Rabinowitz v. United States Supplemental Brief for Appellee
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1963

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Rabinowitz v. United States Supplemental Brief for Appellee, 1963. 9775c4b7-c19a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/7ad648e5-382f-4dcb-b078-0093b2830d85/rabinowitz-v-united-states-supplemental-brief-for-appellee. Accessed August 27, 2025.
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N os. 21256 and 21345 In the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit J oni R abinowttz, appellant V . U nited S tates of A merica, appellee E lza L eslte J ackson, et al., appellants v. U nited S tates of A merica, appellee A PPE A LS FROM TH E UNITED STATES D IS T R IC T COURT F O R TH E M ID D LE D IS T R IC T O F GEORGIA SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES F R E D M . V IN SO N , Jr., A ssistant A ttorn ey General, F L O Y D M . B U FOR D, United States A ttorney, N A T H A N L E W IN , R O B E R T S. E R D A H L , A ttorneys, D epartm ent o f Justice, W ashington, D.C., S0530. I N D E X Pag* 'Statement_________________________________ 1 I . Census data concerning the Macon Division----- 2 II . The jury commission____________________________ 3 I I I . Standards used by the jury commission for com piling the jury list----------------------------- -------------- 4 IV . Procedures by which the 1959 jury list was com piled_____________________________________________ 6 A . The 1953 list_____________________________ 6 B. Compilation of the 1959 list-------- „ --------- 7 1. Commissioner’s method-------------- 7 2. Clerk’s method__________ ________ 8 3. Questionnaires_______ ______ _— 9 V . Results___________________________________________ 10 V I . Explanations offered for results----------------------- - 12 VTI. Actual service by Negroes as jurors,-------------------- 13 V I I I . The district court’s ruling________________________ 14 Discussion________________________________________________________ 16 Introduction_________________________________________________ 16 I. It is only purposeful exclusion from jury service because of race or other similar status which contravenes constitutional and statutory stand ards_______________________________________________ 17 A . The constitutional ground______ ._______ 18 B . The statutory ground___________________ 28 II . The procedures for compiling the jury list be low met constitutional and statutory standards, 33 I I I . In the particular circumstances of this case, the addition of only four new Negro names in the compilation of the 1959 jury list and the fail ure during the period involved to make further affirmative efforts to add additional Negro names to the list leads us to suggest that this court, reverse the convictions in the exercise of its supervisory power____________________________ 38 796^ 006— 65 ---------- 1 (I) II C IT A T IO N S Qages • Page Akins v. Texas, 325 U .S. 358--------------------------- 2 2 ,2 3 ,2 4 ,2 7 ,3 4 Arnold v. North Carolina, 376 U .S . 773--------------------------- 24 A very v. Georgia, 345 U .S . 559— ------------------------------------ 24 Ballard v. United States, 329 U .S . 187------------------ 28 ,30 ,31 ,33 Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U .S . 497---------------------------------------- v. Allen, 344 U .S . 443-------------------------------------- 21 ,23 ,27 Brown v. Ae-io Jersey, 175 U .S . 172--------------------------------- 18 5y^ C a rter v. Texas, 177 U .S . 442------------------------------------------ 21 C W eB v. 339 U .S. 282____________________ 2 5 ,26 ,27 ,42 Chamce v. United States, 322 F.2d 201, certiorari denied, 379 U .S . 823____________________________________________29,32 Commonwealth v. Wright, 79 K y. 22,42 Am.Rep. 203— 22 Delaney v. United States, 199 F.2d 107------------------------- 19 Dow v. Caimegie-Illinois Steel Corporation, 224 F.2d 414, certiorari denied, 350 U .S . 971----------------------- 29 ,30 ,31 . F ay v. New York, 332 U .S . 261------- 1 7 ,2 0 ,2 1 ,2 2 ,2 3 ,2 7 ,3 6 ,3 7 ^A F rqzer v. United States, 335 U .S. 497------------------------------- 30 Glgsser v. United States, 315 U .S. 60-------- : ----------------- -— 30 Goldsby, United States ex rel. v. Harpole, 363 F.2d 71— 42 Kayes v. Missouri, 120 U .S . 68---------------------------------------- 18 xyH ernandez v. Texas, 347 U .S . 475----------------------------- 21 ,24 ,26 l^ K i l l v. Texas, 316 U .S . 400----------------------------------------------- 24,26 H o yt v. Florida, 368 U .S . 57-------------------------------------------- 27 International Longshoremen's <& Ware. Unions. Acker man, 82 F . Supp. 65------------------------------------------------------- 21 Legmllou, United States ex rel. v. Davis, 115 F . Supp. 9 2 . 21 iPM artin v. Texas, 200 U .S . 316------------------------------------------ 23 Need v. Delaware, 103 U .S . 370---------------------------------------- 21,22 orris v. Alabama, 294 U .S. 587-------------------------------- 24 ,26 ,33 Northern Pacific B .R . Co. v. Herbert, 116 U .S . 642------- 18 y ^ O f fu t t v. United States, 348 U .S . 11-------------------------------- 11 yA 'P adgett v. Buxton-Smith Mercantile Co., 283 F.2d 21, certiorari denied, 365 U .S . 828------------------------------------ 34 Patton v. Mississippi, 332 U .S . 463-------------------------------- 24 Pierre v. Louisiana, 306 U .S . 354------------------------------------ 24 Rawlins v. Georgia, 201 U .S . 638------------------------------------ 22 ^ yR eece v. Georgia, 350 U .S . 85------------------------------------------ 24,26 Respublica v. Mesca, 1 Dali. 73---------------------------------------- 18 Rideau v. Louisiana, 373 U .S. 723---------------------------------- 19 Ill Cases— Continued Page l^ ^ S e a le s v. United States, 367 U .S . 203----------------------------- 34 Seals, United States ex rel. v. Wiman, 304 F . 2d 53------- 25,26 Shepherd v. Florida, 341 U .S . 50----------------------------------- 19 , ^ S m i t h v. Mississippi, 162 U .S . 592------------------------------ 23 . S S m ith v. Texas, 311 U .S . 128-------------- ----------------------- 24 ,25 ,26 State v. Lea, 228 La. 724, 84 So. 2d 169, certiorari <-------- denied, 350 U .S . 1007-------------------------------------------------- 22 Strauder v. W est Virginia, 100 U .S . 303-------------- 19 ,20 ,21 ,26 > 4 » t . Alabama, 380 U .S . 202------------------21 ,2 2 ,2 3 ,27 ,2 8 , 34 arrance v. Florida, 188 U .S . 519----------------------------------- 23 TM el v. Southern Pacific Company, 328 U .S . 217---------- 28 2 9 ,3 0 ,3 1 ,37 ‘ Thomas v. Texas, 212 U .S . 278-------------------------------2 2 ,2 3 ,2 7 ,34 United States v. Brandt, 139 F . Supp. 349---------------------- 29,31 United States v. Cartadho, 25 Fed; Cas. 312-------------------- IS fi^H JPited States v. Clancy, 276 F . 2d 617, reversed on other grounds, 365 U .S . 312---------------------------------------- 31 S ^ U n ited States v. Dennis, 183 F . 2d 201, affirmed, 341 U .S. 494___________________________________- ________ 29 ,30 ,36 United States v. Flynn, 216 F . 2d 354, certiorari denied, 348 U .S . 494____________________________________________ 29 United States v. Foster, 83 F . Supp. 197__--------------------- 29 United States v. Fujimoto, 102 F . Supp. 890____________ 29 tfnited States v. Greenberg, 200 F . Supp. 382_________ 29,31 t̂ r^fjnited States v. Henderson, 298 F . 2d 522, certiorari denied, 369 U .S . 878___________________________________ 36,37 United States v. Local 36 o f International Fishermen, 70 F . Supp. 782, affirmed 177 F . 2d 320, certiorari denied, 339 U .S . 947___________________________________ 31 United States v. Boemig, 52 F . Supp. 857_____________ 28 United States v. Roma,no, 191 F . Supp. 772____________ 29 . ^ H n i t e d States v. W ood, 299 U .S . 123----------------------------- 18 Virginia, ex parte, 100 U .S. 339----------------------- ------------ - 20 Walker x. United States, 93 F . 2d 383, certiorari denied, 303 U .S . 644____________________________________________ 34 Windom v. United States, 260 F . 2d 384______________ 34 i^ ^ T o w n g v. United States, 212 F . 2d 236, certiorari denied, 347 U .S. 1015------------------------------------------------- 31 Constitution: F ifth Amendment________________ 19 Fourteenth Amendment________________________________ 19 IV Statutes: p»se Civil Eights Act of 1957------------------------------------------------- 4 ,32 Code of Ala., Title 30, § 2-------------------------------------------- 18 Code of Md., Article 51, § 2 3 ------------------------------------- 18 28 U .S.C . 1861_______________________________ 1 7 ,28 ,30 ,32 ,36 28 U .S .C . 1863__________________________________________ 30 28 U .S .C . 1864---------------------- -- --------------------------------------- 32 Miscellaneous: 103 Cong. Eec-------------------------------------------------------------------- 32,33 Forsyth, Trial by Jury , 228-230------------------------------------- - 18 1 Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law , 473- 18 Potter’s Historical Introduction to English Law (4th ed.) 190----------------------------- ----------------------------------------- l g Thompson & Merriam on Juries, §§ 16, 17-------------------- 18 The Jury System in the Federal Courts, 26 F .E .D . 409___________________________________ 3M ° In the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit No. 21256 Joxi R abinowitz, appellant V. U nited S tates op A merica, appellee No. 21345 E lza L eslye J ackson, et al., appellants v. U nited S tates op A merica, appellee A PPE A LS FRO M T H E UNITED STATES D IS T R IC T COURT F O R T E E M ID D L E D IS T R IC T OF GEORGIA SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES STATEM ENT Both Rabinowitz v. United States, No. 21256, and Jackson, et al. v. United States, No. 21345, present at tacks upon the method by which the 1959 jury list was compiled in the Macon Division of the United States District Court for the Middle District of G-eorgia. The appellants in both cases were, in fact, indicted by the same grand jury, and were tried by petit juries (i) 2 drawn from the same box. Additionally, the de fendant in United States v. Anderson, Criminal No. 2222 (which ended in a mistrial), was indicted by the same grand jury, although tried in the Albany Division. The record in Jackson (hereinafter desig nated J.) in regard to the jury challenge consists, by stipulation, of the record made in Anderson and the record made in Rabinowitz (hereinafter designated R .). I. Census data concerning the Macon Division As set forth in the 1960 census, the eighteen coun ties comprising the Macon Division o f the Middle District of Georgia have a total population of 373,594, of which 39% are non-white, and a total adult popu lation of 204,321, of which 35% are non-white. 38.9% of the white population and 11.6% of the Ne gro population over the age of 25 have completed four years of high school. Thus, non-whites comprise ap proximately 11% of those in the Division who have completed a high school education.1 The median years of education for urban whites in the Division is 11.7 years; for rural whites, 8.8 years; for urban non whites it is 6.8 years; for rural non-whites, 5.1 years. Although levels of income do not reflect with pre cision the levels o f intelligence or civic interest of the populace, there is some relationship. In this respect, the eighteen counties in the Division had an average 1 According to appellant Kabinowitz, Negroes comprise 24.3% of the population of the division over the age of 25 who are “ functionally literate” (i.e., have completed five years of schooling), and 21.9% of those who have completed six years (No. 21256, App. Supp. Brief, p. 2 ). 3 of 45.4% of families whose total income was under $3,000, the range on an individual county basis run ning from a low of 20.6% to a high of 67.2%. Me dian income by county for all persons, white and non white, ranged from a high of $3,418 to a low of $1,537, and for all families from a high of $5,051 to a low of $1,907. Median non-white personal income by county ranged from a high of $1,036 to a low of $657, and non-white family income from a high of $2,174 to a low of $1,204. II. The jury commission William P. Simmons, the jury commissioner at the time the jury list in question was compiled, is a prom inent business man who has been very active in civic affairs. He is a member of the Bibb County Board o f Education, a trustee o f Wesleyan College, and a member of the Governor’s Commission on Efficiency and Economy (J. 175). John P. Cowart, the clerk, served previously as Assistant United States Attorney and as United States Attorney. He was personally appointed as Assistant United States Attorney by President Roosevelt in 1934, and was appointed United States Attorney by the same president in 1945. He was appointed clerk by the court in 1952 (J. 100). The jury commission worked closely with District Judge Bootle. Upon appointment as commissioner, Mr. Simmons was personally instructed as to his du ties by the judge, and was given a copy of the manu al for jury selection published by the Administrative Office of the United States Courts (R. 184). Both 4 the clerk and the commissioner discussed their se lection procedures with the judge before putting them into operation (R. 228-229). III. Standards used by the jury commission for compiling the jury list Both the commissioner and the clerk emphasized in their testimony that they were guided, in compiling the jury list, by the twin goals of achieving as repre sentative a list as possible while at the same time pro viding potential jurors who would be capable of per forming their duties with understanding, intelligence and integrity. Thus, the commissioner stated that his goal was “ an outstanding blue ribbon jury list of peo ple we thought would perform very good service,” and as a result, in selecting names, character and intelligence were taken into consideration (J. 173). H e pointed out that a lot of people can read and write but are incapable of imderstanding courtroom pro ceedings, and an effort was made to avoid add ing the names of such persons to the list (R. 209). Hence, the effort was to find persons who were thought qualified to perform good jury service (R. 183). This was the only limitation, however. The attempt was made to have all types of vocations and occupations represented on the list, and to see that both the Negro race and women were represented (R. 186). In short, it was considered important to ob tain qualified jurors of each race from every county (R. 198). Similarly, the clerk deemed himself governed by the Civil Rights Act o f 1957 (R. 227). He studied the Administrative Office manual and the cases cited therein, and attempted to keep current on the latest cases in regard to jury selection (R. 228). He tried for an age balance on the list, keeping in mind the fact that the very old might be ineligible due to in firmity, and the very young might be unavailable because of college or military service (R. 240). He and the commissioner discussed with the judge the possibility of omitting certain classes of persons for whom jury service might be a hardship, such as nurses and school teachers, but in the end it was decided that no such class would be excluded (R. 228- 229). Similarly, the deputy clerk, who made in quiries for potential jurors under the clerk’s instruc tions, stated that he was looking for good jurors, and that his idea of a good juror was a person of good character and intelligence who could understand cases that are tried in court (R. 263). While the commissioner believed that it was impor tant to obtain Negro names for the list, he had no preconceived notion in regard to the desirable quantum (R. 216). He did not attempt to achieve propor tional representation (R. 186-187), but rather he and the clerk attempted to obtain as many names of quali fied Negroes and as many names of qualified whites as they could (R. 187). In like vein, the clerk testified that he used census figures only to prorate the list by county, but not to ascertain the Negro percentage of the population (R. 259). The clerk also indicated his recognition of the ne cessity for constant improvements in the selection techniques, and of the desirability of taking into ae- 796- 009— 65— 2 5 count the latest teachings of the cases on the subject. However, there are seven divisions in the district, and it had taken from six to eight months to compile a separate list for each of the divisions (R. 240). Hence, he did not deem it feasible to revise the jury list each time a new case was decided, but instead felt that the time to take new cases into consideration was when the jury box was replenished in regular order (R. 230). IV. Procedures by which the 1959 jury list was compiled A. The 1953 list When the jury list now under attack was compiled in 1959, the commission started with the list which had previously been compiled in 1953, taking off the names of those who were deceased or physically dis qualified and adding new names (R. 182). There were 1,897 names on the original 1953 list (R. 220), and the names of 308 women were subsequently added when Georgia law (which at the time governed federal jury qualifications in the district) made them eligible for service (R. 221). Although they thus started with about 2,000 names, only about 1,000 were left when the names of those who had moved, died or aged had been removed (R. 238).2 Forty of the names on the list were marked with a “ C” in red crayon (R. 223- 224). The clerk did not know who had thus marked the list (R. 225), although he speculated that the purpose was to make certain that the list would be replenished with Negroes (J. 112). There were other 2 Further analysis of the questionnaires since the hearings below indicates that at least 1,624 persons on the 1953 list were sent questionnaires in 1959. See p. 12, infra. 6 Negro names on the list which were not so marked (R. 251-257), a total of 97 additional ones (R. 285- 286), and possibly more (R. 291).3 B. Compilation of the 1959 list 1. Commissioner’s method In obtaining names for the 1959 list, the jury com missioner used two basic sources: the suggestions of friends whose integrity and opinion he valued, and of people whom he knew were active in civic life, busi ness, and church affairs (R. 183). He made general inquiries, and did not tell the people to whom he talked that he was developing information for the jury list, as he did not want to have people say that they did not want to be on the list (R. 190). He used this personal inquiry method, rather than availing himself of such existent lists as those of automobile owners, telephone subscribers and taxpayers, because he was not attempting to compile names qua names, but only the names of those he thought would be qualified (R. 210). He made inquiries of both Negroes and white persons, and had occasion to talk to Negroes frequently (R. 191). For example, he talked to Negroes who were employed in his own com pany (as foremen, etc.) (R. 192), although he was not successful in obtaining very many names from them (R. 193). He also talked with Negroes in the school system in Bibb County (R. 191), and made inquiries among the faculty of the Negro college in Peach 3 Further analysis indicates that the 1953 list as supplemented contained the names of at least 177 Negroes. See n. 6, infra, p. 12. 7 Comity (R. 214-215). He was sure that he must have talked to both, white persons and Negroes in Crawford County, as he had occasion to see both fairly frequently (R. 199). Most of his contacts were white (R. 215). However, in every instance in which he made inquiries of a white person, he asked for the names of competent Negro jurors—i.e., those who, like potential white jurors, met the statutory qualifications and in addition possessed integrity, good character and intelligence—if the person could provide him with any (R. 198). 2, C lerk ’s m ethod The clerk also had two basic sources for names: he would call friends and public officials whom he knew and ask them for suggestions, and he sent his chief deputy into counties other than Bibb to talk to people and obtain suggestions (R. 231). He also used the telephone book, but only as a reminder of people whom he knew but might have forgotten (R. 236). In Bibb County he had four or five white sources, and five Negro sources (J. 110, 121-122). He also obtained Negro names from white sources. Two assistant United States Attorneys provided him with suggestions for prospective Negro jurors (J. 129), and he also obtained suggested names of Negroes from a state judge, attorneys in practice, their secretaries, and a former United States At torney (J. 134-135). He recalled telling some of his sources to suggest more Negro names to him, as they had not provided him with enough (J. 135). He did not rely upon state jury lists as a prime source of names, even when state qualifications governed 8 9 federal qualifications. His deputy reviewed state lists at that time, but he did not (J. 108-109). The deputy clerk got his names primarily from public officials in the outlying counties (R. 260), although he also contacted business men, merchants, and secretaries, in law and business offices (R. 261; J. 143). When he contacted state officials, they would use their jury books to make suggestions. They did not do so exclusively, however, and provided as many names from memory as from their books (J. 142). He always asked specifically for ISTegro names (R. 261, 265), and specifically requested that he be provided with as many Negro names as possible (J. 145). He asked that he be provided with a representative group of Negroes, but always particularly mentioned school teachers (R. 262). From his white sources he ob tained, for example, the names of those who taught at the Negro college in Peach County (R. 264). He did not seek out Negroes to make inquiries from, since it was his belief that the persons he did talk to were acquainted with both Negroes and whites (R. 263). 3, Q uestionnaires After the commissioner and clerk compiled their separate lists of prospective jurors, they sent out de tailed questionnaires to those on the combined list. The questionnaires were sent both to persons whose names were newly acquired and to those whose names remained on the 1953 list after it was pruned (R. 237). The commissioner’s recollection was that some 4,000 questionnaires were sent out (R. 187), and the 10 clerk estimated that the number was either 4,000 or 5,000 (R. 237). Of this number, 2,500 or 3,000 were returned (ibid.);* some were not returned until after the final list was compiled (R. 238). Some returns indicated that the persons were disqualified, as, for example, because o f poor health (R. 189). On others, the persons would offer information in support o f Claims that they were unable to serve (R. 239). I f the clerk and commissioner agreed with the reasons o f such persons, their names would not be added to the final list (R. 240). From the questionnaires which were returned, 1,985 names were finally selected for the list (R. 237, 239). One of the questions on the questionnaire inquired as to race. The commissioner believed that the reason was to insure that there would be Negroes on the list, and pointed out that other questions inquired as to sex and age, two other factors which had to be consid ered in obtaining a broad representation (R. 188). The clerk also stated that the question as to race was to insure that the names of Negroes would be included on the final jury list (R. 241; J. 132). Race was not a consideration in determining which names would actually be placed upon the list; all that was consid ered was the person’s qualifications (J. 132). The jury list itself contained no designations in regard to race (J. 133). iV. Results At the time of hearings below, it was agreed, from a study of the questionnaires returned by those persons 4 4 The actual number returned was 2338. See p. 11, infra. whose names appear on the 1959 jury list, that Ne groes comprise 117, or 5.9%, of those on the list. In connection with the preparation of this brief, we re quested the United States Attorney to have a fuller analysis made of all o f the questionnaires returned—- including those returned by persons who for one reason or another were not placed on the 1959 list—and to compare the 1959 list and questionnaires with the 1953 list to determine the number o f carry overs.5 He has reported the following: Of the 1985 persons on the 1959 list, 1428 are carry-overs from the 1953 list and 557 are new names. O f the 117 Hegroes on the list, 113 are carry-overs and 4 are new. Of the 1868 persons on the list who are white or who did not designate their race on their questionnaires (there are 5 of the latter), 1,315 are carry-overs and 553 are new. Hence, o f the new names added to the list in 1959, 553 are white or of unknown race and 4 are Negroes. A total of 2,338 persons returned questionnaires in 1959, and of these, 353 were not placed on the list for one reason or another. Of these 353, 297 were white, 53 were Negro, and 3 did not indicate their race (although one of the 3 has been unofficially identified as a Negro). Of the 353, 196 had appeared on the 1953 list, and 157 were new names. Broken down by race, 150 whites were new names and 147 had appeared on the 1953 list, 7 Negroes were new names and 46 had appeared on the 1953 list, and all 3 unknowns had appeared on the 1953 list. Hence, 5 The 1959 returned questionnaires in the clerk’s possession are being forwarded to the clerk of this Court. 11 12 Negroes comprised 7 of the 157 new names in this group.6 Of the 2,338 questionnaires returned, 1,624 were carry-overs from the 1953 list and 714 were new con tacts. Of the 1,624 carry-overs, 1,465 were whites or of unknown race and 159 were Negroes (taking ac count of the person unofficially known to be Negro, the count would be 1,464 and 160). Of the 714 new contacts, 703 were white and 11 were Negro. Hence, a total of 170 Negroes returned questionnaires in 1959, or 7.3% .of those returned (171 taking account of the person unofficially known to be Negro), 159 (or 160) being carry-overs and 11 being new contacts. The 353 persons not placed on the 1959 list were omitted for the following reasons: . White Negro Race unknown 63 4 1 26 9 1 188 24 1 20 0 0 Other (felony conviction, illiteracy, civil service employment, etc.) _ 0 16 0 T o t a l . _____ ______ __________ ___________ _ ------------ 297 53 3 V I. Explanations offered for results Asked by appellant in No. 21,256 to explain the small proportion of Negro names on the list, the commissioner suggested that Negroes, as a group, are 0 It would thus appear that the 1953 jury list as supplemented contained the names of 177 Negroes: the 113 carry-overs who appeared on the 1959 list, the 46 carry-overs who returned questionnaires in 1959 but were not placed on the list, and 18 of the 40 persons on the 1953 list whose names were marked thereon with a “ C” (see p. 6, supra) and who did not return questionnaires in 1959 (22 of the 40 did return questionnaires). 13 not as numerically qualified as are whites, and that, because of lack o f acquaintanceship among Negroes, it was necessary to rely for suggestions upon those persons whom he did know and whose judgment and opinion he respected (R. 215). Asked the same ques tion by the defendant in Criminal No. 2222, he re plied that it was a well-known fact that, although regrettable and unfortunate, “ there is infinitely more illiteracy among the Negro group,” and hence, nu merically, there are not as many Negroes who are qualified in terms of educational standards as there are whites (J. 174-175). He added that he felt that his experience as a member of the Bibb County Board of Education and trustee of Wesleyan College, as well as his experience as a member o f the Gov ernor’s Commission, which was making an elaborate study of the Georgia school system, qualified him to make this judgment (J. 175). The clerk stated that he was not sure that he agreed with the commissioner that the lack of acquaintances among Negroes was a cause of low representation (R. 242). Rather, he suggested that it is as difficult to obtain qualified Negroes to serve as jurors as it is to obtain qualified women, because, like women, Negroes do not want to serve as jurors (R. 241).7 VII. Actual service by Negroes as jurors There were five Negroes on the grand jury which returned the indictments in these cases. A panel of 7 W e are informed by the United States Attorney that the 1959 list contained the names of 288 women, of whom 200 had been on the 1953 list as supplemented. A s previously noted, m$ra, p. 6, the names of 308 women were supplemented to the 1953 list. 796- 00& — 65— 3 14 45 was drawn from the jury box to obtain the twenty- three grand jurors (R. 424). We are informed by the United States Attorney that the panel o f 94 drawn from which the juries for all of the trials below were selected included three Negroes. None were reached on voir dire in the Rabinowitz trial; from one to three were reached on voir dire in the separate trials of the Jackson appellants, but all who were reached were challenged peremptorily by the Govern ment. Calling upon this experience in the District Court going back to 1934, as Assistant United States Attorney (when his duties included making present ments to grand juries), United States Attorney, and clerk, the clerk stated that he could not “ recall many times, if any, * * * that there weren’t Negroes on both the grand jury and the petit jury, in not only the Macon Division but every other division in this dis trict” (J. 123; see also J. 104). He specifically re called the recent criminal trial of the mayor of W ar ner Robins in which a Negro woman had served as a juror (R. 255-256). VIII. The district court’s ruling Judge Bootle ruled in the Rabinowitz case as fol lows (R. 293-294) : I am going to overrule this motion. The Wiman case pays some considerable attention to percentages, but there are other factors in the Wiman case in addition to percentages, and there are differences in the grand jury system of selection and the result and the percentages relating thereto in this case and in the Wiman case. 15 Now just how far the Courts may go in the future in looking at certain percentages and saying that will do and that won’t, and how much emphasis they are going to pay to the matter of Negroes and Whites and whether that is the controlling [590] element in the per centages and in the ratio of representation on the list I can’t say hut I am satisfied, as counsel very commendably concedes here, that there was no intentional discrimination on the part of the Jury Commissioners in this District. And while that is not controlling in this case it is a factor of considerable importance. There are, perhaps, some practical difficul ties in selecting juries. For instance, in this ease I don’t know now how many question naires were sent out to either White or Ne groes. I don’t know what the answers were to those questionnaires. I don’t know how many Whites or how many Negroes said “ please don’t put me on the list, please excuse me, my job will interfere” , how many of them ex pressed a desire to serve, how many expressed an unwillingness to serve. I may say this, that this jury list will be revised from time to time. I f the Negroes in this district want to serve they can cooperate by giving to the Jury Commissioners some reli able information about themselves so that they can receive beyond any peradventure of a doubi all consideration that they are entitled to re ceive. But that is a matter for the future. Taking this case as the facts present it and as the law reads, I think I can not do anything except overrule this motion. Now, do you have another one, perhaps a 16 short one? And I may just add to what I have been saying, I have heard a good bit of evidence about school teachers. That might be a good [591] place to go for information, probably would be, but it is a mighty bad place to go to get a juror. The school teachers are so busy that they will offer an excuse if you happen to get one and he is summoned to court to serve. I don’t doubt that they have an ex cuse. They want to go back to the class room. I have had that experience over and over and, of course, their excuse would generally he hon ored if you had enough jurors to serve without them. DISCU SSION Introduction As the Court will see (infra, pp. 38-42), although on the first argument of these eases we contended that the judgments of conviction should be affirmed, we have, since that time, become aware of new facts (supra, pp. 11-12), which have persuaded us to suggest that the Court, in the exercise of its supervisory jurisdiction, grant appellants new trials. In this brief, we will first recanvass the cases set ting out the constitutional and statutory standards for jury selection. We will then turn to the facts of these cases as they appear of record and give our reasons for believing that the court below was cor rect in concluding on the evidence before it that no violation of constitutional or statutory standards has been established. Finally, we will discuss the new facts which we have discovered—namely, that of 557 new names added to the 1959 jury list over and above 17 those carried over from the 1953 list, only four were of Negroes—and present to the Court the reasons why we believe that these facts, in the context of the importance o f securing adequate representation of Negroes in the administration of justice, warrant the granting of new trials. I It is only purposeful exclusion from jury service because of race or other similar status which contravenes constitutional and statutory standards There are two grounds upon which the unlaw fulness of a federal grand or petit jury can be as serted. The first is constitutional; to prevail upon this ground, a litigant must establish, as he would were he challenging a state jury, that the nature of the jury was such that the submission of his cause to it for judgment deprived him of due process of law.8 The second ground is statutory; to prevail, a litigant must establish that the jury was selected in violation of the standards set by Congress in 28 II.S.C. 1861 et seq. In essence, however, the same showing is necessary to establish a case upon either ground; vis., purposeful discrimination on the basis of race or other like status, or the adoption and use of a procedure for obtaining jurors which is in 8 A n attack on a state jury can assert the denial of both due process and equal protection of the law. See F a y v. New York , 332 TJ.S. 261, 284 n. 27. In regard to juries, however, the area of the two constitutional protections Would appear to be co-extensive. And compare Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U .S. 497, 499. 18 herently and necessarily discriminatory, must be proved. A. The constitutional ground The constitutional principles o f “ due process” and “ equal protection” guarantee to a litigant a fair trial by an unbiased and impartial tribunal. Brown v. New Jersey, 175 U.S. 172, 175; Hayes v. Missouri, 120 U.S. 68, 71; Northern Pacific R .R . Co. v. Herbert, 116 U.S. 642, 646. They do not, either in terms or by necessary implication, establish any requirement con cerning the classes of persons to whom jury service must be open. Indeed, even though a litigant is him self a member of a class which is excluded from such service, he does not necessarily have a ground for constitutional objection. For example, it could hardly be contended that it is a denial of due process or equal protection to require an alien or a minor to submit his cause for judgment to a jury which by law must be composed of adult citizens. Compare United States v. Wood, 299 U.S. 123, 145.9 The law, in 9 As W ood points out, aliens were once entitled at common law to a jury de medietate linguae— one half aliens and the other half citizens— presumably upon the theory that xenopho bic bias on the part of citizens was to be presumed. See also Respublica v. Mesca, 1 Dali. 73 (O . & T. Pa., 1783); United States v. Gartacho, 25 Fed. Cas. 312 (Case No. 14,738) (D . Va., 1823); cf. Code of Ala., Tit. 30, § 2, and Code of M d., Art. 51, § 23, derogating the common law privilege in those states. For the origins of the privilege, see Thompson & Merriam on Juries, §§ 16, 17; Forsyth, Trial by Jury , 228-230; I Pollock & Maitland, H istory of English Law , 473; Potter’s Historical In troduction to English Law (4th ed.), 190. The privilege was never deemed to be of constitutional dimensions, and its early statutory abandonment would appear to reflect the view that xenophobia is not a significant impediment to jury impartiality. 19 short, ordinarily presumes disinterested impartiality on the part of jurors unless the contrary is specif ically demonstrated in the individual case. The line of so-called “ Negro exclusion” cases stem ming from Strauder v. W est Virginia, 100 U.S. 303, does not constitute a deviation from the rule that it is only juror impartiality with which the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments are concerned. Rather, those cases establish the subsidiary rule that where a Negro litigant is forced to trial before a jury upon which members of his race are, by reason of their race, precluded from serving, a special circumstance exists in which juror bias, rather than jury impar tiality, must be presumed.10 In Strauder:, state law limited jury service to white male adult citizens. The Supreme Court found no difficulty with the limita tions in regard to sex, majority and citizenship. Id., at 310. It took note, however, “ that prejudices often exist against particular classes in the community, which sway the judgment o f jurors, and which, there fore, operate in some cases to deny to persons of those classes the full enjoyment o f the protection which others enjoy,” and found that “ [t]he framers of the [Fourteenth] amendment must have known full well the existence of such prejudice and its likelihood to 10 Although it is highly unusual to indulge a conclusive pre sumption that jurors are biased against a litigant without some showing as to their actual state of mind, nevertheless exclusion cases are not the only ones in which such an approach is adopted. A similar conclusive presumption of bias is indulged, for example, when pervasive and intense prejudicial pretrial publicity is established. Cf. Rideau v. Louisiana, 373 U .S . 723; Shepherd v. Florida, 341 U .S . 50 (concurring opinion); D e laney v. United States, 199 F . 2d 107 (C .A . 1, 1952). 20 continue against the manumitted slaves and their race, and that knowledge was doubtless a motive that led to the amendment.” Id., at 309. Then, observing that “ [t]he very idea o f a jury is a body of men com posed of the peers or equals of the person whose rights it is selected or summoned to determine; that is, of his neighbors, fellows, associates, persons having the same legal status in society as that wdiich he holds” (id., at 308), it held (ibid.) : The very fact that colored people are singled out and expressly denied by a statute all right to participate in the administration of the law, as jurors, because of their color, though they are citizens, and may be in other respects fully qualified, is practically a brand upon them, affixed by the law, an assertion of their inferi ority, and a stimulant to that race prejudice which is an impediment to securing to in dividuals of the race that equal justice which the law aims to secure to all others. [Emphasis added.] In sum, the Court held in Strauder that the trial o f a Negro defendant by a jury upon which members o f his race are precluded by law from serving de prives him of his constitutional right to “ an impar tial jury trial.” Ex parte Virginia, 100 U.S. 339, 345. This holding can be seen to have been bottomed upon two essential factors: (1) recognition of what a later Court referred to as “ the long history of un happy relations between the two races” (Fay v. New York, 332 U.S. 261, 282), from which bias on the part o f white jurors against Negro litigants is likely to 21 result,11 and (2) legislation which precluded jury service by Negroes, thereby placing an official impri matur of ratification and approval upon such bias.12 In Neal v. Delaware, 103 17.S. 370, the Court ex panded the rule, making it applicable where the ex clusion results from administrative action rather than from legislation. See also Garter v. Texas, 177 U.S. 442, 447. The bases for the rule, however, remained the same. Administrative exclusion, as much as leg islative exclusion, was held to prejudice “ the fairness' and integrity of the whole proceeding against the 11 A s noted in F ay, 332 U .S . at 283, this is not to imply that it is only Negro exclusion which the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments forbid. The ambit of the amendments reaches “to any identifiable group in the community which may be the subject of prejudice.” Swain v. Alabama, 380 U .S . 202, 205, citing Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U .S . 475. Nevertheless, uncon stitutional discrimination has been found in only three cases which did not involve Negroes: Hernandez, where the record showed that the status in the community of Mexican-Americans was equivalent to that of Negroes; United States ex rel. Leguil- lou v. Davis, 115 F . Supp. 392 (D .Y .I ., 1953), where the court ex pressly found that community prejudice existed against the Puerto Rican minority in St. Croix (see 115 F . Supp. at 398); and International Longshoremen’s cfi Ware. Union v. Ackerman, 82 F. Supp. 65 (D . Haw., 1948), where Filipinos were excluded from grand jury service because “ [w]e just have a lot of other men a lot better” and the grand jury list was disproportionately stocked with “haoles” (persons of mainland American or north ern European descent) “so that they might have an oppor tunity to run the country” (see 82 F . Supp. at 119). 12 In Fay, the Court noted that “ a Negro who confronts a jury on which no Negro is allowed to sit * * * might very well say that a community which purposely discriminates against all Negroes discriminates against him.” 332 U .S . at 293. In Brown v. Allen , 344 U .S . 443, 471, as well as in Strauder, 100 U .S . at 309, it referred to Negro exclusion as “jury packing.” 22 prisoner.” Neal V. Delaware, supra, 103 U.S. at 396. Since the rule thus has its basis in a presumption of juror bias, it follows that a litigant must meet two conditions in order to offer it as a ground for over turning unfavorable action against him by a grand or petit jury. The first is that he must himself be of the class against which discrimination was exercised in the jury selection procedure. Fay v. New York, supra, 332 U.S. at 287 yRawlins v. Georgia, 201 U.S. 638, 640; State v. Lea, 228 La. 724, 730, 84 So. 2d 169, 170-171 (S. Ct., 1955), certiorari denied, 350 U.S. 1007; Commonwealth v. Wright, 79 Ky. 22, 42 Am. Rep. 203 (C.A. 1880). A litigant who is not of the excluded class could hardly claim to be the victim of bias resulting from the exclusion.13 14 Secondly, he must establish the existence of a pur poseful and substantially effective effort to deprive members of his class or group of any realistic oppor tunity to serve as jurors. I f the jury which considers his case contains a fair representation of members of his class or group, he can hardly claim the existence of a condition from which bias against him would be inferrable. Compare Swain v. Alabama, 380 U.S. 202, 205;14 Akins v. Texas, 325 U.S. 358, 405-406; Thomas 13 Concededly, however, a litigant who, like appellant in No. 21256, is involved in legal proceedings as the result of activities wherein he associated himself with a minority group can properly claim that community prejudice against that group would be reflected in jury bias against himself. 14 Significantly, although there were three dissenters in Swain (Warren, C.J., Goldberg and Douglas, JJ-), they did not dis agree with the majority holding that neither the jury list or venire as such, nor the grand jury which indicted petitioner (upon which two Negroes sat), was composed in such a manner 23 v. Texas, 212 U.S. 278, 283. And, unless their omis* sion is the result of a purposeful exclusion, it could hardly be thought to constitute “ jury packing” (see n. 12, supra, p. 21), or to carry the implication that community prejudices have been given an official sanction. As the Supreme Court stated in its most recent pronouncement on this matter on March 8, 1965, it is only “ a State’s purposeful or deliberate denial to Negroes on account of race of participation as jurors in the administration of justice [which] violates the Equal Protection Clause.” Swain v. Alabama, supra, 380 U.S. at 204. Thus, from the very beginning, the Supreme Court has held that an intention to exclude must be estab lished ( Thomas v. Texas, supra, 212 U.S. at 282-283; Akins v. Texas, supra, 325 U.S. at 403-404; Fay v. New York, supra, 332 U.S. at 284; Brown v. Allen, 344 U.S. 443, 471), and that the person attacking the selection procedure has the burden of proving this intent. Smith v. Mississippi, 162 U.S. 592, 600; Tar- ranee v. Florida, 188 U.S. 519; Martin v. Texas, 200 U.S. 316; Fay v. New York, supra, 332 U.S. at 285. While the eases in which the necessary proof has been made have generally been marked by a minimal rep resentation of the minority group on the jury list in comparison to their proportion of the population, such minimal representation does not of itself violate the Constitution. Brown v. Allen, supra, 344 U.S. at as to violate his constitutional rights. Rather, the basis for their dissent was the historical use in the county in question of peremptory challenges which resulted in no Negroes ever having sat as petit jurors. See 380 U .S. 233 et seq. 24 471. As the Supreme Court has explained, “ [ ojur directions that indictments be quashed when Negroes, although numerous in the community, were excluded from grand jury lists have been based on the theory that their continual exclusion indicated discrimina tion and not on the theory that racial groups must be recognized.” 'Akins v. Texas, supra, 325 U.S. at 403. In short, since proof o f a discriminatory purpose brings into issue the subjective state of mind of jury selection officials—a fact which rarely lends itself to direct affirmative proof—a litigant is permitted to establish a prima facie case by proof of the objec tive results of the jury selection procedure at issue. Norris v. Alabama, 294 U.S. 587, 591; Pierre v. Lou isiana, 306 U.S. 354, 361; Smith v. Texas, 311 U.S. 128, 131; Hill v. Texas, 316 U.S. 400, 404; Patton v. Mississippi, 332 U.S. 463, 466; Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U.S. 475, 480; Reece v. Georgia, 350 U.S. 85, 88; Arnold v. North Carolina, 376 U.S. 773, 774. The dispositive question, moreover, is whether the facts indicate a purposeful exclusion from actual jury service, and not merely a purposeful exclusion from the lists from which jurors are chosen. Avery v. Georgia, 345 U.S. 559. Hence, the necessary prima facie inference is raised when a showing of “ the selec tion on the jury list of a relatively few Negroes who would probably be disqualified for actual jury serv ice” is combined with a showing that none had ever served as jurors. Reece v. Georgia, supraP Simi- 15 15 In Reece, only six of the 534 names on the grand jury list were of Negroes. One was a non-resident of that county, two were over 80 years of age (one of the two being partially deaf 25 larly, token participation of Negroes in actual grand jury service can raise the inference of a discrimina tory intent which is merely dissembled if Negro rep resentation on the jury list is minimal ( United States ex rel Seals v. Wiman, 304 F. 2d 53 (C.A. 5, 1962)),16 and particularly if the procedures for selecting jurors appear to have been manipulated in such a way as to minimize the translation of token Negro representa tion on the list into actual jury service by Negroes. Smith v. Texas, supra.17 And again, if Negro par ticipation in grand jury service has been intention ally limited to the exact proportion of members of the race who are eligible for such service, and if such pro portion is substantially lower than the proportion of members o f the race to the total population, a dis criminatory intent may be found. Cassell v. Texas, and the other in poor health), and the other three were 62 years of age. The clerk and deputy clerk both testified that they had never known a Negro to serve on a grand jury in the county. 16 There had been only three Negroes among the 504 grand jurors who had served on 28 grand juries in a nine-year period. 304 F . 2d at 61. Negroes comprised 31.7% of the population but less than 2% of the persons on the jury rolls. Id. at 59. 17 Only three individual Negroes had served on five of the thirty-two grand juries which had been impaneled over a seven-year period. There were 18 Negroes among the 512 per sons summoned for grand jury duty during this time, but 13 of them were placed at the bottom of the list where they stood small likelihood of being reached for actual service, and only one was listed where he had to be reached. Negroes comprised 20% of the population and 10% of the poll tax payers. 311 U .S. at 129. 26 339 U.S. 282, 286-287 (plurality opinion), 295 (con curring opinion).18 The inference raised by such evidence, however, is only prima facie and not conclusive. While mere general disclaimers are not sufficient to rebut it (Nor ris v. Alabama, supra, 294 U.S. at 598; Hernandez v. Texas, supra, 347 U.S. at 481-482 ; Reece v. Georgia, supra, 350 U.S. at 88),19 compelling rebuttal can be 18 Such grudging acceptance of Negroes as eligible for jury duty can be said to have the same effect of singling them out as a class apart (see Strauder v. W est Virginia, supra, 100 U .S. at 308) as would an outright exclusion. But quaere if a Negro indicted by one of the grand juries upon which a Negro had served could claim that, however much the over all procedure was tainted by a discriminatory purpose, he was affected by it. In Wiman, Smith and Cassell, the indictments at issue were returned by all-white grand juries. 19 Similarly, jury selection officials cannot excuse a total omission of Negroes from jury service or the mere token par ticipation of members of that race in the jury process upon the ground that they lack acquaintanceship with qualified Ne groes. Rather, they are under a duty actively to seek out Negroes who qualify. Smith v. Texas, supra, 311 U .S . at 132; Hill v. Texas, supra, 316 U .S . at 404; Cassell v. Texas, supra, 339 U .S . at 290 (plurality opinion). There would appear to be two grounds for this rule. First, it would offer too facile kn alibi for purposeful discrimination if it could be dissembled by the virtually irrebuttable contention of lack of acquaintance ship among Negroes. A s the Court said in Smith, the Con stitution forbids discrimination, “ whether accomplished in geniously or ingenuously.” 311 U .S . at 132. Secondly, the very community patterns which generate prejudice would be responsible for the lack of acquaintanceship, and hence an omis sion on that basis would be as much a stimulant to juror prejudice as would a purposeful exclusion. Compare Strauder v. W est Virginia, supra, 100 U .S . at 308. But if officials make bona fide efforts to obtain the names of Negroes who qualify as jurors, and if their efforts eventuate into actual participa tion by Negroes as jurors on a regular basis, then they would 27 provided by a showing that Negroes have regularly participated as grand jurors and have appeared on the panels from which petit jurors are chosen (see Swain v. Alabama, supra, 380 U.S. at 205; Akins v. Texas, supra, 325 U.S. at 405-406; Thomas V. Texas, supra, 212 U.S. at 283), or by a showing that the dis proportion on the jury list, however gross, resulted from factors other than race. Brown v. Allen, supra, 344 U.S. at 481.20 There is no constitutional require ment that jury lists reflect the proportional strength of the various elements of the population (Fay v. New York, supra, 332 U.S. at 291; Cassell v. Texas, supra, 339 U.S. at 286; Brown v. Allen, supra, 344 U.S. at 471; Hoyt v. Florida, 368 U.S. 57, 69; Swain v. Alabama, supra, 380 U.S. at 208), and hence “ [t]he mere fact of inequality in the number selected does not in itself show discrimination.” Akins v. Texas, supra, 325 U.S. at 403. In short, if there is Negro representation on the jury list, even though dispro portionately low, and there is actual jury service by Negroes at more than a mere token level, then there appear to meet the requirements of the Smith-Hill-Cassell rule, even though the proportion of Negroes on the jury list is small and might have been larger had the efforts been more vigorous. A s the Supreme Court stated the rule in Hill, “ [discrimination can arise from the action of commission ers * * * w]-10 neither know nor seek to learn whether there are in fact any qualified to serve” (emphasis added). 316 U .S. at 404. 20 In Brown , Negroes comprised only 7% o f those on the jury list in a county where they comprised 38% of the eligible taxpayers, but the discrimination which caused this was eco nomic rather than racial and hence the court found no consti tutional violation. 28 is no violation of constitutional standards. See Swain v. Alabama, supra, 380 U.S. at 209. B. The statutory ground A litigant’s statutory rights in regard to jury se lection arise from, different considerations than do his constitutional rights. The “ statutory scheme” of 28 U.S.C. 1861 et seq. is not limited in contemplation to juror impartiality, but rather is designed to provide the jury system itself with a “ broad base,” Ballard v. United States, 329 U.S. 187, 195, so that the jury will be “ drawn from a cross-section of the commu nity,” Thiel v. Southern Pacific Go., 328 U.S. 217, 220, and be “ truly representative of it.” Ballard v. United States, supra, at 191. Hence the exclusion of a cognizable class or group violates the statutory scheme even though—like the women, in Ballard or the daily wage earners in Thiel—the members of such class or group are not the subjects of community prejudice, since their omission deprives the jury of “ a flavor, a distinct quality.” Ballard v. United States, supra, at 194. And since, irrespective of any possibility of juror bias, such exclusion “ does not accord to the defendant the type of jury to which the law entitles him,” the statutory right, unlike the constitutional one, may be asserted by any litigant, even though he is not a member of the excluded class. Id., at 195; see also United, States v. Roemig, 52 F. Supp. 857, 862 (IsT.D. Ia., 1943). The gist of a statutory complaint, unlike a constitutional one, thus does not pertain to exclusions from the jury itself, since “ complete representation [of all elements of so ciety] would be impossible” on a single jury. Thiel 29 y. Southern Pacific Co., supra, at 220. Rather, the complaint is directed at exclusions from the jury list, which distort the ‘ Muck of the draw” and pre clude the possibility that the jury (and particularly the pptit jury after both sides have exercised their challenges) will reflect the mesne sentiments and the consensual views of the community. But although the desideratum is thus that the jury list be “ drawn from a cross-section of the commu nity,” it does not follow that the list must reflect the relative population strength of all elements of the community. Proportional representation is no more required by statute than it is by the Con stitution. Chance v. United States, 322 F. 2d 201, 204-205 (C.A. 5, 1963), certiorari denied, 379 U.S. 823; United . States v. Flynn, 216 F. 2d 354 (C.A. 2, 1954), certiorari denied, 348 U.S. 494; Dow v. Carnegie-Illinois Steel Corporation, 224 F. 2d 414, 428 (C.A. 3, 1955), certiorari denied, 350 U.S. 971; United States v. Dennis, 183 F. 2d 201, 223 (C.A. 2, 1950), affirmed, 341 U.S. 494; United States v. Green berg, 200 F. Supp. 382, 392 (S.D.U.Y., 1961) ; United States v. Romano, 191 F. Supp. 772, 774—775 (D. Conn., 1961); United States v. Brandt, 139 F. Supp. 349, 354-355 (K D . Ohio, 1955); United States v. Fujimoto, 102 F. Supp. 890, 894 (I). Haw., 1952) ; United States v. Foster, 83 F. Supp. 197, 208 (S.D.H.Y., 1949). In Thiel, the Supreme Court ex plained that the requirement that juries be “ drawn from a cross-section of the community” means only “ that prospective jurors shall be selected by court officials without systematic and intentional exclusion 30 o f any [economic, social, religious, racial, political and geographical] groups,” 328 tT.S. at 220, adding that “ a blanket exclusion o f all daily wage earn ers * * * must be counted among those tendencies which undermine and weaken the institution o f jury trial.” Id. at 224 [Emphasis added]. In Ballard, it held that it was “ the purposeful and systematic exclusion of women from the panel” which constituted “ a departure from the scheme of jury selection which Congress adopted,” 329 TT.S. at 193, and further stated that “ [t]he evil lies in the admitted exclusion o f an eligible class or group in the community in disregard of the prescribed standards o f jury selec tion.’ ’ Id-, at 195. [Emphasis added.] In short, what the Court held Congress to have forbidden is the same purposeful exclusion which the Constitu tion forbids. The only variation is that Congress has forbidden all purposeful exclusions (other than those sanctioned by 28 TT.S.C. 1861 and 1863), and not merely those which stimulate juror bias against par ticular litigants.21 Ballard and Thiel have been generally construed by lower courts as forbidding only purposeful and total exclusion, and not as placing any affirmative require ments upon jury officials. See Frazer v. United States, 335 TT.S. 497, 504; United States v. Dennis, supra, 183 E. 2d at 219, 223; Dow v. Carnegie-Illinois 21 The Court has also held that the statutory scheme places one further inhibition upon jury officials: they cannot limit their selections from a given class to a specialized subgroup with particular interests within that class, as, e.g., choosing only those women who are members of the League of Women Voters. See Glasser v. United States, 315 U .S . 60, 83-87. 31 Steel Corporation, supra, 224 F. 2d at 423; United States v. Clancy, 276 F. 2d 617, 632 (C.A. 7, 1960), reversed on other grounds, 365 U.S. 312; Young v. United States, 212 F. 2d 236, 238 (C.A.D.C., 1954), certiorari denied, 347 U.S. 1015; United States v. Brandt, supra, 139 F. Supp. at 354; United States v. Greenberg, supra, 200 F. Supp. at 393. As was concluded in United States v. Local 36 of Interna tional Fishermen, 70 F. Supp. 782, 790 (SJD. Cal., 1947), affirmed, 177 F. 2d 320 (C.A. 9, 1949), cer tiorari denied, 339 U.S. 947, after a detailed analysis, Thiel holds only “ that for a jury panel to be invalid because o f discrimination there must be clear evidence of an intent on the part of the jury commissioner or the clerk, or both, to prevent or exclude, or to devise and use a system or method of selection which is cal culated and intended by them, or either of them, to result in the prevention or exclusion of, any person or group of persons from being called for jury service on account Of, and solely because o f” their member ship in a cognizable class. [Emphasis added.]22 22 In D ow v. Camegie-IUinois Steel Corporation, supra, the Third Circuit took a broader view of Thiel and Ballard, and held that they forbade federal jury officials “ to exclude any cognizable groups from jury lists through neglect as well as through intentional conduct.” 224 F . 2d at 424. No other court has given the two cases that broad an interpretation. The Third Circuit, however, made it clear that it viewed only total exclusion by neglect to contravene the statutory scheme. It held that so long as “each official was aware o f this signifi cant racial segment of our population [Negroes], and each, in the proper exercise o f his discretion, devised his own method to insure their representation”, their efforts were not unlawful even if “more effective or vigorous methods of solicitation” might have been devised. Id. at 425. The amendment of 28 U.S.C. 1861 brought about by the Civil Rights Act of 1957 has, as this Court recognized in Chance v. United States, supra, 322 F. 2d at 205, placed federal jury officials “ under no mandatory or positive commands,” but has left them “ on the contrary, controlled by one negative require ment: they may not discriminate, directly or indi rectly.” Prior to the amendment, federal jurors had to be competent to serve as state jurors. I f states (as most Ahem did) required jurors to be. electors, and if Negroes were generally excluded from the franchise in certain states, then their disability as state jurors made them ineligible as federal jurors. The purpose of the amendment was to qualify Negroes as federal jurors despite their discriminatory disqualification under state practices. . See 103 Cong. Ree. 13154, 13157, 13277, 13249, 13325-13326. There is nothing in the amendment which requires federal officials to take positive steps of any particular vigor to obtain Negro jurors, a fact which caused Senator Morse to object that “ [t]he provision is not self-en forcing,” id. at 13317, and Senator Douglas to object that “ [njothing in the amendment compels an affirma tive change in the practice of selecting juries.” Id. at 13250. [Emphasis added.] See also remarks of Senator Carroll, id. at 13293. Senator Clark went further and proposed that the amendment “ should require the nondiscriminatory selection of jurors in proportion to the population within the district,” id. at 13290, adding that “ unless strong mandatory lan guage is written into the proposed jury-trial amend ment, preferably in connection with section 1864, we 32 shall have done nothing more than remove a qualifica- tion.” Id. at 13290-13291. [Emphasis added.] Since the views of Senators Morse, Douglas, Carroll and Clark did not prevail, it follows that the amend ment has left the “ statutory scheme” where Thiel and Ballard proclaimed it to be: with the single com mand that there must be no purposeful exclusions based upon race or any other similar status. II The procedures for compiling the ju ry list below met constitu tional and statutory standards Applying the principles enunciated in the foregoing cases, it can be seen that the procedures used to com pile the jury list in the Macon Division of the Middle District of G-eorgia did not violate either constitu tional or statutory standards. That is to say, the record, taken as a whole, does not support the con clusion that there existed a purposeful discrimination against Negroes because of race or that the procedures were inherently calculated to discriminate on the basis of race. A prima facie inference of purposeful dis- eriminaiioiriimglLt, peBBaps, be raised on the basis o f.proportions (i.e., Negroes comprising 35% of the adult popTrlatien^-in^r^fviSion, 7.3% of those who returned questionnaires, and 5.9% of those on the jury list) were such proportions the only facts which the record disclosed. But the inference loses its com- H n ji — ....— — ....... -nin Vl pelling force when measured against the fact that, unlike such cases as Norris v. Alabama, 294 U.S. 587, the record here shows that Negroes have regularly served as both grand and petit jurors within the divi- 33 34 sic®, and that five Negroes served on the indicting grand jury in these cases. Where Negroes actually serve regularly as jurors, the record can hardly be said to establish a purpose to preclude them from such service or to evince a procedure which has such pre clusion as its natural and inherent result. Compare Swain v. Alabama, supra, 380 U.S. at 205; Akins v. Texas, supra, 325 U.S. at 405-406; Thomas v. Texas, 212 U.S. at 283. In such circumstances, whatever else may be said about the disproportion on the jury list, it falls short of establishing either constitutional or statutory fallibility in the procedures by which the list was compiled. In the face of the actual participation of Negroes as jurors which the record here shows, a claim of constitutional or statutory infirmity would have to rest upon the nature of the procedure used (i.e., the “ key man” or suggestor system), or upon the stand ards for jury service which the clerk and commis sioner applied in making their selections. The sug gestor system, however, has been specifically ap proved for use in federal courts. Scales v. United States, 367 U.S. 203, 259; Padgett v. Buxton-Smith Mercantile Go., 283 F. 2d 21, 41—46 (C.A. 10), cer tiorari denied, 365 U.S. 882; Windom v. United States, 260 F. 2d 384 (C.A. 10); Walker v. United States, 93 F. 2d 383 (C.A. 8, 1937), certiorari denied, 303 U.S. 644. Nor was its application in these cases improper or unlawful. In turning for suggestions to persons whom they knewT and trusted, the clerk and commissioner followed the procedure twice recom mended (in 1942 and 1960) by the Judicial Confer ence Committee on the Operation o f the Jury System: vis., “ that the ‘key-men’ asked to suggest names should be those citizens of the district who are most likely to be impartial and who are known to have a high sense of civil responsibility.” The Jury System in the Federal Courts, 26 F.R.D. 409, 428-429. See also n. 23, pp. 40-41, infra. In seeking jurors who were not merely literate, but rather who had the education and intelligence to be able to understand and decide cases presented in fed eral courts, the clerk and commissioner also followed the recommendations of the Judicial Conference Com mittee that “ jurors should possess as high a degree of intelligence, morality, integrity, and common sense, as can be found by the persons charged with the duty of making the selection. The Jury System in the Federal Courts, supra, 26 F.R.D. at 425; see also 418, 419, 421. As the 1960 report stated, id. at 419: The jury holds in its collective hands the life, liberty and welfare of individual defendants in criminal cases and the interests of litigants in civil eases. The importance of improving the calibre of these judges of the facts is therefore self evident. and: In order to get better jurors, the Committee recommends greater care in the compilation of the list of jurors whose names go into the jury wheel or box from which trial jurors are chosen. Procedures calculated to obtain high calibre and intelligent jurors have never been deemed repugnant to either the Constitution or to federal jury laws. 36 Thus, the Supreme Court, noting that “ [a] fair ap plication of literacy, intelligence and other tests would hardly act with proportional equality on all levels of life,” has held that “ [t]he state’s right to apply these tests is not open to doubt even though they disqualify, especially in the conditions that pre vail in New York, a disproportionate number o f manual workers.” Fay v. New York, supra, 332 U.S. at 291. The Fay holding, moreover, has been specifi cally applied to federal jury selection in accordance with statutory standards ( United States v. Dennis, supra, 183 F. 2d at 222) ; it was held to offer a valid and adequate explanation for the disproportionately low number of Negroes whose names appeared on the federal jury lists there in question. Id. at 223. And in United States v. Henderson, 298 F. 2d 522, 525 (1962), certiorari denied, 369 U.S. 878, the Seventh Cir cuit, after noting that the 1957 amendment of 28 U.S.C. 1861 was “ designed to attain objectives not inconsistent with recognition that a reasonable level of intelligence is appropriate, if not a requisite, to the rendition of efficient service as a juror,” held that it was proper for jury officials to consider, in making their selections for the jury box, whether prospective jurors had completed eight years of formal education, because: Recognition that the statute envisions “ effi cient” service requires rejection of a conclusion that an intelligence level equated with mere literacy was intended to be imposed as a maxi mum standard to be employed by the clerk and the commissioner in the selection of persons pursuant to § 1864 whose names are to be placed in the box from which jurors are drawn. 37 The only limitation upon the discretion of jury officials in adopting procedures calculated to insure efficient service is that “ [recognition must be given to the fact that those eligible for jury service are to be found in every stratum of society,” and that “ [j]ury competence is an individual rather than a group or class matter.” Thiel v. Southern Pacific Co., supra, 328 U.S. at 220. Standards for jury selec tion must not be “ irrational,” United, States v. Hen derson, supra, 298 V. 2d at 525, and must be applied in an even-handed fashion. Compare Fay v. New York, supra, 332 U.S. at 291. The record here shows that the clerk and jury commissioner were guided by the principle enunciated in Thiel, and set about to ob tain intelligent and efficient jurors on an individual basis, without regard to societal status. Their stand ards, adopted after consultation with Judge Bootle and based upon the advice set forth in the manual for jury selection published by the Administrative Office of the United States Courts, can hardly be deemed “ irrational.” There is no suggestion in the record that they applied the standards other than even- liandedly, exacting the same qualifications for white persons as they did for Kegroes. There is thus nothing about the standards which they adopted which is either inherently discriminatory, or which evinces a purpose to discriminate, on the basis o f race. It is our submission, therefore, that, on the record as it was made in the district court, the court was correct in its conclusion that the appellants had not shown that the jury box was defective from either the constitutional standpoint or the standpoint of the 38 federal statutory scheme as it was administered by the clerk and jury commissioner under the supervision of the district court in compiling a list of jurors avail able to meet the needs of the court in the adminis tration of justice in the Macon Division. In this view, neither the indictments returned by the grand jury nor the verdicts of the petit juries, all the mem bers o f which were drawn by lot from the jury box, are vulnerable on the grounds asserted by the appellants. I ll In the particular circumstances of this case, the addition of only four new Negro names in the compilation of the 1959 jury list and the failure during the period involved to make further affirmative efforts to add additional Negro names to the list leads us to suggest that this Court reverse the con victions in the exercise of its supervisory power As we have pointed out, further analysis of the questionnaires returned by persons whose names were selected for deposit in the box when the jury list was revised in 1959 has disclosed additional information with respect to the racial composition o f the list which we feel, in all candor, should be taken into ac count in considering whether, in the totality of the circumstances of these cases, the resultant verdicts of the petit juries should be sustained. This further analysis shows that in the 1959 revision, 1428 names from the 1953 list were carried over and 557 new names were added, making up the total o f 1985 names on the 1959 list, 117 of whom were Negroes. Of the 557 new names, only four, or .7% were of Negroes. Without in any wise disparaging the sin- 39 cecity and good faith of the members of the jury commission in their purpose and objective of obtain ing a fair representation of Negroes on the list, it cannot but be recognized that this stark dispropor tion reflects deficiencies in their methods o f attaining their objective which culminated in a result that we feel cannot be ignored. While the proportions reflected in the 1959 list as a whole are understandable in the light o f the evi dence brought out below and the census data set forth above and in our initial brief in the Rabinowitz case, this newly disclosed information concerning the new names added in 1959 obviously cannot be ex plained by reference to the record or on any other basis than that the 1953 list was, overwhelmingly, the source of Negro names for the 1959 list. Nor can we say without further proof that the fact, as reflected by the record, that the commissioners en countered difficulty in obtaining completed question naires from Negroes explains the disproportion among the names newly added in 1959. A related factor which we feel appropriately should be considered is that the trial juries involved in these cases were drawn from a box which had not been revised over a period o f four years—from 1959 to 1963. As reappraised in the light of the newly disclosed information, these cases present a situation in which the jury list was not made up with any purpose of precluding Negroes from service. Nor, since Negroes regularly serve as both grand and petit jurors, can it be concluded that, purpose aside, the natural con sequence of the method by which jurors were chosen 40 must have resulted in such preclusion. Yet the facts remain that, of the jurors added in the 1959 revi sion, only .7% were Negroes, and no attempt to add more jurors was made between 1959 and 1963. This situation—although in our view not constitut ing a violation of either constitutional or statutory standards—does present a special problem for those charged with administration of the federal jury sys tem. The period between 1953 (when the last pre ceding list was compiled) and 1963 has been one which has been characterized in a large area of this country, including the Middle District of Georgia, by a shift from effective exclusion of Negroes from par ticipation in many of the significant aspects of citizen ship, toward participation in all its aspects. The period has been one of ferment and adjustment. Our point here is that Negro representation in the administration of justice is a special aspect of these times in which long standing wrongs are being righted. Those charged with administration of the jury system should be especially sensitive and alert to even the unintended exclusion of Negroes from jury service. This is particularly important in parts of the country where racial segre gation has traditionally prevailed. In these historic and special circumstances, additions to the jury list which produced so disproportionate representation by Negroes called for further affirmative efforts to rem edy the disproportion.23 23 In this area, the following comment in The Jury System in the Federal Courts (Report of the Judicial Conference Com mittee on the Operation o f the Jury System) (1960), 26 F .R .D . 409, 470, is particularly pertinent: “The key-man sys 41 The failure to take remedial action during this period seems to the Government to be inconsistent with the current need to demonstrate to Negroes their full participation in the benefits and duties of citizenship. Affirmative action in this respect is par ticularly important as it affects the administration of justice—in fact and in appearance (cf. Offutt v. United States, 348 U.S. 11, 14)—since so many as pects of the struggle for full citizenship—as these cases themselves demonstrate—inevitably find their way to the courts. For these reasons we believe that, though no purpose to discriminate has been estab lished and though no statutory or constitutional stand ards were violated, the court should exercise its super visory power in the circumstances of these cases. In sum, it is our view that, against a background of what Mr. Justice Jackson referred to as “ the long history of unhappy relations between the two races” {supra p. 20), the extreme disproportion of the num ber o f Negroes among those added to the jury list in 1959 imposed a special duty upon the officials charged with its selection in an area characterized by such “unhappy relations” to take affirmative action to rem edy that disproportion. The failure to take such action together with trial of these cases before petit juries upon which there were in fact no Negroes cre ates a possibility of injustice sufficient to warrant reversal o f the trial verdicts. tem is the most widely used and if the key-men are selected with discretion and a view of securing diversification, it is productive of generally good results. Periodic letters to the key-men keep the lists coming in so that there is a constant supply of new names being added.” 42 Not all of the considerations described above apply to the indictments. There were in fact five Negroes on the grand jury which returned them. Conse quently, the failure to take remedial action does not appear to have had a substantial impact upon its com position. Moreover, the Government feels that the Court’s supervisory function may be adequately dis charged by reversal of the verdicts of the petit jur ies—on which Negroes in fact did not serve and whose decisions had a more immediate impact upon the ap pellants24—and by reform o f the jury box in the future. Respectfully submitted. Reed M. V inson, Jr., Assistant Attorney General, Floyd M. B ufokd, United States Attorney, Nathan Lewin, Robekt S. Ekdahl, Attorneys. 24 Cf. Cassell v. Texas, supra, 339 U .S . at 301-302 (Jackson J., dissenting); United States ex rel. Goldsby v. Harp ole, 363 F . 2d 71, 80-81 (C .A . 5 ,1959). U .S . GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I96S V' V.. iV m m & • - ■ ; ■ ;. x. " ' , Uf>i “ ^ v ? , h? • “ v . ‘ , v - , ; ' j■ • - ■ - ■• . •, . , , - ■ ■ ■ ■■■ .. • : ■ ■ < ., •• i . ’ , > . >, - ' . i - ' • -> :; ' . ' . : ■ . _■ ■4$;v ^ m ? M 0 M i •■' ■ , ' .‘ -% rXP ■>'- 'if ^ r.- i