Bakke v. Regents Brief of the Antioch School of Law Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
June 7, 1977
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Bakke v. Regents Brief of the Antioch School of Law Amicus Curiae, 1977. a141b341-be9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/5bf62887-4943-4f45-adba-dec4b62f2650/bakke-v-regents-brief-of-the-antioch-school-of-law-amicus-curiae. Accessed November 01, 2025.
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JAMES M. NABRIT, 111
ASSOCIATE-COUNSEL
IN THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
OCTOBER TERM, 1976
No. 76-811
T he R egen ts o f T he U n iv er sity o f Ca l ifo r n ia ,
Petitioner,
v.
Allan Bailee,
Respondent.
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO
THE SUPREME COURT OF CALIFORNIA
BRIEF OF THE ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW
AMICUS CURIAE
Edga r S. C ahn
J ean C am per C ahn
R obert S. Ca tz
ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW
1624 Crescent Place, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20009
(202) 265-9500
Counsel for Amicus Curiae.
Washington, D.C. • THIEL PRESS • 1202) 638-4521
(i)
TABIJE OF CONTENTS
MANNER OF F IL IN G .............................................................................1
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS.............................................................. 1
QUESTIONS PR ESEN TED ....................................................................3
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT..................................................... 3
ARGUMENT .......................................................................................... 7
In tro d u c to ry .......................................................................................... 7
I. THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING
CONSIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE
IN INTERPRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON
THE POTENTIAL OF AN APPLICANT TO
ACHIEVE COMPETENCE AS A PROFESSIONAL. . . 12
A. Where Communications Skills Are Involved R ace ,
Class, Culture Or National Origin Operate To
Impair Or Otherwise D istort The Extent To
Which Performance On Tests Accurately Re
flects Potential Competence At Communication
S k ills ........... .. ........................................................................ 14
B. Where The Definition Of Professional Competence
Incorporates Values, Assumptions And Perspec
tives Held By The Majority Culture, Poor Test
Performance May Only Reflect The Extent Of
The Divergence Between The Majority And
M inority On Assumptions A bout, For Instance,
The Fairness Of Judges, Or The Extent To Which
Rules Determ ine Results ................................................ 16
C. Where Tests And Grades Only Measure An
A pplicant’s Readiness To Benefit From One
Pedagogic M ethod And To Perform On One
Range Of Test Instrum ents, They Cannot Be
Predictive Of Potential To Achieve Profes
sional Competence Via Other Pedagogic And
Testing M e th o d s .................................................................23
II. THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING
CONSIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE
IN INTERPRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON
THE POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION AN APPLI
CANT WILL MAKE TO FURTHERING THE PRO
FESSION’S COMMITMENT TO EQUAL JUSTICE
UNDER LA W ............................................................................31
C O N C LU SIO N .....................................................................................39
(ii)
Page
APPENDIX A — Antioch Law School Clinical Evaluation
Sum m ary Form ............................................................................. l a
APPENDIX B — A ntioch Law School Admissions
M a tr ix .................................................................................................. 13a
APPENDIX C — Paired List o f Assumptions and
C ounter A ssum ptions.....................................................................20a
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases:
Bakke v. Regents o f University o f California, 132 CaL
Rptr. 680, 553 P.2d 1152 (1976)................. 12, 13, 31, 32, 35
Brotherhood o f Railroad Trainmen v. Virginia, ex.
re i Virginia State Bar, 377 U.S. 1 (1 9 6 4 ) ............................. 32
DeFunis v. Odegaard, 416 U.S. 312 ( 1 9 7 4 ) ................................ 13
Lau v. Nichols, 414 U.S. 563 (1974).................... .. ...................... 14
NAAC P v. B utton, 371 U.S. 415 (1 9 6 3 ) ......................... 32
R u n yo n v. McCrary, 427 U.S. 160 (1 9 7 6 )........................................2
United Mine Workers v. Illinois State Bar, 389 U.S.
217 (1 9 6 7 )........................................................................................ 33
United Transportation Union v. Michigan, 401 U.S.
576 (1 9 7 1 ) ........................................................................................ 33
Constitutional Provision:
United States C onstitution, Fourteenth Amendment
.................................................................... passim
Other Authorities:
ABA CODE OF PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY
.............................................................. 11, 32, 33
ABA ETHICAL OPINION 242 ( 1 9 4 2 ) ........................................ 20
Askin, Eliminating Racial Inequality in a Racist World,
2 Civ. Lib. Rev. 96 (19 7 5 ) ................................................... 32, 33
J . Baum and C. Ireland, M inority S tuden t Performance
on Pathology Examinations, 67 J . NAT’L. MED.
ASSOC. 324 (July 1 9 7 5 ) .........................................................9- 25
( iii)
Other Authorities, continued: ^a§e
Cahn and Cahn, M inority Students, Lawyering Compe
tence and Bar Exam inations (Nov. 1976) (unpub
lished paper presented at a Conference o f the Coun
cil on Legal Education for Professional Responsibility)
.............................................................. 18, 19, 21
A. Carp, S. Johnson and E. Tibby, R eport on L S A T /
San Francisco Consortium Project in that Area,
reprinted in LAW SCHOOL ADMISSION COUNCIL,
REPORTS OF LSAC SPONSORED RESEARCH 174
(1 9 7 6 ) ................. .. ............................................................. 16, 17, 18
Character, The President Speaks, 9 NAT’L BAR
BULL. 2 (Feb. 1 9 7 7 ).................................................................... 10
COLORADO ADVISORY COMMISSION TO THE
UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON CIVIL
RIGHTS, ACCESS TO THE MEDICAL PROFES
SION IN COLORADO BY MINORITIES AND
WOMEN 5 (1 9 7 6 ) ....................................................................22, 28
Cooper, The New Medical College Adm ission Test, 52
J . MED. ED. 77 (Jan. 1 9 7 7 ) ...................................................... 28
R Ebert, Facts A b o u t M inority Students at Harvard
Medical School, 294 NEW ENGLAND J . MED.,
1402-3 (June 14, 1 9 7 6 ) .............................................................. 26
Educational Testing Service, Interpretive Booklet for
LSAT/LSDAS (1 9 7 4 )...................... ............................................. 24
J . George, The Domino Theory of Legal Education: An
Empirical Analysis of Entry Barriers to the Legal Pro
fession (1976) (unpublished thesis in Antioch School
of Law Library)....................................................................9> 23, 24
P. VanR. Miller, Personality Differences and Student
Survival in Law School, reprinted in LAW SCHOOL
ADMISSION COUNCIL, 1 REPORTS OF LSAC
SPONSORED RESEARCH 299-310 (1 9 7 6 ) .......................... 29
National Association for Law Placement, Em ploym ent
Report on Law School Graduates of the Class of
1975 (1976) (mimeograph copy on file in Placement
Office o f A ntioch School of L a w ) .................................. 34
(iv)
Page
Other Authorities, continued: ~
NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION, ECONOMICS AND
OFFICE PRACTICES OF THE BLACK LAWYER
(1 9 7 1 ) ....................................................................................................34
Nom ination o f Patricia Roberts Harris, Hearings Before
the Senate Comm, on Banking, Housing and Urban
A ff. 95th Cong., 1st sess., 41 ( 1 9 7 7 ) ............................... 37, 38
Note, The Negro Lawyer in Virginia: A Survey, 51
VA. L. REV. 512 ( 1 9 6 5 ) ................................................................ 34
R. Pipkin and E. Katsch, Undergraduate Studies and
Law School Gatekeepers, 28 J . LEGAL ED. 103
(1 9 7 6 ) ...................................................................................................... 5
The Organized Bar: Self-Serving or Serving the Public?
Hearing Before the Subcom m . on Representation
o f Citizen interests o f the Senate Comm, on the
Judiciary, 93rd Cong. 2d Sess. 73 ( 1 9 7 4 ) ....................... 10
EL Simon and J . Covell, Performance o f Medical Students
A d m itted Via Regular and Admission-Variance
Routes, 50 J . MED. ED. 237 (1975).......................... 24, 25, 26
R. Sm ith, Double Exposure: The Sinister Magic that
Would Turn Black S tudents into White Lawyers,
2 LEARNING AND THE LAW 24 (Summer 1975) . . . . 15
J . Wingard & J . Williamson, Grades as Predictors o f
Physicians’ Career Performance: A n Evaluative
Literature Review, 48 J . MED. ED. 311 (1973)
26, 27, 29
IN THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
OCTOBER TERM. 1976
No. 76-811
T h e R e g e n t s o f T h e U n iv e r s it y o f Ca l if o r n ia ,
Petitioner,
v.
A l l a n Ba k k e .
Respondent.
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO
THE SUPREME COURT OF CALIFORNIA
BRIEF OF THE ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW
AMICUS CURIAE
MANNER OF FILING
This brief amicus curiae is filed with the written
consent of the parties pursuant to U.S. Supreme Court
Rule 42.
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS
The amicus is the Antioch School of Law, the only
law school with its own faculty-staffed Teaching Law
Firm and a three year clinical program expressly
1
2
designed to produce graduates com petent to engage in
the practice of law im m ediately upon com pletion of
law school.
Since its inception, the Antioch School of Law has
had a m inority enrollm ent comprising 30% or higher of
its entering student body w ithout either a separate or a
preferential admissions procedure for m inority appli
cants.
The admissions process focuses on tw o factors: the
applicant’s poten tial to achieve com petence as a lawyer,
and poten tial contribu tion to equal justice under law and
to improving the capacity of the legal system to respond
to grievances. We cannot rely upon the Law School
Admission Test (LSAT) or Grade Point Average (GPA)
to predict either potential, com petence or contribution,
o r even perform ance as a student in a law school clinic.
The decision below, if extended to law school
admissions, would effectively destroy our ability to
make predictions about the potential professional
com petence of applicants.* For reasons set forth within,
the race of the applicant is highly significant to our
in terpretation of the evidence bearing on potential
com petence and potential contribution.
It is of u tm ost im portance to the School that it be
perm itted to continue, develop and refine an admissions
process which effectively assesses potential lawyering
com petence of bo th white and non-white applicants.
We believe tha t A ntioch’s experience sheds im portant
light on the relationship between the race of an
applicant and the in terpretation of different types of
evidence bearing upon their potential com petence and
contribution.
* A ny decision in this case would also affect private schools,
see R u n yo n v. McCrary, 427 U.S. 160 (1976).
3
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
1. Whether the Equal Protection Clause prohibits all
consideration of an applicant’s race in the admissions
process even where relevant to an inquiry in to the
potential of an applicant to achieve competence as a
professional.
2. Whether the Equal Protection Clause prohibits all
consideration of the applicant’s race in the admissions
process in determining the probable future contribution
of an applicant to the profession’s com m itm ent to
equal justice and requires the adoption of only
“nonracial alternatives” to efforts aimed at remedying
the dearth of professionals serving m inority com
munities.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The court below erred in failing to distinguish
between two different uses of race:
1. use of race to trigger the application of different
(and arguably “ low er” ) admissions standards;
2. use of race to interpret and evaluate evidence
essential to the uniform application of uniform
admissions standards to applicants of different races.
While the instant case involves admission to medical
school, we believe most of the same considerations
apply to admission to law school.
It is generally acknowledged that test scores—both
the LSAT and the Medical College Admission Test
(MCAT) do not purport to predict com petence as a
lawyer or a doctor. At best, they predict performance
as a student—a law student or a medical student—on
those examinations which measure what students have
learned from academic courses. Nor do they purport to
4
predict student perform ance in a clinic—medical or
legal.
I.
RACE IS IMPORTANT IN EVALUATING AN APPLI
CANT’S POTENTIAL FOR COMPETENCE AS A PROFES
SIONAL.
There are at least three types of situations where an
applicant’s race bears directly upon the in terpretation
of test scores, grade point average, and other evidence.
These situations becom e far more im portant if one
shifts the focus in admissions from an inquiry into a
candidate’s potential success as a student to an inquiry
into potential com petence as a professional. They are:
1. Where com m unication skills are being evaluated
by tests, poor test scores of m inority applicants may
understate the adequacy of present skills in com m uni
cating with clients or patients. Equally im portant, they
may distort judgm ents about the applicant’s potential
to achieve proficiency in com municating with persons
of different ethnic groups, w hether by word of m outh
or in writing. Knowledge of the applicant’s race may be
essential to in terpretation of such data.
2. Where the definition of professional com petence
incorporates values, assumptions and perspectives held
by the m ajority culture, poor test performance may
only reflect the extent of the divergence between the
majority and m inority culture on assumptions about,
for instance, the fairness of judges or the life situation
of patients.
3. Where tests and grades only measure an applicant’s
readiness to benefit from one pedagogic m ethod and to
perform on one range of test instrum ents, they cannot
be predictive of potential to achieve and dem onstrate
5
professional com petence via other pedagogic and testing
m ethods such as those involved in programmed learning,
simulation and clinical training. There is a new body of
data suggesting that such procedures consistently
understate the potential to achieve professional com
petence of all candidates with learning styles different
from those required by conventional teaching and
testing methods. In practice this operates to the
detrim ent of m inority candidates and economically
disadvantaged candidates, for it measures academic ac
culturation rather than potential. It can also operate
to the detrim ent of talented, upper middle class, white
candidates who are poor test-takers. Admissions based
primarily on academic acculturation appear least
appropriate where clinical (applied or practical) training
is available, where other assessment procedures can be
utilized and where the ultim ate objective is professional
com petence, no t test-taking proficiency. The use of
traditional predictors of academic performance as the
sole or primary basis for admissions decisions1 requires
special scrutiny for minorities, economically dis
advantaged persons and persons with distinctive learning
styles lest unw arranted superiority be automatically
attribu ted only to the educationally advantaged with
learning styles that conform to the society’s dom inant
class and culture.
P ip k in and Katsh, Undergraduate Studies and Law School
Gatekeepers, 28 J . LEGAL ED. 103, 107 (19 76).
RACE IS IMPORTANT TO EVALUATION OF AN
APPLICANT’S POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTIONS AS A
PROFESSIONAL.
When w hite and non-white candidates make as
sertions about their in tention to contribute to pro
m oting equal justice by serving m inority communities,
and even w hen b o th marshall evidence of dem onstrated
com m itm ent to do so, there is empirical data to
support the proposition that a higher percentage of
non-whites will, in fact, devote a considerable portion
of their professional lives to serving m inority com
munities. This is no t because of greater selflessness but
because such service may be virtually involuntary, it is
frequently the product of demands of the m inority
com m unity, of pressures, appointm ents and job offers
from both the public and private sector, and of tha t
com m unity of interest to which members of racial
minorities are heir because of the peculiar injustices to
which they are subject. Accordingly, we submit tha t a
professional school which desires to consider potential
contribution of an applicant to provide services to
m inority com munities is no t free to ignore the race of
the applicant or disregard empirical evidence on the
differing predictive value to be assigned to similar
assertions by white and non-white applicants.
7
ARGUMENT
INTRODUCTORY
If the opinion of the Supreme Court of California
stands as an authoritative interpretation of the Equal
Protection Clause, then all consideration of the race of
an applicant to professional school is proscribed and
only racially neutral or “nonracial alternatives” may be
utilized to achieve policy objectives.
We believe that the court below has erred in failing
to distinguish between two different uses of races:
1. Use of race to trigger the application of a
different process and different (and arguably
“ lower” ) standards; and
2. use o f race as essential to interpret evidence in
order to secure the uniform application of
uniform admissions standards to applicants of
different races.
The Supreme Court of California appears to have
proscribed b o th uses of race. The constitutionality
of the first use of race to accomplish an im portant
social objective, and the necessity of preferential
admissions is being addressed by other amici.
This brief seeks only to challenge the prohibition on
the second use of race by setting forth those contexts
in which the applicant’s race must be considered in
interpreting critically im portant evidence if there is to
be uniform application of uniform admissions standards
to candidates of different races. Accordingly, we submit
that the Equal Protection Clause, far from proscribing
consideration of race may, in certain contexts, mandate
an awareness of its significance. This brief draws
primarily upon A ntioch’s experience and research in
admissions and in assessment of professional com
petence.
For the past several years, Antioch has received funds
from the Council on Legal Education for Professional
Responsibility; the Exxon Education Fund; the Fund
for the Im provem ent of Post-Secondary Education; the
Goldman Foundation; the Legal Services Corporation
(originally the Office of Econom ic O pportunity); the
National Endow m ent for the Humanities; and the
National Institutes of Education, among others, to
develop definitions of the core competencies required
of lawyers, to develop evaluation or assessment
procedures to determ ine the level of com petency
achieved by students, and to develop teaching methods
which im part professional com petency more effectively.
(See A ppendix A for the latest revised definitions of
lawyering competencies and the forms used in assessing
student perform ance in the School’s Teaching Law
Firm.)
Since its founding, the Antioch School of Law has
always utilized a distinctive admissions process which
bases admissions on two factors:
1. Potential of the applicant to attain com petence
as a lawyer; and
2. poten tial contribution of the applicant to equal
justice under law and im provem ent of the legal
system ’s capacity to respond to grievances.
From the outset, this has involved a review of many
types of evidence bearing upon these determ inations:
LSAT, grades, essays, recom m endations, interviews,
work products, term papers, com m unity involvement
and the like. During the past year, this process of
analysis has been codified in the form of an admissions
m atrix which is used to score applications in terms of
the weight to be given to different types of evidence in
reaching an overall assessment of the candidate’s
potential (the current matrix appears as Appendix B).
9
This, in turn, will provide a basis for further research
on correlations between ratings made at the time of
admission and dem onstrated competence as manifested
in the perform ance of lawyering tasks in the School’s
Teaching Law Firm and both competence and con
tribution manifested following graduation through
follow-up studies now being designed. Our initial study
indicated tha t the Writing Score and GPA (but no t the
LSAT) correlate with both clinical and classroom
performance only during the first year. There ceases to
be any correlation whatsoever by the end of the second
year.2 It appears that the massive infusion of clinical
training during the first two years reduces the
correlation between the LSAT, prelaw school variables
and grades in both the classroom and the clinic to zero
or chance by the end of the second year.3
While the research is still in preliminary stages and it
is perhaps prem ature to extrapolate from law to medicine,
we wish to draw the C ourt’s atten tion to a study at
Temple University Medical School which found minor
ity students performing below the median on objective
knowledge tests in pathology but performing con
sistently above the median on clinical tests in pathology
designed by the same instructors to test for the same
knowledge by requiring the actual identification of
organs or tissues and diagnosis of the pathological
process on actual specimens.4 The implications of these
studies are discussed below.
2J . George, The Domino Theory of Legal Education: An
Empirical Analysis of Entry Barriers to the Legal Profession
(1976) (unpublished thesis in Antioch School of Law Library).
4J . Baum and C. Ireland, M inority S tudent Performance on
Pathology Examinations, 67 J . NAT’L MED ASSOC. 324 (July
1975).
10
Our experience, supported by other data, indicates
tha t the fact of an applicant’s race has empirically
dem onstrable significance in evaluating evidence bearing
upon potential com petence and potential contribution.
Through application of the admissions m atrix the
Antioch School of Law admissions process has
consistently produced a m inority enrollm ent of th irty
percent or higher w ithout resort to separate standards
or a separate process.
The com m on denom inator of the School’s concern
w ith both com petence and contribution is ultim ately
the citizenry’s right to counsel—counsel in whom they
can have confidence w ith respect to com petence, to
zealousness and to improving the capacity of the legal
system to provide redress through law.5 We do not
urge, in this connection, tha t Black, Latino, Native
American, Asian and Appalachian clients can only be
served by Black, Latino, Native American, Asian and
A ppalachian lawyers respectively, bu t we do assert tha t
the absence of m inority members of the bar and bench,
along with the lack of m inority lawyers as defense
counsel, as judges, as prosecutors, and as decision
makers 6 taints the entire system and undermines all
possibility of confidence in the system by those with
greatest reason to distrust the legal system. The
5 For an articulate statem ent on the im portance of such
considerations, see The Organized Bar: Self-Serving or Serving the
Public? Hearing before the Subcom m . on Representation o f
Citizen Interests o f the Senate C om m ittee on the Judiciary , 93rd
Cong., 2d Sess. 73 (1974) (Statem ent of Orville H. Schell).
6Black lawyers still am ount to scarcely two percent of the
profession, Character, The President Speaks, 9 NATIONAL BAR
BULL. 2 (Feb. 1977). Of the estim ated 522,294 elected officials
in the United States, eight-tenths of one percent (0.8%) are Black.
NATIONAL ROSTER OF BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS 1
(1975).
11
profession recognizes in its canons that the right of the
public is no t only tha t justice be done—but that it seem
to be done; no t only that the system be fair and
equitable and non-discrim inatory—but that it also
appear to be so.7 The final touchstone is trust. And a
profession that is 97.5% white can assert its com m it
ment to equality bu t it cannot compel trust from those
to whom such self-serving statem ents make a travesty of
meaningful equality before the law.
With this as foreword, we turn to those elements of
the admissions process where we believe that race must
be perm itted to play a role if unitary standards are to
be applied uniform ly to data that is susceptible of
different in terpretation depending upon the applicant’s
race.
7The American Bar Association states . . the very es
sence of the legal system is to provide procedures by which
m atters can be presented in an impartial manner so that they
may be decided solely on the merits. . . ABA CODE OF
PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY, EC9-4; because “ Every
lawyer owes a solemn duty to uphold the integrity and honor of
his profession; to encourage respect for the law . . .” each lawyer
must “ . . . strive to avoid no t only professional im propriety but
also the appearance of im propriety.” Id. at EC 9-6.
12
I.
THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING CON
SIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE IN INTER
PRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON THE POTENTIAL
OF AN APPLICANT TO MEET THE ACADEMIC RE
QUIREMENTS OF THE SCHOOL AND/OR TO ACHIEVE
COMPETENCE AS A PROFESSIONAL, AND IN RE
QUIRING THAT ONLY RACIALLY NEUTRAL LINES
OF INQUIRY BE USED IN ASSESSING THE POTENTIAL
OF AN APPLICANT TO SATISFY ACADEMIC REQUIRE
MENTS AND/OR ACHIEVE COMPETENCE AS A PRO
FESSIONAL.
The Supreme Court of California’s opinion in Bakke v.
Regents o f The University o f California, 132 Cal. Rptr.
680, 553 P.2d 1152 (1976) appears to foreclose all
consideration of race in assessing the potential of an
applicant to achieve com petence: “ To accept at the
outset the premise tha t a m inority applicant may be
better qualified because of his race would foreclose
consideration o f the constitutional issue raised by the
com plaint.” Id. a t 1161. The court expressly does not
require mechanical compliance with ranking by grade
point average and test scores—though tha t may be the
result of an affirm ance:
The University is entitled to consider, as it does
w ith respect to applicants in the special program,
th a t low grades and test scores may no t accurately
reflect the abilities of some disadvantaged students;
and it may reasonably conclude tha t although their
academic scores are lower, their potential for
success in the school and the profession is equal to
or greater than tha t of an applicant with higher
grades who has not been similarly handicapped.
553 P.2d at 1166.
13
The court expressly gives it blessings to consideration of
other factors such as personal interviews, recom m enda
tions, character, and matters relating to the needs of
the profession and society. But the court is explicit in
prohibiting utilization of race in applying admissions
standards: “ No applicant may be rejected because of his
race, in favor of another who is less qualified, as
measured by standards applied without regard to race”
(emphasis added). Id. The court cites with approval Mr.
Justice Douglas’ statem ent in De Funis v. Odegaard, 416
U.S. 312, 336-337 (1974), tha t “ [W jhatever his race,
he had a constitutional right to have his application
considered on its individual merits in a racially neutral
m anner.”
Our data and experience indicate that the fact of an
applicant’s race has empirically demonstrable signifi
cance in evaluating evidence bearing upon a candidate’s
potential to achieve professional competence. We assert
th a t the court below erred in prohibiting all considera
tion of race where race or ethnic background must be
known in order to ascertain w hether a poor test score
or low Grade Point Average evidences lack of potential
competence or merely lack of acculturation. As the
court properly points out, there are numerous factors
which legitimately may alter assessment ol the
predictive value of test scores and grades. Race is not
the only one nor always the dispositive one, bu t it is
one. A ntioch makes an individualized assessment of test
scores and grades for all candidates (See Appendix B).
We have found test scores and grades particularly
suspect for predictive purposes for “ late bloom ers,” for
persons several years out of school, for poor whites
from economically depressed regions, for candidates
with records as poor test takers bu t high achievers, and
for children of first generation immigrants. Our
14
experience indicates tha t consideration of the appli
can t’s race, cultural background and class can be
essential and in various situations compels a different
in terpretation of the predictive significance of test
scores and grades. Race in particular operates in this
fashion in at least three types of situations: where
English is a second language and com m unication skills
are being tested; where functional definitions of
com petence entail some degree of acculturation or
adjustm ent to the institutions, mores, and assumptions
of the dom inant society; and where tests appear to
understate the actual com petence of minorities because
linked to teaching or testing procedures which are
geared to the learning styles and learned behavior
patterns of the dom inant culture. We shall consider
each in turn.
A. Where Communications Skills Are Involved
Race, Class, Culture Or National Origin Op
erate To Impair Or Otherwise Distort The
Extent To Which Performance On Tests
Accurately Reflects Potential Competence At
Communication Skills.
The need to take race or “ ethnicity” into account in
interpreting test scores is most obvious where English is
a second language. Except for the sweeping proscription
of consideration of race, it would no t seem startling to
announce tha t cognizance should be taken of the tact
tha t an applicant’s prim ary language was Spanish or
Navajo or Chinese. Cf. Lau v. Nichols, 414 U.S. 563
(1974). The same principle would apply to persons
raised in homes where only German, Italian or Polish
was spoken.
The function of race becomes more subtle in dealing
with variations on Standard English such as dialects and
15
“ Black English.” No one disputes that the ability to
utilize Standard English with precision and grammatical
accuracy may be essential for the discharge of certain
professional functions. But A ntioch has defined com
petency in oral communications as “ the ability to
assess, control and vary verbal and non-verbal com m uni
cations w ith an audience(s) in a given situation to
maximize the accomplishm ent of objectives.” This
includes the ability to listen, understand and respond.
In recent weeks, Antioch has had to review the
implications of this com petence in considering w hether
to admit deaf applicants and has responded affirm a
tively because of the special communications problems
of deaf clients. In like fashion, because we believe it
appropriate to consider the communications needs of
Black clients, Latino clients, and Asian clients to be
understood by their lawyers, we put clients’ needs on a
par w ith the needs of judges and decision makers who
require com m unication in upper middle class English.
Cf. Ralph R. Smith, Double Exposure: The Sinister
Magic that would turn Black Students into White
Lawyers. 2 LEARNING AND THE LAW 24-26
(Summer 1975). We subm it tha t in situations involving
potential com petence in communications skills, in
stances arise where it is appropriate and even essential
to inquire into race, ju st as in other instances it is
essential to inquire into country or region of origin in
order to interpret test scores and grades.
16
B. Where The Definition o f Professional Com
petence Incorporates Values, Assumptions
And Perspectives Held By The Majority
Culture, Poor Test Performance May Only
Reflect The Extent Of The Divergence
Between The Majority And Minority Culture
On Assumptions About, For Instance, The
Fairness Of Judges, Or The Extent To Which
Rules Determine Results.
There have been relatively few analyses of the
reasons m inority perform ance on the LSAT has con
sistently fallen behind the d istribution of scores by 0
w hite students. Some attribu te it simply to past
educational deprivation and to lack of practice at
objective, m ultiple choice tests. We suspect other
factors come in to play at times. For example,
applicants of considerable ability express the view tha t
the LSAT is a kind of trick game which they cannot
win. An analysis of the types of errors made by
m inority students in one study indicates tha t part of the
problem may stem from a belief tha t the LSAT is a
game, played in accordance with unknow n rules—and
th a t the stated rules or instructions are not to be
trusted .8 The study provides the following example in
which m inority students’ understanding o f applicable
norms and values consistently produced error. The 0
directions stated, “ The principles may be either real or
imaginary bu t for the purpose of this test you are to
assume them to be valid.” 9 In the following example,
those directions were disregarded:
8A. Carp, S. Johnson and E. Tibby, Report on LSAT/San
Francisco Consortium Project in that Area, reprinted in LAW
SCHOOL ADMISSION COUNCIL, REPORTS OF LSAC
SPONSORED RESEARCH 174 (1976).
9Id. at 178.
17
William, on his first date with Anne, surprised
her with a kiss while they were attending a movie.
Anne, who had been on numerous movie dates
w ith boys in the com m unity was startled and
offended by his familiarity. In a suit by Anne
against William,
(A) Anne will win, because a kiss on the first date
is not norm al in the com m unity in which Anne
and William live;
(B) Anne will win, because the proper activity in
a theatre is watching the show;
(C) Anne will lose, because kissing in the movie
is com mon in some cities;
(D) Anne will lose, because W’illiam did no t hurt
her in any way.
“A ” is the correct answer, bu t invariably the
Golden Gate students chose “C” because kissing in
the movies is apparently common in their ken.
Their reasoning was tha t anyone knows kissing is
an acceptable occurrence in theatres and to even
attem pt to sue someone for kissing a person in the
theatre ju st can’t be for real.10
Test-taking behavior fell in to several patterns, all of
which appear to be characterized by a “how to beat the
game” approach.11 In short, it appears tha t students
10
1 1 ,
Id.
Id. at 176-177.
test-taking behavior:
The study reports the following types of
(1) The Key Word Theory. In the Reading Recall sub-test,
students would find a certain word in one of the answers that
had also been in the paragraph they had read and the answer
which contained that w ord would be their choice.
(2) The Win-or-Lose Syndrome. In the Principles and Cases
sub-test, after reading the cases and before considering the
possible answers some students would decide if it would be a
[footnote continued]
18
tended to stick to those “ survival behaviors” which had
w orked for them in the past, rather than entering into
conventions required by the test and taking the test
expressly on its own terms.
We have observed tha t this same pattern is
responsible for some of the difficulties encountered by
m inority students on first year law school exam inations.
Many of the logical processes dem anded of law students
require w hat we have described elsewhere12 as an
entitlem ent perspective. The entitlem ent perspective
embodies a belief tha t rules which define rights
determ ine outcom e. Psychologically this am ounts to a
belief tha t one can control one’s fate by knowing and
invoking the rules. That belief is posited on the
assum ption th a t rules control the judge or decision
maker and tha t the person who is injured ought to be
able to invoke those rules. W ithout tha t entitlem ent
perspective, one tends to believe that everything rides on
luck—on the whim, largesse, or prejudices of the judge.
Marinda Harpole, the D irector of the Basic Skills
Program at A ntioch explains tha t the acculturative
dim ension of legal education also involves a foreign set
win-or-lose situation. Then, after reading the alternative answers,
they w ould elim inate those which did no t agree w ith their
“ decision.”
(3) Use o f Independent Inform ation. On the Reading
Com prehension sub-test, where knowledge of current events was
a factor on some items, students often relied on their own
knowledge, gained from TV, newspaper articles, informal
conversations or school courses in answering the questions.
12Cahn and Cahn, M inority Students, Lawyering Competence
and Bar Exam inations (November 19, 1976) (unpublished paper
presented at a Conference of the Council on Legal Education for
Professional R esponsibility).
19
of assumptions about the substantive im portance of
procedure:
Justice — for the typical m inority student, means
the ultim ate trium ph of right over wrong. . . . The
Anglo-American legal system is one in which the
goal o f situational justice (doing what is right in the
case at hand) has been largely sacrificed to the
goals of predictability, regularity, uniform ity, and
historical unity.
Within the framework of this rule-bound legal
system, justice is achieved when the process takes
place in an orderly manner in conform ity with all
of the applicable rules. A nother way of expressing
this is tha t justice is simply “ having your day in
court.” Justice inheres in the process, not the
product.
It is extrem ely difficult to acquire the process
orientation when one has been imbued with a
product orientation for most o f one’s life.13
Our analysis suggests that competence in law school is
peculiarly culture bound—tied to assumptions about the
legal system, the operations of rules of law, the
perceptions of the rule of judges. However, m inority
students usually bring to law school a different
perception of the legal system and a different
perception of the causal rules which determine the
outcome of cases. The Law School Admission Council
study suggests that they will tend to stick to the
“ cause-and-effect” rules that they know and trust. We
have selected some of the basic “ outcom e predictive”
rules that law students are expected to master and
contrasted them with the causal principles that a
life-time of experience imparts to minority students.
13 Q uoted in Cahn and Cahn, supra.
The most fundam ental principle involved is that of
stare decisis: “ Like cases will be decided alike, on the
facts, on the merits, w ithout regard to the race or class
of the parties.” M inority students do no t believe that.
They start from the premise tha t one can best predict
the outcom e of a case by knowing the race and wealth
of the parties. That and tha t alone is usually sufficient
to predict w hat rules apply and who wins.
Similarly, law students m ust come to appreciate that
judges are no t legislators; they must apply the law; they
cannot create a separate rule for each individual; they
are not all-powerful because of the constraints imposed
by their institu tional ro le .14 M inority students start
from the opposite premise: tha t judges are all-powerful,
tha t judges can decide a case any way they want and
then rationalize the result after the fact. They read
dissents as confirm ation of tha t belief, and they tend to
view decisions as simply expressions of the personal and
political values of the decision-maker.
When engaging in rigorous legal analysis one must
assume tha t the exercise has some utility , tha t judges
are fair, tha t they will respond to sound legal
argum entation and will be persuaded by a principled
justification in terms of precedent, the literal wording
of a rule, situation sense or underlying policy
considerations. M inority students find it very difficult
to believe tha t a judge whom they perceive as a “ too l”
o f the “ white power structu re” will be unpersuaded by
conclusory moral exhortation bu t will respond to
esoteric distinctions, doctrinal manipulations and
analysis of fact or policies. Many initially lack a sense
o f the audience they m ust address and persuade.
l i See ABA OPINION 242 (1942).
21
Other fundamentally different perceptions of law and
lawyers control, at least initially, the response of many
minority students. Some approach law school examina
tions as a game in which the object is to guess who
wins and then to display as much knowledge of as
many rules and cases as possible. Professor Charles
Kelso, a Visiting Professor this past year at Antioch,
decided to experiment with the hypotheses that the
ability to take a law school examination involved a
process of acculturation for minority students. Thirteen
of the fifteen students who flunked his contracts
examinations turned out to be minority students. He
provided model answers, critiques of each paper and
then gave a reexamination using different hypothetical
but applying the same qualitative standards. All but one
of the students passed the reexamination; most reported
that they had never taken an examination where the ob
jective was to demonstrate that they could give reasoned
analysis of the arguments for each side and where the
outcome predicted was far less important that the
rationales advanced for justifying the conclusion.
We believe that law school examinations are, in no
small part, measures of the extent to which a candidate
can articulate, utilize, and manipulate assumptions,
inferences and causal principles held by the dominant
class, race and culture. (See Appendix C for a paired
list of those assumptions and counter-assumptions, held
by minority students. Cahn & Cahn, supra). This may be
true of medical education, but we lack the expertise to
articulate the role which class or cultural assumptions
may play in diagnostic and problem solving activities of
physicians. It is at least possible that in interpreting
symptoms, making inferences about the causes of
illness, assessing possible psychosomatic components of
physical illness, or prescribing an appropriate and
22
realistic course of treatm ent, some culture-related
assumptions may be involved.15
We believe that a culture-bound definition of
lawyering com petence is functionally justified: lawyers
must function in this society’s legal system and within
the fram ework of the dom inant cu lture’s laws—even
when they seek to change those laws or tha t system.
Tests which measure the degree of acculturation tha t
has already taken place cannot be considered a definitive
measure of potential to “become acculturated” or po ten
tial to achieve com petence for persons who are not mem
bers of the dom inant class, race or culture. The discrimin- $
atory im pact resulting from reliance on tests which
necessarily assume or measure tha t acculturation is a
direct function of the degree of variance between the
language, values, beliefs and inferences of the m inority
and m ajority culture.
Accordingly, we believe it to be of critical
im portance to know the race and class of the applicant
in interpreting the data we receive. Otherwise we have
no way of knowing w hether poor scores or poor
perform ance indicate lack of potential or merely lack of
acculturation. Moreover, in distinguishing among m inor
ity candidates, we need to determine who has the greater
potential to achieve tha t degree of acculturation
entailed in attaining lawyering com petence. That
requires an assessment of intellect, of flexibility, of
15 COLORADO ADVISORY COMM. TO U.S. COMMISSION
ON CIVIL RIGHTS, ACCESS TO THE MEDICAL PROFESSION
IN COLORADO BY MINORITIES AND WOMEN 5-7 (1976).
23
willingness to entertain assumptions contrary to those
known and experienced. It is difficult to believe that
we can arrive at such a determ ination w ithout
consideration of race (and background factors asso
ciated with race) in assessing and interpreting the
evidence.
We do know that in order for minority students to
become com petent lawyers, they must engage in a
partial suspension of deeply-held and often personally
confirm ed beliefs about the legal system. To the extent
this is so, it may help to explain the increasing body of
evidence suggesting that practice-oriented tests and
clinical assessment where feedback is reality-based
appear to be less culture-biased and result in sharply
different evaluations of minority students (both law and
medical students) from more traditional essay or multiple
choice examinations. These data are discussed in the
following section.
C. Where Tests And Grades Only Measure An
Applicant’s Readiness To Benefit From One
Pedagogic Method And To Perform On One
Range Of Test Instruments, They Cannot Be
Predictive Of Potential To Achieve Profes
sional Competence Via Other Pedagogic And
Testing Methods Such As Those Involved In
Clinical Training And Practice-Oriented Exam
inations.
A study done at A ntioch16 examines the relationship
between prelaw variables (i.e., LSAT, Writing Ability
section of LSAT, and GPA) and law school variables
(i.e., classroom and clinical performance during the first
and second years of law school). The results indicate no
16 J . George, The Domino Theory supra, note 2.
24
correlation between LSAT and grades at the end of the
second year. The study also found a significant correlation
existed between both clinic and class grades during the
first year and Writing Ability scores and GPA bu t that
there was no correlation between these variables by the
end of the second year.17 It appears tha t the massive
infusion of clinical pedagogy in the first and second
year elim inated the predictive value of the LSAT. The
study also found tha t there was chance correlation
between the LSAT, GPA, second year grades, and
perform ance on an old m ulti-state scored by the
National Conference of Bar Examiners as part of the Jf
research design.18 By contrast, in other validation
studies in the traditional law schools, the LSAT has
correlated with second and third year grades and with
subsequent perform ance on the m ultista te.19
Our study is strikingly mirrored by one from the
University of California at San Diego School o f Medicine 20
where two groups of students were com pared—those ad
m itted on the basis o f MCAT scores and those from
disadvantaged backgrounds adm itted by a special
“variance procedure.” The difference in perform ance of
the two groups appears to have decreased rapidly with
the onset of internships or clinical ro tations.21
-------------- #
11 Id. at 66.
18Id. at 22.
19 A review of these studies appears in Educational Testing
Service, Interpretive Booklet LSAT/LSDAS for (1974).
20H. Sim on and J . Coveil, Performance o f Medical Students
A d m itted Via Regular and Admission-Variance Routes, 50 J . MED.
ED. 237 (1975).
21 Id. The basic clerkship in surgery had to be repeated twice by
one m em ber of the regularly adm itted group whereas all students
[footnote continued]
25
The study concludes tha t although some differences
between the groups remained, “ The mean performance
levels in clinical clerkships were nearly identical among
the tw o populations; that of students granted admission
variances was average, whereas that of their regularly
adm itted contemporaries was slightly better than
9)22average.
A 1975 study at Temple University Medical School
[J. Baum and C. Ireland, Minority Student Performance
on Pathology Examinations, 67 J . NAT’L MED. ASSOC.
334 (1975)] raises similar questions about the relation
ship of testing methods to determinations about com pe
tence. The study evaluates the performances of two sec
ond year classes (1972-1973 and 1973-1974) on two dif
ferent kinds of pathology exam inations—an objective test
and a practical/clinical test covering the same content.
It was noted that,
the practical examinations consisted of 16 stations
provided for student identification of the organ or
tissue and diagnosis. Based upon the com plexity of
the specimen, identification of the pathological
process was an acceptable response in some cases.
Analyzing the differential performance of m inority class
members on these types of examinations, the re
searchers reported that many minority students per
formed below the median on the objective tests, but
perform ed well above the median on practical examina-
adm itted through variance passed the surgical clerkship on their
first attem pt. The basic clerkship in medicine had to be repeated
by one student in the regularly adm itted group and by two
students adm itted by variance.
^ S im o n and Coveil, supra, note 20 at 241.
26
tions designed and graded by the same faculty. Id. The
authors advanced these tw o interpretations of the data:
1. It would appear tha t the form at of the
standardized objective exam inations favors white
students. . . .
2. The be tte r than average perform ance of black
and o ther ethnic m inority students on the practical
exam inations suggests that their proficiency for
achievement in an applied situation is greater than
that of their white contem poraries. . . . Id. at 325
Analogous, albeit anecdotal, evidence came to light in
a dispute at Harvard Medical School where one 0
professor attacked m inority admissions citing the
example of a m inority student who had failed Part I of
the National Boards five times and yet was granted his
M.D. degree. In rejoinder, another member of the
medical school faculty pointed out:
The student in question was granted his M.D.
degree only after a year of highly satisfactory
clinical perform ance on the wards of a dis
tinguished hospital, docum ented by letters from all
the chiefs of service under whom he served. Nor
did Dr. Davis m ention tha t the student had passed
Part II of the National Boards. There is nothing to
suggest that this man will be anything but a fine
physician. To consider tha t he might be a danger J |
to patients is ludicrous. R. Ebert, Facts A bout
Minority Students at Harvard Medical School 294
NEW ENGLAND J . MED., 1402-3 (June 14, 1976).
Finally, our conclusions are corroborated by a recent
survey of all the literature on the relationship between
undergraduate perform ance, performance in medical
school, and subsequent perform ance as a physician.23
^3 J . Wingard and J . Williamson, Grades as Predictors o f Physi
cians’ Career Performance: An Evaluative Literature Review, 48
J . MED. ED. 311 (1973).
27
“ [A] vailable research findings have dem onstrated that
little or no correlation exists between academic and pro
fessional perform ance.” 24 Based on this conclusion, the
authors suggest tha t there is a need to rethink the use of
grades in making career decisions and urged the greater
study o f “ perform ance” in the future.
We therefore conclude that test scores are of dubious
predictive value for professional schools if
a. they are only predictive of performance as a
student, no t as a professional following gradua
tion;
b. they are only predictive of performance as a
student operating in a traditional classroom
setting, no t student performance in a clinical,
applied, or practice setting;
c. they are only predictive of some, bu t not all
o f the most crucial competencies required.
Moreover, to the extent that professional education
involves a process of acculturation, admissions procedures
based on the entry examinations only measure the level of
acculturation reached by the student prior to profes
sional school. O ther factors including personality type,
m otivation, flexibility, self-image, staying power and
intellectual capacity determine the rate of adjustm ent
and the extent to which adjustment can be made within
the time limits and academic standards imposed by the
institution. Neither the MCAT nor the LSAT purport to
gauge capacity for personal growth and adjustment.
A primary reason for the development of the new
MCAT was a finding by the Association of American
Medical Colleges that the old MCAT did not adequately
24Id. at 313.
test for relevant com petency.25 Yet Bakke’s claim
relates to his score on the old MCAT.26
It is germane to point out tha t the LSAT only
purports to test two of the six basic lawyering
competencies which Antioch has identified and defined.
Thus, for instance, it appears to test for capacity at
legal analysis, and
w ritten com m unications.
It does no t purport to test for
problem solving
oral com m unications
professional responsibility
practice management.
Those competencies tend to be much more client-
oriented, to require interactive and negotiating skills,
and to dem and greater definition of role and identity
than traditional academic courses and exam inations do.
Clinical education places a premium on such com
petencies and it appears tha t students with learning
styles tha t do not profit as readily from traditional
classroom experiences acquire clinically the tw o com
petencies traditionally tested in academic exam inations:
25See ACCESS TO THE MEDICAL PROFESSION, supra, note
15 at 29-30; See also, Cooper, The New Medical College Adm ission
Test, 52 J . MED. ED. 77 (January 1977).
o c
Conceivably the entire difference between the numerical rank
ing of Bakke and the other candidates could arise solely from
differences in MCAT or undergraduate grades. An MCAT-based
differential hardly justifies the cou rt’s characterization of “ less-
qualified.”
29
legal analysis and written com munication, thereby
reducing the predictive value of the LSAT to zero.
The singular im portance of problem solving was
noted as a potentially major cause of the lack of
correlation found between the MCAT and subsequent
professional perform ance.27
It is prem ature to speculate further on the relation
between test scores, cognitive styles, race, class and
pedagogic m ethod. But one thing is clear: tests measure
acculturation or readiness to profit from the dom inant
culture’s traditional instructional mode. Tests do not
measure potential to achieve competence, or actual
com petence unless they have been validated against
actual perform ance in practice settings. No such
validation studies have been conducted in law; those in
medicine have found no correlation. Whatever limited
assumptions can be made about the predictive value of
test scores for members of the majority culture cannot
be autom atically converted into statem ents about
potential com petence of m inority members. At best,
they can be said to be statem ents about the degree of
acculturation achieved by minority members. Ad
m ittedly, this may be a critical indicator of chances of
survival. It may not be, however, for it can just as
readily be a measure of an impaired sense of identity.
The critical factor for survival may no t be accultur
ation; it may be m otivation. And there is some evidence
th a t personality-type correlates directly w ith the chances
o f a ttrition , though not w ith grades. A study conducted
in 1965 for the Law School Admission Council established
a personality test tha t placed subjects on a continuum ex
tending from scientific-analytic to sensuous-artistic.28 The
27Supra, Grades as Predictors, note 23 at 313-314.
2 ̂P. VanR. M etter, Personality Differences and Student Sur
vival in Law School, reprinted in LAW SCHOOL ADMISSION
COUNCIL, 1 REPORTS OF LSAC SPONSORED RESEARCH
299-310 (1976).
30
study noted that there was no correlation betw een per
sonality type and test score bu t there was a marked corre
lation betw een personality type and attrition rate. The
artistic-sensuous type was far more likely to drop out of
law school than the scientific-analytic engineer type, bu t
bo th types had equally good chances of scoring high on
the LSAT. At the very least, issues of m otivation, m atur
ity, staying power, and sense o f responsibility have an
im pact on professional com petence—if professional com
petence includes professional responsibility, practice m an
agement and problem solving competencies.
Accordingly, we subm it tha t race, like other factors
cited by the court as pertinent in interpreting test
scores—socio-economic background, educational oppor
tunities, e tc .—is a factor bearing directly upon the
in terpretation of test scores, grades and other evidence.
To insist that the admission process must rely
exclusively upon racially neutral criteria and must
exclude consideration of race in the in terpretation of
data is in fact to require discrimination on account of
race.
f
31
II.
THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING CON
SIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE IN INTER
PRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON THE POTENTIAL
CONTRIBUTION AN APPLICANT WILL MAKE TO
FURTHERING THE PROFESSION’S COMMITMENT TO
EQUAL JUSTICE UNDER LAW, TO IMPROVING THE
CAPACITY OF THE LEGAL SYSTEM TO RESPOND TO
THE GRIEVANCES OF DISENFRANCHISED PERSONS
AND GROUPS, AND IN REQUIRING THE ADOPTION
OF ONLY “ NONRACIAL ALTERNATIVES” IN EF
FORTS AIMED AT REMEDYING THE DEARTH OF
PROFESSIONALS SERVING MINORITY COMMUNITIES.
The court below concluded that reliance upon the
race of an applicant in making a determ ination of
future contributions was constitutionally repugnant,
even though it conceded “ that it is more likely that
they [m inority doctors] will practice in m inority com
munities than the average white doctor.” 29 The court
reasoned that
there are more precise and reliable ways to identify
applicants who are genuinely interested in the med
ical problems o f minorities than by race.
An applicant of whatever race who has dem on
strated his concern for disadvantaged minorities in
the past and who declares tha t practice in such a
com m unity is his primary professional goal would
be more likely to contribute to alleviation of the
medical shortage than one who is chosen entirely
on the basis o f race and disadvantage. In short, there
is no empirical data to dem onstrate that any one
race is more selflessly socially oriented or by con-
29 553 P.2d at 1167.
32
trast tha t another is more selfishly acquisitive.30 (em
phasis added).
We take issue bo th with the factual assertion—that
there are no empirical data—and with the legal pro
scription the court placed on the use of race as a
fact of evidentiary value in predicting probable
contribution of a candidate to serve m inority com
munities.
Law schools have no t followed the admissions
procedure suggested by the court below: inquiring of
applicants of all races w hether they would be willing to
make a com m itm ent to serve disenfranchised and m inor
ity com munities. One of the most staunch defenders
of affirmative action programs has defended the refusal
to make this individual inquiry on grounds tha t it
would prove prohibitively expensive, politically un
palatable, and administratively unfeasible.31 To our
knowledge, no law school, except A ntioch, explicitly
elevates the normative obligations of the profession to
the status of an essential admissions criterion applicable
to all applicants. A ntioch regards this decision no t as a
m atter of choice or policy bu t as a m atter o f fundam ental
obligation stemming from the canons, case law and the
Constitution itself. ^
3* See Askin, Eliminating Racial Inequality in a Racist World,
2 CIV. LIB. REV. 96 (1975).
3^C anons 2 and 8 of the ABA CODE OF PROFESSIONAL
RESPONSIBILITY together with the accompanying Ethical
Consideration, elucidate these obligations. The right of access to
the legal system for redress of grievances as derivative from the
first am endm ent is well established. See NAACP v. B u tto n , 371
U.S. 415 (1963) and its progeny: Brotherhood o f Railroad
Trainmen v. Virginia ex rel. Virginia State Bar, 2>11 U.S. 1
[footnote continued]
33
Most o f the empirical data only support the co u rt’s
general observation that m inority professionals are more
likely to follow career lines serving m inority com m un
ities than white professionals.33
(1964); United Mine Workers v. Illinois State Bar, 377 U.S. 217
(1967); United Transportation Union v. Michigan, 401 U.S. 576
(19 71); (all held activity undertaken to obtain meaningful access
to the courts is a fundam ental right within the protection of the
first am endm ent). Cf. The 1974 Legal Services Corporation Act,
42 U.S.C. Section 2990 (1974). A lawyer has a duty to assure
that legal services are made available to all persons regardless of
rape or income level, and to assure that all persons are treated
equally in any court of law or during any legal proceeding. To
the extent that these obligations apply to all attorneys, law
schools may be obligated to incorporate criteria requiring a
showing of normative qualificiations as well as intellectual
qualifications respecting the capacity of an applicant to discharge
the full range of professional duties and obligations. Now that
the American Bar Association has amended its accreditation
standards to make instruction in legal ethics and the responsibil
ities of the profession required for all law students, a
determ ination in the admissions process of intellectual capacity
can no longer be considered entirely severable from a
determ ination respecting normative capacity.
33 A 1974 study shows that of the 2,860 attorneys in legal
service programs, 15% of them were minorities at a time when
approxim ately 2% of the profession were m inority attorneys, and
at a time when approxim ately 6% of the law student population
was minorities. (Figures provided by the Legal Services Corpora
tion). At Rutgers Law School, Askin reports that “ of the black
and hispanic law graduates turned out by June 1973, most went
into public service jobs; thirteen went to work for various OEO
neighborhood legal services programs; eleven obtained jobs with
state or municipal government agencies; seven went to work for
various federal agencies, including three with the Equal
Em ploym ent Opportunities Commission; two joined the staffs of
Public Defenders; five served judicial clerkships; two joined the
staffs of elected public officials; two were hired as judicial adm in
istrators. One was recently appointed a judge!” Askin, supra, note
31 at 100.
The National Bar Association, A SURVEY OF ECON
OMICS AND OFFICE PRACTICES OF THE BLACK
LAWYER (1971) produced the following conclusions:
1. The preponderance of Black attorneys reported
a general practice with special emphasis on “people
w ork’’ rather than commercial or business work.
Id. at 1-13;
2. Com m unity and leadership activities are central
to the Black law yer’s work and the econom ic
lifeline of the Black bar as a whole has been
related to the ability of the Bar to be part of the
commercial, institutional and governmental activity
of the Black com m unity. The Black lawyer spends
a greater proportion of his time in public activity
than his White counterpart, and generally in areas
needed by the Black com m unity. Id. at 1-14.
Such statistics as there are support the Supreme Court
of California’s intuitive perception that m inority
lawyers tend to have a deep-seated com m itm ent to civil
rights and to serving m inority communities. See Note,
The Negro Lawyer in Virginia: A Survey, 51 VA. L.
REV. 512 (1965).
The national picture, assembled by the National
Association for Law Placement from data from
eighty-two law schools, reveals that about 18% of em
ployed m inority law graduates were engaged in public
interest practice or indigent legal services as contrasted
w ith less than 5% of white law school graduates en
gaged in the same categories of em ploym ent. National
Association for Law Placement, Em ploym ent Report on
Law School G raduation Class o f 1975 (1976) (mimeo
graph on file in Placement Office, A ntioch School of
Law).
A ntioch’s data draws uniquely upon a sample where
all applicants are asked about their career expectations
and where the School explicitly commits itself to
35
turning out graduates who will serve the public interest
with particular emphasis on representing the disen
franchised and underrepresented segments of the
com m unity. Over 50% of the m inority members of the
graduating classes of 1975 and 1976 are engaged in
em ploym ent providing some form of representation and
enfranchisement to m inority interests; only about 30%
of the white graduates from those classes are engaged in
providing representation to m inority communities,
though a substantially higher percentage are engaged in
some form of public interest em ployment.
We do not assert that every m inority applicant can
be assumed autom atically to be com m itted to serving
m inority communities. And to the extent that all
applicants to A ntioch are aware that an affirmative
com m itm ent may assist them in securing admission, it
became essential to look to dem onstrated com m itm ent
evidenced by some tangible or specific action. Racial
identity is simply one piece of relevant evidence. It is
no t dispositive, b u t it should not be excluded from
consideration. Some minority applicants evidence a
seemingly to tal lack of awareness of the problems that
beset the ethnic groups from which they come; others
give indications of a desire to distance themselves from
those origins; still others are clearly opportunistic. We
believe these observations bear upon potential contri
bution, just as we believe it appropriate to take
cognizance of the empirical evidence that membership
in a minority group lends increased credence to
statem ents of intention and com mitment to serve
minority communities.
The only data analogous to A ntioch’s experience comes
from the Reginald Heber Smith Fellowship program,
funded by the Legal Services Corporation to recruit law
school graduates to begin their careers in legal services
programs. 34 They report tha t approxim ately 40% of the
34 As a part of tha t program, applicants are asked if they will
make a long-term com m itm ent to serve poor and minority com
munities. This is the kind of question the court below proposed.
36
applications received come from m inority law graduates
who comprise less than 7% o f the law school population.
Approxim ately 73.5% of all Smith fellows remain in
poverty law following the end o f their two-year
fellowship, bu t there is no breakdow n of the relative
percentage of m inority and white fellows who stay in
the field of services to poor and m inority communities.
A ntioch’s data and the Smith Fellowship program ’s
data certainly tend to indicate tha t ethnic iden tity is at
least a relevant predictor of career patterns and possibly
a more accurate predictor than the stated objectives of
an applicant.
We concur in the cou rt’s rejection of the view that
“ any one race is more selfishly socially oriented or by
contrast that another is more selfishly acquisitive.” 35
The reason for taking the race of the applicant into
consideration is rather self evident. In this society, race
is a fact of life. It cannot be shed voluntarily.
Participation for m inority professionals in the affairs of
the m inority com m unity is no t necessarily voluntary.
As frequently as not, such representational roles are
thrust upon m inority professionals because of the
affirmative action requirem ents that oblige govern
m ental agencies to “ conscript” m inority professionals,
because of the prevailing need for token m inority
representation on advisory and governmental bodies,
because of the vulnerability (both legal and moral) to
which bo th the public and private sector may be prone
if there is no t adequate m inority involvement. One
35 553 P.2d at 1167.
37
cannot divest oneself of racial identity or vulnerability
to injustice based upon race merely by wishing to do
so.
The recent confirm ation hearings on the nom ination
of Patricia Roberts Harris to be Secretary of the
D epartm ent of Housing and Urban Development are
particularly instructive in this regard. Patricia Harris
graduated from a predom inantly white law school,
George Washington; she served as Ambassador to
Luxembourg, hardly a third world nation; the law firm
of which she was a partner can hardly be characterized
as specializing in poverty law or even in civil rights,
irrespective of the considerable pro bono work done by
individual members; her prominence in national Demo
cratic politics was not primarily associated with the
issues of poverty or race. A t the same time, A ttorney
Harris did not lack other credentials—as former Dean of
Howard Law School, as a member of the Board of
NAACP Legal Defense Fund, as legislative chairperson
of the National Council of Negro Women. Whether
voluntarily or not, Patricia Roberts Harris was selected
to head a cabinet departm ent that dealt with the
problems of cities, and she chose to characterize that
stewardship as a special com m itm ent to deal with the
problems of m inority communities. Whatever her own
interests, class allegiances, or career preferences, her
statem ent of com m itm ent and her projection ol herself
as a spokesperson for m inority concerns was accepted
by the Senate of the United States:
You do not seem to understand who I am. I ’m a
black woman, the daughter of a dining car waiter.
I ’m a black woman who even 8 years ago could
not buy a house in some parts ot the District ol
Columbia. Senator, to say I ’m not by and of and
for the people is to show a lack ot understanding
of who I am and where I came from. . . . You
spoke of the unrepresented and the poor and I
said I ’m one of them . . . . I have been a defender
of women, of m inorities, of those who are the
outcasts of this society, and throughout my life,
and if my life has any meaning at all it is that
those who start as outcasts may end up being part
of the system, and I hope it will mean one other
thing, Senator, tha t by being part of the system
one does no t forget w hat it meant to be outside it.
Nomination o f Patricia Roberts Harris, Hearing
before the S. Comm, on Banking, Housing and.
Urban A f f , 95th Cong., 1st Sess., 41 (1977)
Racial identity is no t something tha t m inority persons
are perm itted to shed in this country. The Equal
Protection Clause cannot require graduate schools to
ignore tha t reality, for to do so would be to require
them to engage in racial discrimination by ignoring or
denying the relevance of evidence favorable to the
admission of m inority applicants.
We regard the im position of the requirem ent as
reversible error.
In the alternative, we ask tha t any decision in this
case be expressly lim ited to medical schools.
This case does not perm it separate consideration
of the distinctive status of the legal profession as
Officers of the Court. Moreover, while a dearth of
m inority medical students will mean a dearth of
m inority doctors, the same lack of m inority law
students will mean no t only a shortage of minority
lawyers bu t a corresponding im pact on the racial mix of
public and private leaders that De Tocqueville noted the
profession had supplied since the birth of the Republic.
M inority underrepresentation in decision-making roles
will be alleviated only by continued integration within
law schools.
39
Accordingly, we ask that if this case is decided on
principles that preclude all consideration of a
candidate’s race, tha t the decision be limited to the
facts of this case and that any decision respecting the
application of such principles to law schools be
expressly reserved for a later case where the record will
perm it fuller consideration of the distinctive status and
obligations of the legal profession.
CONCLUSION
We urge tha t the Court reverse and remand to the trial
court to determ ine w hether the facts will sustain a find
ing tha t race was utilized in a constitutionally permissible
fashion for evidentiary and interpretive purposes to secure
the uniform application o f uniform admissions criteria.
Respectfully subm itted,
Ed g a r S. C ahn
J ea n C a m per C ahn
R o b er t S. C a tz
ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW
Tune 7 1977 1624 Crescent Place, N.W.
J ’ Washington, D.C. 20009
(202) 265-9500
Counsel fo r Amicus Curiae.
Counsel are indebted to:
C la u d ia R ib e t , J.D . Antioch
School of Law 1977, and
G r e g g H. M a th ew s , candidate
for the J.D . degree, Antioch
School of Law, 1978.
APPENDIX
la
APPENDIX A
■Stniirnt- Nnmp
D a te _____
CL IN IC AL EVALUATION SUMMARY FORM
S u p e r v i s o r
Division/Sect Ion
COMPETENCY RATING
COMPETENCIES & DEFINITION’S RATING _____________ COMMENTS_________________
ORAL-
The ability to assess, conctol, ând vary verbal
and non-verbal communications with an audience!s,
in a given situation to maximize the accomplish
ment of objectives.
WRITTEN
The ability to control and vary written communi
cations with an audience(s) in a given situation
to maximize the accomplishment of objectives.
LEGAL ANALYSIS
The ability to combine law and facts in a given
situation to generate, justify, and assess the
relative merits of alternative legal positions.
PROBLEM SOLVING
The ability to use legal analysis and other
information to identify and diagnosis problems
in terms of client objectives and to generate
strategies to achieve those objectives.
PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY
The ability to recognize the ethical considera
tions in a situation, analyze and evaluate their
implications for present and future actions,
and behave in a manner that facilitates timely
assertion of rights.
/
PRACTICE MANAGEMENT
The ability to manage time, effort, availabl e
resources, and competing priorities in a
nunner which generates the maximum output of
quality legal services.
’‘INSTRUCTIONS: Rate student on o:ch applicable general competency
using a number from the Competent. y Scale provided here:
1= Serious deficiency 3= Margin 1 deficiency 5= Competency
2~ Deficiency 4= Minimi 1 competency 6 = Superior Competency
TASK SUMMARY
Simple Average Complex
RECOMMENDATIONS
Tasks
^'INSTRUCTIONS: Identify tasks and write the number of times tasks
have been of a simple, average, or complex nature.
C7) An t-; ■v,ol of T nw/Antioch College 1977
Student Name ..
filY.igi9Til. *9*ion
CO
MP
ET
EN
CI
ES
SU
BD
IV
IS
IO
NS
SPECIFIC COMPETENCIES
(Ability tot) ,ASKS
■
COMPLEXITY
OR
AL
use the mechanics of language
express a thought with clarity and economy
speak appropriately to a given audience
communicate so as to advance immediate
identify and use appropriate non-verbal
perceive others' communications and actions
a
e
s
express a thought with clarity and economy
express thoughts in an organized manner
write appropriately to a given audience
write so as to advance the immediate
l
identify relevant facts
J '
-----------------------------— — ----------
identify inconsistencies among facts
------------------------------— -----------------
identify the reliability of asserted facts
distinguish facts from conclusions of law
[ determine rules of law relevant to framing
E
n
i determine trends in interpretation
! r
l i
1
group and categorize facts in terms of
•elect aspects of the facts which appear to call
select aspects of a legal rule or concept which
1 show why legal rule or concept calls for extension,
5 separate, combine,, and sequence arguments and ~
i !
1
identify predisposition of a particular
identify compelling equities re' ̂ j^^ped by 4 *■f determine relative effectivene, 'Alternative
and, v. _ .i&akism________
jf
f l
a l
Is
a . o
si55T"
H
J i
identify client objectives and priorities
identify obstacles and facilitating factors that
bear on realization of objectives and priorities
state alternative definitions of client’s
problem(s)
identify and develop information and steps needed
to clarify alternative definitions of problem(s)
make a tentative choice among alternative
develop a range of solutions and strategies
f"utLSd °tdet the r“8e °£
reach informed consent with client on
prefered solutions and strategies
prepare a work plan^
take the actions (or assure that assigned
others do) to carry out the work plan
check results at determined steps
and adjust as necessary
identify and analyze ethical problems
determine available courses of action
evaluate available courses of action based on cli
ent interest, self-interest, & social interest
act consistently with ethical decisions
allocate, time, effort, and other resources
necessary to carrv out case load tasks
coordinate efforts with others
according to applicable systems, rules, and
procedures governing handling of cases & files
assess and design improvements in system, rules,
& procedures governing handling of cases & fiLes
maintain a level of productivity that conforms
judge the point at wliich further commitments
r.mnt be realistically be discharged competently
supervise others
♦INSTRUCTIONS: At the top of the column identify each task you evaluate in the order it occurs, (Refer to Catalog of Illus
trative Tasks for examples of tasks.) Enter next in the column
the complexity of the task based on 1-simple, 2-average, and
3-qomplex. Go down the column for each task and enter a rating
after each Specific Competency you consider involved in this
task using the six point Task/Competency Scale shown here. Leave
a blank for any Specific Competency that is not applicable or
not observed.
TASK/COMPETENCY SCALE
1= Serious deficiency: could not be trusted with client(s) or
to perform task(s).
2= Deficiency: required continous supervision.
3= Marginal deficiency: did some work with minimal supervision,
but could cause problems if not carefully supervised.
4= Minimal competency: usually performed task(s) satisfactorily
with some supervision.
5= Competency: performed task(s) satisfactorily with virtually
no supervision (except for final review).
6= Superior competency, performed task(s) in outstanding manner
with virtually no supervision (except for final review).
© Antioch School of L*w/Antioch College 1977
CATALOG OF DEFINITIONS
OF COMPETENCIES
I. ORAL COMPETENCY
General Definition — The ability to assess, control, and
vary verbal and non-verbal com m unications with an
audience(s) in a given situation to maximize the
accomplishm ent o f objectives.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to use the mechanics of language,
e.g., grammar, syntax, citation, articulation.
2. Ability to express a thought with clarity and
econom y.
3. Ability to express thoughts in an organized
manner.
4. Ability to speak appropriately to a given
audience.
5. A bility to com m unicate so as to advance
im mediate and long-term objectives.
6. Ability to identify and use appropriate
non-verbal aspects of com munications, e.g.,
appearance, poise, gestures, facial expres
sions, posture, and use of spatial relation
ships.
7. Ability to perceive o thers’ com munication
and actions (verbal and non-verbal).
* * * *
II. WRITTEN COMPETENCY
General Definition - The ability to control and vary
w ritten com m unications w ith an audience(s) in a given
© A ntioch School of Law /A ntioch College 1977
7a
situation to maximize the accomplishment of objectives.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to use the mechanics of the
language, e.g., grammar, spelling, punctua
tion.
2. Ability to express a thought with clarity and
economy.
3. Ability to express thoughts in an organized
manner.
4. Ability to write appropriately to a given
audience, e.g., tone, form at, citation form.
5. Ability to write so as to advance the
immediate and long-term objectives.
* * * *
III. LEGAL ANALYSIS COMPETENCY
General Definition — The ability to combine law and
facts in a given situation to generate, justify, and assess
the relative merits of alternative legal positions.
Analyzing Facts and Identifying Relevant Law —
Given a fact situation and knowledge of rules of
law, ability to identify relationships between facts
and law in a way that will facilitate the
form ulation of alternative legal theories.
Specific Competencies:
(Analysis of Facts)
1. Ability to identify relevant facts.
2. Ability to identify inconsistencies among
facts.
3. Ability to identify the reliability of
asserted facts.
4. Ability to distinguish facts from con
clusions of law.
8a
(Identification of Relevant Law)
5. Ability to determ ine rules of law relevant
to framing legal issues, e.g., statutes,
regulations, case law, court rules,
secondary authorities.
6. Ability to identify discrete legal issues.
7. A bility to determ ine trends in in terpreta
tion or application of laws.
Formulating Legal Theories — Given fact analysis,
the law, and the resulting identification of legal
issues, the ability to identify and organize
arguments and counter-arguments in terms of
claims, defenses, or o ther legal results.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to group and categorize facts in
terms of the concepts or language of the
law.
2. Ability to select aspects of the facts
which appear to call for the application
of a legal rule or concept.
3. Ability to select aspects of a legal rule or
concept which appear to call for its
application to the facts.
4. Ability to show why some aspects of a
legal rule or concept calls for an
extension, lim itation, or rejection of
another rule or concept.
5. Ability to separate, combine, and
s e q u e n c e arguments and counter
arguments to form ulate a legal theory.
Evaluating Legal Theories — Given alternative legal
theories, the ability to predict the decision of an
authoritative source.
9a
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to identify predisposition of a
particular decision-maker, e.g., character
istics of the decision-maker, workings of
the decision-maker’s institution, patterns
of previous decisions, reasons given for
previous decisions.
2. Ability to identify compelling equities,
recognized by the law or inherent in the
fact situation.
3. Ability to determine relative effectiveness
of alternative legal theories by analysis
and evaluation of 1 and 2 (above).
* =t= * *
IV. PROBLEM SOLVING COMPETENCY
General Definition — The ability to use legal analysis
and other inform ation to identify and diagnose
problems in terms of client objectives and to generate
strategies to achieve those objectives.
Identifying and Diagnosing Problems — Given a
situation, ability to isolate the problem and to
identify, generate, and organize inform ation in a
way that will facilitate the form ulation of
alternative solutions.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to identify client objectives and
priorities.
2. Ability to identify obstacles and facilita
ting factors that bear on the realization
of client objectives and priorities.
3. Ability to state alternative definitions of
client’s problem(s).
4. Ability to identify and develop inform a
tion and steps needed to clarify alterna
tive definitions of the problem (s).
5. Ability to make a tentative choice among
alternative definitions of the problem(s).
Developing, Evaluating, and Selecting Alternative
Solutions and Strategies — Given diagnosis of a
problem , the ability to develop and evaluate
alternative courses o f action designed to advance
some or all of the client objectives and make a
justifiable selection.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to develop a range of solutions
and strategies which include consideration
of types of strategy, risk, legal and social
consequences, party control, forums, cost,
and ethics.
2. Ability to assess and order the range of
alternative solutions with respect to
client’s objectives and priorities, proba
bility of success, consequences of partial
success or failure, available resources, and
ethics.
3. Ability to reach inform ed consent with
client on prefered solutions and strategies.
Implementing Strategies — Given selection of
solutions and strategies, the ability to im plem ent
and m odify those strategies by taking action and
evaluating results in light of objectives and other
criteria.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to prepare a work plan that
identifies who will do w hat, with whom,
where, when, and with what expected
results.
11a
2. Ability to take the actions (or insure that
assigned others do) to carry our the work
plan.
3. Ability to check results at determ ined
steps and adjust as necessary.
* * * *
V. PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY COMPETENCY
General Definition — The ability to recognize the
ethical considerations in a situation, analyze and
evaluate their implications for present and future
actions, and behave in a manner that facilitates timely
assertion of rights.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to identify and analyze ethical
problems.
2. Ability to determine available courses of
action.
3. Within the context of the Code, the ability
to evaluate available courses of action based
on client interest, self-interest, and social
interest.
4. Ability to act consistently with ehtical
decisions and com mitments.
* * * *
VI. PRACTICE MANAGEMENT COMPETENCY
General Definition — The ability to manage time,
effort, available resources, and competing priorities in a
manner which generates the m aximum outpu t of
quality legal services.
Specific Competencies:
1. Ability to allocate time, effort, and other
resources necessary to carry out case load
tasks.
2. Ability to coordinate efforts with others.
3. Ability to work according to applicable
systems, rules, and procedures governing the
handling of cases and files.
4. Ability to assess system operations and
design improvements in the system, rules,
and procedures governing the handling of
cases and files.
5. Ability to maintain a level of productivity
tha t conforms with applicable standards and
expectations.
6. Ability to judge the point at which further
com m itm ents cannot realistically be dis
charged com petently.
7. Ability to supervise others.
13a
APPENDIX B
ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW ADMISSIONS MATRIX
03.977, ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW
A p p l i c a n t : ____________________________ _________
E v a l u a t o r : D a te :
C i r c l e One:
Age;
U n d e r g ra d u a te
G ra d u a te
F i n a n c i a l S t a t u s : ( b a s e d on p a r e n t * ' o c c u p a t i o n and t h e " l i v e - i n " re s p o n s e
f o r an i n d i c a t i o n o f a p p l i c a n t ' s p r e - u n d e r g r a d y e a r s ; and based
on a p p l i c a n t ' s o c c u p a t i o n and t h e " l i v e - i n " r e s p o n s e f o r an i n d i c a
t i o n o f t h e a p p l i c a n t ' s p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n )
U UM M LM L ( P r e - u n d e r g r a d )
U UM M LM L ( P r e s e n t )
None o r Some o r Below Above
Numerical
Maximum or
Unacceptable
1
Least Acceptab le
| .........................
Norm
. 1 _ .
Norm Norm
i i
P r e fe r a b le Idea l
| |
1
1
f
2
. I
3
1 1
4 5
l . |
< i
l . COMPETENCY POTENTIAL
A. T r a d i t i o n * ! Measures
1. S c h o la s t i c and Tes t Performance
eLSAT: ____ / ____ / ___ _ ____ / ____ LSAT Average: ____ / ____
{O ver
a l l
283 o r
Below 284-371 372-483 484-584 585-670 671-756 757 '
Sca le)
0 ) (2) (3) (4) (5 ) ( * ) (7)
(M ln o r1 ty
Sca le ) 2*1 o r
Below
242-323 324-405 406-501 502-609 610-717 718 o r
Above
Co llege Mean { - or +30 p t s . ■ norm) _____ ASL score _____ (Co lle ge score + ASL s c o r e jx 1/2 ■ a
ASL m i n o r i t y score __ □
e 6.. P .A . : ____ 1 2 3 4* 5 6 7
1
1.9 o r
Below
1 I
2 .0 2*. 5 J , J ,
1
3.7 J ,
s
2 .4 2.8 3 .3 3.6 3 .9
9
14a
ASL Norm s c o re :C o llage Mean 4 Above; x 1/2 •
score + ASL score )
a S c h o la s t i c Achievement (add 1 f o r each ):
3 .5 cum ♦ ___________
Deans 11 s t
Graduation w /h o n o rs , e t c . '
Honor S o c ie ty _______
S ch o la rs h ip _______
O ther : ( I d e n t i f y )
S c h o la s t i c Ach. T o t a l : □
T o t a l : Sec. A1 :
2. Be hav io ra l Elements ( Th is p e r t a i n s , to the t ime frame o f up
to and In c lu d in g undergradu ate y e a r s , whether dona 1n an un
i n t e r r u p t e d sequence o r ex tended , e . g . , stopped to w o rk , then
r e tu r n e d , e t c . Please i d e n t i f y persuas iv e f a c t e r ( s ) ) .
a. E x t r a c u r r l c u l a r s a n d /o r work . _____ x 1 .5 - ______
b. Range o f l i f e exp e r ie n ce . ■ x 1 .5 « _____
c . A b i l i t y to deal w i th u n s t r u c tu r e d , u n c e r t a i n ,
ambiguous ASL-type e nv ir onm ent . ____ x 1 ,5 • _____
d . E f f o r t expended, e . g . com b in a t io n o f LSAT, GPA,
and performance. .____ x 1 .5 • ______
e . Undergraduate r e c o r d ; e r r a t i c o r c o n s i s t e n t .
I r r e l e v a n t o r s o f t m a jo r , ( e . g . , f i n e a r t s , e t c . )
v. d i s c i p l i n e d o r s t ro n g m a jo r ; c o n s i s t e n t l y
poor per formance 1n a n a l y t i c c o u rs e s , e . g . , math.
b i o l o g y , e t c . ; vary low c la s s rank o r p e r c e n t i l e
ra n k in g ; l a rg e number o f courses not in c lu d e d In
SPA. (Please note p e rsuas iv e f a c t o r ( s ) ) .
f . Worked a-number o f hours per week f o r 1 /2 semesters
in und erg rad . (15 1s norm, 37 1s max. )
T o t a l ; Sec. A2:
3. M odera t in g Elements ( r e l a t e d to background, growth in underg raduate
o r gradua te exp e r ie n ce . Please note w h ic h . ) ,
E d u c . t l o n . U y d i f f e r e n t o r d c p r l v « d | u n d a ra c h la v a r .
(idd 1) -----
b. B t H n g u i l (add O _ _ _ _ _
c . L e t t b l o o n t r ( I n undargrad o r g r i d Marked tmprovo-
ne n t from y t . r to y . i r by > t l e a s t •> GbA I n c r c . i o
from l i t t o p r d i d n t » « » . s t « n , | ( i d d 1) .............
d. It.Mediation (prior to antry or during undargrad!
CttO) (add 1) ----- -
15a
• . Iona f i d * LSAT low t e s t e r (upper 25 th p e r c e n t i l e
o f «radua t1ng d m , b u t LSAT f a l l * below c o l la g e
mean; han dicap Impede* o p t im a l p e r fo rm a n c e ) .
(add 1) -----------
f . H a t u r 1 t y / p * r s 1 s t * n c * (av ld anca o f hav in g overcome
a d v e r s i t y - - s u r v i v a l ; * . § . , f i r s t f a m i l y member
t o ra c a lv a BA, s u p p o r t in g f a m i l y member, ph y s ic a l
han d ic ap , a t e . ) (add 1) __ _____
Tota l. - Sac. A3:
I . No n»t rad1t1ona l Measures ( w i t h an aya toward c l i n i c a l per fo rm ance)
1 . Essa ys, persona l s ta te m e n t , (C on ten t A c o n s t r u c t i o n :
a n a l y s i s , o r g a n i s a t i o n , s y n ta x , s t y l e , c r e a t i v i t y
i t o n e . P le as* n o t * p e rs u a s lv * f a c t o r ( s ) ) . _______
2 . A*cowmendat1on(s) (n o te w o r th y recommendation from
in fo rmed recommender whose judgment 1s te s te d or
saems t r u e )
3. Graduate school (Note substance: d i f f i c u l t y o f a re a :
amount a n d /o r q u a l i t y o f w o rk ; r e p u t a t i o n o f s choo l)
4. Work (work 1n la w - r e la t e d araa o r 1n a jo b 1nyolv1ng
a l o t o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o r a c a d e m l c / l n t e l l e c t u a l
f a c e ts )
T o ta l : Sec. B:
C. Supplemental Evidence (Note 1 f p e r t i n e n t . )
1. I n te r v i e w _______
2 . Work Product _______•
3. O th e r : _______
D. Sp ec ia l Problems (Receives no r a t i n g but must be n o te d . )
1. Law school f a i l u r e ______
2. C r im in a l c o n v i c t i o n _______
3. O ther : .
Max. P o in ts
(G * those a p p l i c a n t s who have g ra d u a te d ; U * those who are p r e s e n t l y
underg raduate s)
JL u
116 ( fo T ) Idea l
34 (72) ,nd above P re fe re b le
70 (60) - 33 (71) Above Hone
48) - 69 (59) Horn
|w 56 (48) Below Nona
P o in ts Earned
16a
P o s it i v e
,11 . CONTRIBUTION POTENTIAL
A. Long-Term P r o b a b i l i t y o f D e d ic a t io n to Equal
J u s t i c e
t Papers, s t u d i e s , academic focus In c o l le g e
a nd /o r gradua te school
* P u b l ic s e r v i c e employment:
Legal S e rv ic e s , Pu b l ic Defender
Educat ion
Government
* E x t r a c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s
’ Extended p o s t - c o l l e g e c a re e r
* S p e c i f i c , c o n s t r u c t i v e c a re e r goa ls
’ Demonstrated s e n s i t i v i t y , m a t u r i t y , humanity
1 . Negative Elements
a . Im m a tu r i t y
b„ Egotism
c. Personal I n s e c u r i t y
d . Lack o f evidenced concern
t . Lack o f s t a y in g power
2, C o u n te ra c t in g Fac tors
a, you th
b. L im i te d o p p o r t u n l t l a *
Chec_klJ s_t
Negative Comments
r?!iv*f turn.a tMH’H
t . En franch is ement C o n t r i b u t i o n
Membership 1n d ls e n f r a n c h ls e d g roup ; ra c e ,
n a t i o n a l i t y , language, sex , age , g e o g ra p h i
c a l l y de pressed, c l a s s .
* N e g a t iv e s : Evidence o f d l s a s s o d a t l o n ,
d i s i n t e r e s t , I n s e n s i t i v i t y , s h e l te r e d
* V o lu n ta ry commitment to r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f
d is e n f r a n c h is e d
- work record
- c a re e r goa ls
• a p p l i c a t i o n
- e x t r a c u r r l c u l a r s (women's r i g h t s , e t c . )
Q u a l i t y o r s i g n i f i c a n c e o f commitment:
m a t u r i t y , s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , sense o f r e s p o n s i
b i l i t y , f a m i l y background, " r o o t s " , r e fe re n c e s ,
p e r c e p t ! veness o f I n j u s t i c e answer
Work p roducts
Graduate o r i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y work produc t
a l re a d y u t i l i z e d ( w i t h demonstrated a p p l i c a
t i o n )
C. Supplemental Evidence
1 . I n te r v ie w
2. Checks w i th re fe ren ces
Max. Po in ts
90-100 Long and s h o r t term w in n e r - e x c e p t i o n a l l y p r i n c i p l e d ,
r e s p o n s ib le , committed - may not go i n t o p o v e r ty law
Im m ed ia te ly but w i l l make an e x c e p t io n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n
to s c h o la rs h i p o r s e r v i c e o r p r o fe s s io n
80-89 S o l i d , no t n e c e s s a r i l y e x t r a o r d i n a r y In t a l e n t bu t e x t ra '
o r d i n a r y In d e d i c a t i o n ; every evide nce o f c a re e r commi t
ment to equal j u s t i c e and e n f ra n c h is e m e n t .
or
P o in ts Awarded
18a
C r e d i t to the p r o f e s s io n - w i l l be a b le , competent , com
p a s s io n a te . May never go In to p o v e r t y law o r c o n t r i b u t e
to e n f ra n c h is e m e n t ; w i l l be a c r e d i t to A n t io c h ; d i s t i n g u i s h e d
c a re e r l i k e l y w i th much p u b l i c s e r v i c e , p u b l i c I n t e r e s t work .
70-79 Sh or t term w inner - long on r h e t o r i c bu t dubious depth o f
commitment; may spend a year in le g a l s e r v i c e s ; w i l l spend l i f e
f l o a t i n g in l i b e r a l type t h i n g s ; no t e x c e p t io n a l i n t e l l e c t or
c h a r a c t e r but l i k e a b l e .
60-69 F i l l e r - b e t t e r than mos t, w e l l I n te n t lo n e d o r w o u ld n ' t have
a p p l ie d to A n t io c h ; good Im pu ls es ; n o t in g t h a t n o te w o r th y .
Below
60 Marg ina l - 1n c o n t r i b u t i o n
I I I . COMBINED COMPETENCY-CONTRIBUTION POTENTIAL
G u
Idea l 226 (202)
P r e fe r a b le 164 ' ( 1 5 2 ) and above
Above Norm 140 (130) and above
Norm 116 (108) and above
Below Norm below 116 (108)
P o in ts Awarded
Admit
I n te r v ie w
Hold
Reje c t
IV . COMMENTS
Decision/Date
•cc»
intv.___
wt. 1st,
h o ld
19a
20a
APPENDIX C
Official Rules
1. Stare decisis: like cases will
be decided alike—w ithout re
gard to race or class.
2. Judges are no t all powerful,
judges are not legislators;
they can only apply the law;
they cannot make a separate
rule for each individual.
3. Judges cannot respond sim
ply to the individual equi
ties; they need a “peg” to
hang the decision on: a
principled justification in
term s of precedent, rules,
situation sense o f policy.
4. Judges are fair; they perceive
themselves as bound by the
law; they will respond to
sound legal argum entation.
5. If a lawyer can convince the
judge of the law yer’s own
integrity, com petence and
sincerity, this will neutralize
any prejudice and biases
against the client that the
judge may have.
M inority S tuden t Rules
1. The race and wealth of the
p a r t i e s will determine
which rules apply and who
wins.
2. Judges are all powerful;
judges can decide a case
any way they want; they
can rationalize any result
they w ant to .
3. Only extraordinary pleas of
suffering or hardship will
reach the conscience of a
judge when the poor or
minorities are involved.
Otherwise judges will try to
circumscribe or circumvent
the law if it is favorable.
4. Judges are no t fair; they
are tools of the power
structure, especially the
white pow er structure; no
am ount o f legal argum enta
tion will change a judge’s
m ind—unless one can per
suade the judge th a t it is in
the interest of the power
structure to do so and that
one is not opening the way
to further exceptions that
might eventually prove
threatening.
5. The m inority lawyer is not
a mem ber of the club in
today’s world and had bet
ter not forget it. The best
m inority lawyers can hope
for is that the judge will
not want to appear pre-
21a
6. Procedural due process is all
im portant. Procedural re
quirem ents are of substantive
im portance; justice requires
tha t every person have his or
her day in court, tha t notice
and opportun ity to be heard
be given, tha t opportun ity to
know the evidence against
one; tha t charge the proven;
the evidence that is not
trustw orthy be excluded.
Procedural safeguards are, in
fact the substance of law;
th e y determine whether
justice can be done.
7. One m ust adhere strictly to
the assumptions of the ad
versary system. Do not try a
case in the media, do not try
to use intermediaries to com
m unicate w ith the judge; the
judge will no t listen to ex
parte communications.
judiced which perhaps can
be turned to the client’s
advantage.
6. Procedural technicalities are
the enemy of justice; they
are tricks used by lawyers;
results are all that count.
7. Judges read newspapers,
listen to television, talk to
their friends, desire the
approval o f the public at
large and prestigious indi
viduals just like anyone
else; your client has no
protection against such
factors and you will be
blamed if you respond to
or charge the o ther side
with initiating such tactics
and there will be subtle but
fatal retaliation if you inti
mate that the judge could
be influenced by such
factors.
Both sets of assumptions are over simplified but the
first in each pair is that which legal education, in one
way or another, attem pts to im part about the legal
system. The second set of assumptions are those which,
22a
in many cases, have been instilled from childhood on
for the m inority or poor law student, they describe the
world; they are realistic assumptions for survival.
One need not believe these rules; bu t one must act in
most forums as if they are the applicable ground rules
necessary to effective dialogue on exam inations with
the teacher and in the court room with the judge and
opposing counsel.
Those rules either im plicitly or explicitly deny the
reality of institu tional racism in the legal system and
in society. That makes them particularly difficult to
accept—even as necessary fictions. From Cahn and Cahn,
M inority Students, Lawyering Competence and the Bar
Exam ination (November 19, 1976) (unpublished paper
presented at a Conference of the Council on Legal Edu
cation for Professional Responsibility).
»