Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education v. Swann Brief of Cross Petitioners
Public Court Documents
October 12, 1970
111 pages
Cite this item
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education v. Swann Brief of Cross Petitioners, 1970. 9e29694f-ad9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/6e960a1f-c8e8-41b2-b50f-ff33332502a1/charlotte-mecklenburg-board-of-education-v-swann-brief-of-cross-petitioners. Accessed December 05, 2025.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT REGARDING BRIEF .......... 1
OPINIONS BELOW............................................................................ 2
JURISDICTION................................................................................. 2
QUESTIONS PRESENTED ............................................................. 3
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS
INVOLVED...................................................................................... 4
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT........................................................ 4
STATEMENT OF THE CASE ........................................................ 7
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ........................................................ 24
ARGUMENT—
I. General Discussion of Constitutional Problems and
Concepts ................................................................................. 26
A. A Child’s Constitutional Right Guaranteed by
the Fourteenth Amendment Is To Go to School
in a Unitary System. If the School Is Part of
Such a System, He Has Been Accorded that
Right . ................. 26
B. A Unitary System Is One Within Which No
Child Is Excluded from any School Because of
Race. If a Desegregation Plan Promises Realis
tically To Accomplish This, It Is Constitutionally
Acceptable Notwithstanding a Residue of Pre
dominately Black or White Schools that Remain
for Reasons Unrelated to Race......................................... 28
C. A “Rule of Reason” Rather than a “Rule of
Absolutes” Should be the Standard by Which To
Judge the Sufficiency of a Desegregation P la n .......... 32
D. The Distinction Between De Facto and De Jure
Is Not a Valid Standard by Which To Determine
Whether a School System Is U nitary .............................. 41
E. The Constitution Does Not Require Racial Balanc
ing in Schools or Bussing of Children Outside
Geographic Attendance Zones To Effect Such Bal-
1
ancing. Balancing and Compulsory Bussing In
fringe on the Personal Rights and Liberties of the
Children Involved ....................................................... 48
1. Racial Balancing and the Bussing To Achieve
It Were the Bases for the Decisions of the
Trial Court and Court of Appeals .......................... 48
2. Racial Balancing and Compulsory Bussing
Required by the District and Circuit Courts
Violate the Constitutional Rights of the
Children Involved .................................................. 52
3. A Neighborhood Plan Fairly Administered
Without Racial Bias Satisfies the Constitu
tional Requirements of a Unitary System......... 56
4. The Compulsory Bussing Approved by the
Court of Appeals Is Violative of the Provi
sions of Section 401(b) and 407(a)(2) of the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 [42 U.S.C. 2000c g7
(b) and 2000c-6(a)(2)] Which Expressly
Prohibits a United States Court To Order
Transportation To Achieve Racial Balance
in S chools................................................................. 60
F. Racial Balance—the Harbinger of Massive Court
Involvement in Social Theories ...................................... 63
II. Discussion of Constitutional Principles Applied to
Desegregation P lan s................................................................. 69
A. General Statement Regarding Desegregation Plans
Involved in this Case ....................................................... 69
B. The Board Plan Converts the Charlotte-Mecklen-
burg Schools to a Unitary System. The Fourth
Circuit Joined in the Error of the Trial Court by
( ii)
Disapproving that Plan............... ....................................... 70
1. The Board Plan Squares With the Conversion
Checklist Prescribed by Green .............................. 70
2. The Board Plan Based on Geographic Attend
ance Zones Gerrymandered To Achieve
Maximum Racial Mix Fully Complies with
Constitutional Requirements for Desegrega
tion of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools
and Their Student Bodies............................
( Hi)
C. The Court Approved Finger Plan Exceeds Consti
tutional Requirements by Requiring Racial Bal
ancing and the Bussing To Implement It. The
Fourth Circuit Joined in the Trial Court’s Errors
by Disapproving the Board Plan and Misapplying
Its Own Rule of Reason ................................................... 76
1. An Analysis of the Court Approved Finger
Plan Shows the Racial Balancing Imposed
Upon the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools . . . . 77
(a) Elementary Schools ........................................ 77
(b) Junior High Schools ........................................... 78
(c) Senior High Schools ........................................... 79
2. The Court-Approved Finger Plan Is Unrea
sonable and Proper Consideration Was Not
Given to the Burdens Which that Plan
Imposes on the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Sys
tem ........................................................................... 80
D. The HEW Elementary Plan is Educationally Un
sound, Requires Racial Balancing, Fosters Reseg
regation and Is Unreasonable ........................................
E. The Elementary Plan of the Board Minority Is
Incomplete and Unlawfully Exceeds Constitu
tional Requirements by Requiring Complete Ra
cial Balancing of Every Elementary School and
the Bussing To Implement It. The District Court
Erred in Approving that Plan as a Reasonable
Alternative ...................................................................... 88
F. The Earlier Draft of the Finger Elementary Plan Is
Incomplete and Unlawfully Exceeds Constitu
tional Requirements by Requiring Racial Balanc
ing. The District Court Erred in Approving that
Plan as a Reasonable Alternative ................................... 90
G. In Assessing the Effectiveness of a Desegregation
Plan, a Rule of Reason Requires that Due Con
sideration Should be Accorded School Boards and
Administrators in Controlling the Destiny of
Public Education ............................................................ 91
CONCLUSION .................................................................... 93
Brief Appendix
Statistical Data Relating to the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Schools and the Board Plan ....................................................... a -1
Maps Showing Desegregation Plans (Filed as Separate
Appendix):
Board Elementary Plan.............................................................. No. 1
Board Rezoned Elementary Plan (Superimposed Upon
1969-70 Attendance A reas).................................................... No. 2
Court-Approved Finger Elementary P lan ................................ No. 3
HEW Elementary P la n .............................................................. No. 4
Board Minority Elementary Plan .......................................... No. 5
Board Junior High Plan ......................................................... No. 6
Court-Approved Finger Junior High Plan................................No. 7
Board Senior High Plan ......................................................... No. 8
Court-Approved Finger Senior High Plan................................No. 9
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases:
Alexander v. Holmes, 396 U.S. 19 (1969) .......... .. 12, 28, 29, 30, 61
Baldwin v. State of New York,__ U.S.___ , 90 S.Ct. 1886
(1970)............................................................................................... 38
Bivins v. Bibb County Board of Education, 419 F.2d 1211
(5th Cir. 1 9 7 0 ) ................................................................................ 91
Brinson v. State of Florida, County of Dade, 273 F. Supp.
840, (S.D. Fla. 1967)...................................................................... 38
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) .passim
Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 (1955) .passim
Building Service Employees International Union v. Gazzam,
339 U.S. 991 (1950) ...................................................................... 61
Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958) ........................................... 44; 64
Cox v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 536 (1965) ........................................ 37
Deal v. Cincinnati Board of Education, 419 F.2d 1387, (6th
Cir. 1969)............................................................................ 31 ,43 ,53 ,58
Deal v. Cincinnati Board of Education, 419 F.2d 209, (6th
Cir. 1966)........................................................................................... 57
Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494 (1 9 5 1 )............................... 37,40
(iv)
(v)
Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U.S. 145 (1 9 6 8 ) ................................... 37
Ellis v. Board of Public Instruction of Orange County, 423
F.2d 203 (5th Cir. 1970) ......................... .................................. 31
Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U.S. 335 (1963) .............................. 38
Gilbert v. Minnesota, 254 U.S. 325 (1 9 2 0 ) ................................... 37
Gitlow v. People of the State of New York, 268 U.S. 652
(1925)................................................................................................ 37
Goss v. Board of Education, City of Knoxville, Tennessee,
373 U.S. 683 (1 9 6 3 )............ ......................................................... 7, 64
Goss v. Board of Education, City of Knoxville, Tennessee,
406 F.2d 1183 (6th Cir. 1969) .................................................. 31
Green v. New Kent County, 391 U.S. 430 (1968) ..................passim
Hawthorne v. Lunenburg County, 413 F.2d 53 (4th Cir.
1969) ....................................................................................... 10
Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923) .......... ........................ 68
Mohammad v. Sommers, 238 F. Supp. 806 (E.D. Mich.
1964) ............................................................................................... 37
Northcross v. Board of Education, 397 U.S. 232 (1970) .......... 28
Norwood v. Tucker, 287 F.2d 798 (8th Cir. 1961) . ............... 64
Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925)......................... 67
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896) ......................... 35 ,44 ,45 ,75
Reynolds v. Simms, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) 67
Ross v. Eckels, Houston Independent School District, No.
10,444,___F.Supp.___ (S.D. Texas 1970) .............................. 33, 54
Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47 (1919) .............................. 37
Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948) ..................................... 47
Sparrow v. Gill, 304 F. Supp. 86 (M.D.N.C. 1969)......................... 19
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 242
F. Supp. 667 (1965) ...................................................................... 8
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 369
F.2d 29 (1 9 6 6 ) .................................................................... .. 8, 44
Times Film Corporation v. City of Chicago, 365 U.S. 43
(1961)................................................................................................ 37
h i)
United States v. Greenwood Municipal Separate School
District, 406 F.2d 1085 (5th Cir. 1 9 6 9 ) ...................................... 31
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 372
F.2d, 836 (5th Cir. 1966) Affd on rehearing, en banc,
380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967) .................... 35 ,54 ,5 5 ,6 0 ,6 2 ,6 3 ,6 4
United States v. Montgomery County Board of Education,
395 U.S. 225 (1 9 6 9 ) ............................................. 9,14,51
Statutes:
Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. 2000c(b) and 2000c-6
( a ) ( 2 ) ......................................................................................4 ,60 ,61 ,62
N.C. Gen. Stat. Secs. 115 et seq....................................................... 53
Other Authorities:
Bickell, The Supreme Court and the Idea of Progress (1970).......... 74
110 Congressional Record, Page 12717, June 4, 1964.......... 63
Nations Schools, June 1970, page 100, “Forced Busing
Vetoed by 90% of Schoolmen” 72
Petitioners’ Brief in Green v. New Kent County, October
Term 1967, No. 695 ....................................................... 57, 59, 64, 65
PROFILE, Metromedia Radio News, February 27, 1970 . . . 58
Racial Isolation in the Public Schools—Summary of a
Report by the Commission on Civil Rights (1 9 6 7 ) ............. 20, 47, 56
SCHOOL DESEGREGATION: A Free and Open Society,
(116Cong. Rec. §4351, Daily Ed., March 24, 1970).................. 58,91
United Press International Release, May 17, 1970 ....................... 45
21 U.S.L.W. 3164 (1952)...........................................
Webster’s Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary (1967)
64, 74
35
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1970
No. 349
CHARLOTTE-MECKLENBURG
BOARD OF EDUCATION, et al,
Cross Petitioners,
v.
JAMES E. SWANN, et al,
Cross Respondents.
BRIEF OF CROSS PETITIONERS
INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT REGARDING BRIEF
The briefs submitted in the companion cases Nos. 281
and 349 are identical. This statement is made so that this
Court may be spared the inconvenience of a separate detailed
analysis of both briefs.
Case No. 281 relates to the Petition filed by the plaintiffs
for a review of the decision of the Circuit Court of Appeals
2
for the Fourth Circuit. Case No. 349 relates to the Cross-
Petition of the defendants from the same decision. The plain
tiff’s Petition in case 281 was granted on June 29, 1970. Al
though action on the defendants’ Cross-Petition has been de
ferred until the convening of this Court at its October 12,
Term, 1970, this Court has advised that both cases will be
heard on October 12, 1970, and has instructed the defend
ants to file briefs in both cases. The two cases have not been
consolidated for briefing.
Each of the two cases involves the same school system,
the same orders of the district court and Circuit Court and
the same issues. In order to be of as much assistance as possi
ble to this Court, it is prudent that one comprehensive pre
sentation shall be made. It is for this reason that, although
separate briefs are filed, their text and content are the same.
OPINIONS BELOW
The opinions of the courts below are set forth in Brief for
Petitioners filed in No. 281 on pages 1 through 3 thereof.
JURISDICTION
The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Fourth
Circuit was entered on May 26, 1970. The jurisdiction of
this court is invoked under 28 U.S.C. 1254(1). The Petition
for Writ of Certiorari was filed in this court on July 2, 1970.
On August 31, 1970, the Chief Justice deferred action on
Cross Respondents’ pending Petition for Writ of Certiorari
and directed filing of briefs and set this case for oral argu
ment on Monday, October 12, 1970.
3
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
1. Did the Court of Appeals join in the error of the trial
court in rejecting the desegregation plan offered by the Board
of Education where 68% of the black students would attend
schools in which their race was in the minority and where
the remaining 32% of the black students would attend
schools having white ratios of 17% to 1% and these black
students would be taught by a predominantly white faculty
and further where such black students were offered more
generous freedom of transfer than that offered by the custo
mary majority to minority transfers?
2. Did the Court of Appeals join in the error of the trial
court in rejecting the plan for desegregation of the 72 ele
mentary schools prepared and offered by the Board of Edu
cation, where the plan left no all-black schools, though nine
of 72 schools had white ratios of 1% to 17% and black
students attending those schools would have an untrammeled
right to transfer to any one of the 63 remaining elementary
schools, and upon departure from elementary schools would
be assured of a desegregated education during the remainder
of their schooling?
3. Did the Court of Appeals join in the error of the trial
court in rejecting (by the trial court’s offering the Board a
“Hobson’s choice”) the Board plan for desegregation of
junior high schools where only one of 21 junior high schools
would have more than a 39% black student ratio and the
remaining predominately black school would house 758
black and 84 white students and have a predominately white
faculty by imposing a requirement on the Board to create
nine black satellite districts containing approximately 2,700
black students and assigning them to predominately white
suburban junior high schools?
4. Did the Court of Appeals join in the error of the trial
court in rejecting the Board plan for desegregation of senior
high schools where the plan provided that no school would
have more than a 36% black ratio and that each school would
4
have a predominately white faculty and in imposing a fur
ther requirement upon the Board that 300 black students re
siding in four designated grids would be bussed a substantial
distance from the northwestern part of the city to a high
school serving the extreme southeastern portion of the
county?
5. Did the Court of Appeals join in the error of the trial
court in imposing racial balances in junior and senior high
schools in contravention of Title 42 U.S.C. 2000(c)(b) and
6(a)(2) (Sections 401(b) and 407(a)(2)) of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964.
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY
PROVISIONS INVOLVED
This case involves the equal protection clause of the Four
teenth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States,
Section 401(b) and 407(a)(2) of the Civil Rights Act of
1964 [42 U.S.C. 2000(c)(b) and 6(a)(2)],
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
The principal question presented by the several appeals
herein relates to whether or not the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
public school system may retain one or more predominately
black schools. If the absolutists are to prevail, then the pre
sentation which follows is wholly irrelevant. The Court of
Appeals held that no such absolute requirement exists as
desegregation of the predominately black schools will be
adjudged by the “test of reasonableness.”
In order to answer the question, one must have an under
standing of this school system. The system involves 103
schools, 4 kindergarten programs and one learning academy,
which last year served approximately 84,500 students of
which 29% were black and 71% were white. The system is
expected to grow by an approximate 3,000 students this
5
school year. In comparison to other school systems in this
nation, the system ranks 43rd largest.
As an urban school district, it shares the same problem of
other urban school systems. Since 1954, the black student
population has increased from 10,000 to 24,000 students and
during this period eleven formerly all-white schools are now
almost entirely black (691a). The transition has been rapid.
In 1965 these eleven schools housed a 35% black student
population. During the 1969-70 school year, these schools
housed an 81% black population and the areas in which this
transition has taken place are located generally in the older
white neighborhoods. Charlotte has experienced phenomenal
growth and, therefore, the older neighborhoods are primarily
located near the center of the city, which serves as the base
for the expanding black areas as whites on the economic
move improve their position; blacks improving their position
take over the white homes. This had led to the transition of
schools from white to black. Today, 95% of the black stu
dents reside in the northwestern inner-city quadrant or the
fringes thereof.
The Board was in the process of combating this problem
by construction of schools in areas which would offer more
stable desegregation, the most notable of which were Olym
pic High School, originally scheduled for construction in a
predominately black neighborhood, and Randolph Junior
High which was also scheduled for construction in a similar
neighborhood (72a-73a).
Further efforts of the Board involved closing and consoli
dating of twenty schools; creation of a single athletic league;
nondiscriminatory employment practices; substantial desegre
gation of school faculties with total desegregation to follow
for the 1970-71 school year; cross racial assignment of prin
cipals; appointment of black professionals to ranking admini
strative positions; board appointment of a black member to
the Board of Education; elimination of the dual bus system;
nondiscrimination with respect to teacher salaries, school
fees, school lunches, library books, instructional materials,
6
quality of school buildings, use of federal funds, course
offerings and evaluation of students; merger of the black and
white PTA Councils; operation of specialized and supple
mentary' programs implemented to increase desegregation;
redesigning of freedom of choice so that its only effect
would increase desegregation and give racial stability to the
schools; gerrymandering of attendance lines to promote
maximum racial desegregation and other techniques designed
to create and promote racial stability (681a-683a, 1265a-
1266a).
The rural areas of the school system do not offer such
difficult problems in desegregation as the races are scattered
and, therefore, as with most rural systems, these schools
present substantial stable desegregation (313a).
Freedom of choice has neither perpetuated nor made sub
stantial inroads on the desegregation problem. The super
intendent estimated that approximately 1,200 (565a) white
students had left predominately black schools where they
would have been mixed in varying degrees with approxi
mately 16,000 blacks.
In 1957 Charlotte led the South in opening its schools
to students of both races. However, it is admitted that there
were few students who took advantage of this option. Con
solidation of the city and county systems, the two largest
in the state, occurred in 1961, creating a school system hav
ing an east-west span of 22 miles and a north-south span of
36 miles and comprised approximately 550 square miles.
The City of Charlotte contains 64 square miles, making it
larger than the District of Columbia. The county is nearly
twice the size of the City of New York.
In 1965 a plan was devised by the Board embracing free
dom of choice, rezoning and non-racial assignment of faculty
which entirely abolished the former dual system under the
law as then understood. That plan was approved by the
district court in 1965 and by the Court of Appeals in 1966.
The plan led to the abolition of all dual auxiliary programs
and services, such as transportation, athletic leagues, PTA’s,
etc.
7
Consistent with racial anonymity, racial identification of
students and faculty was completely removed from all school
records. Because of this, during the course of this litigation,
requests for racial information created a substantial burden
on the school system in producing this data.
The plan proposed by the Board eliminates 8 of the 17
predominately black elementary schools, four of the five
predominately black junior high schools and establishes ten
senior high schools so that no high school will have more
than a 36% black ratio. It reduces the number of blacks
attending predominately black schools to 7,497. (Compare
district court’s finding of 16,000 previously). Faculties will
be racially balanced.
These exemplary steps have been taken by a school board
which petitioners variously label as “recalcitrant,” “contemp
tuous,” “lawless” and similar characterizations.
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
The plan for desegregation offered to the district court
by the Charlotte-Meckienburg Board of Education would
place 68% of the 24,000 black students in predominately
white schools and the remaining 32% would attend schools
having a black ratio of 83% to 99%. No other school sys
tem of similar size and complexity in this nation has the
degree and volume of desegregation offered by this plan.
The exemplary proposal of the Board was summarily re
jected by the district court for the reason that this system
would not be permitted to have a predominately black
school. The district court therefore ordered racial balancing
of the schools served by the system.
The present action was instituted in 1965 which resulted
in the district court’s approval of the plan then offered by
the Board. The salient features of the plan related to school
closings, school consolidation, freedom of choice (as sug
gested by Goss v. Knoxville, 373 U.S. 683 (1963)), rezon
ing, nonracial assignment of teachers, and nonracial records
of students. Circuit Judge Craven, then district judge, noted:
8
As a general proposition, it is undoubtedly true that
one could deliberately sit down with the purpose in
mind to change lines in order to increase mixing of
the races and accomplish the same with some degree
of success. I know of no such duty upon either the
school board or the district court. The question is
not whether zones can be gerrymandered for the as
sumed good purpose of racial mixing, but whether
gerrymandering occurred for the unconstitutional
purpose of preventing the mixing of races. I am
unable to find from the evidence a sufficient show
ing of the unconstitutional purpose with respect to
any school zone . . . Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Board o f Education, 242 F. Supp. 667 (1965).
The holding of the district court was affirmed by the Court
of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in Swann v. Charlotte-
Mecklenburg Board o f Education, 369 F.2d 29 (1966).
Following the Supreme Court decision in Green v. New
Kent County, 391 U.S. 430 (1968), and companion cases,
the petitioners filed a motion for further relief alleging dis
crimination in teacher salaries, school plants, facilities and
numerous other areas, and in addition sought further desegre
gation. During the course of the hearings conducted in
March 1969, the district court noted that it was familiar
with the fact that in this system black teachers as a group
were paid higher salaries than white teachers for the reason
that they had longer tenure and had more graduate educa
tion (93a).
In its order of April 23, 1969, the district court found
there was no racial discrimination or inequality with ref
erence to the use of federal funds for special aid to the
disadvantaged, use of mobile classrooms, the quality of
school buildings and equipment, coaching of athletics, parent-
teacher association contributions and activities, school fees,
school lunches, library books, elective courses, individual
evaluation of students and gerrymandering (293a-302a).
9
The district court further noted that school location in
Charlotte had followed residential development including its
de facto patterns of segregation (305a).
With respect to the motives and judgment of the School
Board, the district court found that the schools had been
operating pursuant to . . the general understanding of
1965 about the law regarding desegregation.” The Board
had “achieved a degree and volume of desegregation of
schools apparently unsurpassed in these parts, and have ex
ceeded the performance of any school board whose actions
have been reviewed in the appellate court decisions.” The
schools served by this system were “in many respects models
for others”, and “the rules of the game have changed and
the methods and philosophies which in good faith the Board
have followed are no longer adequate to complete the job
which the courts now say must be done ‘now’.” (31 la-312a).
The court then concluded:
The school board has an affirmative duty to promote
faculty desegregation and desegregation of pupils and
to deal with the program of the all-black schools
(313a). (Emphasis added)
Thereupon, the district court directed the Board to sub
mit a plan for complete desegregation of teachers to be effec
tive for the 1969-70 school year and to submit a plan and
time table for the desegregation of pupils to be predomi
nantly effective in the fall of 1969 and completed by the
fall of 1970 (314a-315a). The plan submitted pursuant to
the order of April 23 was found inadequate by the district
court and submission of a new plan by August 4 was di
rected.
During the interim, this Court decided the case of United
States v. Montgomery, 395 U.S. 225 (1969), which for the
first time indicated limited racial ratios in faculty could be
required by the courts.1 In accordance with Montgomery,
1 In Montgomery, supra, page 236, the court noted: “ . . . Petitioners
on the other hand, do not argue for precisely equal ratios in every
school under all circumstances . . . . As the United States, Petitioner in
10
supra, the Board of Education proposed a plan for desegre
gation which would produce substantial faculty2 and stu
dent desegregation for the school year 1969-70 and proposed
a comprehensive computer-assisted study for the purpose of
restructuring attendance lines for the year 1970-71. It was
estimated that the study would require approximately six
months to complete (487a). On August 15, 1969, the district
court entered an order (579a) in which it noted the repudia
tion by the Fourth Circuit of the Briggs v. Elliott dictum on
July 11 in Hawthorne v. Lunenburg, 413 F.2d 53 (4th Cir.
1969) (581a). The trial judge found that the Board had
acknowledged its affirmative duty to desegregate pupils,
teachers, principals, and staff members at the earliest possible
date (583a) and had dramatically exceeded its goal in desegre
gating former all black faculties (584a). It approved the
reassignment of consenting inner-city black students to out
lying white schools for the school year 1969-70.3 Further,
No. 798, recognizes in its brief, the district court’s order is designed as
a remedy for past racial assignment . . . . We do not, in other words,
argue here that racially balanced faculties are constitutionally or legally
required.”
2The Board reported: “With reference to faculty desegregation,
substantial changes have been made as indicated on Exhibit “A” (498a-
502a). With few exceptions, schools having black or nearly all black
students have white faculties ranging from 40 to 50 percent of the
faculty of such schools. By the school term 1970-71, further faculty
desegregation will be experienced.” (495a).
3 The Board proposed offering transportation to the reassigned black
students and made extensive efforts to secure their acceptance of
reassignment. The court stated:
However, this part of the plan is not compulsory. Students
who want to remain in the comfort of their area may elect to
attend the Zebulon Vance School (Irwin Avenue) instead;
alternatives also are provided for the junior high students.
(587a).
In response to objections to reassignment of blacks, the district court
stated:
No legal authority is cited that the Constitution prohibits
transportation of consenting black children from an inferior
educational environment into a better environment for the
13
the court approved in principle the proposed restructuring
of attendance lines and other factors for the 1970-71 school
year, but rejected them for lack of specific detail and time
table.4 Results of the desegregation of faculties commended
by the district court appears in the record (642a-649a).
In view of the fact that it was impossible to complete
the computer restructuring of attendance lines within the
time limited, motion was made for additional time in which
to present the plan. The district court responded by pre
senting interrogatories to the Board and issuing Its last be
nign statement on behalf of the Board as follows:
Nearly six months after the original order, faculty
desegregation is well along and there have been a
number of substantial improvements in the stated
policies of the Board, including the stated assump
tion of the duty by the Board to desegregate the
schools “at the earliest possible date.” Limited steps
purpose of complying with the constitutional requirement of
equal protection of laws. (589a). (Emphasis added.)
The Board pointed out that it could not specify the number of students
who might object to such assignments (493a).
Nevertheless, later the district court unjustly condemned the Board
for not carrying out the plan as “advertised.” (658a). “The perform
ance gap is wide.” (659a).
At the request of black community leaders, the Board proposed and
secured a modification to permit substitution of Irwin Avenue Junior
High School for the Zeb Vance school for black students exercising
freedom of choice to attend a black elementary school in the inner
city. The district court denied the Board the opportunity of upgrading
the education for these black students by imposing restrictions on
innovative programs for such students unless provided for all blacks
who transfer to white schools (593a). The Board was forced to
abandon innovative programs for these blacks as such programs require
full student participation or segregation of black students in the white
schools.
4The Board proposed completing the computer restructuring of
attendance lines within six months or February 1, 1970 (487a). Fur
thermore, implementation was directed for the school year beginning
1970-71. (457a and 315a).
12
have been taken toward compliance with pupil de
segregation provisions of the original order , . .
(601a).
Pending application for an extension of time, this Court
announced its decision in Alexander v. Holmes County, 369
U.S. 19 (1969), and the district court held that as a result
of Alexander, discretion to grant an extension was prohibited
(667a). The district court in its November 7, 1969, order
then proceeded to severely criticize the Board for not imple
menting its 1969-70 desegregation plan. The district court
stated “the plan has not been carried out as advertised”
(658a) and “the ‘performance gap’ is wide” (659a). It is
difficult to reconcile this criticism in the face of the district
court’s previous defense of the right of the Board to trans
port consenting black students to outlying schools and in
view of faculty desegregation that resulted in precisely the
figures estimated by the Board (589a and 584a). The dis
trict court reversed its earlier finding . . Location of
schools in Charlotte has followed the local pattern of resi
dential development, including its de facto patterns of segre
gation” (305a) and substituted “ . . . There is so much state
action imbeded in the shaping of these events that the re
sulting segregation is not innocent or ‘de facto’, and the
resulting schools are not ‘unitary’ or desegregated.” The
district court further found that freedom of choice had
tended to perpetuate segregation by allowing children to
leave schools where their race would be a minority (662a).5
The district court noted that the school system ranked high
with reference to desegregation in comparison with the 100
largest school systems, but held this to be immaterial (664a).
5 The evidence clearly shows that only 1,200 white students had left
predominately black schools (665a) (housing a total of 16,000 blacks).
This would therefore appear to fall under the de minimus rule. Com
pare the limited number of students who sought freedom of choice and
the infinitesimal effect it had on desegregation for the school year
1969-70 (635a-638a).
13
For reasons not understood, the attitude of the district
court changed with increasing frequency to condemnation
or misconstruction of whatever the Board proposed. It
assumed that the Board’s computer program, designed to
promote stability by a 40% limitation on black student assign
ments, precluded white students from attending predomi
nately black schools. Obviously, if the computer designed a
school on a 50/50 ratio, the whites would soon leave the
attendance district. The Board has no intention of devising
attendance districts which would offer such instability.
However, after the best efforts of the computer had been
exhausted, those white students residing in the ultimate at
tendance zones populated predominately by blacks, would
nevertheless be assigned to those schools. The district court
simply misconstrued one step of the Board plan as constitut
ing the final plan.
In fairness to the district court and the petitioners, the
Board on October 19, 1969, gave advance notice that its plan
would be unable to eliminate each all-black school (665a).6
The district court, continuing its castigation of the Board,
said the Board had “demonstrated a yawning gap between
predictions and performance.” (666a). The court thereupon
directed the filing of a plan for desegregation ten days later
on November 17, notwithstanding the fact that the Board
had reaffirmed February 1, 1970, as the earliest date for
presentation of a comprehensive plan.
Therefore, faced with this unrealistic time table, the Board
was compelled to present an admittedly incomplete plan for
desegregation (670a) and report (680a) in which the Board
took a strong position for the purpose of attempting to de
termine the meaning of a “unitary system” and related terms.
Attention is directed to the fact that the Board predictions
with reference to desegregation of elementary schools was
substantially accurate as disclosed by the following:
6At this point, the Board had been admonished to “deal with the
problem of the all black schools” (313a).
14
Percentage Projected No. Board Final Plan,
Black of Schools No. of Schools
Students Nov. 17, 1969 Feb. 2, 1970
0-10% 21 20
11-40% 44 43
41-100% 7 9
It would therefore appear that the Board performed as
“advertised”. There was no wide “performance gap” and
there was no “yawning gap between predictions and per
formances.” The court was further advised in August that
the Board plan would be complete approximately the first
of February 1970, and the Board performed (726a).
On December 1, 1969, the district court again miscon
strued the computer instructions as being the results of a
finalized plan. Although the Board proposed that each
faculty would be predominately white at each school, the
court seemed to take offense at the fact that there was no
promise of total balance (700a). Compare Montgomery,
supra, which countenances schools having 83% black facul
ties.
In response to the inquiries of the Board, the district
court outlined some of the parameters of its notions of a
desegregated system, which included pro rata distribution
of teachers by race and that “all the black and predominately
black schools in the system are illegally segregated” (711a
and 714a). The district court further held that any plan
should seek to reach a 71-29 ratio so that one school would
not be racially different from the others though variations
may be unavoidable (710a). It is believed that the absolutes
of the district court’s legal position began to crystalize with
ttiê order of November 7, 1969.7 This has resulted in the
7In the order of November 7, 1969, and all subsequent orders,
namely, December 1, 1969, February 5, 1970, March 21, 1970 and
August 3, 1970, resulted in reversal of facts previously found in favor
of the Board and many inferences resolved against the Board together
with misconstruction of many of the facts presented to the court. The
Board attempted to correct many of the findings by Objections and
Exceptions thereto (1239a) and Objections and Exceptions to Findings
of Fact dated August 14, 1970.
15
failure of the court to make any subsequent findings fav
orable to the Board.
The district court then disapproved the Board’s plan for
further desegregation and directed desegregation of faculties
on a three-to-one ratio effective not later than September 1,
1970, and indicated that a court consultant would be ap
pointed. This was accomplished by order of the court dated
December 2, 1969, wherein the court appointed Dr. John
Finger as the court’s consultant, a witness who had prev
iously testified on two occasions for the plaintiffs and had
offered earlier desegregation plans. The order of December
1 did not suggest implementation of pupil desegregation
would be advanced to a date earlier than September 1, 1970.
The Board was invited to continue working on its plan (714a-
716a).
The Board submitted its completed plan on February 2,
1970 (726a). The plan utilized computers to achieve a maxi
mum racial mix of 71% white and 29% black in each school
where possible by restructuring attendance lines. One hun
dred (100) of the 103 schools would have a racial mix, leav
ing only three all-white schools. Sixty-eight per cent (68%)
of the black students would attend schools having less than
40% black population. Thirty-two per cent (32%) of the
black students would attend nine elementary and one junior
high schools which would have black ratios of 83% to 99%
under the Board plan (R. Br. A-4-6, A-10). This plan re
duced the number of blacks in predominately black schools
from 16,197 to 7,497 and the number of predominately
black schools from 22 to 10.
The plan for desegregation submitted by the Board in
cluded imposition of faculty ratios of approximately three-
to-one, white predominating, in each school and proposed
implementation of its plan for the school year 1970-71 in
accordance with the various court orders. The Board plan
would require the in-district transportation of approximately
5,000 additional students, who would qualify for such trans
portation under state law.
16
The court consultant’s plan was submitted contempora
neously with that of the Board on February 2, 1970, which
effectively adopted in many respects the Board’s geographic
zoning plan and engrafted upon it the features of pairing
of distant elementary schools and creation of satellite dis
tricts in predominately black inner-city areas whose stu
dents were assigned to distant predominately white outlying
secondary schools.
On February 2, 1970, the court conducted a hearing lim
ited solely to the question of time required for implemen
tation. It refused to hear any evidence with reference to the
merits of the two plans before the court. On February 4,
1970, the Board made a motion for hearing on its plan and
for the opportunity to examine the court consultant, who
resides in Rhode Island and beyond the process available
to the Board. In response thereto, the court permitted a
short hearing severely limited as to time on the following
day and declined to direct the consultant to be present for
examination. The Board was compelled to submit substan
tial evidence nunc pro tunc (848a-900a).
On the same day, February 5, 1970, the court entered
its order, in which the court found in part as follows:
The Board plan, prepared by the school staff, relies
almost entirely on geographic attendance zones, and
is tailored to the Board’s limiting specifications. It
leaves many schools segregated. The Finger plan
incorporates most of those parts of the Board plan
which achieve desegregation in particular districts by
rezoning; however, the Finger plan goes further and
produces desegregation in all the schools in the sys
tem.
Taken together, the plans provide adequate supple
ments to a final desegregation order (819a).
Although the court stated “the order which follows is not
based on any requirement of ‘racial balance’ . . .” (821a),
the court then adopted the entire plan of the court consul
tant and thereby directed racial balancing with reference to
the various schools:
17
A. The Board’s pupil assignment plan for senior high
schools was approved8 upon condition that 300 black stu
dents residing in four grids suggested by the court consultant
would attend Independence High School. Therefore, the
court consultant’s sole recommendation with reference to
high schools was approved, although no school under the
Board plan would house more than a 36% black ratio.
B. With respect to junior high schools, the Board plan
was approved9 10 upon condition that the only junior high
school out of 21 which would remain predominately black
would be desegregated by giving the Board a “Hobson’s
choice” of furnishing transportation and increasing blacks
in attendance at several outlying schools and in default of
rezoning (which had been fully explored), two-way trans
portation of students (which is cross bussing to which the
Board is opposed) or closing the junior high school (whose
classrooms are desperately needed to minimize the already
serious overcrowding which exists at the junior high level).
None of the alternatives were accepted. Therefore, the
Board was directed to implement the court consultant’s plan,
which provided for establishing nine satellite attendance dis
tricts (containing 2,760 students) in inner-city black areas
for attendance at nine distant predominately white suburban
schools.
C. With respect to elementary schools, the court adopted
the court consultant’s plan which utilized the Board’s rezon
ing'0 and engrafted upon it the features of pairing and group
ing nine inner-city black schools with 24 suburban white
8The Board plan for senior high schools eliminated the one all black
senior high school, West Charlotte, and established black ratios of 17%
to 36% for nine of the ten schools. The remaining school, Independ
ence, would house a 2% black ratio. (748a).
9The Board plan for junior high schools eliminated four of the five
predominately black schools and the remaining school, Piedmont,
would have a 90% black ratio or 758 black students (747a).
10The Board plan reduced the number of predominately black
elementary schools from 17 to 9 (744a-746a).
18
schools, thereby necessitating extensive cross-bussing.11 Ap
proximately 10,300 students would be involved in the ele
mentary cross assignments.
The Board plan contemplated transporting only those stu
dents eligible for transportation under state law which would
result in furnishing additional transportation to approxi
mately 5,000 students (871a-875a). The order of desegre
gation imposed substantial additional transportation require
ments upon the school system (880a-884a) which were
compiled by the transportation office of the school sys
tem as follows:
Finger Plan
Additional Students No. of Buses
23,000 526
First Year Cost
$4,199,439.00
Board Plan
Additional Students No. of Buses First Year Cost
4,935 104 $ 864,767.00
Supplementary findings of the court dated March 21,
1970, (1217a-l 219a) reflect a finding that transportation as
ordered by the court would show the following totals:
Court Estimates
Additional Students No. of Buses First Year Cost
13,300 138 $1,011,200.0012
11 The Board transportation office estimated these students would
travel fifteen miles each way per day (860a). The district court esti
mated the school to school distance at seven miles (1261a).
12The district court found that the cost of 138 buses would be
$743,200.00. The annual operating cost of $532,000.00 was reduced
by one-half in its order of April 3, 1970 (1259a), resulting in a total of
$1,011,200. The district court amended its February 5 order by order
dated March 3, 1970 (921a) to provide that transportation should be
offered only to those city students who lived in an area which had
been rezoned as a result of the court order. The Board accordingly
submitted revised estimates which reduced the requirements for addi
19
Extensive objections and exceptions (1239a) were filed by
the Board with reference to the findings of the district court
dated March 21, 1970, and the Court of Appeals noted that
it was difficult to furnish reliable predictions with respect
to transportation estimates (1271a).
On appeal, the Court of Appeals approved the provisions
of the order of the district court with reference to assign
ment of faculty and assignment of students to secondary
schools and reversed and remanded for further considera
tion the assignment of pupils attending elementary schools
(1262a). In doing so the Court of Appeals noted that the
voluntary faculty desegregation of the Board was in com
pliance with other orders of that court (1 263a). The find
ing of the district court with reference to residential pat
terns leading to segregation resulting from federal, state and
local government action was affirmed on “familiar principles
of appellate review.”13
tional transportation to 19,285 students and 422 buses at a first year
cost of $3,406,687.00. Thereafter, State Board of Education, pursuant
to Sparrow v. Gill, 304 F. Supp. 86 (MDNC 1969) authorized trans
portation of all city students residing a mile and a half from their
school. Accordingly, this reinstated the original estimates of the local
transportation staff.
13In view of the importance of other issues in this case, the Board
does not deem it appropriate to fully controvert the very shallow and
incompetent evidence upon which the district court’s findings were
made on November 7 reversing its prior findings without benefit of
further evidence or hearing. We would point out several areas. With
respect to racial restrictive covenants, the only evidence was a 1946
North Carolina Supreme Court case enforcing such restrictions. Other
evidence of racial restrictions or the extent thereof is absent from the
record. Blacks have for many years purchased homes in predominately
white neighborhoods. Plaintiffs’ evidence (31 a-34a) discloses that rela
tively small black areas have taken over large white communities. As
a result, blacks predominated in 11 former all white schools (591a).
Although older black and white neighborhoods were zoned industrial
in 1947, no substantial inroads were made in these neighborhoods by
industry (254a), industrial zoning in residential areas was substantially
curtailed (254a) and existing zoning generally follows existing land use
(261a). Urban redevelopment assisted the displaced persons in finding
20
The reforms the Board undertook to create a unitary
school system were applauded by the Court of Appeals
(1265a). Noting the district court’s holding “that the Board
must integrate the student body of every school” (1266a)
the Court of Appeals gave a partial answer to the unitary
school question in holding:
. . . first, that not every school in a unitary system
need be integrated; second, nevertheless, school
boards must use all reasonable means to integrate
the schools in their jurisdiction; and third, if black
residential areas are so large that not all schools can
be integrated by using reasonable means, the school
boards must take further steps to assure that pupils
are not excluded from integrated schools on the basis
of race . . . (1267a).
The Court of Appeals thereupon adopted . . the test of
reasonableness—instead of one that calls for absolutes—be
cause it has proved to be a reliable guide in other areas of
the law . . (1267a).
Although Piedmont Junior High School was a formerly all
white facility, and nearly all white in 1965 (25 blacks)
(691a), the Court of Appeals noted that this school was now
in the heart of the black residential area (1268a), a school
which could not be desegregated by rezoning. This school
precipitated the creation of nine satellite junior high school
districts for the purpose of eliminating this one predomi
nately black junior high school.
new homes but had no power to direct the location to which they
moved (265a). Furthermore, there is no evidence that any citizen was
so directed. Many other examples could be cited.
It is noted the findings of the district court, although largely unsup
ported, closely parallel those of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights
with respect to separation of races in 75 representative cities scattered
throughout this nation. Racial Isolation in the Public Schools-
Summary> Report by the Commission on Civil Rights (1967).
21
The Court of Appeals, utilizing the district court’s un
realistic transportation estimates, found its approval of the
secondary portion of the desegregation plan precluded ap
proval of the elementary plan. The combined plans would
represent a 56% increase in pupils transported and the num
ber of buses would be increased by 49%. The Circuit Court
acknowledged that the Board . . should not be required
to undertake such extensive additional busing to discharge
its obligation to create a unitary school system.” (1276a).
The Court of Appeals thereupon vacated the judgment of
the district court and remanded “. . . the case for reconsidera
tion of the assignment of pupils in the elementary schools,
and for adjustments, if any, that this may require in plans
for the junior and senior high schools.” (1277a).
On remand, the district court had before it five elemen
tary, two junior and two senior high school plans. An under
standing of these plans will be facilitated by reviewing the
separate map appendix to this brief.
Pursuant to the suggestion of the Court of Appeals, the
Board met with representatives of HEW and sought to par
ticipate in the development of a new desegregation plan.
Although the Department of Health, Education and Wel
fare obtained from the Board all the information it desired,
it refused to accept the Board offers to assist it in develop
ing a plan (Tr. 197, July 15, 1970). Nevertheless, the Board
reconsidered all the techniques of desegregation in an effort
to develop a new plan (Tr. 10-20, July 15, 1970). After
presentation ot the HEW plan on June 26, it was reviewed
by the Board and rejected by a unanimous vote. Neverthe
less, the Board presented the HEW plan to the district court
for its consideration.
A hearing was convened on July 15, 1970, at which time
the district court again reviewed the February 2, 1970 Board
plan and the February 5, 1970 court approved Finger plan.
The district judge also considered the HEW plan, a plan pre
pared by minority of Board members, and an earlier draft
of a plan considered by the court consultant.
22
The Board and court approved plans have been described
earlier herein.
The HEW plan’s salient features involved utilization of
the Board restructured lines and then clustering a group of
school districts contiguous to each other for specialized grade
assignment to a particular school, for instance, one school
might house grades 1 and 2, a second school grade 3, etc.
Many of the districts involved in these clusters were desegre
gated by the Board’s rezoning.14
A four-member minority of the Board presented an ele
mentary plan which utilized the 1969-70 school zones,
grouped 72 elementary schools within eighteen separate clus
ters, many of which were far removed from each other. The
court’s attention is invited to the map (R. Map Appendix),
which gives a clear picture of what this plan does to the
elementary schools of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg system.
It was an obvious successful attempt at racial balancing, as
all 72 elementary schools would house black ratios ranging
from 27% to 34%. Students chosen for attendance outside
their district would be selected on a lottery basis. (R. Ex.
45, July 15, 1970). Dislocations and transportation require
ments were essentially equivalent to those of the court or
dered Finger plan (Order, August 3, 1970).
Petitioners, calling Dr. Finger as their witness, had him un
veil a draft of a preliminary plan previously prepared by
him. Basically, the plan was Dr. Finger’s attempt to restruc
ture attendance zones. Finding his rezoning attempts left
14Cluster or zone number IV of the HEW plan grouped all white
Pinewood, nearly all black Marie Davis with Sedgefield (38% black)
and Collinswood (33% black). This plan was roundly condemned for
the reason that an elementary student in such a zone would attend
four elementary schools in six years and it interfered with the educa
tional programs and organizations of the school system. It also
involved substantial transportation and utilized many schools that
already had the approximate racial ratio of the entire system. Most of
the groupings were near-black or predominately black (R. Ex. 1 and 2,
July 15, 1970).
23
approximately 6,800 black elementary school children in
inner-city black schools (Tr. 264, July 15, 1970), he then
developed walk-in attendance zones for black students at
those schools who would comprise approximately 30% of
the capacity of the school. The blacks would attend these
schools for six years. Whites residing generally in the inner
perimeter of the city limits would be transported to such
schools. Blacks who were not assigned to the inner city
schools would be transported for six years to suburban white
schools. The grade structure of the suburban schools was
rearranged on a 3-3 basis with grades 1 - 3 in one school and
a school in a contiguous area would have grades 4 - 6. Stu
dents in the contiguous zones would attend these two schools
along with blacks from the inner city schools. Dr. Finger
admitted the plan was incomplete (Tr. 263, July 15, 1970)
and contains a complex grade structure (Tr. 258, July 15,
1970). The enormous amount of dislocation and transpor
tation is apparent. As the district court found:
26. All plans which desegregate all the schools will re
quire transporting approximately the same number
of children. In overall cost, if a zone pupil assign
ment method is adopted, the minority Board plan
may be a little cheaper than the Finger plan. (Order,
August 3, 1970).
The district court characterized three of the plans as “rea
sonable” : the court ordered (Finger) plan, the minority
board plan and the earlier draft of a Finger plan. The Board
was given the “option” of adopting any one of these plans
for the elementary schools. The Board met and found the
three alternate plans to be unreasonable and the court or
dered (Finger) plan was thereupon imposed by order of
August 7, 1970.
The Board filed notice of appeal to the Court of Appeals
for the Fourth Circuit on August 14, 1970, and has made
application to this Court for permission to supplement the
record or, in the alternative, that the motion be considered
as a writ of certiorari to the Court of Appeals for the Fourth
Circuit pursuant to Rule 20 of the Rules of the Supreme
Court. No action has been taken thereon at this writing.
24
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Both the district court and the Fourth Circuit have mis
applied the Constitutional imperatives of Brown I, Brown II
and Green as they apply to the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
schools. In doing so, both of these Courts erred in disapprov
ing the Board plan and imposing upon this System require
ments that are unlawful and unwarranted by the facts in this
case.
The basic error stems from the misconception of the rights
guaranteed black and white children by the Fourteenth
Amendment and the goal to be achieved by a dismantling
of a dual system and the establishment of a unitary one.
Although disclaiming any intent to require racial balancing,
the orders imposed upon the Charlotte-Mecklenburg System
are based upon the proposition that student assignments at
each school must be fashioned in a manner which will achieve
or approximate the 70% white - 30% black racial ratio of
the system at large. This false premise in turn is founded
on the erroneous notion that each black or white child has
an individual guaranteed right to attend a school having the
prescribed racial mix. Any fair interpretation of the orders
of the trial judge point unerringly to the conclusion that he
deemed that presumed right to be an absolute one that can
not be diluted or denied by reason of circumstances, costs,
disruptions or educational or administrative considerations.
Tacitly, the Circuit Court also espoused racial balancing as
its goal—but sought unsuccessfully to temper the absolutism
of the district court with a test of reasonableness, to which
on remand the trial judge gave only thinly veiled lip service.
The Board is in general agreement with the employment of
a Rule of Reason in appraising desegregation plans. But in
this case, the Fourth Circuit misapplied its own Rule of
Reason and in effect the district court ignored it. Racial
balancing is not required by the Constitution and when im
posed by a court violates the prohibitions of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964.
25
Contrary to these erroneous views, the pronouncements of
this Court make it clear that the guaranteed right of a child
is to attend a school system within which discrimination
originating from the old state-imposed dualty has been eli
minated. If such discrimination has been eradicated and if
schools are fairly operated and administered on a nonracial
basis, a dual system has been dismantled and a unitary one
has been established within which no child is excluded be
cause of his race or color. Nondiscriminatory geographic
attendance zones, including those promoting the neighbor
hood school concept, establish a unitary system-notwith-
standing a residue of predominately black schools that remain
for reasons totally unrelated to race.
A corollary to the requirement of racial balancing is the
burden of massive bussing and dislocation of children to
achieve the goal of 70% white-30% black ratio in the
schools of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg System. This balancing
and the bussing to implement it impinges upon the Constitu
tional rights of children, both black and white, who may
not wish to be assigned and moved out of their neighbor
hood attendance zones for the sole purpose of promoting
the presumed rights of other children.
The February 2, 1970, Board plan is based on geographic
attendance zones that were drastically gerrymandered to
promote desegregation. This plan severely strains, but main
tains the basic benefits of the neighborhood school concept.
By this technique, the Board satisfactorily desegregated all
but 10 of its 103 schools. All but a small handfull of the
black children who remain in these 10 schools will have a
desegregated school experience for at least one-half of their
12 years of schooling. The Board itself sought to achieve in
as many schools as possible a maximum racial mix. By doing
so, the Board proposal exceeds Constitutional imperatives.
The compulsion of court orders cannot be employed to
coerce a school system to do what the Constitution does
not require.
26
The Board plan is reinforced by majority to minority trans
fers to promote stable desegregation, prevent resegregation
and afford blacks that remain in the 10 predominately black
schools an opportunity to attend a predominately white
school with free transportation to accomplish the move.
The teachers at each school are assigned on a ratio of 3 to 1
which is the ratio of white to black teachers in the system.
The staff, extra-curricular activities, transportation, facilities,
programs and other facets of the system are nondiscrimina-
tory and thoroughly desegregated, and are employed to pro
mote integration throughout the system.
The Board plan effectively establishes a unitary system.
Both the district court and the Fourth Circuit erred in dis
approving that plan and supplanting it with one or more
alternatives designed to racially balance each school, with
the consequent bussing and movement of children that the
Board considered unnecessary, impractical, costly, disruptive,
educationally unsound and not required by the Constitution.
ARGUMENT
I. GENERAL DISCUSSION OF CONSTITUTIONAL PROB
LEMS AND CONCEPTS.
A. A CHILD S CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT GUARAN
TEED BY THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT IS TO
GO TO SCHOOL IN A UNITARY SYSTEM. IF THE
SCHOOL IS PART OF SUCH A SYSTEM, HE HAS
BEEN ACCORDED THAT RIGHT.
It is unarguable that the negro and white children in the
Charlotte-Mecklenburg system must be and will be accorded
their Constitutional rights in full measure. However, the dis
trict court’s misconception of the nature of those rights is
succinctly stated in its August 3, 1970, Order (Pets’ Br. Al):
The issue is not the validity of a “system”, but the
rights of individual people.
Of course, the Constitutional rights of a black or white child
under the Fourteenth Amendment are individual and per-
27
sonal, but the question remains: What is the essence of that
right—the right to do what? The trial judge concludes that
the right is an absolute one of each child to be in a desegre
gated school and presumably in a desegregated classroom
within the school—regardless of the rights of white children,
circumstances, problems peculiar to urban areas, costs, dis
ruptions, educational considerations and other factors which
prevent a color blind school system from achieving the ideal
racial mix in every one of its schools.
This view does not comport with the previous declarations
of this Court. Briefly stated, it is our understanding that
this Court has defined the right guaranteed a negro or white
child by the Fourteenth Amendment as being the right to
attend a school in a system where no state-imposed discrim
ination exists and has prescribed the attendant affirmative
duty of a school board to establish such a system. This right
and duty are summarized in Green v. New Kent County,
391 U.S. 430 (1968):
[I ] t was such dual systems that 14 years ago Brown I
held unconstitutional and a year later Brown II held
must be abolished; school boards operating such
school systems were required by Brown II “to effec
tuate a transition to a racially nondiscriminatory
school system” . . . Id. at 435. (Emphasis added)
. . . Brown II commanded the abolition of such dual
systems . . . Id. at 437. (Emphasis added)
School boards such as the respondent then operat
ing State-compelled dual systems were nevertheless
clearly charged with the affirmative duty . . . to con
vert to a unitary system in which racial discrimina
tion would be eliminated root and branch . . . The
constitutional rights of Negro school children ar
ticulated in Brown I permit no less than this . . . Id.
at 437-38 (Emphasis added)
The thrust of Brown v. Board o f Education, 347 U.S.
483 (1954) and Brown v. Board o f Education, 349 U.S. 294
(1955) and all that this Court has said since those landmark
decisions point unerringly to the validity of this proposition:
28
State-imposed dual systems must be abolished and must be
replaced with unitary systems. The Constitution does not
guarantee to a child the right to attend a school having any
particular racial complexion. The Fourteenth Amendment
secures for him only the privilege to attend a school that is
part of a unitary system which is comprised of “just schools”
{Green, supra, at 442)—schools that are operated and ad
ministered without any vestige of discrimination. Once a
conversion or transformation to a unitary nondiscriminatory
system has been accomplished, every child in that system
has been accorded his rights. Those who contend for a par
ticular racial mix or balance in each school propose a per
version of the commands of Brown I and II and Green.
It is by these standards that the plan of the School Board
in this case must be judged. An analysis of that plan clearly
demonstrates that it realistically will achieve the nondis
criminatory unitary system the Constitution requires. The
oppressive plan of the district court does not conform with
these standards. In spite of disclaimers, its objective is the
racial balancing of each one of the schools of the Charlotte-
Mecklenburg system.
B. A UNITARY SYSTEM IS ONE WITHIN WHICH NO
CHILD IS EXCLUDED FROM ANY SCHOOL BE
CAUSE OF RACE. IF A DESEGREGATION PLAN
PROMISES REALISTICALLY TO ACCOMPLISH THIS,
IT IS CONSTITUTIONALLY ACCEPTABLE NOT
WITHSTANDING A RESIDUE OF PREDOMINATELY
BLACK OR WHITE SCHOOLS THAT REMAIN FOR
REASONS UNRELATED TO RACE.
The now familiar definition of a unitary system is one
“within which no person is to be effectively excluded from
any school because of race or color.” Alexander v. Holmes,
396 U.S. 19 (1969); Northcross v. Board o f Education (Bur
ger, Chief Justice, concurring opinion) 397 U.S. 232 (1970).
Unhappily for school boards charged with the responsibility
of fashioning a unitary system, this definition only begins,
29
not ends, inquiry regarding the necessary ingredients and
characteristics of a unitary system.
This Court is well aware of the diversity and change of
opinion both among and within courts that have been wrest
ling with the scope and meaning of this definition. This
ought not to be. We hope this Court will find an oppor
tunity in this case to put some meat on the bare bones of
this definition which will give instruction and guidance to
school boards and will help dispel the disparity that pres
ently characterizes the findings of fact, conclusions and
opinions of the lower courts.
Brown I and II. the Green triad and Alexander v. Holmes
are of some help—but not much for practical application
“in the field.” From these cases, we understand a unitary
system to have at least these attributes: it is “nonracial.”
It is “racially nondiscriminatory.” It is what is left after
a “well-entrenched dual system” has been “dismantled.” It
is one in which “racial discrimination” is “eliminated root
and branch.” It is one within which no child is “effectively
excluded because of race or color.” Running through all
of these criteria is one common theme: If a system is es
tablished that does not discriminate against the race of a
child and thereafter operates on a color blind basis, a former
dual system has been transformed, converted and, we pre
sume, purged.
It is worth noting that the 2-school rural residentially
mixed New Kent County involved in Green typifies the sys
tems stricken down by Brown I and II, a fact which is spe
cially commented upon at page 435:
The pattern of separate “white” and “Negro” schools
in the New Kent County school system established
under the compulsion of state laws is precisely the
pattern of segregation to which Brown I and Brown II
were particularly addressed, and which Brown 1 de
clared unconstitutionally denied Negro school child
ren equal protection of the laws. Racial identification
of the system’s schools was complete, extending not
just to the composition of student bodies at the two
30
schools but to every facet of school operations—
faculty, staff, transportation, extracurricular activi
ties and facilities. In short, the State, acting through
the local school board and school officials, organized
and operated a dual system, part “white” and part
“negro.”
It was such dual systems that 14 years ago Brown I
held unconstitutional and a year later Brown II held
must be abolished; school boards operating such
school systems were required by Brown II “to ef
fectuate a transition to a racially nondiscriminatory
school system.” 349 U.S. at 301,75 S.Ct. at 756.
The Green triology formed the primary vehicle for the last
detailed pronouncements of this Court concerning some of
the characteristics of a dual and non-dual system. The fac
tual context within which the teachings of Green were made
presents considerable difficulties when these guides are ap
plied to a complex urban system like Charlotte-Mecklenburg—
particularly when that system has long since abandoned
the discriminatory practices that were so flagrantly involved
in New Kent County.
In identifying a unitary system, the Alexander v. Holmes
definition embodies two basic aspects: (1) effective exclu
sion and (2) the reason for exclusion—i.e. because of race.
The word “exclude” means to shut out. It implies keep
ing out hwat is already outside. That a person remains out
side does not necessarily mean that he is excluded. The
idea of shutting out suggests affirmative action on the part
of someone to accomplish the exclusion. If a person out
side is afforded an opportunity to come inside, he is not
barred or excluded. This opportunity must be a reasonable
one. If the opportunity accorded a person is unreasonable,
he may be said to be effectively excluded.
The Holmes definition does not prohibit all exclusion-
only invidious ones based on race or color. There are any
number of reasons why a child can fairly be required to
attend one school instead of another: capacity, distance,
31
cost, disruptions, location of residence, age, travel, safety,
administrative problems, educational considerations and a
host of other factors that have absolutely nothing to do with
his race or color.
If, in the operation of a school system, these factors are
honestly, realistically and reasonably applied without the
slightest degree of racial discrimination, the system is none
theless unitary even though by reason of these factors some
black children remain in predominately black schools.
The Fourth Circuit correctly comes to this conclusion in
the Charlotte-Mecklenburg case (1267a):
. . . [W]e hold: First, not every school in a unitary
system need be integrated . . .
. . . [I]f a school board makes every reasonable ef
fort to integrate the pupils under its control, an
intractable remnant of segregation, we believe, should
not void an otherwise exemplary plan for the crea
tion of a unitary system. Ellis v. Board o f Public
Instruction o f Orange County, 423 F.2d 203 (5th Cir.
1970).
This view agrees with the trend of lower court decisions
which may be summarized as follows: The maintenance of
some all-black or all-white schools in a given school system
will not automatically invalidate a desegregation plan nor
will it automatically indicate a shirking of responsibility by
school board officials so long as the segregation is the result
of housing patterns and means are made available whereby
black children in the all-black areas may transfer to predom
inately white schools. The operation and maintenance of a
particular school building, attended only by negro or white
children, is not per se unconstitutional. United States v.
Greenwood Municipal Separate School District, 406 F.2d
1085, 1093 (5th Cir. 1969), Ellis v. Board o f Public Instruc
tion o f Orange County, 423 F.2d 203 (5th Cir. 1970), Goss
v. Board o f Education, City o f Knoxville, Tennessee, 406
F.2d 1183 (6th Cir. 1969), Deal v. Cincinnati Board o f Edu
cation, 419 F.2d, 1387 (6th Cir. 1969).
32
The trial judge who heard the Charlotte-Mecklenburg case
is out of step with this trend and obviously disagreed with
the opinion of the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit.
On February 5, 1970, the trial judge ordered (822a); “That
no school be operated with an all-black or predominantly
black student body.” The district court did not retreat from
this position in its August 3, 1970, Order (Pets.’ Br. Al)
issued after the conclusion of hearings held pursuant to the
Circuit Court directives. This misconception of what the
Constitution requires lies at the heart of the unlawful orders
of the district court and the unwarranted findings of fact
which the trial judge used to support his erroneous conclu
sions.
C. A “RULE OF REASON” RATHER THAN A “RULE
OF ABSOLUTES” SHOULD BE THE STANDARD BY
WHICH TO JUDGE THE SUFFICIENCY OF A DE
SEGREGATION PLAN.
We approve the test of reasonableness adopted by the
Court of Appeals—instead of one that calls for absolutes
(1267a-1268a):
We adopted the test of reasonableness-instead of
one that calls for absolutes-because it has proved
to be a reliable guide in other areas of the law. Fur
thermore, the standard of reason provides a test for
unitary school systems that can be used in both rural
and metropolitan districts. All schools in towns,
small cities, and rural areas generally can be inte
grated by pairing, zoning, clustering or consolidating
schools and transporting pupils. Some cities, in con
trast, have black ghettos so large that integration of
every school is an improbable, if not an unattainable,
goal. Nevertheless, if a school board makes every
reasonable effort to integrate the pupils under its
control, an intractable remnant of segregation, we
believe, should not void an otherwise exemplary
plan for the creation of a unitary school system.
Ellis v. Board o f Public Ins true, o f Orange County,
No. 29124, Feb. 17, 1970___F.2d. ____ (5th Cir.)
33
Such a test is consistent with the equitable principles eluci
dated in Brown II which made it clear that desegregation
plans and the means of implementing them should take into
account a variety of local problems and conditions-includ-
ing by implication those specifically itemized by the Court
of Appeals (age of pupils, board resources, costs, effect of
bussing on traffic and the distance and time for transporta
tion).
In the name of common sense, what standards other than
“reasonable” ones should be applied to test the efficacy of
desegregation plans? In fashioning and effectuating decrees,
Brown II directed that trial courts be guided by equitable
principles. The very concept of equity presupposes the
application of fairness, practicability and reason. Equity is
employed where absolutes are inappropriate.
As stated in Green, supra:
There is no universal answer to complex problems
of desegregation; there is obviously no one plan that
will do the job in every case. The matter must be
assessed in the light of the circumstances present and
the options available in each instance.13 Id. at 439.
The August 3, 1970, Order of the district court (including
its findings of fact) clearly shows that the trial judge gave
only lip service to the test of reasonableness directed by the
Court of Appeals. The recital of a few evidences of this
lip service will suffice at this point: “The circuit court’s
reasonableness order is vague” (Pets.’ Br. A7); “reservations”
about the pertinence of a rule of reason are expressly ac
knowledged (Pets.’ Br. A31); the size of a system is imma
terial (Pets.’ Br. A10); “ 'Busing’ is still an irrelevant issue”
(Pets.’ Br. A10); current long distance bussing of kindergar
ten children is cited as justification for bussing thousands 15
15With tongue-in-cheek solemnity, the district judge in Ross v.
Eckels, Houston Independent School District, F. Supp. (S.D.
Texas 1970), in commenting on the practical problem occasioned by
Buffalo Bayou, proclaimed: “A child is not required to swim or fly to
school.”
34
of elementary youngsters (Pets.’ Br. A16, A18); “There is
no way to decide what remnant shall be determined intracta
ble” (Pets.’ Br. A18); “cost and inconvenience” are not per
tinent considerations (Pets.’ Br. A31).
In view of the reservations entertained by the district
court about the pertinence of a Rule of Reason, it is not
surprising that upon remand the trial judge concluded that
his own prior orders were “reasonable”—notwithstanding the
determination of the Fourth Circuit that the trial judge’s
earlier mandate regarding the elementary plan was unrea
sonable. This reaffirmation by the district court of its own
prior conclusions evidences a subjectivity that does not
square with either the directions of the Court of Appeals
or with the equitable principles decreed by this Court.
It is incomprehensible that two dissenting members of the
Court of Appeals (Judges Sobeloff and Winter) should find
a “test of reason” so frightening. They find it undefined,
subjective, ambiguous and pernicious (1288a, 1289a, 1290a,
1302a, 1303a). They say it threatens dire consequences of
delay and exploitation. (1290a).
In his dissent Judge Sobeloff rejects what he calls (1291a)
the “slippery test” of reasonableness because it implies that
desegregation is not “worth the price” (1288a). This mis
conception is echoed by the plaintiffs’ assertion (Br. 58)
that the Circuit Court’s reasonableness rule demonstrates a
departure from the educational goal of desegregation laid
down in Brown I and II and reinforced by Green.
This unwarranted conclusion misconstrues the goal sought
to be achieved. Green, supra, succinctly defined that goal:
[Sjchool boards operating such school systems (i.e.
dual systems) were required by Brown II “to effec
tuate a transition to a racially nondiscriminatory
school system” . . . The transition to a unitary, non-
racial system of public education was and is the ul
timate end to be brought about . . . Id. at 435-36
(Emphasis by Court).
35
And at 437-38, school boards were charged with:
[T]he affirmative duty to take whatever steps might
be necessary to convert to a unitary system in which
racial discrimination would be eliminated root and
branch.
Regardless of the prior dualty of a school system prev
iously operated under the authority of Plessy v. Ferguson,
163 U.S. 537 (1896) or otherwise, from these teachings it
follows that if a current desegregation plan of a school
board realigns its schools and its assignment policies in a
fashion that effects a conversion to a nonracial, nondiscrimi-
natory system, the commands of this Court have been
obeyed. “Discrimination is defined as “the act, practice,
or an instance of discriminating categorically rather than in
dividually.” Webster’s Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary
(1967). Within the context of desegregation, if the opera
tion and administration of a school system does not counte
nance such acts and practices on account of race, discrimina
tion has been eliminated.
It is for the courts to appraise the plans proffered by a
school board to determine whether the results achieved are
genuinely founded on considerations that are completely dis
associated from any degree of racial discrimination. When
judged by the peculiarities of local problems, conditions and
circumstances, the plan of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg School
Board ought not to be supplanted by a court plan that com
ports with the subjective views of a trial judge that absolutes
are required.
In his dissent in United States v. Jefferson County Board
o f Education, 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967), Judge Gewin
(Bell concurring) responded to the champions of absolutism:
. . . No consideration is given to any distinction in
any of the numerous school systems involved. Urban
schools, rural ones, small schools, large ones, areas
where racial imbalance is large or small, the relative
number of Negro and white children in any particu
lar area, or any of the other myriad problems which
are known to every school administrator, are taken
36
into account. All things must yield to speed, uniform
ity percentages and proportional representation. There
are no limitations and there are no excuses. This
philosophy does not comport with the philosophy
which has guided and been inherent in the segrega
tion problem since Brown II. As the Court there
stated:
Because these cases arose under different local con
ditions and their disposition will involve a variety
of local problems, we required further argument
on the question of relief. (349 U.S. p. 298, 75
S.Ct. p. 755). Id. at 403.
In appraising the efficacy of desegregation plans, even
courts espousing the Rule of Reason have been prone to
place undue emphasis upon tangible factors such as num
bers of buses and numbers of dollars—with very little direct
consideration of the effect of such plans upon the educa
tional processes of a particular system. After all, education
is what Brown I and II professed to be all about.
We believe that judicial restraint should be employed in
assessing the impact of a particular desegregation plan upon
the educational program of a local system lest the excesses
of plans devised by absolutists tear to shreds the fabric of
the educational process that the decisions of this Court were
designed to improve and promote for all children-black and
white.
This is not meant to imply that courts should refrain from
looking behind the judgments of school boards and adminis
trators to ascertain whether or not they are in fact being
employed as a guise to circumvent the commands of Brown
I and II and Green. We suggest, however, that the judiciary
should beware lest court-devised plans throw the education
baby out with the bath water.
The Fourth Circuit (1267a) explained its reasons for adopt
ing a Rule of Reason:
We adopt the test of reasonableness—instead of one
that calls for absolutes—because it has proved to be
a reliable guide in other areas o f the law. (Emphasis
added)
37
The soundness of the explanation assigned by the Court of
Appeals for its adoption of this test should require no docu
mentation, except for those encumbered by a predisposi
tion for absolutes.
The ‘"other areas of the law” referred to by the Court of
Appeals include the construction and application by this
Court of a variety of fundamental individual rights guaran
teed by the Constitution. By way of example we call atten
tion to only a few.
Some of the limitations on Freedom of Religion are sum
marized in Mohammad v. Sommers, 238 F. Supp. 806 (E.D.
Mich. 1964):
[I]n the interest of the public weal, there are many
limitations which bound religious freedom. Gen
erally, it can be said that these limitations begin to
operate whenever activities in the name of religion
affect or collide with the liberties of others or of the
public, or violate public policy. Witness this but par
tial lists of instances of such conflicts which have
all been resolved against the claims of religion: Sun
day closing, spiritualistic readings, selective service,
parading in the streets, practice and advocacy of
polygamy, vending periodicals in the streets, fluorida
tion of water, compulsory school attendance, child
labor regulations, compulsory vaccination, blood
transfusion, surgery and medical attention. Id. at
808.
Numerous limitations have been imposed upon the Right
of Free Speech. For example, see Cox v. Louisiana, 379 U.S.
536 (1965); Gitlow v. People o f the State o f New York,
268 U.S. 652 (1925); Times Film Corporation v. City of
Chicago, 365 U.S. 43 (1961)—“It has never been held that
liberty of speech is absolute” ; Schenck v. United States, 249
U.S. 47 (1919); Gilbert v. Minnesota, 254 U.S. 325 (1920)—
“it is not absolute—it is subject to restriction and limitation;”
Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494 (1951).
The same is true of the Right to Trial by Jury. Of interest
is what this Court said in Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U.S. 145
38
(1968), holding that a jury trial for petty offenses was not
required by the Sixth and Fourteenth Amendments:
. . . [T]he possible consequences to defendants from
convictions for petty offenses had been thought in
sufficient to outweigh the benefits to efficient law
enforcement and simplify judicial administration re
sulting from the availability of speedy and inexpen
sive nonjury adjudications. These same considerations
compel the same result under the Fourteenth Amend
ment. Id. at 1453. (Emphasis added)
And in Baldwin v. State o f New Y o rk ,___U .S .____ , 90
S.Ct. 1886 (1970)
One who is threatened with the possibility of im
prisonment for six months may find little difference
between the potential consequences which face him,
and the consequences which face appellant here.
Indeed, the prospect of imprisonment for however
short of time will seldom be viewed by the accused
as trivial or “petty” matter and may well result in
quite serious repercussions affecting his career and
his reputation. Where the accused cannot possibly
face more than six months imprisonment, we have
held that these disadvantages, onerous though they
be, may be outweighed by the benefits which result
from speedy and inexpensive nonjury adjudications.
Id. at , 90 S. Ct. at 1890. (Emphasis added)
With reference to the Right to Counsel as expounded by
this Court in Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U.S. 335 (1963),
the Court in Brinson v. State o f Florida, County o f Dade,
273 F. Supp. 840 (S.D. Fla. 1967), at 845-47 had this to
say:
. . . The right to counsel should not be treated as
an abstract theorem, but rather as a means of achiev
ing the most perfect justice possible in a given situa
tion. The essence of the right is to protect those
charged with crimes from wrongful conviction. Flow-
ever, that right is qualified by practical exigencies . . .
The right to counsel guaranteed by the Sixth and
Fourteenth Amendments is not an absolute right,
39
nor are any o f the rights guaranteed by the Constitu
tion “absolute.” See Creighton v. State o f North
Carolina, 257 F. Supp. 806 (E.D.N.C. 1966). As
stated in that case, the Constitution was not written
to provide an exercise in abstract idealism but as a
practical guide for the management o f the affairs o f
the country and the protection o f the rights o f its
citizens. In today’s complex society there can be
no truly “absolute” rights. Thus, the right to tree
exercise of the religion of one’s choice is on its face
absolute, but in application is limited since a reli
gion requiring illegal activities would not be consti
tutionally protected. One cannot refuse to pay taxes
because of religious scrupples, nor can one engage in
polygamy or any other practice directly harmful to
the safety, morals, health or general welfare . . . The
“absolute” right to free speech has been qualified
and curtailed by libel and slander laws. Such right,
on occasion, must be subordinated to other values
and considerations. Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S.
494, 71 S.Ct. 857, 95 L.Ed. 1137 (1950). It does
not confer the right to persuade others to violate
the law. Bullock v. United States, 265 F.2d 683
(6th Cir. 1958) . . . Neither does such right preclude
Congress from excluding obscene matter from the
mails or from punishing person advocating overthrow
of the government by force. United States v. Bryan,
167 F.2d 241. Likewise, the “absolute” right to
counsel in all criminal prosecutions must be quali
fied by practical exigencies and, unless this is done,
the necessities o f sound judicial administration would
be disregarded and the administration of justice
thrown into senseless chaos. (Emphasis added)
Without belaboring the point further, these examples are
cited to demonstrate the futility of a Rule of Absolutes and
the necessity for a Rule of Reason. As the dissenting opinion
of Judges Sobeloff and Winter and the orders of the district
court suggest, if a test of reasonableness is slippery and in
applicable to an evaluation of a school board’s efforts to
convert to a unitary system, a consideration of costs, disrup
40
tions, buses, administrative problems, and impact on educa
tional programs become totally unnecessary and irrelevant.
If such be true, there would be no need for complex desegre
gation plans and much of the elapsed time since Brown I and
II has been wasted.
To the contrary, we subscribe to what this Court said in
Dennis v. United States, supra:
Nothing is more certain in modern society than the
principle that there are no absolutes, that a name, a
phrase, a standard has meaning only when associated
with the considerations which gave birth to the no
nomenclature. Id. at 866.
Green gave birth to a major portion of the nomenclature
applied to measure school systems and desegregation plans.
We find little evidence of any disposition on the part of the
absolutists to heed the admonition suggested by Dennis that
there are differences, which should reasonably be taken into
account, between the 2 rural schools (1300 pupils) of New
Kent County and the 103 primarily urban schools (84,500
pupils) of Charlotte-Mecklenburg.16 The absolutists spring
board from the nomenclature of Green to rationalize their
own views, without taking into account the limitations of
the ruling of this Court in that case:
[A]ll we decide today is that in desegregating a dual
system a plan utilizing “freedom of choice” is not an
end in itself. Id. at 440. (Emphasis added)
If the review of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg case does noth
ing else, we hope standards and guidelines for desegregation
16The trial judge glibly dismisses the differences in his August 3
Order (Pets.’ Br. A10): “The principal difference between New Kent
County, Virginia, and Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, is that in
New Kent County the number of children being denied access to equal
education was only 740, whereas in Mecklenburg that number exceeds
16,000.” Even this reference to 16,000 leaves an erroneous impression.
Under the Board plan only 7,497 black youngsters will attend pre
dominately black schools. See statistical data relating to the Charlotte-
Mecklenburg schools and the Board plan attached hereto at A-3.
41
plans will be evolved that are sufficiently clear and definite
to curtail the temptation of some lower courts to rely on
their personal educational and social philosophies in judging
plans and the system for which they are formulated.
D. THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN DE FACTO AND DE
JURE IS NOT A VALID STANDARD BY WHICH TO
DETERMINE WHETHER A SCHOOL SYSTEM IS
UNITARY.
A major thrust of the district court’s sweeping orders is
based upon its findings that such segregation as remained
in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools was the result of de
jure, not innocent de facto, action of federal, state and local
authorities. These findings are summarized in the opinion
of the Court of Appeals (1264a):
The district judge also found that residential pat
terns leading to segregation in the schools resulted
in part from federal, state and local governmental
action. These findings are supported by the evi
dence and we accept them under familiar principles
of appellate review. The district judge pointed out
that black residences are concentrated in the north
west quadrant of Charlotte as a result of both public
and private action. North Carolina courts, in com
mon with many courts elsewhere, enforced racial
restrictive covenants on real property until Shelley
v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948) prohibited this dis
criminatory practice. Presently the city zoning ordi
nances differentiate between black and white resi
dential areas. Zones for black areas permit dense
occupancy, while most white areas are zoned for
restricted land usage. The district judge also found
that urban renewal projects, supported by heavy fed
eral financing and the active participation of local
government, contributed to the city’s racially segre
gated housing patterns. The school board, for its
part, located schools in black residential areas and
fixed the size of the schools to accommodate the
42
needs of immediate neighborhoods. Predominately
black schools were the inevitable result. The inter
play of these policies on both residential and educa
tional segregation previously has been recognized by
this and other courts.
These findings were employed as a justification by both
the trial judge and the Court of Appeals for the disapproval
of the Board’s plan that would desegregate all but 10 of the
system’s 103 schools and place 100% of the black and white
children in schools with thoroughly integrated teaching staffs
and 68% of the blacks in 93 predominately white schools—
with almost all of the remaining black children being sched
uled to attend such schools for at least one-half of their 12
years of schooling. These de jure findings are in marked con
trast to earlier findings of the district court in its April 23,
1969, Order (31 la-312a):
A word about the School Board.-The observations
in this opinion are not intended to reflect upon the
motives or the judgment of the School Board mem
bers. They have operated for four years under a
court order which reflected the general understand
ing of 1965 about the law regarding desegregation.
They have achieved a degree and volume of desegre
gation o f schools apparently unsurpassed in these
parts, and have exceeded the performance o f any
school board whose actions have been reviewed in
appellate court decisions. The Charlotte-Mecklenburg
schools in many respects are models for others. They
are attractive to outside teachers and offer good edu
cation. The problem before this court is only one
part (albeit a major part) of the educational problem.
The purpose of this court is not to criticize the School
Board, but to lay down some legal standards by which
the Board can deal further with a most complex and
difficult problem. The difference between 1965 and
1969 is simply the difference between Brown of
1965 and Green v. New Kent County of 1968. The
rides o f the game have changed, and the methods
and philosophies which in good faith the Board has
followed are no longer adequate to complete the job
43
which the courts now say must be done “now”. (Em
phasis added)
Of particular interest is the district court’s April 23, 1970.
finding:
. . . Location of schools in Charlotte has followed the
local pattern of residential development, including
its de facto patterns o f segregation. (305a) (Empha
sis added)
Six months later, in its November 7, 1969, Memorandum
Opinion (661a-662a) the district court gratuitously and with
out the benefit of further evidentiary hearings reversed its
previous findings that segregation in Charlotte was de facto.
The trial judge attributed to the School Board every real or
fancied ill that beset the Charlotte-Mecklenburg community
and stemmed from federal, state, local and private action,
including, among others, public accommodations and hous
ing, racial restrictions in deeds, zoning ordinances, urban
renewal, low rent housing and placement of neighborhood
schools.
The unfairness and artificiality of these attributions is
underscored by a comparison of the district court’s find
ings in this case with those of the Sixth Circuit in Deal v.
Cincinnati Board o f Education, supra, wherein the Court
considered the same factors, and arrived at a diametrically
opposite result and concluded:
In our opinion, the burden of righting wrongs alleged
to have been committed by public or private agencies
ought not to be foisted upon Boards of Education,
which have enough problems of their own to solve
in providing proper education for the young. Id. at
1392.
In Deal, supra, the Court observed that in Cincinnati due
to residential patterns there was a large concentration of
negroes in one portion of the city and schools had been lo
cated to serve the neighborhoods where the children live.
The Court in Deal referred to an Ohio statute that required
the selection of school sites in areas of the heaviest concen
tration of children and declared that:
44
Even in the absence of such a statute, it would seem
prudent to locate the schools where they will be
easily accessible and convenient to most of the
children and without the necessity of bussing the
children or their crossing dangerous thoroughfares.
The Board should consider locations in areas that
are being developed where large population increases
are anticipated, and locations in areas where the
Board already owns property.
We, of course, are mindful of the holding of this Court in
Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958) which is frequently cited
for the proposition that as agents of the state a local school
board is responsible for conditions created by state officials.
This holding was made within the context of the violent,
disruptive and overt action generated by Governor Faubus
and other state officials to thwart the rezoning efforts of
the local school board. In the case of Charlotte-Mecklenburg
it is manifestly unsound, unfair and unrealistic that the ac
tions of others should be arbitrarily attributed to its School
Board as justification for the excessive order approving the
disruptive and costly plan of the district court and disapprov
ing the plan proposed by the Board.
It is common knowledge that prior to 1954 Charlotte-
Mecklenburg maintained a dual system, sanctioned by the
laws of the State of North Carolina promulgated under the
authority of the “separate but equal” doctrine of Plessy v.
Ferguson, supra, stricken down by Brown I and II,
Following the mandates of Brown I and II, in order to
achieve further racial mixing Charlotte-Mecklenburg adopted
a plan of redistricting that in 1966 was found by the Court of
Appeals for the Fourth Circuit to comply with the Constitu
tion as then understood. Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Board o f Education, 369 F.2d 29 (1966). Thereafter, in
furtherance of additional desegregation, the Board initiated
a number of actions which were applauded by the district
court in its April 23, 1969, Order (298a-301a, 311a-312a).
Following Green and in response to the orders of the dis
trict court the School Board submitted its plan that on
45
February 5, 1970, was disapproved by the district court in
favor of its own—reciting in support of its action that the
local system was tainted by the de jure factors referred to
above.17
The history of this case, the 1966 Circuit Court approval
of geographic zones, the Board’s initiative to promote deseg
regation and the results which will he achieved by the Feb
ruary 2, 1970, plan of the Board compels an answer to this
question: When, if ever, can a school system bom under
the ill-fated star of Plessy v. Ferguson purge itself of the de
jure stigma reserved for systems that once-upon-a-time had
the dualty that Plessy condoned?
We suggest that the distinction between de jure and de
facto is invalid and artificially contrived. In doing so, it is
not our purpose to whitewash the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
system by pointing a finger at other systems in other parts
of the nation that have escaped the lash of oppressive court
orders because they operate behind the mask of de facto
segregation. We do suggest, however, that the de jure - de
facto standard is not an appropriate test by which to judge
a school board’s compliance with the commands of Brown
/, Brown II and Green. Schools everywhere should be meas
ured by the same yardstick.
17In Charlotte-Mecklenburg, 68% of the blacks during the school
year 1969-70 attended predominately black schools. Under the Board
plan this percentage is dramatically reduced to 32% (see A-3 Appendix
attached to this brief). Comparable information derived from HEW
figures reflects the following percentages of black students at pre
dominately black schools: New York City, 86%; Los Angeles, 96%;
Detroit, 91%; Philadelphia, 90%; Milwaukee, 88%; San Francisco, 54%;
Boston, 77%: and Cincinnati, 78%.
The percentages of black students attending schools housing 95%
to 100% black students in other cities is as follows: Baltimore, 76%;
Cleveland, 80%; Washington, 89%>; St. Louis, 86%; Newark, 75%;
Buffalo, 61%; Gary, Indiana, 80%. In Chicago, 76% of the blacks
attended schools less than 2% white. Source: United Press Inter-
national Release, May 17, 1970.
46
The flaw in the de jure - de facto dichotomy is that from
the moment Brown I was announced all federal, state and
local laws requiring or permitting segregation were void and
of no effect. On and after May 31, 1955, there plainly could
be no de jure racial discrimination in any school system in
the United States. What was left, North and South, was
segregation in the schools in fact.
The de jure concept was never of any importance except
as a handle upon which to hang state action and an affirma
tive duty to dismantle. If one accepts an affirmative con
ception of the Constitution, the de jure idea becomes worth
less and the North and South distinctions intolerable.18
If separation by race in the public schools renders educa
tional opportunities inherently unequal and if accomplish
ment of a social purpose is really the true goal, it ought to
be purely of historical interest and wholly irrelevant how
the practice originated, whether by law, custom or ghetto
economics.
It is abundantly clear that social reform is the goal that
the trial judge sought to achieve in Charlotte-Mecklenburg:
Segregation per se is unlawful; educational opportunities
and performances are not controlling—“Segregation would
not become lawful, however, if all children scored equally
on the [achievement] tests” (Pets.’ Br. A 15); “no school
[shall] be operated with an all-black or predominately black
student body” (822a); the “pupils of all grades [shall] be
assigned in such a way that as nearly as practicable the
various schools at various grade levels have about the same
proportion of black and white students” (822a); the School
Board shall “maintain a continuing control over the race of
children in each school . . . to prevent any school from
becoming racially identifiable” (823a); the School Board
shall “implement a continuing program, computerized or
otherwise, of assigning pupils and teachers during the school
18 Sena tor Abraham Ribicoff, of Connecticut, has described this
double standard as “monumental hypocricy.”
47
year as well as at the start of each year for the conscious
purpose of maintaining each school and each faculty in a
condition of desegregation” (824a).19 One embarked upon
a crusade for social reform finds both opportunity and justi
fication in the de jure precept. By way of illustration, it
seems rather strained that private racial deed restrictions
negated by Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 in 1948 should
be relied upon in support of nefarious state action now. The
same is true of the purported effects of federal financing
and other governmental action over which the school board
has no control.
It is inescapable that an all-black school in Washington
or Baltimore is just as unequal as an all-black school in
Charlotte or Atlanta. People are pretty much the same
everywhere and race prejudice now and in the past has not
been confined to the southern part of the United States.20
If social reform were to be candidly admitted as the objec
tive, we could more profitably concern ourselves with what
is reasonably practicable for a school board to do to correct
19Even if arguendo the de jure - de facto distinction were to be
accepted, such a requirement of continued maintenance and control
over the race of children in each school would seem to exceed the
authority of a district judge, once he concludes that a desegregation
plan has dismantled a dual system and has established a unitary one.
After this has been accomplished, any future segregation would be
de facto-not de jure.
20Racial Isolation in the Public Schools, Summary Report by the
Commission on Civil Rights (1967), at 3:
Although school segregation was sanctioned by law and offi
cial policy in Southern cities until 1954, there is a legacy of
governn.entally sanctioned school segregation in the North as
well. State statutes authorizing racially separate public schools
were on the books in New York until 1938, in Indiana until
1949, and in New Mexico and Wyoming until 1954. Although
not sanctioned by law in other States, separate schools were
maintained for Negroes in some communities in New Jersey,
Illinois, and Ohio, as late as the 1940s and 1950s. In some
cities such as New Rochelle, N.Y. and Hillsboro, Ohio, the
courts found that school district lines have been gerry
mandered for the purpose of racial segregation.
48
social inequities—North and South—rather than having our
attention diverted to how a particular school system may
have gotten that way. Further, it would obviate the necessity
for artifically contrived rationales to support a trial court
desegregation order, which in this case the Court of Appeals
accepted “under familiar principles of appellate review.”
E. THE CONSTITUTION DOES NOT REQUIRE RACIAL
BALANCING IN SCHOOLS OR BUSSING OF CHIL
DREN OUTSIDE GEOGRAPHIC ATTENDANCE ZONES
TO EFFECT SUCH BALANCING. BALANCING AND
COMPULSORY BUSSING INFRINGE ON THE PER
SONAL RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE CHILDREN
INVOLVED.
The test of reasonableness adopted by the Court of
Appeals—instead of one that calls for absolutes—can be the
only sensible standard. Transportation may be employed
on a “reasonable” basis as a legitimate tool to effectively
desegregate an otherwise dual system. However, this still
leaves open to question the circumstances under which and
the purposes for which bussing may be or should be imposed
upon a school system.
The mandate of the Constitution does not require racial
balancing or compulsory bussing outside of normal attend
ance zones to achieve such balancing if the attendance areas
are fairly drawn.
1. Racial Balancing and the Bussing to Achieve
It Were the Bases for the Decisions of the
Trial Court and Court of Appeals.
The net effect of the trial court orders of February 5,
1970, and August 3, 1970, was to require racial balancing
at all three instructional levels and the bussing necessary to
implement it—regardless of cost or disruptions. The net
effect of the Court of Appeals decision was to impose racial
balancing at the junior and senior high levels and to authorize
49
it at elementary level—tempered only by its test of reason
ableness with reference to the amount of bussing involved.
In its August 3, 1970, Order the district court asserts
that “ ‘Racial balance’ is not required by this court, merely
racial diversity.” (Pets.’ Br. A10). This was merely a
reaffirmation of its previous denials that its prior denials
that its prior orders were not based upon a requirement of
“racial balance” (710a, 821a). A careful consideration of
the various orders of the district court clearly shows that
contrary to the trial judge’s disclaimers his rulings were in
fact premised upon the proposition that a racial balancing
of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools is required by the Law
of the Land.
In its April 23, 1969, Order (310a) the trial court enter
tained doubts about its power to order a racial ratio in the
various schools of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg system:
Counsel for the Plaintiffs says that since the ratio
of white to black students is about 70/30 the School
Board should assign children on a basis of 70% white
and 30% black and bus them to all schools. This
Court does not feel that it has the power to make
such a specific order.
In its December 1. 1969, Order (710a) the trial judge
acknowledged that his previously expressed doubts had been
dispelled:
. . .[T]he court will start with the thought, originally
advanced in the order of April 23, that efforts should
be made to reach a 71/29 ratio in the various schools
so that there would be no basis for contending that
one school is racially different from the others, but
to understand that variations from that norm may
be unavoidable.
In his February 5, 1970, Order (822a) the trial judge
abandoned temporarily any pretense concerning racial balanc
ing as a requirement when he directed:
That pupils of all grades be assigned in such a way
that as nearly as practicable the various schools at
50
various grade levels have about the same proportion
of black and white students.
The Court of Appeals likewise disavowed any purpose to
require racial balancing of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools.
In his dissent, Circuit Judge Bryan cut through the sematics
employed by both the district court and his colleagues on
the Court of Appeals (1293a-1294a):
The Court commands the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
Board of Education to provide busing of pupils to
its public schools for “achieving integration". (Ac
cent added) “ [A]chieving integration” is the phrase
ology used, but actually, achieving racial balance is
the objective. Busing to prevent racial imbalance is
not as yet a Constitutional obligation. Therefore,
no matter the prior or present utilization of busing
for this or other reasons, and regardless of the cost
consideration or duplication of the bus routes, 1
think the injunction cannot stand.
Without Constitutional origin, no power exists in the
Federal courts to order the Board to do or not to do
anything. I read no authority in the Constitution,
or in the implications of Brown v. Board o f Educa
tion, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), and its derivatives,
requiring the authorities to endeavor to apportion
the school bodies in the racial ratio of the whole
school system.
The majority opinion presupposes this racial balance,
and also busing to achieve it, as Constitutional imper
atives, but the Chief Justice of the United States has
recently suggested inquiry on whether “any particu
lar racial balance must be achieved in the school; . . .
(and) to what extent transportation may or must be
provided to achieve the ends sought by prior holdings
of the Court.” . . .
I would not, as the majority does, lay upon Char
lotte-Mecklenburg this so doubtfully Constitutional
ukase. (Emphasis by Judge Bryan.)
51
In expressing his approval of the district court’s plan at
all three instructional levels, Circuit Judge Winter in his
dissenting opinion candidly acknowledges that racial balanc
ing per se should be required and cites as his justification
the teacher ratios discussed in United States v. Montgomery
Board o f Education, 395 U.S. 225 (1969). Judge Winter
concludes: “if in a proper case strict application of a ratio
is an approved device to achieve faculty integration, I know
of no reason why the same should not be true to achieve
pupil integration . . (1301 a-1302a).
Having had substantial integration of its faculties in the
past, with the opening of its schools this tall Charlotte-
Mecklenburg has in each of its 103 schools a white-black
teacher ratio of about 3 to 1, which is the racial ratio of
faculty members throughout the system. The School Board
believes these assignments to be beneficial for both black
and white children. However, we do not agree with the
district court or Circuit Judge Winter that racial balancing
of teachers can be cited as support for the proposition that
children can or should be racially balanced as a Constitu
tional requirement. Teachers are under no compulsion to
teach in a particular system. Teacher assignments occasion
little, if any, inconvenience for the teacher and no costs or
disruptions are imposed upon the school system. By con
tract they are employed by a system to apply their teaching
talents wherever needed. If dissatisfied, they are free to quit
and move to a system where employment contracts and
conditions are more to their personal likings. Children must
attend the school to which they are assigned and have no
option to escape the unpalatable effects of their forced
participation in a program of racial balancing designed to
accommodate others.
In United States v. Montgomery County Board o f Educa
tion, supra, at 236, this Court observed that the petitioners
in that case did not argue “for precisely equal ratios in every
single school under all circumstances” and that the United
States did not argue that “racially balanced faculties are
constitutionally required.” As noted above, in apparent
52
agreement with the principle of racial balancing of school
children, Circuit Judge Winter sought to temper the import
of the district court order with the mollifying comment that
“deviations from the overall ratio” had been permitted to
“accommodate circumstances” with respect to particular
schools. To one wedded to the proposition that racial
balancing and ratios is the desired objective, circumstances
and practical problems will seldom be asserted to prevent
the achievement of this goal.
2. Racial Balancing and Compulsory Bussing
Required by the District and Circuit Courts
Violate the Constitutional Rights of the Chil
dren Involved.
In its February 2, 1970, Plan the School Board concluded
with a statement of its conviction that its duty is to protect
the rights of all children (741a):
. . . The Board understandably is prone to exercise
caution lest, in protecting the rights o f some o f its
citizens, it tramples on the rights o f others in the
absence of a clear mandate of the Supreme Court.
(Emphasis added.)
This concern of the Board was well-founded. The compul
sory cross and satellite bussing requirements of the district
court and the Court of Appeals will violate the individual
rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment of those
blacks and whites caught up in the forced mass movement
of children away from their neighborhoods and out of their
normal attendance zones for the sole purpose of achieving
the racial balancing prescribed by those orders. It is ironic
that the counterpart of the compulsion outlawed by Brown
I and II is now employed in the name of the Constitution.
Is it trite to suggest that two wrongs do not make a right?
It is obvious that a school board must necessarily have
wide latitude in the establishment of attendance zones for
orderly administration of the various schools in its system
53
and that, if these zones are fairly conceived on a nondis-
criminatory basis, the children may be compelled to attend
the school to which they are assigned under the applicable
compulsory attendance laws. (See N.C.G.S. Sec. 115-116
et seq.) Absent an unlimited freedom of choice arrange
ment (which the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board has not pro
posed), the right of a child to go to a particular school is, of
course, not absolute, but circumscribed by the inherent
power of a school board to make reasonable attendance
assignments to conform to the needs of the school system
and the community it serves.
Whether or not the Board as an elective body could law
fully have required cross and satellite bussing to effect the
compulsory mass movement of children may be open to
question. Suffice it to say, the Board did not choose to go
to this extreme. The point now at issue is whether the
judiciary under the mandates of the district court and the
Court of Appeals infringed upon the individual constitu
tional rights of the children and their parents-black and
white-who do not want to be bussed or balanced. In
requiring this compulsory bussing those orders exceeded any
Constitutional requirement, by excluding children from
attending nearby schools solely on account of their race.
Deal v. Cincinnati Board o f Education, supra, at 1391-92
(6th Cir. 1969) addressed itself to this matter:
It is the contention of appellants that the Board
owed them a duty to bus white and Negro children
away from the districts of their residences in order
that the racial complexion would be balanced in
each of the many public schools in Cincinnati. It is
submitted that the Constitution imposes no such
duty. Appellants are not the only children who
have constitutional rights. There are Negro, as well
as white, children who may not want to be bussed
away from the school districts of their residences,
and they have just as much right to attend school in
the area where they live. They ought not to be
forced against their will to travel out of their neigh
54
borhoods in order to mix the races. (Emphasis
added.)
The district judge in Ross v. Eckels, Houston Independent
School District, supra, asked an interesting question:
Our hypothetical student well might say to the
Superintendent of Instruction, “You are excluding
me from School A, two blocks from my home,
because I am black, and for no other reason. How
can you do this when the Supreme Court of the
United States in its latest pronouncement on the
subject imposes on you the duty ‘to operate as [a]
unitary school system within which no person is to
be effectively excluded from any school because of
race or color?” I would be interested to know how
this question would be answered. (Emphasis added.)
From time immemorial, the public school has been a focal
point of community and family life. The location of a parti
cular school is a major consideration for parental decisions
regarding the location of their homes and the neighborhood
in which they choose to live. Obviously, affluent whites and
blacks are normally better able to make this choice than
poor whites and blacks. Nevertheless, some poor people
prefer that their children attend the school serving the areas
of their residence. To atford disadvantaged parents the
flexibility of greater options for the education of their chil
dren than their existing economic or social status may per
mit and to bring these available options made in line with
those enjoyed by the more affluent citizens are worthwhile
objects of any desegregation plan. But it is quite a different
matter for a judicial decree to compel bussing to a distant
school outside the normal attendance zones-whether the
parents like it or not. A court mandate that requires this
coercion to achieve what it conceives to be a worthy social
purpose (i.e. racial balance) is judicial paternalism.
The dissenting opinion of Judge Bell (concurred in by
Judge Gewin) in United States v. Jefferson County Board
o f Education, supra, involving the desegregation of numerous
deep south schools, speaks to the matter at hand (at 411):
55
Then there is the matter of personal liberty. Under
our system o f government, it is not to be restricted
except where necessary, in balance, to give others
their liberty, and to attain order so that all may enjoy
liberty. History records that sumptuary laws have
been largely unobserved because they failed to recog
nize or were needlessly restrictive of personal liberty
. . . They (the majority opinion) cast a long shadow
over personal liberty as it embraces freedom o f asso
ciation and a free society. They do little for the
cause of education. (Emphasis added.)
In Jefferson County, supra. Judge Gewin in his own
dissent (concurred in by Judge Bell) expressed similar views
. . . There must be a mixing of the races according
to majority philosophy even if such mixing can only
be achieved under the lash o f compulsion . . . Ac
cordingly, while professing to vouchsafe freedom
and liberty to Negro children, they have destroyed
the freedom and liberty o f all students, Negro and
white alike. There must be a mixing of the races,
or integration at all costs, or the plan does not work
according to the opinion. Such has not been and is
not now the spirit or the letter of the law . . . When
our concepts as to proportions and percentages are
imposed on school systems, notwithstanding free
choices actually made, we have destroyed freedom
and liberty by judicial fiat; and even worse, we have
done so in the very name o f that liberty and freedom
we so avidly . . . embrace. (Emphasis added.)
The majority in Jefferson, supra, and other courts have
sought to justify infringement upon the rights of students
in the majority where segregation is said to rest upon de jure
action.
The distinction between de facto and de jure is not a
valid test by which to measure the liberties of either black
children or white children. It is fair to assume that both
black and white school children are blissfully unaware of
any such distinction or of the circumstances that are relied
56
upon by some to justify unequal treatment. The personal
rights and liberties of one child should not be sacrificed to
promote those of another.
3. A Neighborhood Plan Fairly Administered
Without Racial Bias Satisfies the Constitu
tional Requirements of a Unitary System.
The neighborhood school concept21 is one that the Board
considers to be beneficial to the children and enhances the
support that comes when children and parents identify them
selves with a particular school and its programs. Fragmenta
tion of this type of association is not in the best interest ot
our schools.
In its April 23, 1969, Order the district court volunteered
its own educational philosophy in opposition to the neigh
borhood school (306a):
Today people drive as much as forty or fifty miles
to work; five or ten miles to church; several hours
to football games; all over the country for civic
affairs of various types. The automobile has exploded
the old-fashioned neighborhood . . . If this court
were writing the philosophy of education, he would
suggest that educators should concentrate on plan
ning schools as educational institutions rather than
as neighborhood proprietorships . . .
To the contrary, all too many of our present day relation
ships have become institutionalized and depersonalized. We
believe this trend to be unwholesome. Close relationships
among teachers, parents and children should to the maxi
mum extent be encouraged and undergirded. The neighbor
hood school plays an important part in fostering such
relationships—particularly at the elementary level where the 2
2'Geographical zoning is the common method of determining
school attendance and the neighborhood school is the predominant
attendance unit. Racial Isolation in the Public. Schools—Summary of
a Report by the Commission on Civil Rights, page 3, (March 1967).
57
ties between home, school and after-class acitvities are an
important part of the educational process of children in
their early formative years. In a metropolitan system such
as ours the ideal may not always be achieved. This should
not be a reason for dismantling and abandoning the neigh
borhood school/2
From the beginning there has been this marked contrast
between the views of the trial court and those of the Board
regarding the pertinence of the neighborhood school. The
School Board responded to the pressure of the trial court
when it submitted its February 2, 1970, plan—a plan which
retained, but severely strained, the principle of the neighbor
hood school. Deal v. Cincinnati Board o f Education, 324
F.2d 209 (6th Cir. 1966) succinctly stated the case for the
neighborhood school:
Appellants, however, pose the question of whether
the neighborhood system of pupil placement, fairly
administered without racial bias, comports with the
requirements of equal opportunity if it nevertheless
results in the creation of schools with predominately
or even exclusively Negro pupils. The neighborhood
system is in wide use throughout the nation and has
been for many years the basis of school administra
tion. This is so because it is acknowledged to have
several valuable aspects which are an aid to educa
tion, such as minimization of safety hazards to chil
dren in reaching school, economy of cost in reducing
transportation needs, ease of pupil placement and 22
22It is interesting to note that in the brief filed by petitioners with
this Court in Green, supra, October Term, 1967, No. 695, substantially
the same view of the importance of the neighborhood school was
expressed at page 14 of that brief: “Prior to the relatively recent con
troversy concerning segregation in large urban systems, assignment by
geographic attendance zones was viewed as the soundest method of
pupil assignment. This was not without good reason; for placing
children in the school nearest their home would often eliminate the
need for transportation, encourage the use of schools as community
centers and generally facilitate planning for expanding school popu
lations.”
58
administration through the use of neutral, easily
determined standards, and better home-school com
munication.
This appraisal was reaffirmed in Deal v. Cincinnati Board o f
Education (1969) supra, wherein the Court observed that
the neighborhood school concept was not only sanctioned,
but required, by statute in the State of Ohio.
In his policy statement of March 24, 1970, entitled
SCHOOL DESEGREGATION: A Free and Open Society
(116 Cong. Rec. S4351, Daily Ed., March 24, 1970), the
President of the United States addressed himself at length
and in depth to the important role that the neighborhood
school plays in the education of our public school children.
He said in part:
The neighborhood school will be deemed the most
appropriate base for such a [unitary] system.
Transportation of pupils beyond normal geographical
school zones for the purpose of achieving racial
balance will not be required.
An earlier statement23 by Robert Finch, then Secretary
of Health, Education and Welfare, with particular reference
to the Charlotte case, underscored some of the ill-effects of
a dismantling of the neighborhood schools:
We have a very confused set of decisions—that go to
both ends of the spectrum with regard to the ques
tion of bussing, for example. We have a decision
out of the Fifth Circuit involving Orange County,
Florida, which says in effect the neighborhood school
is the important concept, and that must be preserved
at all costs, and that’s where the dollars ought to be
allocated.
Then you have decisions like Charlotte, in the Caro-
linas, in Los Angeles, which I think are totally
unrealistic, because they say that you shall take the
23PROFILE, a production of Metromedia Radio News, Feb. 27,
1970, Transcript at 7-8.
59
percentages in the district as a whole and apply those
and force those on each district—or, each school
within that district.
And in the case of Charlotte, they have to buy 400
new buses; in the case of Los Angeles, they have to
buy, I guess, better than 500 new buses, with all that
goes with that, and when you have that kind of a
situation, that’s not the best use of your resources,
because you’re trying desperately to keep the doors
open, to pay faculty, to pay janitors. But beyond
that, it’s not the best educational experience, because
to haul young children, for an hour or more, across
long distances, as you have particularly in the Los
Angeles situation, means they can’t get any tutoring
after school, the parents can’t—have great difficulty
in getting to the teacher to talk about their child;
they can’t take part in athletic events, or dramatic
events or extracurricular events, and it’s not good
educational policy.
So that I feel very strongly that those decisions are
moving in the wrong direction.
In the Charlotte-Mecklenburg case, the trial court quite
obviously considered the neighborhood school to be unim
portant and irrelevant. The Court of Appeals, though not
addressing itself per se to the neighborhood school concept,
nevertheless disapproved the geographic zones at all three
instructional levels which the Board in its considered judg
ment had proposed to achieve a unitary system while retain
ing the basic benefits of the neighborhood school.24
24In commenting upon the complexities of ineffective freedom of
choice plans, the petitioners in Green, supra, at page 15 of their brief,
recommended the simplicity of disestablishing dual zones by conver
sion to compact attendance areas close to home: “The easiest method,
administratively, was to convert the dual attendance zones into single
attendance zones, without regard to race, so that assignment of all
students would depend only on proximity and convenience. With
rare exception, however, southern school boards, when finally forced
to begin desegregation, rejected this relatively simple method . . . .”
60
The School Board plan clearly demonstrates a good faith,
conscious and effective effort to keep its neighborhood
school attendance areas—drastically gerrymandered to pro
mote maximum desegregation. This plan satisfies the Con
stitutional requirement that a unitary system be established
within which no child is excluded because of race or color.
4. The Compulsory Bussing Approved by the Court
of Appeals Is Violative of the Provisions of Section
401(b) and 407(a)(2) of the Civil Rights Act of
1964 [42 U.S.C. 2000c(b) and 2000c-6(a)(2)]
Which Expressly Prohibits a United States Court
To Order Transportation To Achieve Racial Bal
ance in Schools.
The Court of Appeals has read into the Civil Rights Act
of 1964 interpretations which are not fairly warranted by
the plain and intelligible language of the Act or supported
by its legislative history. In so doing, it has joined the
error committed by the Court of Appeals for the Fifth
Circuit in Jefferson, supra, which reached its conclusion by
a strained illogical analysis of this Act and the legislative
history.
The clear language of the Act makes no distinction
between de facto and de jure segregation and the legislative
history expressly disclaims any sectional or tenuous distinc
tions adopted by the Court of Appeals and the cases on
which it relies. If it were otherwise, Congress would have
expressly so stated and the proponents of the bill would
have made it so known.
The Courts have been unwilling to give any definitive
statement with respect to the term “desegregation” and,
therefore, it became incumbent upon Congress to supply
an answer in this void. 42 U.S.C. 2000c(b) provides as
follows:
“Desegregation” means the assignment of students to
public schools and within such schools without
61
regard to their race, color, religion or national origin,
but “desegregation” shall not mean the assignment
of students to public schools in order to overcome
racial imbalance.
It is therefore apparent that Congress in expressing a defini
tion of “desegregation” in a positive manner stated that no
student would be excluded from his school on account of
race, color, religion or national origin. This is the language
of Alexander v. Holmes, supra. Congress also negatively
stated “desegregation” does not mean assignment to over
come racial imbalance.
In order to give further meaning to its definition, Congress
by 42 U.S.C. 2000c(a) provides in part as follows:
. . ,[P]rovided that nothing herein shall empower
any official or court of the United States to issue
any order seeking to achieve a racial balance in any
school by requiring the transportation of pupils or
students from one school to another or one school
district to another in order to achieve such racial
balance, or otherwise enlarge the existing power of
the court to insure compliance with Constitutional
standards. . . .
The term “desegregation” has taken on such national con
cern and importance that a Congressional definition may
properly be regarded as a statement of public policy.
Although the courts may take action with reference to
establishing public policy, it primarily rests with the law
makers to determine public policy. In Building Service
Employees International Union v. Gazzam, 339 U.S. 991
(1950), the Supreme Court held:
The public policy of any state is to be found in its
Constitution, acts of the legislature, and the deci
sions of its courts. Primarily, it is for the lawmakers
to determine the public policy o f the state, (p. 787)
Twin City Pipeline Company v. Harding Glass Co.,
283 U.S. 353, 357, 51 S. Ct. 476, 478, 75 L. Ed.
1112, 83 A.L.R. 1168.
62
Having primary responsibility, and acting to fill a void left
by the courts, the public policy as expressed by the Congress
of the United States is binding upon the judiciary.
Shortly after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 became the law
of the land, the Circuit Court for the Fifth Circuit by a
three-judge panel in United States v. Jefferson County Board
o f Education, 372 F.2d 836 (1966) commonly referred to as
Jefferson /, and en banc in United States v. Jefferson County
School Board, 380 F.2d 385 (1967), commonly referred to
as Jefferson II, undertook to dissect that Congressional
enactment. In Jefferson I the Court acknowledged the
supremacy of the legislature in the establishment of national
policy in the constitutional scheme of things and the
restraints that should be employed by the judiciary in run
ning counter to such a declaration policy:
More clearly and effectively than either of the other
two coordinated branches of government Congress
speaks as the voice of the nation, (at page 850) . . .
When Congress declares national policy, the duty the
other two coordinated branches owe to the nation
requires that, within the law, the judicial and execu
tive respect and carry out that policy, (at 856) . . .
We shall not permit the Courts to be used to destroy
or dilute the effectiveness of the Congressional
policy, (at 856) . . .
Having made these pronouncements, the panel in Jefferson I
abandoned these professed restraints and adopted a rationale
by which it came to unwarranted conclusions that clearly
thwarted the legislative policy as expressed in the Civil
Rights Act of 196425 expressly forbidding racial balancing
25The remarks of Hubert Humphrey, then Majority Whip, made
during the course of Senate deliberations are a clear down-to-earth
expression of the legislative intent:
. . . [T]he Constitution prohibits segregation, it does not
require integration. The busing of children to achieve racial
balance would be an act to effect the integration of schools.
In fact, if the bill were to compel it, it would be a violation,
because it would be handling the matter on the basis of race
and we would be transporting children because of race. The
63
and the use of transportation to achieve it. This error was
perpetuated by the majority in Jefferson II and other courts
relying upon the ill-considered reasoning of these cases.
Judge Bryan in his dissent in the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
case clearly recognizes congressional hostility to the prin
ciple of “racial balance” :
Even construed as only incidental to the 1964 Civil
Rights Act, this legislation in 42 United States Code
§2000c-6 is necessarily revealing of Congress’ hostile
attitude toward the concept of achieving racial bal
ance by bussing. It unequivocally decried in this
enactment “any order [of a Federal Court] seeking
to achieve a racial balance in any school by requiring
the transportation of pupils or students from one
school to another . . . to achieve racial balance . . .
The opinions and orders of the Court of Appeals and of
the district court are based on the premise that balancing
of the races in each of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools
is the optimal objective. Those opinions and orders con
travene the prohibition of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
F. RACIAL BALANCE-THE HARBINGER OF MASSIVE
COURT INVOLVEMENT IN SOCIAL THEORIES.
The Supreme Court is now being asked by petitioners to
direct this School Board to engage in another experiment
in efforts to seek some educational or social goal which has
eluded them and will continue to do so for years to come.
It is well known that social balance, social equivalence,
bill does not attempt to integrate the schools, but it does
attempt to eliminate segregation in the school systems. The
natural factors such as density of population, and the distance
that students would have to travel are considered legitimate
means to determine the validity of a school district, if the
school districts are not gerrymandered, and in effect delib
erately segregated. The fact that there is a racial imbalance
per se is not something which is unconstitutional. 110 Cong.
Rec. p. 12717,June 4, 1964.
64
educational equivalence and related concepts will not be
accomplished by the blacks over night. All the sociologists
and educators agree on this point.
The theory advanced by the petitioners in the original
Brown case, supra, was not that every child would be
entitled to go to a non-segregated school, but rather that
the children would be distributed to the schools by drawing
attendance lines on a natural basis. 21 U.S.L.W, 3164 (Dec.
16, 1952). This position was pursued in Cooper v. Aaron,
358 U.S. 1 (1958) where petitioners sought enforcement
of a plan which proposed to “develop school attendance
areas consistent with the location of white and colored
pupils with respect to the present and future physical facili
ties of the Little Rock school district.” Norwood v. Tucker,
287 F.2d 798 (8th Cir. 1961).
The theory of freedom of choice was successfully urged
upon this Court in Goss v. Knoxville, 373 U.S. 683 (1963)
and was openly embraced by the Department of Health,
Education and Welfare under the Civil Rights Act of 1964
and by the Fifth Circuit in United States v. Jefferson, 380
F.2d 385 (1967).
Petitioners’ attorneys in Green, supra, (Oct. term, 1967,
#695), on page 15 of their brief, argued:
After Brown, southern school boards were faced with
the problem of “effectuating a transition to a racially
non-discriminatory system” (Brown II at 301). The
easiest method, administratively, was to convert the
dual attendance zones into single attendance zones,
without regard to race, so that assignment of all
students would depend only on proximity and con
venience. 16
16Indeed, it was this method that this Court alluded in
Brown II when it stated “ [t] o that end, the courts may con
sider problems related to administration, arising from . . .
revision of school districts and attendance areas into compact
units to achieve a system of determining admission to the
public schools on a non-racial basis” (349 U.S. at 300-301).
(Emphasis added.)
65
Similar expressions appear throughout petitioners’ brief
in Green.
Notwithstanding petitioners’ arguments in Green, and
notwithstanding appellate approval of the existing attend
ance lines of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg system, the Board
gerrymandered so as to produce a maximum racial mix in
schools and proposed to totally desegregate faculties. It has
gone far beyond the requirements of Brown, Green and the
position of the NAACP throughout all Supreme Court pro
ceedings. Now the NAACP seeks total racial balance. Why?
For years, the courts and school systems have been advised
that dramatic improvement in the performance of black stu
dents could be expected upon the attainment of desegrega
tion. The Coleman Report teaches there is a tendency for
blacks to improve in desegregated schools. The achieve
ment tests of this system (R. Ex. 64, July 15, 1970) disclose
that the improvement brought about by desegregation is in
deed slight. Perhaps the reason is that this system has been
offering educational equivalence in its facilities and programs
for some years (298a-302a).
The disappointing results of school desegregation brings
to the forefront the environmentalists who have consistently
maintained that the environment and attitudes of a child
are the largest determinants in achieving equivalence. How
will the courts meet this problem? Will it require massive
economic assistance to families in the lower economic
strata? Perhaps the court will be persuaded that the atti
tudes and environment of the blacks may be enhanced by
enlarging the school board’s responsibility with respect to
food, clothing and shelter, all of which may best be
resolved by placing these children in state maintained
boarding educational centers. If the court has at that time
accepted the racial balance theory, then in view of the sub
stantial transportation times which children encounter in
traveling to and from these centers, it is a simple step of
mental gymnastics to require full attendance of whites in
these educational centers so as to further satisfy the peer
66
group advocates. If this Court embraces the principle of
racial balancing, it will have adopted the proposition that
the constitutional rights of one child may be submerged to
promote the presumed rights of another.
Even this will not produce total social mixing sought by
petitioners and additional areas of court intervention will
be requested which the court must be prepared to face. For
instance, the district court conjectured that public housing
has been concentrated by action of federal officials. Obvi
ously, the concentration of blacks in large public housing
projects would perpetuate segregation not only in the
schools but in neighborhoods. Will the court limit the size
of public housing projects and the distance between such
projects so as to assure dispersal of blacks?
Related questions arise in the area of private residential
housing which the district court said perpetuated segrega
tion. Will this Court ultimately require a private owner of
a subdivision to include a prescribed quota of homes for
blacks only in each block of a residential development?
Will transportation be required in remote suburban areas
for those blacks who customarily use public transportation?
Numerous other questions relate to what extent this
Court will require local public authorities to inaugurate
plans for the racial residential balancing of entire communi
ties. If community balancing is required, will judicial con
trol over power possessed by local building licensing officials
be used to establish and maintain such balancing? Will local
governments be required to submit for court approval plans
for desegregation of entire cities? Will such plans be subject
to continued judicial review and supervision?
Another area which petitioners may pursue through the
courts relates to school grading, IQ and achievement tests
administered by the school system. Obviously, those stu
dents who perform poorly in school on such tests are less
likely to get the desired employment positions. The remedy
v/hich may be urged upon the courts is that such grading is
unfair to minority groups with different cultural back
67
grounds. Therefore, all students should be automatically
promoted as having received the same education and given
the same certificate on graduation. In the eyes of the
prospective employer, all students would possess the same
educational qualifications. Is this Court prepared to foist
this theory upon the nation?
Recently, this Court had occasion to pass upon the
unconstitutionality of disproportionate district representa
tion which resulted in the “one man one vote rule.” Reyn
olds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964). School boards are now
being faced with demands by black students that student
organizations, cheerleaders, school officers, class olficers
and other positions ordinarily determined by popular vote
be accorded blacks pro rata and without regard to the vote
of the majority. If this Court should direct pro rata repre
sentation in the schools, then this Court must be prepared
to answer similar demands of these black students when
they move into the adult world which does not permit
racial ratios in elective offices. Will this Court direct that
minority groups be permitted to select a pro rata number
of seats in Congress, state legislatures and other positions
of government?
It is quite obvious that this Court would be unwilling to
order the adults of this society to such extremes in an
attempt to attain social racial balances. Are children any
less citizens by reason of their youth? Certainly not, as
they are accorded the full spectrum of constitutional rights
and obligations conferred on adults, other than the right to
vote. This being true, this Court cannot justify taking from
the children involved their personal preferences, their time,
their right to free association and the host of other rights
they possess as citizens which would be sacrificed in being
involuntarily transported to a school beyond the area in
which they reside-solely for the purpose of satisfying a
racial balance numbers game. The rights of one child and
the child’s parents to be free of standardization by the state
is clearly enunciated in Pierce v. Society o f Sisters, 268 U.S.
510, 534 (1925):
68
. . . The fundamental theory of liberty upon which
all governments in this union repose excludes any
general power of the state to standardize its children
by forcing them to accept public instruction from
public teachers only. The child is not the mere
creature o f the state. Those who nurture him and
direct his destiny have the right, coupled with the
high duty, to recognize and prepare him for addi
tional obligations. (Emphasis added.)
In describing the word “liberty”, this court held in Meyer v.
Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390, 399 (1923), as follows:
While this court has not attempted to define with
exactness the liberty thus guaranteed, the term has
received much consideration and some of the in
cluded things have been definitely stated. Without
doubt, it denotes not merely freedom from bodily
restraint, but also the right of the individual to
contract, to engage in any of the common occupa
tions of life, to acquire useful knowledge, to marry,
establish a home and bring up children, to worship
God according to the dictates of his own con
science and generally to enjoy those privileges long
recognized at common law as essential to the orderly
pursuit of the happiness of men . . . The established
doctrine is that this liberty may not be interfered
with under the guise of protecting the public interest
by legislative action which is arbitrary or without rea
sonable relation to some purpose within the com
petency of the state to effect . . .
If this Court directs racial balance in the child’s world,
then there is no constitutional prohibition which would pre
vent the court ordering racial balance in the adult world.
The Constitution as written and as developed contains no
premise upon which to undergird such reckless appropria
tion of the constitutional rights of its citizens, be they chil
dren or adults. Mr. Justice Reynolds in Meyer v. Nebraska,
supra, describing the totalitarian ancient state of Sparta,
stated:
69
. . . In order to submerge the individual and develop
ideal citizens, Sparta assembled the males at seven
into barracks and entrusted their subsequent educa
tion and training to official guardians. Although
such measures have been deliberately approved by
men of great genius, their ideas touching the rela
tion between individual and state were wholly ditfer-
ent from those upon which our institutions rest; and
it hardly will be affirmed that any legislature could
impose such restrictions upon the people of the state
without doing violence to both the letter and spirit
of the Constitution.
Will the courts tread where it has forbidden the legislature
to walk?
II. DISCUSSION OF CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES TO
DESEGREGATION PLANS.
A. GENERAL STATEMENT REGARDING DESEGREGATION
PLANS INVOLVED IN THIS CASE.
When the Fourth Circuit heard this case, there were two
plans before it, both of which related to all three instruc
tional levels: The February 2, 1970, plan of the Board and
the February 5, 1970, plan of the district court, which the
trial judge later reapproved and reinstated in his orders of
August 3 and August 7, 1970. After remand by the Court
of Appeals, during the course of the hearings held pursuant
to the Circuit Court directives, three other desegregation
plans were presented for the elementary level: the HEW
plan, a plan prepared by a minority of the Board and an
earlier draft of a plan prepared by the court consultant
Dr. John A. Finger. In his August 3, 1970, Order, the trial
judge disapproved the HEW plan and found the other two
to be reasonable alternatives. Having appealed to the Fourth
Circuit from the August 3 and August 7 Orders, the School
Board on September 3, 1970, filed with this Court a motion
for leave to supplement the record, or in the alternative for
a Writ of Certiorari to the Court of Appeals, so that this
70
Court would have before it the complete record of the
proceedings that culminated in the August 3 and August 7
Orders—including the three additional plans referred to
above. As this brief is being prepared no action has been
taken by this Court upon the Board’s motion of Septem
ber 3. On the assumption that the motion will be granted,
this brief addresses itself to all five plans.
In an effort to be of the greatest possible assistance to
this Court, as a separate appendix to this brief the School
Board has filed a total of 9 maps (color coded where appro
priate) to show graphically the attendance areas, pairings,
clusters and other information concerning all of the plans—
with the exception of the earlier Finger draft that was too
indefinite for adaption to a graphic portrayal. Careful
consideration of these maps is earnestly invited with the
hope that this Court will find them to be a convenient
means of getting a quick accurate picture and comparison
of the various desegregation proposals.
B. THE BOARD PLAN CONVERTS THE CHARLOTTE-
MECKLENBURG SCHOOLS TO A UNITARY SYSTEM.
THE FOURTH CIRCUIT JOINED IN THE ERROR OF
THE TRIAL COURT BY DISAPPROVING THAT PLAN.
1. The Board Plan Squares with the Conversion
Checklist Prescribed by Green.
In Green, supra, this Court (commenting upon the typical
pattern of state-imposed dualty found in New Kent County
and outlawed by Brown I and IT) observed at 435:
. . . Racial identification of the system’s schools was
complete, extending not just to the composition o f
student bodies at the two schools but to every facet
of school operations—faculty, staff, transportation,
extracurricular activities and facilities . . . (Emphasis
added.)
This itemization has been used by courts as a checklist by
which to measure the effectiveness of desegregation efforts.
71
The administrative staff and school faculties of the
Charlotte-Mecklenburg system are now thoroughly inte
grated. In its April 23, 1970, Order the district judge made
specific findings that there was no discrimination with
respect to the “other facets” referred to in Green, as well
as a number of others (298a-301a). The Fourth Circuit also
took note of these (1265a-1266a). In addition the Board has
inaugurated many other innovative programs.
Most of these policies and practices were undertaken by
the Board on its own initiative, a circumstance that prompted
the district court to state that nothing in its April 23, 1969
Order shall be construed as any reflection on the good faith
motives or judgment of the School Board which had
“achieved a degree and volume of desegregation of schools
apparently unsurpassed in these parts and have exceeded the
performance of any school board whose actions have been
reviewed in appellate court decisions. The Charlotte-
Mecklenburg schools in many respects are models for
others.” (31 la-312a).
Since the petitioners do not controvert the findings of
the trial judge in giving Charlotte-Mecklenburg a clean bill
of health with respect to these “other facets,” the only
one at issue in this case involves the question of whether
the Board plan effectively eliminates discrimination in the
schools and student bodies of this system.
2. The Board Plan Based on Geographic Attendance
Zones Gerrymandered to Achieve Maximum Racial
Mix Fully Complies with Constitutional Require
ments for Desegregation of the Charlotte-Mecklen
burg Schools and Their Student Bodies.
The pivotal issue in this case is whether the School Board’s
desegregation plan based on comprehensively restructured
geographic attendance zones satisfies the Constitutional
requirement of a unitary system in a situation where these
zones are established to promote the maximum amount of
desegregation possible by the employment of this tech
72
nique.26 This issue involves a consideration of the extent
to which a school board may employ this technique as a
means of preserving some semblance of the neighborhood
school concept which it, together with most school systems
and educators, believe to be beneficial.27
Of the maps previously referred to, the Court’s attention
is invited to Map Nos. 1, 6 and 8 showing the elementary,
junior high and senior high restructured zones of the Board
26The Board plan is supplemented by a majority to minority
transfer program designed to promote desegregation and to prevent
resegregation. It allows any black child in a school having more than
30% of his race to attend one that is less than 30% black, but permits
a white child to transfer only if his present school is more than 70%
white and the one to which he seeks assignment is less than 70%
white. To encourage blacks to take advantage of this option, trans
portation is provided for those chosing to move from their neighbor
hoods.
27Compare article appearing in NATION’S SCHOOLS, June, 1970,
page 100, entitled “Forced Busing Vetoed by 90% o f Schoolmen”'.
Although nearly 40 per cent of the nation’s school super
intendents think the Nixon Administration is vacillating on
its enforcement of school desegregation, 90 per cent agree
with the President’s recently stated reservations about com
pulsory busing . . .
Despite the various shadings of opinion on enforcement
policy, most schoolmen reported unequivocal opposition to
busing as a means for achieving desegregated schools. Judging
form their comments, for a sizeable majority of superintend
ents the neighborhood school represents, as one New Yorker
expressed it, “a fundamental principle in American public
education.” Objections to busing fell mainly into the follow
ing categories:
Busing is an infringement on the rights of parents and
students.
Busing is a poor solution to the problem of desegregating
the schools since the long-term answer depends on the alter
ation of residential housing patterns.
Busing is too expensive a solution, when money could be
better spent to upgrade educational programs in poverty area
schools . . .
How administrators voted: . . .
73
plan and Map No. 2 showing the new elementary zones
superimposed upon the previous attendance areas.28
Under the Board plan, 100 of the 103 schools in the
Charlotte-Mecklenburg System would have some degree of
racial mix, leaving only three all-white schools. 68%
(16,709) of the black students would attend 93 schools with
less than 40% black student bodies29—leaving the remaining
32% of the black pupils in the 10 schools having white
ratios of 17% to 1%.30 These 10 predominately black
schools remained in spite of the Board’s best efforts to
achieve a more satisfactory racial mix in them by means of
the drastically gerrymandered attendance lines. Of these 10
schools, 9 are elementary31 and 1 is a junior high school.32
2. Do you think busing of students should be imple
mented to achieve desegregation, even if it means a weaken
ing of the neighborhood school concept?
10% Yes 90% No . . .
The opinion poll survey, conducted monthly by the editorial
staff of NATION’S SCHOOLS, is based on a five per cent
proportional sampling of 14,000 school administrators in 50
states. This month’s poll brought a 40 per cent response.
28Some of these maps reflect slight adjustments occasioned by
“rounding o ff’ the square corners of the computer lines to conform
them to identificable landmarks.
29This represents a 100% increase over 1969-70, when 8,858 blacks
attended 73 predominately white schools. In March of 1965 only 343
blacks attended 22 white schools. Several predominately white schools
slightly exceed 40% black.
30See Appendix attached to this brief for statistical data pertaining
to the Board plan.
3'Under the Board plan, these 9 elementary schools have the
following black-white ratios: Bruns Ave. (90-10); Marie Davis (88-12);
Double Oaks (99-1); Druid Hills (96-4); First Ward (99-1); Lincoln
Heights (99-1); Oaklawn (99-1); University Park (85-15); and Villa
Heights (83-17). (A Plan for Student Desegregation-Systems Asso
ciates, Inc., page 31.)
32Under the Board plan, Piedmont Junior High has a black-white
ratio of 90% (B)-10% (W). (A Plan for Student Desegregation-Systems
Associates, Inc., page 31.)
74
The remaining predominately black schools are located in
the inner-city core which is populated for the most part by
blacks, many of whom due to shifting housing patterns had
moved into previously white areas. In its March 21, 1970,
Supplemental Findings of Fact (1208a), the trial court
acknowledged:
Both Dr. Finger and the school board staff appear
to have agreed, and the court finds as a fact, that
for the present at least, there is no way to desegre
gate the all-black schools in Northwest Charlotte
without providing (or continuing to provide) bus or
other transportation for thousands of children. All
plans and all variations of plans considered for this
purpose lead in one fashion or another to that con
clusion. (Emphasis added.)
In formulating its plan, the Board to a very significant
degree has elected to exceed Constitutional requirements.
It materially altered the compactness of neighborhood
school areas.33 It introduced into each school a precise
black-white teacher ratio. It sought to achieve a 70/30
33Brown II recognized that an acceptable desegregation plan may
employ geographical rezoning if done fairly and in good faith to effect
“a revision of school districts and attendance areas into compact units
to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on
a non-racial basis.” A pertinent historical note is made by Alexander
M. Bickell in his recent book, The Supreme Court and the Idea of
Progress:
At the first argument of Brown v. Board of Education in
1952, Justice Frankfurter asked the future Justice Thurgood
Marshall, then counsel for the Negro children, whether a
decision in his favor would “entitle every mother to have her
child go to a non-segregated school?” Mr. Marshall replied
in the negative. “What will it do?” Justice Frankfurter pur
sued. Mr. Marshall replied: “The School Board, 1 assume
would find some other method of distributing the children
by drawing district lines.” The only requirement would be,
Mr. Marshall added, that the lines be drawn “on a natural ba
sis,” and not be gerrymandered so as to enclose or exclude
Negro neighborhoods. Bickell, The Supreme Court and the
Idea o f Progress, p. 117 (1970). See also 21 U.S.L.W. 3164
(1952).
75
racial mix in as many of the 103 schools as possible—a goal
which the Board maintains cannot be required by judicial
fiat. Because of neighborhood patterns, only an intractable
remnant of black children will be assigned to the 10 inner-
city black schools. Any of these who wish to leave their
neighborhoods are encouraged to do so by the majority to
minority transfer policy and are provided the transportation
with which to accomplish the move. Of those who remain,
almost all are assured of a desegregated school experience
for one-half of their 12 years.34
By any reasonable standard the Board plan dismantles
whatever remained of the old dual system that years ago
was maintained under the permissiveness of Plessy v. Fer
guson and the compulson of State law. Any vestige ot
racial discrimination or identification has been obliterated.
All facets of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools-including
student bodies, faculty, staff, transportation, extracurricular
activities and facilities-are desegregated. No child is
excluded from any of the 103 schools because of race or
color. As stated by the Court of Appeals (1268a), an
intractable remnant of segregation “should not void an
otherwise exemplary plan for the creation of a unitary
system.”
A consideration of the pro-desegregation gerrymandered
zones of the Board excludes any inference that they were
formulated for any purpose other than a color conscious
one to promote maximum desegregation of the Charlotte-
Mecklenburg Schools. The Board has acquitted its affirma
tive duty to convert to a unitary system.
Both the trial judge and the Court of Appeals erred when
340 f the 32% black children who will remain in predominately
black schools 6,739 are assigned to 9 (out of a total of 72) elementary
schools and 758 will attend 1 (out of a total of 21) junior high school.
All 10 of the high schools are desegregated. Under the Board plan all
of the 758 junior high students will advance to the predominately
white high schools and all but a small handful of the elementary
youngsters will advance to the 20 desegregated junior high schools.
76
they disapproved the Board plan-errors premised upon the
faulty notion that more racial balancing should be super
imposed upon that which the Board itself elected to under
take. By so doing, the Circuit Court exceeded the bounds
of its own test of reasonableness.
C. THE COURT APPROVED FINGER PLAN EXCEEDS
CONSTITUTIONAL REQUIREMENTS BY REQUIRING
RACIAL BALANCING AND THE BUSSING TO IMPLE
MENT IT. THE FOURTH CIRCUIT JOINED IN THE
TRIAL COURT’S ERRORS BY DISAPPROVING THE
BOARD PLAN AND MISAPPLYING ITS OWN RULE OF
REASON.
This controversy revolves around the trial court’s Febru
ary 5, 1970, Order requiring long distance bussing to racially
balance the elementary, junior high and senior high schools
of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg system. The plan adopted by
the trial court and ordered into effect was prepared by Dr.
John A. Finger, Jr., a Professor of Education at Rhode
Island College, who had previously appeared as a witness
for the plaintiffs.35 The objectionable features of the Finger
plan were basically occasioned by his adding to the Board
plan the paired and clustered schools and satellite areas that
he considered necessary to comply with trial court instruc
tions to eliminate the 10 schools that remained predomin
ately black under the Board plan and to create a racial
balance in one senior high school (981a). Upon appeal, the
Fourth Circuit approved the secondary plans of the district
court, but disapproved its elementary plan as being unreason
ably onerous. Upon remand (August 3, 1970, Order) con
trary to the Circuit Court ruling the trial judge concluded
35The Fourth Circuit in commenting on the use of Dr. Finger as
court consultant cautioned against the use of a partisan witness, but
concluded that his dual role did not cause him to be faithless to the
trust imposed on him and therefore, “the error, if any, in his selection,
was harmless.” (1279a).
77
that his own elementary plan was reasonable and reaffirmed
his February 5 Order at all three instructional levels.
1. An Analysis of the Court Approved Finger Plan
Shows the Racial Balancing Imposed Upon the
Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools.
The following is a brief summary of the consequences of
balancing requirements at all three instructional levels which
were prescribed by the February 5 and August 3 Orders of
the district judge-those at the secondary level having been
approved by the Circuit Court and those at the elementary
level having been held by the Circuit Court to be unreason
able because too extensive and onerous.
(a) Elementary Schools
The most burdensome part of the trial court’s order is the
long distance cross-bussing of about 10,300 elementary chil
dren to eliminate 9 predominately black inner-city schools
by pairing them with 24 predominately white suburban
schools—requiring the bussing of 5,150 black first, second,
third and fourth graders to the white schools and 5,150
white fifth and sixth graders to the black schools.
It is ironic that, under court compulsion it is proposed
to reinstate the dual bus system Charlotte-Mecklenburg
abandoned years ago. Once again, buses for whites only
and buses for blacks only will be passing each other on the
streets of Charlotte.
This Court’s attention is invited to Map 3 which shows
more clearly than can any written description the practical
effect of the racial balancing edicted by the court plan at
the elementary level. The long streamers on that map are
designed to assist this Court in identifying the 9 inner-city
predominately black schools that are paired with the 24
white suburban schools for the sole purpose of achieving
the optimal 70/30 racial mix the trial judge adopted as his
goal.
78
These are the 9 elementary schools in which the School
Board was unable to attain a more satisfactory mix36 because
the concentration in black neighborhoods is so great that
pulling in whites from adjoining areas would cancel out the
desegregation achieved under the Board plan in the nearby
schools.
In disapproving the trial judge’s elementary plan, the
Fourth Circuit did not quarrel with the racial balancing
goal sought to be realized. Under its test of reasonableness,
the Court of Appeals merely concluded that, based on the
trial court’s estimates, the resulting increase of 39% in the
number of elementary students bussed and 32% in the pres
ent bus fleet was too extensive and too onerous (1276a).
The dissenters, Judges Sobeloff and Winter, were delighted
with the results and the means of attaining them.
(b) Junior High Schools
The Board plan proposed to restructure the attendance
lines of the 21 junior high schools so that all but one of them
would not have more than 38% black students. In spite of
the Board’s best efforts, the one remaining school (Piedmont
Junior High) housing about 840 pupils was left 90% black
and 10% white. As was the case with the 9 elementary
schools, the Board was unable to achieve further mixing of
Piedmont Junior High because of the adverse domino effect
upon the nearby junior highs where satisfactory racial ratios
had been accomplished.
In order to reduce the percentage of blacks in this one
school from 90% (758 pupils) to 32% (243 pupils), the court
consultant reshuffled the Board’s proposed attendance zones
for the junior high schools and provided for satellite bussing
36The results of the School Board plan regarding these 9 schools
are summarized in footnote No. 31 at page 72 of this brief. Even
under the Board plan in 4 of these 9 schools the student bodies would
be comprised of 10%-17% whites, a mix considered completely accept
able by many courts.
79
of inner-city black youngsters to nine predominately white
suburban junior high schools. This proposal of Dr. Finger
was approved by the trial court and the Court of Appeals.
Map No. 7 shows the junior high zones restructured by
district court and the streamers on that map identify the
various inner-city schools from which black youngsters will
be bussed to outlying schools. As indicated, all of these
changes were occasioned by the insistence of both the dis
trict court and the Court of Appeals that the 90% black-10%
white ratio at Piedmont is not good enough. The extensive
court imposed surgery was undertaken notwithstanding the
fact that the Board had already produced satisfactory ratios
in all of the schools involved in the reshuffle, with the single
exception of Piedmont, a school nearly all white 5 years ago
(691a).
According to Board estimates these changes prescribed
by Dr. Finger require the bussing of 4,741 additional chil
dren—6,129 under the Finger plan v. 1,388 under the Board
plan (881a, 872a). All of this is directed to effect a reduc
tion of black students at 1 of the 21 schools (Piedmont) by
only 515 students. These dislocations and the cost of the
bussing required to accomplish this racial balancing cannot
stand up under the test of reason or the requirements of
the Constitution.
(c) Senior High Schools
In some respects, the court action at the senior high
school level evidences the most glaring, if not the most
extensive, example of racial balancing. Under the Board
plan all 10 high schools were desegregated—9 of them 17%-
36% black and 1 (Independence High) with 2% black. This
plan was adopted by the trial court and approved by the
Circuit Court with one exception: 300 black students
residing in the inner core of the City must be bussed from
the area of their residence through center city traffic a dis
tance of about 12 or 13 miles to Independence High School
located in white suburbia.
80
Reference is made to Map No. 9 for a graphic illustration
of the practical result of Dr. Finger’s modification requiring
the bussing of the 300 blacks from the inner city satellite
area to Independence High.
The Court of Appeals referred to the bus mileage for the
black youngsters as being about the same as the average of
other bus routes serving Independence High (1273a)-but
neglected to observe that the existing bus routes were pri
marily in rural and suburban areas, rather than in the con
gested inner city areas which would be traversed by the 300
black students.
Under the Board plan these 300 children would have
attended a thoroughly desegregated high school having a
racial composition of 36% black and 64% white. The only
purpose served by the court-directed shifting of these 300
was to make a white school less white. Is the time and
safety of these black children irrelevant? They were assured
of a desegregated education.
2. The Court-Approved Finger Plan Is Unreasonable
and Proper Consideration Was Not Given to the
Burdens Which that Plan Imposes on the Charlotte-
Mecklenburg System.
The reservations of the district court regarding the pertin
ence of the Fourth Circuit’s Rule of Reason and its prefer
ence tor a Rule of Absolutes impaired a proper and full
consideration of the Board’s evidence and the practical and
educational problems confronting the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
System within the context of a complex urban setting.
In his August 3 Order (Pets.’ Br. A1 et seq) after eight
days of testimony at the hearing that the Circuit Court
required, the district judge did not make a single finding
of fact favorable to the School Board. The same is true
with reference to the March 21, 1970 Supplemental Find
ings of Fact (1198a) made after hearings that were also held
81
pursuant to Circuit Court directions.37 These findings indi
cate appalling disdain of the Board’s evidence.
The School Board filed objections and exceptions to the
findings of fact set forth in both of those Orders. The dis
trict court took no material action with respect to the
Board’s motions that these findings of fact be modified to
conform to the evidence. The objections and exceptions to
the March 21 findings appear at Appendix 1241a-1254a.
Those submitted in response to the August 3 findings will
be printed and filed with this Court as part of an additional
appendix. A careful consideration of those objections and
exceptions will assist this Court in appraising the conclusions
of the district court.38
Due to limitation of space it is practical to discuss only
a few of the areas wherein the findings of the trial judge
failed to conform to the evidence.
There was a marked disparity between the estimates of
the trial court and those of the experienced transportation
staff of the schools regarding the additional number of
children to be transported under the Finger plan and the
number of busses required—13,300 (138 busses) according
to the judge and 23,384 (526 busses) according to the staff.
As the Court of Appeals observed (1271a), anyone’s esti
mates rest on many variables. This is, of course true, but
the judge’s drastic discount factors (1215a) were unwar
ranted. The trial court’s computations ignore the fact that
37At the February 5, 1970 hearing the trial judge repeatedly stated
that the evidence regarding transportation costs and other such data
was irrelevant and indicated his impatience with the whole subiect.
(For example, see Tr. 111-14, 128-30, 133-134, 150-151, 1 5 3 .) 'On
March 5, 1970, the Fourth Circuit granted a stay of the February 5,
1970 Order with directions that the district court make supplemental
findings of fact regarding transportation, the stay being left undis
turbed by this Court.
38Among other portions of the record that this Court may find
particularly helpful are the affidavit of J. D. Morgan and its attach
ments (853a-890a), the affidavit of William C. Self (850a-852a) and
affidavits of lderman J. Hoose (894a-897a, 1038a-1040a).
82
the long routes through the city traffic will hamper the use
of multiple bus trips and will occasion the need for hard-to-
get adult drivers unless class schedules of student drivers
are severely staggered to accommodate transportation. The
court presumes that a bus can make 1.8 trips per day which
was the 1969-70 experience of the system with its rural
routes. This conclusion disregards the evidence showing that
the 1.8 average includes empty bus trips by the driver, that
(excluding empty bus trips) last year’s average on primarily
rural trips were 1.49 overall and 1.06 at the elementary
level, that the length of trips includes not only school to
school but the meanderings of routes to pick up children,
that some busses must operate with under-capacity loads
when necessary to pick up pockets of children in out-of-
the-way areas and that busses in inner-city traffic should
not be overloaded. In computing the additional children
to be transplanted, the trial judge ignores the evidence that
a space must be provided for each child assigned to a bus
whether or not he is absent on a particular day, that due
to familiarity with specific schools and community areas
the school staff reduced where appropriate the eligible chil
dren who would not utilize the busses and that almost all
of the children in the low economic areas would be depend
ent upon school bus transportation.
The district court’s justification of the great expansion
of the existing fleet resulting from its order by reference
to the pre-existing transportation (280 busses; 23,000 chil
dren) is unwarranted and ignores the problems occasioned
by the mass movement of children and busses over the
streets and arteries of the inner-city and its perimeter
already saturated and glutted to the breaking point—parti
cularly during rush hour traffic. School busses having a 35
mile speed limit will be thrown into the stream of arteries
moving 40-50 miles per hour. The city traffic engineer
acknowledged that at present some school busses are being
operated in congested areas—but equated the practice to a
tolerable amount of “smallpox” that should not be con
sciously turned into an “epidemic.” Overloaded busses on
83
rural routes cannot sensibly be cited to support the wisdom
of overloading busses operating cross-town in the congestion
of inner-city rush hour traffic-particularly with immature
drivers.
The trial judge’s findings imply the availability of un
limited funds from State and local sources with which to
defray the extensive cost of the additional bussing imposed
upon the Charlotte-Mecklenburg System—citing in support
the size of the budgets for the State of North Carolina, the
County of Mecklenburg and the local school system and
implying that, if the local community gets financial assist
ance from the State, it is therefore “free.” The evidence
shows that the School Board has no control over the State
budget, that the funds it gets from Federal and State sources
are nondiscretionary and earmarked primarily for teacher
salaries, instructional services and special programs, that the
current local school budget permits the educational programs
(severely beset by inflation and growing pains) to just about
stay even and that diversion of funds to finance a greatly
expanded transportation system will curtail the availability
of funds for educational pursuits. To the extent the judge
implies money from the State is “free” he overlooks the
fact that the State gets its money from the taxpaying public
and the source thereof is immaterial in applying a Rule of
Reason. In seeking to minimize the cost of busses to
implement the Finger plan for the 1970-71 school year, the
district court takes refuge in the willingness of the State
to lend the Charlotte-Mecklenburg System obsolete busses
(14 to 16 years old) on a one-year basis as a supplement to
the existing fleet.39 This overlooks the obvious fact that
39Paragraph 14 of the order dated August 3, 1970, carries with it
an implication of the Board’s prior concealment of ownership of addi
tional busses totaling 107. Common sense dictates that a bus fleet of
280 would require approximately 20 spare busses which could not be
used for regular runs as they are required for use as substitutes while
other busses are out of service. The 29 activity busses, although titled
in the Board, are owned by the individual schools and for limited use,
500 to 600 miles annually (Tr. 1043, July 15, 1970). Delivery of
84
the capital outlay burden of acquiring busses is merely post
poned to another day. The judge minimizes the cost and
problems of reconditioning these obsolete busses and ignores
the lack of wisdom of using them in congested traffic.
The district judge completely discounts other increased
costs occasioned by an extensive expansion of the System’s
bus fleet (1218a). For example, the costs of additional
supervisory, mechanical and clerical personnel; of additional
drivers (the expense being greatly increased to the extent
adults are used); of additional service and gasoline trucks
and other equipment; of improving and constructing bus
parking areas for loading and unloading children where
insufficient or non-existent; of new and improved rights of
way for safe and efficient circulation to, from and within
school grounds (R. Ex. 47, 49-53, 65-68; 853a; P. Ex. 15).
In finding No. 3 of the August 3, 1970 order, the dis
trict court implies that desegregation will close the gap in
the academic performance of the blacks. The test results
of this System disclose that the improvement is slight.
Popular attitudes, which are apparently shared by the
district court, are that desegregation eliminates or nearly
eliminates the disparity of educational achievement between
black and white children. Results of desegregation are
material on the question of reasonableness but the district
court’s comparisons are meaningless in this regard. The
Coleman Report makes a general finding that desegregation
tends to hold that blacks advance without retarding the
whites. Achievement statistics compiled by the Board
relating to the performance of black students attending
schools which have been desegregated since 1965 reflect
that the improvement of the black students is indeed slight.
For example, elementary schools which have been so dese
busses subsequent to the last hearings created the 30 used bus category,
busses which are 14 to 15 years old. The 28 new busses were clearly
scheduled for future delivery. This example is cited as an indication
of the district court’s predisposition to downgrade Board actions and
representations.
85
gregated (Cornelius, Huntersville and Davidson) found that
their black third-grade students performed on an average
school level of second grade, first month, whereas pre-
dominantely black schools (First Ward, Irwin Avenue and
Amay James) found that their third-grade black students
performed at an average school level of first grade, ninth
month, or a grade differential of one school month. Black
students attending those schools at the sixth grade level
performed at an average school level of fourth grade, third
month at the desegregated schools; and third grade, ninth
month at the predominantely black schools, or a difference
of three school months improvement experienced by the
blacks attending desegregated schools for a period of six
years. In making these comparisons, the Board acknowl
edges that the sampling is small and that the performance
of individual black students in some cases substantially
exceeds the performance of the group, and conversely, other
black students do not perform as well as the group. The
primary purpose of the Board in reporting this information
was to disclose to the district court that educators and
courts must rely on other means to bring about educational
equivalence. In determining priorities to bring about this
equivalence, the courts are ill-fitted to adjudge the various
techniques, including the very expensive and disruptive
technique of long distance bussing. Determination of such
priorities should be left with the educators, who after having
made extensive efforts at desegregation, should be permitted
judgments based on sound educational consideration. (R.
Ex. 64, July 15, 1970).
In an attempt to justify findings that bussing is a desirable
and safe practice, the court (Findings Nos. 2, 4, 6, 13 and
32 of August 3 Order) refers to the present transportation
of elementary youngsters and of kindergarten children. This
observation is irrelevant to the question of how much of
such bussing should reasonably be required or permitted
under the circumstances existing in the Charlotte-Mecklen-
burg School System. The implication of the trial judge’s
findings are at odds with the conclusions of the educators:
86
Bussing of elementary children away from their neighbor
hoods is educationally unsound and should be minimized,
not increased; the school day of young children should be
shortened and not lengthened to accommodate bus sched
ules; unattended immature children at bus pickup points
is neither desirable nor safe; staggered schedules and multiple
pickups should be minimized; bus transportation interferes
with after-school activities which are an important part of
the educational process; bussing of young children away
from their neighboring schools dilutes the interchange
between home and school which is most important at the
elementary level. Transportation should be built around
education, rather than make education serve transportation.
Dr. Self stated the matter succinctly (Tr. 138, July 15,
1970):
[0]ur computations have assumed that we would
begin with the concept that the transportation sys
tem serves the educational program. And instead
of operating our schools in such a way as to accom
modate a bus fleet, we’d like to try to have the bus
fleet serve the schools.
In submitting its estimates, the School Board readily
acknowledged that if savings could be realized through
educationally sound staggering of school schedules, the use
of busses for multiple trips, a reasonable and safe degree
of overloading and other economies it would do so.
The foregoing are recited as typical examples of the
treatment that was accorded by the trial judge to the evi
dence of the School Board regarding the practicability and
desirability of the massive bussing occasioned by the court
approved Finger plan. The district court’s findings clearly
show its unreasonable view of the Rule of Reason.
87
D. THE HEW ELEMENTARY PLAN IS EDUCATIONALLY
UNSOUND, REQUIRES RACIAL BALANCING, FOS
TERS RESEGREGATION AND IS UNREASONABLE.
The HEW elementary plan was built upon the restruc
tured lines of the Board plan which were used to form
seven different clusters within each of which 3 or 4 ele
mentary schools were grouped together. Each school within
a cluster serves one, two or three grades. The clusters
proposed by HEW are shown on Map No. 4. The HEW
plan had the dubious distinction of being shot down in
flames by the district court, Dr. Finger, the school staff,
the Board majority and the Board minority—by everyone
except the HEW representatives.
The trial court’s August 3 Order (Pets.’ Br. A28) out
lines its objections to the plan. In rejecting the plan we
agree that the trial judge was right—but for the wrong
reasons. The district court’s complaints are primarily based
on the failure of the HEW plan to do a complete job of
racial balancing.
The Board’s rejection of the HEW plan was prompted by
a variety of practical and educational reasons. The plan
requires the bussing of about as many children as do the
Finger and Minority plans (R. Ex. 47, Tr. 136). In terms
of what is accomplished by the plan, the transportation
costs are prohibitive (R. Ex. 47, 50, 52 and 61a).
The proposed grade structure which in 4 of the 7 pro
posed clusters would require children to attend 4 different
schools during the course of their elementary education,
was severely criticized as being educationally unsound (Tr.
24, 112, 265), imposing a rigidity that would effectively
preclude experimentation with programs of ungraded classes
(Tr. 24-27, 99) and would necessitate a complete change in
teacher assignments (Tr. 110). The head of the HEW team
admitted that aside from desegregation he would not recom
mend this organization of the elementary schools (P. Ex. 4,
p. 68). The proposed grade structure unnecessarily increases
transportation requirements (Finger, Tr. 228, 233).
88
Four of the 7 HEW clusters result in a 50-57% black
enrollment, a condition that promises resegregation (Tr. 30,
100, 112, 229). The cluster arrangement brings together a
predominately black school and several other schools which
were already desegregated (Tr. 31-34, 111, 230, 267). It
overpopulates some schools and underpopulates others,
compounding the system’s housing problem (Tr. 30).
As stated by Dr. Finger (Tr. 267), the HEW plan has
little to recommend it. We agree.
E. THE ELEMENTARY PLAN OF THE BOARD MINOR
ITY IS INCOMPLETE AND UNLAWFULLY EXCEEDS
CONSTITUTIONAL REQUIREMENTS BY REQUIR
ING COMPLETE RACIAL BALANCING OF EVERY
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL AND THE BUSSING TO IM
PLEMENT IT. THE DISTRICT COURT ERRED IN
APPROVING THAT PLAN AS A REASONABLE AL
TERNATIVE.
The elementary plan was developed by a 4-member minor
ity of the School Board. In his August 3 Order the trial
judge approved the Minority plan as a reasonable alterna
tive available for implementation by the Board. This plan
was rejected by the Board.
The plan groups all of the 72 elementary schools within
18 separate clusters, many of which are far removed from
each other and all of which occasion massive dislocation of
elementary children. This Court’s attention is invited to
Map No. 5 which gives a clear picture of what this plan
does to the elementary schools of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg
System.
The authors of the plan acknowledge that its purpose is
to racially balance the 72 elementary schools of the system.
The plan is educationally unsound (Tr. 68, 174). In its vari-.
ous clusters the Minority plan includes schools that are al
ready desegregated (Tr. 180-181, 297).
89
A random selection for the assignment of children is re
quired within the clusters by the use of a complicated lottery
system (Tr. 69, 118). The plan would occasion great admin
istrative difficulties and would involve the problem of select
ing children from year to year and could require elementary
children of the same family to attend different schools (Tr.
120).
The plan will require the bussing of about the same num
ber of children as would be transported under the Finger
and HEW plans (August 3 Order). The burden of this amount
of transportation had been declared by the Fourth Circuit,
which accepted the district court’s discounted estimates, to
be too onerous and hence unreasonable with reference to
the Finger plan. The transportation system required to im
plement the plan would be complex and cumbersome and
would involve the mass movement of children within the
congested areas of the city (Tr. 225, 239). Both Dr. Finger
and the Superintendent observed that the Minority plan in
volved very long-distance bussing for a large number of child
ren (Tr. 265) and could not be implemented without a heavy
network of transportation (Tr. 119). Both Dr. Finger and
the Superintendent agreed that education should be con
trolled by the educators rather than by a transportation sys
tem (Tr. 138, 303).40
The plan would require the closing of Double Oaks School
in spite of the fact that the schools of the system are pres
ently overcrowded with a 12% overcapacity.
The Board’s objections to the Minority plan include all
of the exceptions which it has to the court-approved Finger
plan discussed elsewhere in this brief—as well as those pecu
liar to the Minority proposal. The racial balancing that this
plan envisions is 100%. Every one of the 72 elementary
schools are involved in this complete reshuffling to achieve
the 70/30 racial mix of each student body. In spite of the
40This is a rather remarkable concession on the part of Dr. Finger,
whose own plan occasions massive cross and satellite bussing of chil
dren through the most congested parts of the City.
90
weaknesses, defects, costs and disruptions of this plan that
were pointed out by both the School staff and the court’s
consultant, Dr. Finger, the trial judge found it to be rea
sonable. This conclusion is unwarranted and underscores
once again that racial balancing is the basic, but erroneous,
precept which undergirds this and every other order of the
district court.
F. THE EARLIER DRAFT OF THE FINGER ELEMEN
TARY PLAN IS INCOMPLETE AND UNLAWFULLY
EXCEEDS CONSTITUTIONAL REQUIREMENTS BY
REQUIRING RACIAL BALANCING. THE DISTRICT
COURT ERRED IN APPROVING THAT PLAN AS A
REASONABLE ALTERNATIVE,
This draft of Dr. Finger is illustrated by Plaintiffs Exhibit
10. At the hearings preceding the August 3 Order, only a
minimal amount of attention was accorded this proposal
which was prepared by Dr. Finger in the early days of his
appointment as court consultant. It had been abandoned
in favor of the one which the consultant evolved by the use
of the restructured lines of the Board plan and which was
adopted by the judge’s February 5 Order.
Dr. Finger himself did not recommend this early draft
(Tr. 263). He described it as an incomplete plan that he
prepared only “to illustrate what some of the elements are
that enter into the problem of determining how a desegrega
tion plan should be prepared” (Tr. 263). Dr. Finger pointed
out that the plan has a “complex grade structure” (Tr. 258).
It will require transporting about the same number of ele
mentary children as the court-approved February 5 and
Board Minority plans (August 3, Order).
The purpose of this draft of Dr. Finger was to achieve
racial balancing of elementary schools, which the court
consultant admitted (981a). It is not a reasonable alterna
tive.
91
G. IN ASSESSING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF A DESEG
REGATION PLAN, A RULE OF REASON REQUIRES
THAT DUE CONSIDERATION SHOULD BE AC
CORDED SCHOOL BOARDS AND ADMINISTRA
TORS IN CONTROLLING THE DESTINY OF PUBLIC
EDUCATION.
President Nixon defined the role of a school board:
In devising local compliance plans, primary weight
should be given to the considered judgment of local
school boards—provided they act in good faith, and
within Constitutional limits. President Nixon’s March
24, 1970, policy statement entitled SCHOOL DE
SEGREGATION: A Free and Open Society, supra.
If it were otherwise, the admonition of Judge Coleman in
Bivins v. Bibb County Board o f Education, 419 F.2d. 1211
(5th Cir. 1970), is pertinent:
Some of these days, the Courts are going to have
. . . to free themselves of their tragic failures in the
role of school administrators and get back to their
primary functions.
The Charlotte-Mecklenburg School Board is an elective
body and, as such, is charged with the responsibility of exer
cising its own judgment regarding the needs of the system
and the best interest of its children.
It is the School Board’s duty to determine whether the
dollars allocated to it by other elective officials (the Board
of County Commissioners for Mecklenburg County) for the
education of our children shall be spent for books or buses.
It is for the Board to determine whether the existing trans
portation system shall be expanded or contracted, whether
it is educationally good or bad to stagger the opening and
closing of schools at any particular grade level, whether after
school activities will suffer, whether inconveniences and dis
ruption to children and parents are justifiable, whether over
loaded buses are acceptable or safe, whether the time of
children in transit is justifiable and how the host of other
value judgments and policies shall be made to administer
92
effectively a large complex metropolitan school system
charged with awesome responsibility of providing 84,500
school children in 103 schools with a quality education.
Books, bricks and buses (and all that they imply) are part
of the tools to be used in the educational process. How and
when these tools are used must be left to the good faith
decision of local school boards or the boards should be dis
established and the administration of school systems should
be turned over the courts.
In his findings of fact, the trial court justified his rulings
requiring extensive and disruptive transportation by calling
attention to the extent that the system already was involved
in burdensome bussing. This rationale is unsound. The rea
sonableness of a desegregation plan should not be measured
by the worst aspects of a school program.
The fact that last year the Charlotte-Mecklenburg school
system transported 23,000 children with 280 buses, the
opening and closing of some of its schools were staggered,
in some schools after-school activities were impaired, some
school buses travelled over congested traffic arteries, some
elementary children waited for the school bus by the side
of the road at 6:30 in the morning and others got home at
5:00 in the afternoon, some buses were overloaded and some
children had to stand up, some buses were unsound and
should have been replaced—is no answer to the administra
tive and educational problem of how much of this is desira
ble, tolerable or necessary in a system as large and complex
as Charlotte-Mecklenburg. A court mandate that edicts racial
balancing and forced bussing supplants the value judgments
of the elected school board and the educators on its adminis
trative staff. An overdose of judicial paternalism and con
trol will ultimately sign the death warrant for public educa
tion.
93
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, it is respectfully submitted
that:
1. The judgment of the Fourth Circuit be affirmed only
in so far as it vacated the judgment of the district court.
2. The judgment of the district court, including its Orders
of August 3 and August 7, 1970, be reversed; and
3. This matter be remanded to the district court with
instructions to approve the implementation of the February
2, 1970, plan of the School Board as one complying with
the Constitutional requirements for a unitary school system.
Respectfully submitted,
William J. Waggoner
Weinstein, Waggoner, Sturges,
Odom and Bigger
1100 Barringer Office Tower
Charlotte, North Carolina
Benjamin S. Horack
Ervin, Horack & McCartha
806 East Trade Street
Charlotte, North Carolina
Attorneys for Respondents and
Cross Petitioners
A-l
SUMMARY OF RESULTS
FROM RESTRUCTURED SCHOOL ATTENDANCE LINES
1969-1970 1970-1971
%
Black
No. of
Students
No. of No. of No. of
Schools Students Schools
Elementary Schools All White 6,607 9 6,437 8
1- 5 9,519 17 2,477 4
6-10 7,349 11 5,603 8
11-15 3,595 6 5,311 10
16-41 6,516 12 17,626 33
42-100
Error
11,312 17 7,242
202
9
Totals 44,898 73 44,898 72
Junior High Schools All White -0- -0- 557 1
1- 5 4,539 3 1,875 2
6-10 6,372 5 524 1
11-15 876 1 1,282 1
16-41 5,049 5 16,227 15
42-100 4,563 5 842 1
Error 92
Totals 21,399 19 21,399 21
High Schools All White -0- -0- -0- -0-
1- 5 2,133 1 1,264 1
6-10 1,592 1 -0- -0-
11-15 5,398 3 -0- -0-
16-41 4,287 2 15,895 9
42-100 3,902 3 -0- -0-
Error 153
Totals 17,312 10 17,312 10
Total All Schools All White 6,607 9 6,994 9
1- 5 16,191 21 5,616 7
6-10 15,313 17 6,127 9
11-15 9,869 10 6,593 11
16-41 15,852 19 49,748 57
42-100 19,777 26 8,084 11
Error 447
Totals 83,609 102 83,609 104
’'Figures presume present inner-city bussing remains in effect.
A-2
POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SYSTEM
Black
Elementary 1 3 ,162
Junior High 5,931
High School 4 ,1 3 9
(Error)
23 23°
Number i>f Students
White Total % Black
3 1 ,5 3 4 4 4 ,6 9 6 30
1 5 ,376 2 1 ,3 0 7 28
13,020 17.159 26
4 4 7 0.5
5 9 ,9 3 0 8 3 .6 0 9 28
A -3
BLACK STUDENT POPULATION DISTRIBUTION
Black Students in Predominantly Black Schools
Elementary Schools 6,739
Junior High Schools.................................................................... 758
Senior High Schools................................................................... -0-
7,497
% of Black Students in Black Schools 32%
BLACK STUDENT DISTRIBUTION BASED ON
RESTRUCTURED ATTENDANCE LINES * 16
% of ' Number of % Black Students
Black Students Black Students by Integration %
0- 5% 121 .5
6- 10% 436 2.0
11- 15% 855 3.8
16- 41% 14,246 61.4
42- 10°% 7,497 32.3
23,155 100.0
ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS
Results of Attendance Line Restructing Projected for 1970-71 *
School
1969-70
Enroll
ment
69-70
%
Black
Black
Students
White
Students
Total
Students
Rated
Capacity
Over
(Under)
Capacity
%
Black
Albemarle Road ..... 514 1 4 469 473 432 41 1
Allenbrook 513 12 59 496 555 540 15 1 1
Ashley Park 601 4 155 421 576 621 (45) 27
Bain 768 4 25 706 731 702 29 3
Barringer 875 98 203 320 523 486 37 39
Berryhill . . 789 14 247 574 821 836 (15) 30
Beverly Woods ..... 752 9 8 648 656 540 124 1
Billingsville 610 100 113 325 438 594 (156) 26
Briarwood 686 1 2 663 665 540 225 0
Bruns Avenue ...... 784 99 624 73 697 675 22 90
Chantilly .... 492 1 142 303 445 432 13 32
Clear Creek ...... 295 17 43 266 309 297 12 14
Collinswood ...... 554 20 224 448 672 621 51 33
Cornelius 432 45 182 265 447 459 ( 12) 41
Cotswold 560 4 128 449 577 540 37 24
Davidson 290 36 102 174 276 324 (48) 32
Marie Davis 691 100 666 82 748 756 (8 ) 88
Derita ............... 851 19 152 595 747 783 (36) 20
Devonshire .............. 903 0 0 925 925 648 277 0
Dilworth 449 25 241 376 617 567 50 39
Double Oaks ....... 836 100 825 3 828 675 153 99
Druid Hills .............. 475 99 465 20 485 486 ( 1) 96
Eastover 601 7 157 478 635 648 (13) 25
A
-4
School
1969-70
Enroll
ment
69-70
%
Black
Black
Students
White
Students
Total
Students
Rated
Capacity
Over
(Under)
Capacity
%
Black
Elizabeth ... 517 71 112 294 406 405 1 28
Enderly Park 374 1 119 238 357 297 60 33
First Ward 820 100 770 7 777 702 75 99
Hickory Grove 603 12 74 556 630 459 171 12
Hidden Valley 1,100 0 1 1,077 1,078 648 438 0
Highland 374 18 76 237 313 297 16 24
Hoskins .......................... ... 241 5 124 219 343 297 46 36
Huntersville 689 22 130 554 684 675 9 19
Huntingtowne Farms .... 610 1 3 614 617 594 23 1
Idlewild .......................... ... 653 9 59 549 608 594 14 10
Irwin Avenue ................. 315 100 277 7 284 837 (553) 98
Amy Jam es..................... ... 476 99 90 169 259 243 16 35
Lakeview ..................... ... 364 78 119 285 404 378 26 29
Lansdowne ... 877 9 79 719 798 756 42 10
Lincoln Heights ............. ... 711 100 903 6 909 648 261 99
Long Creek..................... ... 735 36 259 523 782 837 55 33
Matthews ........................ ... 888 10 81 837 918 945 (27) 9
Merry Oaks ................... ... 442 0 0 557 557 486 71 0
Midwood ... 488 2 116 401 517 459 58 23
Montclaire ..................... ... 718 0 1 781 782 675 107 0
Myers P ark ..................... 478 5 150 314 464 432 32 32
Nations Ford ... 728 6 177 548 725 621 104 24
Newell ............................ ... 512 14 64 436 500 594 (94) 13
Oakdale .......................... ... 586 12 202 460 662 540 122 31
Oakhurst ........................ 621 1 92 504 596 594 2 15
Oaklawn.......................... 613 100 597 3 600 594 6 99
Olde Providence............. ... 592 14 83 461 544 486 58 15
l 9 < > 9 - 7 0 6 9 - 7 0 ( )vei
Tnroll- Black While to tal Rated ( U n d e r )
School ment Black Students Students Students ( apacily ( 'apacily Black
Park R o ad 5 4 2 7 41 5 7 0 61 1 5 4 0 / 1 7
Paw C rock 6 3 6 4 8 3 6 0 2 6 8 5 7 7 4 ( 8 4 ) 12
P aw Crock A n n ex 301 It)
Pincvillc 5 2 1 2 8 123 3 7 4 5 0 2 4 8 6 16 35
P inow ood 6 7 4 0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 6 4 8 a j a 0
P la /a R o ad 4 5 0 2 0 LSI 3 5 0 531 4 5 6 72 34
R a m a R o ad 8 1 6 0 3 7 4 4 7 4 7 6 4 8 4 4 0
Sedgelicld 551 1 2 2 3 3 6 4 5 8 7 5 4 0 47 3 8
Solwyn 6 4 8 5 3 2 4 5 6 461 4 8 6 5 7
S h am ro ck G a rd e n s 5 1 5 0 8 4 146 5 8 0 4 8 6 44 15
S h aro n 4 5 3 2 0 41 4 2 1 5 1 2 4 5 4 53 18
S la rm o n n t 7 3 7 3 6 7 8 3 8 4 0 5 6 4 8 2 5 7 7
Statesville R o ad 8 5 5 34 160 5 5 3 7 1 3 5 4 6 164 23
Steele C reek 5 1 4 1 165 4 7 5 6 7 0 3 7 8 262 26
I’h o m a s h o ro 6 4 0 0 135 7 77 4 12 7 2 6 183 IS
1’ryon Hills 4 8 8 66 2 0 0 3 4 2 5 4 2 5 1 3 24 37
T u ck asceg ee 636 6 57 5 10 5 6 7 5 4 0 27 10
U nivers ity Park 8 2 5 100 7 3 5 132 8 6 7 6 4 8 2 1 4 85
Villa H eights 1,017 61 877 170 1 ,0 4 7 8 1 0 2 3 7 83
W esterly Hills 5 8 5 8 144 3 3 2 4 7 6 4 0 5 71 3 0
W ilm ore 4 6 3 4 6 153 2 5 0 4 0 3 3 7 8 25 38
W in d so r Park 7 4 6 0 1 7 8 2 7 8 3 6 4 8 135 0
W interf ie ld 7 3 6 7 52 6 5 3 7 0 5 6 4 8 57 7
T O T A L S 4 4 , 8 6 8 1 3 ,1 6 2 3 1 ,5 3 4 4 4 , 6 6 6
v I hose projections are based on 1969-70 enrollment by map location code or “j.-.' i d I bis population data contains an e n o i ot ap
proximatcly 0 .5% and therefore, projected enrollment does not exactly equal actual enrollment.
A
-6
A -7
POPULATIONS OF PREDOMINANTLY BLACK
ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS
Projected Number of Students %
School Capacity White Black Total Black
Bruns Avenue 6 75 73 6 2 4 6 97 9 0
Marie Davis ......... 7 5 6 82 6 6 6 748 9 0
Double Oaks ......... 675 3 825 8 2 8 99
Druid Hills . 4 8 6 20 4 6 5 4 8 5 9 6
First Ward .............. ........ 702 7 7 7 0 111 99
Irwin Avenue ....... 837 7 2 7 7 2 8 4 97
Lincoln Heights ...... 6 4 8 6 903 9 0 9 99
Oaklawn ...... 5 9 4 3 5 9 7 6 0 0 99
University Park ........ 648 132 7 35 8 67 85
Villa Heights 8 1 0 170 8 77 1,047 84
Totals 6,831 503 6 ,7 3 9 7 ,2 4 2
A-8
ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS
With Predominately Black Student Populations
1969-1970____________ Projected for 1970-1971*
1. Barringer 98%
2. Billingsvilie ................. 100%
3. Bruns Avenue ............ 99%
4. Marie Davis 100%
5. Double Oaks 100%
6. Druid Hills 99%
7. Elizabeth .............. 71%
8. First Ward 100%
9. Irwin Avenue 100%
10. Amy James 99%
11. Lake view ................... 78%
12. Lincoln Heights 100 %
13. Oaklawn 100%
14. Tryon Hills 66%
15. University Park 100%
16. Villa Heights 91%
Bruns Avenue .............. 90%
Marie D avis................. 90%
Double Oaks 99%
Druid Hills 96%
First Ward 99%
Irwin Avenue................ 97%
Lincoln Heights ............ 99%
Oaklawn 99%
University Park 85%
Villa Heights ................ 84%
NOTE: Irwin Avenue closed.
ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS
With 99 or 100% White Populations*
A-9
School % Black
Albemarle Road 1
Beverly Woods
Briarwood 1
Chantilly 1
Devonshire 0
Enderly Park 1
Hidden Valley 0
Huntingtowne Farms 1
Merry Oaks 0
Montclaire 0
Oakhurst 1
Pinewood 0
Rama Road 0
Sedgefield 1
Shamrock Gardens 0
Steele Creek 1
Thomasboro 0
Windsor Park 0
School_________________ % Black
Albemarle Road 1
Beverly Woods ................. 1
Briarwood 0
Devonshire 0
Hidden Valley 0
Huntingtowne Farms ........ 1
Merry Oaks 0
Montclaire 0
Pinewood 0
Rama Road 0
Windsor Park .................... 0
*If present inner-city bussing is discontinued, Lansdowne, Park Road, and
Sharon Schools will be 100% white as they would also have been in 1969-70.
J U N IO R H IG H S C H O O L S
R esu lts o f R e s tru c tu re d A tte n d a n c e L ines
School
69/70
finroli-
ment
69/70
%
Black
Number of Students
Black White Total®
Rated
Capacity
Over
(Under!
Capacity
%
Black
Albemarle Road 1,058 6 19 783 802 9 4 8 ( 146) 2
Alexander 1.140 32 3 0 9 6 9 9 1,008 8 74 127 30
Cochrane 1.631 5 571 U 5 0 1,72 1 1,190 531 33
Coulwood ........... 876 12 313 551 8 6 4 7 0 4 160 36
E a s tw a y ................... 1,417 4 375 971 1,346 1,093 253 28
Alexander Graham 1.141 10 261 8 88 1,149 9 9 6 153 23
Hawthorne ....... 1.068 56 2 7 6 7 0 4 9 8 0 8 5 0 130 28
Kennedy 863 94 325 5 4 0 865 801 64 38
McClintock . . 1.381 n 25 1,048 1.073 9 23 150 O
Northwest 1,053 100 2 9 6 685 981 1,068 ( 8 7 ) 30
Piedmont ................. 4 9 8 89 758 84 8 42 6 3 ! 21 1 9 0
Quail Hollow............ 1,576 10 138 1,144 1,282 1,238 44 11
Randolph 9 9 9 29 3 27 703 1.030 672 58 31
Ranson 808 32 295 5 58 853 851 2 35
Sedgefield 9 7 6 17 2 3 4 6 12 846 777 69 28
Smith 1.491 4 3 3 0 9 57 1.287 1,093 194 26
Spaugh 1.126 25 3 4 6 7 52 1,098 8 2 6 272 32
Williams 1,081 100 3 3 6 7 22 1,058 801 257 32
Wilson 1.216 6 3 4 6 795 1,141 1,044 97 30
Carmel — — 2 5 55 557 558 ( 1 ) 0
J. H. Gunn — — 49 4 75 524 558 ( 3 4 ) 9
2 1 ,3 9 9 5,931 15 ,376 2 1 ,3 0 7 18 ,796 2 ,3 8 9
these projections arc based on 1969-70 enrollment by map location code or 'grid '. This population data contains an error of ap
proximately 0.5% and therefore, projected enrollment does not exactly equal actual enrollment.
A
-10
S E N IO R H IG H S C H O O L S
R e su lts o f R e s tru c tu re d A tte n d a n c e L ines
School
69/70
Enroll
ment
69/70
%
Black
Number of Students
Black White Total*
Expt. Rated
Growth Capacity
Over
(Under)
Inch
Growth
Max.
Capacity
Over
(Under)
Max.
Capacity
%
Black
West 1,592 9 494 998 1,492 75 1,374 193 1,660 (93) 33
Olympic 888 42 201 687 888 50 807 131 1,100 (162) 23
Harding 1,356 47 395 692 1,087 25 1,202 (90) 1,300 (188) 36
West Charlotte 1,658 100 597 1,045 1,642 50 1,593 99 1,800 (108) 36
South 2,133 5 482 1,846 2,328 150 1,523 955 2,200 278 21
Myers Park 2.000 12 426 1,883 2,309 -50 1,679 580 2,200 59 18
Garinger 2,640 19 721 1,914 2,635 50 1,874 811 2,450 235 27
East 2,152 11 360 1,716 2,076 150 1,700 526 2,200 26 17
Independence 1,246 11 23 1,241 1,264 100 1,047 317 1,400 (36) 2
North 1,647 28 440 998 1,438 0 1,158 280 1,650 (212) 31
17,312 4,139 13,020 17,159 600 13,957 3,802 17,960 (201)
* These projections are based on 1969-70 enrollment by map location code or '‘g rid ’. This population data contains an error of ap
proximately 0.5% and therefore, projected enrollment does not exactly equal actual enrollment.
A
-11