Richmond v JA Croson Company Brief for Appellee
Public Court Documents
October 1, 1988

19 pages
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Case Files, Milliken Hardbacks. Objections of Defendants to the Metropolitan Plan Submitted by the State and by Way of an Alternative, Submission of a Metropolitan Detroit Area Integration Plan, 1972. 9d11c9b0-52e9-ef11-a730-7c1e5247dfc0. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/833d6112-1ca5-4e29-bd89-bebc0440b0d3/objections-of-defendants-to-the-metropolitan-plan-submitted-by-the-state-and-by-way-of-an-alternative-submission-of-a-metropolitan-detroit-area-integration-plan. Accessed July 05, 2025.
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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF MICHIGAN SOUTHERN DIVISION . RONALD BRADLEY, et al, ' ' Plaintiffs, v s . WILLIAM G. MILLIKEN, et al, Defendants, and DETROIT FEDERATION OF TEACHERS LOCAL 231, AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS, AFL-CIO, Intervening Defendant, and DENISE MAGDOWSKI, et al, Intervening Defendants. ') ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) ) No. 35257 OBJECTIONS OF BOARD OF EDUCATION FOR THE CITY OF DETROIT AND OTHER DEFENDANTS TO THE METROPOLITAN PLAN SUBMITTED BY THE STATE OF MICHIGAN AND BY WAY OF AN ALTERNATIVE, A SUBMISSION HEREIN BY SAID BOARD OF A METROPOLITAN DETROIT AREA INTEGRATION PLAN The Board of Education of the City of Detroit and certain individual Defendants, by George T. Roumell, Louis D. Beer and Riley and Roumell, hereby submits to the Court its objections to the metro politan school integration plans submitted by the State Board of Edu cation of Michigan and by way of further objection, includes herein an alternative plan entitled, "Basic Guidelines For A Metropolitan Detroit Area Integration Plan." I. the DETROIT BOARD OBJECTS TO THE CONCEPT CONTAINED IN THE STATE PLAN OF THE "INITIAL OPERATING ZONE." The Detroit Board of Education believes that the "initial operating zone" plan is ill-conceived for a variety of reasons. Foremost among them is that for as long as the IOZ exists, half of the Detroit metropolitan area will remain segregated. "Atten dance changes will take place in the IOZ only. School districts in the DMEA but outside of the Zone will retain their present attendance patterns." Metropolitan School District Reorganization Pdan, p.16, Feb. 1, 1972. While the DMEA, which encompasses the Wayne, Oakland and Macomb tri-county area, has a student population of 982,000, the IOZ would desegregate only 550,000 students. The plan submitted by the State Board of Education therefore fails to meet the constitutional requirement that racial discrimination be "eliminated root and branch." Green v. County School Board of New Kent County, 391 U.S. 430, 89 S.Ct.1689, 20 L.Ed.2d 716 (1968). Under the State plan 100% white schools will continue to function outside the IOZ inspite of the fact that 20% of the DMEA student population is black. It is the position of the Detroit Board that the sound educational and legal basis for considering a Metropolitan Desegre gation Plan is the metropolitan area, which describes the community in which residents of the area objectively perceive themselves to live. It is the area in which they commute to work, shop and seek recreation. In the past, the persons in this area have not thought of school attendance in terms more expansive than the immediate neighborhood, the "walk-in school" being the norm, supplemented by localized bussing. If the common expectation that schools will be highly local is to be disturbed, the obvious frame of reference changes from the immediate neighborhood to the total community, just as the frame of reference of workers changed decades ago when they began driving rather than walking to work. Just as neighborhood and political boundaries are irrelevant to commuting workers, they will, in September 1972, become irrelevant to commuting pupils. As the tri-county area of Wayne, Oakland and Macomb is the frame of reference. ,for workers, shoppers and seekers of recreation, it is the natural referrent for education. The IOZ draws a novel and arbitrary line through the heart of a community of multiple inter actions. It is without basis in logic, history, transportation or finance. Yet it is at this arbitrary line that desegregation efforts in the community are to cease. The IOZ expands the area within which there is a racial containment, but it does not eliminate the containment. There is still a line, albeit a somewhat more distant one, which black students realistically may not cross and beyond which over 430,000 white students are to remain segre gated although for some other purposes they are within the same school district. The Supreme Court has said that "Schools all or predominately of one race in a district of mixed population will require close scrutiny to determine that school assignments are not part of state-enforced segregation." Swann v. Charlotte Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1,25-26, 91 S.Ct.1267,1281 (1971). Indeed, where there has been a "history of segregation," there is a "presumption against schools that are substantially disproportionate in their racial composition." Swann, supra. If a highly tangible interstate highway through Mobile, Alabama,was insufficient to overcome the presumption and to justify leaving nine elementary schools in the district predominately black (see Davis v. Board of School Commissioners of Mobile County, 402 U.S. 33, 91 S.Ct. 1289 (1971), a fragile and novel line through the DMEA is no justification for leaving scores of schools all or predomi nately white. To say that the more than 430,000 students who live in the proposed DMEA,but outside of the IOZ,are exempt from parti cipation in the Plan would be as inpermissible as to have exempted - 3- half the students in Mecklenburg County from the plan offered in Swann, 402 U.S. 1, 91 S.Ct. 1267 (1971). Although, under the State's IOZ plan, it is the white students living in the areas exempted from participation in desegregation rather than Negroes, the Davis holding is equally applicable. The racial balance required of schools within the IOZ ranges from 45% white: 55% black to 75% white: 25% black, but no ratios are established for schools outside the IOZ because these schools, in fact, will not be desegregated. Thus, the schools outside the IOZ are treated as isolated districts within the metropolitan area as a whole. As in the Davis case, it appears that the State authorities responsible for the Detroit metropolitan reorganization plan have not given adequate consideration to "the possible use of all available techniques to achieve the maximum amount of practicable desegreation." Davis v. Board of School Commissioners of Mobile County, 402 U.S. 33, 91 S.Ct. 1289 (1971). ' There are sound practical considerations which support this basic legal tenet. One of them that must have high priority is the relative unlikelihood that the IOZ would expand by action of the Authority at a rate fast enough to insure the constitutional rights of those students who fell within it. In large measure, the Court's ruling in this case that a right to a remedy exists is bottomed on the Court's finding of the failure of the State and its agents (including this Defendant) to take actions which would alleviate conditions of segregation. "[W]e find that both the State of Michigan and the Detroit Board of Education have committed acts which have been causal factors in the segregated condition of the public schools of the City of Detroit." Bradley v. Milliken, D.Mich.,Sept.27,1971 (Civil Action No. 35257) at 21. While the Detroit Board by no means intends to suggest that whoever - 4- might be appointed to the Authority, envisioned by the State plan would deliberately subvert the rights of students, it would be ignoring the obvious not to contemplate the tremendous political pressure which would be applied against the Authority by those who lived immediately outside the IOZ. The situation might well duplicate that which confronts the Court now, in which a whole host of pleaders are present to argue that that portion of the metropolitan community which experiences interchange with blacks should not be expanded beyond its present boundaries. The Detroit Board would submit that, if the black school population of Detroit continued to increase, or if the black population of the metropolitan community expanded into suburban areas, or equally likely, if the white population of the IOZ decreased due to moves by whites to points outside the IOZ, then, in all probability the only way in which the boundary of the IOZ would change would be by further Court action. The State plan places upon its proposed authority all of the political pressures placed upon the current state officials. We see no reason to predict a different reaction to that pressure than what has occurred to date. The danger that the IOZ would result in a piecemeal remedy requiring almost continuous supervision if the Court is too great to justify the dubious benefits of the IOZ. The Supreme Court in Swann has stated its distaste for repeated interventions into school district pupil assignment matters, even while asserting that the power does exist in appropriate cases. See 402, U.S. 1, 32, 91 S.Ct. 1267, 1284 (1971). The problem is compounded by the fact that the very existence of the IOZ is likely to require its expansion. This Court has concluded that there is a highly inter related effect between school patterns and housing patterns. Bradley v. Milliken, D.Mich.,Sept. 27,1971 (Civil Action No. 35257) at 10. - 5- ihe State plan advances no reasons Why this effect would not continue within the IOZ. No reason is, given why those whites who do not believe that the benefits of desegregated education outweigh the burdens, would not tend to move beyond the IOZ and thus at least personally preserve the status quo ante litem. They would share all the advantages of membership in the metropolitan community while avoiding effective inclusion in the solution of metropolitan educational problems. In short, the probable socio-political impact of creating the IOZ upon the ability of the metropolitan community to deliver educational services on a desegregated basis would most likely to create precisely the situation which exists in the City of Detroit today. The IOZ does not solve the problem; it only relieves the pressure for a little while. It simply enlarges the school district of the City of Detroit and changes its numbers of regions from eight to six. It does not offer any change to break the well-known cycle: desegregation of a school, white flight, and resegregation of that school. It only enlarges the geographic area in which that phenomenon may operate, so that the problem will reappear in time on an even larger and more unmanageable scale. An analogous process has recently occurred in Richmond, Virginia. At a time when Richmond was rapidly becoming a racially identifiable predominately black school district, it increased its population nearly 20% in one annexation. Although 97.5% of the 40,000 newly annexed residents were white, the annexation was insufficient to avoid a judicial finciing a year later that the district was racially identifiable. See Bradley v. School Board of the City of Richmond, F.Supp., slip opinion pp. 14; 41 (E.D. Va. Richmond Div. Jan. 5, 1972). While annexation was expected to increase white enrollment by nearly 8,000, one year after V Actually the question is not white flight, but middle class flight, both white and black, which deprives the district of the educationally necessary socio-economic mix. -6 annexation there were less than 1,000 more white students in Richmond than there had been the year before annexation. Ibid, p. 230. The two neighboring county school districts were over 90% white and were growing rapidly. Ibid, pp. 230-31. There are in addition sound educational considerations which weigh heavily against the IOZ. It is necessary that any plan for the desegregation of the metropolitan community which contemplates the movement of students out of existing school districts must consider the reaction of members of the metropolitan community to the plan and the effect which that reaction may have upon the learning situation of the students affected. It would ignore the obvious not to recognize that any such metropolitan plan will generate substantial hostility among some of the citizens of the metropolitan community. The Detroit Board does not suggest that the mere existence of community hostility should deter the Court from protecting the constitutional rights of individual citizens but surely, in the interest of the children who may well bear the brunt of that hostility, and see their educational environ ment damaged as a result, the Court should consider which alternatives offer the best chance of lessening that hostility. The United States Civil Rights Commission has concluded, "Another important factor in successful school desegregation is the involvement of all schools in the community. Where desegre gation affects only part of the community, the affected parents may feel resentful at being required to contribute to the solution of a problem which other parts of the community remain free to ignore." Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, vol. 1, p.156 (1967). While the Commission did not consider the question, the Detroit Board suggests that the IOZ plan proposed by the state adds dangerously to parental hostility by adding the ingredient - 7- of differentiation by socio-economic class. The IOZ includes within its boundaries outside the City of Detroit mostly the predominately blue collar, and lower—middle class areas adjacent to the City, such as Hazel Park, Ferhdale, Roseville, River Rouge, Ecorse, Wyandotte, South Warren, East Detroit and the like. With L.he exception of Dearborn, Southfield, Oak Park and the Grosse Pointes, it excludes middle and upper-middle class areas such as Birmingham-Bloomfield, Troy, Rochester, North Warren, Utica, West Bloomfield, Farmington and Livonia. The Detroit Board fears that this situation will suggest to the typical resident of these blue collar suburbs, that he is being forced to allow his children to participate in this process not because he is white and suburban while the City is black, but rather because he doesn't have the money to move to Birmingham. It is not a new observation that too often it is the blue collar worker of limited means who is at the cutting edge of social and especially racial change. "The wealthy have fled to suburbs or placed their children in private schools, so the desegregation has affected only the poor." Senator Walter F. Mondale, The New Republic, March 4, 1972, p. 16. Senator Mondale is Chairman of the Select Committee on Equal Education Opportunities. Often a corolary is added that his unwillingness to participate in that process is heightened by his recognition that the more affluent whites who often propose such change, are able, by their very affluence, to escape the impact of the change they espouse. The adoption of the IOZ would provide a painfully vivid illustration of the observations above. One shudders to contemplate the compounding of resentment in the working class suburbanite which would occur as he heard the slightly condescending words of disapproval of his discontent which would emanate from those - 8- more affluent areas which conveniently rest just outside the IOZ. There is simply no reason to risk the venting of that compounded resentment upon the children of this community. Another related educational effect of this elimination of many upper-middle class communities from the IOZ is that it lessens the number of children of relatively high socio-economic status who are available to provide the socio-economic mix which is necessary for effectively raising the achievement levels of the predominately black, economically deprived minority. The trial record amply demonstrates the importance of this mix to provide effective quality education.* Simply put, the integration of poor or working class black youngsters with white youngsters of similar economic status is not as likely to provide an environ ment for their educational improvement as is an environment which includes a preponderance of youngsters from a middle class back ground. See Coleman, Equality of Educational Opportunity, U.S. Dept, of H.E.W. (1966); U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, vol. 1, pp. 84-87 (1967). Thus, just as in Detroit alone, under the State plan, the poor youngster, black or white, would be deprived in many instances of the benefit of exposure to the full breadth of the communities socio-economic spectrum, and would again find himself in schools which would not include middle class youngsters. Once again, the IOZ would simulate Detroit, and present note a solution, but a replication of the problem. II. THE DETROIT BOARD OBJECTS TO THE VARIATION . IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS WITHIN THE STATE- PROPOSED DISTRICTS. As noted above, there is ample evidence to support the importance of the socio-economic status of a youngster's peers * See testimony of Dr. James W. Guthrie, Transcript 4095-96, 4099, 4106, 4117, 4121, 4123-24, 4126-28, 4132, 4134, 4190 and 4199. - 9- upon his opportunity to learn. In addition to objecting to the IOZ itself, the Detroit Board.would note that there is substantial variance in SES among the districts proposed. Particularly districts one, four and five appear to be largely devoid of substantial middle and upper-middle class populations, while what middle and upper-middle class population there is within the IOZ is grouped in the remaining three districts. It is the position of the Detroit Board that this builds in disparity between these districts at the outset for no valid reason. If it should be argued that disparity may not be avoided without expanding the IOZ, then that is another good reason why the IOZ should be expanded to include the entire metropolitan community. III. THE DETROIT BOARD OBJECTS TO THE GOVERNING OF THE STATE PLAN BY A THREE-MAN APPOINTED AUTHORITY. The Detroit Board believes that the problems and chal lenges created by a program of metropolitan desegregation require greater rather than less community involvement in the decisions which involve the children of the community. If the parameters of what is lawfully required are clearly set forth at the outset, then that involvement can proceed without fear that it will disrupt the intent of the Court and require further judicial intervention. The Detroit Board would suggest that one way in which that involve ment could be increased would be to provide that the Authority be representative of the various geographical components of the community, rather than appointed by a State, and state-wide, agency. To be sure, the Detroit Board does not suggest that the State Board of Education should not have direct representation upon such an authority. Yet, no reason is advanced as to why that representation should be exclusive, and the Detroit Board sees none. - 10- IV. THE DETROIT BOARD- OBJECTS'TO THE INCLUSION , , IN THE STATE PLAN OF SPECIFIC INSTRUCTION REGARDING THE CLOSING OF THREE DETROIT HIGH SCHOOLS. ' " . . The State plan contemplates that Northern, Northeastern, and Southeastern High Schools should be closed due to age and lack of educational completeness. Although data is appended relating to these characteristics of Detroit schools, no comparable data is included for suburban schools. The Detroit Board sees no reason why it should be assumed a priori that these three schools should be closed, absent any indication that there may well be some subur ban schools of equal incompleteness, and perhaps of similar age which might be considered. Inclusion in a plan which counsel for the State Defendants has described as "skeletal" of specific direction to close three schools appears highly premature. Surely decisions as to what devices will be used to mix students, what feeder patterns will be developed and the like, have a bearing on which school facilities might be closed. The Detroit Board sees no reason to mandate the closing of these particular schools at this time. To close these three schools, all presently identifiably black in student population, without even checking to see if similar structures exist in predominatly white suburban districts would be calculated to create a suspicion in the black community that the age and character of the buildings are less decisive than the race of their pupils. For a school board to make race a determining factor in the closing of a school building is clearly impermissible. Lee v. Macon County Bd. of Educ., 448 F.2d 746, 753-54 (5th Cir.,1971); Haney v. County Bd. of Educ. of Sevier County, 429 F.2d 364 (8th Cir.,1970). The District Court would want to avoid becoming an inadvertent party to such a decision. While an unbiased survey of all high schools in the metropolitan area might conclude that three-- possibly even these three-- high schools should be closed, no such conclusion can be sustained by the partial survey that led to this aspect of the State plan. V. THE DETROIT BOARD OBJECTS TO THE UNIVERSAL EXCLUSION OF K-3 STUDENTS FROM THE STATE PLAN. While the Detroit Board recognizes and is sympathetic to the arguments that sound educational practices might well weigh against the transportation of very young children for consi derable distances, the Detroit Board sees no reason why that problem requires a universal exemption of K-3 students as a solution. While it might well be a positive step for the Court to indicate that a less stringent standard of racial mixing could be tolerated at this level, surely there are many things which can be done to break down patterns of racial isolation at this age. Redrawing of elementary district boundaries, and careful attention to racial balance in the construction of new elementary schools come immediately to mind. No valid reason exists for granting the authority a dispen sation from responsibility to undertake these steps. On the con trary, both educational experience and the holdings of the United States Supreme Court indicate that racial mixing should occur as early as possible. Educationally there is a correlation between the age at which black children are placed in interracial settings and their academic success. The earlier the integration, the greater the success. Coleman, Equality of Educational Opportunity, U.S. Dept, of H.E.W. (1966); U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, vol. 1, pp. 110-114 (1967). See Bradley v. School Board of the City of Richmond, Civ. Action No. 3353, Memorandum, Jan.5,1972, slip opinion, pp.249-251. The Federal - 12- Courts have repeatedly rejected plans exempting the lower grades from integration, relying less on educational data than upon the hard legal fact that segregation at any age is a denial of the equal protection of the law. See e.g., United States v. Jefferson County Bd. of Educ., 372 F.2d 836 (9th Cir.,1966),aff'd. on re hearing en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir.1967). To leave grades K through 3 exempt from a desegregation plan is not to eliminate segregation "root and branch." Green v. County School Board of New Kent County, 391 U.S. 430 (1968). Not even a need to transport children to school can exempt younger children from integration. It was precisely on this point that the Supreme Court reversed the lower courts in Davis v. Board of School Commissioners of Mobile County, 402, U.S. 33,28 L.Ed.2d 577 (1971). Age, time and distance are, however, relevant in determining the extent of school transportation for purposes of integration. See Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1,28 L.Ed.2d 554 (1971). The test for the permissible extent of transportation is "when the time or distance of travel is so great as to risk either the health of the children or significantly impinge on the educational process." 402 U.S. 1,28 L.Ed.2d 554,575 (1971). That threat to education and health is one currently guarded against by the State Department of Education, which routinely permits and funds school bus trips of as much as one and one-half hour without question. In fact, the State Department of Education reports that even longer trips are "too common." See Hain, Vol.18,Mich.Sch.Bd.J. 18,22 (Dec.1971). The Detroit Board can only conclude that this aspect of the State plan should be replaced by guidelines setting the norms and the outer limits of transportation for children of various ages, such transportation being, as far as possible, an - 13- I : I adjunct to integration achieved by less drastic means. VI. ' THE DETROIT BOARD OBJECTS TO' THE ASSUMPTION IN THE STATE PLAN THAT FIRST IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PLAN MUST NECESSARILY BE LIMITED TO DETROIT. The State plan, at page 24, suggests "pupil transfers accomplished within Detroit" as Phase IV, while "pupil transfers accomplished within the IOZ" are contemplated as Phase IX. The Detroit Board sees no reason why initial assignment, if there must be an initial phase, should be limited to the City limits of Detroit. The Court is well aware of the vast geographical extent of the black population areas within the City, and also of the fact that in many cases, these areas abut, or nearly abut the City's limits. The typical model of "inner city" blacks and "outer city" whites is simply no longer applicable in Detroit; for many blacks the area of white population nearest their residence lies outside the City limits. While, as stated above, the Detroit Board vigorously opposes the notion of "near city only" operation of the plan, the Detroit Board equally sees no reason why temporary solutions which are more geographically difficult should be mandated simply for the administrative purpose of keep Phase IV confined to the City of Detroit. Certainly some limited exchange of pupils between districts could be included in "Phase IV," if indeed a "Phase IV" is necessary, without imposing the hardship of creating an assign ment pattern in Detroit for one year which can only be a warped and truncated version of the Phase IX to follow. The objections to such a Phase IV are several, but they boil down to the fact that it would maximize hardships and risks while minimizing both integration and opportunities for success. The State plan effectively denies an opportunity truly to desegregate - 14- ( any of Detroit's black students during Phase IV. No plan that deliberately creates a host of predominately black schools in the midst of a predominately white community can be called a desegregation plan. It is rather a plan to guarantee the racial identiflability of the entire Detroit School District. Even if 67% black schools in a 20% black community (Detroit Metropolitan Educational Area) can be called desegregated, the 67% level cannot be attained in many Detroit schools without assigning students to schools other than those proposed for Phase IX. While the Detroit Board completely agrees with the State Board that students should not be moved twice in two years, reconciling the "one move" value with the desire to act within the City first will necessarily mean that relatively few children will be re assigned the first year and that even fewer will actually submit to reassignment. The State plan, in suggesting Phase IV, seems to assume that equal numbers of students will be exchanged between two schools in every instance. This is by no means assured. For example, white pupils in an overcrowded high school in the northwest section of Detroit might be scheduled into an inner city high school, many of whose black pupils are destined for an Oakland County school which has excess space. Until all shift, none can. As a further example, another objectionable aspect of the State plan, the closing of Northern, Northwestern and Southeastern High Schools, when coupled with the two-year phasing in of the State plan effectively means that no pupils assigned to those three schools will be inte grated in Phase IV. When such complications as attendance zone changes, grade structure alterations and patterns of over- and under-crowding are added, the effect of a Detroit-only plan is highly problematical. - 15- * . 1 . • • • . ■ i ’ ' 1 • - ' ’ , - . • c r Phase IV, as envisioned by the State plan, is a program for unnecessary tension which will effect both Phase IV and Phase IX. Under Phase IV, both white and black parents face the prospect that their children will become insignificant minorities in estab lished student bodies far from home for at least one year. The prospect will be an unsettling one. The schools will frequently be racially identifiable, both objectively and subjectively. There will be little reason to expect progress toward a new student community within a school upon the addition of a few new students. The knowledge or expectation of many of the "host" students that they themselves will be transferred out in another year will remove the incentive to develop more than casual relationships with the newly arrived students. In deed, the "host" students, apprehensive over their own impending transfer to unfamiliar surroundings, may well express their tension by hostility toward their temporary new schoolmates of a different race. Educationally, such a state of affairs would be most undesirable. As the United States Civil Rights Commission has noted, racial tension in a school is a serious educational impediment. Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, vol.1, pp. 157 ff.(1967). In such an unsettled situation, it is to be expected that many parents who have the choice will avoid involving their children in Detroit public education for the year Phase IV is in operation. The fact that Phase IV applies only to Detroit obviously makes the choice more widely available, as there will be a wide geographical area into which a family can move to avoid the selec tive, chaotic form of "desegregation" to be expected in Phase IV. Or a child facing a year as a token representative of his race in an unstable situation can be sent to a private school, enrolled under questionable circumstances in a suburban school, sent to live - 16- • .. • with relatives elsewhere or just withheld from school. Burdensome as these options obviously are, they are made more bearable by the promise of Phase IV that they will last but a year. These perfectly predictable reactions will increase the instability of Detroit's housing and school patterns while further reducing the already limited effectiveness of Phase IV as an integration plan. The adverse consequences would not be limited to Phase IV. All aspects of Phase IV will tend to make Phase IX more diffi cult. More white and middle class families will have left the city, meaning more transportation will be required in Phase IX to bring blacks and whites together. The racial tension in the metropolitan area will have continued for a year at an artificially high level, subject to sporadic increases as a result of predictable student difficulties. Real or imagined horror stories will bolster the arguments of intransigent opponents of integration in the rest of the Detroit Metropolitan Educational Area. By far the most likely result of a piecemeal Detroit-only plan is a year-long exacerbation of public tensions. Such a plan will not "work now" (Green v. County School Board of New Kent County, 391 U.S. 430,439 (1968)) and will make more difficult the imple mentation of a metropolitan plan which, if properly designed, does promise "realistically to work." Ibid. VII THE DETROIT BOARD OBJECTS TO THE FAILURE OF THE STATE PLAN TO REQUIRE THE STATE FULLY TO FINANCE SCHOOL TRANSPORTATION DURING ALL PHASES OF DESEGREGATION. This Court has ruled that the State of Michigan has "acted directly to control and maintain the pattern of segregation in Detroit schools," citing in particular the State's refusal "to pro vide authorization or funds for the transportation of pupils within Detroit" while treating suburban areas differently. Ruling on Issue - 17- I of Segregation, p.14; see also pp.25-26. The State plan does not address itself to this discrimination even though the extent of school transportation will necessarily be increased by the imple mentation of the State plan. At a bare minimum, the Court should specify that the State should fund transportation in Detroit as generously as elsewhere. To begin to make the Detroit School District whole for the past acts of discrimination in transportation funding, the Court should go further and order the State to pay the entire cost of school transportation in Detroit. Indeed, State financing is likely to be the only feasible way to provide transportation in light of the Board's overwhelming indebtedness. Nearly half of that indebtedness, it might be pointed out, is a direct result of state-mandated changes in the organization and operations of the Detroit School District and the withholding of State appropriations due the District. VIII. THE DETROIT BOARD OF EDUCATION BELIEVES THAT THE SCHOOL DISTRICT FOR THE CITY OF DETROIT CANNOT BE INTEGRATED EXCEPT FOR A METROPOLITAN INTEGRATION PLAN WHICH PREVENTS MIDDLE CLASS FLIGHT AND PROVIDES FOR A SOCIO-ECONOMIC MIX AND THEREFORE, SUBMITS THE ATTACHED PLAN, "BASIC GUIDELINES FOR A METROPOLITAN DETROIT AREA INTEGRATION PLAN." As the Supreme Court said, both in Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S.430 20 L.Ed. 2d 716 and in Swann v. Charlotte-Meck- lenburg Board of Education, 28 L.Ed.554, a school board has the burden of coming forth with a desegregation plan. The City of Detroit School Board takes this burden seriously and in addition, to criticizing the proposed State metropolitan plans, has come forward with its own Metropolitan Detroit Area Integration Plan entitled, "Basic Guidelines for a Metropolitan Detroit Area Inte gration Plan." The Detroit School Board emphatically takes the position - 18 - that a meaningful integration plan Cannot be accomplished within the present boundaries of the school district of the City of Detroit; that the only meaningful integration can be accomplished in a metro politan Detroit area. The Board further takes the position that it is essential that the children in the City of Detroit obtain quality education. The record is clear that a quality education can only be obtained by the mixing of socio-economic status. The Board takes the position that the presence of a predominance of middle class students in the classroom increases the chance for improved achievement by the poor and does not impede the achievement of the middle class students. The record thus far made in this case and particularly the testimony of Dr. James W. Guthrie, that a purely racial mix does not assure quality education for either the black child or the white child, * absent a mixing of socio-economic groups. It is because of the need of middle class in the class room the Board has taken the position that in order to avoid middle class flight, whether it be black or white, it is imperative that the metropolitan area of desegregation plan include essentially all Wayne, Oakland and Macomb counties, the tri-county area making up the metropolitan Detroit area. As the Board has pointed out heretofore, the State plans are piecemeal and do not accomplish the task needed to be accomplished now. The appended Plan of the Detroit Board of Education for the metropolitan Detroit area integration, we believe, accomplishes the best possible integration in the Detroit metropolitan area, * See testimony of Dr. James W. Guthrie, Transcript 4095-96; 4099, 4106, 4117, 4121, 4123-24, 4126-28, 4132, 4134, 4190 and 4199. - 19- and gives the broadest constitutional rights to all students involved. For these reasons, the Detroit Board respectfully urges the Court to adopt its attached Plan for metropolitan desegregation.' ’ • CONCLUSION The Court will note, in addition to the objections delineated above, other differences between the alternative advanced by the Detroit Board and the State plan. Those differences largely result from consideration of the objection mentioned above, and the development of a comprehensive plan designed to meet them. The Detroit Board recognizes that in considering this Plan the Court cannot forget that the Detroit Board's primary position is that no remedy is required. For that purpose,the Board has its appeal. But the Board is acutely aware that a remedial plan imprudently applied or adopted could do far more damage than no remedy at all. If there is to be a remedy, it is crucial that the remedy work, and that school segregation in the community effec tively disappear. It is to this purpose that the Detroit Board submits the appended Plan. In so doing, the Board is acutely conscious of the words of the Court, "that the fact that the problem may have now become more difficult to solve is no reason not to solve it." It would ill serve the children of this community, whose rights are at issue here, if, in attempting to solve the problem, we merely recreated it on a larger scale. Yet this, we fear, is the true effect of the State plan. The Board also remembers well the Court's remonstration on December 20, 1971, when counsel were exchanging charges of bad faith, that there has been a tremendous investment of time effort, 20- ■ 1 1 1 and good will on the part of all parties in the case, for the purpose of resolving the basic and vital problem before the Court (see December 20,- 1971 Transcript, pp. 32-37). It would be the ultimate tragedy if all of that effort failed to provide either an endorsement of the previous practices of the Detroit Board, or a course of action which improved upon them. It is for the purpose of avoiding that result that the following Plan is submitted. Respectfully submitted, RILEY AND ROUMELL Telephone: 962-8255 Date: March 4, 1972. - 21- C E R T I F I C A T I O N This is to certify that a copy of the foregoing Objection has been served upon counsel of record by United States Mail, pos tage pre-paid, addressed as follows: LOUIS R. LUCAS WILLIAM E. CALDWELL 525 Commerce Title Building Memphis, Tennessee 38103 NATHANIEL R. JONES General CounseljN.A.A.C.P. 1790 Broadway New York,New York 10019 E. WINTHER MC CROOM 3245 Woodburn Avenue Cincinnati, Ohio 45207 JACK GREENBERG NORMAN J. CHACHKIN 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019 J . HAROLD FLANNERY PAUL R. DIMOND ROBERT PRESSMAN Center for Law & Education Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 EUGENE KRASICKY Assistant Attorney General Seven Story Office Building 525 West Ottawa Street Lansing, Michigan 48913 THEODORE SACHS 1000 Farmer Detroit, Michigan 48226 ALEXANDER B. RITCHIE 2555 Guardian Building Detroit, Michigan 48226 BRUCE A. MILLER LUCILLE WATTS 2460 First National Building Detroit, Michigan 48226 Date March 4, 1972