Buchanan v. City of Jackson TN Brief on Appeal of Defendant Appellee City of Jackson
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December 21, 1981

39 pages
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Buchanan v. City of Jackson TN Brief on Appeal of Defendant Appellee City of Jackson, 1981. ee431407-b79a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/6f5113a0-5d31-4682-8e3f-cbc4b4feb9cc/buchanan-v-city-of-jackson-tn-brief-on-appeal-of-defendant-appellee-city-of-jackson. Accessed April 06, 2025.
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llmti'i) States (Emtrt of Appeals F ob t h e F ourth Circuit No. 11,794 Civil Action No. C 1796 Harold D ouglas C oppedge, a minor, et al., U nited States of A merica, by Ramsey Clark, Attorney General, Appellees, —v.— T he F ran k lin C ounty B oard of E ducation , et al., Appellants. A PPE A L FROM T H E DISTRICT COURT OF T H E U N IT E D STATES FOR T H E EASTERN DISTRICT OF N O R T H CAROLINA R A LE IG H D IV ISIO N -C IV IL BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES, PLAINTIFF-INTERVENOR APPELLEE S teph en J. P ollak Assistant Attorney General F ran k E. S chw elb F rancis H. K ennedy Attorneys, Department of Justice Washington, D.C. 20530 ja m b s I N D E X Introductory Statement ................................................... - 1 Proceedings Below ........................................................... - 6 The Evidence........................................................................ 6 I. Defendants’ Adherence to Policies and Prac tices Which Perpetuate a Dual System Based on R a ce ...................................................................... 6 A. School Organization and Utilization ........... 6 B. Assignment of Staff and Faculty.........................9 C. Disparities ......................................................... - 13 D. Transportation .................................................. 17 II. Pressures Inhibiting the Exercise of Free Choice ....................................................................... 23 A. Community Attitudes ...................................... 24 B. Acts of Intimidation........................................... 26 C. Defendants’ Attempts to Refute the Proof of Intimidation -................................................. 31 D. The Legal Effect of Community Attitudes and Intimidation on the Constitutionality of the Freedom of Choice P la n .......................... 37 PAGE Conclusion 44 11 Cases page Bowman v. County School Board of Charles City County, Va., 382 F.2d 326 (4th Cir. 1967) ....11, 23, 38, 40 Bradley v. School Board, 382 U.S. 103 (1965) .......11,43-44 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) 11,13,17 Coppedge v. Franklin County Board of Education, 273 F. Supp. 282 (E.D.N.C. 1967); 12 Race Eel. L. Eep. 230 (E.D.N.C. 1966) .............................. 1, 3, 6, 37 Corbin and United States v. County School Board of Loudoun County, V a .,------F. Supp.------- , C.A. No. 2737 (E.D. Va., Aug. 29, 1967) .......................... 19, 20, 22 Cypress v. Newport News Gen. Hospital, 375 F.2d 648 (4th Cir. 1967) ..............................................................38, 40 Dallas Co. v. Commercial Union Assurance Co., 286 F.2d 388 (5th Cir. 1961) .............................................. 33 Darter v. Greenville Hotel Corp., 301 F.2d 70 (4th Cir. 1962) .............................................................. .......... 24 Davis v. Schnell, 81 F. Supp. 872 (S.D. Ala. 1949), aff’d 336 U.S. 933 (1949) .............................................. 33 Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 244 F. Supp. 971 (W.D. Okla. 1965), afif’d 375 F.2d 158 (10th Cir. 1967), cert. den. 387 U.S. 931 (1967) ................... 12 Goss v. Board of Education of Knoxville, 373 U.S. 683 (1963) .............................................................. Hall v. St. Helena Parish School Board, 197 F. Supp. 649 (E.D. La. 1961), aff’d 368 U.S. 515 (1962) ....... 33 Johnson v. Branch, 364 F.2d 177 (4th Cir. 1966) 30 I l l Kelly v. Altheimer, Ark. School Dist., 378 F.2d 483 (8th Cir. 1967) ..............................................9,12,16,17,19 Kelly v. Board of Education of City of Nashville, 270 F.2d 209 (6th Cir. 1959) ...................................... 39 Kemp v. Beasley, 352 F.2d 14 (8th Cir. 1965) ........... 22 Kiev v. County School Bd. of Augusta Co., Va., 249 F. Supp. 239 (W.D. Va. 1966) .......................10,12-13, 34 Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 F. Supp. 458 (M.D. Ala. 1967) (three judge court) ...............8, 38 Moses v. Washington Parish, La. School Board, —*— F. Supp.------ (C.A. No. 15973, E.D. La., October 19, 1967) ........................................................................... 9,21,22 Rogers v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965) ........................ . 11 Singleton v. Jackson Municipal Separate School Dis trict, 355 F.2d 865 (5th Cir. 1966) ..........................9,22 Swann v. Charlotte Mecklenburg Bd. of Educ., 369 F.2d 29 (4th Cir. 1966) ................... 33 Teel v. Pitt County Board of Education, 272 F. Supp. 703 (E.D.N.C. 1967) ...................................................... 43 Thompson v. County School Board of Hanover County, 252 F. Supp. 546 (E.D. Va. 1966) ............................... 12 United States v. Haywood County Board of Education, 271 F. Supp. 460 (W.D. Term. 1967) .......................41-43 United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, aff’d 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d on reh. en banc 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967) ....12,13,16,17, 22,40, 41 United States v. Original Knights of Ku Klux Klan, 250 F. Supp. 330 (E.D. La. 1965) (three-judge court) ............................................................................... 24 PAGE IV United States v. State of Louisiana, 225 F. Supp. 353 (E.D. La. 1963), aff’d 380 TT.S. 145 (1965) ............... 33 Usiak v. New York Tank Barge Company, 299 F.2d 808 (2d Cir. 1962) .................................................................. 33 Vick v. County School Board of Obion County, Tenn., 205 F. Supp. 436 (W.D. Tenn. 1962) ...................... 26, 39 Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Education, 363 F.2d 738 (4th Cir. 1966) .......................................................... 9 Wright v. County School Board, 252 F. Supp. 378 (E.D. Va. 1966) .............................................................. 37 PAGE O ther A uthorities U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education: Revised Statement of Policies for School Desegregation Plans Under Title .V I of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. 45 CFR §181.54 .......40-41 Rep. U. S. Comm, on Civil Rights, Survey of Deseg regation in the Southern and Border States, 1965-66 ........................................................................... 17,40 Rule 52a, Federal Rules of Civil Procedure ............... 23 Initeii States (Umtrt nf Appeals F ob th e F ourth C ircuit No. 11,794 Civil Action No. C 1796 H arold D ouglas Coppedge, a m inor, et al., U nited S tates oe A merica, by R am sey C lark , Attorney General, Appellees, T he F ran k lin County B oard op E ducation , et al., Appellants. APPE A L PROM T H E DISTRICT COURT OF T H E U N ITED STATES FOR T H E EASTERN DISTRICT OP N O R TH CAROLINA RALEIGH D IV ISIO N -C IV IL BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES, PL AINTIFF-INTER YEN OR APPELLEE Introductory Statement Defendants, the Board of Education of Franklin County, North Carolina and its members, appeal from a decision of the Honorable Algernon Butler, United States District Judge for the Eastern District of North Carolina,1 hold ing that they had made insufficient progress in Franklin County towards the disestablishment of a dual school sys tem based on race, and directing them to take various affirmative steps to assure equal educational opportunities to all of the students in the District. The relief ordered by the District Court included the requirement that the 1 The decision below is reported at 273 F. Supp. 282 (E.D. N.C. 1967). 2 defendants adopt and implement a plan for desegrega tion other than so-called “ freedom of choice,” which the Court described as illusory and a misnomer under the existing circumstances. The thrust of defendants’ argu ment on appeal is that the evidence is said to be insuffi cient to sustain those of the District Court’s findings which led that Court to hold that extensive intimidation and community hostility to desegregation have made so-called freedom of choice, in Franklin County, a misnomer and a constitutionally inadequate means to achieve desegrega tion. We disagree. We think that the District Court dis played considerable patience for nearly two years with defendants’ inadequate progress towards desegregation and with a completely illusory “freedom of choice,” and took great pains to try to make this plan work. After its efforts failed, the District Court had no constitutional alternative to the action which it took. While defendants dispute the sufficiency of the evidence to support the Court’s findings, much of the proof in the case is uncontested. Apart from the question of intimida tion, the entire structure of the school system has been and is such as to keep the schools almost completely segregated: (1) The location of schools and grades is such that there are pairs of schools covering grades 1-12 in four separate areas of the county, one white2 and one Negro. Each Negro school is within a mile or so of a white school offering the same grades. Several of the schools have so few students in the high school grades that their opera tion as separate high schools is educationally indefensible. 2 For purposes of convenience, we will refer to all-white and predomi nantly white schools simply as “white” schools, and the schools heretofore maintained for Negroes as “Negro” schools. We recognize that, techni cally, these schools are all “ free choice” schools, but the statistics in the County justify our terminology. 3 In general, the system of side-by-side schools offering the same grades is extravagant and unsound, offers no educa tional advantage whatever, and is explicable only in racial terms. (See pp. 6-9, infra.) (2) In spite of the entry of the Interim Order in July, 1966, requiring non-racial assignment of new faculty mem bers and the encouragement of faculty and staff members already employed to cross racial lines,3 the defendants made only minimal progress in faculty desegregation. Staff and faculty desegregation for 1966-67 involved five individuals of a total faculty of more than 200. The only actual classroom teacher desegregation achieved during that year consisted of a white lady who taught English at an all-Negro high school for five hours per week. Nine of the twelve schools in the system were totally unaffected by faculty desegregation, and every school in the district re mained—and remains today—racially identifiable by the composition of its faculty. (See pp. 9-13, infra.) (3) Substantial educational disparities exist between pre dominantly white and Negro schools in Franklin County. The summary of the evidence of disparities set forth in the District Court’s Findings of Fact (D. App. 27A-28A), which is based on defendants’ records and which they cannot and do not contest, shows among other things that the buildings and equipment in predominantly white schools had, at the time this suit was brought, a per pupil valua tion more than three times as great as the buildings and equipment in the Negro schools. Negro schools have been 3 See Coppedge v. Franlclin County Board of Education, 12 Race Rel. L. Rep. 230 (E.D. N.C. 1966), (D. App. 7-A-14-A). References to De fendants’ Appendix are indicated herein by D. App. and page numbers. References to Appellees’ Appendix are indicated herein by the page number followed by the letter “a.” 4 seriously overcrowded, in terms of pupils per classroom, pupils per teacher and acreage of site, and Negro pupils residing near underutilized white schools have been bused fourteen miles, each way, on a daily basis to overcrowded Negro schools. Additions to the schools have also been made in a manner tending to perpetuate segregation. (See pp. 13-17, infra.) (4) The transportation system which has been utilized in Franklin County is unreasonable and uneconomical and can be explained only in racial terms. While formerly white and Negro schools in this rural county are located prac tically side by side, their bus routes are separate and over lapping, with the effect that two buses do on a racially separate basis what one could do if race were ignored. When bus routes of different schools have been combined, this has always been done on a racial basis, so that, e.g. one Negro elementary school shares a bus route with another Negro school 14 miles away rather than with a white school half a mile away. (See pp. 17-23, infra.) It is our basic contention in this case that all of these policies and practices are rooted in the dual system, are educationally and administratively unsound, and serve as devices to keep Negro students separate from white students, to preserve all-Negro schools, and to induce Negro students to attend them. In Franklin County, the annual median Negro family income is $1,281, about one-third of the white. When the policies of the school board, in such a county, are directed to the one controlling end of preserving the racial identities of schools, there is little doubt that, even apart from overt intimidation, comparatively little desegregation will result. In this case, adherence by the defendants to these dual system policies 5 has been accompanied by extensive community hostility to desegregation, characterized by bombings, shootings into homes, pollution of wells, tacks in driveways, threats, harassing telephone calls, economic coercion, and other measures, all in a county where the Ku Klux Klan is widely known to be powerful. No Negro has been able to elect to attend a formerly white school with any confidence that he would not suffer serious reprisals. We believe that it has been and is inevitable under these circumstances, that actual desegregation under the “ free choice” system would be minimal, and so it has been. During the fourth freedom of choice period conducted in Franklin County in the spring of 1967, 45 of more than 3,100 Negro students chose desegregated schools, four fewer than in the previous year. All of the white students again elected to attend white schools. Had the District Court not intervened, 1.5% of the Negro students would have attended desegregated schools in 1967-68, while the remaining 98.5% of the Negro students and 100% of the white students would have attended schools still more or less maintained for their color.4 We believe that the testimony and exhibits in this case demonstrate why “freedom of choice” had to fail, and that the statistical evidence shows the degree to which it has failed. Since the Constitution requires that the dual sys tem based on race be disestablished, the District Judge ordered the defendants to put an end to their educationally unsound and race-directed practices and to adopt a system which makes educational sense and will desegregate the schools as well. We submit that he could hardly have ordered less. 4 In North Carolina, as a whole, in 1966-67, 15.4% of the Negro students attended desegregated schools. In Mississippi, the corresponding figure was 2.5% (D-App. 24A-25A.) 6 Proceedings Below The history of the action is fully described in the Opinion and Order of the Court below (D. App. 15A-17A).6 Since Notice of Appeal was filed, a group of Negro parents opposed to the District Court’s decree have moved this Court for leave to intervene in the action. The facts sur rounding this motion, which we oppose as an untimely attempt to relitigate what the District Court has already decided, are discussed in our Response thereto, filed De cember 7, 1967. THE EVIDENCE I. Defendants’ Adherence to Policies and Practices Which Perpetuate a Dual System Based on Race. A. School Organization and Utilization. A study of the Franklin County school system was made for this case by William L. Stormer, Assistant Chief of the School Construction Section of the Division of School Assistance, United States Office of Education. Mr. Stormer testified in the action (1036a et seq.) and compiled a writ ten report which is attached to his deposition (1551a et seq.). Despite ample opportunity to do so, defendants de clined to cross-examine Mr. Stormer on deposition or at the trial and, for the most part, his testimony is uncontradicted. Mr. Stormer testified, and the evidence shows, that the schools in four areas of Franklin County (Louisburg, Bunn, Youngsville and Gold Sand) are organized in groups and clusters of two or three, one traditionally white and one 5 5 See 273 F. Supp. 289, 292-293 (E.D. N.C. 1967). 7 or more Negro (1040a-1041a). Every Negro school is with in a mile or so of a predominantly white school covering the same grades (1041a). In two other parts of the county —Epsom and the general area of Edward Best High School and Edward Best Elementary School—there are white schools but no Negro schools (1041a, 1415a-1416a). Several of the high schools in the county are very small (Epsom, a white school, had 72 children in grades 9-12 last year), and only one or two are large enough to mate diversified educational opportunities available to students at a reason able cost per pupil (217a, 1043a). Mr. Stormer was asked whether a system in which pairs of schools offering the same grades were located in the same area presented any educational disadvantages, and he listed several: (a) A more diversified program may be offered in a large school than in a small one, particularly in the high school grades (1042a). For example, Bunn (white) and Gethsemane (Negro) schools are located within about a mile of one another. Bunn had 229 students in grades 9-12; Geth semane 157 students in these grades (217a). Bunn offers the following courses which Gethsemane does not: Geography, Advanced Trigonometry and Algebra, Agriculture, Consumer Math, Short hand, Spanish I and II, Physical Education and Health II, and Chemistry. Gethsemane offers the following courses which Bunn does not: Con struction industry, Business Communication, and Special Education (218a, 1044a). If the high school grades of these schools were consolidated, each high school student now in either school would be able to take any of the above courses (1045a). 8 (b) There is a substantially higher cost per pupil in attempting to provide a diversified program to a small school than a large one. In Mr. Stormer’s words, “ the smaller the school, the higher the cost per pupil for the educational program being offered . . . Because of small total membership, you are not able to maintain classes in certain subject areas because . . . it becomes uneconomi cal to offer one class for five or six or seven pupils” (1043a). (c) In general, it is possible to secure better utiliza tion out of the school facilities if the plants of two small schools are combined than if the same grades continue to be offered in each school (1042a). When asked if there were any educational advantages to this system of pairs of schools, he said he knew of none, and that the only explanation for its existence was racial segregation (1068a, 1095a). The situation closely resembles that discussed by the Court in Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 F. Supp. 458, 472 (M.D. Ala., 1967) (three judge court), the statewide school desegregation suit in Alabama, in the following passage: . . . Considerations of economy, convenience, and edu cation have been subordinated to the policy of racial separation; survey approvals of construction sites re flect this policy. A striking instance of this discrim inatory conduct is found in the Clarke County survey conducted during the 1964-65 school year. At the time of the survey, there were twenty-three schools in the system attended by approximately 5800 students— 2400 white and 3400 Negro. Consolidation was clearly 9 called for; yet the survey staff sought to perpetuate the segregated system by recommending and approv ing that, in each of the three principal towns of the county, two separate schools be maintained as perma nent school installations, each covering grades 1-12. This recommendation in each of these three towns in Clarke County, Alabama, can be explained only in racial terms . . . See also Moses v. Washington Parish, La. School Board, ------ F. Supp.------- (No. 15973, E.D. La., October 19, 1967); Cf. Singleton v. Jackson Municipal Separate School Dis trict, 355 F.2d 865, 871 (5th Cir. 1966); Kelley v. Altheimer, Ark School Dist., 378 F.2d 483, 486 (8th Cir. 1967). Mr. Stormer testified that consolidation of side-by-side schools, with the facilities of each used for some grades, was feasible and educationally advantageous, and -would automatically desegregate the schools (1078a-1079a, 1042a et seq.; 1556a). He also explained the administrative con venience of geographical zoning, which would likewise eliminate the dual system (1074a-1079a). The District Court’s order requires the defendants to adopt one or both of these methods to desegregate the schools. B. Assignment of Staff and Faculty. Prior to the commencement of the 1966-67 school year, all white teachers in the Franklin County system taught at white schools, and all-Negro teachers taught at Negro schools (D. App. 6A). On July 27, 1966, the District Court entered an Interim Order which included a faculty provi sion based on Wheeler v. Durham City Board of Educa tion, 363 F.2d 738 (4th Cir. 1966). The defendants were ordered to fill all faculty and professional staff vacancies on a nonracial basis and to encourage transfers across 10 racial lines by present members of the faculty. The de fendants were also required to file Objective Standards for Employment, Assignment and Retention of Teachers6 (D. App. 8A-10A). The District Court found, on the basis of ample evi dence, that the defendants had failed, under the Interim Order, to take adequate affirmative steps to accomplish substantial staff and faculty desegregation. This failure did not result from inadequate opportunity. Of a total 1966-67 faculty of 232 (112 white, 120 Negro), 49 (25 white, 24 Negro) were newly employed that year, and could have been assigned to any school in the system (215a). Nor was there a scarcity of teachers already employed who were prepared to transfer. Five such teachers testified on deposition, three for defendants and two for plaintiff- intervenor, and all of them stated that they would have been willing to cross racial lines but had not been asked by the defendants to do so (999a-1000a; 1018a-1020a; 1216a; 1222a-1223a; 1226a-1229a). Nevertheless, nine of the twelve schools in the system remained totally segregated with respect to faculty (1408a-1409a). In the remaining three, Negro librarians were assigned to each of two white schools7 and a white librarian and white English teacher (who taught for five hours a week) were assigned to an all-Negro school. Except for these assignments, the only 6 A provision of these Standards, which provided that teachers would be assigned, if possible, to the school of their choice, and which sought to delegate to them the Board’s duty to desegregate the faculty, was properly disapproved by the District Court as tending to perpetuate segregation, Kier v. County School Bd. of Augusta Cty, Va., 249 F. Supp. 239, 248 (W.D. Va. 1966). 7 One of these Negro librarians at a white school became sick and the defendants replaced her during the course of the year and was replaced by a white woman. (1409a) This totally resegregated the faculty of a tenth school. 11 “encouragement” given by the defendants to teachers to cross racial lines was to notify them, orally and in writing, that they might apply to cross racial lines (1228a-1229a). Defendants contend (Brief, p. 40) that they could not desegregate more during 1966-67 because only five or six vacancies remained at the time of the Interim Order of July 27, 1966, Even assuming that defendants had the right to ignore Supreme Court decisions requiring deseg regation generally, Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), and in faculty assignments in particular, Brad ley v. School Board, 382 U.S. 103 (1965) and Rogers v. Paul, 382 U.S. 198 (1965), until they were personally sued and enjoined—and we cannot assent to such a proposition -—this “inadequate time” explanation is annihilated by what took place thereafter. Superintendent Smith testified at the trial, on July 26, 1967, that only five teachers had been hired to cross racial lines for 1967-68, an increase of one over the previous year. These five included one Negro who had testified on behalf of plaintiff-intervenor that she would be willing to transfer and one whose husband testified that he believed she would be willing to do so. Apart from these two teachers, who were in effect found for defendants by the Government, there would actually have been a decrease in faculty desegregation for 1967-68 (1467a-1468a). Two principal consequences flow from the defendants’ failure to accomplish significant faculty desegregation un der the District Court’s Interim Order of July 27, 1966. The first is that a more specific and a more comprehen sive decree directing substantial faculty desegregation is now required. Bowman v. County School Board of Charles City County, Va., 382 F.2d 326, 329 (4th Cir. 1967). Judge Butler’s order, which requires affirmative encour 12 agement of teachers to cross racial lines, the assignment of at least two minority race teachers to each school in the district for 1967-68, and substantial progress there after, is a temperate but firm reflection of what the courts have been requiring under similar circumstances. Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 244 F. Supp. 971 (W.D. Okla. 1965), aff’d. 375 F.2d 158 (10th Cir. 1967), cert. den. 387 U.S. 931 (1967); Kelley v. Altheimer, Ark. School Dist., 378 F.2d 483, 498 (8th Cir. 1967); United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 380 F.2d 385, 394 (5th Cir. 1967) (en banc), aff’g. 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966); Kier v. County School Board, 249 F. Supp. 239, 247 (W.D. Va. 1966). The second consequence of the defendants’ failure to make progress on faculty desegre gation is its bearing on the appropriateness of the “ free choice” method of desegregation. As Judge Butzner said in Thompson v. County School Board of Hanover County, 252 F. Supp. 546, 551 (E.D. Ya. 1966), quoting from Kier, supra: Freedom of choice, in other words, does not mean a choice between a clearly delineated ‘Negro school’ (having an all-Negro faculty and staff) and a ‘white school’ (with all-white faculty and staff). School au thorities who have heretofore operated dual school systems for Negroes and whites must assume the duty of eliminating the effects of dualism before a free dom of choice plan can be superimposed upon the preexisting situation and approved as a final plan of desegregation. It is not enough to open the previously all-white schools to Negro students who desire to go there while all-Negro schools continue to be main tained as such. Inevitably, Negro children will be en couraged to remain in ‘their school,’ built for Negroes and maintained for Negroes with all-Negro teachers 13 and administrative personnel . . . This encouragement may be subtle but it is nonetheless discriminatory. The duty rests with the School Board to overcome the discrimination of the past, and the long-established image of the ‘Negro school’ can be overcome under freedom of choice only by the presence of an integrated faculty. See also Judge Wisdom’s majority opinion in Jefferson, supra, 372 F.2d at 890, wherein it was said Freedom of choice means the maximum amount of freedom and clearly understood choice in a bona fide unitary system where schools are not white schools or Negro schools—just schools. C. Disparities. Segregated schools are inherently unequal. Even if there were no tangible disparities in Franklin County, the all- Negro schools would still be inferior to the all-white schools. Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). In this case, however, the evidence—largely the defendants’ own reports to the State Department of Education—show that reliance on presumptions and psychological damage is unnecessary. As the District Court found (D. App. 27A- 28A), the disparities—tangible, physical, bread and butter disparities—have been imposing. At the time this action was started,8 all white children and a few Negroes were attending schools at which the school buildings and equipment were worth $913.44 per pupil. At the Negro schools, the corresponding figure was 8 The details of the disparities are set forth in our motion to eliminate them, which, in turn, was computed from materials filed by the defen dants with the State Board of Education and introduced into evidence in this case. (185a-203a) See also Mr. Stormer’s Report (1551a-1566a). 14 $285.18 per pupil. Two small Negro schools, Youngsville Elementary and Cedar Street, were worth $93.77 and $133.49 per pupil respectively. At the predominantly white schools, there was a class room for every 22.8 students. At the Negro schools, the corresponding figure was 34.9. Predominantly white schools had 24.9 pupils for every acre of site. Negro schools had 94.7 pupils per every acre of site. Riverside High School (Negro), with twice as many students as predominantly white Louisburg High School, has one-quarter of the acreage. White children had nine library volumes per pupil. Negro children had four. There was a white teacher for every 25 white children enrolled, and there was a Negro teacher for every 35 Negro children enrolled. Since segre gation was the practice in North Carolina at the time these teachers were trained, the Negro teachers had, for the most part, attended segregated, inferior Negro schools. All the predominantly white elementary schools are ac credited by the State. No Negro elementary school has accreditation. The predominantly white high schools have all been accredited since the 1920’s. The three Negro high schools were accredited in 1933, 1960, and 1961 respectively. Two of the Negro schools—Youngsville Elementary and Cedar Street—are, so Mr. Stonner testified, simply in adequate (1061a-1062a). Cedar Street has four teachers for seven grades (1058a). Children eat lunch in the class room, and this lunch is shipped in by truck from all-Negro Riverside, past predominantly white Louisburg (1434a). The situation at Youngsville Elementary is similarly poor (1058a, 1098a). 15 The problems are many, but the most acute is over crowding. During 1966-67, the Franklin County Board of Education was receiving federal assistance under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (1422a). There are mobile classrooms—nicknamed “portables”—all over the already overcrowded Negro school sites, and there is other federal equipment (1050a-1053a, 1423a-1425a). This federal assistance has increased the value of buildings and equipment per pupil at the Negro schools, and has re duced to some limited extent the number of pupils per classroom at Negro schools (D. App. 28A). However, even after the addition of portable classrooms, ail of the Negro schools except Cedar Street remain over crowded, and Cedar Street would be without its portable (1063a). White Epsom High, on the other hand, with 72 students in grades 9 through 12, all white, is at 39.5% of reasonable capacity (1560a). To run a high school of that size is so expensive that teacher salaries are $350.30 per pupil in the class, compared with $188 at Bunn, $231.09 at Perry’s and $235.91 at Riverside (1566a). Neverthe less, the Negro students living in Epsom are carried 13 miles to Riverside High School, at which students number 126.4% of capacity even with the portable. Similarly, Negro students living near under-utilized white Youngs- ville High travel 14 miles to Riverside, and those in the vicinity of under-utilized and white Edward Best High ride a similar distance to overcrowded all-Negro Perry’s (1415a-1417a). During 1966-67, using 25 pupils as the capacity per class room, the Negro schools were overcrowded by a total of 392 pupils, whereas five of the predominantly white schools —Edward Best Elementary, Edward Best High, Epsom, Gold Sand and Louisburg High—were under-utilized by a 16 total of 492 places.9 Even if choice in Franklin County had really been free, the defendants would still have been under the obligation to assure approximately equal pupil-class room ratios.10 Quite apart from the effect of intimidation on the amount of desegregation in Frankin County, Judge Butler’s Order directing defendants to transfer a sufficien t number of Negro pupils to white schools for 1967-68 to assure that a total of at least 10% attend desegregated schools, was an appropriate response to the overcrowding problem alone. The existence of these uncontested disparities required the District Court to include in its Order a strong equali zation provision, and the Court did so (D. App. 35A-36A). The significance of so extreme a denial of equal educa tional opportunities, however, goes beyond that portion of the decree, and affects the principal issue of the constitu tional adequacy in Franklin County of desegregation under “free choice.” In Franklin County, private sources make major contributions to the schools, and, since white people in the county are generally much wealthier than Negroes, the white schools reecive most of the benefit (1400a-1401a). Since, under freedom of choice plans, schools tend to retain their racial identities, and formerly Negro schools remain all-Negro for lack of white pupils electing to at 9 These statistics include the portable classrooms provided by the Fed eral Government and located at overcrowded Negro school sites (1423a- 1425a). The only possible justification for further overcrowding the Negro sites by locating the portables there is racial. I f the portables had been placed where there was room for them, it would have been even more imperative to transfer Negro pupils to white schools. The author ities require, as did the District Court here, that any substantial additions to existing schools be made with the “ objective of eradicating the ves tiges of the dual system.” Jefferson, supra, 380 F. 2d at 394, Kelley, supra, 378 F. 2d at 499. 10 See the Fifth Circuit’s Model Decree in Jefferson, 380 F. 2d at 393- 394; Kelley v. Altheimer, supra, 378 F. 2d at 499. 17 tend them,11 contributions, under such a system, are likely to continue to go to predominantly white schools, and the existence of inferior and sub-standard schools readily identifiable as Negro institutions will tend to continue. Consequently, as Judge Wisdom observed in Jefferson, supra, A freedom of choice plan will be ineffective if the students cannot choose among schools that are sub stantially equal. 372 F.2d at 891. D. Transportation. In Kelley v. Altheimer, Ark. School District, supra, 378 F.2d at 497, the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit said: The Board of Education transports rural students to and from their homes precisely as it did during the many years it operated a segregated school sys tem. It was inefficient and costly then. It is just as inefficient and costly now. Running two school buses down the same country road, one to pick up and de liver Martin students and the other to pick up and deliver next door neighbors attending Altheimer, is a luxury that this impoverished school board could not afford in the past and cannot afford now. The difference is that, before Brown the Board had the same right to operate segregated school buses as it had to operate segregated schools. While we have no authority to strike down transportation systems be cause they are costly and inefficient, we must strike them down if their operation serves to discourage the desegregation of the school system. 11 United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, supra, 372 F. 2d at 889; Rep. U. S. Comm, on Civil Rights, Survey of Desegregation in the Southern and Border States, 1965-66, p. 33. 18 The organization of the Franklin County district pur suant to a system of side-by-side schools makes the cited language of the Kelley case particularly applicable to the facts at bar. In the rural areas of Franklin County, whites and Negroes live side-by-side (1418a). Since the white and Negro schools are also located, for practical purposes, side by side, and since, except as indicated below, each school has its own bus routes, substantial overlapping results (1418a). The feasibility and desirability of consolidating bus routes—a step which would end unnecessary duplication— has been recognized by the defendants by their conduct. Since Franklin County employs high school students as drivers, it has been necessary to provide pupils from other schools to drive school buses, for three elementary schools —Edward Best Elementary (white) and Cedar Street and Youngsville Elementary (Negro). Accordingly, the bus routes of each of these schools have been combined with those of schools which offer high school grades. It is in this context that the dual system orientation of the defendants is most clearly exposed; the Negro elementary schools have common bus routes with other Negro schools, and the white elementary school has a common route with white Edward Best High. The most extreme example has been the consolidation of the routes of all-Negro Youngs ville Elementary with those of all-Negro Riverside, four teen miles away, rather than with all-white Youngsville High School, half a mile away (1418a). Similarly, all- Negro Cedar Street was combined with Riverside rather than with predominantly white Louisburg (which is lo cated between the two), not only for transportation of pupils (1418a-1422a), but also with regard to the lunch program; lunch is trucked in from Riverside past Louis burg to Cedar Street (1434a). 19 Defendants’ transportation policy carries with it all of the usual incidents of racial discrimination. Not only do the Negroes attending Negro schools—98.5% of all the Negroes—ride separate buses, but their transportation is inferior. When suit was brought, the average load on buses at Negro schools was 64.1, for buses at white schools 43 (D. App. 27A).12 13 Negro bus routes are longer in mileage and time spent than those of white schools; e.g., the longest bus route for Negro Youngsville Elementary takes 120 minutes each way, the longest for white Youngsville High fifty-five. At all-Negro Riverside, fourteen of sixteen buses make more than one trip per day; at predominantly white Louisburg, none (Government’s Trial Exhibits 24 and 32: not reproduced in appendix). Consequently, we believe that Franklin County is a prime example of the principle, restated by the Court in Kelley, supra, that the school bus is a principal factor in perpetuating school segregation in many areas of the South. 378 F.2d at 497. Conversion to a system of nonracial geographic attendance zones, or to school or grade consolidation, as directed by the District Court, will, of course, not only eliminate the irrationality and wastefulness of the present transporta tion system, but provide meaningful opportunities for a desegregated education as wTell.18 12 A year later the figures were 54.7 to 40.2 (D. App. 28A). 13 In Corbin and United States v. County School Board of Loudoun County, Va., ------ F. Supp. ------ , C.A. No. 2737 (E.D. Ya. August 29, 1967), United States District Judge Oren R. Lewis ordered, among other things, that As soon as practicable during the 1967-68 school year, and consistent with economy and efficiency, all transportation of pupils shall be desegregated and, to that end, the defendants shall forthwith dis continue the practice of limiting any particular bus route to any particular school whenever such limitation results in unreasonable overlapping between the routes of buses serving traditionally white schools and those serving traditionally Negro schools. 20 In two recent decisions, District Courts in Virginia and Louisiana have ordered the abandonment of the “ free choice” system of desegregation even without proof of intimidation. In Corbin and United States v. County School Board of Loudoun County, Va., —— F. Supp. ------ , C.A. No. 2737 (F..D. Va. August 29, 1987), the proof showed that in Loudoun County, Negroes, who comprised about 15% of the student population, were scattered throughout the county and, under a somewhat informal “ free choice” system, rode long distances past predominantly white schools to all-Negro schools. The Superintendent admitted that most of the Negro pupils could be accommodated at predominantly white schools close to their homes. There was gross duplication in white and Negro bus routes. Progress towards disestablishing dual school zones had been halting. Judge Oren E. Lewis, accepting the Govern ment’s argument that there was no rational non-racial basis for continued adherence to any system, including “free choice,” which would preserve the existence of all- Negro schools, entered an Order which included the follow ing provisions: Effective for the 1967-68 school year, the defendants shall assign all Negro elementary school students in the system who reside outside the town limits of Lees burg to the schools nearest their homes having the capacity to accommodate them. • # # # # No later than the commencement of the 1968-69 school year, the Loudoun County Elementary Schools shall be operated on the basis of a system of compact, uni tary, non-racial geographic attendance zones in which there shall be no schools staffed or attended solely by Negroes. Upon the completion of the new Broad Eun 21 High. School, the high schools shall be operated on a like basis. In Moses v. Washington Parish, La. School Board,------ F. Supp, ------ , CA No. 15973 (E.D. La. October 19, 1967), the Court, noting the existence of some of the educational and administrative disadvantages of the “free choice” sys tem which are proved by the record here, ordered “the abandonment of the so-called ‘free choice’ method of pupil assignment for the Washington Parish school system and, in its place, the institution of a geographical zoning plan.” Judge Heebe traced the origins of the free choice system and expressed the view that it was a logical interim measure: In the process of grade by grade desegregation, it is not difficult to imagine the hardships inherent and indeed the practical impossibility of requiring shifting geographical zones for desegregated grades, while al lowing maintenance of the segregated assignments for grades not yet reached by the desegregation proc ess. . . . But the usefulness of such plans logically ended with the end of the desegregation process. With all grades desegregated, there is no apparent reason for the continued use of the purely interim and temporary free choice system. Expounding at some length on the educational shortcom ings of “ free choice,” including its disruption of the “first principle of pupil assignment . . . [which] ought to be to utilize all available classrooms and schools to accommo date the most favorable number of students,” and on its inherent uncertainties, as a result of which “the board cannot make plans for the transportation of students to 22 schools,14 plan curricula, or even plan such things as lunch allotments and schedules,” the Court found that the School Board was adhering to “ free choice” not because of real concern about the pupil’s volition, which had been deemed irrelevant prior to desegregation, but rather for the pur pose of “ shifting to both white and Negro students the hoard’s own burden to run honestly and actually desegre gated truly non-racial systems.” The Court concluded that since “the implementation of the absurd system of free choice on a permanent basis has followed closely on the heels of the imperative to desegregate,” and since the School Board had not shown any valid non-racial purpose for continuing to this system, the “ free choice” plan would be disapproved and geographic zoning ordered. The holdings in the Corbin and Moses cases, and the remarks of appellate courts in others,15 16 suggest that it is at least arguable that the uncontested facts of this case, even absent any intimidation, would make Franklin County’s “ free choice” plan constitutionally inadequate. We think these dual system facts important because they illustrate the extent to which conversion to a unitary sys tem will eliminate the administrative and educational as well as racial burdens which Franklin County has had to bear for so long. This Court need not decide here, how ever, whether the Board’s “dual system” policies and prac tices would invalidate free choice in a free and uninhib ited atmosphere, for in Franklin County there has been no such atmosphere. In this County, racial intimidation has been such that “ freedom of choice” has been, in the 14 See in this connection the testimony of Thaddeus Jerome Cheek (627a, 632a). 16 Jefferson, supra, 372 F. 2d at 889; Kemp v. Beasley, 352 F. 2d 14, 21 (8th Cir. 1965); Singleton v. Jackson Municip. Separate School Dist., 355 F. 2d 865, 871 (5th Cir. 1966). 23 District Court’s words, both an illusion and a misnomer, and the choice has not been free in the practical context of its exercise. Bowman v. County School Board of Charles City County, 382 F.2d 326, 327-328 (4th Cir. 1967). n. Pressures Inhibiting the Exercise of Free Choice. The District Court’s decision holding unconstitutional Franklin County’s “ free choice” plan was principally grounded on the existence of community hostility to de segregation and on numerous acts of violence and intimi dation directed against Negroes seeking a desegregated education for themselves or for their children. While there are suggestions in defendants’ brief that the District Court erred on the law, and that the “free choice” plan should be allowed to stand even if choice was effectively inhibited by intimidatory acts of third parties,16 the thrust of their argument appears to be that the evidence was insufficient to support Judge Butler’s findings of commu nity hostility and intimidation.16 17 We submit that this con tention is completely without substance. While, under Rule 52(a) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, the Court of Appeals will sustain the District Court’s factual de terminations, unless they are “clearly erroneous,” and will 16 See Defendants’ brief, pp. 33-34, 37. 17 Defendants also (brief, pp. 11-13) attack the sufficiency of Judge Butler’s finding that the defendants failed, in 1965, to give parents in still segregated grades notice of criteria for transfer to desegregated schools. They claim that this finding is at odds with the Court’s earlier Order of February 24, 1966. Actually, the two orders are perfectly con sistent; compare Conclusion No. 6 of the 1966 order (D. App. 4A) with pertinent language in the 1967 Order (D. App. 15A-16A, 19A). Moreover, Rev. Latham, who discussed desegregation both with the Board and with Negro leaders as a kind of informal emissary, tes tified, after the date of the earlier order, that the criteria were not determined until after the Negroes had applied (492a, 498a). 24 not disturb the trial court’s findings merely because it may doubt their correctness, Darter v. Greenville Hotel Corp., 301 F.2d 70, 72-73 (4th Cir. 1962), questions about the scope of review appear almost academic in this case. The intimidation proved in this record is uncontradicted, and its volume is probably unparallelled in the history of school desegregation litigation.18 Its effects are apparent from the 1.5% pupil desegregation achieved on the fourth try in Franklin County—less than one tenth of the North Carolina average. A. Community Attitudes. At pages 13-14 of their brief, defendants attack as un supported by the evidence the District Court’s finding that there is “ marked hostility to school desegregation in Frank lin County.” We submit that they know better. On Octo ber 20, 1964, Mr. Clinton Fuller, one of the defendants in this action, who wears two hats as Vice President of the School Board and editor of the county newspaper, wrote in a rather sympathetic Franklin Times editorial about a large Klan rally that The Klan has been strong in this county for many years. By the nature of the organization, this has been kept secret. It will undoubtedly gain strength now following the rally (1571a).19 The Board of Education minutes of April 12, 1965, reflect the filing of a petition with the Board, signed by 767 persons, stating that 18 A partial chronology of intimidatory incidents or events, as presented to the trial court, is set forth at pp. 238a, et seq. of our Appendix. 19 For an illuminating discussion o f what the presence of a strong Klan means to Negroes seeking to exercise civil rights, see United States v. Original Knights of Ku Klux Klan, 250 F. Supp. 330 (E.D. La. 1965) (three-judge court). 25 We, the undersigned people of Franklin County, do hereby express our preference to forfeit Federal Aid to the schools of said county rather than to support integration. We suggest this be put to a vote by the people to maintain and operate our school system by a tax on each and every adult taxpayer (1539a). On August 5, 1965, Mr. Fuller remarked, in a Franklin Times editorial about school desegregation headlined “Frustration Is The Word” , that Most local citizens oppose integration of the schools. We do ourselves. We don’t believe it will work (1581a). In September of 1966, a citizens’ petition signed by 584 persons, together with other pressures, prompted the re versal of the decision by the school board of the admin istratively separate Franklinton unit in Franklin County of an initial decision to agree to requests by the U. S. Office of Education for further desegregation (854a, 1606a); the Franklin Times of September 8, 1966 headlined the occa sion “FRANKLINTON BOARD VOTES NO” (1602a). On December 1, 1966, Mr. Fuller’s headline read: “FRANK LINTON BUS USE LIFTED FOLLOWING K KK THREAT” (1610a). Finally, on November 22, 1967, Ne gro applicants for intervention who seek to return to all- Negro schools, and on whose intervention defendants claim to rely (brief, pp. 29, 35), alleged in their motion “ that they are being forced to go to schools where they have no friends; and that they are nervous and upset”—a posi tion which can hardly be reconciled with the supposed non-existence of community hostility. Even without actual violence, this strong and highly publicized community feeling would make freedom of choice less than free in fact. Negroes in the county are 26 in general much poorer than white persons and are eco nomically dependent on them,20 and poverty and depend ence restrict the range of choice. Cf. Vick v. County School Board of Obion County, Tenn., 205 F. Supp. 436, 440 (W.D. Tenn. 1962). In Franklin County, however, choice has not been inhibited simply by community attitudes. The underlying hostility has been implemented by pervasive acts of violence and intimidation which have jeopardized the safety and well-being of any Negro who might seek a desegregated education. B. Acts of Intimidation. Since defendants attack the sufficiency of the evidence to support the findings of intimidation, we have found it necessary to print in our Appendix most of the proof we have adduced with respect thereto, so that the Court may judge for itself. We believe that the Chronology of In timidation (238a et seq.) provides the Court with a useful perspective as to the obstacles Negroes seeking a deseg regated education have had to meet, and we will only provide a brief outline here. The evidence of intimidation in this record begins in 1963, with a bomb threat to Eev. Dunston, NAACP leader 20 The 1960 Census, extracts from which are in the record (259a et seq.) shows the following data for Franklin County: % of All White % of All Persons Nonwhites Category in Category in Category Family income over $3,000 per year ........... 58.3% 13.2% Family income over $5,000 per year ........... 29.5% 2.7% Family income over $7,000 per year ........... 12.1% 0.7% Persons with income over $3,000 per year —. 27.8% 4.9% Persons residing in owner occupied units .... 63% 29% Median Income—Families ............................ $3,507 $1,281 Median Income—Persons ............................... $1,701 $595 27 who had presented a 130-name petition for desegregation to the School Board (274a, 412a). In 1964 an unsuccessful attempt was made by a group of Negroes to transfer to desegregated schools; the parents involved were promptly warned to stay off a white man’s land (421a; 451a). In 1964, considerable publicity was given to Klan activity, including cross burnings, rallies, and the successful in timidation of the Chairman of the annual Christmas parade for not putting Negroes in the back of the procession (363a-364a, 1567a-1573a). Accordingly, in the spring of 1965, when the defendants elected to desegregate by the “ freedom of choice” method, they knew that the Klan was active in the county and that some opponents of deseg regation had violent tendencies, and they might well have anticipated just how free “ free choice” would be. On June 8, 1965, following the defendants’ adoption of the “ freedom of choice” plan, the Franklin Times dis closed the names and schools of the Negroes who applied to attend previously all-white schools (D. App. 69A-71A).21 Following the release of these names, the intimidation be came particularly intense. There were shootings into homes (372a, 414a, 424a-428a, 1575a, 1596a); explosions at Negro residences, (605a; 674a; 760a-761a; 888a-890a; 1587a); well poisonings and similar incidents (398a, 569a, 629a, 886a); the scattering of nails in driveways; (411a, 499a, 567a); threatening or obscene notes (596a, 667a, 628a,. 927a, 960a, 1109a); hundreds of threatening or abusive telephone calls (277a, 329a, 429a, 487a; 499a; 564a-565a; 884a-885a; 1278a-1279a); cross burnings (310a, 499a, 535a, 21 On other occasions, Mr. Fuller also published the addresses of some or all families involved in desegregation, or in incidents arising there from (426a, 721a, 1568a, 1575a, 1582a, 1584a), and he told a fellow board member who tried to restrain him from such publication to “ mind his own business.” (495a-496a) 28 565a, 730a, 890a); and economic reprisals of various kinds (282a; 335a-337a; 410a-411a; 566a-567a; 691a-693a; 742a et seq.; 907a et seq.; 1591a et seq.). The result was, as Judge Butler found, that while 76 of approximately 3,100 Negro pupils applied to attend previously all-white schools, and 31 were accepted, all but six -withdrew before the close of the 1965-66 school year (D. App. 19A).22 Several of the Negro students who did attend desegregated schools in 1965-66 were treated un kindly by their fellow pupils; some received threatening and abusive notes, and one was pushed around so much in the first few days that he dropped out of school (628a, 926a, 1589a). The same period also witnessed Klan-type harassment of Superintendent Rogers of the Franklinton schools, who was trying to comply with federal desegre gation requirements, and of two white ministers, Robert Latham and Frank Wood, who were openly trying to im prove race relations (499a-500a, 530a-536a, 730a-731a). It was in July, 1966, immediately following the most recent of these events, that this case was initially scheduled for trial. Only 23 Negroes had elected to attend deseg regated schools for 1966-67, and both plaintiffs and the United States were ready to present the evidence of in timidation which we have just described and to contend that it had made “free choice” constitutionally inadequate in Franklin County. After discussions between the District 22 Margaret Crudup, whose testimony defendants seek to minimize (brief, pp. 23-24), wrote a letter withdrawing her application to a white school after her parents received the following anonymous note: Dear Mr. and Mrs. Crudup. We hear that you are sending a child to Youngsville School. Well we are giving you 30 days to get out of Franklin County. Pay your landlord what you owe him if any. Leave your crop. We are not going to warne you agane. We will start in your family and will start with you to killing. (667a; see also 649a, 661a) 29 Court and counsel, however, trial on the merits was post poned, and an Interim Order was entered in which defen dants were required to conduct a new “ freedom of choice” period for Negroes with such safeguards against intimi dation as could reasonably be put in a decree of this type (D. App. 8A-14A). Following the entry of the Order, counsel for all parties met with representative community groups to try to make free choice work (D. App. 24A- 25A), and the plaintiffs, the ministers interested in better race relations, and others did their best to cooperate in all ways with the District Court’s Order (742a-744a, 912a, 1265a). A new choice period ensued, and a total of 49 Negro pupils elected to attend desegregated schools (D. App. 19A). The hopes that the intimidation would cease and that choice would become free in fact did not, however, ma terialize. Immediately after the court-ordered free choice period, shots were fired into a Negro home, and, while the victim of this shooting did not have children in a desegre gated school, the Franklin Times immediately associated the incident with school desegregation and speculated as to its effect on the Interim Order (1212a, 1596a). Soon after school opened, shots were fired into the home of a Negro whose two daughters had just enrolled for the first time at a desegregated school (822a-823a).23 Negro pupils 23 One of the more bizarre of defendants’ contentions on appeal (brief, pp. 19-20) is that the District Court should not have considered this incident because the Government proved it through the testimony of one of the teenaged students instead of through the father or mother. They suggest that if the parents had testified this would have shown that some nonracial reason lay behind the shooting. Actually, defendants did not call any other family member although they certainly could have done so, and there is not one shred of evidence in the record to support defen dants’ speculations. The reason we called the daughter rather than the father was that she could, and did, testify to other intimidatory and related incidents at the desegregated school, which would have been hear say from her parents (825a et seq.). 30 continued to receive unfriendly treatment from fellow stu dents at white schools (791a-792a; 825a; 927a-928a; 960a- 961a). The racial troubles of the Franklinton system to which we have referred earlier were front page news, and every Negro in the County could read in the Franklin Times and elsewhere that intensive community pressure had forced the Franklinton Board to capitulate to persons hostile to desegregation (1602a), and that Mr. Rogers’ home was under guard (1600a).24 25 Within a few months of the opening of school, both of the white clergymen whose concern for racial equity had led them to speak out for their convictions and to testify for the United States had been forced out of their pulpits, one formally by a lop-sided vote of his congregation (749a), and one by the accumulation of race-connected pressures which impeded his ministry and threatened his family (911a).26 Super intendent Rogers of Franklinton also resigned after he was subjected to civil and criminal charges and described in the Franklin Times as the center of controversy over in tegration (1600a), so that by the date of the 1967 trial, all of the Government’s white witnesses at the 1966 depo sitions had lost their jobs or resigned under pressure. 24 In an editorial about the Franklinton situation entitled “ Pressure in a Thicket,” the Raleigh News and Observer o f September 10, 1966, pre dicted that “ the extraordinary citizen pressure generated against the school board is going to be evidence as to why a ‘freedom of choice’ plan of desegregation has not worked there. It is doubtful whether any court would believe ‘freedom of choice’ is possible where such pressure has been demonstrated.” (1606a-1607a) 25 While defendants, (brief, pp. 21-22) consider it “ extremely unjust for any person to even guess at the real reason” why these ministers lost their pulpits, we submit that a reading of their depositions (each testified twice, once before and once after the loss of his pulpit; 483a et seq., 907a et seq.; 526a et seq., 742a et seq.) and a consideration of their racial activities, the harassment, and the sequence of events leaves no doubt as to why they are no longer in Franklin County. Cf. Johnson v. Branch, 364 F. 2d 177, 182 (4th Cir. 1966). 31 In the spring of 1967, Franklin County held its “ free choice” period for 1967-68—the fourth such period in two years. The choice period coincided with an abrupt increase in the level of harassment. In the first week in March, an explosion took place outside the Coppedge home; this incident is corroborated, despite defendant’s pleas to the court to disregard it (Brief, pp. 20-21), not only by the Government’s witnesses (1130a, D. App., 83A, 90A) but also, except as to details, by defendants’ witnesses (D. App. 221A-228A). Prior to the choice period, there had been some let-up in the number of threatening and harass ing telephone calls to the Coppedges, but after the period began, the number rose to a peak of perhaps seven or eight such calls per day (1278a-1280a). These calls con tinued throughout the year and the last as to which there is testimony took place three days before the trial (1280a).26 The choice period which was conducted under these condi tions resulted in 45 Negroes selecting desegregated schools —less than 1.5% of the total and a drop of four from the previous year (D. App. 19A). C. Defendants5 Attempts to Refute the Proof of Intimidation. The melancholy history represented by our Chronology of Intimidation is uncontradicted, and no arrests have been made of the perpetrators of any of these acts of violence (370a-379a, 1482a). Unable to meet the proof of unchecked 26 Assorted other incidents, during the 1966-67 school year, including one additional shooting into a Negro home, are listed in our Chronology of Intimidation (249a et seq.). Unfortunately, the publicized intimida tion did not end with the entry of the decree, and the Franklin Times of September 14, 1967, reported a new shooting into the Coppedge resi dence under the telling headline “ SHOTS FIRED INTO HOME OF SCHOOL SUIT PLAINTIFF.” Further shots were fired into the Cop pedge home on Christmas Eve, 1967. (Franklin Times, December 28,1967.) 32 intimidation directly, the defendants have attacked it from all directions. They allege that the District Judge should not have considered some, or any, of the evidence (brief, pp. 17, et seq.), or should not have believed the Govern ment’s witnesses (p. 25), or should have disregarded tes timony because plaintiffs or the Government called the wrong witnesses (pp. 19-21), or used the wrong kind of evidence (p. 34). They ask this Court to find that Judge Butler was clearly erroneous in finding a relation between the minimal progress in desegregation and the evidence of intimidation—he should, they say (brief, p. 28), have attributed this meager progress to lack of federally spon sored “free lunch” programs at white schools, even though not a single witness mentioned this consideration, and even though it is the policy of HEW to assure that benefits “ follow the eligible child who has transferred under the school desegregation program” (1427a-1428a). Finally, defendants called witnesses of their own and claim on appeal to have proved that nobody was afraid of the in timidations and that the reprisals did not have any effect.27 This case being on appeal, we believe that additional discussion of credibility and like issues is superfluous. We do wish to comment, however, on defendants’ claim (brief, p. 26) that “ the learned trial Judge has in his findings of fact been unduly influenced by sensational-sounding, hear say, newspaper articles.” First, the articles in evidence are not hearsay. They were not introduced to prove the truth of their contents, but rather to show the publicity given 27 Defendants say (brief, p. 30) that plaintiffs and the Government failed to produce a single witness who was influenced by fear during the 1967 choice period. While we think it unnecessary to call numerous wit nesses to prove that shootings and bombings intimidate, defendants’ statement is simply inexplicable in the light of the testimony of Rev. Arthur L. Morgan (1096a-1100a) and Ossie Lynn Spivey (1127a-1133a). 33 to intimidatory incidents in Franklin County. In most instances, the fact of a shooting or bombing or similar event was proved by competent testimony, and the news paper article was introduced simply to show that news of the incident was widely disseminated and therefore likely to influence more people. In the few instances where newspaper articles were used without independent proof of the incident—e.g., the two shootings into plaintiff Cop- pedge’s home after Judge Butler’s decision—their rele vance was to show that people in Franklin County were reading in their newspaper of intimidatory incidents, for such reading alone may well inhibit choice. Finally, al most all of the “ sensational sounding” articles are from the Franklin Times, which is edited and controlled by the defendant Fuller. See also Usiak v. New York Tank Barge Company, 299 F.2d 808, 810 (2d Cir. 1962).28 This brings us to what the defendants apparently con sider to be their affirmative non-intimidation case. A num ber of Negro parents and students testified on behalf of the defendants to the effect that it was not fear, but rather preference for schools with which they were familiar and in which they or their children had friends, that led them to return to all-Negro schools (D. App. 102A; D. App. 197A; 1163a, 1183a, 1189a). W hile many of the witnesses had heard of some or all of the acts of violence or intimida tion which had occurred in the county, they testified that 28 Newspapers have been admitted or used for various purposes in assorted civil rights cases. See, e.g., Swann v. Charlotte Mecklenburg Bd. of Educ., 369 F.2d 29, 31 (4th Cir. 1966); Davis v. Schnell, 81 F. Supp. 872, 879-881 (S.D. Ala. 1949), aff’d. 336 U.S. 933 (1949); United States v. State of Louisiana, 225 F. Supp. 353, 375-376 (E.D. La. 1963); aff’d. 380 U.S. 145 (1965); Hall v. St. Helena Parish School Board, 197 F. Supp. 649 (E.D. La. 1961), aff’d. 368 U.S. 515 (1962). Cf. Dallas Co. v. Commercial Union Assurance Co., 286 F.2d 388 (5th Cir. 1961). 34 they would have returned to all-Negro schools anyway (D. App. 100A; D. App. 1Q2A-103A; D. App. 133A-134A; D. App. 152A). Much of this is inevitable; where, as here, a school board, as a result of its faculty assignment and other dual system policies, offers Negroes a choice be tween schools identifiable as white or Negro (1175a, 1236a, 1285a), rather than between genuinely desegregated schools, Negro pupils will inevitably be encouraged to select the schools maintained for them. See Kiev v. County School Board of Augusta Cty., Va., 249 F. Supp. 239, 247- 248 (W.D. Va. 1966). The testimony adduced by defendants may support a contention that intimidation and fear were not the only reasons for Negroes remaining at all-Negro schools. It could even be argued that such evidence would have sup ported a finding (had the District Court made it) that there were some Negroes who were so brave that the prospects of shootings, explosions, telephone harassment, well pollution and the rest would not make them hesitate to elect desegregated schools for their children, although even here several of the witnesses conceded that they had no way of knowing if they would suffer reprisals or not, and it is incredible that they did not care (1232a, 1236a, 1255a).29 What these witnesses could not, and did not, show was that choice in Franklin County was free. Their testimony does not support the contention that it was sheer coincidence that the amount of desegregation was low where the level of intimidation was so high. In fact, 29 Mrs. Ollie Strickland, a Negro mother, was one of those who testified that she was not afraid, but on cross-examination acknowledged that Negroes get along fine if they stay in their place, and that she was not afraid because she did not plan to get out of her place (1241a). Much of the testimony of lack of fear is most readily understandable in the context that Negroes who chose Negro schools had nothing to be afraid of (1252a-1253a). 35 many of the defendant’s witnesses conceded the contrary. A few examples follow: (a) Gladys Hayes, Negro mother, sent her children to all-Negro Perry’s because that was where they wanted to go, but admitted that in fact they did not know how they would be treated at a white school and that they were “kind of afraid to find out” (1243a-1244a). (b) Evelyn Harris, Negro high school honor student who selected all-Negro Riverside school, acknowl edged that the Klan is strong in Franklin County, that she knew of numerous incidents of intimida tion which happened to Negroes who elected de segregated schools, that she attributed these in cidents to their choice of white schools, that some Negroes were certainly afraid to select white schools, and that their number might well be quite substantial (1246a-1251a). See also the simi lar testimony of fellow student Veronica Hawkins (1252a-1255a), (c) Ira Bowden, white, aged 66, a neighbor of the Coppedges who has lived in Franklin County all his life, acknowledged that the Klan had been strong in Franklin County for years, that it was known to be against integration generally and school integration in particular, and that he, like the Negro mother Ollie Strickland, was not afraid of the Klan simply because he was doing nothing to offend it (1158a-1162a). (d) Mrs. Mattie W. Crudup, Negro grandmother, testi fied that she sent her grandchildren to all-Negro Gethsemane voluntarily and felt that the small number of Negro teachers and pupils at Bunn 36 was a significant factor influencing her choice; if there were more Negro pupils and teachers at white schools, the Negro children would feel “more free” (1180a). (e) Mrs. Mattie 6. C. Harris, a Negro mother with some college training, elected Gethsemane rather than Bunn for her children because they preferred it, although she recognized that Bunn had a broader curriculum and that attendance there would have obviated a long bus ride; she had heard of some intimidatory incidents and was familiar with the Klan; she believed the acts of violence happened to people with children in white schools, and that the white community was hostile to desegregation; in general, she would prefer each child to attend the school nearest to his home (1165a-1170a). (f) Melissa Dean, Negro mother, elected to send chil dren to all-Negro Perry’s school because she even prefers a bad Negro school to a good white school; she knew of several intimidatory incidents which happened to Negroes with children in white schools; she refused to answer the question whether she thought such incidents would dis courage integration, but admitted that she wanted to help counsel for defendants and admitted that she knew the answer to the question which she refused to answer (1240a-1242a). We believe that if the testimony by defendants’ wit nesses is read as a whole, rather than conveniently charac terized as at page 29 of defendants’ brief, its impact on the District Court’s finding that choice in Franklin County was not free in fact was minimal, and the Court was justi- 37 fled in reaching its conclusion without explicit reference to it. D. The Legal Effect of Community Attitudes and Intimidation on the Constitutionality of the Freedom of Choice Plan. In setting aside “freedom of choice” in Franklin County, the Court below said, citing numerous authorities: Every freedom of choice plan must be judged on a case by case basis. “ The plan must be tested not only by its provisions, but by the manner in which it operates to provide opportunities for a desegregated education.” Wright v. County School Board, 252 F. Supp. 378, 383 (E.D. Va. 1966). It is a permissible plan so long as it comports with constitutional stan dards. It is constitutionally impermissible and, in deed, a misnomer when the choice is not free in fact. This Court has found that community attitudes and pressures in the Franklin County School system have effectively inhibited the exercise of free choice of schools by Negro pupils, and their parents. So-called “ freedom of choice” under such circumstances is an illusion. * * * (D. App. 30A-31A; 273 F. Supp. at 299). Defendants apparently disagree with this statement of the law. They contend (Brief, p. 37) that intimidation by third parties is in effect irrelevant in that it does not constitute state action but private conduct. Carried to its logical conclusion, this argument means that if a county has a “ free choice” plan, and every Negro who elects to attend a previously all-white school is shot to death, this does not affect the plan’s constitutionality. Such a doc trine would, in effect, be an invitation to hostile elements to destroy a desegregation plan, and is not supported by reason or authority. It is now settled law that “If choice 38 influencing factors are not eliminated, freedom of choice is an illusion,” 30 that an atmosphere of fear and intimida tion makes “free choice” impermissible, and that an in ordinately low amount of pupil desegregation is persuasive evidence that the plan is not operating constitutionally. In Cypress v. Newport News Gen. Hospital, 375 F.2d 648, 653 (4th Cir. 1967), a hospital discrimination case in which the defendants sought to attribute the lack of Negro doctors on the staff to lack of interest rather than to dis crimination, this Court held that the fact “ that so few Negroes have applied is no indication of lack of interest,” and noted by analogy that the former U. S. Commissioner of Education “ recently observed that a ‘Freedom of Choice’ plan is meaningless in many cases because people are in fear of reprisals should they attempt to exercise a choice.” Developing this theme further in its most recent decision on “ freedom of choice,” this Court said: Whether or not the choice is free may depend upon circumstances extraneous to the formal plan of the school board. I f there is a contention that economic or other pressures in the community inhibit the free exercise of the choice, there must be a judicial ap praisal of it, for “ freedom of choice” is acceptable only if the choice is free in the practical context of its exercise. If there are extraneous pressures which deprive the choice of its freedom, the school board may be required to adopt affirmative measures to counter them. Bowman v. County School Board of Charles City County, 382 F.2d 326, 327-28 (4th Cir. 1967). 30 Lee v. Macon County Board of Education, 267 F. Supp. 458, 479 (M.D. Ala. 1967) (three judge court). 39 Other courts have reached the same conclusion. In Kelly v. Board of Education of City of Nashville, 270 F.2d 209, 229-230 (6th Cir. 1959), the Court, in upholding a “free choice” transfer provision in a desegregation plan based on geographic attendance zones, held assignment pursuant to choice to be lawful, but observed: *' * * It is conceivable that the parent may have made the choice from a variety of reasons—concern that his child might otherwise not be treated in a kindly way, personal fear of some kind of economic reprisal; or a feeling that the child’s life will be more har monious with members of his own race. In common justice, the choice should be a free choice, uninfluenced by fear of injury, physical or economic, or by anxieties on the part of a child or his parents. * * # # * * * * But if it should appear, upon a showing, that there are impediments to the exercise of a free choice, and that a change should be made in the plan to carry out, in good faith, and with every safeguard to the children’s rights, the mandate of the Supreme Court, the district court, having retained jurisdiction during the entire period of the process of desegregation under the Board’s plan, shall make such modification in its decree as is just and proper.31 In Vick v. County School Board of Obion County, Ten nessee, 205 F. Supp. 436, 440 (W.D. Tenn. 1962) the Court, in upholding the facial constitutionality of a “ free dom of choice” plan, cautioned that 31 The Court in the Kelly case upheld the validity of the minority to majority transfer rule, since declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court as preservative of segregation. Goss v. Board of Education of Knoxville, 373 U.S. 683 (1963). 40 * * * In the event that, upon the registration of the Negro students in June, it should appear that eco nomic or other pressure, overtly or covertly, is brought to bear on the Negro parents and students, this Court, having retained jurisdiction, might find it necessary to eliminate the choice provision from the plan in order to effectuate the mandate of the Supreme Court in the Brown decisions. The two federal agencies which have had occasion to consider this problem concur with the above-cited deci sions. In its “ Survey of School Desegregation in the Southern and Border States, 1965-66,” the U. S. Commis sion on Civil Rights, following a study of the operation of “ free choice” plans, recommended their disapproval by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare in dis tricts where “there is evidence that Negro parents have been intimidated, threatened or coerced as a result of ex ercising rights under the plan or in order to deter the exercise of such rights.” Similarly, the Revised Desegrega tion Guidelines of HEW’s Office of Education, to which the courts give respectful consideration,32 provide as follows: A free choice plan tends to place the burden of de segregation on Negro or other minority group stu dents and their parents. Even when school authorities undertake good faith efforts to assure its fair opera tion, the very nature of a free choice plan and the effect of longstanding community attitudes often tend to preclude or inhibit the exercise of a truly free choice by or for minority group students. # * # # # 32 Bowman v. County School Board of Charles City County, 382 F.2d 326, 328 (4th Cir. 1967); Cypress v. Newport News Gen. Hospital, 375 F.2d 648, 656-657 (4th Cir. 1967); United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 372 F.2d 836 (5th Cir. 1966), aff’d en banc 380 F.2d 385 (5th Cir. 1967). 41 The single most substantial indication as to whether a free choice plan is actually working to eliminate the dual school structure is the extent to which Negro or other minority group students have in fact transferred from segregated schools. Thus, when substantial de segregation actually occurs under a free choice plan, there is strong evidence that the plan is operating effectively and fairly, and is currently acceptable as a means of meeting legal requirements. Conversely, where a free choice plan results in little or no actual desegregation, or where, having already produced some degree of desegregation, it does not result in substantial progress, there is reason to believe that the plan is not operating effectively and may not be an appropriate or acceptable method of meeting con stitutional and statutory requirements. (45 CFR §181.54) The Guidelines also contain the general yardstick for as sessing the success of a free choice plan to which the Dis trict Court referred to in its third Conclusion of Law, (D. App. 28A-29A; 273 F. Supp. 298) and the contrast between the progress made by Franklin County and that contemplated by the Guidelines is a telling measure of the effect of intimidation and of the defendants’ dual system policies. See also Jefferson, supra, 372 F.2d at 886-888, and cases there cited. The only authority cited by the defendants in support of their apparent theory that intimidation is irrelevant is United States v. Haywood County Board of Education, 271 F. Supp. 460 (W.D. Tenn. 1967). In that case the Court, after admitting evidence of intimidation and of the sub jective state of mind of the Negroes on the theory that “ a freedom of choice plan is constitutional only if, in its actual operation, the Negro pupils and their parents are 42 truly free to choose . . . in effect found a failure of proof and therefore sustained the Board’s “free choice” plan. The Court stated that the white citizens of the county dis approved of the alleged acts of intimidation, that the county’s business leaders were trying to promote equal opportunities for Negroes, and that a biracial committee was now effectively dealing with complaints of discrimi nation. The Court concluded: In short, while Haywood County has had some shame ful incidents in its past history, the situation is improv ing and we believe, from the evidence, will continue to improve. (271 F. Supp. at 464) That the Haywood County decision is not authority for the defendants’ “ intimidation is irrelevant” theory is estab lished by the following remarks made by the District Judge from the bench in that case during the course of the trial : * m * We have always made it clear that a freedom of choice plan can be constitutional if, and only if it truly is a free choice plan, and if there is any impediment to the freedom of choice, from whatever source, which is substantial, then the freedom of choice plan does not meet the constitutional requirement to abolish compulsory segregation, based on race. It’s as simple as that. # # # * # * * * I think in order to bring yourself within the requirement, that segregation based on race, which is compulsory, that that be abolished, it is necessary if you are going to go to the freedom of choice route, to show that it is absolutely free and there is no sub stantial impediment, and as I also indicated, it doesn’t make any difference where the impediment comes from. The School Board, for example, can be completely 43 honest and diligent in its effort to bring about a true freedom of choice situation, but if others not within the School Board’s control prevent that from taking place, it’s just as if the School Board had done it, in the Court’s view and, of course, as to the Constitu tion. (Transcript, United States v. Haywood County Board of Educ., pp. 31, 32) While we do not agree with the District Court’s assess ment of the evidence in the Haywood County case, and have appealed the decision, we believe that the opinion may fairly be considered an expression of the understand able reluctance of courts to set aside desegregation plans before every effort has been expended to make them work. Judge Butler’s entry of his Interim Order in July, 1966 in the face of the Government’s readiness at that time to prove widespread intimidation reflected a similar deter mination to try to save “ freedom of choice” in Franklin County before condemning it.83 In 1967, however, Judge Butler faced a situation different in kind from that before Judge Brown in Haywood County—a year had passed under court-ordered “ free choice,” the intimidation had continued, and the projected desegregation for 1967-68 was even smaller than the negligible degree attained the previ ous year. In that context, and since “delays in desegre gating school systems are no longer tolerable,” Bradley 33 * * * * * * * * 33 In Teel v. Pitt County Board of Education, 272 F. Supp. 703, 707 (E.D. N.C. 1967), Judge John D. Larkins, in tentatively upholding Pitt County’s “ freedom of choice” plan for another year, warned that: It may be that, because of community hostilities and ineffective operation of the plan by the School Board another year under free dom of choice (as modified) in Pitt County will convince the Court that some altogether different mode of pupil assignment must be thrust upon the Board in order to eliminate the continuing vestiges of racial discrimination. 44 v. School Board, 382 U.S. 103, 105 (1965), it was simply too late to give Franklin County’s illusory “ freedom of choice” plan still another chance. CONCLUSION For the reasons stated, we respectfully request that the judgment of the District Court be affirmed. Respectfully submitted, S teph en J. P ollak Assistant Attorney General F kank E. S chw elb F bancis H . K ennedy Attorneys, Department of Justice Washington, D.C. 20530 MEILEN PRESS INC. — N. Y. C .«s^po219