Morton v. Charles County Board of Education Petitioners' Reply Memorandum in Support of Certiorari
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1975

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Press Releases, Volume 4. Remarks of Jack Greenberg on the Role of the LDF, 1967. 459bc2d7-b792-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/c8c9ec91-e07d-434c-98d1-fd246b003c29/remarks-of-jack-greenberg-on-the-role-of-the-ldf. Accessed August 19, 2025.
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The caseload and legal staff of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. (LDF) showed continued growth during 1966-- dramatizing the LDF's role as the legal arm of the entire civil rights movement, However, a major expansion of the LDF's 1 emphasis has taken place with regard to legal services for the poor of all races. The LDF, during the past year, initiated a major program to bring equal protection of the laws to millions of Americans--Negro, white, Spanish-speaking, and Indian--whose economic dependence precludes their effective participation in society, and who are often victimized by policies and practices ostensibly designed to alleviate their difficult situations, The new program has two basic premises: * that the poor should enjoy the same legal rights as anyone else * and that the state and local governments should not make racial distinctions in providing welfare, housing and other public services, The LDF in 1966 brought actions in the courts and before adminis- trative agencies dealing with rights to counsel and to bail, protection from arbitrary evictions and from capricious or discriminatory application of welfare regulations, and other fundamental guarantees, These issues are legally undeveloped. As with civil rights in the 1930's, when the LDF was founded, precedent must be made upon sound legal foundation. This increases the importance of planning and nationwide — coordination of the efforts of the private attorneys, Legal Aid Societies, law schools, and government-sponsored neighborhood law offices, A one million dollar grant in November--largest single grant in civil rights history--was given to the LDF by the Ford Foundation for establishment of the National Office for the Rights of the Indigent. A gli e of the litigation affecting rights of the poor which was underway at the close of the year offers insight as to just how quickly the new program got underway: * Pending in the U.S. Supreme Court, a suit by a Durham, N.C., mother of three who received a fifteen-day eviction notice from a low income housing project, without a hearing, the day after Py ant group; rn, N.C., Housing Authority attacking excessive rents, mandatory leases, in which tenants sign away virtually all legal rights, segregated housing pro- jects, and the eviction and denial of admission of women who have had illegitimate children (and thus need public assistance more); * A Georgia suit contesting the constitutionality of the "employable mother" welfare rule, under which need for supplemental aid is determined by irrational criteria, and payments to Negro mothers are stopped when county officials decide that "suitable jobs"' --domestic work, pecan and cotton picking--are available (these jobs are not deemed "suitable" for white welfare recipients); * A complaint to HEW of national importance, seeking to end the "man in the house rule," under which Aid to Dependent Children is cut off if a recipient has a (vaguely defined) relationship with a man, who has no legal responsibility for the children. Here the LDF charged that the rule subverts the purposes of the Social Security Act, is unconstitutionally vague, and allows for unconstitutional invasions of privacy. * A suit seeking to establish the right of indigents to counsel in cases involving a misdemeanor. Other practices to be attacked in future suits include excessive credit rates, consumer frauds, arbitrary denial of assistance to participants in civil rights action, garnishing of wages without a hearing, exploitation of migrant farm laborers, and disregard for procedural fairness in governmental dealings with poor people. EXPANSION Returning to the other areas of the LDF's program, our caseload rose from 375 to 420 separate cases (up 11 per cent); our legal staff from 17 to 28 full time lawyers (up 39 per cent); and, our roster of cooperating attorneys rose from 187 to 250 (up 25 per cent). Our budget remained at $2,000,000.00. We cite these figures in the context of 1966 being "remembered as the year when the civil rights bandwagon came to a sudden halt.” EDUCATION z As in past years, education continued as a major area of activity for the civil rights lawyer. To speed the process of school integra tion, "LDF at -orneys represented, through 189 school suits in 13 states, the interests of two million children still confined in jim crow schools." Our field program -- the educational facet of our work -- "aided thousands of parents io transfer their children to newly integrating schools" and worked with the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. However, we point out that in "absolute numbers (because of population growth), more Negro children attend segregated schools now than in 1954." This is because the "methods of tokenism are many and varied." Most desegregation plans -- called "freedom of choice" -- put "the entire burden of transfer on the often vulnerable Negro parents." JUSTICE As knowledgeable Americans realize, justice is often contingent upon social and economic standing. The poor in general and Negroes in particular "are often subject to discriminatory treatment that mocks the norms of American law." Included in our legal victories in this. area during 1966, were: * Alabama Justices of the Peace were prohibited from personally collecting fines they levy, thus taking the profit out of prosecuting civil rights workers * Plorida was ordered to desegregate its jails and reform schools * A Texas court ruled that juveniles must be given fair notice of charges when arrested The death penalty, for the crime of rape -- when a life is not taken -- seems to be reserved exclusively for Negro men who rape white southern women. A de€isive step forward occurred during 1966 when the U. S. Supreme Court was asked to order lower courts to hear LDF evidence, gathered in an extensive survey of 2,600 rape cases in 11 southern states at a cost of nearly $100,000.00. (The high court subsequently did send cases back for ae sideration.) Other issues of criminal law -- affecting all citizens —— were raised by LDF litigation: % the rights of indigents to counsel in misdemeanor cases y * whether the right to counsel should include investi- gative, medical, and other services * protection for persons arrested for "status crimes” -- like vagrancy -- which often amounts to arbitrary preventive detention * the right of indigent accused to be released on some condition other than bail before trial * protection from arbitrary practices in juvenile courts * the rights of prisoners and ex-convicts in parole proceedings % the right to rational, objective sentencing HEALTH Despite the clear provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, thousands of medical facilities in southern and border states segregate or exclude Negro patients, physicians, dentists and nurses--or provide them with blatantly inferior services. The LDF prosecuted, during 1966, fifteen precedent setting cases in six states and processed some 400 complaints with the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, in an effort to halt this discrimination. "So long as the government refuses to appropriate funds sufficient to implement its own legislation, the LDF will continue to increase its involvement in suits to stop practices that amount to discriminatory imposition of disease, disability, and death on Negro citizens." LEGAL TRAINING We have always been hampered by the crucial shortage of civil rights attorneys in the south. We were able to expand our Mississippi legal team from three to six, as a result of our legal intern program. In the fall of 1966, we started five new interns, two of whom will join our Mississippi staff at the end of their one year training period in our New York office. Our intern program--only one of its kind--is greatly responsible for our increased case load. Our Civil Rights Law Institutes--week end law schools conducted by some of the nation's top constitutional law experts--were held five times during 1964. As the year ended, public defenders from across the country began to outreach of the LDF. As knowledge of of securi s spreads, with great assistance from rapidly expanding community education field staff, nts of job bias are being filled with the Equal ployment Opportunity Commission. By the end of the year, the LDF was representing plaintiffs in thirty suits in nine states. The federal government, as the year ended, had filed none. Our attorneys fought industrial giants such as U.S. Steel, Philip Morris, Sears Roebuck & Company, etc. Also unions such as the United Steelworkers of America and the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen of America, and the United Mineworkers of America.