DeFunis v. Odegaard Brief of a Group of Law School Deans as Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1973
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. DeFunis v. Odegaard Brief of a Group of Law School Deans as Amici Curiae, 1973. a44a6683-af9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/70eab15a-d9d9-4e71-a6a6-9b8d702c985f/defunis-v-odegaard-brief-of-a-group-of-law-school-deans-as-amici-curiae. Accessed December 04, 2025.
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IN' THE
§>upxm? QJmtrt rtf i\\t Inttrft
October Term, 1973
No. 73-235
M arco D eF unis, et al., Petitioners,
V.
Charles Odegaard, et al., Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of the
State of Washington
BRIEF OF A GROUP OF LAW SCHOOL DEANS
AS AMICI CURIAE
H oward A. Glickstein
M ichael B. W ise
Center for Civil Rights
University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556
D avid H . H unter
Washington, D.C.
Attorneys for Amici
Press or B yron S. Adams P hinung, Inc., W ashington. D. C.
GROUP OF LAW SCHOOL DEANS AS AMICUS CURIAE
T hom as W eldon C h b isto ph er , Dean, University of Ala
bama School of Law
G ordon A. C h risten so n , Dean, American University Law
School
E dgar S. Cailn , Co-Dean, Antioch School of Law
J ean C am per C a h n , Co-Dean, Antioch School of Law
W illard H . P edrick , Dean, Arizona State University
College of Law
R ichard G. H uber , Dean, Boston College of Law
P au l M. S isk in d , Dean, Boston University School o f Law
E dward C. H albac ii, Jr., Dean, University of California
School of Law, Berkeley
D an ie l J. D y k stra , Dean, University of California School
of Law, Davis
M arvin J. A nderson , Dean, University of California,
Hastings College of Law, San Francisco
M urray L. S ch w a r tz , Dean, University of California, Los
Angeles, School of Law
L indsey C o w en , Dean, Case Western Reserve University,
Franklin T. Bacus Law School
E . Clin to n B amberger, J r ., Dean, Catholic University of
America School of Law
A r t h u r H. T ravers, Jr., Acting Dean, University of Colo
rado School of Law
F rancis C. C ady, Acting Dean, University of Connecticut
School of Law
R oger C. Cram ton , Dean, Cornell Law School
R obert B. Y egge, Dean, University of Denver College of
Law
L y m a n R ay P atterson , Dean, Emory University School of
Law
J oshua M. M orse, III, Dean, Florida State University Col
lege of Law
A drian S anford F ish e r , Dean, Georgetown University Law
Center
R obert K ram er , Dean, George Washington University
National Law Center
J. L a n i B ader, Dean, Golden Gate College School of Law
T h e R everend F rancis J. C o n k l in , S.J., Dean, Gonzaga
University School of Law
M onroe H. F reedm an , Dean, Hofstra University School
of Law
A lbert R. M enard , J r ., Dean, University of Idaho College
of Law
W ayne R. L aF ave, Acting Dean, University of Illinois Col
lege of Law
D ouglass G. B osh kofe , Dean, Indiana University School
of Law
J am es R . M erritt , Dean, University of Louisville School
of Law
F rederick J. L ow er, Jr., Dean, Loyola University School
of Law, Los Angeles
M arcel Garsaud, J r ., Dean, Loyola University School of
Law, New Orleans
G ordon D. S chaber , Dean, McGeorge School of Law, Uni
versity of the Pacific
T heodore J. St. A n to in e , Dean, University of Michigan
Law School
Carl A. A uerbach , Dean, University of Minnesota Law
School
F rederick M. H art , Dean, University of New Mexico
School of Law
R ichard D. S ch w artz , Dean, State University of New York
at Buffalo School of Law
L eM arquis D eJ arm o n , Dean, North Carolina Central Uni
versity School of Law
D ickson P h il l ip s , Dean, University of North Carolina
School of Law
J am es A . R a h l , Dean, Northwestern University School of
Law
T hom as L. S h affer , Dean, University of Notre Dame Law
School
J am es C. K irby , J r ., Dean, Ohio State University College
of Law
E ugene F. S coles, Dean, University of Oregon School of
Law
B ernard W o lfm an , Dean, University of Pennsylvania Law
School
W illard H eckel , Acting Dean, Rutgers, The State Uni
versity of New Jersey School of Law, Newark
R ichard J efferson C hildress, Dean, St. Louis University
School of Law
D onald T. W eck stein , Dean, University of San Diego
School of Law
C. D elos P u t z , J r ., Dean, University o f San Francisco
School of Law
George J. A lexander , Dean, University of Santa Clara
School of Law
R obert W. F oster, Dean, University of South Carolina
School of Law
D orothy W. N elson , Dean, University of Southern Cali
fornia Law Center
P eter J ames L iacouras, Dean, Temple University School
of Law
O tis H. K in g , Dean, Texas Southern University School of
Law
R obert B. McK ay, Dean, New York University School of
Law
S am u el D. T h u r m a n , Dean, University of Utah College of
Law
A lfred W. M eter , Dean, Valparaiso University School of
Law
R obert L. K nauss , Dean, Vanderbilt University School of
Law
W illard D. L orensen , Dean, West Virginia University
College of Law
L arry K. H arvey, Dean, Willamette University College of
Law
George B u n n , Dean, University of Wisconsin Law School
E. George R u d olph , Dean, University of Wyoming College
of Law
(The institutional association of the signers of this brief
is provided for identification purposes. The signers do not
necessarily represent the view of their institutions.)
R ichard B. A mandes, Dean, Texas Tech University School
of Law
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
. 1Interest of the Amici . ,
Consent of the Parties
Question Presented . .
Summary of Argument
Argument ............. .
The admissions policy of the University of Washington
School of Law represented the exercise of sound
administrative judgment..................................... .
I. Determining whom to admit to a law school class
involves weighing a myriad of factors, both sub
jective and objective ..........................................
II. The racial and ethnic background of applicants
is an appropriate factor to consider in determin
ing admissions to law school . ............................
A. Purely mechanical criteria are an inadequate
basis for determining the composition of a
law school class ...............................................
B. The desirability of a heterogeneous student
body is an appropriate element of a law
school’s admission policy ..............................
C. The nature of legal services required by the
public is an appropriate consideration for a
law school in constituting its student body . .
D. It is appropriate for a law school’s admis
sions policy to be sensitive to the pivotal role
played by the legal profession in our national
life ..................................................................
2
2
2
3
3
3
8
10
11
13
15
11 Table of Contents Continued
Page
E. It is appropriate for the admissions policy of
a public law school to be sensitive to the need
to overcome the effects of past and present
illegal discrimination suffered by minority
group members ..................................... 16
1. The paucity of minority lawyers is the re
sult of discrimination................................ 16
2. Voluntary remedial action is not depend
ent upon a finding of discrimination......... 19
3. Remedial action may impinge on the ex
pectations of others.................................... 21
Conclusion ............................. 24
INDEX OF CITATIONS
Ca se s :
Addabbo v. Donovan, 16 N.Y.2d 619, 209 N.E.2d 112,
261 N.Y.S.2d 68 (1965), cert, denied, 382 U.S. 905
(1965) ....................................................................... 19
Associated General Contractors of Massachusetts, Inc.
v. Altshuler, 6 EPD U 8993 (C.A. 1, 1973) ........... 9, 22
Balaban v. Rubin, 14 N.Y.2d 193, 199 N.E.2d 375, 250
N.Y.S.2d 281, cert, denied, 379 U.S. 881 (1964) .. 19
Balsbaugh v. Rowland, 447 Pa. 423, 290 A.2d 85 (1972) 19
Booker v. Board of Education, 45 N.J. 161, 212 A.2d 1
(1965) ....................................................................... 19
Brooks v. Beto, 366 F.2d 1 (C.A. 5, 1966) ................... 10
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) . . 17
Carter v. Gallagher, 452 F.2d 315, modified en banc,
452 F.2d 327 (C.A. 8, 1972), cert, denied, 406 U.S.
950 (1972) ................................. 22
Chance v. Board of Examiners, 458 F.2d 1167 (C.A. 2,
1972) ............. 20
Contractors Association of Eastern Pennsylvania v.
Secretary of Labor, 442 F.2cl 159 (C.A. 3, 1971),
cert, denied, 404 U.S. 854 (1971) ......................... 20,22
Deal v. Cincinnati Board of Education, 369 F.2d 55
(C.A. 6, 1966), cert, denied, 389 U.S. 847 (1967). .7,19
Index of Citations Continued m
Page
DeFunis v. Odegaard, 82 Wn.2d 11, 507 P.2d 1169
(1973) ..................................... 4,13
Fuller v. Volk, 230 F. Supp. 25 (D.N.J. 1964), vacated
on other grounds, 351 F.2d 323 (C.A. 3, 1965),
adhered to on the merits, 250 F. Supp. 81 (D.N.J.
1966) ............................ .'......................................... 19
Gaston County v. United States, 395 U.S. 285 (1969). . 21
Guida v. Board of Education, 26 Conn. Supp. 121, 213
A.2d 843 (Super. Ct. 1965) ............................ . 19
Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 (1915) ............... 6
Johnson v. Pike Corporation of America, 332 F. Supp.
490 (C.D. Cal. 1971) .................................... 21
Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado, 413
' U.S. 189 (1973) ....... ............................................... 17
Local 189, United Papermakers and Paperworkers,
AFL-CIO v. United States, 416 F.2d 980 (C.A. 5,
1969), cert, denied, 397 U.S. 919 (1970) ............... 20
McDaniel v. Barresi, 402 U.S. 39 (1971) ................... 18
Meredith v. Fair, 298 F.2d 696 (C.A. 5, 1962) ........... 6
Morean v. Board of Education, 42 N.J. 237, 200 A.2d 97
(1964) ....................................................................... 19
North Carolina State Board of Education v. Swann,
402 U.S. 43 (1971) .................................................. 19
Norwalk CORE v. Norwalk Redevelopment Agency,
395 F.2d 920 (C.A. 2, 1968) ........................ . .18, 20, 21
(Merman v. Nitowski, 378 F.2d 22 (C.A. 2, 1967) . . . . 19
Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112 (1970) ..................... 21
Porcelli v. Titus, 431 F.2d 1254 (C.A. 3, 1970), cert.
denied, 402 U.S. 944 (1971) ............................. ..20,22
School Committee of Boston v. Board of Education,
352 Mass. 693, 227 N.E.2d 729 (1967), appeal dis
missed, 389 U.S. 572 (1968) .................................. 19
Sobol v. Perez, 289 F.Supp. 392 (E.D. La. 1968)......... 14
Springfield School Committee v. Barksdale, 348 F.2d
261 (C.A. 1, 1965) .............................................. . . 8 , 2 0
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education,
402 U.S. 1 (1971) ..........................................8,12,19, 23
Sweat! v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629 (1950) . . . ._............. 12,17
Tometz v. Board of Education, Waukegan City, 39 111.
2d 593, 237 N.E.2d 498 (1968) .............................. 19
United States v. Bethlehem Steel Corporation, 446 F.2d
652 (C.A. 2, 1971) .................. ............................... 22
IV Index of Citations Continued
Page
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education,
372 F.2d 836 (C.A. 5, 1966), cert, denied sub nom.
Board of Education of Bessemer v. United States,
389 U.S. 840 (1967) ............................................... 9
United States v. Louisiana, 252 F.Supp. 353 (E.D. La.
1963), aff’d, 380 U.S. 145 (1965) ............................ 9
United States v. Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers In
ternational Union, Local Union 46, 341 F.Supp,
694, (S.D.N.Y. 1972), aff’d, 471 F.2d. 408 (C.A. 2,
1973), cert, denied, 412 U.S. 939 (1973) ............... 22
Wanner v. County School Board of Arlington County,
Virginia, 357 F.2d 452 (C.A. 4, 1966) ................. 8,19
S t a t u t e s :
5 U.S.C. §§ 3309, 3312 ................................................... 5
38 U.S.C. §§ 1681, 1801-27 ......................................... . 5
42 U.S.C. § 1477 .............................................................. 5
42 U.S.C. §§ 2000e et seq.................................................. 22
43 U.S.C. § 186 ................................................................ 5
50 U.S.C. App. §§ 459, 1884 ........................................... 5
C o n stitu tion al P kovision :
Fourteenth Amendment ......................................... 2
M iscellaneous :
Bell, Black Students in White Schools: The Ordeal
and the Opportunity, 1970 Toledo L. Rev. 539. . . . 15
Consalus, The Law School Admission Test and the
Minority Student, 1970 Toledo L. Rev. 5 0 1 ......... 6, 7
Gellhorn, The Law School and the Negro, 1968 Duke
L.J. 1068............... ...13,17
Graglia, Special Admission of the ‘ ‘ Culturally De
prived” to Law School, 119 U. Pa. L. Rev. 354
(1970)........................................................................... 14
Lasswell & McDougal, Legal Education and Public
Policy: Professional Training in the Public In
terest, 52 Yale L.J. 203 (1943)...................... 15
Index of Citations Continued y
Page
Morris, Equal Protection, Affirmative Action and
Racial Preferences in Law School Admissions, 49
Wash. L. Rev. 1 (1973)........................................... 14
O’Neil, Preferential Admissions: Equalizing the Ac
cess of Minority Groups to Higher Education, 80
Yale L.J. 699 (1971)...................... ; ......................6, 3.4
O’Neil, Preferential Admissions: Equalizing Access to
Legal Education, 1970 Toledo L. Rev. 281............ 12
Oppenheim, The Abdication of the Southern Bar in L.
Friedman, ed., Southern Justice 127 (1965). . . . . . 14
Pinderhughes, Increasing Minority Group Students in
Law Schools: The Rationale and the Critical Is
sues, 20 Buf. L. Rev. 447 (1971)........................... 10,16
Reynoso et al., La Raza, the Law, and the Law
Schools, 1970 Toledo L. Rev 809..........................14,17
Strickland, Redeeming Centuries of Dishonor: Legal
Education and the American Indian, 1970 Toledo
L. Rev. 847....................................... ................... .14,17
Twentieth Century Fund, Administration of Justice
in the South 3 (1967) ......................................... .. 14
TT.S. Bureau of the Census BLS Report No. 394, Series
P-23, No. 38, Table 67 . . . . . . . ........................ 17
IT.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Re
ports, Series P-23, No. 46, Table 7 (1972) ........... 18
U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1970 Census of Popula
tion, PC(2)lc, PC (2)lf, PC (2)lg ......... ............ . 17
1972 Proceedings of the Association of American Law
Schools ............. ........................................ .............. 12
IN' THE
Aupran? (tort ni tl?r lnttr&
October Term, 1973
No. 73-235
Marco DeE itnis, et al., Petitioners,
v.
Charles Odegaard, et al., Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of the
State of Washington.
BRIEF OF A GROUP OF LAW SCHOOL DEANS
AS AMICI CURIAE
INTEREST OF THE AMICI
The amici are deans of law schools located through
out the United States who are concerned with the effect
a decision reversing the Supreme Court of Washington
would have on the admission policies and student com
position of law schools throughout the nation. The
deans believe that law schools must retain the adminis
trative flexibility and discretion to employ a wide
range of criteria, both subjective and objective, in
selecting those students who can best contribute to their
law school and to the legal profession. The deans
believe that it is equally imperative that law schools
continue to be permitted to consider the minority status
of an applicant as one criterion in the admissions
process so that they can effectively fulfill their obli
gation to take affirmative steps to overcome the con
tinuing effects of past discrimination in law schools
and in the legal profession.
2
CONSENT OF THE PARTIES
Marco DeFunis, et al., and Charles Odegaard, el al.,
by their attorneys, have consented to the filing of this
brief. Their letters of consent are on file with the
Clerk of this Court.
QUESTION PRESENTED
Does a state supported school of law violate the
Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
when, in endeavoring to overcome the effects of past
discrimination, it considers an applicant’s racial or
ethnic background among the many factors it weighs
in determining whom to admit?
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The University of Washington Law School, like
most law schools, employs a wide range of criteria in
selecting students for admission who can best con
tribute to the law school and to the legal profession.
These law schools have found that many of the goals
they hope to accomplish through their admission poli
cies would go unrealized were they mechanically and
uncritically to accept candidates solely on the basis
of college grade averages and LSAT scores. Several
of the most important of these admission policies re
quire the law schools to consider the race and ethnic
background of the applicant as one of the many factors
that are examined in reaching a decision. These poli
cies include the desire to insure a representative
student body, the desire to help overcome the critical
shortage of minority group lawyers so that all groups
are represented in the profession so influential in both
public and private policy decisions in the United States,
and, most important of all, the desire to remedy the
continuing effects of racial and ethnic discrimination
3
which has for so long denied minority groups their
rightful place of equality in American society. Such
voluntary efforts to overcome our nation’s legacy of
slavery and discrimination are constitutionally permis
sible and should be encouraged.
ARGUMENT
The Admissions Policy of the University of Washington
School of Law Represented the Exercise of Sound
Administrative Judgment.
I. DETERMINING WHOM TO ADMIT TO A LAW SCHOOL
CLASS INVOLVES WEIGHING A MYRIAD OF FAC
TORS, BOTH SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE.
Choices among different people are generally dif
ficult. Choosing among applicants for a law school
class is no exception. Indeed, in the case of the Uni
versity of Washington Law School in its selection of
the class entering in the fall of 1971 the difficulties
were staggering. There were 1601 applications for
no more than 150 positions in the class. (Finding X ,
A. 48) 1 Since most of the applicants were considered
capable of doing the work which is required in law
school, the school faced two difficult questions: What
criteria were to be used to choose among capable ap
plicants? How can those criteria be applied within
the limits of the manpower available to review the
applications and the time available for this process?
The school found appropriate and workable answers
to both questions. In selecting applicants for ad
mission the admissions committee followed this
standard:
“ In assessing applications, we began by trying to
identify applicants who had the potential for out
1 References to material in the Single Appendix are denoted
herein as “ A .”
4
standing performance in law school. We at
tempted to select applicants for admission from
that group on the basis of their ability to make
significant contributions to law school classes and
to the community at large.” (A. 34-5)
The committee’s interpretation of this standard was
guided in part by the University policy to eliminate
“ the continued effects of past segregation and dis
crimination” against minority group members.
DeFunis v. Odegaard, 82 Wn. 2d 11,19, 507 P. 2d 1169,
1175 (1973).
Members of the admissions committee spent about
1300 hours in the process of deciding whom to admit.
Much more time would have been necessary if certain
steps had not been taken to facilitate the decision
making process. For each applicant a predicted
first year average (P F Y A ) was calculated based on
college grades, the LSAT aptitude score, and the
LSAT writing score, and this figure was used to
separate the applications into three groups, which re
ceived different levels of attention. Secondly, appli
cations from minority group members wTere considered
separately. These steps were taken in order to es
tablish general criteria applicable to all candidates
and to insure that special factors relevant to minority
candidates were taken into consideration. No appli
cant was either accepted or rejected solely on the basis
of his or her PFYA. No applicant was either ac
cepted or rejected solely on the basis of his or her race
or ethnic background. DeFunis v. Odegaard, 82
Wn. 2d at 17, 19, 20, 39-40, 507 P. 2d at 1173, 1174,
1175, 1185-86.
The PFYA , based upon the LSAT score and college
grades, was only one part of the decision-making
process. It stands out because it is the only factor
which is quantifiable, but this should not lead to an
overrated estimate of its importance. Its weight
might vary from applicant to applicant. For ex
ample, experience with particular colleges might in
dicate that their grades predicted very well the law
school grades of students coming from it. Such
grades would be relied on more than grades from, a
school which had sent few students to the law school
before or from a school whose grades did not predict
law school performance. Two students were admitted,
moreover, who had no grades at all from the last two
years of college. (A. 40-41)
Grades and test scores are not all that schools con
sider in determining whom to admit. Law schools
(and other institutions of higher education) use a
variety of criteria in reviewing applications. For ex
ample, the University of Washington Law School gave
preference to a certain class of veterans, men who had
been admitted in the past but had been unable to at
tend the law school because of the draft. These ap
plicants were admitted automatically. (A. 31) In
some cases these veterans could not meet current
standards. Though one could argue that admitting
such a veteran deprives a better qualified applicant of
a place in the lawT school, considerations of fairness
and of national policy make this preference unobjec
tionable. 2
Some state universities and law schools give pref
erence to residents of the state, though no claim is
made that residents of the particular state are better
students. In fact, petitioner argued unsuccessfully
below that the University of Washington was required
S3
2 Preference for veterans is a common feature of many of our
laws. See, e.g., 5 TJ.S.C. §§ 3309, 3312; 38 U.S.C. §§ 1681, 1801-27;
42 U.S.C. § 1477; 43 U.S.C. § 186; 50 U.S.C. App. §§459, 1884.
6
to give such a preference under state law. Other
schools give preference to nonresidents.
Preference is sometimes given to children of alumni,
even though at most schools this would work to the
disadvantage of minorities, as does a preference for
those applicants who have famous or wealthy parents.
Cf. Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 (1915) ;
Meredith v. Fair, 298 P. 2d 696 (C.A. 5, 1962). See
O’Neil, Preferential Admissions: Equalizing the Ac
cess of Minority Groups to Higher Education, 80 Y ale
L. J. 699, 703-05 (1971).
The LSAT score is more closely related to academic
competence, hut it is both an attractive and a dangerous
criterion. It is attractive because it is the sole com
mon denominator among all the applicants and its
three-digit character gives it the appearance of objec
tivity and precision. It is dangerous because at its
best the information which it gives us is limited, and
its appearance may be misleading.
The LSAT is designed to predict success in first year
law school courses; its usefulness in doing this is ac
cepted by almost all law schools. But it has the limita
tions that any test of this type has in that it is subject
to errors of measurement3 and it predicts first year
grades imperfectly. It predicts grades well enough
to be very useful in considering large numbers of stu
dents, but it leaves much uncertainty when individual
8 A score, for example, of 550 indicates that there are two
chances out of three that the score reflecting the true ability of
the individual is between 520 and 580. Thus to prefer the appli
cant with a score of 550 to one with a score of 520 or 530 has
questionable justification. If, therefore, there are one or two
hundred applicants all of whom have scores within 60 points of
each other, the LSAT score is a very dubious basis for comparison.
See Consalus, The Law School Admission Test and the Minority
Student, 1970 U. Toledo L. Rev. 501, 512-13.
7
students are considered. For example, if one is com
paring a student with a 600 to one with a 500 one must
realize that there are many factors which might lead
the 500 student to perform as well as the 600 student.
Motivation, financial problems, family problems, self-
confidence, ability to get along with other students
and with members of the faculty, interest in the
courses, the possibility of illness—these are not meas
ured on the LSAT. See Consalus, supra at 513.
In short, the selection of students for admission to
law school involves the exercise of informed judgment.
A mechanistic ranking of candidates is not necessarily
in the interest of the law school, the legal profession
or society. Here the University of Washington
weighed a multiplicity of factors, and no one factor
was the sole basis for granting or denying admission
to the law school. Accordingly, courts should be very
reluctant to interfere with the difficult exercise of dis
cretion which is required by the law school admissions
process. A law school can be compared to a school
board trying to devise an educationally sound remedy
for racial imbalance and the problems resulting from
unequal education:
“ The School Board, in the operation of the public
schools, acts in much the same manner as an ad
ministrative agency exercising its accumulated
technical expertise in formulating policy after
balancing all legitimate conflicting interests. I f
that policy is one conceived without bias and ad
ministered uniformly to all who fall within its
jurisdiction, the courts should be extremely wary
of imposing their own judgment on those who
have the technical knowledge and operating re
sponsibility for the educational system.” Deal v.
Cincinnati Board of Education, 369 F.2d 55, 61
(C. A. 6, 1966), cert, denied, 389 U.S. 847 (1967).
8
Accord, Swann v. Charlobte-Mecklenburg Board of
Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971); Wanner v. County
School Board of Arlington County, Virginia, 357 F.2d
452 (C.A. 4, 1966).
II. THE RACIAL AND ETHNIC BACKGROUND OF APPLI
CANTS IS AN APPROPRIATE FACTOR TO CONSIDER
IN DETERMINING ADMISSIONS TO LAW SCHOOL.
W e contend that race and ethnic background is an
appropriate factor to consider in determining who is
or is not admitted to a law school. The consideration
given to race and ethnic background is included as jiart
of the admission formula not because it per se is a
test of the qualifications of an applicant to law school,
but because race and ethnic background represents a
congery of factors—discussed below—that a law
school is justified in taking into account.4 Since these
interrelated factors, unlike race and ethnicity, are not
immutable, wre can expect them to disappear eventu
ally. At such time, the consideration of race and
ethnicity qua race and ethnicity no longer will be ap
propriate.5 But “ [t]he promise of even handed jus-
4 Cf. Springfield School Committee v. Barksdale, 348 F.2d 261,
266 (C.A. 1, 1965) : “ The defendants’ proposed action [eliminat
ing racial concentrations in schools] does not concern race except
insofar as race correlates with proven deprivation of educational
opportunity . . . . It would seem no more unconstitutional to
take into account plaintiffs’ special characteristics and circum
stances that have been found to he occasioned by their color than
it would be to give special attention to physiological, psychological
or sociological variances from the norm occasioned by other fac
tors. That these differences happened to be associated with a
particular race is no reason for ignoring them.”
5 For example, although Asian-Americans, Jewish-Americans,
and Italian-Americans all have been subject to discrimination,
this discrimination and its effects appear not to present a barrier
to their admission to the University of Washington Law School.
9
tice in the future does not bind our hands in undoing
past injustices.” United States v. Louisiana, 252 F.
Supp. 353, 396 (E. D. La. 1963), aff’d, 380 U.S. 145
(1965).
It is unrealistic to suggest that at this time color
blindness is possible in the evaluation of applications
for law school admission. The history of discrimi
nation in the United States based on color, culture,
and language is too long, and the continuing effect of
that discrimination is too clear in the low educational
and economic status of victimized minority groups to
allow color blindness. “ After centuries of viewing
through colored lenses, eyes do not adjust when the
lenses are removed.” Associated General Contractors
of Massachusetts, Inc. v. Altshuler, 6 EPI) U8993
(C.A. 1, 1973). See also, United States v. Jefferson
County Board of Education, 372 F. 2d 836, 876 (C. A.
5, 1966), cert, denied sub nom. Board of Education of
Bessemer v. United States, 389 U.S. 840 (1967).
An admissions committee would face an intractable
task in evaluating the potential of a minority appli
cant if it could not consider the obstacles which the
applicant has had to overcome in his or her academic
and personal development. How can an admissions
committee evaluate in a color blind way the handicap
of a segregated elementary or secondary education,
how can it evaluate the effect on an applicant of being
placed in a class for the mentally retarded in elemen
tary school merely because the student’s primary
language was not English, or how can it evaluate the
effect of attending boarding school hundreds of miles
from home where the student’s language and culture
were systematically denied1? These judgments can
not be made without considering the status of the ap
10
plicant as a member of a victimized minority. As the
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit noted:
“ How then is this constitutional imperative to be
achieved in a society that still bears the ugly
scars of decades of racial segregation with all of
its discriminations ? For it is in this social struc
ture that the problem arises. And it is in this
social structure—not that of the hoped for idyllic
state when the last vestige of this invidious dis
tinction has gone away—that the constitutional
ideal must be made to work.” Brooks v. Beto,
366 F.2d 1, 22-23 (C.A. 5, 1966).6
A. Purely mechanical criteria are an inadequate basis for
determining the composition of a law school class.
While there are problems present in the interpreta
tion of the grades and the LSAT scores of any appli
cant, with minority applicants these problems are mul
tiplied. With white applicants law schools have had
years of experience in evaluating the significance of
LSAT scores. With minority applicants there is little
experience either at the University of Washington or
at other law schools. The problems peculiarly related
to race with which minorities must cope at all levels
of education can affect college grade averages and re
sults on standardized tests.
The law school had reason to believe that a low score
by a minority applicant on the LSAT might not be
a bar to acceptable performance in law school. Stu
dents who must cope with racially related disadvan
tages throughout their educational careers cannot be
expected to perform as well on the LSAT as other
students but still might have the underlying ability
8 See Pinderhughes, Increasing Minority Group Students in Law
Schools: The Rationale and the Critical Issues, 20 Bur. L. Rev.
447, 454 (1971).
11
to succeed in law school. Even with lower scores or
grades, the minority students accepted at the Wash
ington Law School were found to be qualified. Es
pecially if the student attends a summer session prior
to law school to improve his basic skills and to famil
iarize himself with the study of law and if the faculty
is willing to give extra attention to the needs of minor
ity students, there is a good likelihood that such stu
dents will succeed in law school despite relatively low
PFYAs. Thus to require the school to consider white
and minority applicants together on the basis of their
PFYAs is to require it to do something which would
prevent its taking account of other highly legitimate
considerations discussed herein.
The LSAT is designed to predict first year averages.
More important ultimately, however, is the capability
of the law student at the end of his law school career.
For whites, first year grades generally are a good in
dicator of how well the student will do in the second
and third years. For minorities they may be a less
accurate predictor. Adjusting socially and academic
ally to the demands of law school can be the primary
activity of the first year. Overcoming educational de
ficiencies and gaining needed self-confidence takes
time.
B. The desirabilily of a heterogeneous student body is an
appropriate element of a law school's admission policy.
The University of Washington had sound educa
tional reasons for wanting a multi-racial student
body.7 Many of the most serious legal and public pol
7 Until the last few years the number of minority law students
in the entire country as well as at the University of Washington
was extremely low. In the 1964-65 school year there were ap
proximately 700 black law students, including 267 in predom-
12
icy issues that the lawyer will face in his career are
related to the issues of race and poverty. All students
will gain from having students of different racial and
ethnic backgrounds participate in in-class and out-of
class discussions of these issues and from learning to
live in a multi-racial community.8
Success in law school cannot be viewed as an end
in itself. A law school is a professional school, train
ing men and women to go out into the world and act
as lawyers. The wisdom of Sweatt v. Painter, 339
U jS. 629, 634 (1950), is as relevant today as it was
a generation ago:
“ [A]lthough the law is a highly learned pro
fession, we are well aware that it is an intensely
practical one. The law school, the proving ground
for legal learning and practice, cannot be effective
inantly black schools in the South. This represents only 1.3
percent of the total law school enrollment, barely enough for
blacks to maintain their proportion of the legal profession. O’Neil,
Preferential Admissions: Equalizing Access to Legal Education,
1970 T oledo L. Rev. 281, 300. In the 1967-68 school year, after
many law schools had begun to recruit minority students, there
were only 180 Mexican Americans and 32 American Indians en
rolled in law school. Id. at 301 n. 58. Enrollment figures for
subsequent years are as follows: 1969-70: black, 2128; Mexican
American, 412; American Indian, 72. 1971-72: black, 3732;
Mexican American, 881; American Indian, 140. 1971 Survey of
Minority Group Students in Legal Education, quoted in 1 1972
P roceedings of the A ssociation of A merican Law Schools 74.
8 See Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402
U.S. at 16: “ School authorities are traditionally charged with
broad powder to formulate and implement educational policy and
might well conclude, for example, that in order to prepare
students to live in a pluralistic society each school should have a
prescribed ratio of Negro to white students reflecting the propor
tion for the district as a whole. To do this as an educational
policy is within the broad discretionary powers of school authori
ties . . . . ”
13
in isolation from the individuals and institutions
with which the law interacts. Pew students and
no one who has practiced law would choose to
study in an academic vacuum, removed from the
interplay of ideas and the exchange of view7s with
which the law is concerned. ’ ’
The great increase in the number of qualified -appli
cants to law school,9 coupled with a mechanical use
of the PFYA , threatened to make the University of
Washington Law School into just such an “ academic
vacuum. ’ ’
C. The nature of legal services required by the public is an
appropriate consideration for a law school in constituting
its student body.
The greatest shortage of legal services is in minor
ity communities—ghettos, barrios, reservations. Mem
bers of these communities have been denied an ade
quate number of qualified lawyers and judges who
understand from firsthand experience the seriousness
of the many problems facing these communities and
the urgent need to find both short-range and long-
range solutions. While some white lawyers will prac
tice in these communities and be as effective as a mi
nority lawyer, minority lawyers are more likely to
serve minority communities and in some instances will
be able to provide better service:10 They have greater
9 In the past three years the number of applications had gone
from 704 to 1601. DeFunis v. Odegaard, 82 Wn. 2d at 15 507
P.2d at 1172-73.
10 Few of the nation’s lawyers are minority group members.
In 1966 only about one percent was black. Gellhorn, The Law
School and the Negro, 1968 Duke L.J. 1068, 1073. Even if the
size of the legal profession could be kept constant, an additional
30,000 black attorneys would need to be trained before blacks
would achieve parity in the legal profession. Gellhorn, id. at
14
familiarity with the community and its problems, they
are able to communicate more effectively with the
residents and gain their trust, and—in the case of the
Spanish-speaking community—their ability to speak
the same language is indispensable.11 In some in
stances, the interests of a minority group and those of
whites will be adverse. In such a case the minority
group might be better served by a lawyer who shared
the same interests.
This is not meant to imply that minority law stu
dents should be only trained to and should be ex-
1073. Nationwide figures for Mexican Americans do not appear
to be available. Data from specific areas are suggestive of the
problem, however. In Denver, for example, about nine percent
of the population is Mexican American, yet only 10 of the city ’s
2,000 attorneys (one half of one percent) have Spanish surnames.
O ’Neil, 80 Y ale L.J. at 727. In 1968, less than one percent of
the attorneys in California had a Spanish surname, although 12
percent of the state’s population is of Spanish surname. Reynoso
et al, La Baza, the Law, and the Law Schools, 1970 Toledo L. Rev.
809, 816. In 1968 there were almost no Indian lawyers in the
country. See discussion in Strickland, Redeeming Centuries of
Dishonor: Legal Education and the American Indian, 1970 Toledo
L. Rev. 847, 861-66. With specific reference to the state of Wash
ington, in 1970, of the 4,550 active lawyers, only 20 were blacks
(three of whom were judges), five were part or full-blooded Amer
ican Indians and none was Mexican American. Thus, there was
one Anglo lawyer for approximately every 720 whites, one black
lawyer for approximately every 4,195 blacks, one American Indian
lawyer for approximately every 6,677 Indians and not one Mex
ican American lawyer for the 70,734 Mexican Americans in the
state. Morris, Equal Protection, Affirmative Action and Racial
Preferences in Law Admissions, 49 W ash . L. Rev. 1, 38 (1973).
11 Cf. Graglia, Special Admission of the “ Culturally Deprived”
to Law School, 119 U. P a . L. Rev. 351, 354 (1970), with Twen
tieth Century F und, A dministration of Justice in the South
3 (1967) and Oppenheim, The Abdication of the Southern Bar in
L. F riedman, ed., Southern Justice 127 (1965). See Sobol v.
Perez, 289 F. Supp. 392 (E.D. La. 1968).
15
peeted to serve minority communities. On the con
trary, they should receive the same training as every
other law student and should be free to practice what
ever kind of law in whichever community they choose.12
In fact, there has been an increasing realization by
law firms, government agencies and corporations that
minority lawyers have a vital role to play in fulfilling
the responsibilities of the legal profession, and career
opportunities for minority lawyers outside the mi
nority community are bright.
D, It is appropriate for a law school's admissions policy to be
sensitive to the pivotal role played by the legal profession
in our national life.
Law firms have a leading role in our society, and
lawyers are well represented in public office at all levels
in the local, state, and federal governments, and in
private corporations. W e are ‘ ‘ a nation that professes
deep regard for the dignity of man and that in prac
tice relies to an extraordinary degree upon the advice
of professional lawyers in the formation and execu
tion of policy.” Lasswell & McDougal, Legal Educa
tion and Public Policy: Professional Training in the
Public Interest, 52 Y ale L.J. 203, 291 (1943). The
insight and particular sensitivity which minority
group lawyers and judges can bring to the law as an
institution has been lacking. Thus, if a racial or eth
nic group is to share in the power, responsibility, and
benefits of society it must be well represented among
the legal profession.
The legal profession, moreover, has a special re
sponsibility to set an example for the rest of the na
12 See Bell, Black Students in White Law Schools: The Ordeal
and the Opportunity, 1970 Toledo L. Rev. 539, 551-58.
16
tion for providing equal opportunity and overcoming
the effects of past discrimination, for lawyers have
a special duty to uphold the Constitution and the legal
system.
Minority lawyers also have an important role as
citizens in the minority community. Lawyers often
have leadership roles, and they provide an example to
young people, showing them that it is possible to have
a professional career despite their racial or ethnic
background.
“ The most striking factors underlying motivation
to seek entry into law school may he related to
close personal association with a lawyer as a rela
tive, or a friend, and to encouragement from fam
ily, friends, or counsellors. These factors are too
often missing in law-deprived communities where
there is a lack of exposure to opportunities in
law, and inadequate information and counselling
at all school levels.” Pinderhughes, supra at 454,
E. li is appropriate for the admissions policy of a public law
school to be sensitive to the need to overcome the effects
of past and present illegal discrimination suffered by
minority group members.
1. The paucity of minority lawyers is the result of discrimination.
The factors which have led to the small number of
minority lawyers are many. They are all the result—
direct or indirect—of discrimination and would con
tinue unabated even with “ color blind” treatment.
Accordingly, a significant increase in the number of
minority lawyers cannot he expected without color
conscious efforts.
While not the universal pattern, until recently many
law schools refused to admit blacks, and many blacks
who were able to attend law school could only do so at
17
all Negro institutions. Cf. Sweatt v. Painter, supra. See
Gull horn, supra at 1069-70. As late as 1960 the Duke
University School of Law would not admit blacks,
and in 1962 the University of Richmond refused to ad
mit two blacks because of their race. Gfellhorn, id. at
1070 n. 12. I f a black did manage to graduate from law
school he faced discrimination from bar associations,
law firms, and government agencies. See Gellhorn, id.
at 1070,1093. Thus blacks were discouraged from going
to law school by their prospects after graduation, were
denied admission to law school if they nevertheless
applied, and were less likely to be able to practice law
if they graduated.13
Secondly, discrimination in elementary and sec
ondary education throughout the country makes it
less likely that minorities will attend college and obtain
degrees than whites.14 Since to be admitted to almost
all law schools one must have an undergraduate de
gree, the pool of potential minority applicants to law
school is severely restricted compared to that of
whites.15
is For information concerning the participation of Mexican
Americans and American Indians in the legal profession see
Reynoso, ei al., supra, and Strickland, supra.
14 Nearly twenty year ago, in Brown v. Board of Education, 347
U.S. 483 (1954), this Court noted that school segregation “ has
long been a nationwide problem, not merely one of sectional con
cern.” Id. at 491 n. 6. It continues to be a nationwide problem.
See, e.g., Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado, 413
U.S. 189 (1973).
15 For persons in the 25 to 34 year old bracket in 1970, 16.6
percent of whites had graduated from college, while only 6.1 percent
of blacks, 5.3 percent of persons of Spanish heritage, 1.1 percent
of Indians, and 3.6 percent of Philippine Americans. Bureau op
the Census BLS Report No. 394, Series P-23 No. 38, Table 67;
U. S. B ureau op the Census, 1970 Census op Population, PC
(2 )lc , Table 6, PC (2 )If, Table 5, P C (2)lg , Table 35.
18
Thirdly, the combined effect of discrimination in
education and employment has resulted in minorities
having a lower median family income than whites.16
They are thus less able to afford the expense of law
school. Lower incomes also make it more burden
some to postpone full time employment for three
years.
The effects of discrimination in education and em
ployment and other areas of life are continuing and
cumulative. Color blindness will not help a law school
remedy the effects of these barriers. Indeed, when a
remedy for past discrimination is being fashioned the
consideration of race becomes necessity:
‘ ‘What we have said may require classification by
race. That is something which the Constitution
usually forbids, not because it is inevitably an
impermissible classification, but because it is one
which usually, to our national shame, has been
drawn for the purpose of maintaining racial in
equality. Where it is drawn for the purpose of
achieving equality it will be allowed, and to the ex
tent it is necessary to avoid unequal treatment by
race, it will be required.” Norwalk GORE v.
Norwalk Redvelopment Agency, 395 F.2d 920, 931
(C.A. 2, 1968).
See also McDaniel v. Barresi, 402 U.S. 39, 41 (1971).
18 In 1972 the median income of Negro families was $6,864 as
compared to $11,549 for whites. U. S. Bureau of Census, Cur
rent P opulation R eports, Series P-23, No. 46, Table 7 (1972).
19
2. Voluntary remedial action is not dependent upon a finding of
discrimination.
Since the effects of discrimination are pervasive
throughout American society, it is appropriate for all
institutions to take affirmative action to overcome
racial inequalities. Courts have not found the ab
sence of preexisting discrimination a. bar to school
boards’ taking voluntary action to increase racial bal
ance within them. Offerman v. Nitowski, 378 F.2d
22, 24 (C.A. 2, 1987).17 Although Swarm v. Char-
lotte-Mechlenburg, supra, arose in the context of
the dismantling of a state required dual school
system, it suggested that voluntary remedial action is
permissible. 402 U.S. at 16; North Carolina State
Board of Education v. Swann, 402 XJ.S. 43, 45 (1971).
Accord, Wanner v. County School Board of Arlington
County, Virginia, 357 F.2d at 454. Where courts have
declined to order a remedy for de facto segregation
they have indicated that voluntary remedies are
allowed. Beal v. Cincinnati Board of Education, 369
17 Accord, Fuller v. Yolk, 230 F. Supp. 25 (D.N.J. 1964), vacated
on other grounds, 351 F.2d 323 (C.A. 3, 1965), adhered to on the
merits, 250 F. Supp. 81 (D.N.J. 1966) ; Guida v. Board of Educa
tion, 26 Conn. Supp. 121, 213 A.2d 843 (Super. Ct. 1965) ; Morean
v. Board of Education, 42 N.J. 237, 200 A.2d 97 (1964) ; Addabbo
v. Donovan, 16 N.Y.2d 619, 209 N.E.2d 112, 261 N.Y.S.2d 68 (1965)
cert, denied, 382 U.S. 905 (1965) ; Balaban v. Rubin, 14 N.Y.2d
193, 199 N.E.2d 375, 250 N.Y.S.2d 281, cert, denied, 379 U.S. 881
(1964). Similarly, courts have held that state legislative or ad
ministrative action requiring school boards to take racially con
scious actions to eliminate racial imbalance need not be based on
any past or present discrimination. Tometz v. Board of Educa
tion, Waukegan City, 39 I11.2d 593, 237 N.E.2d 498 (1968) ; School
Committee of Boston v. Board of Education, 352 Mass. 693, 227
N.E.2d 729 (1967), appeal dismissed, 389 U.S. 572 (1968) ; Booker
v. Board of Education, 45 N.J. 161, 212 A.2d 1 (1965); Balsbaugh
v. Rowland, 447 Pa. 423, 290 A.2d 85 (1972).
20
F.2d at 65; Springfield School Committee v. Barks
dale, 348 F.2d at 265-66.
In the area of employment affirmative action to in
crease the number of minority employees also has
been allowed without a judicial finding that a par
ticular employer or union engaged in discriminatory
behavior. In Porcelli v. Titus, 431 F.2d 1254 (C.A.
3, 1970), cert, denied, 402 U.S. 944 (1971), the Third
Circuit allowed the Newark School Board to dis
continue the use of a promotion list established in
1953 and of oral and written tests used to determine
who was qualified to become a principal or assistant
principal. While the small number of black princi
pals and assistant principals (3 out of 139) might
have supported a finding of discrimination, the court
did not rely on such a finding nor did it consider
whether the tests employed were job related or
whether any other evidence of discrimination was pres
ent. The court instead relied on the relevance of
color to the job. Cf. Chance v. Board of Examiners,
458 F.2d 1167 (C.A. 2,1972); Local 189, United Paper-
makers and, Paper workers, AFL-CIO v. United
States, 416 F.2d 980, 991 (C.A. 5, 1969), cert, denied,
397 U.S. 919 (1970). See also Contractors Associa
tion of Eastern Pennsylvania v. Secretary of Labor,
442 F.2d 159 (C.A. 3, 1971), cert, denied, 404 U.S. 854
(1971).
In Nortvalk CORE v. Norwalk Redevelopment
Agency, supra, the Agency was required to take race
into account in providing relocation housing because
discrimination in the housing market made it more
difficult for blacks than for whites to find legally
adequate housing. There was no suggestion that the
Agency was responsible for the discrimination, and
21
at that time discrimination in the private housing
market was not considered illegal.
The situation of the law school is similar to that of
the school boards, the employers or unions, and the
redevelopment agency.
The law school can be viewed as the last step in
an educational process that was permeated by illegal
discrimination and segregation. It is justified in
taking into account the “ broader patterns of exclusion
and discrimination practiced by third parties and
fostered by the whole environment in which most
minorities must live.” Johnson v. Pike Corporation
of America, 332 F. Supp. 490, 496 (C.D. Cal. 1971).
Accordingly, it is no less permissible for a school to
take into account and seek to remedy discrimination
by other parts of the nation’s educational system than
it is to remedy its own. Cf. Oregon v. Mitchell, 400
U.S. 112, 133, 146-47, 216-17, 282-84 (1970); Gaston
County v. United States, 395 U.S. 285 (1969).
Although there has been no allegation that the Uni
versity of Washington Law School or the state of
Washington discriminated in any way against minori
ties, the small number of minority students at the law
school in prior years might reasonably have led the
school to be concerned that its admissions policies had
in fact had a discriminatory effect.
In short, if courts have required governmental
agencies to remedy discrimination which they did not
cause, Norwalk CORE, supra, surely this Court should
allow the law school to remedy such discrimination.
3. Remedial action may impinge on the expectations of others.
Both governmental and private action in our so
ciety typically disadvantages some people—either di
22
rectly or incidentally—as it benefits others. This is as
true for actions taken to remedy racial inequalities as
it is in other areas.
In employment cases where affirmative action plans
are ordered or upheld there is generally some harm to
potential white employees. As Judge Marvin
Frankel said in discussing the remedies of Title V II
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. §§ 2000e
et seq.:
“ [I ] t should be recognized . . . that the remedies
Congress ordered are not required to be utterly
painless. The court knows at least some of the
things the whole world knows. We are aware
that there is unemployment. W e are even more
keenly aware that this case is launched by statu
tory commands, rooted in dee]) constitutional
purposes, to attack the scourge of racial discrimi
nation in employment.” United States v. Wood,
W ire and Metal Lathers International Union,
Local Union 46, 341 F. Supp. 694, 699 (S.IXN.Y.
1972), aff’d., 471 F.2d 408 (C.A. 2, 1973), cert,
denied, 412 U.S. 939 (1973).
In Porcelli v. Titus, supra, individual whites did not
receive the promotions which they thought they had
every reason to expect. While in most instances
there will be no identifiable whites who are deprived
of a job or a promotion, there will be a more or less
readily identifiable class of whites potentially eligible
for work or promotion. See Carter v. Gallagher, 452
F. 2d 315, modified en hanc, 452 F.2d 327 (C.A. 8,
1972), cert, denied, 406 U.S. 950 (1972); Contractors
Association of Eastern Pennsylvania v. Secretary of
Labor, supra; United States v. Bethlehem Steel Corpo
ration, 446 F. 2d 652, 663 (C.A. 2, 1971) ; Associated
General Contractors of Massachusetts, Inc. v. Alt
shuler, supra.
23
Likewise the fact that whites (or blacks) might be
inconvenienced by steps taken to dismantle a dual
school system is not considered an argument with any
weight.
“ The remedy for such segregation may be ad
ministratively awkward, inconvenient, and even
bizaare in some situations and may impose bur
dens on some; but all awkwardness and inconven
ience cannot be avoided in the interim period
when remedial adjustments are being made to
eliminate the dual school systems.” Stvann v.
Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402
U.S. at 28.
In this case, as in cases remedying inequality in
employment and education, the remedial action had
an effect on who received the benefits of legal training
by the University of Washington Law School. The
remedy here was designed to eradicate the effects of
past discrimination. To the extent that there were
those whose expectations rested on the continuation of
a system which perpetuated discrimination, they were
likely to suffer some disappointment. But this dis
appointment was mild in comparison to what courts
have allowed.18
18 Petitioner is not necessarily among those damaged by the
school’s action. Even if none of the 36 minority students had been
admitted, his position on the waiting list would not have given
him a position in the class. On the other hand, if the whole ad
missions process were to be done over using new criteria or pro
cedures, there is no guarantee that he would be admitted.
24
CONCLUSION
For all these reasons the University of Washington
Law School exercised proper discretion in admitting
students to the class entering in the fall of 1971, and
the judgment of the Washington Supreme Court
should therefore be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
H oward A. Glickstein
M ichael B. W ise
Center for Civil Rights
University of Notre Dame
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556
D avid H. H unter
Washington, D.C.
Attorneys for Amici