Estes v. Dallas NAACP Branches Brief of NAACP Respondents
Public Court Documents
July 20, 1979
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Estes v. Dallas NAACP Branches Brief of NAACP Respondents, 1979. 1f72b9cd-ae9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/66ed4d74-7d5d-4f0a-a48d-54ee09cafd9a/estes-v-dallas-naacp-branches-brief-of-naacp-respondents. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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MEILEN ?XESS IN C . — N . Y. C. 219
I n t h e
£>u*iremr Olmtrt sf tlip llmtpft t̂atra
October Term, 1978
No. 78-253; 78-282; 78-283
Nolan E stes, et al..
Petitioners,
-versus—
Oak Cliff Branch. South Dallas Branch and -John F. Kennedy
Branch of the Metropolitan Branches of Dallas, N A A CP
Respondents,
and
Ralph F. Brinegar. et al.,
Petitioners,
— versus—
Oak Cliff Branch, South D a l l a s Branch and -John F. Kennedy
Branch of the Metropolitan Branches of Dallas, NAACP,
Respondents,
and
Donald R. Curry, et al.,
Petitioners,
— versus—
Oak Cliff Branch, South D allas Branch and .John F. Kennedy
Branch of the Metropolitan Brandies of Dallas, NAACP,
_____________ Respondents.
o n writ o f c e r t io r a r i to t h e u n it e d states
COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF OF NAACP RESPONDENTS
Nathaniel R. Jones
1790 Broadway
New York, New York 10019
E. Brice Cunningham
Cunningham, Greenidge &
Gaines
2606 Forest Avenue
Suite 216-219
Dallas, Texas 75215
Of Counsel:
Lou is R. Lucas
Ratner, Sugarmon,
Merle W . Loper
246 Deering Avenue
Portland, Maine 04102
Attorneys for Respondents-
Intervenors
Lucas,
Salky & Henderson
625 Commerce Title Building
Memnli is. Term 9 » i 03
TABLE OF CONTENTS
) I
) 9
PAGE
Questions Presented ........................................................ 2
Summary of Argument .................................................. 2
A rgu m en t
I. The Dallas Desegregation Plan Is Facially Inade
quate to Eliminate Segregated Student Enroll
ments in a School System That Was Segregated
by State Law and That Has Never Yet Been
Brought Into Constitutional Compliance by
Achieving a Xon-Racial, Unitary School System 5
A. The Projected Operation of the District Court’s
Desegregation Plan Shows That It Will Not
Dismantle the Dual System of Racially Identi
fiable Schools as Required by This Court’s
Prior Decisions and to the Extent That the
Plan Itself Shows Is Practical and Feasible in
Dallas ................................................................... 5
B. Effective Desegregation Techniques Are Avail
able and Required in Oi'der to Achieve a Xon-
Racial Unitary System Throughout the DISD 12
1. The Senior High Schools ............................. 12
2. The Early Elementary Schools (Iv-3) ......... 19
3. The East Oak Cliff Sub-District .................. 21
II. Proper Principles of Appellate Review Left the
Court of Appeals No Responsible Alternative But
to Remand the District Court’s Plan in Light of
the Large Number of One-Race Schools and the
Failure to Explain Any Adequate Justification
for Falling So Far Short of the Elimination of
the Segregated Student Enrollment in Most of
the Dallas School System ....................................... 23
11
PAGE
C. The Dallas Independent School District's Ra
cially Dual System Was Created by State Law,
Its Patterns of Racially Segregated Enroll
ment Have Never Yet Been Corrected, and a
System-Wide Remedy Is Therefore Constitu
tionally Required ................................................ 24
C onclusion ........................................................................................ 33
T able of A uthorities
Cases:
Bell v. Hippy, 146 F. Supp. 485, 487 (N.D. Tex. 1956)....S, 26
Borders v. Hippy, 247 F.2d 268 (5th Cir. 1957).............. 31
Boson v. Hippy, 285 F.2d 43 (5th Cir. 1960).................... 31
Brown v. Board of Education 11, 349 U.S. 294, 300
(1955) ....................................................................16,17n,33
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954)....... 21
Brown v. Hippy, 233 F.2d 796 (5th Cir. 1956) .............. 31
Columbus Board of Education v. Penick.------U .S.-------,
47 U.S.LAV. 4924 (1979) .............................................. 27n
Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958) ............................... 16
Dayton Board of Education v. Brinkman 1. 433 U.S.
406, 409 (1977) ............................................................. 30
Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430, 442 (1968)
11,17, 23, 28,33
Keyes v. School District Xo. 1. 413 U.S. 189 (1973)....... 27n
Mapp v. Board of Education, 525 F.2d 169 (6th Cir.
1975) reh. den. 527 F.2d 1388 cert. den. 427 U.S. 911 17n
PAGE
iii
Monroe v. Board of Commissioners, 391 U.S. 450, 459
(1968) ...........................................................................16,20
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896) ........................ 21
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board o f Education,
402 U.S. 1, 31 (1971) ............ ...................................20, 20n
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education,
402 U.S. 1, 26, reh. denied 403 U.S. 912 (1971)....11, 23, 26.
27, 27n, 28, 30, 31, 32. 33
Tasby v. Estes. 572 F.2d 1010, 1012 n. 3 (5th Cir. 1978)
342 F. Supp. 945 (X.D. Tex. 1971) rev’d on other
grounds 517 F.2d 92, 5th Cir. 1975 cert. den. 423 U.S.
939 (1975) ....................................................6n,8,25,28,32
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education.
372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966) adopted on reh. en banc,
380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967) cert. den. 389 U.S. 840 .... IS
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education.
372 F.2d 836, 890-891 (5th Cir. 1966) cert. den. 389
U.S. 840 .......................................................................... 31
United States v. Scotland Neck City Board of Educa
tion, 407 LT.S. 484 (1972) .............................................. 22
I n - t h e
lyuprm? (Emirt of thp lluitrd Stairs
O ctober T erm , 1978
No. 78-253; 78-282; 78-283
N olan E stes, et al.,
— versu s—
Petitioners,
Oak C liff B r a n c h , S o u th D allas B ran ch and J o h n F.
K en n edy B ranch of the Metropolitan Branches of
Dallas, NAACP,
and
Respondents,
R a lph F. B r i n e g a r , et al.,
— versu s—
Petitioners,
O ak Cl iff B r a n c h , S ou th D allas B ran ch and J o h n F.
K en n edy B ranch of the Metropolitan Branches of
Dallas, NAACP,
and
Respondents,
D onald R. C u rry , et al.,
— versu s—
Petitioners,
O ak C liff B r a n c h , S ou th D allas B ran ch and J o h n F.
K en n ed y B ranch of the Metropolitan Branches of
Dallas, NAACP,
Respondents.
on w r it of certiorari to th e united states
COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF OF NAACP RESPONDENTS
2
Questions Presented
1. \\ hether a school desegregation plan for a district
that was found to be segregated by state law, and that
has never yet eliminated its racially dual system, is ade
quate when it fails to make any significant effort to de
segregate the student enrollment in its high schools, its
eail\ elementary schools, or any of the schools in a vir
tually all-black sub-district, except through provision for
voluntary transfers and a partial system of magnet-type
schools?
2. M liether the Court of Appeals properly exercised
its appellate review by remanding the District Court’s
order because it failed to either eliminate or expressly
justify the large number of one-race schools under the
Dallas desegregation plan ?
Summary of Argument
I.
The projected operation of the Dallas desegregation
plan implemented under the District Court’s order shows
such a substantial degree of continuing segregation in
student enrollment and such a large number and high
proportion of one-race schools—at least 70 out of 172_
as to make it necessarily inconsistent with the disestab
lishment of Dallas’ previously state-imposed racially dual
* system.
The failure of the plan to achieve substantial desegre
gation of the high schools, early elementary schools, or
any of the schools of the East Oak Cliff sub-district is in
sharp contrast to the significant desegregation that is
achieved in grades four through eight in the areas out-
3
side the all-black East Oak Cliff sub-district. This con-
tiast highlights the fact that the same desegregation tech
niques that have been effective in grades four through
eight are available as feasible remedies for the state-
imposed segregation in the other grade levels and areas
ot the school district in the absence of any findings as to
their infeasibility in specific instances.
The reason for the lack of effective desegregation in
the high schools and the East Oak Cliff area is that the
pattern of initial segregated student assignments is main
tained and the opportunities for desegregation rest solely
on what is basically a transfer policy—majority-to-mi-
nority transfers and transfers to magnet schools. These
techniques in themselves have long been held impermissi
bly inadequate to dismantle the continuing effects of a
dual system of student enrollment. Much the same is true
of the nature of the failure to desegregate the early ele
mentary grades, except that in those grades the magnet-
type schools are not even included as a supplementary
desegregation device.
Desegregation in these aspects of the Dallas school
system has been essentially written off by the District
Court without any sufficient justification and without
focussing specifically enough on particular questions of
the feasibility of using the kinds of techniques approved
in Swann and used with effectiveness in other aspects of
the Dallas plan itself. Rather, the district court assumed
that white students would not attend minority schools, or
in general terms assumed the techniques were not work
able or would interfere with certain educational objec
tives. All of these reasons are either impermissible or
based upon assumptions that were not clearly spelled out
or established.
4
The Dallas system of dual attendance lias not yet been
effectively disestablished since the time it was mandated
by state law. The Court of Appeals’ remand is necessary
in order to focus the attention of the school officials on
the remaining task and require them and the District
Court to look more closely at the feasibility of using the
Swann techniques to effectively enforce the constitutional
rights of minority students to attend public schools in a
nonracial, unitary system.
II.
In remanding this case for consideration of a new plan
and for specific findings concerning the infeasibility of
eliminating any remaining substantially one-race schools,
the Court of Appeals was properly insisting on adherence
to the decisions of this Court. This is a proper and im
portant function of the courts of appeals and a part of
the particular tradition of the Court of Appeals for the
Fifth Circuit. To fail to affirm the Court of Appeals in
this case would seriously undermine the function of that
court and its role in our federal judicial system.
Responsible appellate review of the district court order
in this case could have led only to the remand of this plan
in light of the standards previously set by this Court, and
the clear disregard of those standards by the District
Court.
o
» )
• > •
ARGUMENT
I.
The Dallas Desegregation Plan Is Facially Inade
quate to Eliminate Segregated Student Enrollments in
a School System That Was Segregated by State Law
and That Has Never Yet Been Brought Into Constitu
tional Compliance by Achieving a Non-Racial, Unitary
School System.
A. The P rojected Operation o f the District Court's D esegre
gation Plan Shows That It Will I\ot Dismantle the Dual
System o f Racially Identifiable Schools as R equired by
This Court’ s Prior Decisions and to the E xtent That the
Plan Itself Shoics Is Practical and Feasible in Dallas.
The two basic facts that most boldly stand out in this
case are the contrasting degrees to which the District
Court’s desegregation plan both fails and succeeds in de
segregating student enrollment at different levels of the
Dallas school system.
For those grade levels and areas where no real attempt
is made to desegregate the regular attendance area schools
—the high schools, the early elementary schools (K-3), and
the entire all-black East Oak Cliff sub-district—the con
tinuing segregation is stark. Based on the projections at
tached to the District Court’s April 7, 1979 Final Order
(Estes Pet. for Cert. 53a, at 85a-119a) and subsequent mod
ifications (Id. at 121a-129a), over 83 percent (40 out of 4S)
of the early elementary schools (K-3),1 and 50 percent (9
1 These figures for the K-3 grade schools necessarily include
only those schools which contain only grades K-3 since those are
the only schools for which racial and ethnic enrollment projections
were furnished under the district court’s plan. JIany K-3 grades
are combined with 4-6 grade intermediate schools, for which racial
and ethnic enrollments are given in grades 4-6, but not in grades
K-3. Since the intermediate schools were to be largely desegregated
6
out of 18) of the regular attendance area high schools,2 are
one-race or virtually one-i’ace schools whose student bodies
are comprised of approximately 90 percent Anglo or 90
percent minority students.3 Even when the all-black East
Oak Cliff sub-district is omitted from these figures, fhe
degree of segregation, as measured by the proportion of
one-race schools in the four “ racially proportioned” sub
districts, is not significantly changed—82 percent (36 out
of 44) of the separate K-3 schools and 44 percent (7 out
of 16) of the regular attendance area high schools. In the
East Oak Cliff sub-district, all four of the K-3 schools, all
four of the 7-8 middle schools, both of the regular attendance
area high schools, and 15 of the 16 intermediate schools
(grades 4-6)4 were expected to have at least 98 percent mi-
under the plan, but the early elementary grades were not, the
figures for the 4-6 grades bear no relationship to the racial compo
sition of the K-3 student body in the same school.
2 These include all the senior high schools of grades 9-12 based
on the projected enrollments in the District Court’s Final Order
which were intended to be the comprehensive high schools for their
respective specified neighborhood attendance areas. Magnet- high
schools with specialized programs (for which no reliable racial and
ethnic enrollments were, or could reliably be, given) are not in
cluded. Any integration that might occur in the magnet high
schools themselves would not significantly affect the over-all amount
of high school desegregation achieved, and would itself have no
affect on the racial composition of the regular attendance area high
schools.
3 This definition is the same as that used by the Court of Appeals
in this case, in which it defined a one-race school as “a school that
has a student body with approximately 90% or more of the stu-
dents being either Anglo or combined minority races,” but with
an admonition that “ the 90% figure is not a ‘magic level below
which a school [will] no longer be categorized as “one-race.” ’ ”
Tasby v. Estes, 572 F.2d 1010, 1012. n. 3 (5th Cir. 1978). Estes
Pet. for Cert. 132a. In compiling the figures in this Brief, the
actual cut-off point used was 88 percent Anglo or minority.
4 One of the 15 black intermediate schools. Maynard Jackson,
was designated as a Vanguard school with 300 student stations
reserved for integration purposes. According to the DISD’s De
cember 15, 1976 Report to the District Court, the Jackson School
i
notify enrollment. In fact, all of these East Oak Cliff one-
race schools are at least 89 percent black, and all but two
of them are at least 97.5 percent black. Estes Pet. for
Cert. 113a-117a.
By contrast, however, the District Court’s plan did show
the promise of largely eliminating at least the 90 percent
or more Anglo or minority school enrollments in those grade
levels and areas where it tried to do so. Based again on
the projections attached to the District Court’s Final Order
(Estes Pet. for Cert. 85a-llla), none of the middle schools
(grades 7-8) and only two5 of the 66 intermediate schools
(grades 4-6) contain approximately 90 percent or more
minority or Anglo enrollments in those sub-districts aside
from East Oak Cliff.6 These are the grade levels and areas
was 98.8 percent black during the first year of the plan. The most
recent DISD Report to the District Court (April 1979) shows that
Jackson remains as a one-race schol with 98.3 percent black enroll
ment.
3 The K. B. Polk School in the Northwest sub-district is not
included in these figures as a one-race intermediate school despite
the fact that its projected and actual present status are somewhat
unclear in the Record. In the April 7. 1976 District Court order
Polk was projected to have a totally black enrollment except for
the reservation of 300 student stations for integration under the
Vanguard concept. Estes Pet. for Cert. 86a. The DISD's April
1979 Report to the District Court indicates a Vanguard enroll
ment of 119 students, of whom 66 percent are Anglo. The Report
also indicates that the total intermediate enrollment (grades 4-6)
is 272. Thus, there appear to be 152 non-Vanguard students in
grades 4-6 at the Polk School, all of whom are minority students.
It thus appears that Polk has a regular intermediate program
that is all-minority and a Vanguard program that is majority
Anglo. The K-3 grades are virtually all-black, as reflected in the
figures of the DISD’s April 1979 Report.
6 Seagoville, the only predominantly Anglo sub-district, is essen
tially omitted from the plan. None of the grade structures for its
four schools are conformed to the standardized grade structures
of the rest of the school district. Racial and ethnic enrollment
comparisons at the standardized grade levels are therefore not
available, and the four Seagoville schools cannot be included in
the above figures.
where the plan specifically assigns students for the purpose
of dismantling the segregated student enrollment patterns
that mark schools as “Anglo” or “black” or “Hispanic”—
schools which had remained so marked in Dallas ever since
segregation was initially mandated by the statutes of Texas.
Bell v. Rippy, 146 F.Supp. 485, 487 (N.D. Tex. 1956) ; Tasby
v. Estes, 342 F.Supp. 945, 947 (N.D. Tex. 1971), revd. on
other grounds, 517 F.2d 92 (5th Cir. 1975), cert. den. 423
U.S. 939 (1975).
The difference between the failure and the effectiveness
of the plan shows itself in two ways: (1) by comparing the
decreased number of clearly one-race schools in grades 4-8
with the high degree of remaining segregation of the grade
levels immediately above and below them in the very same
districts, and (2) by comparing the almost total segregation
remaining in the East Oak Cliff sub-district, where no sig
nificant desegregation attempt was even made, with the
deceased number of clearly one-race schools in grades 4-8
in those districts where the attempt was made. The dif
ferences are more graphically illustrated in the table on the
next page.
8
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10
The degree of effectiveness in eliminating 90 percent
Anglo and minority enrollments in grades 4-S where the
attempt was made, makes the overall number and propor
tion of one-race schools in Dallas even more questionable.
Based on the racial and ethnic enrollment figures that are
given as projections in the District Court’s April 7, 1976
Final Order for those schools for which the statistics are
available, 70 out of 172 schools in the DISD are all or
predominantly one-race schools—41 percent. Of the 53,351
black students who were projected to be enrolled in those
schools, 34,150—64 percent—were projected as enrolled
in schools with approximately 90 percent or more minority
enrollment.
Such statistics on one-race schools cannot, of course, tell
the entire story of a school desegregation plan. The need
to define one-race schools by a cut-off point—90 percent or
88 percent—can itself mask a large number of other
essentially one-race schools that may lie just below the
cut-off point. For example, the four early elementary
schools (K-3) in the Southeast sub-district are all virtually
segregated white schools having between 85 and 87.4 per
cent Anglo student bodies. Estes Pet. for Cert. 99a. If
these were counted as one-race schools, the proportion of
one-race schools for separate K-3 schools in the Southeast
sub-district would be 100 percent rather than 60 percent.
This illustrates the importance of going beyond the one-
race school statistics to examine the actual amount of
desegregation in various school enrollments.
Another problem is the lack of racial or ethnic statistics
for the projected enrollments of those K-3 schools that are
included within a K-6 school. Since the one-race schools in
grades 4-6 have been largely eliminated by student assign
ments under the plan (except for East Oak Cliff), but
similar techniques have not even been attempted for grades
K-3, one would expect that many of the K-3 grades may
11
0 I
* i
represent one-race schools for those grades even though
included within one school along with the desegregated
intermediate grades (4-6).
This problem can be illustrated by the Reilly School
(K-6) in the Northeast sub-district. This school was at
first designated in the plan as a separate K-3 school with a
92.9 percent Anglo enrollment (Estes Pet. for Cert. 92a).
A later modification of the plan corrected its designation
to that of a K -6 school, showing its enrollment for grades
4-6 as 55.8 percent Anglo and 44.2 percent minority—an
apparently integrated intermediate school. Estes Pet. for
Cert. 123a. It is only because of the initial misdesignation
of the Reilly School as a separate K-3 school that the
Record indicates the one-race nature of the early elemen
tary grades in what otherwise appears to be a desegregated
school. Similar information is not available for the other
K-3 grades where they are included in a full K -6 elemen
tary school.
While all of these statistics cannot tell the full story, they
do point clearly to the fact that the state-mandated patterns
of segregated student enrollment have not yet been dis
mantled. This is particularly true where the failure—in
the high schools and early elementary schools and in the
maintenance of an entire all-black sub-district—lies side-by-
side with a demonstration of the possibility that desegrega
tion can be made effective in the same grade levels and in
the same sub-districts where those failures occurred be
cause the same techniques were never tried.
Dallas clearly has not converted its dual system “ to a
system without a ‘white’ school and a ‘Negro’ school, but
just schools.” Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430.
442 (1968); cf. Sicann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of
Education, 402 U.S. 1, 26, reli. denied 403 U.S. 912 (1971).
At the very least, these figures demand the closer scrutiny
.i
/i
a
g
J
i-
.
and justification that the Court of Appeals required in this
case.
B. E ffective D esegregation Techniques A re Available and R e
quired in O rder to A chieve a I\on-Racial Unitary System
Throughout the DISD.
The amount of continuing segregation in the Dallas
school system shows the failure of the plan, as projected,
to eliminate the dual school attendance patterns in the
district. The particular areas of failure under the Dallas
plan are constitutionally inadequate both because they rely
solely upon out-dated desegregation techniques that may
have sufficed at an earlier time as the “ first steps” toward
a desegregated system but are wholly inadequate today,
and because they ignore effective techniques that are
working in neighboring areas of the district or in neighbor
ing grade levels of the Dallas system itself. The early
elementary schools, all of the regular attendance area high
schools, and the East Oak Cliff sub-district have been auto
matically written off. The fear that desegregation will
cause “white flight” and that “white flight” will cause more
segregation is used as an excuse to avoid desegregation in
the first place. Efforts to achieve greater desegregation
may well also be hampered by the fact that the integrative
student assignments that are made are always from black
and Hispanic areas toward Anglo areas, and never the
other way around.
It is little wonder that the Court of Appeals found itself
unable to approve the District Court’s plan in the absence
of specific findings concerning the feasibility of alternative
and more effective means of desegregation.
1. The Senior High Schools.
One of the most difficult things to understand about the
Dallas plan is its failure to carry the intermediate and
middle school desegregation into the high schools. The
12 13
0 > )
0) |
feasibility of using the elementary school attendance areas
as a basis for assigning students to grades 4-8 to effectively
achieve desegregation is demonstrated by the plan itself.
Yet, for some unexplained reason, students who have been
assigned to integrated schools for the fourth through the
eighth grades are then dropped back into their neighbor
hood high schools, half of which are one-race schools.
Black and Hispanic students, for instance, who make up
the C.F. Carr elementary attendance area in west central
Dallas are assigned to the Burnet School in northern
Dallas for grades 4-6, then farther north to the "Walker
School for grades 7-8. Estes Pet. for Cert. 87a, 89. Upon
completion of the eighth grade, however, they return to
their neighborhood Pinkston High School, which has a 95
percent minority enrollment. Estes Pet. for Cert. 90a. It
takes more information than appears on the Record before
this Court to see why it would not be feasible to give these
students an integrated education at Hillcrest or W.T. White
High Schools, both of which have a 96 percent Anglo en
rollment, both of which are within the same general area
and distance range as the schools at which the Carr students
spent grades 4-8, and the first of which appears to have an
enrollment of only 70 percent of its capacity (Pet. for Cert.
90a). Alternatively, there is no apparent reason why
Anglo students in the areas where the Carr students at
tended grades 4-8 could not be brought down to Pinkston
High School for an integrated education with the Carr
students.
This same basic situation occurs time after time under
the present Dallas plan. Minority students are assigned
out of central and west central Dallas to integrated inter
mediate schools and middle schools for grades 4-8, and then
sent back to segregated schools for their last four years.
The following chart traces the progression of students in
14
such situations, showing the racial and ethnic composition
for the K-3 attendance area (measured by the percentage
of minority enrollment) and for each of the schools those
students would attend through their graduation from high
sch oo l:
K -3 Sch. &
% M inority
Inter. Sch. &
% M inority
M iddle Sch. &
% M inority
H igh Sch. &
% M inority
Carr 99% Burnet 48% Walker 48% Pinkston 95%
Allen 91% Caillet
Marcus
60%
60%
March 45% Pinkston 95%
Arlington
Park
98% Caillet 60% Rusk 44% N. Dallas 83%
Carver/
Tyler
99%
100%
Foster
Pershing
Walnut H.
51%
60%
41%
Walker 48% Pinkston 95%
Earhart/
Navarro
100%
100%
Longfellow
Williams
54%
58%
Cary
Marsh
48%
45%
Pinkston 95%
Travis 98% Preston
Hollow
59% Spence 77% N. Dallas 83%
Hassell 100% Bayles 46% Gaston 43% Madison 100%
Brown 100% Conner
Truett
44%
47%
Gaston 43% Madison 100%
City Pk. 96% Lakewood 38% Gaston 43% Madison 100%
Colonial 100% Reinhardt 42% Gaston 43% Madison 100%
Frazier 100% Rowe 47% Hood 40% Madison 100%
Wheatley 100% Sanger 46% Hill 39% Madison 100%
Harris 100% Sanger 46% Hill 39% Madison 100%
Rice 100% Reilly 44% Hill 39% Lincoln 100%
Thompson 100% Ireland
J. Adams
37%
42%
Florence 41% Lincoln 100%
Rhoads 100% San Jacinto 49% Hood 40% Lincoln 100%
Dunbar 100% Hawthorne
Blanton
42%
43%
Florence 41% Madison 100%
Buckner 88% Rvlie
Burleson
Dorsey
43%
42%
46%
Comstock 41% Spruce 28%
(The above information is taken from the District Court’s Final Order,
April 7, 1976, and subsequent modifications, as set forth in the Estes
Pet. for Cert., at 85a-105a, 123a-124a, and 127a-129a.)
15
In all of these situations students are assigned to fourth
through eighth grade schools outside their ordinary segre
gated neighborhood attendance areas and substantial de
segregation is achieved. In every case, except for the last
one listed, they are brought back to segregated high schools.
It docs not appear that the routes to integrated high schools
would be any longer or less feasible than those already
travelled to intermediate and middle schools. High school
students should be at least as capable of participating in
such a program as students of elementary and junior high
school age. The building capacities seem to be generally
available at the high school level (Estes Pet. for Cert., 90a,
97a, 104a), and even where present building capacities ap
pear to be full, students could be exchanged without causing
over-capacity problems.
The District Court’s only findings to justify the omission
of desegregated student assignments at the high school level
did not go to the feasibility of the transportation involved,
or to any lack of a constitutional requirement to desegregate
them. Rather, the District Court concluded that such assign
ments would not work because Anglos would not go to
minority schools. Estes Pet. for Cert. 34a.
The real reason for avoiding regular high school assign
ments on a non-segregated basis thus appears to be that
white students do not want desegregation, at least if it
means that they must attend schools that minority students
have to attend, in areas where minority students have to go
to school. This approach is constitutionally impermissible.
It allows the constitutional rights of minority students to
be defeated because of speculation about the feelings of
white students. To make these minority rights dependant
upon the cooperation of white students is itself racially
discriminatory. This Court has long held that the vindica
tion of constitutional rights cannot be avoided because of
disagreement with those rights. Brown v. Board of Educa
tion II, 349 U.S. 294, 300 (1955); Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S.
1 (1958); Monroe v. Board of Commissioners, 391 U.S. 450,
459 (1968).
In Monroe the District Court had approved a desegrega
tion plan that assigned students to schools on an initially
desegregated basis, but allowed them freely to transfer back
to their original segregated schools. The free transfer plan
was defended as necessary to prevent “white flight” and
preserve the public school system. In holding such a plan
invalid as a device that in fact prevented the desegregation
that is required by the Constitution, this Court stated:
[X]o attempt has been made to justify the transfer
provision as a device designed to meet “ legitimate local
problems,” . . . rather it patently operates as a device
to allow resegregation of the races to the extent de
segregation would be achieved by geographically drawn
zones. Respondent’s argument in this Court reveals its
purpose. We are frankly told in the Brief that without
the transfer option it is apprehended that white stu
dents will flee the school system altogether. “But it
should go without saying that the vitality of these con
stitutional principles cannot be allowed to yield because
of disagreement with them.” Brown II, at 300.
Monroe v. Board of Commissioners, 391 U.S. 450, 459 (1968).
The failure of the District Court to require any meaning
ful desegregation in one-half of the regular attendance area
high schools in Dallas is comparable to the Monroe plan
of making initial desegregated assignments and allowing
everyone to transfer hack. The difference is that in Dallas
no initial desegregated assignments are made, so there is
no need to transfer back. The essential similarity between
the Monroe and Dallas plans is the purpose—and that pur
16 17
pose has been held to be impermissible since it forecloses
that possibility of desegregation from the outset.8
The District Court depreciated the importance of inte
grated high school assignments for minority students be
cause of the opportunities to attend magnet schools or to
take advantage of the majority-to-minority transfers. Estes
Pet. for Cert. 35a. The fact of the matter is that the entire
high school desegregation plan rests solely upon the magnet
school concept and majority-to-minority transfers, which
the District Court found to be the more practical and effec
tive way to achieve high school desegregation. Estes Pet.
for Cert. 35a.
In reality, high school desegregation in Dallas is based
on a transfer system, and one that is less exacting and
contains none of the safeguards of the freedom of choice
desegregation devices that became obsolete at the time of
Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430 (1968). It is
less than the old free choice plans because the initial assign
ments are made by the school system to segregated schools
and students are allowed to transfer out on the basis of
certain criteria—to attend a magnet school for special pro-
8 While the District Court purported to recognize that the
Brown IT “ disagreement principle” applies to the fear of “ white
flight." and purported not to base its high school plan on find
ings of fact from any of the sociological evidence in this ease con
cerning the effects of “ forced busing” on white flight” (Estes Pet.
for Cert. 43a, fn. 50), the court’s citation to Mapp v. Board of
Education. 525 F.2d 169 (6th Cir. 1975), reh. den. 527 F.2d 1388.
cert. den. 427 U.S. 911, might suggest otherwise. Whatever might
be said about the Mapp case, the plan in Dallas shows that de
segregation cannot be achieved by avoiding it. The two schools in
Mapp that became segregated because of non-attendance by the
white students who had been assigned there were certainly no
more segregated than the all-black Lincoln, Madison, Roosevelt,
and South Oak Cliff High Schools, or the other one-race high
schools in Dallas whose desegregation has been sacrificed by the
District Court to the unsubstantiated fear of “white flight.”
18
grams of interest to them, or to attend a school where their
racial or ethnic proportion in the student body is less than
in the school system as a whole. Compare Uniter1 States v.
Jefferson County Board of Education, 372 F.2d 836, S90-S91
(5th Cir. 1966), adopted on rehearing en banc, 3S0 F.2d 385
(5th Cir. 1967), cert, den., 389 F.S. S40.
Xor does the magnet school concept offer any realistic
promise of ever effectively desegregating the high schools
of Dallas, let alone do it now. The magnet schools involve
only a small proportion of the high school population. They
have no effect whatever on bringing integration into the
regular attendance area high schools where the vast major
ity of the student population attends.3 The use of magnet
schools can have excellent educational value. They can play
a role in helping to create and maintain a system of inte
grated student enrollment. But magnet schools, as they
exist in Dallas, cannot begin to do the whole job of desegre
gation all by themselves.
In summary, the high school aspect of the desegregation
plan is essentially a lost opportunity to use methods that
the defendants are using successfully to achieve desegrega
tion in earlier grade levels. It is based apparently on the
assumed reluctance of white students to go to desegregated
9 There may also be some question about the nature of the inte
gration that occurs in a school with a magnet-tvpe program. As
pointed out in footnote 5. the April 1979 DISD Report to the
District Court concerning enrollment in the Polk Intermediate
Vanguard School (grades 4-6), shows that there are 152 regular
program students and 119 Vanguard program students. The regu
lar program students are all minority, while the Vanguard pro
gram is substantially integrated. While the exact nature of the
operation of this program is not clear on the Record before this
Court, it appears that the magnet-type programs may not actually
integrate the school generally, but only the particular magnet
program that exists within the school. To the extent that this is
true in the magnet-type programs, the desegregating effectiveness
of such programs is further reduced.
19
schools. It operates as an inadequate freedom of choice
plan with no real prospect of significantly desegregating
the high school student enrollment system generally. It is
hard to see how the Court of Appeals could have done other
than reject it in the absence of specific consideration and
findings that the more effective desegregation devices that
are apparently available are not feasible.
2. The Early Elementary Schools (K -3 ) .
The major reasons given by the District Court for leav
ing the segregated enrollment untouched in the early
elementary grades were the lesser ability of young children
to deal with the problems of transportation, the special
programs in the minority areas that were presumed to
result in higher quality education for minority students
there, and the opportunity to use the diagnostic-prescrip
tive concept in the early childhood learning centers with
parental involvement. On this basis, the District Court
provided for attendance in grades K-3 in the local area
around each such elementary school, modified only bv the
opportunity for majority-to-minority transfers. Estes Pet.
for Cert. 32a-33a, 51a-55a.
The result is a highly segregated pattern of early elemen
tary school enrollments. As shown by the chart on page
9, supra. 36 of the 44 separate K-3 centers (82%) are
one-race schools even when only the four “ racially propor
tioned" sub-districts are considered—that is, not including
the all-black East Oak Cliff sub-district, or the Seagoville
sub-district in which no separate K-3 centers exist. Indeed,
in three of the sub-districts10 almost all of the separate
early elementary schools are of one race—16 out of 19 in
10 The figures for the Southwest sub-district are less conclusive
because only two separate K-3 schools exist there. That sub-district
is also one of the more integrated areas of Dallas.
20
the Northwest, 12 out of 13 in the Northeast, and at least 6
out of 10 in the Southeast.
While the age of students is one of the important factors
in determining the feasible limits on the time and distance
of travelling to school, Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 31 (1971), it was not
intended to be a reason for precluding such transportation
altogether when that is necessary to desegregate a school
system. Surely, the value of an integrated education is a
factor that also must weigh heavily in the balance of
“ legitimate local problems,” Monroe v. Board of Commis
sioners, 391 U.S. 450, 459 (1968). Yet, the District Court
merely cited the age of such students generally as an excuse
for totally avoiding desegregation of these crucial grade
levels.
The court made no findings of fact that would show the
infeasibility of some meaningful degree of school pairing.
Nor did it consider the possibility of transportation dis
tances that might be well within the ability of younger
children to deal with. Much more careful and individualized
consideration of these factors should be required in light
of the everyday busing of large numbers of such children
throughout our country. It would no doubt come as a
surprise to the millions of parents in both urban and rural
areas to learn that their young children are being harmed
by being transported to consolidated elementary schools
or special schools miles from their homes for purposes
unrelated to desegregation.11 Indeed, the objection was not
11 “Bus transportation has been an integral part of the public
education system for years, and was perhaps the single most im
portant factor in the transition from the one-room schoolhouse to
the consolidated school. Eighteen million of the Nation's public
school children, approximately 39%, were transported to their
schools by bus in 1969-1970 in all parts of the country.” Swann v.
Charlottc-Mccklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 29 1971).
21
raised in earlier times when both white and black children
of all ages were being bused for long times and great
distances, often past schools of the opposite race, in order
to keep them apart. Clearly, considerations of young age
in determining how far a child should travel to school
cannot legitimately be used to preclude all serious con
sideration of any desegregating school assignment at all.
Likewise there is no finding that the educational concepts
and programs that are desired in these early years could
not be carried out as well under a system of integration.
As to the District Court’s reliance on special programs for
a higher quality of education, it should go without saving
that such programs are not sufficient substitutes for
eliminating dual systems of student enrollment. This has
been true ever since Brown v. Board of Education. 347 U.S.
483 (1954), overruled Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537
(1896).
The complete writing-off of desegregation in the early
elementary schools is further illustrated by the fact that the
magnet-type school concepts that are used in the Vanguard,
Academy and magnet-schools in the other grade levels of
Dallas apparently play no real part as a supplementary
tool to desegregate grades Iv-3.
3. The East Oak Cliff Sub-District.
The District Court’s treatment of the virtually all-black
East Oak Cliff sub-district is similar to its treatment of
the high school grade levels: it created an aspect of the
system that remains initially highly segregated and then
relied solely on a transfer system—to magnet schools or
by majority-to-minority transfers—as the only means of
achieving any desegregation. This approach is constitution
ally inadequate in East Oak Cliff for the same reasons that
it is inadequate in the high school levels generally.
-
'-11
T
■
'
> -
• ■
'
1
22
Because of the heavy concentration of black population
within East Oak Cliff, there may well be greater difficulties
in substantially desegregating that area than exist in other
geographical areas of the city. The fact does not, however,
justify writing off the entire district without more strictly
scrutinizing the possibilities for achieving desegregation
through regular student assignments to integrated schools,
complemented by the other appropriate special education
programs and magnet schools contained in the plan.
What the District Court’s plan essentially does is draw
a line around an entire area and hold that no attempt will
even be made to change the racial make-up of the enroll
ments there except through the voluntary transfer devices.
As a result, no significant desegregation in any of the reg
ular attendance area schools was projected at the time of
the plan’s adoption, or is likely to be achieved under a con
tinuation of the present plan.
While there is nothing inherently improper about using
the sub-district approach to an urban desegregation plan,
that approach should not be allowed to create an all-black
district in a way that prevents the use of all parts of the
system in a plan of desegregating the whole district. See
United States v. Scotland Neck City Board of Education,
407 U.S. 484 (1972). Plans were submitted to the District
Court by the plaintiffs and the plaintiff-intervenors that
would have brought significant desegregation to the schools
within the East Oak Cliff area. Yet, the District Court
seemed merely to draw a line around the problem and write
it out of the system except for magnet schools, quality edu
cation programs, and transfers.
At the very least, the failure to do more to desegregate
a major all-black section of Dallas requires a fuller explana
tion with findings of fact focussed on the particular prob
lems that might be involved, rather than assuming too easily
that nothing could be done. That is what the Court of
Anneals would reouire.
23
0 ) >
0 ) I
II.
Proper Principles of Appellate Review Left the Court
of Appeals No Responsible Alternative But to Remand
the District Court’s Plan in Light of the Large Number
of One-Race Schools and the Failure to Explain Any
Adequate Justification for Falling So Far Short of the
Elimination of the Segregated Student Enrollment in
Most of the Dallas School System.
The Court of Appeals was faced with the review of a
desegregation plan whose goal must be “ to convert to a
unitary system in which racial discrimination would be
eliminated root and branch.” Green v. County School Board,
391 U.S. 430, 437-438 (1968). Full compliance with this
constitutional mandate, and thus the standards of any judi
cially ordered remedy, requires “a system without a ‘white’
school and a ‘Negro’ school, but just schools.” Green, at 442.
In speaking to the requirements of a desegregation plan
for a large, urban school system that had been segregated
under state law, this Court in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklen-
hurg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1, reh. den., 403 U.S.
912 (1971), applied these one-race-school principles to sys
tems such as Dallas. Recognizing that “ the existence of some
small number of one-race, or virtually one-race, schools
within a district is not in and of itself the mark of a
system that still practices segregation by law,” the Court
explicitly placed on the school districts, and on the district
courts reviewing the adequacy of remedial plans, the obliga
tion to “make every effort to achieve the greatest possible
degree of actual desegregation and . . . thus necessarily be
concerned with the elimination of one-race schools.” Swann,
at 26.
For purposes of district court reviewr of school board
proposals, and thus necessarily for purposes of proper re-
24
view of district court orders by the courts of appeal, the
burden of justification of remaining one-race schools was
placed upon the school boards:
No per se rule can adequately embrace all the difficulties
of reconciling the competing interests involved; but in
a system with a history of segregation the need for
remedial criteria of sufficient specificity to assure a
school authority’s compliance with its constitutional
duty warrants a presumption against schools that are
substantially disproportionate in their racial composi
tion. Where the school authority’s proposed plan for
conversion from a dual to a unitary system contem
plates the continued existence of some schools that are
all or predominantly of one race, they have the burden
of showing that such school assignments are genuinely
nondiscriminatory. The court should scrutinize such
schools, and the burden upon the school authorities will
be to satisfy the court that their racial composition is
not the result of present or past discriminatory action
on their part.
Id. All of these strictures concerning one-race schools were
made specifically in the context of an urban school system,
like Dallas, with significant concentrations of residential
segregation.
C. The Dallas Independent School District’ s Racially Dual Sys
tem Was Created by State Late, Its Patterns o f Racially
^ Segregated Enrollm ent Have Never Yet B een C orrected ,
and a System-Wdde R em edy Is T h ere fore Constitutionally
R equired.
There is no doubt that the District Court in this case has
found that the dual system of Dallas is uncorrected, and
is system-wide. As the District Court stated when this case
was originally brought:
25
© )
0 ) I
When it appears as it clearly does from the evidence
in this case that in the Dallas Independent School Dis
trict 70 schools are 90% or more white (Anglo), 40
schools are 90% or more black, and 49 schools with 90%
or more minority, 91% of hlack students in 90% or
more of the minority schools, 3% of the black students
attend schools in which the majority is white or Anglo,
it would be less than honest for me to say or to hold
that all vestiges of a dual system have been eliminated
in the Dallas Independent School District, and I find
and hold that elements of a dual system still remain.
Tasby v. Estes, 342 F. Supp. 945, 947 (X.D. Tex. 1971),
revd. on other grounds, 517 F.2d 92 (5th Cir. 1975), cert,
den. 423 U.S. 939 (1975).
The District Court went on to refer to the required rem
edies for the various aspects of a dual system, such as
faculty and staff desegregation, majority-to-minoritv trans
fer policies, the use of transportation, school construction
and site selection, and noted:
The Dallas School Board has failed to implement any
of these tools or to even suggest that it would consider
such plans until long after the filing of this suit and
in part after the commencement of this trial.
Tasby v. Estes, supra, 342 F. Supp. at 948.
Many of these desegregation tools have since been imple
mented in Dallas under the compulsion of court order. In
the area of student enrollment, however, no adequate plan
has ever yet been ultimately approved or held by the Dis
trict Court or by the Court of Appeals to have successfully
brought the school system into constitutional compliance
in that aspect of its operation. The statistics of student
enrollment revealed by this record and projected under the
26
Distiict Courts plan show how extensive and widespread
the segregation continues to be.
This case involves a large, urban school system in the
South one in which segregation existed in every aspect
of its system under the mandate of state statutes. Bell v.
RiPPy- 146 F. Supp. 485, 487 (X.D. Tex. 1956). As such,
it is on all fours with the school district involved in Swann
v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1
(1971), where the Chief Justice, speaking for the Court,
stated, “The objective today remains to eliminate from the
public schools all vestiges of state-imposed segregation.”
Id. at 15.
While cautioning that the basis for any judicial remedy
is the unconstitutional dual system itself, this Court in
Swann made clear that the use of racial school enrollment
statistics was relevant to determining whether a plan was
effectively dismantling a dual attendance system in the con
text of geographical attendance zones. Swann made it clear
that the use of pairing and transportation of students to
schools outside their areas of residence was an appropriate
and sometimes necessary tool for eliminating racial atten
dance patterns, even though, “more often than not, these
zones are neither compact nor contiguous; indeed they may
be on opposite ends of the city.” Id. at 27. It is clear that
this Court in Swann contemplated a complete wiping out,
to the extent feasible, of the segregated attendance patterns
that accompanied a school system whose segregation had
S been state imposed.
•V
All things being equal, with no history of discrimina
tion, it might well be desirable to assign pupils to
schools nearest their homes. But all things are not
equal in a system that has been deliberatelv constructed
and maintained to enforce segregation. The remedv
27
® )
0) )
for such segregation may be administratively awkward,
inconvenient, and even bizarre in some situations and
may impose burdens on some; but all awkwardness and
inconvenience cannot be avoided in the interim period
when remedial adjustments are being made to eliminate
the dual school systems.
Id. at 28.
Swann did not impose a requirement for maintaining
racial balance in the schools once their segregated atten
dance patterns have been fully corrected, but it does require
their full correction. The full remedy clearly has never
occurred in Dallas.
There is no inconsistency between the requirement of full
elimination of segregated attendance in a system with state-
imposed segregation, and the principle that the remedy must
be directed to the constitutional wrong.12 * * * * * 18 While the rem
edies of Swann may not be invoked to achieve objectives
other than correcting the violation, the Court there recog
nized the problem of sorting out the entangled web of inter
related causes and effects of school and residential segrega
tion. As the Court stated:
People gravitate toward school facilities, just as schools
are located in response to the needs of people. The
location of schools may thus influence the patterns of
residential development of a metropolitan area and
have important impact on composition of inner-city
neighborhoods.
Id. at 20-21.
12 Indeed this Court has now made clear that the remedies of
bwann apply as well to systems where the policy of segregation
was not statutorily imposed and where the public school officials
have not shown that the segregation was not caused bv the uncon-
p Z rl P°ttT S ^ \ o r 0t mbus Board °f Education v.Pemck,---U.S.-------- . 47 U.S.L.W. 4924 (1979) • Keues v School
District No. 1, 413 U.S. 189 (1973). ’ V
28
. ̂6 t}o know, as the Court pointed out, that decades of
existence under a system of state-mandated school segrega
tion keeps all other things from being equal. The school
segregation in Dallas today exists as an extension of a state-
imposed discriminatory system that has never been fullv
remedied. It would not be logical or fair to deprive the
plaintiffs of a full remedy in this case just because the
school board’s failure to more promptly begin to devise
remedies to deal with segregation in all of the various
aspects of the system now raises doubts about which kind
of segregation caused the other. To the extent that we can
not know just what segregation would or would not exist
today but for the decades of state-imposed school segrega-
ion, we must assure a full remedy for those who have been
constitutionally deprived. Swann and the other decisions of
tins Court require no less.
. ,the Ilght of t]lls specific language, the Court of Appeals
m this case was faced with a plan that left at least 70 one-
race schools not just “ some” or “some small number” as
referred to m Swann. The nature of the plan itself raises
numerous questions as to why many of these schools could
no . ie integrated as easily as some of the others that had
een as described in earlier parts of this brief. The Court
of Appeals had three years earlier directed the District
Court to “ immediately take the necessary steps, using and
adapting the techniques discussed in Swann.” and stressed
to that court that, “ It is imperative that the dual school
s ructnre of the DISD be completely dismantled bv the
second semester of the 1975-76 academic vear.” Tasby v
Estes. o li F.2d 92, 110 (5th Cir. 1975), cert. den. 423 U.S.'
It is hard to see how the Court of Appeals could have
tr°w h 7 n Wt a T ™ moderate decision given the con
trast between this Court’s mandates in Green and Swann
29
)
and the projected operation of the District Court approved
Plan for Dallas. The Court of Appeals stated the dilemma
of reviewing such a plan:
We cannot properly review any student assignment
plan that leaves many schools in a system one race
without specific findings by the district court as to the
feasibility of these techniques. * * * There are no ade
quate time-and-distance studies in the record in this
case. Consequently, we have no means of determining
whether the natural boundaries and traffic considera*
tions preclude either the pairing and clustering of
schools or the use of transportation to eliminate the
large number of one-race schools still existing.
Estes Pet. for Cert. 137a.
The Court of Appeals did not preclude the eventual jus
tification of one-race schools if the findings, supported by
the record, would show the infeasibility of desegregating
them:
The district court is again directed to evaluate the
feasibility of adopting the Swann desegregation tools
for these schools and to reevaluate the effectiveness of
the magnet school concept. If the district court deter
mines that the utilization of pairing, clustering, or the
other desegregation tools is not practicable in the
DISD, then the district court must make specific find
ings to that effect.
Estes Pet. for Cert. 138a. Nor was the Court of Appeals
unduly interfering with the District Court’s discretion, or
substituting its own findings of fact for those of the District
Court. In the same decision, the Court of Appeals deferred
to that discretion and upheld the District Court’s dismissal
of the separate Highland Park Independent School District
30
as a defendant (Estes Pet. for Cert. 139a-141a) and its
approval of the school board’s selection of a challenged
school site (Estes Pet. for Cert. 141a-145). The Court of
Appeals further recognized that special considerations as
to feasibility may apply to school districts made up pre
dominantly of racial or ethnic minorities. Estes Pet. for
Cert. 134a.
But when it came to the student assignment portion of
the Dallas plan, the only alternative to the Court of Ap
peals’ remand would have been the approval of a plan that
left at least 70 one-race schools and, without adequate ex
planation, neglected to use apparently available desegrega
tion techniques in several significant levels and areas °of
the Dallas school system.
Where school boards are under an obligation to come up
with effective plans, and district courts are under an obliga
tion to review those plans with an eye to effective enforce
ment of constitutional rights, courts of appeals necessarily
have an obligation to review the district court decisions in
a meaningful way. Without more information in the form
of factual findings, there was no responsible way for the
Court of Appeals in this case to approve a plan that is so
woefully inadequate on its face “ to achieve the greatest
possible degree of actual desegregation” and be “concerned
with the elimination of one-race schools.” Swann sunra
402 U.S. at 26. ’ P ’
The importance of the “proper allocation of functions
between the district courts and the courts of appeals” in
school desegregation cases has been noted by this Court.
Dayton Board of Education v. Brinkman 7, 433 U.S. 406
409 (1977). Just as important as the deference due the’
district courts as triers of fact is the recognition of the
function of the courts of appeals in these matters. The
31
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0 •
entire history of the Fifth Circuit’s school desegregation
litigation is itself a dramatic illustration of that importance.
Time after time, reluctant district court judges have been
held to the standards enunciated by this court only because
of the dogged insistence of the Court of Appeals. The chain
of cases developing the standards for school desegregation
plans ultimately led to the Fifth Circuit’s formulation of
its model freedom of choice decree in United States v. Jeffer
son County Board of Education, 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir.
1966), adopted on reh. en banc, 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967)
cert. den. 389 D.S. 840—a model decree born of its painful
and frustrating experience in reviewing district court de
segregation orders.
This case itself furnishes an illustration of the role of
the court of appeals in requiring district court enforcement
of desegregation. In the original case involving the desegre
gation of the Dallas schools, the court of appeals reversed
a district court order dismissing the suit as premature.
Brown v. Rippy, 233 F.2d 796 (5th Cir. 1956). The next
year the court of appeals had to reverse the district court’s
second dismissal of the case, this time for failure to exhaust
administrative remedies. Borders v. Rippy, 247 F.2d 268
(oth Cir. 1957). The district court was subsequently re
versed again for approving a plan that would have allowed
parents to choose whether to enroll their children in a
segregated or an integrated school. Boson v. Rivvv 285
F.2d 43 (oth Cir. 1960). All of these cases, and others
involved district court orders by a judge who preceded
the district court judge who is currently handling the Dallas
school case.
The present district court judge, however, has also dem
onstrated a reluctance to take this Court’s admonitions
m Swann seriously. The first plan entered in the present
case was largely based upon the district court’s reluctance
32
to require the transportation of students. It sought to
achieve desegregation through television—a cable television
arrangement whereby white and black classrooms would be
able to communicate with each other on a two-way audio
visual hook-up. In directing the Dallas school officials in
1971 to formulate a plan for achieving a unitary school
system, the judge who is presently handling this case ex
plained :
Now all of this is not as grim as it sounds. I am
opposed to and do not believe in massive cross-town
bussing of students for the sole purpose of mixing
bodies. I doubt that there is a Federal Judge any
where that would advocate that type of integration as
distinguished from desegregation. There are many
many other tools at the command of the School Board
and I would direct their attention to part of one of
the plans suggested by TEDTAC which proposed the
use of television in the elmentarv grades and the
transfer of classes on occasion by bus during school
hours in order to enable the different ethnic groups
to communicate. How better could lines of communica
tion be established than by saying, “ I saw you on TV
yesterday,” and, besides that, television is much
cheaper than bussing and a lot faster and safer. This
is in no sense a Court order but is merely something
that the Board might consider.
Tasby v. Estes, 342 F. Supp. 945 (N.D. Tex. 1971). The
school board based much of their plan at that time on the
district court’s suggestion, and thus occasioned the first
reversal of a plan in the present litigation. Tasby v. Estes.
517 F.2d 92 (5th Cir. 1975). It is this same reluctance to
take Swann seriously that the Court of Appeals is dealing
with in its present remand.
33
The essential effect of the Court of Appeals decision in
this case is to require district courts to give serious and
specifically-focussed consideration to the feasibility of
eliminating one-race schools and achieving the greatest
possible degree of actual desegregation necessary to dis
mantle racially created enrollment patterns as required
by Swann and by use of the devices that Swann deals with.
In one sense it is an exercise of the appellate role that
complements the role of the trial court by calling upon it to
meet its function as trier of fact in a responsible manner.
This is the kind of guidance and insistence on effective
enforcement of constitutional rights and obligations, as
set forth by this Court, that characterizes the tradition of
the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit in this long and
painful line of cases. At the very least, this moderate
order of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed to allow
reconsideration of the Dallas plan in this context. To do
otherwise would be to undermine important principles of
responsible appellate review and harm the ability of the
courts of appeal to carry out their important function in
our federal judicial system.
CONCLUSION
The decision of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed.
It is particularly important to indicate once again this
Court’s adherence to the principles of Brown I and II,
Green and Swann upon which the Court of Appeals is here
insisting.
Beyond the affirmance of that decision, this Court should
make clear that those principles, as applied to the Dallas
Independent School District, require greater efforts and
results in eliminating segregated school attendance pat
terns, and use of the Swann techniques in the absence of
34
“ legitimate local problems” that in fact make those
techniques infeasible or inapplicable in particular instances
in the Dallas school desegregation process.
N a t h a n ie l R. J ones
1790 Broadway
New York, New York 10019
E . B rice C u n n in g h a m
Cunningham, Greenidge &
Gaines
2606 Forest Avenue
Suite 216-219
Dallas, Texas 75215
M erle W . L oper
246 Deering Avenue -
Portland, Maine 04102
Attorneys for Respondents-
Intervenors
Of Counsel:
Louis R. L ucas
Ratner, Sugarmon, Lucas,
Salky & Henderson
625 Commerce Title Building
Memphis, Tenn. 38103
35
Certificate of Service
I, Nathaniel R. Jones, one of the counsel for the Respon
dents, certify that a copy of the foregoing Brief was
served upon the following counsel of record by regular mail
by postage prepaid, this 20th day of July, 1979.
)
M r. E dward B. Cl o u t m a n , III
8204 Elmbrook Drive, Suite 200
P.O. Box 47972
Dallas, Texas 75247
M r . M ark M artin
1200 One Main Place
Dallas, Texas 75250
Ms. V ilm a S. M artinez
Mexican-American Legal Defense
and Educational Fund
28 Geary Street
San Francisco, Calif. 94108
M r. L ee H olt, City Attorney
New City Hall
Dallas, Texas 75201
M r . J o h n B ryant
8035 East R.L. Thornton
Dallas, Texas 75228
M r. J ames G. V etter , J r.
555 Griffin Square Building—
Suite 920
Dallas, Texas 75202
Nathaniel R. Jones
M r . T hornton E . A s h t o n , III
Dallas Legal Services
Foundation, Inc.
912 Commerce Street—Room 202
Dallas, Texas 75202
M r. R obert H. Mow, J r.
M r. R obert L. B l u m e n t h a l
3000 One Main Place
Dallas, Texas 75250
Mr. J ames A . D onohoe
1700 Republic National Bank
Building
Dallas, Texas 75201
Mr. M artin F rost
777 South R.L. Thornton
Freeway—Suite 120
Dallas, Texas 75203
M r. J ames T. M ax w e ll
4440 Sigma Road—Suite 112
Dallas, Texas 75240
M r. W arren W h it h a m
412 Adolphus Tower
Dallas, Texas 75202