked the Justice Department 0 appeal the ruling of a Fed- ral judge upholding a plan by school board in Austin, ex., that provided for exten- ive crosstown busing to de- egregate the public schools in lontinued on Page 23, Column 1 THE N E W YORK TIMES, SVNDA Y. A UGUST IS, 1971 Busing- for Desegreg-ation to Affect 350,000 Pupils in the South A * YT* 1. • n> 1. j « . . . . The New YorJcT?mes/Lee Romero At Kennedy High in Richmond, Va^ a predominantly black school, the face of a white youngster stands out as special bus brings in the students. Busing faces opposition in South. By JAMES T. WOOTEN SpeolaJ tio The ̂ ATLANTA, Aug. 14—Despite politics and protest, thousands of Southern children will be riding buses to integrated schools when classes resume later this month. Full statistics are not avail able, but a check around the region indicates that 350,000 children from Virginia to Mis sissippi -will be affected by de segregation plans involves bus-, ing that have been approved by Federal courts and are un changed by the recent outburst o f debate, .Most of , the children are black, and most live in urban ■ ^as were;,segregated residen tial patterns have reduced schools by a single race and where racial balance is possi ble only through crosstown transportation. Inguiries also showed that officials in most districts where busing was planned were con fident that it would be accept ed, a t least with stoic decorum if not with enthusiasm. Response by Wallace But the resurgence of public debate on the issue, highlighted by President Nixon’s orders to Federal officials to keep busing to the minunum .'required by law, has not been without effect. The response og Gov. George C. Wallace of Alabama was per haps the most dramatic. In the last three days, he has issued Executive oraers for the trans fer of one child to a school to which she had not been as signed and for the reopening of an ail-black school that had been closed by a court order. Mr. Wallace said today that he xepected to take further steps to “assist Mr. Nixon in his antibusing campaign” and indicated that he would issue another order Monday. Similarly, Gov. John J. Mc- Eithen of Louisiana vowed yes terday to prevent busing in his state. Gov. John Bell Williams of Mississippi told reporters Thursday that he was “watch ing the situation closely.” Rise in Antagonism A less spectacular but equal ly significant reaction to the President’s announcement has been the renewal of overt an tagonism to busing on the part of private citizens and local of ficials in the South. . School board officials in Rich-, mond, Va.; in Columbia and Greenville, S. C.; in Mobile and Birmingham, Ala., and in Jack- son and Biloxi Miss., have re ported an upsurge in telephone calls and letters criticizing them for implementing busing plans. Last Monday night, the school board of Jefferson Coun ty, Ky., refused to submit a new desegregation plan, which i t had been advised to submit by the United States Depart ment of Health, Education and Welfare. In Jefferson Parish, La., school board attorneys filed a last-^minute appeal against a busing plan already approved by a Federal District Court. A similar appeal was filed last week by the school board in Nashville, Tenn., where the busing issue propelled a less- experienced poitician into a runoff against -the incumbent mayor. Impact Is Minimized All across the South, in dis tricts where busing is already a fact or where new desegreg ation plans that include bus ing are to go into effect this autumn, public protest has shown a marked increase in intensity since the President’s statement. But only a few officials and private citizens believe the re cent furor will have any signi ficant impact on desegregation processes in their districts. “My heart says ‘Hooray,’ but my head tells me other wise,” said A.-F. Summer, At- troney General of Mississippi. “The law is the law, and even if Nixon has really tried— which I’m not so sure he has ■the law is still the law, school board member in Char- lote, N. C., said this week. Much of the national atten- ion on busing in the last year has focused on Charlotte, where a Federal District judge in 1969 approved a desegrega tion, plan including massive busing a means of elnninating ̂ y^^ere busing is used to any the last vestges of a dual great degree. “ Earle D. Jones, superintendent of schools in Maysville, Ky. His views were shared by many other school officials in the South who had counted on Federal funds to help finance new buses and defray the costs of larger transportation pro grams. In Jackson, Miss., for instance, the school board, which filed at least 10 counter-integration suits in the last eight years, voluntarily submitted a deseg regation plan for the first time. The plan has won the approval of Slack and white leaders. The ambitious proposal, ap proved later by the Federal court, included massive busing of students and the construc tion of two modern educational parks a t either end of the city. Federal Money Needed “But without Federal money, which we had assumed we would get as a matter of course, this whole thing is go ing to be difficult it not im possible to pull off,” said Ken neth Wagner of the Mississippi Research and Development Cen ter, the agency responsible for the parks concept. Approximately 9,000 pupils will be bused this year in Jackson and 2,000 in Biloxi, the only other city in the state going to have it that way, anyway.” If busing does become a po litical issue there, it will have had a precursor in the mayoral race in Nashville, when the in cumbent, Beverly Briley, facing a runoff with Casey Jen kins, a one-term city council man who campaignde against busing. Mr. Briley also opposes busing, and “Now the trick seems to be who can be more against it,” according to a local editor. Bigger Florida Program The desegregation plan now in effect for Nashville calls for the busing of about 45,000 of the 96,000 pupils in the system. Chattanooga is the only oth er city planning to use busing in Tennessee. Approximatetly 7,500 pupils are includead in its plan. In Virginia, busing plans are to begin or continue in Rich mond, Petersburg, Roanoke, Norfolk and Lynchburg. About 50,000 children in those cities would be affected, as well as several thousand more if bus ing plans for Newport News, Portsmouth and Chesapeake schools are approved by the Federal courts in the next few days. Most large Florida cities are now busing a total of about 150,000 pupils in an attempt to compljf with desegregation plans. This year, that number will include greatly enlarged programs in Jacksonville, Tam pa, St. Petersburg, Fort Lauder dale and Miami. Unlike many other systems in metropolitan areas of the. South, Atlanta’s public schools will not be busing this year. The Federal court rejected bus ing plans for the sprawling city system as “not reasonable, feas ible or workable.” Gloomy About Future The court suggested that new housing and employment pat terns in Atlanta, as well as the construction of a rapid transit system, would do more to unify the school system than any thing else. But in Athens and Columbus, the only two cities in Georgia where busing is being used, ap proximately 2,500 pupils will be bused this year. Most school officials and civil rights leaders across the South now believe that, while the amount of busing will probably not be substantially altered by the latest controversy, the future of busing as an expand ing desegregation technique is gloomy. They agree that the courts are not likely to reverse them selves on busing cases they have already decided, but that future busing suits may be dealt with quite differently. “The one thing that Nixon and most other people don’t seem to understand is that the Supreme Court and no other court has ever made busing a law,” a young black lawyer in Shreveport, La., said this week. “All the Supreme Court said was that the lower courts and the local school boards could use busing it they felt it was necessary to achieve unitary systems.” Now, many Southerners are convinced that those courts and those school boards will not be likely to feel that way in the future. school system. Ruling by High Court His decision was appealed by the school board, joined by several other districts. Last spring the Supreme Court ruled that busing is a constitutional technique for achieving unified school systems in the urban south. The President initialljr res ponded by saying that his Ad ministration would uphold and enforce the Court’s decision, and in various cities through out the South, attorneys for civil righs organizations began devising and submitting new desegregation plans to the courts. Many of them included busing. As the sumtner progressed, many of the busing plans were approved and ordered into im plementation. But, earlier this month, busing plans, drawn by the Department of Health,’ Education and Welfare foi Dallas and Austin, Tex., were] rejected by Federal courts there in favor of local school board that provided for a limited, part-time integration. The President, although au thorizing an appeal of the Austin decision, criticized the plans drawn by the Federal department and instructed his Administration to handle school desegregation with the “mini mum busing required by law.” Finds Busing Doomed He also directed Eiliot L. Richardson, Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, to draft legislation that would exclude aid for busing from a $1.5-billion emergency fund now being considered by Con gress to aid schools that are desegregating. “That kills busing.” said Now there is speculation that the current national controver sy will produce a response from the two men seeking the Democratic nomination for Governor of Mississippi. Both Lieut. Gov. Charles Sul livan and Wiliiam Wailer, a Jackson lawyer, avoided raciai issues in their preliminary cam paigns and have not shown a great interest in discussing bus ing in the time remaining be fore the runoff election on Aug. 28. Pressure on Candidates I But knowledgeable sources in Jackson say that both men are under pressure within own camps to take antibusingj stands. Then we would be righl back where we started,” a law yer in Jackson said. “We can not afford to have public edu cation mixed up in politics more, but it looks like we’i The New York Times/Blll Barley BUSING IN COLUMBIA, S.Ci: Pupils boarding a bus at a formerly ail-black school for an eight-mile ride home .'I > ^ f'the Soutl Possible Protests Indicated in Districts That Have Not Yet Returned Continued From Page 1, Col 6 schools has been delayed while similar appeals are decided. Groups of parents in those cities have already announced their intentions to oppose any departure from already estab lished plans. But from Little Rock, Ark., to Birmingham, Ala., to Raleigh, N. C., buses rumbled to and from the school yards today loaded with black and white children, and there were no substantial problems.. When the last bells clanged, desegregation seemed more firmly established than ever before. 2-to-l White Ratio School and government of-1 ficials have no statistics this early in the term, but estimates based on their previous sur veys indicate that less than 8 per cent of the 3.2 million black students in the 11-state region will still be attending classes in all-black schoolswhen all the districts have returned. The same estimates indicate that more than 35 per cent of the black youngsters will be en rolled this year in schools that have a white majority, such as those in Little Rock, Ark., where busing and pairing plans] today produced a consist ent 2-to-l, white-black ratio throughout the 24,000-student| system. A similar ratio was achieved as classes began in Birming ham, Ala., and in adjacent Jef ferson County. “We had a little confusion — not much more than on any first day,” a spokesman there said as more than 110,000 children returned to class, many of them riding buses out of their neighbor hoods to distant schools. Concern Over Mobile The reaction of Birmingham parents to the first school day was watched closely by Federal officials. Last week. Gov. George C. Wallace urged a peaceful resistance to busing. “I don’t know about any of that here,” a Birmingham school official said today. 5,, There is concern in Alabama, however, that the Governor’s advice may have fallen on more receptive ears in Mobile, the largest system in the state. Schools open there Sept. 8, two days after he makes his annual Labor Day speech at a local park. The system is under a court order to_ achieve ..an ap' proximate 3-to-2, white-black ratio in its schools by using busing. Governor Wallace spoke Sat urday night in Jacksonville, Fla., where schools are sched uled to open with heavy busing next week. He again challenged President Nixon to issue Execu tive orders against all busing and the 1,000 people in his audience cheered their approval. Elsewhere in Florida today,' schools in Miami, Tampa and Fort Lauderdale opened smooth ly. In West Palm Beach, how ever, there were reports of a boycott forming at three for merly black schools. School board officials estimated that about 2,000 students may have stayed away throughout the 60,000-student system and ap proximately 20 mothers pick eted at one of the elementary schools. In Raleigh, N. C., and Rich mond, Va,, two cities where busing plays a major role in the desegregation of the schools, there were no reported problems. In Charlotte, N. C., where more than half of the 80,000 students are to be bused for the second year, classes do notj begin until Sept. 7. Community* leaders there are optimistim about continued public co-' operation. 1 In Columbia, S.C., a busingl plan was hnpleniented toda^ and while there were no appan-- ent difficulties, school official* conceded that as many as 1,000 white students may have transferred to private acade mies during the summer. It will be another two weeks before all of the 11.5 million elemen tary and high school students in the South are back in the classroom. Most state educa tion officials and Federal agmi- cies are continuing a close surveillance of those schools yet to open. Report CTW Southern Integration Makes Major Strides, Despite Zealous Foes Very Few Districts Remain Segregated; Busing Is Now Becoming a Fact of Life Tales of the Bracey Sisters By Neil Maxwell S ta tf Reporter 0/ T h e W a l l S t r e e t J o u r n a l Fourteen years ago tomorrow, nine Negro teenagers attempted to integrate Central High School in Little Rock. The small group’s a r rival a t the yellow-brick school had been sanc tioned by a federal court and the local school board. But the teenagers were repelled by mem bers of the Arkansas National Guard, who, along with state troopers, had been sent to the school grounds two nights earlier by Gov. Orval E. Faubus “to maintain or restore order.” Three tumultuous weeks passed before the black youths were able to slip into their class rooms through a side door-and by that time the mood of Liitle Rock’s white community was hysterical. The Associated Press reported: “ ‘They’ve gone in / a man roared. ‘Oh, God, the niggers are in the school.’ “A woman screamed, ‘Did they get in? Did you see them go in?’ “ 'They’re in nme,’ some other man yelled. “ ‘Oh, m y God/ the woman screamed. She burst into tears and tore at her hair. Hysteria swept the crowd. Other women began weeping and screaming.” The chaos was such that by noon the blacks were taken from the school in police cars. When they returned two days later, they were escorted up the front steps of Central High by paratroopers of the lOlst Airborne Division- bayonets at the ready. That’s the way It was in 1957. Here’s the way it is in 1971: —It’s quite likely that the only segregated school districts left in the South will be the handful where whites have fled to private schools, in effect handing over the public ones to blacks. In 1957, by comparison, there was not a single black student in school with whites in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina or Virginia. -T h is fall, many urban districts such as those in Atlanta, Nashville, Charlotte, Texar kana, Ark., Columbia, S.C., Jackson, Miss., and Birmingham, Ala., will probably be as close to desegregation as they ever will be, -R ac ia l mixing in the schools of smaller cities is even more complete. Chances for meaningful integration in these cities have been helped by many factors: School zones have been changed, there are no suburbs for v.hltcs to See to, and busing has long been ac cepted as a fact of life. (Youngsters have been bused to segregated schools lor decades.) -Inside integrated schools, a second gener ation of problems, including class-by-class and person-to-person discrimination, is being recog nized; and in many cases attempts are being made to solve these problems. Continuing Trouble Spots There are, to be sure, continuing trouble spots. In the black b e lt - a narrow band of rural Negro population stretching across the Southeastern U.S. from the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi River-integration is working poorly, if at all, because of a still-spreadii^ rash of segregated private schools. Neverthe less, integration has made striking gains in the South, with many of these gains having come about in the past two years. According to government figures, 39% of the black students in Southern states last year were attending schools with white majorities- more than double "the 18% attending such schools a year earlier. Furthermore, the Race Relations Information Center, a Ford Founda tion-supported group in Nashville, Tenn., says the percentage of black students in integrated schools soared to 86% last year from 32% in 1968, 16% in 1966, 6% in 1965, 2% in 1964 and 0.2% in 1960. In fact. Southerners striving to make inte gration work are uncharacteristically optimis tic this year. “The overwhelming majority of whites now will accept substantial token inte- gratloii in everything but housing,” says Paul Anthony, director of the Southern Regional Council in Atlanta. “The typical businessman has no problem with his daughter being in a class of 20 children, six of them black. This is genuinely revolutionary in term s of Southern custom.” Optimism, however, is in some cases tinged with reservations. “I think the end of the road is in sight,” says Winifred Green, a veteran field worker for the American Friends Service Committee, “but there are some forces operat ing that could blow the whole thing up. We’re so close, but we’ve got such a long way to go.” ’The forces working against integration are seen throughout the South. Last fall, for exam ple, a group of white parents in South Carolina terrorized Negro children by overturning the buses that brought them to a white school. And over the years since Little Rock, there have been a series of Southern politicians vowing never to give in to integration. The Role of the President Some of these politicians are at the highest levels. Then-Gov. Claude Kirk of Florida, tak ing a leaf from the book of Alabama’s Gov. George Wallace, early last year stood immova ble In the doorway of a Bradenton, Fla., school- house—stepping down only after a federal judge put him under a $10,000-a-day contempt- of-court citation. Indeed, many Southern politi cians have only bowed to integration moves under strong pressure from the federal govem- m ent-som etimes from the President himself. ’This year, however, some integration propo nents in the South say a major problem is the President himself. While die President’s position against wide spread busing has thus far had little effect on Southern school districts, most of which have their fleets of buses already in operation or prepared to carrjr yoiuigsters to integrated schools this fall, it has drawn strong support from such Southern governors as John Mc- Please Turn to Page U, Column 5 Education, Religion, Science, Editorials, Letters, ® 1971 The New York Timei Compiny THE W EEKINREVIEW Section 4 :+ Sunday, September 5,1971 toJSCHOOLBUS to G««>%e C. Wallace Warren E> Burj;er “Ail I’rft trying to do is help the President and the Attorney General and his wife-^whal's her name? Marthas—to do what they say they ait wont to do, and that's stop busing. That’s all I'm trying to do. Just n:u'r.e 'he>.e judges M Ppmne,omrM(l& , '■atlover ereati«ru’>' "The constitutional com- mandto desegregate schoots ; ,chofl in every i"niimim(y must aiwaiS i.ijleci the racial composition o f the school Sv'afeni <is a v.hoie." Elliot L. nictiar<iswn "He /Mr. hluoni helii-vcs it is a good thing for chil dren to nitei’d schO'il in th.'ir ov.n nv;,;ii' iiri;oori. . I supported that \’iew he- 1011‘, and I support it non “ Spiro T, Agnew "f mean if people live in a neighborhood, they're en- , titled to be associated iCKjelher And I mean ihat I'm against busing ihase t.hildten to other nc'ghhorhou'ls snnpl} to 'I 'h ie ira n intrgialed status of a larger I entity." Richard M. Nixon •! iitiiT consistently op posed the busing of our nation's schoolchildren to achieve racial balance, and I i.m appc.Sid to th<- niislng of children simply for ihe sake o j busing " Schools New Year. ‘Too Late Now’ To Buck Integration In South ATLANTA — Most Southern children went back to school last week, an event traditionally accompanied by public protest, frequent disruption and occa sional violence. This time, how ever, there was, relatively speak ing, a notable lack of resistance, even in districts where children rode buses out of their neighbor hoods. Many of those who have watched the annual tensions come and go shrugged, turned away and announced it was fi nally all over. Theirs is a premature judg ment, of course. There were nijisy exceptions to the rule of peace and quiet. A bomb explod ed in a vacant school in Co lumbus, Ga.; a boycott took shape in West Palm Beach, Fla.; angry parents took a few chil dren to the wrong schools near Birmingham, Ala.; black young sters and white adults scuffled in Wilmington, N. C., and there were some arrests in Austin, Tex. Moreover, several districts where there are signs of re sistance have not yet opened their doors, including Orlando and Jacksonville, Fla.; Nashville, Tenn.; Jackson, Miss., and Mo bile, Ala. Meanwhile, in the North, where nfost schools have not yet op ened their doors for the fall term, there were some indica tions of mounting resistance to desegregation by busing. In Pon tiac, Mich., for example, 10 buses scheduled for use in a desegre gation plan were ripped apart by a dynamite blast. Antibusing groups were also making last-ditch and generally unsuccessful efforts through the courts. The Supreme Court re jected llth-hour appeals from antibusing groups attempting to stay plans in Texas, San Fran cisco and Nashville. Chief Jus tice Warren E. Burger refused to grant a stay of a busing plan for Winston-Salem, N. C. How ever, in a 10-page opinion, some thing rare in a denial of a stay, the Chief Justice said that he is persuaded there has been a broad misinterpretation of the Court’s decisions on racial bal ance and busing. He said that judges in lower courts were not reading the Supreme Court cor rectly if they were ordering the bqsing of children in the belief that the Court required racial balance in every school. Still, the fact remains that wholesale integration, including some achieved by massive bus ing. is now a fact of Southern life, and because it is, the days of stands in schooihouse doors, of Federal troops and venomous whites eyeing each other a t the edge of some schoolyard, are probably just about over. Even Gov. George C. Wallace was speaking to his State Legis lature in Montgomery, Ala., in s5fter tones. He asked for an ahtibusing law that would give every Alabama parent a legal right to resist the assignment of children to any school on the basis of race. “I believe every child in the state should go to the school of his choice, whether he be black or white,” he said. But at week’s end. Governor Wallace seemed about to up the ante again. A group of state legislators told the Montgomery County Board of Education that the Governor was preparing for a showdown over desegregation this week. He plans to use state troopers, they said, to transport seven white girls from a pre dominately black elementary school—to which they had been assigned under a plan approved by a Federal court—to a pre dominately white school consid erably farther from their homes. The action would be taken at the request of the girls’ parents. And Governor Wallace himself said, “When any school official says everything is quiet, he’s talking about student discipline.” Elsewhere in the South, how ever, most of the official voices remained muted. In Mississippi, Gov. John Bell Williams, who up until this year has been almost strident in his denunciations of integrated pub lic schools, spoke not a word on the subject as the kids in his state, black and white, went back to school. Down in Florida, in a summer commencement address. Gov. Reuben Askew asked University of Florida graduates to go home and promote tranquillity in their communities, ■ and he urged all residents of his state to accept the law and the Court’s direc tives, even it they included busing. In the other Southern states, problems with school desegrega tion seemed so minimal that the governors did not feel compelled to say anything a t all — except here in Georgia where Gov. •Jimmy Carter, touted nationally as one of the “new breed” of regional politicians, urged par ents to make their antibusing sentiments known in the hope that the Federal judiciary will be sensitive to the vox populi. What may have been the most important event of the week— and perhaps the most hopeful for opponents of integration, especially in the North where de facto residential segregation makes racial balance in the class room possible only through bus ing—were the words of Chief Justice Burger in his refusal to grant a stay to Winston-Salem. More than a few school boards above the Mason-Dixon Line breathed a sigh of relief in the hope that the Chief Justice’s counsel may save them from the future shock of big busing. But in the South, most educa tors and political leaders believe Mr. Burger’s words will have little to do with public educa tion’s tomorrows. “It’s too late now,” said William Self, Super intendent of the Charlotte, N. C., schools. “We’ve already got our orders.” So have dozens of other dis tricts across the South, and while there have been and no doubt will be major problems, they are expected to conform to the Court’s directives and, as a result, bring about startling changes in the racial structure of their systems. It may be, however, that from a quantitative perspective, the South has already reached or will reach this year the maxi mum level of integration pos sible in an area once so ritual- istically committed to racially separate schools. The only way the South could go further with integration is through new and massive busing. And that now selms unlikely, with the antibusing forces given new strength by the words of Chief Justice Burger and Presi dent Nixon. —JAMES T. WOOTEN School inf egraf ion has made rapid progr^s in the SoHth in the last two years. . . Percentage o f b lacb in scFiooIs which have a majority of white students ~ □ Below 25% M 25 to 35% t Above 35% But has remained virtually unchanged in the rest o f the country. Percentage o f blacks in schools which have a majority of white students 27.5 39.1 1968 1970 Northenr andWestera 1968 1970 Border Sfafes, Wash.D.C. 1968 1970 Soutiiern In some large cities, the school pattern is this: Declining segregation in the South, growing segregation in the N ort^ Percentage of blacks in schools which have a majority of white students 1968 11970 70.8 NORTH 28.8 25.9 1 ’ -716.3 New York Columbus 57.6 1 SOUTH 25.0 3 . 2 ^ Chicago San Francisc® Minneapolis 32.9 1 6 . 8 ^ 6.4 11.7 10.9 18.2 11 s i■ ’ I Nashville Richmond Mobile Birmingham Norfolk Changed View: Some Old Friends Are Dropping By the W ayside Americans have long prided themselves on their nation’s role as the Melting Pot of the world, the new land where the “hud dled masses” of the globe were welcomed and accepted and in- te^g,ted i^Jo the iarger society. The job was done in large meas ure by the public schools. And when the nation finally got around to including the American Negro among those to be integrated, it was generally assumed that the public schools —spurred on by the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown decision— would once again bear the lion’s share of the burden. There would be trouble, of course, in the South and elsewhere, but the outlook seemed hopeful. And until the last year or so, integra tion did appear to be the wave of the future. Today there are signs that a growing number of Americans, members of widely disparate groups, are indifferent, or down right hostile, to school integra tion. Together with the public antibusing stance taken by the President, this trend raises seri ous questions as to just what future school integration has in this country. The major groups involved in clude: •Die-hard segregationists. They are summed up in the person of Gov. George Wallace of Alabama, who said recently that he held the entire Federal judiciary, and its integration decrees, in “utter contempt.” Northern ex tremists among them fire- bombed 10 school buses in Pon tiac, Mich., last v/eek. Notwith standing the relatively peaceful compliance with court orders in most of the South this month, they remain adamant—and often very vocal—in their opposition. •Biacfe Power movement. Its leaders, particularly in the cities, are contemptuous of integration. They want the schools to be part of their power base; community control is their watchword. That was why Rhody McCoy, when he was administrator of the rebellious, now dissolved demonstration district in Brook lyn’s Ocean Hill - Brownsville, said: “Integration has never worked.” And why Roy Innis, another black power spokesman, pronounced integration “dead.” The phenomenon is not new: In the 1840’s, the Catholic Irish rebelled against what they con sidered a Protestant-dominated and discriminatory melting pot, demanding money to finance their own schools. • New Left. Many in this group, who had joined the free dom marches for integration in the sixties, have largely aban doned the drive for peaceful change. They have accepted the revolutionary ideology of the Black Panthers because they see in the power-based separatism a way of fighting against the sys tem, In their minds, integration represents nothing more than an Establishment means of making the system work. They see the melting-pot approach as cultural imperialism—a nationalist ploy to subdue and coopt the Third World minorities. »Liberals. Many a liberal, white and black, has accepted the more radical theories that integration must be sacrificed, at least temporarily, to separat ism as the road to black self- respect and identity. In practical terms, they say, the ghettos need self-help—black doctors, lawyers, hankers and merchants who are steeped in the black tradition. “The black graduate of the Harvard Busi ness School neither can nor wants to do that job,” a moder ate black leader said last month. Even the late Whitney Young, a black leader who remained deeply devoted to an integrated society in the long run, wrote late in his life: “Integration is no longer the issue, the issue today is„equality. . . . It may be that a period of self-develop ment and ghetto rehabilitation will coincide with a temporary decline in efforts at integration. Alexander Bickel, Yale law The remains of one of 10 school buses firebombed in Pontiac, Mich., last week. “There is a serious question as to just what future school integration has in this country.” professor, wrote last year: “The vanguard ■ of black opinion, among intellectuals and political activists alike, is oriented more toward the achievement of group identity and group autonomy than toward the use of public schools as assimilationist agen cies.” Whether or not such views accurately reflect the will of the majority of Negro parents—and there is some indication that they do not—the effect is that many of the liberals, black and white, who used to march for in tegration together now have, at least for the moment, relaxed the melting-pot battle. 0 "Ethnics." As black separa tists fight for their own power base, ethnic groups are starting to fight for their own separatist interests. Thus, in the election ot local community school boards in New York City’s decentraliza tion, local white ethnic groups, including some affiliated with churches, have battled to gain control. In some areas, Jewish day schools have been gaining new support. And in San Francisco, Chinese groups have gone to court to seek to prevent school busing of their children out of Chinatown. (Last week the court turned them down.) This re-awakening of the search for ethnic identity is viewed by some sociologists as an outgrowth of the black power movement. The demand tor black studies programs, for example, has led to a revival of interest in study courses dealing with ethnic groups. But part of this reaction may also stem from a fear of violence. Professor C. Vann Woodward, the integrationist Southern his torian, has stressed that black violence has created a white backlash, even among some who formerly supported integration. The Jewish Defense League and the Italian-American Civil Rights League have their roots, to some degree, in the climate of fear found in our major cities. (By the same token, last week some black mothers in the South, fol lowing threats of violence, said that they would rather see their children stay in the neighbor hood than have them taken by bus to integrated schools.) For many opponents (jf school integration, the concept of bus ing serves as a convenient tar get—though their basic opposi tion is to mixed classes. The fact is th at in the past 20 years, the number of American school districts has been reduced from over 100,000 to only 17,000— and this policy, designed for greater educational efficiency, and unrelated to integration ef forts, has involved the general acceptance by the public of the bus as the normal route to school for millions of children. The enthusiasm for Integra" tion-cum-busing has been de clining among many parents, including blacks, because of what happens after the children get off the bus. Local schools often fail to respond to the needs ot the bused-in children. Re segregation within schools re sults. A recent report from cities North and South showed that large numbers of black students in newly integrated schools had been suspended. The practice is widespread enough to have earned its victims an educational label—“the pushouts,” The cumulative effect of such experiences is that more and more black parents are opting for compensatory education— separate but different—in all black schools rather than have their children face the threat of almost certain failure in in tegrated schools.. Does the present trend mean that integration is really dead? Despite the wavering of some liberals who take their cue from more militant black voices, and despite new doubts which are being created by the Administra tion’s stand on busing, many of integration’s original supporters have stuck to their guns. Ken neth Clark, the black psychol ogist who played a major role as expert witness in the Supreme Court’s 1954 school desegrega tion ruling, last year threatened to resign from the board of a predominately white college if it allowed a separate black dormi tory, in response to black stu dents’ demands. John H. Fischer, president ot Teachers College, who as super intendent of Baltimore’s schools fought for their integration, said: “I cannot see how a child can be prepared for a multi-racial world if he is brought up in segregated schools, black or white.” The unanswered questions re main: Will the new anti-integra tion currents gain in power and to what political uses they will be put? The most poignant warn ing comes from Professor Vann Woodward, who expressed con cern that Reconstruction history might repeat itself. Negroes, he warned, may “after an era of promise, go from disillusionment to a sense of unfulfillment to withdrawal.” —FRED M. HECHINGER THE N E W YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 5,1971 The Nation The Freeze; W hat Do W e Do W hen the 90 Days Are Up? WASHINGTON— The Govern ment and a host of distinguished grandstand quarterbacks were fully engaged last week in the process of devising a means of holding back wages and prices when the present freeze ends in mid-November. It could not yet be called a “debate.” The Government had not put forward a concrete pro posal for "phase two" that could provide substance for a debate. In fact, on Thursday President Nixon postponed a meeting with labor and management sched uled for Sept. 21 because a pro posal was not yet ready. But ideas were beginning to circu late, particularly as a result of hearings conducted by the Con gressional Joint Economic Com mittee. In the background was an other grim inflation report. The Wholesale Price Index for August—^with nearly all the data collected before the freeze—rose strongly again in both industrial and food components. The key index of industrial wholesale prices rose five-tenths of 1 per cent, both before and after adjustment for normal sea sonal variation. Farm and food prices fell in August but much less than usual for the month. The result was a rise of 1.4 per cent, seasonally adjusted, in this volatile portion of the index. The over-all wholesale price index was up seven-tenths of 1 per cent, seasonally adjusted, the largest rise in six months. In addition, though it was not directly related to the inflation issue, unemployment for August increased from 5.8 to 6.1 per cent of the labor force, indicating no pre-freeze progress on that front, either. As for the post-freeze pro gram, there was general agree ment—though the Government had not yet made a formal an nouncement to this effect—that the freeze could not just be allowed to end with nothing to replace it. Yet the experience in this and other countries has not been heartening regarding ef forts to control for long the upward thrust of wages and prices by either compulsory or voluntary means. One factor was working in favor of success. This is not a time of “excess demand" with massive buying pressures pulling up prices and theatening short ages. The classic pressures, on the contrary, are working toward lower or a t least stable prices and wages. This should help. Nevertheless, there were a number of fundamental ques tions that would have to be answered, such as: • Should the freeze be fol lowed by a full-scale program of wage-price control, with the issuance of daily regulations on . everything from the price of pickles to the wages of house hold servants? The answer was an almost universal "no”. No witness be fore Congress favored it. The President has long been appalled by the idea. Herbert Stein, a member of the Council of Eco nomic Advisers and chairman of the task force that is planning for the new program, said that this was one alternative that the Government “devoutly hopes” can be avoided. Full-fledged con trols require a small army of bureaucrats and, even worse, it is argued, tend to erode the es sential flexibility of the pricing system as a guide to more ef ficient production and allocation of labor. Controls halt the free market in its tracks. • Should the successor pro gram have any compulsory ele ments in it a t all? Here there appeared to be emerging a surprising, if perhaps tentative, agreement that such authority should exist. Arthur M. Okun and Gardner Ackley, two former chairmen of the Council of Economic Advisers under the Democrats, both said there should be some kind of backup, statutory authority to halt or roll back specific price and wage increases, presumably mainly those of major practical or sym bolic importance for the econ omy. Maurice H. Stans, the Secre tary of Commerce, reported that a group of top businessmen felt that way, and he agreed. Else where in the Government, offi cials seemed to be leaning that way. There was not much elaboration of the point. But evi dently the feeling was that purely voluntary standards were likely to be violated and that the rollback club would make com pliance much more likely. • Should there be "guide lines” for appropriate wage and price behavior, backstopped with DrawJni ̂by Tim/L’Express, Paris President Nixon discusses the United States economic Hiiemma with French President Pompidou, top right. West German Chan- ceiior Brandt and Japanese Premier Sato—as the French cartoon ist, Tim, imagines the conversation. occasional use of the rollback power? Mr. Okun was convinced there should be, and be proposed a set of guidelines which would per mit wage increases of a little more than 5 per cent in the first year after the freeze and in dustrial price increases of 1 or 2 per cent on the average. Mr. Ackley was not certain but thought the idea had great merit. Paul W. McCracken, Mr. Nixon’s chairman of the council, said the idea had “attractions” but he is known to feel that there are great difficulties in promulgating acceptable guide lines or standards. In the absence of such guide lines, those in charge of the new program presumably would simply select what they re garded as important and "flagrant” cases for investiga tion and possible rollback. • Should only prices and wages be covered, or should the program also include profits? Here there was some disagree ment. George Meany, head of the A.F.L.-C.I.O., has long held that profits should be included. Con trolling profits directly is ex tremely difficult, but most ad ditional profits can be taxed away through an “excess profits tax,” which was used both in World War II and the Korean War. Mr. Stans and Secretary of Labor James D. Hodgson both indicated that profits might have to be covered in some way. But Mr. Ackley and Mr. Okun~the liberals—were, ironically, firmly opposed to inclusion of profits. Mr. Ackley said an excess profits tax was "a lousy tax”— encouraging all sorts of corpo rate waste and inefficiency to keep profits down. Mr. Okun agreed. He said the tax would "encourage wasteful advertising, expense-account living and over full employment of shrewd ac countants.” Authoritative White House officials disclosed at the end of the week that the President was firmly opposed to an excess profits tax. This was done to dis pel rumors set off by the Hodg son and Stans comments, though neither man had explicitly backed the idea. The President was said to re gard such an impost as a poor form of taxation that would be “counterproductive” in efforts to achieve greater business effi ciency. • How would a new, largely noncompulsory program be ad ministered? There was as yet no con sensus. Mr. Meany was reported to favor a tripartite board with representatives from labor, busi ness and the public. Mr. Ackley supported the idea of a board, but one made up of impartial, distinguished private citizens only, appointed by the President but largely independent of White House influence. Another possibility was ad ministration by a Government agency, as the Council of Eco nomic Advisers used to police the Kennedy-Johnson guidelines. • What is the roie of Con gress? At first, it may be very little on the wage-price section of the program, though Congress will have a decisive voice later. The present authority, under which the President imposed the freeze, runs out April 30. If there is to be any compulsory element in the new program, the law—as is, or amended under great pres sure from various groups—will have to be extended. Meanwhile, there may be morei hearings. In the end, however, the prospects of any post-freeze ef fort are likely to depend upon the degree of cooperation of the pubiic and, possibly above all, of organized labor. Mr. Ackley, stating that a pro gram can work only with the "consent,” even if grudgingly given, of those involved, told Congress: "In my view this consent can only be forthcoming through a widespread participation by all groups in our society — and particularly by the organizations of labor and business — in a process of recognizing quite ex plicitly the need for the program, in determining the broad features of its initial design, and, there after, its modification and redesign.” President Nixon said much the same thing. He told an audience of dairy farmers that the "one great ingredient” in determining success or failure of his pro gram "is the spirit of the Amer ican people.” He said “nothing worthwhile can be won except through sacrifice and self- reliance, through discipline and pride.” Thus the biggest issue may simply be whether Americans are now ready to try being co operative instead of combative. If they remain combative — not to say selfish — the chances of averting a resumption of infla tion will not be very bright. —EDWIN L. DALE Jr. Canada; A Pain In the Economy From Mr. Nixon TORONTO— F̂or several days after the announcement last month of President Nixon's measures to shore up the Amer ican trade balance, Canada flut tered with anxiety. Prime Min ister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, after striking a posture of im perturbability for three days, broke off an Adriatic vacation, flew home and counseled against hasty protectionism and a possible trade war. In a rare broadcast to the nation, the Prime Minister in- voked the comforting ciich4 about “the spirit of friendship” between the North American neighbors and declared that “Canada does not take issue with the decision of the United States to grapple with its eco nomic problems,” but he also re iterated the plea a team of his ministers took to Washington— that Canada deserved an ex emption. Clearly, Canada is not getting one. This negative result might have been expected to have added to Canadian anxiety. But last week, as it was announced th at President Nixon would vis it Canada next spring, there was no indication that the trip was designed to appease an an gry Canada. For while there re mained concern about the ef fect of Mr. Nixon’s moves on Canadian exports and jobs, there was no outright resent ment toward Washington. Moreover, the Nixon visit will come within weeks or months of Muskie; N ow if He Can Just Make It Through 23 Primaries WASHINGTON — The cross country front runner is a sight to behold. He sets the pace, but loping behind and liable to over take him a t any moment are rivals who may possess bigger lungs, sturdier legs and greater stamina. The front runner can not be blamed for glancing fre quently over his shoulder, Edmund Sixtus Muskie, the lanky Senator from Maine, spent the last month a t his home in Kennebunk Beach, glancing back a t the pack of Democrats trail ing him in the early stage of the' race for his party’s Presidential nomination. Suddenly he de cided to sprint. Mr. Muskie set out today on a four-month, 32-_state dash de signed to convince his followers they cannot catch up. His advan tage was apparent. As John F. Kennedy showed in 1960 and Barry Goldwater demonstrated four years later, the first runner is automatically regarded as the favorite to win, but in the coun try’s most competitive quadren nial sport, one misstep can be one too many, as George Rom ney discovered on Labor Day, 1967. It is in hope of avoiding the kind of collapse that ended Mr. Romney’s ambitions that Sena tor Muskie has decided to skip all but the most crucial votes on Capitol Hill and spent virtually full time in quest of the nomina tion. Like the Michigan Governor in 1967, the Maine Senator in 1971 has a national following that is wide but not deep. His campaign, beginning tomorrow in California, is designed to con vince not only poll takers but primary voters, uncommitted Democratic professionals and, in a sense, his own staff that he intends to do what is necessary to remain on top. Only 13 states and the District of Columbia had Presidential primaries in 1968, but now there are 23 and Mr. Muskie plans to enter them all if his campaign committee, already heavily in debt, can raise enough cash. His strategy is based on the aware ness that 63 per cent of the dele gates at the July 10 Democratic Convention in Miami Beach will be chosen through primaries. The obstacles in this front runner’s path are numerous. He is less popular among those in his party’s left wing than Senator George McGovern of South Da kota and not as solid among mi norities as the reiuctant Senator Edward M. Kennedy of Massa chusetts. He is less of a favorite of organized labor than Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washing ton and not as close to Demo cratic contributors as Senator expected elections In which Prime Minirter Trudeau and the federal Liberal party will seek a fresh mandate. And Mr. Tru deau would not have announced the visit now if the public were angry with the United States. However, Canadians are un- mistakabiy worried that Wash ington’s emergency 10 percent surcharge on imports will cut into Canadian exports and push up the high national unemploy ment rate, 6.3 per cent in July. Exports account for 20 per cent of Canada’s gross national prod uct, and two-thirds of those ex ports go to the United States. So when Parliament reconvenes on Tuesday, the Government will announce its plans to help exporters hurt by the surcharge, probably by remedies linked closely to loss of jobs. How much will the surcharge hurt Canada? Certain imports, including such key Canadian raw materials as crude oil, natural gas, copper and nickel, are exempt from the tax. Con sequently, only about one-fourth of Canada’s exports to the United .States will be subject , to the extra leyy- If the surcharge is kept on for six months, it might cost 20,000 jobs, chiefly in manufac turing, according to an analysis by a prominent business group. Against nonfarm employment of 7.5-million, that may not seem high. But the layoffs are Trade Switch Canada's Merdiandise Trade Balance U5> Cfellllons of Canadian doliars? + i2- +0 8- 1 +0V- 0 -0 4 - -0 8 - -1 2 - s 1 ;68 -70 Hubert H. Humphrey of Minne sota. And he is concerned that the 25 million new Presidential voters under the age of 25 might be intrigued by the newest Democrat, Mayor John Lindsay of New York. Raising the cash to do what it takes is difficult for a candidate like Senator Muskie; Antiwar leftists will scrape together’ nickels and dimes to back their favorites. Right wing millionaires will dip into their savings to sup port their candidates. The Maine Senator’s strength in a general election is th a t he is offensive, to few at either pOle, but spokes men for the ideological center have trouble exciting people enough to get them to crack open their pocketbooks. Mr. Muskie is, though, where he; wants to be and where most of the votes are if he can keep his campaign alive to turn them out in the primaries. Accordingly, Mr. Muskie is unlikely to be bold in his state ments. Rather he is expected to continue to present himself, as he did most effectively in his ‘‘politics of trust” speech on tele vision the night before last, No vember’s elections, as a calm, deliberative, moderate and trust-; worthy alternative to Richard- Nixon. , The Muskie headquarters was jolted, as were those of his Democratic rivals, when Mr. Nix- likely to be bunched in the*in- dustrial cities and towns of Ofl- tario and Quebec, already hard hit by the 1970-71 business re cession. Given the trend toward nation alism in Canada, it might be wondered why Canadians have accepted the Nixon p a c k ^ equably. Canada’s swing to a huge merchandise trade surplus with the United States—$ l.l-b ilg o n last year as against a deficit that size in 1965—is one rea son. A boom in auto produefloh and employment under the 1965 Canadian-American auto mobile free-trade agreement has, contributed heavily to that sur plus, and Canada doesn’t want that agreement canceled. Moreover, there has been widespread support for the ‘ President’s purpose — strength^ ening the American dollar. The reason may be, as one Canadian put it, that the chronic Ameri can international payments defr icit was recognized "as a source of international instability—» and we’re an open economy,” ;, Although retaliatory trgda measures by Ottawa are unlike# ly, the Nixon package may produce other effects in ada. For the third time in Id decade, and this time without success, Canada has appealed to Washington for exemption from balance of payments meas-, ureSi Canadians are growing in creasingly unhappy about strika ing such a posture, and abo^t the dependence of their econ omy on the American. j i Some analysts believe that this dependence cannot be sig nificantly modified—and that if Britain enters the Common Mar,- ket the North American neigte bOrs will ineluctably move to i ward even greater economic în tegration. Others anticipate that this latest reminder of Canada’s dependency will generate senti ment for measures to restrirt American investment in Canada and to make foreign subsidi; aries more responsive to C « nadian policy. —EDWARD C O Vim on suddenly adopted on Aug. l̂,{( a Democratic-like new economic policy. Senator Muskie’s fii;st speech tomorrow will present his reply to the President’s program, HOW much enthusiasm it gesi^r- ates may help to determine whether the economic issue can remain the best focal point,fp_r Mr. Muskie’s image-building. T Senator McGovern’s aides pro fess themselves mystified bV Senator Muskie’s ability to ri»- main in the lead. “People giji for the idea of Muskie, the con cept,” theorized one McGovern man. “They say to themselves; ‘I want to be with a winner,’ so when the Gallup Poll comes around to ask them whom they’re for they think of the front runner.” Mr; Muskie’s slowness . ta judge and his occasional admis^; Sion that he does not have all the answers may turn out, in tb4 long run,, to be his greatest assetr Over the course of four monthsi’> as he goes from airports to cocb* tail receptions to banquets t» press conference, he will called upon to make a number pf impromptu observations. I t wa* four years ago tomorrow thgt George ROmney began his slidjl! from the top with the offhand remark to a television inters viewer that generals and diplo mats in South Vietnam hskl “brainwashed” him. —JAMES M. NAUGHltHJ Edmund S. Muskie Drawfna by Julio Forntndet Report Q H ^ 'S ou thern Integration Progresses Despite Zealous Foes Continued From First Page Keithen of Louisiana, George Wallace of Ala bama and Jimmy Carter of Georgia. The President’s stand may deal some dis tricts a severe financial blow, since the federal government, while long indicating it would pay the costs of added busing, now is indicating it will do no such thing. “If they don’t pick up the cost, we’ll be in serious trouble,” says Jacksonville, F la.’s school superintendent. His district recently spent $860,tMM) for 100 used buses and is under court order to replace them with 150 new ones for an additional cost of about $1.25 million. “It looks like the money is Just going to have to come out of our educational hide,” the official says. The Circus Ends But despite potential financial problems, the issue of busing seems to be more muted this year than last. For example, in Bradenton, where former Gov. Kirk made his stand, there is even some evidence that 500 white children who quit the public-school system for private education are beginning to drift back. “After the governor left we got away from the circus atmosphere and things smoothed out,’* says Bradenton’s superindendent, W. H. Bashaw. Emphasizing his point, Mr. Bashaw says that issues such as the optimum length of hair and whether girls could wear pant-suits occu pied more of the school board's time last year than racial matters. “The kids are ahead of the parents,” he says. "Where we do have trouble, it’s where the parents instill (their children) with segregationist ideas.” Bradenton’s busing issue, however, is by no means a dead subject. But it has taken a new twist this year; White parents living in the P al metto section, where most of the blacks live, are now advocating additional busing through out the city in order that schools in the south ern, and predominantly white, part of the county will have their share of black students. [Yesterday, United Press International reported that the busing of black students into white neighborhoods in Ai^tin, Texas, resulted in “some shouting, pushing and brandishing of weapons” at two newly inte grated high schools. UPI said eight of those involved were arrested. Elsewhere, UPI reported, the Alabama House passed a bill to allow a child to attend any school re gardless of federal court orders; and Su preme Court Justice Potter Stewart refused to stay a lower federal court order calling for massive busing of school children in Nashville, Tenn.] The saga of school desegregation in the South has always been laced with ironies/ one being that less desegregation takes place in areas with the most busing. In Holmes County, Miss., only about a dozen whites attend public schools with 5,000 b lacks-but two fleets of buses crisscross the county, one carrying blacks to the public schools, the other carrying whites to private institutions. Some observers feel that the South’s tradi tion of busing may ultimately help the c^use q^ | be integration. “The irony'is that busing will be more easily acceptable in the South because they are already used to busing,” says the Scuthem Regional Council’s Mr. Anthony. (A council survey last year foimd that segregated academies daily bused 62% of their students an average 17.7 miles each way, while public schools bused ,49% of their pupils an average 10.1 miles each way each day.) “The South has never had any objection to busing,” says one integration worker. “It’s just where the students get off that m atters.” The Rule of the Courts / Perhaps the worst setback in recent times for busing backers occurred in Atlanta last July, when a federal court niled that busing n e ^ not be used to achieve a racial balance of 30%. white-70% black (the city’s pupil-popula tion ratio) throughout the system. The pro posed plan, the court said, would cause whites to flee the city and thereby turn Atlanta into the South’s first black metropolis. “A fruit-basket turnover through busing to create a 30% white-70% black uniformity throughout the system would unquestionably cause such a result (an exodus of whites) in a few months time,” the court ruled. It further declared Atlanta's schools legally desegregated, despite the fact that two out of three are al- mo.st entirely black. But the Atlanta ruling is an exception to the trend of the past couple of years. After years of allowing delaying tactics and lengthy legal ma neuvering, both the courts and the Department of Health, Educaticn and Welfare have in re cent months been taking much tougher pro-in tegration stances. (To the dismay of integration backers, how ever, HEW Secretary Elliot L. Richardson ear lier this week said he was in total agreement with the President’s stand on busing. Perhaps coincidentally. HEW staffers say they’ve been forbidden to use words such as "busing” and “ruelal balance." One says that “when a school beard member asks me how we get the kids from here to there, I tell him to take It up with your transportation committee.” And to avoid “racial balance,” the phrase “noncontig uous zoning” is currently in vogue.) Both the courts and HEW, of course, have been intimately involved in the progress of school integration since the passage pf-the Civil Rights Law of 1964. Prior to the law’s enact ment, desegregation was either a voluntary act by a school board or was forced by a suit by Negro parents. The Civil Rights Law gave the government the right to demand that school districts desegregate on penalty of a cutoff of federal funds. The Bracey Sisters In the early days following the law’s pas sage, the government merely demanded that districts have a desegregation plan. Then the government insisted that students be free to at tend the school of their choice. White Southern ers initially hated this concept but soon real ized that economic pressure, intimidation and occasional violence would keep most black youths from choosing white schools. HEW and the courts, however, soon insisted that all youngsters within one zone attend the same school, or that two grade schools be paired, with all first-to-third-graders attending one school and all third-to-sixth-graders going to the'other. And during the past two or three years, many schools have become sufficiently accustomed to racially mixed student bodies that signs of real progress are beginning to ap pear. The contrast with only a few years earlier becomes clear in a chat with Georgia Bracey. a 16-year-old black student at Wetumpka (Ala.) High School. “I t’s gradually ch£inging,” Miss Bracey says. “Between classes, we talk now, and we all go to the sock hops together after games.” (Wetumpka, however, is not ready for interracial dancing.) “At assemblies, some of the whites will sit with blacks now, even though some of the whites will move if a black sits by them,” Miss Bracey says. She adds that “we can go talk to the principal if we have problems.” And she says that even the superintendent, who is elected and aware of the growing black vote, treats blacks sympathetically. The change in the climate for blacks at We tumpka High is all the more apparent when Georgia Bracey's experience is compared with that of her sister, Debra, who was among the first black children to integrate the school under the freedom-of-choice plan in effect in 1965, Debra, then 17, had been at the school for only a few days when, enraged by continual goading and tormenting, she jabbed a pencil into the shoulder of a white, boy. Debra Bracey was hauled off to jail and charged with assault. After spending the night in jail, she was expelled from school for the rest of the semester. The night before she re turned to school, her family’s home was burned to the ground. Blacks and Whites Together Today, a growing number of black youths are getting better treatment; indeed, they’re insisting on it. Even more significantly, their demands are often made in tandem with their white classmates. Within a few days, for exam ple, school officials in Texarkana, Ark,, should im’giy-tag.a by black and white‘s students demanding changes in school rules ranging from the abol ishment of hair and dress codes to the elimina tion of restrictions on pregnant or m arried stu dents. “We are giving them 30 days to adopt the new rules,” says Clyde Lee, a 17-year-old black leader of the Texarkana coalition. “If they don’t, we’ll put them into effect ourselves.” To avoid student insurrection, particularly of a racial nature, school administrators throughout the South are beginning to encour age more student involvement in school af fairs. Along these lines, an integrated group of eight students in South Carolina this summer took an eight-week tour of the state interview ing students and dropouts to solicit proposals for changes in the schools. The South Carolina study didn’t entirely concern itself with racial matters, but impor tant parts of the survey did deal with the black-white situation in the state. As one exam ple, the traveling students recommended the reestablishment of nighttime activities—such as proms, banquets and dances-that were canceled at the time massive integration came to many schools. Educators and other groups backing the South Carolina program ai-e currently trying to continue the study as a permanent program to monitor racial progress in the schools and to help solve school problems. North Carolina al ready has one such group, called the Task Force on Student Involvement, which consists of 16 students from districts throughout the state. The group, funded by the state, holds pe riodic meetings and is available to help any school with racial problems. It has been common over the years to see official cars parked at the scene of pro-integra tion gatherings, since a sheriff or other official was usually on hand to keep tabs on those a t tending. It wasn’t particularly unusual, there fore, to see a State of North Carolina vehicle parked outside a recent church-camp gathering of student leaders, mostly black, who were dis cussing how to make integration work better. But this time, the car seemed like a sign of progress: It had been driven to the scene by two task force members, one black and one white, who hud come to offer their advice.