Furman v. Georgia Brief Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
September 23, 1971
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Furman v. Georgia Brief Amicus Curiae, 1971. 78e6d78a-b29a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/7c1b0b2f-2241-4ddc-bef8-fda7514f1ce5/furman-v-georgia-brief-amicus-curiae. Accessed October 26, 2025.
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IN THE
Supreme Court of The United States
No. 69-5003
W illiam H usky F urman,
Petitioner,
v .
State op Georgia,
Respondent.
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME
COURT OF GEORGIA
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE
T heodore L. S endak
Attorney General of Indiana
David O. Givens
Deputy Attorney General
Offices of the Attorney General
219 State House
Indianapolis, Indiana 46204
Telephone: 317-633-5512
C entral Publish ing Company, Inc., Indianapolis, Ind. 46206
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of Authorities ...................................................... ii
Question presented for review......... ............................ 2
Statement of the case .................................................... 2
Summary of the argum ent.................................. 2
Argument ............................................... 4
Conclusion ................................................. 15
i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases: Page
Adams v. State (1971), 271 NE 2d 425 .................... 8
Bailey v. United States (1934), 74 F. 2d 451......... . 7
Robinson v. California (1962), 370 U.S. 660 ........... 4
Troy v. Dulles (1958), 356 U.S. 86 ..........................3, 5,6
Weems v. United States (1910), 217 U.S. 349 ............. 8
Miscellaneous:
Barshay, Sr. Schol. 71:6 .............................. 15
Gerstein, J. Crim. L. 51:252 (1961) ......................... 10
Harvard Law Review, 79:635 (1966) ........................ 8,9
Parry, History of Torture in England 9 (1934) ......... 5
Royal Commission on Capital Punishment, Report 18,
note 15 ....................................................................... 13
Sendak, Vital Speeches of the Day, July 1, 1971 . .11,12,13
Sherman, 14 Crim and Delinquency 73, (1968) ......... 5
William & Mary, Sess 2, Ch. 2 ..................................... 4
United States Constitution:
Fifth Amendment ................................................... Passim
Eighth Amendment ............................................... Passim
Fourteenth Amendment ................ Passim
Indiana Constitution:
Article I, Section 16 .................................................... 1
Indiana Statutes:
IC 1971 35-1-46-9 et. seq. (Burns’ Section 9-2236 et.
seq.) ................................................ 2
ii
IN THE
Supreme Court of The United States
No. 69-5003
W illiam H enry F urman,
Petitioner,
v.
State oe Georgia,
Respondent.
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME
COURT OF GEORGIA
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE
The interest of the State of Indiana is in the preserva
tion of the Indiana Constitution and statutes that are
directly analogous to those in question. In the Bill of
Rights of the Indiana Constitution, at Section 16, it is pro
vided that:
“ Excessive bail shall not .be required. Excessive fines
shall not be imposed. Gruel and unusual punishments
1
2
shall not he inflicted. All penalties shall he propor
tioned to the nature of the offense.” (My emphasis.)
Indiana statutes, IC 1971, 35-1-46-9, as found in Bums’
(1956 Repl.) Section 9-2236 et. seq. provide for the death
penalty by electrocution.
QUESTION PRESENTED FOR REVIEW
Whether Georgia’s statute allowing the death penalty
for a conviction of. first, degree murder constitutes cruel
and unusual punishment in violation of the Eighth and
Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitu
tion.
■ STATEMENT OF THE CASE
The Statement of the Case contained in the Brief of
Respondent is accurate and concise and is referred to here.
; y . v /; ;; . . - : / ■' »
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
Capital punishment is not “ cruel and unusual punish
ment’’ in violation of the Eighth Amendment. The framers
of the Bill of Rights had in mind the abolishment of other
penalties such as those attributed to the infamous English
Court of Star Chamber.
The Fifth Amendment, which was ratified at the same
time as the Eighth Amendment, only requires that due
process be observed in assessing the ultimate penalty. The
intent of the framers is to be found in the explicit language
of the Fifth Amendment and not in the nebulous “ cruel
and unusual punishment” phrase contained in the Eighth
Amendment; which has until this day defied precise def
inition.
3
Petitioners argue that the “ cruel and unusual punish
ment” clause should be viewed from the ‘! evolving
standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing
society.” 1 In their view, a majority of the population is.
opposed to capital punishment and, because of this, the
penalty is no longer acceptable. Yet at the same time, they
argue that neither legislation nor constitutional amend
ment is an effective means for changing the law because
public feeling is not strong enough to compel change,
either in Congress or the state legislatures. By this reason
ing, they attempt to justify: change in the law through
judicial action rather than by proper legislation or consti
tutional amendment.
Capital punishment is a deterrent to future crime. It'
is argued by opponents that statistical evidence refutes1
this reasonable conclusion. However, the statistics which
form the basis of the petitioner’s argument omit all the
essential subjective variables and are therefore of limited
value. This issue is far too important to be decided ex
clusively by bare statistics'.
Capital punishment was contemplated by the framers
of the Bill of Rights and the concept was re-affirmed in
1869 when the authors of the Fourteenth Amendment
borrowed the explicit language of the Fifth Amendment
which allows the death penalty provided due process, has)
been, observed. ... .
1 Trop v. Dulles (1958), 356 U.S. 86, 101
ARGUMENT
The issue involves a question of whether capital punish
ment is in violation of the “ cruel and unusual punish
ment” clause of the U. S. Constitution, Eighth Amend
ment. This amendment provides that:
“ Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive
fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments in
flicted. ’ ’
The Fifth Amendment of the Constitution of the United
States included capital punishment in its scope. Histori
cally the Fifth and Eighth Amendments were ratified to
gether as part of the Bill of Eights. The Fifth Amend
ment states in part, that:
“ No person shall . . . be deprived of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; . . . ”
This same language appears again in the Fourteenth
Amendment of the United States Constitution, which
states, in part, that:
“ . . . nor shall any state deprive any person of life,
liberty, or property, without due process of law; . . .”2
The Eighth Amendment was adopted as part of the Bill
of Rights in 1791. This wording initially appeared in the
Act of Parliament of 1688,3 to abolish the atrocities of
the English .Court of the Star Chamber. In that
“ judicial” body, confessions were extracted in open court
2 Robinson v. California (1962), 370 US 660
3 William and Mary, Sess. 2, ch. 2 at 192 (1869)
4
5
through various diabolical means, and the punishments
that were meted out included the loss of ears for perjurers,
face branding and nose splitting for forgers and con
spirators, and whipping for those guilty.of “ unnatural”
offenses.4 The adoption of the Eighth Amendment ver
batim from the 1688 Act of Parliament, with no reported
controversy, would suggest that it was intended to apply
to the kinds of medieval torture described above.5
Courts which have heard questions of “ cruel and un
usual punishment” have refused to follow the inflexible
theory that cruel and unusual punishment must be de
termined by the same standards that were in effect at the
time of the drafting of the Bill of Rights. They have con
tinually applied a less rigid standard of “ a developing
and maturing society.” Opponents of capital punishment
have ignored this judicial test and have erroneously
stated that our society has progressed to the point that
capital punishment is no longer acceptable. Chief Justice
Warren, in the majority opinion in Trop v. Dulles
(1958), 356 U.S. 86, 100, explained that:
“ The exact scope of the constitutional phrase ‘.cruel
and unusual’ has not been detailed by this court. But
the basic policy reflected in these words is firmly es
tablished in the Anglo-American tradition of criminal
justice. The phrase in our Constitution was taken
directly from the English Declaration of Rights of
1688, and the principle it represents can be traced
back to the Magna Carta. The basic concept under
lying the Eighth Amendment is nothing less than the
dignity of man. While the state has the power to pun
ish, the Amendment stands to assure that this power
be exercised within the limits of civilized standards.”
4 Parry, “The History of Torture in England,” 9 (1934)" '
5 Sherman, “----Nor Cruel and Unusual Punishments In
flicted,” 14 Crime and Delinquency 73, (1968)
6
Indeed, in the same decision, Trop v. Dulles, supra,
Chief Justice Warren expressly recognized the necessity
of the retention of capital punishment where the offense
requires its imposition. He stated that:
“Fines, imprisonment and even execution may be im
posed depending upon the enormity of the crime, but
any technique outside the bounds of these traditional
penalties is constitutionally suspect . . . The Amend
ment must draw its meaning from the evolving
standards of decency that mark the progress of a
maturing society.” (My emphasis.)
It must be emphasized that although Chief Justice
Warren recognized the flexible standard of contemporary
society, he did not find that capital punishment was un
constitutional when the facts of the case showed that the
death penalty was proportionate to the severity of the
crime. In the case presently being considered, the death
penalty was imposed as a just and proportionate punish
ment for a cold-blooded and wanton murder.
Opponents have never presented sufficient evidence to
show that opposition to the death penalty is, indeed, as
widespread as they would have us believe. Chief Justice
Warren, in Trop v. Dulles, supra, at 99, further stated
that:
“ Whatever the arguments may be against capital
punishment, both on moral grounds and in terms of
accomplishing the purposes of punishment—and they
are forceful—the death penalty has been employed
throughout our history, and, in a day when it is still
widely accepted, it cannot be said to violate the con
stitutional concept of cruelty.” (My emphasis.)
At this point, opponents introduce numerous polls to
show that a certain percent of the population is opposed
7
to capital punishment. Without going into the myriad of
problems inherent in these polls and the accuracy of their
findings, one point remains a mystery. If the anticapital
punishment advocates are so sure of public opinion, why
are they not willing to submit this question to the voters
in a referendum; or why do they feel that state and
federal legislators are not sufficiently in tune to realize the
alleged feeling against this punishment! The fallacy in
the reasoning of the opponents is quite obvious. They con
tinually talk of the ‘great movement’ to abolish the death
penalty. They say that since the citizens of the United
States are against this punishment, it no longer meets
the “ standards of decency that mark the progress of a
maturing society.” At the same time, they state that this
change must be initiated through the courts as public
opinion is not sufficiently strong to influence this
change through legislation. Obviously, one of their con
clusions is erroneous, and they are asking the Court to
usurp this legislative function. The fixing of penalties for
crimes has always been a legislative function, and courts
should intervene only when the legislative discretion is
violated.
In Bailey v. U.S. (1934), 74 P. 2d 451, the opinion of
the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals stated that:
“ The fixing of penalties for crimes is a legislative
function. What constitutes an adequate penalty is a
matter of legislative judgment and discretion, and the
courts will not intervene therewith unless the penalty
prescribed is clearly and manifestly cruel and un
usual.”
(A reading of cases in this area fails to develop an ade
quate definition of “ cruel and unusual.” Also, the courts
which have considered whether there is a difference be
8
tween “ cruel” and “ unusual” have not arrived at a pre
cise distinction between the two terms.)
The dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice White in Weems
v. U.S. (1910), 217 U.S. 349, stated that:
“ This interpretation curtails the legislative power of
Congress to define and punish crime by asserting a
right of judicial supervision over the exertion of that
power, in disregard of the distinction between the
legislative and judicial departments of Government.”
In Adams v. State (1971), 271 NE 2d 425, the Indiana
Supreme Court viewed its function as follows:
“ We feel the question in our jurisdiction hardly needs
to be discussed, since precedent and authority have
determined the question against the position taken
by the appellant; and although a judge may personally
not approve the punishment fixed by the legislature
for some crimes, it is not the judge’s privilege, be
cause he does not agree with the legislative policy,
to attempt to nullify legislative enactment. We would
be violating our oaths and stepping outside our juris
dictional function to do so.”
The entire argument of the desirability of legislative
change or judicial decision was summarized in 79 Harvard
Law Review 635, 639 (1966):
“ In light of these difficulties and the uniform au
thority sustaining capital punishment, to hold that
it is a method of punishment wholly prohibited by
the eighth amendment would be to confuse possible
legislative desirability with constitutional require
ments.”
The desire of some advocates for social change should
not be confused with the desire of the entire nation for
a constitutional amendment. How can capital punishment
9
be abolished by a judicial tribunal, albeit the United
States Supreme Court, without, in effect, amending the
Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments? Since the death pen
alty is not cruel and unusual, any change ought to be
sought through legislation or by a constitutional amend
ment.
There are several reasons for the privacy, not secrecy,
of legal executions in the United States. An execution has
a deterrent effect only to the degree that a person con
templating the crime has knowledge of the penalty at
tached to the crime committed. In this day and age, this
knowledge is not acquired by means of public executions.
Are the opponents so naive as to think the potential crim
inal is unaware of the death penalty unless he is re
minded by a public execution?
The privacy of executions is evidence that as a develop
ing and maturing society, we are simply insuring the
dignity of man. There is no reason to put the families of
those sentenced to execution through the traumatic experi
ence of a public display since the deterrent effect is the
knowledge that the death penalty is imposed. Any reason
able person dislikes confinement but this attitude does
not buttress the conclusion that he is against imprison
ment for crime or that he wishes to abolish sentences of
incarceration.
It is well to remind ourselves of the purpose of legal
punishment itself. “ Punishment is ordinarily justified
under a utilitarian theory as being necessary for the
achievement of a long-range benefit.”6 The long range
benefit discussed in relation to punishment is its deterrent
effect, which is often defined as the preventive effect
6 Harvard Law Review, 79:635 (1965-66)
10
which actual or threatened punishment of offenders has
upon potential offenders. This principle has always in
fluenced our penal codes and is largely responsible for
the lawful and justified use of capital punishment.
Bichard M. Gerstein, State Attorney for Dade County,
Miami, Florida, stated that:
“ As do many members of our profession, I take the
position that deterrence is necessary for the mainte
nance of the legal system and the preservation of
society, as clearly stated by Sir John Salmond:
‘ Punishment is before all things deterrent, and
the chief end of the law of crime is to make the
evil doer an example and a warning to all who
are likeminded with him.’ ” 7
The deterrent effect of the death penalty is a vital con
sideration in discussing the necessity of its retention. The
basic question to be considered here is the deterrent effect
on potential offenders. In other words, does the knowl
edge that he may be executed have a discernible influence
on the potential murderer’s decision to commit the murder
or the felony that leads to the murder. It is the contention
of a vast majority of prosecutors that the deterrent effect
of capital punishment is significant. Forgetting for the
moment the wealth of evidence available to substantiate
its deterrent effect, we should rely more on the prac
titioner instead of the academic reformer. We should be
lieve the person who deals with the accused murderer in
the real-life situation, rather than the person who has an
alyzed what he would or should have done in a clinical
psychological vacuum.
7 Gerstein, J. Crim. L. 51:252 (1961)
11
Vital Speeches of the Day recently carried the following
pertinent observations from a presentation on law enforce
ment :
“ The propaganda drive to abolish capital punishment
appears to be a geared part of a general drive
toward leniency in the treatment of criminals in our
society. Such leniency has, in my opinion, had un
deniable psychological impact on potential murderers,
and has contributed to the upward spiral of the crime
rate. There is a striking over-all correlation between
the recent decline in the use of the death penalty and
the rise in violent crime. Such crime has increased
by geometric proportions.
In the first three years of the last decade, the number
of executions in the United States was by present
. standards relatively high. Fifty-six persons were exe
cuted in 1960; 42 in 1961; and 47 in 1962. During these
same three years the number of people who died
violently at the hands of criminals actually declined
and the murder rate per 100,000 of population also
declined.
Beginning in 1963, however, there was a drop in the
number of legal executions, and the graph line of
violent crime simultaneously began moving up instead
of down. In the following years the number of legal
executions has decreased dramatically from one year
to the next, until in 1968 there was none at all. But
each of those years has seen murders increase sharply
both in absolute numbers and as a percentage of popu
lation.
In 1964, for example, the number of legal executions
dropped to 15. Yet the number of violent deaths
moved up from 8,500 to 9,250, and the murder rate
per 100,000 went up from 4.5 to 4.8. In 1965, the num
ber of legal executions dropped to seven, while the
number of violent deaths increased to 9,850, and the
murder rate went to 5.1. Similar decreases in legal
12
executions have occurred in the following years ac
companied by similar increases in the murder rate.
In 1968, with no legal executions at all, the total
number who died through criminal violence reached
13,650, while the murder rate climbed to 6.8 per
100,000.
The movement in these figures, with murders increas
ing as the deterrence of the death penalty diminished,
confirms the verdict of ordinary logic: That a relaxa
tion in the severity and certainty of punishment leads
only to an increase in crime.
These remarks concern the deterrent effect of the
death penalty on those who might commit murder but
do not. That is a negative phenomenon which can be
inferred both from the record and the assessment of
common sense. The repeal of the death penalty would
not repeal human nature. To these truisms we may
add the fact that there are numerous cases on record
in which criminals have escaped the capital penalty
for previous murders and gone on to commit
others . . .
Is a course of action humanitarian which actually en
courages a vast and continuing increase in the number
of people killed and maimed and otherwise brutal
ized? There have been many sentimental journeys into
the psychological realm of the criminals who are to
be executed; I think there should be more sympathetic
concern expressed for the thousands of innocent vic
tims of those criminals.
Opponents of the death penalty may rejoice that in
1968 there were 47 fewer murderers executed in this
country than was the case in 1962; but, do they say
anything of the fact that some 5,150 more innocent
persons died by criminal violence in 1968 than was
the case in 1962?
In the question of human suffering, this is a stagger
ing loss of more than 5,000 individual innocent lives.
13
What about the human rights and civil rights of the
individual victim? Are not those 5,000 persons en
titled to the dignity and sacredness of life! Is that
a result of which humanitarians can be proud? I think,
not.
Only misguided emotionalism., and not facts, dispute
the truth that the death penalty is a deterrent to
capital crime.
Individuals must be held responsible for their indi
vidual actions if a free society is to endure.”8
Additionally, the Royal Commission on Capital Punish
ment made the following finding in relation to deterrence
and. the abolition of capital punishment:
“ The general conclusion which we reach, after care
ful review of all the evidence we have been able to
obtain as to the deterrent effect of capital punish
ment, may be stated as follows. Prima facie the pen
alty of death is likely to have stronger effect as a de
terrent to normal beings than any other form of
punishment and there is some evidence (though no
convincing statistical evidence) that this is in fact
so.” (My emphasis.)9
The statistics used to minimize the deterrent effect of
capital punishment categorically omit the essential vari
ables that would have, otherwise, given these statistics
some meaning. One of the most glaring omissions from
the statistical standpoint is the input of common sense.
If the death penalty is no more of a deterrent than life
imprisonment, as the opponents would have us believe,
8 Sendak, Vital Speeches of the Day, Vol. 38, No. 18, page
574, (July 1, 1971)
9 Royal Commission on Capita] Punishment, Report 18, note
15 at page 24.
14
why do convicted murderers exhaust all legal barriers in
attempting to get a death sentence commuted to life im
prisonment! They want us to believe that at the time just
prior to and during the act, the criminal sees no dis
cernible difference between life and death, but upon ap
prehension, he suddenly feels the importance of life
imprisonment. It is the contention of this Amicus Curiae
that deductive, reasoning leads to the conclusion that in
view of the importance of life imprisonment over the
death penalty to those who are awaiting execution, this
same importance must, either' consciously or sub
consciously, be in the mind of the potential slayer as he
is preparing to perpetrate his crime. It is, therefore, a
deterrent.. ; _
Further evidence of the unreliable nature of the op
ponents’ statistics on the deterrent effect of the death
penalty is that none of their statistics shows the number
of persons who were aware that they could be put to death
for their act, and for that reason decided not to perpetrate
the crime. Their statistics only show the failure, i.e. the
persons who were not deterred and actually committed
the crime. No one can reduce to cold, impersonal, statisticaj..
columns: the number: of persons who have refrained from:
murder because of Tear of the death penalty. There is’nd
way to : gauge this most essential variable. Judge Hyman
Barshay had this fact in mind when he made the follow
ing observation:
“ The death penalty is a warning, just like h light-
v.: house throwing.its. beam.out ,to. ,sea. .We hear abqut
the shipwrecks, but we do not hear aboyl jj*ei. ships'
15
that the lighthouse guides safely on their way. We
do not have proof of the number of ships it saves, but
we do not tear the lighthouse down.”10
CONCLUSION
Capital punishment is not in violation of the United
States Constitution. Attackers of the death penalty rely
on the ambiguous and elusive “ cruel and unusual punish
ment” clause of the Eighth. Amendment in the attempt
to have it declared unconstitutional. These attackers ig
nore the explicit language of the contemporaneous Fifth,
and Fourteenth, Amendments that recognize capital pun
ishment provided due process is observed.
Those who wish to abolish capital punishment say, with
out proof, that it is now offensive to the general popula
tion. If and when the voice of the people is strongly
against capital punishment, their representatives in
Congress and the legislature will change the laws and
amend the Constitution to abolish it. There have been,
to date, twenty-six amendments to the United States
Constitution which clearly shows that there is no necessity
for the Judiciary to take over that procedure instead of
utilizing the prescribed procedures for constitutional
amendment.
Opponents of capital punishment document their case
with statistics which are intended to show that there is
no deterrent effect in the death penalty. But strong sta
tistics also buttress support of capital punishment. Capital
punishment is, in fact a deterrent and is not in violation
of the United States Constitution.
10 Sr. Schol., Capital Punishment: Pro and Con. 71:6.
Therefore, the decision of the Georgia Supreme Court
upholding the constitutionality of capital punishment for
conviction of first degree murder should he affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
T heodore L. S en d a k
Attorney General of Indiana
D avid 0 . Giv e n s
Deputy Attorney General
Offices of the Attorney General
219 State House
Indianapolis, Indiana 46204
Telephone: 317-633-5512
\
EDC? 6 l 6 / S p r i n g , 1978 Huffm an
S tudy- Q u e s t io n s f o r C l i e n t - C e n te r e d T h erap y
1 . Do you b e l i e v e t h a t m ost c l i e n t s have th e c a p a c i ty to u n d e rs ta n d
and r e s o l v e t h e i r own p ro b lem s w ith o u t d i r e c t i v e ty p e s o f
i n t e r v e n t i o n by th e c o u n s e lo r ? Why o r why n o t?
2 . What p ro b lem s do you s e e f o r th e c o u n s e lo r who o n ly s u p e r f i c i a l l y
a c c e p t s th e key c o n c e p ts and p h ilo s o p h y o f th e c l i e n t - c e n t e r e d
a p p ro a c h ? Can a c o u n s e lo r who d o e s n 't f u l l y em brace t h a t p h i l o
so p h y r e a l l y be e l l e n t - c e n t e r e d ?
3 . Do you t h i n k t h a t th e c l i e n t - c o u n s e l o r r e l a t i o n s h i p o f th e
c l i e n t - c e n t e r e d m odel i s s u f f i c i e n t to e f f e c t b e h a v io r and
p e r s o n a l i t y c h a n g e s i n th e c l i e n t ? Why o r why n o t?
k . I n i t s s t r e s s on th e a c t i v e r o l e o f th e c l i e n t , do you se e th e
a p p ro a c h a s r e l o c a t i n g th e c o u n s e lo r to a p a s s iv e r o l e ? E x p la in .
5 . Do you b e l i e v e t h a t m in im iz in g te c h n iq u e s and s t r e s s i n s c l i e n t -
c o u n s e lo r r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e s t r e n g t h s o r w e ak n e sse s in th e
a p p ro a c h ? E x p la in .
6 . W hat, i n you v iew , a r e th e m a jo r s t r e n g t h s and w e ak n e sses o f
th e c l i e n t - c e n t e r e d a p p ra c h ? E x p la in .
7 . R o v ers a d v o c a te s a p h e n o m e n o lo g ic a l a p p ro a c h n o t o n ly to
h c o u n s e l in g b u t a l s o to r e s e a r c h . Can "p h e n o m e n o lo g ic a l
kn o w led g e" be a c c e p ta b l e a s s c i e n t i f i c d a ta ? Why o r why n o t?
. P r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n s - you sh o u ld be a b le t o : a ) i d e n t i f y
i n c o n g r u i t i e s o r i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s i n what t h e c l i e n t s a y s o r
does ( v e r b a l s and n o n - v e r b a l s ) and , b) u n d e r s t a n d t h e c l i e n t ' s
i n t e r n a l f r ame o f r e f e r e n c e .
8