Ayers and United States v. Mabus Brief of the National Bar Association and the National Association for Equal Opportunity in Higher Education as Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
February 25, 1991
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Ayers and United States v. Mabus Brief of the National Bar Association and the National Association for Equal Opportunity in Higher Education as Amici Curiae, 1991. ce2c19cc-ab9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/69550535-7583-4984-a39b-9acc3caf74b0/ayers-and-united-states-v-mabus-brief-of-the-national-bar-association-and-the-national-association-for-equal-opportunity-in-higher-education-as-amici-curiae. Accessed November 26, 2025.
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No. 90-6588
In The
Supreme Court of tf)c Um tcb States?
October Term , 1990
J ake Ayers, J r., et al.,
Petitioners,
United States Of America
Plaintiff-Intervenor,
v.
Ray Mabus, Governor,
State of Mississippi, et al.,
Respondents.
On Petition For A Writ Of Certiorari To The
United States Court of Appeals
For The Fifth Circuit
BRIEF OF THE NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION AND
THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR EQUAL
OPPORTUNITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION
AS AMICI CURIAE
Of Counsel
E rroll D. Brown
Cynthia R. Mabry
Lisa C. Wilson
National Bar Association
1225 Eleventh Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20001
National Association F or
E qual Opportunity
In H igher E ducation
400 Twelfth Street, N.E.
Washington, D.C. 20002
J. Clay Smith, Jr .*
Herbert O. Reid, Sr.
Howard University School
of Law
2900 Van Ness Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20008
(202) 806-8028
* Counsel of Record
February 25, 1991
PRESS OF BYRON S. ADAMS, WASHINGTON, D.C. (202) 347-8203
ra
fts
.
v
QUESTION PRESENTED
Whether a State that has maintained a de jure
system of segregation in publicly supported higher
education remains under a continuing obligation to
otherwise administer its university program in ways
calculated to undo the injuries of its segregated past?
11
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Question P resented
Table of Contents .
Table of Authorities...................
Consent of the Parties
Interest of Amici Curlae
Statement of the Case .................
Reasons for Granting Certiorari
L GRANT 0F CERTIORARI IS NECESSARY TO
5 ? Ln̂ A SPLIT IN DECISION ON A FED
ERAL QUESTION IN THE JUDICIAL
CIRCUITS .......
y y uk1 e r Re d in d e t e r m in in g
THAT THE INSTITUTION OF A RACE-NEU
TRAL ADMISSIONS POLICY SATISFIES THE
STATE’S DUTY TO ELLMLNATE ALL YFS-
TIGES OF PAST DISCRIMINATION IN PUB
LICLY SUPPORTED HIGHER EDUCATION
III. THE PRINCIPLE OF ’GOOD FAITH’ SANG
TIONS THE VESTIGES OF FORMER DE
l 1? ? SEGREGATED schoo l s y st e m s and
AS A RESULT THREATENS THE FUTURE
r ° " “ ICALLY BLACK COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES WHICH IN THE PAST HAVF
FARED POORLY IN STATE' TONDOIGAND
W - ™ E NEED f o r t h e p r e s e n t CONTIN
UATION OF HISTORICALLY BLACK COT
LEGES AND UNIVERSITIES HAS BFFN
AFFIRMED BY THE COURT .AND THE EX
ECUTIT'E BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT
Conclusion
Page
ii
iii
1
1
3
3
9o
6
13
14
20
Cases Page
iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Adams v. Richardson, 480 F.2d 1159 (D.C. Cir.
Alabama State Teachers Association v. Alabama
Public School and College Authority, 289 F
Supp. 784 (M.D. Ala. 1968), affd, 393 U.S. 400
(1969) ............................................................. 3,4,5
Ayers v. Allain, 674 F. Supp. 1523 (N.D. Miss.
1987), rev’d and remanded, 893 F.2d 732 (5th
Cir.), affd on reh’g, 914 F.2d 676 (5th Cir.
1990) (en banc) .............................................. passim
Bazemore v. Friday, 478 U.S. 385 (1986) .............. 5,12
Broum v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294
(1955) ............................................................. 7,15
Broum v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483
(1954) ............................................................. 6f7
Geier v. Alexander, 801 F.2d 799 (6th Cir. 1986) . 4,5
Geier v. University of Tennessee, 597 F.2d 1056 (6th
Cir. 1979)................................................. .. 4
Green v. County School Board of New Kent County
391 U.S. 430 (1968) ................................... . 4
Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 317 F
Supp. 103 (M.D. Ala. 1970), affd in part, 453
F.2d 524 (5th Cir. 1971) ............................... 3
Meredith v. Fair, 199 F. Supp. 754 (S.D. Miss.),
rev’d and remanded, 305 F.2d 343 (5th Cir’
1962), cert, denied, 371 U.S. 828 (1962) ....... 8
Norris v. State Council of Higher Education, 327
F. Supp. 1368 (E.D. Va.), affd sub. noon.,
Board of Visitors of the College of William and
Mary v. Norris, 404 U.S. 907 (1971)............
Regents of the University of California v. Bakke
438 U.S. 265 (1978) ..................................... ’ 7,18
IV
Table of Authorities Continued
Page
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenberg Board of Educa
tion, 402 U.S. 1 (1971).................... .............. ?
United States v. State of Alabama, 628 F. Sudd
°n °theT grou™&’828 F.2d 1532 (11th Cir. 1987)................... 3
Other Authorities
U.S. Const, art. 1 ...................................... lg ig
U.S. Const, amend XIV................................. 4 12 1?’lg
Blak% n ,i tUr enLeadershfV R o le s fo r Predominantly
Black, Colleges and Universities in American
Higher Education, 100 Daedalus: J Of Am
AcADEAnr Of Art And Sci. 745 (Summer*
................................................................. 19
Smith, Blacks and Education: ‘Don’t Shout Too
boon —An Annotated Bibliography, 7 Harv
Black Ltr. J. 99 (1990)..... .......... _ ]5
R. Ravighurst & B. Neugarten, Society And
Education (4th Ed. 1975) ........................ u
J. Meredith, Three Years In Mississippi (1966) . 8
K‘ Tollett- Black Institute Of Higher Education:
Inadvertent Victims Or Necessary Sacrifices7
(Reprint 1981).............................. 15
Executive) Order No. 12677, 54 Fed. Reg. 18869
Executive Order No. 12320, 48 Fed. Reg. 46107
u y » i) ........................................................ 17
Proclamation 6019-Nationally Historically Black
Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session with
Area Jirnior High School Students, 24 Weekly
Comp. Pres. Doc. 1498 (Nov. 21, 1988) . . Z . 16
V
Table of Authorities Continued
Page
Remarks at a White House Luncheon for Officials
of Black Colleges and Universities, 17 Weekly
Comp. Pres. Doc. 978 (Sept. 21, 1981) ............ 17
Remarks at the Alcorn State University Commence
ment Ceremony in Lorman, Mississippi, 25
Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 703 (May 22,
1989) .............................................................. 17
Remarks at Hampton Institute Spring Symposium
on “The Unique Role of the Predominantly
Black College in American Society” (Apr. 23,
1979) (J. Clay Smith, Jr.) .............................. 13
Remarks on Signing the Executive Order on His
torically Black Colleges and Universities, 25
Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 633 (May 1,
1989) .............................................................. 17
In The
Supreme Court of tfje ^Hmteti States
October Term , 1990
No. 90-6588
J ake Ayers, J r., et al. ,
Petitioners,
United States of America
Plaintiff - Intervenor,
v.
Ray Mabus, Governor,
State of Mississippi, et al. ,
Respondents.
On Petition For A Writ Of Certiorari To The
United States Court Of Appeals
For The Fifth Circuit
BRIEF OF THE NATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION AND
THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR EQUAL
OPPORTUNITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION
AS AMICI CURIAE
CONSENT OF THE PARTIES
Petitioners and Respondent have consented to the
filing of this petition.
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE
The National Bar Association (NBA) was founded
in 1925, and is an organization comprised of 20,000
2
Black lawyers, many of whom are graduates of his
torically Black colleges and universities, across the
United States. Since its founding, NBA has been in
volved in promoting civil rights activities in an effort
to improve the educational, societal, and economic
welfare of Black and other disadvantaged Americans.
NBA, for almost seventy years, has actively partici
pated in the formation of this nation’s legislative and
judicial policy affecting the educational advancement
and opportunities of minority and disadvantaged youth
and young adults of the nation.
The National Association for Equal Opportunity in
Higher Education (NAFEO) was founded in 1969, and
is an association comprised of the presidents of over
one hundred historically Black public and private col
leges and universities located in the United States.
Collectively, these schools, many established prior to
the Civil War and thereafter, have graduated
hundreds of thousands of Black and white Americans
and other minorities whose voices are also repre
sented by NAFEO. NAFEO was established to ad
vance the high aims of educating Black Americans
who were denied an equal opportunity to obtain an
education at the post-secondary level as a result of
the vestiges of de jure and de facto segregation. NA
FEO members are committed to the goal of educating
students that attend its colleges and universities, and
dedicated to provide financial and human resources
necessary to achieving this goal. NAFEO has a unique
interest in this litigation as, through its membership,
its members, alumni, and faculty seek to promote the
widest possible sensitivity to the complex factors in
volved and the institutional commitment required to
create successful higher education opportunities for
3
students from groups exposed to the elements and
vestiges of racism, exploitation, and neglect imposed
by various states and by other mainstream economic,
educational, and social institutions of this country.
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
Amici adopt the Statement of the Case as presented
by the Petitioners.
REASONS FOR GRANTING CERTIORARI
I. GRANT OF CERTIORARI IS NECESSARY TO RE
SOLVE A SPLIT IN DECISION ON A FEDERAL
QUESTION IN THE JUDICIAL CIRCUITS
The federal judicial circuits are split as to the scope
of a state’s duty to eliminate the effects of past, de
jure segregation in public universities. While the fed
eral courts agree that the affirmative duty to dis
mantle a racially dual structure in the elementary and
secondary levels apply also in the context of higher
education,1 they do not agree on the question of
“whether the scope of the duty is as broad in the
higher education context as has been defined and ap
plied in the elementary and secondary context.” Com
pare Ayers v. Attain, 674 F. Supp. 1523, 1552 (N.D.
1 See, e.g., United States v. State of Alabama, 628 F. Supp.
1137 (N.D. Ala. 1985), overruled on other grounds, 828 F.2d
1532 (11th Cir. 1987); Norris v. State Council of Higher Edu
cation, 327 F. Supp. 1368 (E.D. Va.) (three-judge panel), affd
sub now,., Board of Visitors of the College of William & Mary
v. Norris, 404 U.S. 907 (1971); Lee v. Macon County Board of
Education, 317 F. Supp. 103 (M.D. Ala. 1970) (three-judge panel),
tiff'd in -part, 453 F.2d 524 (5th Cir. 1971); Alabama State Teach
ers Association (ASTA) v. Alabama Public School and College
Authority, 289 F. Supp. 784 (M.D. Ala. 1968) (three-judge panel),
affd, 393 U.S. 400 (1969).
4
Miss. 1987) (Ayers I) and Geier v. University of Ten
nessee, 597 F.2d 1056 (6th Cir. 1979).
At the elementary and secondary levels of public
education, this Court has ruled that the scope of the
duty to desegregate formerly de jure public schools
includes the affirmative duty to eliminate all “ves
tiges” or effects of the former de jure segregated
system. Green v. County School Board of New Kent
County, 391 U.S. 430 (1968). Amici believe that the
facts embodied in the case sub judice presents a com
pelling need for determining the duty of a state in
disestablishing a formerly de jure, dual system of
higher education.
The Fifth Circuit maintains that “a state’s affirm
ative duty is satisfied by the good faith adoption of
race-neutral policies and procedures.” See Ayers I,
674 F. Supp. at 1552 (citing ASTA v. Alabama Public
School and College Authority). By contrast, the Sixth
Circuit, relying on Green, maintains that “there is an
affirmative duty imposed upon the state by the Four
teenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United
States to dismantle [a] dual system of higher edu-
cation,” Geier v. Alexander, 801 F.2d 799, 800 (6th
Cir. 1986), and that the “duty to remove all vestiges
of state-imposed segregation” is the same as with
elementary and secondary schools. Id. at 802.
The trial court in the case sub judice followed the
decision of the Fifth Circuit, concluding that the scope
of a state’s duty to desegregate a formerly de jure
public university system is to be narrowly defined. In
short, the trial court concluded that race-neutral pol
icies applied in good faith is not only the beginning,
but the extent of the scope of a state’s duty to de
segregate public universities in the State of Missis-
sippi. Ayers I, 674 F. Supp. at 1553-54. Relying on
AST A v. Alabama Public School and College Author
ity, the trial court concluded that “a state’s affirm
ative duty is satisfied by the good faith adoption of
race-neutral policies and procedures.” Ayers I, 674 F.
Supp. at 1552. The trial court noted that the dis
tinction articulated in the ASTA case was buttressed
by this Court in Bazemore v. Friday, 478 U.S. 385
(1986). Therefore, the trial court read ASTA and
Bazemore for the proposition that “the scope of the
affirmative duty to disestablish a former de jure seg
regated system of education is to be defined in ac
cordance with the degree of choice individuals enjoy
as to whether they wish to attend college at all and,
if so, which one.” Ayers I, 674 F. Supp. at 1553.
The three-judge panel that reversed the trial court
in the case sub judice followed the interpretation ap
plied by Geier v. Alexander. See Ayers v. Allain, 893
F.2d 732 (5th Cir. 1990) {Ayers II). The Geier court
held that a “state has an affirmative duty to eliminate
all of the ‘vestiges’ or effects of de jure segregation,
root and branch, in a universal setting.” 801 F.2d at
804. In its opinion, the three-judge panel concluded
that “[tjhe searching inquiry demanded by Geier im
plies that the federalism and separation of powers
concerns involved in finding a state actor liable under
the equal protection clause will not prevent a federal
court from demanding unitary status in a public uni
versity system.” 893 F.2d at 744. An en banc panel
of the Fifth Circuit set aside Ayers II based upon the
district court’s opinion. Ayers v. Allain, 914 F.2d 676
(5th Cir. 1990) {Ayers III).
6
II. THE COURT ERRED IN DETERMINING THAT THE
INSTITUTION OF A RACE-NEUTRAL ADMISSIONS
POLICY SATISFIES THE STATE’S DUTY TO ELIM
INATE ALL VESTIGES OF PAST DISCRIMINATION
IN PUBLICLY SUPPORTED HIGHER EDUCATION
The public university school system in the State of
Mississippi consists of eight educational institutions,
and several entities under the jurisdiction of the Board
of Trustees of State Institutions of Higher Learning
(hereinafter “Board of Trustees”)-2 Prior to Brown v.
Board of Education,3 the Board of Trustees had in
stituted numerous segregative policies “encompassing
1) student enrollment, 2) the maintenance of branch
centers by the historically white universities in close
proximity to the historically black universities, 3) the
employment of faculty and staff, 4) facility provision
and conditions, 5) the allocation of financial resources,
6) academic program offerings, and 7) the racial com
position of the Board and its staff.” Ayers II, 893
F.2d at 734 (citing A.yers I, 674 F. Supp. at 1551).
Amici agree with Petitioners that these segregative
policies still exist in Mississippi, as Petitioners have
described them in their petition.
Notwithstanding the Court’s mandate that states
take measures to desegregate their public educational
institutions, the State of Mississippi maintained its
dual system of higher education up until the spring
of 1962, the vestiges of which remain.4 When the
2 See Ayers I, 674 F. Supp. at 1525.
3 347 U.S. 483 (1954) (Brown I).
4 The historically white universities are 1) the University of
Mississippi, 2) Mississippi State University, 3) the University of
Southern Mississippi, 4) Mississippi University for Women, and
7
Court rendered its decision in Brown 7, Mississippi
was constitutionally required to dismantle its dual sys
tem, and “eliminate all vestiges of its racially dis
criminatory educational system.” See Brown 7; see also
Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 (1955)
(Brown 77); Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of
Education, 402 U.S. 1, 18 (1971). This ideal of en
suring the availability of educational opportunities for
minorities at the college and university level was more
recently recognized as an important and legitimate
state interest in Regents of the University of Califor
nia v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 362 (1978).5 Amici believe
that, as enunciated in Bakke, state-imposed segrega
tion has no place in the public university system and
assert that a state that has historically practiced de
jure segregation may not simply declare a race-neu
tral principle to avoid liability for its past deeds and
lingering effects.
Notwithstanding the Court’s mandate in Brown, the
Mississippi public higher education system failed to
5) Delta State University. The historically black universities are
1) Alcorn State University, 2) Jackson State University, and
3) Mississippi Valley State University.
5 In Bakke, the Court held, as outlined by the Harvard Plan,
that ethnic diversity could be considered as one of a number of
factors taken into consideration in the university’s admissions
program. The Court recognized that “[t]he State certainly has
a legitimate and substantial interest in ameliorating, or elimi
nating where feasible, the disabling effects of identifiable dis
crimination. [The] school desegregation cases [attest] to the
importance of this state goal . . . ” Id. at 307. As the Court
further noted in Bakke, “[a]t least since Green . . . it has been
clear that a public body which has itself been adjudged to have
engaged in racial discrimination cannot bring itself into compli
ance with the Equal Protection Clause simply by ending its
unlawful acts and adopting a neutral stand.” Id. at 362.
£ i Tr-r-tc^ ■
8
comply with the desegregation ruling until 1962. See
Meredith v. Fair, 305 F.2d 343 (5th Cir. 1962). In
Meredith, the University of Mississippi was ordered
by the Fifth Circuit to admit a Black transfer student,
James Meredith. Meredith had been a student at Jack-
son State College (now “Jackson State University”).
Meredith sought transfer to the University of Missis
sippi in January, 1961.6 When the University of Mis
sissippi denied his admission, Meredith filed suit in
federal district court, which was dismissed. Meredith
v. Fair, 199 F. Supp. 754 (S.D. Miss. 1961). On
appeal, as noted in Ayers II, Judge Wisdom of the
Fifth Circuit wrote:
The efforts of the Board of Trustees [of the State
Institutions of Higher Learning] and the officials
of the University of Mississippi together with var
ious state officials, including the Governor and
the Lieutenant Governor of the state of Missis
sippi, and the Mississippi Legislature to impede
and deter efforts to integrate the student body
at the University of Mississippi during the 1961-
62 school year are well documented.
Ayers II, 893 F.2d at 734 n.6 (citing Meredith v.
Fair).
While the universities operating under Mississippi’s
public university school system claim to admit * and
educate undergraduate and graduate students of all
racial and cultural backgrounds, the racial identifi
cation of these schools are as vividly apparent today
as they were approximately thirty years ago, under
6 See generally J. Meredith, Three Years In Mississippi
(1966).
9
the de jure system.7 Most importantly, however, is the
fact that differences in funding and educational pro
grams are also vividly apparent. The Historically
Black Colleges and Universities (hereinafter
“HBCUs”) since their inception have received less
funding and consequently have had less substantive
academic programs as compared to the more abun
dantly funded historically white institutions. This all
too apparent disparity is a result of the differences
in the purposes or “missions” that each of the schools
are designated to fulfill by the Board of Trustees.8
7 Black enrollment in the undergraduate programs at the his
torically white institutions for the years 1985 - 1986 is as follows:
Delta State University—17.59%; Mississippi State University-
11.0%; Mississippi University for Women—18.0%; University of
Mississippi—5.9%; and University of Southern Mississippi—
14.24%. Black enrollment in the undergraduate programs at the
HBCUs during the same time period is as follows: Alcorn State
University—95.6%; Jackson State University—91.9%; and Mis
sissippi Valley State University—99.3%.
Black enrollment in the graduate programs at the historically
white institutions for 1985 - 86 is as follows: Delta State Uni
versity—26.2%; Mississippi State University—8.0%; Mississippi
University for Women—13.0%; University of Mississippi—7.5%;
and University of Southern Mississippi—8.1%. Black enrollment
in the graduate programs at the HBCUs during the same time
period is as follows: Alcorn State University—96.0%; Jackson
State University—59.0%; Mississippi Valley State University—
96.7%. See Ayers II, 893 F.2d at 734-35.
8 The basis for these differences was allegedly justified in 1981
when the Board took measures to define the role and scope of
its public universities in a document entitled “Mission State
ments.” See Ayers I, 674 F. Supp. at 1539. The document class
ified each institution as either “comprehensive,” “urban” or
“regional.” Such classifications are “based on the number and
level of degree programs offered by the institution, the fields
10
The Board of Trustee's power in the case sub judice
is indistinguishable in its purpose and intent from the
local school board’s power in the Green decision to
maintain a segregated system.
As noted in Ayers III, the Circuit, on re
hearing en banc, set aside a three-judge panel, Ayers
II, and held that while the disparities between the
dT eeS are gIanted’ the 6Xtent t0 which an institution conducts and receives funding for research, and areas of public
service responsibility.” Id. P
Three historically white universities were designated by the
Board as comprehensive” universities: Mississippi State Uni-
ersity, the University of Mississippi, and the University of
uthern Mississippi. The comprehensive designation implies
I ^ rh!fe lnstltutl0ns offert 1 greater number and higher
nested t * 66 ' ' ' ândJ that each institution [is] ex-
pected to offer a number of programs on the doctoral level but
not m the same disciplines. Leadership responsibilities in specific
disciplines have been assigned to each comprehensive unive-sitv
nf v r j ° promote Pr°gram quality and the efficient utilization ot limited resources.” Id. 1
The histoncally black university, Jackson State University is
the only institution designated by the Board as “urban ” The
urban designation defines the school’s role as “one oriented to
ward service of the urban community, that is, the Citv of Jack-
som Its mission is to instruct in research and public service with
particular emphasis on the needs of the urban communitv in
which it is located.” Id. at 1539-40. ln
r,ema^ ing historically white universities, Mississinpi Uni
versity for Women and Delta State University, and theremain-
mg histoncally black universities, Alcorn State University and
Mississippi Valley State University have been designated 2 “re
gional universities Id. at 1540. The regional designation “sig-
rufies a more limited programmatic focus for these institution!
that is, each is expected to restrict course offerings to qualitv
undergraduate instruction.” Id. g quality
11
HBCUs and the historically white institutions “largely
follow the mission designations, and the mission des
ignations to some degree follow the historical racial
assignments . . . [T]his does not mean the plaintiff
class is denied equal education opportunity or equal
protection of law.” Ayers III, 914 F.2d at 692.9 The
en banc court held that the Board of Trustees has
“adopted good-faith, race neutral policies and proce
dures and have fulfilled or exceeded their duty to
open Mississippi universities to all citizens regardless
of race.” Id. In doing so, the en banc court wholly
rejects the Supreme Court’s holding in Green, stating
that in the context of public higher education, “[Green]
9 Wholly ignoring the significance of the blatant economic and
educational disparities between the historically black and histor
ically white institutions, the en banc court opines that “[i]f black
citizens in Mississippi may choose among any of the eight uni
versities in the state, it is no denial of their right to equal
protection that certain institutions formerly segregated by law,
continue to provide a more limited range of educational oppor
tunities than other institutions in the state.” Ayers III, 914 F.2d
at 688-89. The en banc court fails to acknowledge the purpose
and effect of the mission labels imposed by the Board of Trust
ees. While ostensibly placing a “neutral” label on each institu
tion, these designations in reality serve to condone, to shield,
to hide the state’s discriminatory funding practices. As noted
by the three-judge panel decision in Ayers II, the white com
prehensive universities received the most funding and offered
the most courses before the Board of Trustees implemented the
designations in 1981. The designations, based on resources ex
isting in 1981, were thus objective labels for past discriminatory
practices. Perceptions of inferiority were perpetuated under the
fiction of educational reasonableness. The heirarchy of the mis
sion designations, with the three historically white institutions
labeled comprehensive, reinforced the image of the white schools
as the superior institutions in the state. See Ayers II, 893 F 2d
at 753.
12
has no application to this wholly different milieu.”
Ayers III, 914 F.2d at 685 (citing Bazemore, 478 U.S.
at 408). In failing to rely on the principles of Green,
the court has prematurely conveyed to Mississippi
school authorities that its present public higher ed
ucation school system, notwithstanding its continued
dual operation, is a sufficient showing that past dis
crimination on all levels has been eliminated. By its
holding, the en banc court has taken the first step
towards dismantling the HBCUs, colleges and uni
versities which the state for years has purposefully
maintained at underfunded levels, and that now have
diminished power to survive as the state purports to
wave the neutral principle flag.
The neutral principle methodology used in Ayers
III, if allowed to stand, may close all of the public
HBCUs in the nation. The reason is obvious. After
Ayers, it may be determined by the political process
that the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment no longer commands that these schools
be funded at adequate levels to draw white or Black
students to their doors. The en banc court failed to
account for this potential result. Ayers III holds that
the State of Mississippi no longer excludes Blacks
from any of its public colleges on account of race,
hence, Black students may voluntarily attend the his
torically white colleges and universities in Mississippi,
reducing or eliminating the constitutional obligation
of the state to adequately fund the HBCU. Given the
differences in admission standards, attendance and
matriculation rates of Black students at the HBCUs
as compared to the historically white colleges, the
issue of how to educate Black students in the face
of this possibility is crucial. Thus, how to deal with
13
displaced Black students, should the HBCUs be dis
mantled in the wake of Ayers III, is a matter that
the en banc court failed to address, and is therefore
a fatal flaw in the court’s neutral principle analysis
and raises extraordinary and critical public policy is
sues that cannot be left unaddressed.
III. THE PRINCIPLE OF “ GOOD FAITH” SANCTIONS
THE VESTIGES OF FORMER DE JURE SEGRE
GATED SCHOOL SYSTEMS AND AS A RESULT
THREATENS THE FUTURE OF HISTORICALLY
BLACK COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES WHICH IN
THE PAST HAVE FARED POORLY IN STATE
FUNDING AND OTHERWISE
The good faith neutral principle enunciated in Ayers
III threatens to undermine the existence of HBCUs
in the State of Mississippi and across the nation. The
principle will serve as the catalyst for a surgical dis
mantling of HBCUs because the political body re
sponsible for the vestiges of the formerly de jure
segregated school systems now seeks to be grand
fathered.
The good faith neutral principle methodology enun
ciated in Ayers III threatens the progress made by
Blacks through education at HBCUs. From a very
uncertain beginning a little over a century ago—de
spite many difficult and unique obstacles, including
chronic poverty—private and public Black colleges
have somehow managed to make a distinct, qualita
tive, basic and lasting contribution to the survival and
progress of Blacks, and to the enrichment and
strength of this nation.10
10 See Smith, Commissioner, Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission, Remarks at Hampton Institute Spring Symposium
on “The Unique Role of the Predominantly Black College in
American Society” (Apr. 23, 1979).
14
If the past is prologue, the future for HBCUs in
Mississippi is clear. While under Ayers III the State
of Mississippi may claim to open its doors at histor
ically white universities to all students, Amici believe
that it is highly predictable that the state may further
reduce its financial support to HBCUs while past dis
crimination remains uncorrected. It is documented
that the State of Mississippi has vigorously resisted
compliance with the Brown mandate, and emphati
cally has refused to fund HBCUs to account for the
decades of underfunding, and has refused to eliminate
vestiges of a former de jure segregated public uni
versity system. See Ayers II, 893 F.2d at 753. Thus,
it is incredulous to intimate that a policy focusing on
a “good faith, neutral admissions policy” will be an
impetus for the State of Mississippi to do in the future
what it has resisted doing in the past when legal and
moral pressure was applied.
IV. THE NEED FOR THE PRESENT CONTINUATION
OF HISTORICALLY BLACK COLLEGES AND UNI
VERSITIES HAS BEEN AFFIRMED BY THE COURT
AND THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT
HBCUs developed as a necessity and the only source
of education for Black youth. A substantial number
of Black students earned their baccalaureate degrees
at HBCUs in the South because Blacks were denied
admission to white and predominantly white schools.11
Historically speaking, with inadequate financial sup
port, often strong opposition from the local white pop
ulation, and little concrete evidence that they could
succeed, HBCUs assumed the primary responsibility
11 See R. Havighurst & B. Neugarten, Society And
Education 329 (4th Ed. 1975) (hereinafter Society And
Education).
15
for reducing illiteracy among Blacks and for training
desperately needed lawyers, doctors, teachers, mili
tary officers, homemakers and other professionals. So,
in the past and now, despite all types of handicaps,
HBCUs ably set about performing the miracle of
transforming a Black rural, illiterate, powerless, per
secuted, former slave people into a predominantly ur
ban, highly literate, proud people.12
Today, almost forty years after Brown, HBCUs are
vital to the state, and the Black community in par
ticular, in that they provide access to, and potential
academic success for, students who may have been
denied an opportunity for higher education else
where.13 However, the Ayers III solution to deseg
regation—its neutral principle methodology—may
eventually effect a closing of all HBCUs and eliminate
the only opportunity for some white students who live
near their doors and other American and foreign stu
dents to obtain higher education.
Adams v. Richardson, 480 F.2d 1159 (D.C. Cir.
1973), recognized the importance of HBCUs. In that
case, the court acknowledged the “crucial need” for,
and the “important role” of, HBCUs in higher edu
cation:
A predicate for minority access to quality post
graduate programs is a viable, coordinated state
wide higher education policy that takes into ac-
\
12 Smith, Blacks and Education: “Don’t Shout Too Soon”—An
Annotated Bibliography, 7 Harv. Black Ltr. J. 99, 100 (1990).
13 See generally K. Tollett, Black Institute Of Higher Educa
tion: Inadvertent Victims Or Necessary Sacrifices? (Reprint 1981).
16
count the special problems of minority students
of Black colleges . . . [T]hese Black institutions
currently fulfill a crucial need that will continue
to play an important role in Black higher edu
cation. . . .
480 F.2d at 1165 (emphasis added). As the court pre
dicted, the need for HBCUs which developed out of
necessity in the post-Reconstruction era and beyond
still exists eighteen years after the Adams opinion
was written. Over one hundred HBCUs educate a
universe of students.
The Executive Branch of government has agreed
with Adams. On several occasions, former President
Ronald Reagan and President George Bush discussed
the importance of funding and preserving HBCUs,
and have issued orders and proclamations to ensure
that the colleges are properly funded for the contin
ued education of hundreds of thousands of American
youth. The Reagan Administration showed the seri
ousness of its commitment by saving one such HCBU
from bankruptcy.14 Similarly, on April 28, 1989, soon
after he became President of the United States, Pres
ident George Bush appointed a Board of Advisors on
HBCUs and signed Executive Order Number 12677
which mandated economic parity for these schools and
encouraged private economic support. He explained
the nation’s interest in maintaining HBCUs:
14 Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session with Area Jun
ior High School Students, 24 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 1493
(Nov. 21, 1988). Presidents Reagan and Bush also declared a
National Historically Black Colleges Week. See, e.g., Proclama
tion 6019-National Historically Black Colleges Week, 1989, 25
Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 1365-66 (Sept. 18, 1989).
17
For over 100 years, the [historically black col
leges] have been a special part of our heritage.
At a time when many schools barred their doors
to Black Americans, these colleges offered the
best, and often the only, opportunity for a higher
education. And today, thank heavens, most of
those barriers have been brought down by law.
And yet, historically black colleges still represent
a vital component of American higher educa
tion . . . .15
Speaking at a commencement ceremony one month
later, President Bush noted that Alcorn State Uni
versity, an HBCU in Mississippi, was a vital com
ponent to quality public higher education in this
nation.16
Clearly the en banc panel’s decision in Ayers III
was decided wrongly as a matter of law, and as a
matter of public policy. The decision is blind to the
operative confluent constitutional dimensions of the
Fourteenth Amendment, and impact on the robust
15 Remarks on Signing the Executive Order on Historically
Black Colleges and Universities, 25 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc.
633 (May 1, 1989); see also Executive Order No. 12677, 54 Fed.
Reg. 18869 (1989). President Reagan signed a similar mandate
on September 15, 1981 and declared: “Let us recognize that
America’s historic Black college is a ‘terrible thing to waste.’
And we’re not going to allow it to be wasted.” Remarks at a
White House Luncheon for Officials of Black Colleges and Uni
versities, 17 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 978-80, 983 (Sept. 21,
1981); see also Executive Order No. 12320, 48 Fed. Reg. 46107
(1981) (President Reagan).
16 Remarks at the Alcorn State University Commencement
Ceremony in Lorman, Mississippi, 25 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc.
703-06 (May 22, 1989).
18
and diverse exchange of ideas and culture that the
HBCUs contribute to the nation through the state
ments and discourse of its accomplished graduates
and student body, which is attached to a “counter
vailing constitutional interest” in the First Amend
ment.17 See Bakke, 438 U.S. at 313. In addition, public
statements and proclamations by Presidents of the
United States, and the statements and majoritarian
initiatives of the United States Congress demonstrate
the public interest in protecting the HBCUs. The Ay
ers decision, if allowed to stand, may result in the
closing of HBCUs because long-time opponents of ed
ucating a segment of the population of the United
States may find that the Equal Protection Clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment no longer commands that
these institutions of higher learning be funded at ad
equate levels to draw white and Black students to
their doors. This obvious observation will result in the
effectuation of the “bypass theory,” that is, Black
and white students wall “bypass” HBCUs due to the
fact that HBCUs have been substantially underfunded
for years by the political process of the states. Clearly
the resulting “inequality of facilities, lack of academic
programs, etc.” are being sanctioned by judicial ac
tivism under the guise of a so-called good faith, neu
tral principle methodology.
Amici submit that this judicial activism, clothed as
17 As Justice Powell raised in Bakke, as universities benefit
from the “right to select those students who will contribute the
most to the ‘robust exchange of ideas’ [embodied in the First
Amendment,] [i]n this light, [universities] must be viewed as
seeking to achieve a goal that is of paramount importance in
the fulfillment of its mission.” 438 U.S. at 313.
19
i
a “good faith, neutral principle” inappropriately shifts
the responsibility of equality from the State of Mis
sissippi, which denied such equality, by enactment of
laws and impermissible conduct, to its innocent Black
and historically disadvantaged victims.18
The so-called good faith neutral principle method
ology trammels on the First Amendment freedom of
the students who attend HBCUs, the faculty who
teach there, and the exceptional heritage of their al
umni. The so-called good faith, neutral principle meth
odology will chill, if not eliminate, the broad diversity
of speech which continues to emanate from histori
cally disadvantaged students who attend HBCUs. The
so-called good faith neutral principle methodology also
interferes with the commerce of the nation created
by Black and other historically disadvantaged stu
dents who travel across the United States to attend
these schools, and in doing so, directly impacts upon
the commerce of the nation.
The state should not receive a pardon from its past
discriminatory conduct using neutral principles until
18 As one scholar has noted: “It is a serious question of social
policy and or morality when such schools are called an achron-
isms. These schools supported a grave social responsibility for
the nation. It is of dubious morality for those who could have
made different decisions in the past about allocating adequate
resources to these schools to raise the issue of their survival.
The morality of the treatment of these schools needs to be raised
more often.” Blake, Future Leadership Roles for Predominantly
Black Colleges and Universities in American Higher Education,
100 Daedalus: J. Am. Academy of Arts and Sci. 745, 747
(Summer 1971). See also, Ayers II, 893 F.2d at 753; Brief for
Appellant at 26, Ayers II (No. 88-4103) (Testimony of Dr. Larry
Leslie).
20
ntted6StlgeS °f SUCh discrimination have been elimi-
For the foregoing reasons, the Petition for Writ of
be ^ a n atedfi ^ ^ ^ Petitioners in this case should
O f Counsel
E rroll D. Brown
Cynthia R. Mabry
Lisa C. Wilson
National Bar Association
1225 Eleventh Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20001
National Association For
Equal Opportunity
In Higher Education
400 Twelfth Street, N.E.
Washington, D.C. 20002
J ames M. Douglas, Dean
Texas Southern University
Thurgood Marshall School
of Law
3100 Cleburne Avenue
Houston, Texas 77004
Respectfully submitted,
J. Clay Smith, Jr.*
Herbert O. Reid, Sr.
Howard University School
of Law
2900 Van Ness Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20008
(202) 806-8028
Counsel o f Record
February 25, 1991