Bakke v. Regents Brief of the Antioch School of Law Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
June 7, 1977

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Bakke v. Regents Brief of the Antioch School of Law Amicus Curiae, 1977. a141b341-be9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/5bf62887-4943-4f45-adba-dec4b62f2650/bakke-v-regents-brief-of-the-antioch-school-of-law-amicus-curiae. Accessed April 13, 2025.
JAMES M. NABRIT, 111 ASSOCIATE-COUNSEL IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES OCTOBER TERM, 1976 No. 76-811 T he R egen ts o f T he U n iv er sity o f Ca l ifo r n ia , Petitioner, v. Allan Bailee, Respondent. ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME COURT OF CALIFORNIA BRIEF OF THE ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW AMICUS CURIAE Edga r S. C ahn J ean C am per C ahn R obert S. Ca tz ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW 1624 Crescent Place, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20009 (202) 265-9500 Counsel for Amicus Curiae. Washington, D.C. • THIEL PRESS • 1202) 638-4521 (i) TABIJE OF CONTENTS MANNER OF F IL IN G .............................................................................1 INTEREST OF THE AMICUS.............................................................. 1 QUESTIONS PR ESEN TED ....................................................................3 SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT..................................................... 3 ARGUMENT .......................................................................................... 7 In tro d u c to ry .......................................................................................... 7 I. THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING CONSIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE IN INTERPRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON THE POTENTIAL OF AN APPLICANT TO ACHIEVE COMPETENCE AS A PROFESSIONAL. . . 12 A. Where Communications Skills Are Involved R ace , Class, Culture Or National Origin Operate To Impair Or Otherwise D istort The Extent To Which Performance On Tests Accurately Re flects Potential Competence At Communication S k ills ........... .. ........................................................................ 14 B. Where The Definition Of Professional Competence Incorporates Values, Assumptions And Perspec tives Held By The Majority Culture, Poor Test Performance May Only Reflect The Extent Of The Divergence Between The Majority And M inority On Assumptions A bout, For Instance, The Fairness Of Judges, Or The Extent To Which Rules Determ ine Results ................................................ 16 C. Where Tests And Grades Only Measure An A pplicant’s Readiness To Benefit From One Pedagogic M ethod And To Perform On One Range Of Test Instrum ents, They Cannot Be Predictive Of Potential To Achieve Profes sional Competence Via Other Pedagogic And Testing M e th o d s .................................................................23 II. THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING CONSIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE IN INTERPRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON THE POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION AN APPLI CANT WILL MAKE TO FURTHERING THE PRO FESSION’S COMMITMENT TO EQUAL JUSTICE UNDER LA W ............................................................................31 C O N C LU SIO N .....................................................................................39 (ii) Page APPENDIX A — Antioch Law School Clinical Evaluation Sum m ary Form ............................................................................. l a APPENDIX B — A ntioch Law School Admissions M a tr ix .................................................................................................. 13a APPENDIX C — Paired List o f Assumptions and C ounter A ssum ptions.....................................................................20a TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Cases: Bakke v. Regents o f University o f California, 132 CaL Rptr. 680, 553 P.2d 1152 (1976)................. 12, 13, 31, 32, 35 Brotherhood o f Railroad Trainmen v. Virginia, ex. re i Virginia State Bar, 377 U.S. 1 (1 9 6 4 ) ............................. 32 DeFunis v. Odegaard, 416 U.S. 312 ( 1 9 7 4 ) ................................ 13 Lau v. Nichols, 414 U.S. 563 (1974).................... .. ...................... 14 NAAC P v. B utton, 371 U.S. 415 (1 9 6 3 ) ......................... 32 R u n yo n v. McCrary, 427 U.S. 160 (1 9 7 6 )........................................2 United Mine Workers v. Illinois State Bar, 389 U.S. 217 (1 9 6 7 )........................................................................................ 33 United Transportation Union v. Michigan, 401 U.S. 576 (1 9 7 1 ) ........................................................................................ 33 Constitutional Provision: United States C onstitution, Fourteenth Amendment .................................................................... passim Other Authorities: ABA CODE OF PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY .............................................................. 11, 32, 33 ABA ETHICAL OPINION 242 ( 1 9 4 2 ) ........................................ 20 Askin, Eliminating Racial Inequality in a Racist World, 2 Civ. Lib. Rev. 96 (19 7 5 ) ................................................... 32, 33 J . Baum and C. Ireland, M inority S tuden t Performance on Pathology Examinations, 67 J . NAT’L. MED. ASSOC. 324 (July 1 9 7 5 ) .........................................................9- 25 ( iii) Other Authorities, continued: ^a§e Cahn and Cahn, M inority Students, Lawyering Compe tence and Bar Exam inations (Nov. 1976) (unpub lished paper presented at a Conference o f the Coun cil on Legal Education for Professional Responsibility) .............................................................. 18, 19, 21 A. Carp, S. Johnson and E. Tibby, R eport on L S A T / San Francisco Consortium Project in that Area, reprinted in LAW SCHOOL ADMISSION COUNCIL, REPORTS OF LSAC SPONSORED RESEARCH 174 (1 9 7 6 ) ................. .. ............................................................. 16, 17, 18 Character, The President Speaks, 9 NAT’L BAR BULL. 2 (Feb. 1 9 7 7 ).................................................................... 10 COLORADO ADVISORY COMMISSION TO THE UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS, ACCESS TO THE MEDICAL PROFES SION IN COLORADO BY MINORITIES AND WOMEN 5 (1 9 7 6 ) ....................................................................22, 28 Cooper, The New Medical College Adm ission Test, 52 J . MED. ED. 77 (Jan. 1 9 7 7 ) ...................................................... 28 R Ebert, Facts A b o u t M inority Students at Harvard Medical School, 294 NEW ENGLAND J . MED., 1402-3 (June 14, 1 9 7 6 ) .............................................................. 26 Educational Testing Service, Interpretive Booklet for LSAT/LSDAS (1 9 7 4 )...................... ............................................. 24 J . George, The Domino Theory of Legal Education: An Empirical Analysis of Entry Barriers to the Legal Pro fession (1976) (unpublished thesis in Antioch School of Law Library)....................................................................9> 23, 24 P. VanR. Miller, Personality Differences and Student Survival in Law School, reprinted in LAW SCHOOL ADMISSION COUNCIL, 1 REPORTS OF LSAC SPONSORED RESEARCH 299-310 (1 9 7 6 ) .......................... 29 National Association for Law Placement, Em ploym ent Report on Law School Graduates of the Class of 1975 (1976) (mimeograph copy on file in Placement Office o f A ntioch School of L a w ) .................................. 34 (iv) Page Other Authorities, continued: ~ NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION, ECONOMICS AND OFFICE PRACTICES OF THE BLACK LAWYER (1 9 7 1 ) ....................................................................................................34 Nom ination o f Patricia Roberts Harris, Hearings Before the Senate Comm, on Banking, Housing and Urban A ff. 95th Cong., 1st sess., 41 ( 1 9 7 7 ) ............................... 37, 38 Note, The Negro Lawyer in Virginia: A Survey, 51 VA. L. REV. 512 ( 1 9 6 5 ) ................................................................ 34 R. Pipkin and E. Katsch, Undergraduate Studies and Law School Gatekeepers, 28 J . LEGAL ED. 103 (1 9 7 6 ) ...................................................................................................... 5 The Organized Bar: Self-Serving or Serving the Public? Hearing Before the Subcom m . on Representation o f Citizen interests o f the Senate Comm, on the Judiciary, 93rd Cong. 2d Sess. 73 ( 1 9 7 4 ) ....................... 10 EL Simon and J . Covell, Performance o f Medical Students A d m itted Via Regular and Admission-Variance Routes, 50 J . MED. ED. 237 (1975).......................... 24, 25, 26 R. Sm ith, Double Exposure: The Sinister Magic that Would Turn Black S tudents into White Lawyers, 2 LEARNING AND THE LAW 24 (Summer 1975) . . . . 15 J . Wingard & J . Williamson, Grades as Predictors o f Physicians’ Career Performance: A n Evaluative Literature Review, 48 J . MED. ED. 311 (1973) 26, 27, 29 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES OCTOBER TERM. 1976 No. 76-811 T h e R e g e n t s o f T h e U n iv e r s it y o f Ca l if o r n ia , Petitioner, v. A l l a n Ba k k e . Respondent. ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME COURT OF CALIFORNIA BRIEF OF THE ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW AMICUS CURIAE MANNER OF FILING This brief amicus curiae is filed with the written consent of the parties pursuant to U.S. Supreme Court Rule 42. INTEREST OF THE AMICUS The amicus is the Antioch School of Law, the only law school with its own faculty-staffed Teaching Law Firm and a three year clinical program expressly 1 2 designed to produce graduates com petent to engage in the practice of law im m ediately upon com pletion of law school. Since its inception, the Antioch School of Law has had a m inority enrollm ent comprising 30% or higher of its entering student body w ithout either a separate or a preferential admissions procedure for m inority appli cants. The admissions process focuses on tw o factors: the applicant’s poten tial to achieve com petence as a lawyer, and poten tial contribu tion to equal justice under law and to improving the capacity of the legal system to respond to grievances. We cannot rely upon the Law School Admission Test (LSAT) or Grade Point Average (GPA) to predict either potential, com petence or contribution, o r even perform ance as a student in a law school clinic. The decision below, if extended to law school admissions, would effectively destroy our ability to make predictions about the potential professional com petence of applicants.* For reasons set forth within, the race of the applicant is highly significant to our in terpretation of the evidence bearing on potential com petence and potential contribution. It is of u tm ost im portance to the School that it be perm itted to continue, develop and refine an admissions process which effectively assesses potential lawyering com petence of bo th white and non-white applicants. We believe tha t A ntioch’s experience sheds im portant light on the relationship between the race of an applicant and the in terpretation of different types of evidence bearing upon their potential com petence and contribution. * A ny decision in this case would also affect private schools, see R u n yo n v. McCrary, 427 U.S. 160 (1976). 3 QUESTIONS PRESENTED 1. Whether the Equal Protection Clause prohibits all consideration of an applicant’s race in the admissions process even where relevant to an inquiry in to the potential of an applicant to achieve competence as a professional. 2. Whether the Equal Protection Clause prohibits all consideration of the applicant’s race in the admissions process in determining the probable future contribution of an applicant to the profession’s com m itm ent to equal justice and requires the adoption of only “nonracial alternatives” to efforts aimed at remedying the dearth of professionals serving m inority com munities. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT The court below erred in failing to distinguish between two different uses of race: 1. use of race to trigger the application of different (and arguably “ low er” ) admissions standards; 2. use of race to interpret and evaluate evidence essential to the uniform application of uniform admissions standards to applicants of different races. While the instant case involves admission to medical school, we believe most of the same considerations apply to admission to law school. It is generally acknowledged that test scores—both the LSAT and the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT) do not purport to predict com petence as a lawyer or a doctor. At best, they predict performance as a student—a law student or a medical student—on those examinations which measure what students have learned from academic courses. Nor do they purport to 4 predict student perform ance in a clinic—medical or legal. I. RACE IS IMPORTANT IN EVALUATING AN APPLI CANT’S POTENTIAL FOR COMPETENCE AS A PROFES SIONAL. There are at least three types of situations where an applicant’s race bears directly upon the in terpretation of test scores, grade point average, and other evidence. These situations becom e far more im portant if one shifts the focus in admissions from an inquiry into a candidate’s potential success as a student to an inquiry into potential com petence as a professional. They are: 1. Where com m unication skills are being evaluated by tests, poor test scores of m inority applicants may understate the adequacy of present skills in com m uni cating with clients or patients. Equally im portant, they may distort judgm ents about the applicant’s potential to achieve proficiency in com municating with persons of different ethnic groups, w hether by word of m outh or in writing. Knowledge of the applicant’s race may be essential to in terpretation of such data. 2. Where the definition of professional com petence incorporates values, assumptions and perspectives held by the m ajority culture, poor test performance may only reflect the extent of the divergence between the majority and m inority culture on assumptions about, for instance, the fairness of judges or the life situation of patients. 3. Where tests and grades only measure an applicant’s readiness to benefit from one pedagogic m ethod and to perform on one range of test instrum ents, they cannot be predictive of potential to achieve and dem onstrate 5 professional com petence via other pedagogic and testing m ethods such as those involved in programmed learning, simulation and clinical training. There is a new body of data suggesting that such procedures consistently understate the potential to achieve professional com petence of all candidates with learning styles different from those required by conventional teaching and testing methods. In practice this operates to the detrim ent of m inority candidates and economically disadvantaged candidates, for it measures academic ac culturation rather than potential. It can also operate to the detrim ent of talented, upper middle class, white candidates who are poor test-takers. Admissions based primarily on academic acculturation appear least appropriate where clinical (applied or practical) training is available, where other assessment procedures can be utilized and where the ultim ate objective is professional com petence, no t test-taking proficiency. The use of traditional predictors of academic performance as the sole or primary basis for admissions decisions1 requires special scrutiny for minorities, economically dis advantaged persons and persons with distinctive learning styles lest unw arranted superiority be automatically attribu ted only to the educationally advantaged with learning styles that conform to the society’s dom inant class and culture. P ip k in and Katsh, Undergraduate Studies and Law School Gatekeepers, 28 J . LEGAL ED. 103, 107 (19 76). RACE IS IMPORTANT TO EVALUATION OF AN APPLICANT’S POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTIONS AS A PROFESSIONAL. When w hite and non-white candidates make as sertions about their in tention to contribute to pro m oting equal justice by serving m inority communities, and even w hen b o th marshall evidence of dem onstrated com m itm ent to do so, there is empirical data to support the proposition that a higher percentage of non-whites will, in fact, devote a considerable portion of their professional lives to serving m inority com munities. This is no t because of greater selflessness but because such service may be virtually involuntary, it is frequently the product of demands of the m inority com m unity, of pressures, appointm ents and job offers from both the public and private sector, and of tha t com m unity of interest to which members of racial minorities are heir because of the peculiar injustices to which they are subject. Accordingly, we submit tha t a professional school which desires to consider potential contribution of an applicant to provide services to m inority com munities is no t free to ignore the race of the applicant or disregard empirical evidence on the differing predictive value to be assigned to similar assertions by white and non-white applicants. 7 ARGUMENT INTRODUCTORY If the opinion of the Supreme Court of California stands as an authoritative interpretation of the Equal Protection Clause, then all consideration of the race of an applicant to professional school is proscribed and only racially neutral or “nonracial alternatives” may be utilized to achieve policy objectives. We believe that the court below has erred in failing to distinguish between two different uses of races: 1. Use of race to trigger the application of a different process and different (and arguably “ lower” ) standards; and 2. use o f race as essential to interpret evidence in order to secure the uniform application of uniform admissions standards to applicants of different races. The Supreme Court of California appears to have proscribed b o th uses of race. The constitutionality of the first use of race to accomplish an im portant social objective, and the necessity of preferential admissions is being addressed by other amici. This brief seeks only to challenge the prohibition on the second use of race by setting forth those contexts in which the applicant’s race must be considered in interpreting critically im portant evidence if there is to be uniform application of uniform admissions standards to candidates of different races. Accordingly, we submit that the Equal Protection Clause, far from proscribing consideration of race may, in certain contexts, mandate an awareness of its significance. This brief draws primarily upon A ntioch’s experience and research in admissions and in assessment of professional com petence. For the past several years, Antioch has received funds from the Council on Legal Education for Professional Responsibility; the Exxon Education Fund; the Fund for the Im provem ent of Post-Secondary Education; the Goldman Foundation; the Legal Services Corporation (originally the Office of Econom ic O pportunity); the National Endow m ent for the Humanities; and the National Institutes of Education, among others, to develop definitions of the core competencies required of lawyers, to develop evaluation or assessment procedures to determ ine the level of com petency achieved by students, and to develop teaching methods which im part professional com petency more effectively. (See A ppendix A for the latest revised definitions of lawyering competencies and the forms used in assessing student perform ance in the School’s Teaching Law Firm.) Since its founding, the Antioch School of Law has always utilized a distinctive admissions process which bases admissions on two factors: 1. Potential of the applicant to attain com petence as a lawyer; and 2. poten tial contribution of the applicant to equal justice under law and im provem ent of the legal system ’s capacity to respond to grievances. From the outset, this has involved a review of many types of evidence bearing upon these determ inations: LSAT, grades, essays, recom m endations, interviews, work products, term papers, com m unity involvement and the like. During the past year, this process of analysis has been codified in the form of an admissions m atrix which is used to score applications in terms of the weight to be given to different types of evidence in reaching an overall assessment of the candidate’s potential (the current matrix appears as Appendix B). 9 This, in turn, will provide a basis for further research on correlations between ratings made at the time of admission and dem onstrated competence as manifested in the perform ance of lawyering tasks in the School’s Teaching Law Firm and both competence and con tribution manifested following graduation through follow-up studies now being designed. Our initial study indicated tha t the Writing Score and GPA (but no t the LSAT) correlate with both clinical and classroom performance only during the first year. There ceases to be any correlation whatsoever by the end of the second year.2 It appears that the massive infusion of clinical training during the first two years reduces the correlation between the LSAT, prelaw school variables and grades in both the classroom and the clinic to zero or chance by the end of the second year.3 While the research is still in preliminary stages and it is perhaps prem ature to extrapolate from law to medicine, we wish to draw the C ourt’s atten tion to a study at Temple University Medical School which found minor ity students performing below the median on objective knowledge tests in pathology but performing con sistently above the median on clinical tests in pathology designed by the same instructors to test for the same knowledge by requiring the actual identification of organs or tissues and diagnosis of the pathological process on actual specimens.4 The implications of these studies are discussed below. 2J . George, The Domino Theory of Legal Education: An Empirical Analysis of Entry Barriers to the Legal Profession (1976) (unpublished thesis in Antioch School of Law Library). 4J . Baum and C. Ireland, M inority S tudent Performance on Pathology Examinations, 67 J . NAT’L MED ASSOC. 324 (July 1975). 10 Our experience, supported by other data, indicates tha t the fact of an applicant’s race has empirically dem onstrable significance in evaluating evidence bearing upon potential com petence and potential contribution. Through application of the admissions m atrix the Antioch School of Law admissions process has consistently produced a m inority enrollm ent of th irty percent or higher w ithout resort to separate standards or a separate process. The com m on denom inator of the School’s concern w ith both com petence and contribution is ultim ately the citizenry’s right to counsel—counsel in whom they can have confidence w ith respect to com petence, to zealousness and to improving the capacity of the legal system to provide redress through law.5 We do not urge, in this connection, tha t Black, Latino, Native American, Asian and Appalachian clients can only be served by Black, Latino, Native American, Asian and A ppalachian lawyers respectively, bu t we do assert tha t the absence of m inority members of the bar and bench, along with the lack of m inority lawyers as defense counsel, as judges, as prosecutors, and as decision makers 6 taints the entire system and undermines all possibility of confidence in the system by those with greatest reason to distrust the legal system. The 5 For an articulate statem ent on the im portance of such considerations, see The Organized Bar: Self-Serving or Serving the Public? Hearing before the Subcom m . on Representation o f Citizen Interests o f the Senate C om m ittee on the Judiciary , 93rd Cong., 2d Sess. 73 (1974) (Statem ent of Orville H. Schell). 6Black lawyers still am ount to scarcely two percent of the profession, Character, The President Speaks, 9 NATIONAL BAR BULL. 2 (Feb. 1977). Of the estim ated 522,294 elected officials in the United States, eight-tenths of one percent (0.8%) are Black. NATIONAL ROSTER OF BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS 1 (1975). 11 profession recognizes in its canons that the right of the public is no t only tha t justice be done—but that it seem to be done; no t only that the system be fair and equitable and non-discrim inatory—but that it also appear to be so.7 The final touchstone is trust. And a profession that is 97.5% white can assert its com m it ment to equality bu t it cannot compel trust from those to whom such self-serving statem ents make a travesty of meaningful equality before the law. With this as foreword, we turn to those elements of the admissions process where we believe that race must be perm itted to play a role if unitary standards are to be applied uniform ly to data that is susceptible of different in terpretation depending upon the applicant’s race. 7The American Bar Association states . . the very es sence of the legal system is to provide procedures by which m atters can be presented in an impartial manner so that they may be decided solely on the merits. . . ABA CODE OF PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY, EC9-4; because “ Every lawyer owes a solemn duty to uphold the integrity and honor of his profession; to encourage respect for the law . . .” each lawyer must “ . . . strive to avoid no t only professional im propriety but also the appearance of im propriety.” Id. at EC 9-6. 12 I. THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING CON SIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE IN INTER PRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON THE POTENTIAL OF AN APPLICANT TO MEET THE ACADEMIC RE QUIREMENTS OF THE SCHOOL AND/OR TO ACHIEVE COMPETENCE AS A PROFESSIONAL, AND IN RE QUIRING THAT ONLY RACIALLY NEUTRAL LINES OF INQUIRY BE USED IN ASSESSING THE POTENTIAL OF AN APPLICANT TO SATISFY ACADEMIC REQUIRE MENTS AND/OR ACHIEVE COMPETENCE AS A PRO FESSIONAL. The Supreme Court of California’s opinion in Bakke v. Regents o f The University o f California, 132 Cal. Rptr. 680, 553 P.2d 1152 (1976) appears to foreclose all consideration of race in assessing the potential of an applicant to achieve com petence: “ To accept at the outset the premise tha t a m inority applicant may be better qualified because of his race would foreclose consideration o f the constitutional issue raised by the com plaint.” Id. a t 1161. The court expressly does not require mechanical compliance with ranking by grade point average and test scores—though tha t may be the result of an affirm ance: The University is entitled to consider, as it does w ith respect to applicants in the special program, th a t low grades and test scores may no t accurately reflect the abilities of some disadvantaged students; and it may reasonably conclude tha t although their academic scores are lower, their potential for success in the school and the profession is equal to or greater than tha t of an applicant with higher grades who has not been similarly handicapped. 553 P.2d at 1166. 13 The court expressly gives it blessings to consideration of other factors such as personal interviews, recom m enda tions, character, and matters relating to the needs of the profession and society. But the court is explicit in prohibiting utilization of race in applying admissions standards: “ No applicant may be rejected because of his race, in favor of another who is less qualified, as measured by standards applied without regard to race” (emphasis added). Id. The court cites with approval Mr. Justice Douglas’ statem ent in De Funis v. Odegaard, 416 U.S. 312, 336-337 (1974), tha t “ [W jhatever his race, he had a constitutional right to have his application considered on its individual merits in a racially neutral m anner.” Our data and experience indicate that the fact of an applicant’s race has empirically demonstrable signifi cance in evaluating evidence bearing upon a candidate’s potential to achieve professional competence. We assert th a t the court below erred in prohibiting all considera tion of race where race or ethnic background must be known in order to ascertain w hether a poor test score or low Grade Point Average evidences lack of potential competence or merely lack of acculturation. As the court properly points out, there are numerous factors which legitimately may alter assessment ol the predictive value of test scores and grades. Race is not the only one nor always the dispositive one, bu t it is one. A ntioch makes an individualized assessment of test scores and grades for all candidates (See Appendix B). We have found test scores and grades particularly suspect for predictive purposes for “ late bloom ers,” for persons several years out of school, for poor whites from economically depressed regions, for candidates with records as poor test takers bu t high achievers, and for children of first generation immigrants. Our 14 experience indicates tha t consideration of the appli can t’s race, cultural background and class can be essential and in various situations compels a different in terpretation of the predictive significance of test scores and grades. Race in particular operates in this fashion in at least three types of situations: where English is a second language and com m unication skills are being tested; where functional definitions of com petence entail some degree of acculturation or adjustm ent to the institutions, mores, and assumptions of the dom inant society; and where tests appear to understate the actual com petence of minorities because linked to teaching or testing procedures which are geared to the learning styles and learned behavior patterns of the dom inant culture. We shall consider each in turn. A. Where Communications Skills Are Involved Race, Class, Culture Or National Origin Op erate To Impair Or Otherwise Distort The Extent To Which Performance On Tests Accurately Reflects Potential Competence At Communication Skills. The need to take race or “ ethnicity” into account in interpreting test scores is most obvious where English is a second language. Except for the sweeping proscription of consideration of race, it would no t seem startling to announce tha t cognizance should be taken of the tact tha t an applicant’s prim ary language was Spanish or Navajo or Chinese. Cf. Lau v. Nichols, 414 U.S. 563 (1974). The same principle would apply to persons raised in homes where only German, Italian or Polish was spoken. The function of race becomes more subtle in dealing with variations on Standard English such as dialects and 15 “ Black English.” No one disputes that the ability to utilize Standard English with precision and grammatical accuracy may be essential for the discharge of certain professional functions. But A ntioch has defined com petency in oral communications as “ the ability to assess, control and vary verbal and non-verbal com m uni cations w ith an audience(s) in a given situation to maximize the accomplishm ent of objectives.” This includes the ability to listen, understand and respond. In recent weeks, Antioch has had to review the implications of this com petence in considering w hether to admit deaf applicants and has responded affirm a tively because of the special communications problems of deaf clients. In like fashion, because we believe it appropriate to consider the communications needs of Black clients, Latino clients, and Asian clients to be understood by their lawyers, we put clients’ needs on a par w ith the needs of judges and decision makers who require com m unication in upper middle class English. Cf. Ralph R. Smith, Double Exposure: The Sinister Magic that would turn Black Students into White Lawyers. 2 LEARNING AND THE LAW 24-26 (Summer 1975). We subm it tha t in situations involving potential com petence in communications skills, in stances arise where it is appropriate and even essential to inquire into race, ju st as in other instances it is essential to inquire into country or region of origin in order to interpret test scores and grades. 16 B. Where The Definition o f Professional Com petence Incorporates Values, Assumptions And Perspectives Held By The Majority Culture, Poor Test Performance May Only Reflect The Extent Of The Divergence Between The Majority And Minority Culture On Assumptions About, For Instance, The Fairness Of Judges, Or The Extent To Which Rules Determine Results. There have been relatively few analyses of the reasons m inority perform ance on the LSAT has con sistently fallen behind the d istribution of scores by 0 w hite students. Some attribu te it simply to past educational deprivation and to lack of practice at objective, m ultiple choice tests. We suspect other factors come in to play at times. For example, applicants of considerable ability express the view tha t the LSAT is a kind of trick game which they cannot win. An analysis of the types of errors made by m inority students in one study indicates tha t part of the problem may stem from a belief tha t the LSAT is a game, played in accordance with unknow n rules—and th a t the stated rules or instructions are not to be trusted .8 The study provides the following example in which m inority students’ understanding o f applicable norms and values consistently produced error. The 0 directions stated, “ The principles may be either real or imaginary bu t for the purpose of this test you are to assume them to be valid.” 9 In the following example, those directions were disregarded: 8A. Carp, S. Johnson and E. Tibby, Report on LSAT/San Francisco Consortium Project in that Area, reprinted in LAW SCHOOL ADMISSION COUNCIL, REPORTS OF LSAC SPONSORED RESEARCH 174 (1976). 9Id. at 178. 17 William, on his first date with Anne, surprised her with a kiss while they were attending a movie. Anne, who had been on numerous movie dates w ith boys in the com m unity was startled and offended by his familiarity. In a suit by Anne against William, (A) Anne will win, because a kiss on the first date is not norm al in the com m unity in which Anne and William live; (B) Anne will win, because the proper activity in a theatre is watching the show; (C) Anne will lose, because kissing in the movie is com mon in some cities; (D) Anne will lose, because W’illiam did no t hurt her in any way. “A ” is the correct answer, bu t invariably the Golden Gate students chose “C” because kissing in the movies is apparently common in their ken. Their reasoning was tha t anyone knows kissing is an acceptable occurrence in theatres and to even attem pt to sue someone for kissing a person in the theatre ju st can’t be for real.10 Test-taking behavior fell in to several patterns, all of which appear to be characterized by a “how to beat the game” approach.11 In short, it appears tha t students 10 1 1 , Id. Id. at 176-177. test-taking behavior: The study reports the following types of (1) The Key Word Theory. In the Reading Recall sub-test, students would find a certain word in one of the answers that had also been in the paragraph they had read and the answer which contained that w ord would be their choice. (2) The Win-or-Lose Syndrome. In the Principles and Cases sub-test, after reading the cases and before considering the possible answers some students would decide if it would be a [footnote continued] 18 tended to stick to those “ survival behaviors” which had w orked for them in the past, rather than entering into conventions required by the test and taking the test expressly on its own terms. We have observed tha t this same pattern is responsible for some of the difficulties encountered by m inority students on first year law school exam inations. Many of the logical processes dem anded of law students require w hat we have described elsewhere12 as an entitlem ent perspective. The entitlem ent perspective embodies a belief tha t rules which define rights determ ine outcom e. Psychologically this am ounts to a belief tha t one can control one’s fate by knowing and invoking the rules. That belief is posited on the assum ption th a t rules control the judge or decision maker and tha t the person who is injured ought to be able to invoke those rules. W ithout tha t entitlem ent perspective, one tends to believe that everything rides on luck—on the whim, largesse, or prejudices of the judge. Marinda Harpole, the D irector of the Basic Skills Program at A ntioch explains tha t the acculturative dim ension of legal education also involves a foreign set win-or-lose situation. Then, after reading the alternative answers, they w ould elim inate those which did no t agree w ith their “ decision.” (3) Use o f Independent Inform ation. On the Reading Com prehension sub-test, where knowledge of current events was a factor on some items, students often relied on their own knowledge, gained from TV, newspaper articles, informal conversations or school courses in answering the questions. 12Cahn and Cahn, M inority Students, Lawyering Competence and Bar Exam inations (November 19, 1976) (unpublished paper presented at a Conference of the Council on Legal Education for Professional R esponsibility). 19 of assumptions about the substantive im portance of procedure: Justice — for the typical m inority student, means the ultim ate trium ph of right over wrong. . . . The Anglo-American legal system is one in which the goal o f situational justice (doing what is right in the case at hand) has been largely sacrificed to the goals of predictability, regularity, uniform ity, and historical unity. Within the framework of this rule-bound legal system, justice is achieved when the process takes place in an orderly manner in conform ity with all of the applicable rules. A nother way of expressing this is tha t justice is simply “ having your day in court.” Justice inheres in the process, not the product. It is extrem ely difficult to acquire the process orientation when one has been imbued with a product orientation for most o f one’s life.13 Our analysis suggests that competence in law school is peculiarly culture bound—tied to assumptions about the legal system, the operations of rules of law, the perceptions of the rule of judges. However, m inority students usually bring to law school a different perception of the legal system and a different perception of the causal rules which determine the outcome of cases. The Law School Admission Council study suggests that they will tend to stick to the “ cause-and-effect” rules that they know and trust. We have selected some of the basic “ outcom e predictive” rules that law students are expected to master and contrasted them with the causal principles that a life-time of experience imparts to minority students. 13 Q uoted in Cahn and Cahn, supra. The most fundam ental principle involved is that of stare decisis: “ Like cases will be decided alike, on the facts, on the merits, w ithout regard to the race or class of the parties.” M inority students do no t believe that. They start from the premise tha t one can best predict the outcom e of a case by knowing the race and wealth of the parties. That and tha t alone is usually sufficient to predict w hat rules apply and who wins. Similarly, law students m ust come to appreciate that judges are no t legislators; they must apply the law; they cannot create a separate rule for each individual; they are not all-powerful because of the constraints imposed by their institu tional ro le .14 M inority students start from the opposite premise: tha t judges are all-powerful, tha t judges can decide a case any way they want and then rationalize the result after the fact. They read dissents as confirm ation of tha t belief, and they tend to view decisions as simply expressions of the personal and political values of the decision-maker. When engaging in rigorous legal analysis one must assume tha t the exercise has some utility , tha t judges are fair, tha t they will respond to sound legal argum entation and will be persuaded by a principled justification in terms of precedent, the literal wording of a rule, situation sense or underlying policy considerations. M inority students find it very difficult to believe tha t a judge whom they perceive as a “ too l” o f the “ white power structu re” will be unpersuaded by conclusory moral exhortation bu t will respond to esoteric distinctions, doctrinal manipulations and analysis of fact or policies. Many initially lack a sense o f the audience they m ust address and persuade. l i See ABA OPINION 242 (1942). 21 Other fundamentally different perceptions of law and lawyers control, at least initially, the response of many minority students. Some approach law school examina tions as a game in which the object is to guess who wins and then to display as much knowledge of as many rules and cases as possible. Professor Charles Kelso, a Visiting Professor this past year at Antioch, decided to experiment with the hypotheses that the ability to take a law school examination involved a process of acculturation for minority students. Thirteen of the fifteen students who flunked his contracts examinations turned out to be minority students. He provided model answers, critiques of each paper and then gave a reexamination using different hypothetical but applying the same qualitative standards. All but one of the students passed the reexamination; most reported that they had never taken an examination where the ob jective was to demonstrate that they could give reasoned analysis of the arguments for each side and where the outcome predicted was far less important that the rationales advanced for justifying the conclusion. We believe that law school examinations are, in no small part, measures of the extent to which a candidate can articulate, utilize, and manipulate assumptions, inferences and causal principles held by the dominant class, race and culture. (See Appendix C for a paired list of those assumptions and counter-assumptions, held by minority students. Cahn & Cahn, supra). This may be true of medical education, but we lack the expertise to articulate the role which class or cultural assumptions may play in diagnostic and problem solving activities of physicians. It is at least possible that in interpreting symptoms, making inferences about the causes of illness, assessing possible psychosomatic components of physical illness, or prescribing an appropriate and 22 realistic course of treatm ent, some culture-related assumptions may be involved.15 We believe that a culture-bound definition of lawyering com petence is functionally justified: lawyers must function in this society’s legal system and within the fram ework of the dom inant cu lture’s laws—even when they seek to change those laws or tha t system. Tests which measure the degree of acculturation tha t has already taken place cannot be considered a definitive measure of potential to “become acculturated” or po ten tial to achieve com petence for persons who are not mem bers of the dom inant class, race or culture. The discrimin- $ atory im pact resulting from reliance on tests which necessarily assume or measure tha t acculturation is a direct function of the degree of variance between the language, values, beliefs and inferences of the m inority and m ajority culture. Accordingly, we believe it to be of critical im portance to know the race and class of the applicant in interpreting the data we receive. Otherwise we have no way of knowing w hether poor scores or poor perform ance indicate lack of potential or merely lack of acculturation. Moreover, in distinguishing among m inor ity candidates, we need to determine who has the greater potential to achieve tha t degree of acculturation entailed in attaining lawyering com petence. That requires an assessment of intellect, of flexibility, of 15 COLORADO ADVISORY COMM. TO U.S. COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS, ACCESS TO THE MEDICAL PROFESSION IN COLORADO BY MINORITIES AND WOMEN 5-7 (1976). 23 willingness to entertain assumptions contrary to those known and experienced. It is difficult to believe that we can arrive at such a determ ination w ithout consideration of race (and background factors asso ciated with race) in assessing and interpreting the evidence. We do know that in order for minority students to become com petent lawyers, they must engage in a partial suspension of deeply-held and often personally confirm ed beliefs about the legal system. To the extent this is so, it may help to explain the increasing body of evidence suggesting that practice-oriented tests and clinical assessment where feedback is reality-based appear to be less culture-biased and result in sharply different evaluations of minority students (both law and medical students) from more traditional essay or multiple choice examinations. These data are discussed in the following section. C. Where Tests And Grades Only Measure An Applicant’s Readiness To Benefit From One Pedagogic Method And To Perform On One Range Of Test Instruments, They Cannot Be Predictive Of Potential To Achieve Profes sional Competence Via Other Pedagogic And Testing Methods Such As Those Involved In Clinical Training And Practice-Oriented Exam inations. A study done at A ntioch16 examines the relationship between prelaw variables (i.e., LSAT, Writing Ability section of LSAT, and GPA) and law school variables (i.e., classroom and clinical performance during the first and second years of law school). The results indicate no 16 J . George, The Domino Theory supra, note 2. 24 correlation between LSAT and grades at the end of the second year. The study also found a significant correlation existed between both clinic and class grades during the first year and Writing Ability scores and GPA bu t that there was no correlation between these variables by the end of the second year.17 It appears tha t the massive infusion of clinical pedagogy in the first and second year elim inated the predictive value of the LSAT. The study also found tha t there was chance correlation between the LSAT, GPA, second year grades, and perform ance on an old m ulti-state scored by the National Conference of Bar Examiners as part of the Jf research design.18 By contrast, in other validation studies in the traditional law schools, the LSAT has correlated with second and third year grades and with subsequent perform ance on the m ultista te.19 Our study is strikingly mirrored by one from the University of California at San Diego School o f Medicine 20 where two groups of students were com pared—those ad m itted on the basis o f MCAT scores and those from disadvantaged backgrounds adm itted by a special “variance procedure.” The difference in perform ance of the two groups appears to have decreased rapidly with the onset of internships or clinical ro tations.21 -------------- # 11 Id. at 66. 18Id. at 22. 19 A review of these studies appears in Educational Testing Service, Interpretive Booklet LSAT/LSDAS for (1974). 20H. Sim on and J . Coveil, Performance o f Medical Students A d m itted Via Regular and Admission-Variance Routes, 50 J . MED. ED. 237 (1975). 21 Id. The basic clerkship in surgery had to be repeated twice by one m em ber of the regularly adm itted group whereas all students [footnote continued] 25 The study concludes tha t although some differences between the groups remained, “ The mean performance levels in clinical clerkships were nearly identical among the tw o populations; that of students granted admission variances was average, whereas that of their regularly adm itted contemporaries was slightly better than 9)22average. A 1975 study at Temple University Medical School [J. Baum and C. Ireland, Minority Student Performance on Pathology Examinations, 67 J . NAT’L MED. ASSOC. 334 (1975)] raises similar questions about the relation ship of testing methods to determinations about com pe tence. The study evaluates the performances of two sec ond year classes (1972-1973 and 1973-1974) on two dif ferent kinds of pathology exam inations—an objective test and a practical/clinical test covering the same content. It was noted that, the practical examinations consisted of 16 stations provided for student identification of the organ or tissue and diagnosis. Based upon the com plexity of the specimen, identification of the pathological process was an acceptable response in some cases. Analyzing the differential performance of m inority class members on these types of examinations, the re searchers reported that many minority students per formed below the median on the objective tests, but perform ed well above the median on practical examina- adm itted through variance passed the surgical clerkship on their first attem pt. The basic clerkship in medicine had to be repeated by one student in the regularly adm itted group and by two students adm itted by variance. ^ S im o n and Coveil, supra, note 20 at 241. 26 tions designed and graded by the same faculty. Id. The authors advanced these tw o interpretations of the data: 1. It would appear tha t the form at of the standardized objective exam inations favors white students. . . . 2. The be tte r than average perform ance of black and o ther ethnic m inority students on the practical exam inations suggests that their proficiency for achievement in an applied situation is greater than that of their white contem poraries. . . . Id. at 325 Analogous, albeit anecdotal, evidence came to light in a dispute at Harvard Medical School where one 0 professor attacked m inority admissions citing the example of a m inority student who had failed Part I of the National Boards five times and yet was granted his M.D. degree. In rejoinder, another member of the medical school faculty pointed out: The student in question was granted his M.D. degree only after a year of highly satisfactory clinical perform ance on the wards of a dis tinguished hospital, docum ented by letters from all the chiefs of service under whom he served. Nor did Dr. Davis m ention tha t the student had passed Part II of the National Boards. There is nothing to suggest that this man will be anything but a fine physician. To consider tha t he might be a danger J | to patients is ludicrous. R. Ebert, Facts A bout Minority Students at Harvard Medical School 294 NEW ENGLAND J . MED., 1402-3 (June 14, 1976). Finally, our conclusions are corroborated by a recent survey of all the literature on the relationship between undergraduate perform ance, performance in medical school, and subsequent perform ance as a physician.23 ^3 J . Wingard and J . Williamson, Grades as Predictors o f Physi cians’ Career Performance: An Evaluative Literature Review, 48 J . MED. ED. 311 (1973). 27 “ [A] vailable research findings have dem onstrated that little or no correlation exists between academic and pro fessional perform ance.” 24 Based on this conclusion, the authors suggest tha t there is a need to rethink the use of grades in making career decisions and urged the greater study o f “ perform ance” in the future. We therefore conclude that test scores are of dubious predictive value for professional schools if a. they are only predictive of performance as a student, no t as a professional following gradua tion; b. they are only predictive of performance as a student operating in a traditional classroom setting, no t student performance in a clinical, applied, or practice setting; c. they are only predictive of some, bu t not all o f the most crucial competencies required. Moreover, to the extent that professional education involves a process of acculturation, admissions procedures based on the entry examinations only measure the level of acculturation reached by the student prior to profes sional school. O ther factors including personality type, m otivation, flexibility, self-image, staying power and intellectual capacity determine the rate of adjustm ent and the extent to which adjustment can be made within the time limits and academic standards imposed by the institution. Neither the MCAT nor the LSAT purport to gauge capacity for personal growth and adjustment. A primary reason for the development of the new MCAT was a finding by the Association of American Medical Colleges that the old MCAT did not adequately 24Id. at 313. test for relevant com petency.25 Yet Bakke’s claim relates to his score on the old MCAT.26 It is germane to point out tha t the LSAT only purports to test two of the six basic lawyering competencies which Antioch has identified and defined. Thus, for instance, it appears to test for capacity at legal analysis, and w ritten com m unications. It does no t purport to test for problem solving oral com m unications professional responsibility practice management. Those competencies tend to be much more client- oriented, to require interactive and negotiating skills, and to dem and greater definition of role and identity than traditional academic courses and exam inations do. Clinical education places a premium on such com petencies and it appears tha t students with learning styles tha t do not profit as readily from traditional classroom experiences acquire clinically the tw o com petencies traditionally tested in academic exam inations: 25See ACCESS TO THE MEDICAL PROFESSION, supra, note 15 at 29-30; See also, Cooper, The New Medical College Adm ission Test, 52 J . MED. ED. 77 (January 1977). o c Conceivably the entire difference between the numerical rank ing of Bakke and the other candidates could arise solely from differences in MCAT or undergraduate grades. An MCAT-based differential hardly justifies the cou rt’s characterization of “ less- qualified.” 29 legal analysis and written com munication, thereby reducing the predictive value of the LSAT to zero. The singular im portance of problem solving was noted as a potentially major cause of the lack of correlation found between the MCAT and subsequent professional perform ance.27 It is prem ature to speculate further on the relation between test scores, cognitive styles, race, class and pedagogic m ethod. But one thing is clear: tests measure acculturation or readiness to profit from the dom inant culture’s traditional instructional mode. Tests do not measure potential to achieve competence, or actual com petence unless they have been validated against actual perform ance in practice settings. No such validation studies have been conducted in law; those in medicine have found no correlation. Whatever limited assumptions can be made about the predictive value of test scores for members of the majority culture cannot be autom atically converted into statem ents about potential com petence of m inority members. At best, they can be said to be statem ents about the degree of acculturation achieved by minority members. Ad m ittedly, this may be a critical indicator of chances of survival. It may not be, however, for it can just as readily be a measure of an impaired sense of identity. The critical factor for survival may no t be accultur ation; it may be m otivation. And there is some evidence th a t personality-type correlates directly w ith the chances o f a ttrition , though not w ith grades. A study conducted in 1965 for the Law School Admission Council established a personality test tha t placed subjects on a continuum ex tending from scientific-analytic to sensuous-artistic.28 The 27Supra, Grades as Predictors, note 23 at 313-314. 2 ̂P. VanR. M etter, Personality Differences and Student Sur vival in Law School, reprinted in LAW SCHOOL ADMISSION COUNCIL, 1 REPORTS OF LSAC SPONSORED RESEARCH 299-310 (1976). 30 study noted that there was no correlation betw een per sonality type and test score bu t there was a marked corre lation betw een personality type and attrition rate. The artistic-sensuous type was far more likely to drop out of law school than the scientific-analytic engineer type, bu t bo th types had equally good chances of scoring high on the LSAT. At the very least, issues of m otivation, m atur ity, staying power, and sense o f responsibility have an im pact on professional com petence—if professional com petence includes professional responsibility, practice m an agement and problem solving competencies. Accordingly, we subm it tha t race, like other factors cited by the court as pertinent in interpreting test scores—socio-economic background, educational oppor tunities, e tc .—is a factor bearing directly upon the in terpretation of test scores, grades and other evidence. To insist that the admission process must rely exclusively upon racially neutral criteria and must exclude consideration of race in the in terpretation of data is in fact to require discrimination on account of race. f 31 II. THE COURT BELOW ERRED IN PROHIBITING CON SIDERATION OF AN APPLICANT’S RACE IN INTER PRETING EVIDENCE BEARING UPON THE POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTION AN APPLICANT WILL MAKE TO FURTHERING THE PROFESSION’S COMMITMENT TO EQUAL JUSTICE UNDER LAW, TO IMPROVING THE CAPACITY OF THE LEGAL SYSTEM TO RESPOND TO THE GRIEVANCES OF DISENFRANCHISED PERSONS AND GROUPS, AND IN REQUIRING THE ADOPTION OF ONLY “ NONRACIAL ALTERNATIVES” IN EF FORTS AIMED AT REMEDYING THE DEARTH OF PROFESSIONALS SERVING MINORITY COMMUNITIES. The court below concluded that reliance upon the race of an applicant in making a determ ination of future contributions was constitutionally repugnant, even though it conceded “ that it is more likely that they [m inority doctors] will practice in m inority com munities than the average white doctor.” 29 The court reasoned that there are more precise and reliable ways to identify applicants who are genuinely interested in the med ical problems o f minorities than by race. An applicant of whatever race who has dem on strated his concern for disadvantaged minorities in the past and who declares tha t practice in such a com m unity is his primary professional goal would be more likely to contribute to alleviation of the medical shortage than one who is chosen entirely on the basis o f race and disadvantage. In short, there is no empirical data to dem onstrate that any one race is more selflessly socially oriented or by con- 29 553 P.2d at 1167. 32 trast tha t another is more selfishly acquisitive.30 (em phasis added). We take issue bo th with the factual assertion—that there are no empirical data—and with the legal pro scription the court placed on the use of race as a fact of evidentiary value in predicting probable contribution of a candidate to serve m inority com munities. Law schools have no t followed the admissions procedure suggested by the court below: inquiring of applicants of all races w hether they would be willing to make a com m itm ent to serve disenfranchised and m inor ity com munities. One of the most staunch defenders of affirmative action programs has defended the refusal to make this individual inquiry on grounds tha t it would prove prohibitively expensive, politically un palatable, and administratively unfeasible.31 To our knowledge, no law school, except A ntioch, explicitly elevates the normative obligations of the profession to the status of an essential admissions criterion applicable to all applicants. A ntioch regards this decision no t as a m atter of choice or policy bu t as a m atter o f fundam ental obligation stemming from the canons, case law and the Constitution itself. ^ 3* See Askin, Eliminating Racial Inequality in a Racist World, 2 CIV. LIB. REV. 96 (1975). 3^C anons 2 and 8 of the ABA CODE OF PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY together with the accompanying Ethical Consideration, elucidate these obligations. The right of access to the legal system for redress of grievances as derivative from the first am endm ent is well established. See NAACP v. B u tto n , 371 U.S. 415 (1963) and its progeny: Brotherhood o f Railroad Trainmen v. Virginia ex rel. Virginia State Bar, 2>11 U.S. 1 [footnote continued] 33 Most o f the empirical data only support the co u rt’s general observation that m inority professionals are more likely to follow career lines serving m inority com m un ities than white professionals.33 (1964); United Mine Workers v. Illinois State Bar, 377 U.S. 217 (1967); United Transportation Union v. Michigan, 401 U.S. 576 (19 71); (all held activity undertaken to obtain meaningful access to the courts is a fundam ental right within the protection of the first am endm ent). Cf. The 1974 Legal Services Corporation Act, 42 U.S.C. Section 2990 (1974). A lawyer has a duty to assure that legal services are made available to all persons regardless of rape or income level, and to assure that all persons are treated equally in any court of law or during any legal proceeding. To the extent that these obligations apply to all attorneys, law schools may be obligated to incorporate criteria requiring a showing of normative qualificiations as well as intellectual qualifications respecting the capacity of an applicant to discharge the full range of professional duties and obligations. Now that the American Bar Association has amended its accreditation standards to make instruction in legal ethics and the responsibil ities of the profession required for all law students, a determ ination in the admissions process of intellectual capacity can no longer be considered entirely severable from a determ ination respecting normative capacity. 33 A 1974 study shows that of the 2,860 attorneys in legal service programs, 15% of them were minorities at a time when approxim ately 2% of the profession were m inority attorneys, and at a time when approxim ately 6% of the law student population was minorities. (Figures provided by the Legal Services Corpora tion). At Rutgers Law School, Askin reports that “ of the black and hispanic law graduates turned out by June 1973, most went into public service jobs; thirteen went to work for various OEO neighborhood legal services programs; eleven obtained jobs with state or municipal government agencies; seven went to work for various federal agencies, including three with the Equal Em ploym ent Opportunities Commission; two joined the staffs of Public Defenders; five served judicial clerkships; two joined the staffs of elected public officials; two were hired as judicial adm in istrators. One was recently appointed a judge!” Askin, supra, note 31 at 100. The National Bar Association, A SURVEY OF ECON OMICS AND OFFICE PRACTICES OF THE BLACK LAWYER (1971) produced the following conclusions: 1. The preponderance of Black attorneys reported a general practice with special emphasis on “people w ork’’ rather than commercial or business work. Id. at 1-13; 2. Com m unity and leadership activities are central to the Black law yer’s work and the econom ic lifeline of the Black bar as a whole has been related to the ability of the Bar to be part of the commercial, institutional and governmental activity of the Black com m unity. The Black lawyer spends a greater proportion of his time in public activity than his White counterpart, and generally in areas needed by the Black com m unity. Id. at 1-14. Such statistics as there are support the Supreme Court of California’s intuitive perception that m inority lawyers tend to have a deep-seated com m itm ent to civil rights and to serving m inority communities. See Note, The Negro Lawyer in Virginia: A Survey, 51 VA. L. REV. 512 (1965). The national picture, assembled by the National Association for Law Placement from data from eighty-two law schools, reveals that about 18% of em ployed m inority law graduates were engaged in public interest practice or indigent legal services as contrasted w ith less than 5% of white law school graduates en gaged in the same categories of em ploym ent. National Association for Law Placement, Em ploym ent Report on Law School G raduation Class o f 1975 (1976) (mimeo graph on file in Placement Office, A ntioch School of Law). A ntioch’s data draws uniquely upon a sample where all applicants are asked about their career expectations and where the School explicitly commits itself to 35 turning out graduates who will serve the public interest with particular emphasis on representing the disen franchised and underrepresented segments of the com m unity. Over 50% of the m inority members of the graduating classes of 1975 and 1976 are engaged in em ploym ent providing some form of representation and enfranchisement to m inority interests; only about 30% of the white graduates from those classes are engaged in providing representation to m inority communities, though a substantially higher percentage are engaged in some form of public interest em ployment. We do not assert that every m inority applicant can be assumed autom atically to be com m itted to serving m inority communities. And to the extent that all applicants to A ntioch are aware that an affirmative com m itm ent may assist them in securing admission, it became essential to look to dem onstrated com m itm ent evidenced by some tangible or specific action. Racial identity is simply one piece of relevant evidence. It is no t dispositive, b u t it should not be excluded from consideration. Some minority applicants evidence a seemingly to tal lack of awareness of the problems that beset the ethnic groups from which they come; others give indications of a desire to distance themselves from those origins; still others are clearly opportunistic. We believe these observations bear upon potential contri bution, just as we believe it appropriate to take cognizance of the empirical evidence that membership in a minority group lends increased credence to statem ents of intention and com mitment to serve minority communities. The only data analogous to A ntioch’s experience comes from the Reginald Heber Smith Fellowship program, funded by the Legal Services Corporation to recruit law school graduates to begin their careers in legal services programs. 34 They report tha t approxim ately 40% of the 34 As a part of tha t program, applicants are asked if they will make a long-term com m itm ent to serve poor and minority com munities. This is the kind of question the court below proposed. 36 applications received come from m inority law graduates who comprise less than 7% o f the law school population. Approxim ately 73.5% of all Smith fellows remain in poverty law following the end o f their two-year fellowship, bu t there is no breakdow n of the relative percentage of m inority and white fellows who stay in the field of services to poor and m inority communities. A ntioch’s data and the Smith Fellowship program ’s data certainly tend to indicate tha t ethnic iden tity is at least a relevant predictor of career patterns and possibly a more accurate predictor than the stated objectives of an applicant. We concur in the cou rt’s rejection of the view that “ any one race is more selfishly socially oriented or by contrast that another is more selfishly acquisitive.” 35 The reason for taking the race of the applicant into consideration is rather self evident. In this society, race is a fact of life. It cannot be shed voluntarily. Participation for m inority professionals in the affairs of the m inority com m unity is no t necessarily voluntary. As frequently as not, such representational roles are thrust upon m inority professionals because of the affirmative action requirem ents that oblige govern m ental agencies to “ conscript” m inority professionals, because of the prevailing need for token m inority representation on advisory and governmental bodies, because of the vulnerability (both legal and moral) to which bo th the public and private sector may be prone if there is no t adequate m inority involvement. One 35 553 P.2d at 1167. 37 cannot divest oneself of racial identity or vulnerability to injustice based upon race merely by wishing to do so. The recent confirm ation hearings on the nom ination of Patricia Roberts Harris to be Secretary of the D epartm ent of Housing and Urban Development are particularly instructive in this regard. Patricia Harris graduated from a predom inantly white law school, George Washington; she served as Ambassador to Luxembourg, hardly a third world nation; the law firm of which she was a partner can hardly be characterized as specializing in poverty law or even in civil rights, irrespective of the considerable pro bono work done by individual members; her prominence in national Demo cratic politics was not primarily associated with the issues of poverty or race. A t the same time, A ttorney Harris did not lack other credentials—as former Dean of Howard Law School, as a member of the Board of NAACP Legal Defense Fund, as legislative chairperson of the National Council of Negro Women. Whether voluntarily or not, Patricia Roberts Harris was selected to head a cabinet departm ent that dealt with the problems of cities, and she chose to characterize that stewardship as a special com m itm ent to deal with the problems of m inority communities. Whatever her own interests, class allegiances, or career preferences, her statem ent of com m itm ent and her projection ol herself as a spokesperson for m inority concerns was accepted by the Senate of the United States: You do not seem to understand who I am. I ’m a black woman, the daughter of a dining car waiter. I ’m a black woman who even 8 years ago could not buy a house in some parts ot the District ol Columbia. Senator, to say I ’m not by and of and for the people is to show a lack ot understanding of who I am and where I came from. . . . You spoke of the unrepresented and the poor and I said I ’m one of them . . . . I have been a defender of women, of m inorities, of those who are the outcasts of this society, and throughout my life, and if my life has any meaning at all it is that those who start as outcasts may end up being part of the system, and I hope it will mean one other thing, Senator, tha t by being part of the system one does no t forget w hat it meant to be outside it. Nomination o f Patricia Roberts Harris, Hearing before the S. Comm, on Banking, Housing and. Urban A f f , 95th Cong., 1st Sess., 41 (1977) Racial identity is no t something tha t m inority persons are perm itted to shed in this country. The Equal Protection Clause cannot require graduate schools to ignore tha t reality, for to do so would be to require them to engage in racial discrimination by ignoring or denying the relevance of evidence favorable to the admission of m inority applicants. We regard the im position of the requirem ent as reversible error. In the alternative, we ask tha t any decision in this case be expressly lim ited to medical schools. This case does not perm it separate consideration of the distinctive status of the legal profession as Officers of the Court. Moreover, while a dearth of m inority medical students will mean a dearth of m inority doctors, the same lack of m inority law students will mean no t only a shortage of minority lawyers bu t a corresponding im pact on the racial mix of public and private leaders that De Tocqueville noted the profession had supplied since the birth of the Republic. M inority underrepresentation in decision-making roles will be alleviated only by continued integration within law schools. 39 Accordingly, we ask that if this case is decided on principles that preclude all consideration of a candidate’s race, tha t the decision be limited to the facts of this case and that any decision respecting the application of such principles to law schools be expressly reserved for a later case where the record will perm it fuller consideration of the distinctive status and obligations of the legal profession. CONCLUSION We urge tha t the Court reverse and remand to the trial court to determ ine w hether the facts will sustain a find ing tha t race was utilized in a constitutionally permissible fashion for evidentiary and interpretive purposes to secure the uniform application o f uniform admissions criteria. Respectfully subm itted, Ed g a r S. C ahn J ea n C a m per C ahn R o b er t S. C a tz ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW Tune 7 1977 1624 Crescent Place, N.W. J ’ Washington, D.C. 20009 (202) 265-9500 Counsel fo r Amicus Curiae. Counsel are indebted to: C la u d ia R ib e t , J.D . Antioch School of Law 1977, and G r e g g H. M a th ew s , candidate for the J.D . degree, Antioch School of Law, 1978. APPENDIX la APPENDIX A ■Stniirnt- Nnmp D a te _____ CL IN IC AL EVALUATION SUMMARY FORM S u p e r v i s o r Division/Sect Ion COMPETENCY RATING COMPETENCIES & DEFINITION’S RATING _____________ COMMENTS_________________ ORAL- The ability to assess, conctol, ând vary verbal and non-verbal communications with an audience!s, in a given situation to maximize the accomplish ment of objectives. WRITTEN The ability to control and vary written communi cations with an audience(s) in a given situation to maximize the accomplishment of objectives. LEGAL ANALYSIS The ability to combine law and facts in a given situation to generate, justify, and assess the relative merits of alternative legal positions. PROBLEM SOLVING The ability to use legal analysis and other information to identify and diagnosis problems in terms of client objectives and to generate strategies to achieve those objectives. PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY The ability to recognize the ethical considera tions in a situation, analyze and evaluate their implications for present and future actions, and behave in a manner that facilitates timely assertion of rights. / PRACTICE MANAGEMENT The ability to manage time, effort, availabl e resources, and competing priorities in a nunner which generates the maximum output of quality legal services. ’‘INSTRUCTIONS: Rate student on o:ch applicable general competency using a number from the Competent. y Scale provided here: 1= Serious deficiency 3= Margin 1 deficiency 5= Competency 2~ Deficiency 4= Minimi 1 competency 6 = Superior Competency TASK SUMMARY Simple Average Complex RECOMMENDATIONS Tasks ^'INSTRUCTIONS: Identify tasks and write the number of times tasks have been of a simple, average, or complex nature. C7) An t-; ■v,ol of T nw/Antioch College 1977 Student Name .. filY.igi9Til. *9*ion CO MP ET EN CI ES SU BD IV IS IO NS SPECIFIC COMPETENCIES (Ability tot) ,ASKS ■ COMPLEXITY OR AL use the mechanics of language express a thought with clarity and economy speak appropriately to a given audience communicate so as to advance immediate identify and use appropriate non-verbal perceive others' communications and actions a e s express a thought with clarity and economy express thoughts in an organized manner write appropriately to a given audience write so as to advance the immediate l identify relevant facts J ' -----------------------------— — ---------- identify inconsistencies among facts ------------------------------— ----------------- identify the reliability of asserted facts distinguish facts from conclusions of law [ determine rules of law relevant to framing E n i determine trends in interpretation ! r l i 1 group and categorize facts in terms of •elect aspects of the facts which appear to call select aspects of a legal rule or concept which 1 show why legal rule or concept calls for extension, 5 separate, combine,, and sequence arguments and ~ i ! 1 identify predisposition of a particular identify compelling equities re' ̂ j^^ped by 4 *■f determine relative effectivene, 'Alternative and, v. _ .i&akism________ jf f l a l Is a . o si55T" H J i identify client objectives and priorities identify obstacles and facilitating factors that bear on realization of objectives and priorities state alternative definitions of client’s problem(s) identify and develop information and steps needed to clarify alternative definitions of problem(s) make a tentative choice among alternative develop a range of solutions and strategies f"utLSd °tdet the r“8e °£ reach informed consent with client on prefered solutions and strategies prepare a work plan^ take the actions (or assure that assigned others do) to carry out the work plan check results at determined steps and adjust as necessary identify and analyze ethical problems determine available courses of action evaluate available courses of action based on cli ent interest, self-interest, & social interest act consistently with ethical decisions allocate, time, effort, and other resources necessary to carrv out case load tasks coordinate efforts with others according to applicable systems, rules, and procedures governing handling of cases & files assess and design improvements in system, rules, & procedures governing handling of cases & fiLes maintain a level of productivity that conforms judge the point at wliich further commitments r.mnt be realistically be discharged competently supervise others ♦INSTRUCTIONS: At the top of the column identify each task you evaluate in the order it occurs, (Refer to Catalog of Illus trative Tasks for examples of tasks.) Enter next in the column the complexity of the task based on 1-simple, 2-average, and 3-qomplex. Go down the column for each task and enter a rating after each Specific Competency you consider involved in this task using the six point Task/Competency Scale shown here. Leave a blank for any Specific Competency that is not applicable or not observed. TASK/COMPETENCY SCALE 1= Serious deficiency: could not be trusted with client(s) or to perform task(s). 2= Deficiency: required continous supervision. 3= Marginal deficiency: did some work with minimal supervision, but could cause problems if not carefully supervised. 4= Minimal competency: usually performed task(s) satisfactorily with some supervision. 5= Competency: performed task(s) satisfactorily with virtually no supervision (except for final review). 6= Superior competency, performed task(s) in outstanding manner with virtually no supervision (except for final review). © Antioch School of L*w/Antioch College 1977 CATALOG OF DEFINITIONS OF COMPETENCIES I. ORAL COMPETENCY General Definition — The ability to assess, control, and vary verbal and non-verbal com m unications with an audience(s) in a given situation to maximize the accomplishm ent o f objectives. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to use the mechanics of language, e.g., grammar, syntax, citation, articulation. 2. Ability to express a thought with clarity and econom y. 3. Ability to express thoughts in an organized manner. 4. Ability to speak appropriately to a given audience. 5. A bility to com m unicate so as to advance im mediate and long-term objectives. 6. Ability to identify and use appropriate non-verbal aspects of com munications, e.g., appearance, poise, gestures, facial expres sions, posture, and use of spatial relation ships. 7. Ability to perceive o thers’ com munication and actions (verbal and non-verbal). * * * * II. WRITTEN COMPETENCY General Definition - The ability to control and vary w ritten com m unications w ith an audience(s) in a given © A ntioch School of Law /A ntioch College 1977 7a situation to maximize the accomplishment of objectives. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to use the mechanics of the language, e.g., grammar, spelling, punctua tion. 2. Ability to express a thought with clarity and economy. 3. Ability to express thoughts in an organized manner. 4. Ability to write appropriately to a given audience, e.g., tone, form at, citation form. 5. Ability to write so as to advance the immediate and long-term objectives. * * * * III. LEGAL ANALYSIS COMPETENCY General Definition — The ability to combine law and facts in a given situation to generate, justify, and assess the relative merits of alternative legal positions. Analyzing Facts and Identifying Relevant Law — Given a fact situation and knowledge of rules of law, ability to identify relationships between facts and law in a way that will facilitate the form ulation of alternative legal theories. Specific Competencies: (Analysis of Facts) 1. Ability to identify relevant facts. 2. Ability to identify inconsistencies among facts. 3. Ability to identify the reliability of asserted facts. 4. Ability to distinguish facts from con clusions of law. 8a (Identification of Relevant Law) 5. Ability to determ ine rules of law relevant to framing legal issues, e.g., statutes, regulations, case law, court rules, secondary authorities. 6. Ability to identify discrete legal issues. 7. A bility to determ ine trends in in terpreta tion or application of laws. Formulating Legal Theories — Given fact analysis, the law, and the resulting identification of legal issues, the ability to identify and organize arguments and counter-arguments in terms of claims, defenses, or o ther legal results. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to group and categorize facts in terms of the concepts or language of the law. 2. Ability to select aspects of the facts which appear to call for the application of a legal rule or concept. 3. Ability to select aspects of a legal rule or concept which appear to call for its application to the facts. 4. Ability to show why some aspects of a legal rule or concept calls for an extension, lim itation, or rejection of another rule or concept. 5. Ability to separate, combine, and s e q u e n c e arguments and counter arguments to form ulate a legal theory. Evaluating Legal Theories — Given alternative legal theories, the ability to predict the decision of an authoritative source. 9a Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to identify predisposition of a particular decision-maker, e.g., character istics of the decision-maker, workings of the decision-maker’s institution, patterns of previous decisions, reasons given for previous decisions. 2. Ability to identify compelling equities, recognized by the law or inherent in the fact situation. 3. Ability to determine relative effectiveness of alternative legal theories by analysis and evaluation of 1 and 2 (above). * =t= * * IV. PROBLEM SOLVING COMPETENCY General Definition — The ability to use legal analysis and other inform ation to identify and diagnose problems in terms of client objectives and to generate strategies to achieve those objectives. Identifying and Diagnosing Problems — Given a situation, ability to isolate the problem and to identify, generate, and organize inform ation in a way that will facilitate the form ulation of alternative solutions. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to identify client objectives and priorities. 2. Ability to identify obstacles and facilita ting factors that bear on the realization of client objectives and priorities. 3. Ability to state alternative definitions of client’s problem(s). 4. Ability to identify and develop inform a tion and steps needed to clarify alterna tive definitions of the problem (s). 5. Ability to make a tentative choice among alternative definitions of the problem(s). Developing, Evaluating, and Selecting Alternative Solutions and Strategies — Given diagnosis of a problem , the ability to develop and evaluate alternative courses o f action designed to advance some or all of the client objectives and make a justifiable selection. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to develop a range of solutions and strategies which include consideration of types of strategy, risk, legal and social consequences, party control, forums, cost, and ethics. 2. Ability to assess and order the range of alternative solutions with respect to client’s objectives and priorities, proba bility of success, consequences of partial success or failure, available resources, and ethics. 3. Ability to reach inform ed consent with client on prefered solutions and strategies. Implementing Strategies — Given selection of solutions and strategies, the ability to im plem ent and m odify those strategies by taking action and evaluating results in light of objectives and other criteria. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to prepare a work plan that identifies who will do w hat, with whom, where, when, and with what expected results. 11a 2. Ability to take the actions (or insure that assigned others do) to carry our the work plan. 3. Ability to check results at determ ined steps and adjust as necessary. * * * * V. PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY COMPETENCY General Definition — The ability to recognize the ethical considerations in a situation, analyze and evaluate their implications for present and future actions, and behave in a manner that facilitates timely assertion of rights. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to identify and analyze ethical problems. 2. Ability to determine available courses of action. 3. Within the context of the Code, the ability to evaluate available courses of action based on client interest, self-interest, and social interest. 4. Ability to act consistently with ehtical decisions and com mitments. * * * * VI. PRACTICE MANAGEMENT COMPETENCY General Definition — The ability to manage time, effort, available resources, and competing priorities in a manner which generates the m aximum outpu t of quality legal services. Specific Competencies: 1. Ability to allocate time, effort, and other resources necessary to carry out case load tasks. 2. Ability to coordinate efforts with others. 3. Ability to work according to applicable systems, rules, and procedures governing the handling of cases and files. 4. Ability to assess system operations and design improvements in the system, rules, and procedures governing the handling of cases and files. 5. Ability to maintain a level of productivity tha t conforms with applicable standards and expectations. 6. Ability to judge the point at which further com m itm ents cannot realistically be dis charged com petently. 7. Ability to supervise others. 13a APPENDIX B ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW ADMISSIONS MATRIX 03.977, ANTIOCH SCHOOL OF LAW A p p l i c a n t : ____________________________ _________ E v a l u a t o r : D a te : C i r c l e One: Age; U n d e r g ra d u a te G ra d u a te F i n a n c i a l S t a t u s : ( b a s e d on p a r e n t * ' o c c u p a t i o n and t h e " l i v e - i n " re s p o n s e f o r an i n d i c a t i o n o f a p p l i c a n t ' s p r e - u n d e r g r a d y e a r s ; and based on a p p l i c a n t ' s o c c u p a t i o n and t h e " l i v e - i n " r e s p o n s e f o r an i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e a p p l i c a n t ' s p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n ) U UM M LM L ( P r e - u n d e r g r a d ) U UM M LM L ( P r e s e n t ) None o r Some o r Below Above Numerical Maximum or Unacceptable 1 Least Acceptab le | ......................... Norm . 1 _ . Norm Norm i i P r e fe r a b le Idea l | | 1 1 f 2 . I 3 1 1 4 5 l . | < i l . COMPETENCY POTENTIAL A. T r a d i t i o n * ! Measures 1. S c h o la s t i c and Tes t Performance eLSAT: ____ / ____ / ___ _ ____ / ____ LSAT Average: ____ / ____ {O ver a l l 283 o r Below 284-371 372-483 484-584 585-670 671-756 757 ' Sca le) 0 ) (2) (3) (4) (5 ) ( * ) (7) (M ln o r1 ty Sca le ) 2*1 o r Below 242-323 324-405 406-501 502-609 610-717 718 o r Above Co llege Mean { - or +30 p t s . ■ norm) _____ ASL score _____ (Co lle ge score + ASL s c o r e jx 1/2 ■ a ASL m i n o r i t y score __ □ e 6.. P .A . : ____ 1 2 3 4* 5 6 7 1 1.9 o r Below 1 I 2 .0 2*. 5 J , J , 1 3.7 J , s 2 .4 2.8 3 .3 3.6 3 .9 9 14a ASL Norm s c o re :C o llage Mean 4 Above; x 1/2 • score + ASL score ) a S c h o la s t i c Achievement (add 1 f o r each ): 3 .5 cum ♦ ___________ Deans 11 s t Graduation w /h o n o rs , e t c . ' Honor S o c ie ty _______ S ch o la rs h ip _______ O ther : ( I d e n t i f y ) S c h o la s t i c Ach. T o t a l : □ T o t a l : Sec. A1 : 2. Be hav io ra l Elements ( Th is p e r t a i n s , to the t ime frame o f up to and In c lu d in g undergradu ate y e a r s , whether dona 1n an un i n t e r r u p t e d sequence o r ex tended , e . g . , stopped to w o rk , then r e tu r n e d , e t c . Please i d e n t i f y persuas iv e f a c t e r ( s ) ) . a. E x t r a c u r r l c u l a r s a n d /o r work . _____ x 1 .5 - ______ b. Range o f l i f e exp e r ie n ce . ■ x 1 .5 « _____ c . A b i l i t y to deal w i th u n s t r u c tu r e d , u n c e r t a i n , ambiguous ASL-type e nv ir onm ent . ____ x 1 ,5 • _____ d . E f f o r t expended, e . g . com b in a t io n o f LSAT, GPA, and performance. .____ x 1 .5 • ______ e . Undergraduate r e c o r d ; e r r a t i c o r c o n s i s t e n t . I r r e l e v a n t o r s o f t m a jo r , ( e . g . , f i n e a r t s , e t c . ) v. d i s c i p l i n e d o r s t ro n g m a jo r ; c o n s i s t e n t l y poor per formance 1n a n a l y t i c c o u rs e s , e . g . , math. b i o l o g y , e t c . ; vary low c la s s rank o r p e r c e n t i l e ra n k in g ; l a rg e number o f courses not in c lu d e d In SPA. (Please note p e rsuas iv e f a c t o r ( s ) ) . f . Worked a-number o f hours per week f o r 1 /2 semesters in und erg rad . (15 1s norm, 37 1s max. ) T o t a l ; Sec. A2: 3. M odera t in g Elements ( r e l a t e d to background, growth in underg raduate o r gradua te exp e r ie n ce . Please note w h ic h . ) , E d u c . t l o n . U y d i f f e r e n t o r d c p r l v « d | u n d a ra c h la v a r . (idd 1) ----- b. B t H n g u i l (add O _ _ _ _ _ c . L e t t b l o o n t r ( I n undargrad o r g r i d Marked tmprovo- ne n t from y t . r to y . i r by > t l e a s t •> GbA I n c r c . i o from l i t t o p r d i d n t » « » . s t « n , | ( i d d 1) ............. d. It.Mediation (prior to antry or during undargrad! CttO) (add 1) ----- - 15a • . Iona f i d * LSAT low t e s t e r (upper 25 th p e r c e n t i l e o f «radua t1ng d m , b u t LSAT f a l l * below c o l la g e mean; han dicap Impede* o p t im a l p e r fo rm a n c e ) . (add 1) ----------- f . H a t u r 1 t y / p * r s 1 s t * n c * (av ld anca o f hav in g overcome a d v e r s i t y - - s u r v i v a l ; * . § . , f i r s t f a m i l y member t o ra c a lv a BA, s u p p o r t in g f a m i l y member, ph y s ic a l han d ic ap , a t e . ) (add 1) __ _____ Tota l. - Sac. A3: I . No n»t rad1t1ona l Measures ( w i t h an aya toward c l i n i c a l per fo rm ance) 1 . Essa ys, persona l s ta te m e n t , (C on ten t A c o n s t r u c t i o n : a n a l y s i s , o r g a n i s a t i o n , s y n ta x , s t y l e , c r e a t i v i t y i t o n e . P le as* n o t * p e rs u a s lv * f a c t o r ( s ) ) . _______ 2 . A*cowmendat1on(s) (n o te w o r th y recommendation from in fo rmed recommender whose judgment 1s te s te d or saems t r u e ) 3. Graduate school (Note substance: d i f f i c u l t y o f a re a : amount a n d /o r q u a l i t y o f w o rk ; r e p u t a t i o n o f s choo l) 4. Work (work 1n la w - r e la t e d araa o r 1n a jo b 1nyolv1ng a l o t o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o r a c a d e m l c / l n t e l l e c t u a l f a c e ts ) T o ta l : Sec. B: C. Supplemental Evidence (Note 1 f p e r t i n e n t . ) 1. I n te r v i e w _______ 2 . Work Product _______• 3. O th e r : _______ D. Sp ec ia l Problems (Receives no r a t i n g but must be n o te d . ) 1. Law school f a i l u r e ______ 2. C r im in a l c o n v i c t i o n _______ 3. O ther : . Max. P o in ts (G * those a p p l i c a n t s who have g ra d u a te d ; U * those who are p r e s e n t l y underg raduate s) JL u 116 ( fo T ) Idea l 34 (72) ,nd above P re fe re b le 70 (60) - 33 (71) Above Hone 48) - 69 (59) Horn |w 56 (48) Below Nona P o in ts Earned 16a P o s it i v e ,11 . CONTRIBUTION POTENTIAL A. Long-Term P r o b a b i l i t y o f D e d ic a t io n to Equal J u s t i c e t Papers, s t u d i e s , academic focus In c o l le g e a nd /o r gradua te school * P u b l ic s e r v i c e employment: Legal S e rv ic e s , Pu b l ic Defender Educat ion Government * E x t r a c u r r i c u l a r a c t i v i t i e s ’ Extended p o s t - c o l l e g e c a re e r * S p e c i f i c , c o n s t r u c t i v e c a re e r goa ls ’ Demonstrated s e n s i t i v i t y , m a t u r i t y , humanity 1 . Negative Elements a . Im m a tu r i t y b„ Egotism c. Personal I n s e c u r i t y d . Lack o f evidenced concern t . Lack o f s t a y in g power 2, C o u n te ra c t in g Fac tors a, you th b. L im i te d o p p o r t u n l t l a * Chec_klJ s_t Negative Comments r?!iv*f turn.a tMH’H t . En franch is ement C o n t r i b u t i o n Membership 1n d ls e n f r a n c h ls e d g roup ; ra c e , n a t i o n a l i t y , language, sex , age , g e o g ra p h i c a l l y de pressed, c l a s s . * N e g a t iv e s : Evidence o f d l s a s s o d a t l o n , d i s i n t e r e s t , I n s e n s i t i v i t y , s h e l te r e d * V o lu n ta ry commitment to r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f d is e n f r a n c h is e d - work record - c a re e r goa ls • a p p l i c a t i o n - e x t r a c u r r l c u l a r s (women's r i g h t s , e t c . ) Q u a l i t y o r s i g n i f i c a n c e o f commitment: m a t u r i t y , s o p h i s t i c a t i o n , sense o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , f a m i l y background, " r o o t s " , r e fe re n c e s , p e r c e p t ! veness o f I n j u s t i c e answer Work p roducts Graduate o r i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y work produc t a l re a d y u t i l i z e d ( w i t h demonstrated a p p l i c a t i o n ) C. Supplemental Evidence 1 . I n te r v ie w 2. Checks w i th re fe ren ces Max. Po in ts 90-100 Long and s h o r t term w in n e r - e x c e p t i o n a l l y p r i n c i p l e d , r e s p o n s ib le , committed - may not go i n t o p o v e r ty law Im m ed ia te ly but w i l l make an e x c e p t io n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to s c h o la rs h i p o r s e r v i c e o r p r o fe s s io n 80-89 S o l i d , no t n e c e s s a r i l y e x t r a o r d i n a r y In t a l e n t bu t e x t ra ' o r d i n a r y In d e d i c a t i o n ; every evide nce o f c a re e r commi t ment to equal j u s t i c e and e n f ra n c h is e m e n t . or P o in ts Awarded 18a C r e d i t to the p r o f e s s io n - w i l l be a b le , competent , com p a s s io n a te . May never go In to p o v e r t y law o r c o n t r i b u t e to e n f ra n c h is e m e n t ; w i l l be a c r e d i t to A n t io c h ; d i s t i n g u i s h e d c a re e r l i k e l y w i th much p u b l i c s e r v i c e , p u b l i c I n t e r e s t work . 70-79 Sh or t term w inner - long on r h e t o r i c bu t dubious depth o f commitment; may spend a year in le g a l s e r v i c e s ; w i l l spend l i f e f l o a t i n g in l i b e r a l type t h i n g s ; no t e x c e p t io n a l i n t e l l e c t or c h a r a c t e r but l i k e a b l e . 60-69 F i l l e r - b e t t e r than mos t, w e l l I n te n t lo n e d o r w o u ld n ' t have a p p l ie d to A n t io c h ; good Im pu ls es ; n o t in g t h a t n o te w o r th y . Below 60 Marg ina l - 1n c o n t r i b u t i o n I I I . COMBINED COMPETENCY-CONTRIBUTION POTENTIAL G u Idea l 226 (202) P r e fe r a b le 164 ' ( 1 5 2 ) and above Above Norm 140 (130) and above Norm 116 (108) and above Below Norm below 116 (108) P o in ts Awarded Admit I n te r v ie w Hold Reje c t IV . COMMENTS Decision/Date •cc» intv.___ wt. 1st, h o ld 19a 20a APPENDIX C Official Rules 1. Stare decisis: like cases will be decided alike—w ithout re gard to race or class. 2. Judges are no t all powerful, judges are not legislators; they can only apply the law; they cannot make a separate rule for each individual. 3. Judges cannot respond sim ply to the individual equi ties; they need a “peg” to hang the decision on: a principled justification in term s of precedent, rules, situation sense o f policy. 4. Judges are fair; they perceive themselves as bound by the law; they will respond to sound legal argum entation. 5. If a lawyer can convince the judge of the law yer’s own integrity, com petence and sincerity, this will neutralize any prejudice and biases against the client that the judge may have. M inority S tuden t Rules 1. The race and wealth of the p a r t i e s will determine which rules apply and who wins. 2. Judges are all powerful; judges can decide a case any way they want; they can rationalize any result they w ant to . 3. Only extraordinary pleas of suffering or hardship will reach the conscience of a judge when the poor or minorities are involved. Otherwise judges will try to circumscribe or circumvent the law if it is favorable. 4. Judges are no t fair; they are tools of the power structure, especially the white pow er structure; no am ount o f legal argum enta tion will change a judge’s m ind—unless one can per suade the judge th a t it is in the interest of the power structure to do so and that one is not opening the way to further exceptions that might eventually prove threatening. 5. The m inority lawyer is not a mem ber of the club in today’s world and had bet ter not forget it. The best m inority lawyers can hope for is that the judge will not want to appear pre- 21a 6. Procedural due process is all im portant. Procedural re quirem ents are of substantive im portance; justice requires tha t every person have his or her day in court, tha t notice and opportun ity to be heard be given, tha t opportun ity to know the evidence against one; tha t charge the proven; the evidence that is not trustw orthy be excluded. Procedural safeguards are, in fact the substance of law; th e y determine whether justice can be done. 7. One m ust adhere strictly to the assumptions of the ad versary system. Do not try a case in the media, do not try to use intermediaries to com m unicate w ith the judge; the judge will no t listen to ex parte communications. judiced which perhaps can be turned to the client’s advantage. 6. Procedural technicalities are the enemy of justice; they are tricks used by lawyers; results are all that count. 7. Judges read newspapers, listen to television, talk to their friends, desire the approval o f the public at large and prestigious indi viduals just like anyone else; your client has no protection against such factors and you will be blamed if you respond to or charge the o ther side with initiating such tactics and there will be subtle but fatal retaliation if you inti mate that the judge could be influenced by such factors. Both sets of assumptions are over simplified but the first in each pair is that which legal education, in one way or another, attem pts to im part about the legal system. The second set of assumptions are those which, 22a in many cases, have been instilled from childhood on for the m inority or poor law student, they describe the world; they are realistic assumptions for survival. One need not believe these rules; bu t one must act in most forums as if they are the applicable ground rules necessary to effective dialogue on exam inations with the teacher and in the court room with the judge and opposing counsel. Those rules either im plicitly or explicitly deny the reality of institu tional racism in the legal system and in society. That makes them particularly difficult to accept—even as necessary fictions. From Cahn and Cahn, M inority Students, Lawyering Competence and the Bar Exam ination (November 19, 1976) (unpublished paper presented at a Conference of the Council on Legal Edu cation for Professional Responsibility). »