Wisconsin v. City of New York Brief Amicus Curiae in Support of Respondents
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December 8, 1995
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Wisconsin v. City of New York Brief Amicus Curiae in Support of Respondents, 1995. 68eb4a5a-c99a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/7e9f9153-ca9a-4378-9683-b3fb54ae6e8a/wisconsin-v-city-of-new-york-brief-amicus-curiae-in-support-of-respondents. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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Nos. 94-1614, 94-1631 and 94-1985
In THE
Supreme Gfrntrt ssf ttfe United States
October Term, 1995
STATE OF WISCONSIN,
Petitioner,
vs.
CITY OF NEW YORK, et a l,
Respondents.
(For Continuation o f Caption See Reverse Side o f Cover)
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES
COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF OF THE LAWYERS’
COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW,
THE AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION, THE
AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE, THE NAACP
LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.,
THE NEW YORK CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION and THE
PUERTO RICAN LEGAL DEFENSE AND
EDUCATION FUND, INC. IN SUPPORT OF
RESPONDENTS
Jonathan L. Greenblatt
Counsel o f Record
Margaret Hahn-DuPont
Shearman & Sterling
153 East 53rd Street
New York, New York 10022
(212) 848-4000
(For Further Appearances See Reverse Side o f Cover)
STATE OF OKLAHOMA,
vs.
CITY OF NEW YORK, et a l,
Petitioner,
Respondents.
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, et al,
Petitioners,
vs.
CITY OF NEW YORK, et al.,
Respondents.
Paul C. Saunders, Co-
Chair
Herbert J. Hansell, Co-
Chair
Norman Redlich, Trustee
Barbara R. Arnwine
Thomas J. Henderson
Lawyers’ Committee for
Civil Rights Under Law
1450 G Street, N.W.,
Suite 400
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 662-8600
Christopher A. Hansen
Steven R. Shapiro
American Civil Liberties
Union Foundation
132 West 43rd Street
New York, NY 10036
(212) 944-9800
Samuel Rabinove
American Jewish
Committee
165 East 56th Street
New York, New York 10022
(212) 751-4000
Elaine R. Jones, Director-
Counsel
Theodore M. Shaw
Charles Stephen Ralston
NAACP Legal Defense •
and Educational Fund,
Inc .
99 Hudson Street
16th Floor
New York, New York 10013
(212)219-1900
Arthur N. Eisenberg
New York Civil Liberties
Union
132 West 43rd Street
New York, New York 10036
(212)382-0557
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES......................... ...................
INTEREST OF AMICI .................. ............................ ••••■••
STATEMENT OF CASE....... ...... ..... .................... ..........
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT............ .............. ............ .
I. BECAUSE THE DECENNIAL CENSUS
DIRECTLY IMPACTS ON FUNDAMENTAL
CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS, THE
SECRETARY’S DECISION MUST BE SUBJECT
TO MEANINGFUL JUDICIAL REVIEW............ -
A. Because the Decennial Census Directly
Affects the Right to Equal Representation,
Art. I, § 2 Requires a Census That Is As
Accurate As Practicable ........... .............. ....... .
B. An Accurate Decennial Census Is Crucial
Because It Affects the Allocation o f Federal
Funds, Resources and Opportunities........... .
C. Meaningful Review by the Courts Is
Necessary To Ensure That the Most Accurate
Means o f Computing the Census Is Used.......
D. The District Court Must Determine Whether
the Commerce Secretary Acted in Good Faith
To Ensure a Census that Is As Accurate As
Practicable...................................... ..................
CONCLUSION........... ............ ..................... ...... —
1
1
3
4
7
7
10
12
18
21
I
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena,
115 S. Ct. 2097 (1995)............................... ............... 14
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962)........ ................... . 5,12
City o f New York v. U.S. Department o f Commerce,
822 F. Supp. 906 (E.D.N.Y. 1993)...................... 4
City o f New York v. U.S. Department o f Commerce,
34 F.3d 1114 (2d Cir. 1994)............... ...... ............ ......4, 10, 19
Franklin v. Massachusetts, 112 S. Ct. 2767 (1992) .... 7, 8, 9
Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339 (1960).... ...... . 14
Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368 (1963)................ ......... 12, 14
Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725 (1983) .......... . 9, 10, 12,
13, 18, 19
Kirkpatrick v. Preisler, 394 U.S. 526 (1969) ...... . 13, 18, 19
Landmark Communications v. Virginia,
435 U.S. 829 (1978).................. ........... . 13
Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982)................................ 14
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964)......... 5, 9, 13, 14, 18
Sable Communications v. FCC, 492 U.S. 115 (1989) .. 13
Shapiro v. Thompson, 394 U.S. 618 (1969) ......... ........ 14
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976) ........... ...... . 14
Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964)..... 8, 9, 12, 14, 19
LEGISLATIVE HISTORY
H.R. Rep. No. 439, 89th Cong., 1st Sess............. ......... 14
MISCELLANEOUS
Modernizing the U.S. Census, 24, 444 (Barry Edmonston
and Charles Schultze, eds., National Research Coucil,
Committee on National Statistics)...................... . 11
INTEREST OF AMICI1
Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
The Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
(Lawyers’ Committee) is a non-profit organization created in
1963 at the request of the President of the United States to
involve private attorneys throughout the country in the na
tional effort to assure equal rights to all Americans. Protec
tion of the voting rights of citizens has been an important as
pect of the work of the Lawyers’ Committee. The Lawyers’
Committee has provided legal representation to litigants in
numerous voting rights cases throughout the nation over the
last 30 years, including cases before this Court, see, e.g., Clark
v. Roemer, 500 U.S. 646 (1991); Clinton v. Smith, 488 U.S.
988 (1988); and Connor v. Finch, 431 U.S. 407 (1977). The
Lawyers’ Committee has also participated as amicus curiae
in other significant voting rights cases in this Court, see, e.g.,
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986) and City o f Mobile
v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980).
American Civil Liberties Union and New York Civil Liberties
Union
The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is a nation
wide, nonprofit, nonpartisan organization with nearly 300,000
members dedicated to the principles of liberty and equality
embodied in the Constitution. The New York Civil Liberties
Union is its statewide affiliate. Since its founding in 1920,
the ACLU has sought to ensure that people whose constitu
tional or statutory rights have been denied by the government
or by government officials have an effective means of redress.
The ACLU has participated directly or as amicus curiae in
many of the cases in this Court concerning voting and/or equal
rights.
1 Letters of consent to the filing of this brief have been lodged with the Clerk
of the Court pursuant to Rule 37.3.
2
American Jewish Committee
The American Jewish Committee (AJC) is a national or
ganization that was founded in 1906 to protect the civil and
religious rights of Jews. AJC has always believed that these
rights can be secure for Jews only when the rights of Ameri
cans of all faiths, races and ethnic backgrounds are equally
secure. That is why AJC strongly believes that the census
undercount must be corrected. Unless it is corrected, the con
stitutional rights of those not counted, disproportionately
black and Hispanic residents of large cities, remain violated.
Correcting the undercount is necessary to cure this egregious
violation.
NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.
The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. is
a nonprofit organization under § 501(c)(3) of the Internal
Revenue Code, which exists to provide free legal representa
tion to African Americans and others who are subject to dis
crimination in violation of the United States Constitution and
other laws. Since its establishment in 1940, it has developed
a reputation for expertise in civil rights litigation through the
many cases in which it has provided representation, includ
ing Brown v. Bd. o f Educ., 341 U.S. 483 (1954) (school de
segregation); Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294 (1964);
Allen v. State Bd. o f Elections, 393 U.S. 544 (1969) (voting
rights); Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. o f Educ., 402
U.S. 1 (1971) (school desegregation); Griggs v. Duke Power
Co., 401 U.S. 424 (1971) (employment discrimination); White
v. Regester, 422 U.S. 935 (1975) (voting rights); City o f Mo
bile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980) (voting rights); Thornburg
v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986) (voting rights). See also
NAACP v. Button, 371 U.S. 415, 422 (1963) (describing Le
gal Defense Fund as a “ ‘firm’ . . . which has a corporate repu
tation for expertness in presenting and arguing the difficult
questions of law that frequently arise in civil rights litiga
tion”).
3
Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund, Inc.
Since its inception in 1972, the Puerto Rican Legal De
fense & Education Fund, Inc. (PRLDEF) has worked to po
litically empower the Puerto Rican and Hispanic community.
PRLDEF has represented Latinos in many cases protecting
and furthering their voting rights. The issues presented in
this appeal concerning the census undercount are central to
protecting the constitutional and statutory rights of the Latino
community. The underrepresentation of Latinos in Congress
will never be fully addressed until the undercount of Latinos
by the census is remedied.
STATEMENT OF CASE
Since its inception, the decennial census has historically
undercounted the number of people in the United States. It
has also historically undercounted racial and ethnic minori
ties at a greater rate than non-minorities. For at least the last
five censuses, the historic undercount of minorities has been
well documented and has continued, largely unchanged, de
cade after decade. Currently, certain minorities—specifically,
African-Americans, Hispanics and American-Indians—are
being undercounted at a rate twice that of whites. The pro
tracted and sophisticated efforts of the Census Bureau and
this litigation were undertaken in an effort to prevent another
undercount in the 1990 census, or, if prevention was impos
sible, to ensure that a reliable method was developed and uti
lized to correct that undercount.
By the spring of 1987, the Bureau of the Census devel
oped a method by which the decennial census could be ad
justed to correct the undercount. The parties agree that the
method, known as the Post-Enumeration Survey, or PES
method, increases the numerical accuracy of the census and
alleviates the undercounting of minorities. The disputed ques
tion is whether the PES method is at least as distributively
accurate as the unadjusted census. The Director of the Cen
sus Bureau, the agency that conducts the decennial census,
recommended to the Secretary of Commerce that, because of
4
the adjusted census’ increased accuracy, the adjustment
method in calculating the 1990 census should be used. She
was joined in this recommendation by a majority of the
Undercount Steering Committee and other experts.
Notwithstanding the recommendation of the Census Bu
reau, the then-Secretary of Commerce, Robert Mosbacher,
refused to adjust the census. He based his decision on a se
ries of conclusions. He conceded that the adjustment would
improve numerical accuracy and reverse the historically
skewed undercount of racial and ethnic minorities. He ques
tioned the improvements that would be achieved in distribu
tive accuracy by adjustment. His final conclusion was that
the proponents of adjustment—the vast majority of the Cen
sus Bureau experts—had not met their burden of proving the
superiority of the adjustment. Thus, the 1990 census as pre
sented to the President failed to account for more than 5 mil
lion persons, including 5% of the country’s African-Ameri
cans, Hispanics and American-Indians. The District Court,
applying a deferential standard, did not explicitly state which
method would be most accurate, but implied that it agreed
with the Census Bureau experts and stated that if called upon
to review the issue de novo would order adjustment. City o f
New York v. U.S. Dept, o f Commerce, 822 F. Supp. 906, 928
(E.D.N.Y. 1993). The Court of Appeals concluded that the
record showed that the adjusted census would improve nu
merical accuracy, cure the undercount, and would not, at least,
hinder distributive accuracy. City o f New York v. U.S. Dept,
o f Commerce, 34 F.3d 1114, 1130-31 (2d Cir. 1994). Accord
ingly, it remanded the case to the District Court to review the
Secretary’s decision not to use the PES method under a non-
deferential standard.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Equal representation is the foundation of our representa
tive democracy. The decennial census is an essential compo
nent of the right to equal representation because it is the ba
sis for the apportionment of members to the House of Repre
5
sentatives and the drawing of state and local representative
districts. Because the census is determinative of equality of
voting rights, Art. I, § 2 requires a decennial census that is as
accurate as practicable. Thus, the issue presented to this Court
is whether the Secretary of Commerce’s decision regarding
the census, one that impacts directly on the one-person, one-
vote principle that this Court has fiercely protected, will be
subject to meaningful judicial review.
Amici argue that the census is of such critical importance
that its accuracy cannot be left solely to the discretion of the
political branches. It must be subject to a greater degree of
judicial scrutiny than the “arbitrary and capricious” standard
employed by the District Court. To subject the accuracy of
the census to meaningful judicial review means that, on re
mand, the District Court should determine whether the Secre
tary acted in objective good faith to ensure a census that is as
accurate as practicable.
Petitioners argue that such a degree of judicial review is
not necessary because the Secretary determined that there was
no violation of the constitutional right to equal representa
tion, since, in his view, the adjusted census did not increase
distributive accuracy. Amici argue that this critical decision
affecting constitutional rights should not be left to the Secre
tary alone to decide.
Petitioners urge the Court to create a rule of deference so
generous as to make the S ecretary’s decisions largely
unreviewable. Amici contend that any census requires value
laden decisions that will have a significant effect on the ac
curacy of any count. There are three reasons why the courts
should be involved in ensuring accuracy. First, the courts’
role in analogous contexts shows that the courts can and have
proven successful in counterbalancing the majoritarian im
pulses of the political branches. Prior to Baker v. Carr, 369
U.S. 186 (1962) and Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964),
redistricting decisions by then majoritarian rural legislators
failed to sufficiently protect the interests of those living in
suburban and urban areas. The involvement of the courts has
been critical, and successful, in abolishing those practices.
6
Second, there is a long-standing history of majoritarian
branches of government tolerating an undercount of certain
minority citizens. In the census counts, without judicial re
view, decisions by the executive branch failed to sufficiently
protect the interests of blacks, Hispanics and Native Ameri
cans. The political branches of government, after five or more
decades, have yet to adopt a corrective methodology. Third,
because all methodologies, whether using adjusted numbers
or unadjusted numbers, contain a myriad of value judgments
often masked as “technical,” the most effective method of
assuring that a count is done as accurately and as value free
as possible is to expose the decisions of the political branch
to the searching inquiry provided by cross examination and
court review.
This Court has long required the government to attempt
in good faith to provide the constitutional requirement of
equality of representation in a manner that is as accurate as
practicable. Because the census directly bears on equal rep
resentation, the political branches delegated with the author
ity to undertake the census must also attempt in good faith to
make it as accurate as practicable. Notwithstanding Petition
ers’ assertions to the contrary, neither Amici nor Respondents
are demanding a mathematically precise census or the adop
tion of impractical methods of calculating the census. How
ever, if the Secretary has at his disposal a practicable method
to accurately calculate the census, which also alleviates the
historic undercounting of minorities, and fails to adopt such
a method, his action cannot be deemed to have been taken in
good faith, regardless of his subjective intent. It is undis
puted that the PES methodology is practicable and that it cor
rects the historic undercount of racial and ethnic minorities.
What is left for the lower court to decide is whether it pro
vides the most accurate census. Thus, the Court should af
firm the Court of Appeals’ remand of this case to the District
Court to determine if the Secretary chose the method that pro
vides for the most accurate census.
The census data forms the crux of our representational
government. It is also used to determine a variety of other
7
matters affecting the distribution of resources and opportuni
ties. For these reasons, an accurate census is of fundamental
importance. It is particularly critical for racial and ethnic
m inorities, groups that h is to rica lly have been
underrepresented in the political process and which are most
in need of sufficient representation and funding. To permit
the Secretary’s decision not to adjust the census to stand with
out meaningful judicial review is to acquiesce in the devalu
ation of certain members of our society. This Court must not
permit the continued diminishment of any person’s worth in
this manner.
I
BECAUSE THE DECENNIAL CENSUS DIRECTLY
IMPACTS ON FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONAL
RIGHTS, THE SECRETARY’S DECISION MUST BE
SUBJECT TO MEANINGFUL JUDICIAL REVIEW.2
A. Because the Decennial Census Directly Affects the Right
to Equal Representation, Art. I, § 2 Requires A Census
That Is As Accurate As Practicable
The appropriate method by which to determine the most
accurate decennial census of the nation’s population directly
impacts on the fundamental right to equal representation, a
right that forms the very core of this country’s democracy.
Article I, section 2 of the United States Constitution requires
allocation of Representatives among the several States “ac
cording to their respective numbers.” This rule of apportion
ment was reached after lengthy debate at the Constitutional
2 Amici agree with the position of Respondents that the challenge to the
Secretary’s decision not to use the adjusted census is justiciable, the Census
Act does not bar statistical adjustment of the census, and there is no issue
with respect to standing, for the reasons enumerated by the District Court
and Court of Appeals. See also Franklin v. Massachusetts, 112 S. Ct. 2767,
2776 (1992) (“Constitutional challenges to apportionment are justiciable”).
Convention of 1787 at which it was decided that a democratic
allocation of political power was the only means of establish
ing a legitimate government. As James Madison succinctly
declared, “If the power is not immediately derived from the
people, in proportion to their numbers, we may make a paper
confederacy, but that will be all.” 3 The Records of the Fed
eral Convention of 1767 (Farrand ed. 1911) 14; see also
Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1, 10 (1964). A representative
branch of the legislature was therefore created, with the pro
viso that because the House “should represent ‘people,’ . . .
in allocating Congressmen, the number assigned to each State
should be determined solely by the number of the State’s in
habitants.” Wesberry, 376 U.S. at 13.
To ensure that the House of Representatives would be
fairly apportioned among the States on a current basis, a pe
riodic census was proposed and adopted into the Constitu
tion. Art. I, § 2, cl. 3; see also Wesberry, 376 U.S. at 13 (not
ing that Framers endorsed proposal of periodic census as
means of “assuring that ‘numbers of inhabitants’ should al
ways be the measure of representation in the House of Repre
sentatives”). Accordingly, Art. I, § 2, as amended by the Four
teenth Amendment, requires “counting the whole number of
persons in each State” to apportion the correct number of Rep
resentatives. The census was employed to guarantee that en
trenched interests in the House would not obstruct necessary
reapportionment. Franklin v. Massachusetts, 112 S. Ct. 2767,
2771 (1992) (quoting S. Rep. No. 2, 71st Cong., 1st Sess., 2-
3 (1929)) (“The need for [an automatic census] is confessed
by the record of the past nine years during which Congress
has refused to translate the 1920 census into a new appor
tionment. . . . As a result, great American constituencies have
been robbed of their rightful share of representation.”).
In our representative democracy, the complement to the
equal apportionment of Representatives among the States is
the equal apportionment of Representatives within a State.
Equal representation cannot be had if the distribution of Rep
resentatives within a State is not equally divided because each
person’s vote would not have equal power. See Wesberry, 376
9
U.S. at 7-8 (in striking down apportionment of congressional
seats based on wildly divergent districts, Court noted that the
“Constitution’s plain objective was that of making equal rep
resentation for equal numbers of people the fundamental
goal”). The decennial census directly impacts upon the right
to equal representation, embodied in the one-person, one-vote
rule, because it is the basis upon which congressional dis
tricts within a state are drawn. The one-person, one-vote prin
ciple, which this Court has jealously guarded, is acutely af
fected by a less than accurate census because the distribution
of Representatives within a State will not be accurately made.
See Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725, 738 (1983) (because
the census count is the best population data available, “it is
the only basis for good faith attempts to achieve population
equality”).
The danger that inaccuracies in the census will result in
unequal congressional districts within a State is particularly
acute in states with districts that have a high concentration of
minority residents, as the census severely undercounts minori
ties by as much as 5 percent. This places the burden of
underrepresentation squarely on the shoulders of those per
sons who have the least power in the political process and
consequently the greatest need for adequate representation.
Furthermore, in such a district, the votes of the citizens would
not have weight equal to that of other districts, and the con
stitutional goal of equal representation for equal numbers
would not be met. As this Court noted in Reynolds v. Sims,
the “right of suffrage can be denied by . . . dilution of the
weight of a citizen’s vote just as effectively as by wholly pro
hibiting the free exercise of the franchise.” 377 U.S. 554,
555 (1964).
Because the decennial census mandated by the Constitution
lies at the heart of our representative democracy, Art. I, § 2 re
quires that the decennial census be as accurate as practicable.
See Franklin, 112 S. Ct. at 2785 (Stevens, J., concurring) (noting
that the statutory command of Art. I, § 2 “embodies a duty to
conduct a census that is accurate and that fairly accounts for the
crucial representational rights that depend on the census and the
10
apportionment”); Karcher, 462 U.S. at 731 (“Adopting any stan
dard other than population equality, using the best census data
available, would subtly erode the Constitution’s ideal of equal
representation.”). (Emphasis added).3 Only an accurate census
can ensure the right to equal representation through the one-per
son, one-vote principle. The close relationship between the cen
sus and the allocation of Representatives among the states and
within a state therefore requires that decisions affecting the cen
sus be held to the same good-faith standard as those bearing on
congressional districting. As the Court of Appeals declared be
low, the “federal government, no less than the states, is required
to make a good-faith effort to achieve the Constitution’s plain
objective of equal representation.” City o f New York v. U.S. Dept,
of Commerce, 34 F.3d at 1129.
B. An Accurate Decennial Census Is Crucial Because It A f
fects The A llocation O f Federal Funds, Resources and
Opportunities
An accurate decennial census is also of fundamental im
portance because census data is used for myriad purposes,
which, although not directly implicating constitutional rights,
are essential. These purposes include the allocation of fed
eral funds to states, cities and school districts for education,
health, transportation, housing, community services, and job
training. The census is also used to determine the just imple
mentation of federal programs.4 It constitutes “one of the most
important sources of U.S. data for basic and applied social
3 The Federal Petitioners concede this requirement in their brief when they
state that Congress has a “constitutional responsibility to make an actual
enumeration of the population.” (Brief of Federal Petitioners, at 28).
4 Some instances where census data are used for federal funding and pro
grams include the following:
• The Voting Rights Act requires the collection of census data
to determine the implementation of bilingual voting pro
grams to protect the rights of language minorities.
(Footnote continues on following page)
11
research”; areas of research that utilize census data include
race relations, the criminal justice system, education, pov
erty and the aging of the population.5 In addition, census
data serves many business uses, including the determination
(Footnote continued from preceding page)
• The Elementary and Secondary Education Act specifically
mandates that the U.S. census collect data on the poverty
status of school-age children for the purpose of allocating
funds to school districts.
• The Bureau of Economic Analysis relies on census data to
develop income estimates for regional, state and local ar
eas, which estimates, in turn, are used in funding formulas
that allocate federal funding for Medicaid and AFDC.
• The Department of Agriculture obtains census data by state
and county to determine the number of women, children
and infants whose families have incomes below the maxi
mum income limit for the Special Supplemental Nutrition
Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC).
• The Department of Justice, Immigration and Naturalization
Service uses census data to plan and evaluate immigration
policy.
• The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission uses cen
sus labor force data to analyze statistical evidence in class
action charges of employment discrimination.
• The Department of Transportation uses census data to moni
tor compliance with the Federal Transit Act and the Ameri
cans with Disabilities Act.
• The Department of Agriculture uses census data to allocate
grant funds and determine loan interest rates for assistance
programs.
Modernizing the U.S. Census 24, 444 (Barry Edmonston and Charles
Schultze, eds., National Research Council, Committee on National Statis
tics). This list represents only a fraction of the federal funds and federal
programs that rely on the decennial census data.
5 Id. at 259.
12
of where to construct hospitals and health clinics and the
placement within communities of banks, other financial in
stitutions, and community service providers.6
Since the decennial census affects the allocation of fed
eral and state funds, resources and opportunities, it is impera
tive that the census be as accurate as practicable.
C. Meaningful Review By The Courts Is Necessary To En
sure That The Most Accurate Means o f Computing The
Census Is Used
Art. I, § 2’s “high standard of justice and common sense”
— “equal representation for equal numbers of people,”
Karcher, 462 U.S. at 730 — is breached when the census by
which Representatives are to be apportioned is found to be
inaccurate. Because an accurate census directly bears on the
fundamental constitutional right of equal representation, criti
cal decisions concerning its accuracy must be subject to mean
ingful judicial review.
As the Court of Appeals correctly noted, the Secretary’s de
cision not to use the adjusted census should be reviewed under a
more meaningful standard than the arbitrary and capricious test.
Rather, because an accurate census represents the keystone to
our constitutional democracy and to the “equal right to vote” se
cured by Article I, § 2, the Secretary’s decision must be subjected
to an exacting standard of judicial scrutiny. As the long history
of cases involving apportionment and the right to vote has proven,
this Court has repeatedly seen that political branches do yield to
the temptation to undercount those not in the majority, whether
geographically or ethnically. The Court has therefore indicated
that deference to political branches is not warranted when a con
stitutional right is at stake. See, e.g., Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186
(1962) (rejecting Tennessee legislators’ contention that appor
tionment should not be reviewed by the courts); Gray v. Sanders,
372 U.S. 368 (1963) (invalidating Georgia primary system which
gave greater weight to rural votes than urban votes); Wesberry v.
Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964) (confirming concept that right to vote
6 Id. at 292-300.
13
is “too important in our free society to be stripped of judicial
protection” by precluding judicial review of state congressional
apportionment schemes); Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964)
(striking down an Alabama scheme that created wildly disparate
state legislative districts); Kirkpatrick v. Preisler, 394 U.S. 526
(1969) (holding that Missouri congressional redistricting plan
creating disparate districts did not meet the “as nearly as practi
cable” constitutional standard); Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725
(1983) (rejecting New Jersey’s congressional districting plan in
which districts varied by size by less than 1% because the plan
failed to meet a “good-faith” standard of equality). This Court’s
insistence on a judicial role in these cases has been phenomenally
successful in protecting the right of all people to an equal say in
government.
These cases demonstrate that independent review by the
Court is essential for the meaningful implementation of im
portant constitutional rights. See also Sable Communications
v. FCC, 492 U.S. 115, 129 (1989); Landmark Communica
tions v. Virginia, 435 U.S. 829, 843 (1978). As explained
above, because the decennial census is the basis upon which
states create congressional districts, an inaccurate census af
fects the one-person, one-vote principle just as acutely as when
districts are widely skewed or when reapportionment is re
fused. Because equal representation cannot be had without
an accurate census, this Court should not recoil from exercis
ing its independent review here, just as it did not hesitate to
intervene to ensure the continued health of the one-person,
one-vote principle in the redistricting cases. The one-per
son, one-vote mandate will have little meaning if the under
lying census is not as accurate as practicable.
There is an additional, powerful reason for meaningful
review in this case. The decision by the Secretary of Com
merce has a serious and adverse impact upon racial and eth
nic minorities—groups that have traditionally needed judi
cial protection from the majority. Undercounting certain mem
bers of the population—in essence, denying their existence—
is especially noxious when it disproportionately and nega
tively affects racial and ethnic minorities who have histori
14
cally been prevented from full participation in the political
process. H.R. Rep. No. 439, 89th Cong., 1st Sess., report at
1965 U.S.C.C.A.N. 2437 (legislative history of Voting Rights
Act of 1965 noted long history of discrimination against Af
rican-Americans in the political process and the need for ju
dicial intervention in striking down discriminatory policies
due in part to the intransigence of elected officials). Within
our constitutional system, the judiciary has long served as the
institution designed to counter and to ameliorate the excesses
of pure majoritarianism. See, e.g., Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S.
202 (1982) (invalidating state law denying education to chil
dren of illegal aliens); Shapiro v. Thompson, 394 U.S. 618
(1969) (striking state law requiring recipients of welfare as
sistance to reside in state for at least one year). So under
stood, this Court has long recognized the responsibility of the
judiciary to protect minority interests in circumstances where
the decisions of the political branches of government skew
outcomes unfairly in the interests of the dominant majority.
See Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964); Wesberry v. Sand
ers, 376 U.S. 1, 10 (1964); Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368
(1963) (invalidating Georgia primary system giving greater
voting power to rural residents than urban residents);
Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339 (1960) (invalidating ger
rymandering of districts favoring white majority).
While equal protection claims challenging racial classifi
cations require proof of intentional discrim ination, see
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 115 S. Ct. 2097 (1995);
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976), and no such claim
is presented here, this Court need not be totally blind to the
disproportionate undercount of African-Americans, Hispan-
ics, and Native Americans for purposes of evaluating the Ar
ticle 1, § 2 claim.7 While the right to a census that is as “ac
curate as practicable” is one of general application, its trans
7 Amici do not argue that the Court should depart from its established ap
proach to equal protection analysis for purposes of evaluating claims of
racial discrimination. While the Court of Appeals referred to the racially
(Footnote continues on following page)
15
gression has a particular impact upon minority groups. Al
ready often submerged within the political process, minority
groups bear other difficulties when they are not counted in
the most effective manner in the census process.
Judicial review is also required because the recipients and
beneficiaries of federal funds and programs affected by the
census are, to a large extent, racial and ethnic minorities.
Thus, there is a danger that the use of a less than accurate
census may deprive those most in need of funding and assis
tance as well as dilute their voting power.
Federal Petitioners have conceded that the census
disproprotionately and negatively impacts on racial and eth
nic minorities. The Secretary admitted that the census his
torically has undercounted minorities to a far greater extent
than for non-minorities; for African-Americans and Hispan-
ics, the census undercounted the population more than twice
as much as the undercount for whites. The Census Bureau
clearly considered the undercount to be significant; as the
Bureau Director declared in recommending adjustment to the
decennial census, “[i]t is time to correct this historical prob
lem [of undercounting minorities], . . .With the increasing
diversity of the country . . . the problem could be larger in
2000.” The Secretary also admitted that the Bureau had cre
ated a methodology that would finally end the historic
undercount and provide a more accurate count of minorities
in the United States.
Undercounting the national population is a significant
concern. As the Bureau Director stated in her recommenda
tion to use the adjusted census, “not adjusting would be de
nying that . . . 5 million persons exist. That denial would be
a greater inaccuracy than any inaccuracies that adjustment may
introduce.” When the undercount disproportionately affects
(Footnote continued from preceding page)
disproportionate impact of the failure to utilize the adjusted census, this
case can be resolved under Article I, § 2. Thus, while minorities may have
a particular interest in insuring that Art. I, § 2 is enforced, they need not
make out a claim of discriminatory intent to protect that interest.
16
rac ial and ethnic m inorities who have long been
underrepresented in the political process, it is particularly
grave. That the government would choose not to employ a
method that would correct the historic undercount simply to
maintain a “200 year tradition of counting people” is offen
sive and the message it imparts—minorities are not impor
tant enough to be counted—must not be countenanced.
The Federal Petitioners concede that meaningful judicial
review would be required if the Secretary’s decision had a
negative impact on the constitutional guarantee of equal rep
resentation: “[ajbsent unequivocal evidence that an adjust
ment would have improved the distributive accuracy of the
census, there is no constitutional basis upon which a court
could set aside the Secretary’s determination that no adjust
ment was warranted.” (Brief at 24). However, federal appel
lants contend that judicial review is not mandated here be
cause no constitutional right was implicated. They base this
argument on the Secretary’s decision that, in his view, dis
tributive accuracy was not improved by adjusting the census
and that therefore the right to equal representation was not
affected. In effect, Petitioners would have this Court abdi
cate its role of determining whether a constitutional violation
occurred to the Secretary’s conclusion that no constitutional
rights were violated. Amici disagree with this position for
two reasons. First, Amici do not concede that the adjusted
census would not improve distributive accuracy. The accu
racy of the PES method is the question to be determined by
the lower court on remand. More importantly, the determina
tion of whether a constitutional right has been violated can
not be left within the discretion of the political branches.
Rather, that is precisely the type of issue for the courts to
decide.
The federal appellants also spend a great portion of their
brief outlining the so-called technical questions that arise
when adjustment is made in an effort to make them appear
hopelessly technical and unfathomable by a non-statistician.
The paradigmatic example of that effort is the discussion of
“sm oothing,” the process by which the Bureau avoided
17
overadjusting. However, there was extensive testimony at trial
about the “sm oothing” process and, contrary to the
government’s suggestions, the District Court appeared per
fectly capable of understanding the process and the assump
tions on which it is based. More importantly, the government’s
argument implicitly suggests that difficult technical questions
arise only when the adjustment methodology is used. That is
incorrect. Value judgments and technical issues are imbed
ded in every decision made with respect to the use of the non-
adjusted census. The government’s proposed distinction be
tween redistricting cases and unadjusted census counts on the
one hand, which the government asserts involve simple arith
metic, and adjusted census counts on the other, which involves
extremely technical questions, is both false and inappropri
ate in constitutional analysis. The degree of protection af
forded ought not to depend on the difficulty of the factual
questions involved.
The question is not whether technical questions abound
or whether technical decisions can mask manipulation de
signed to favor particular groups. The question is what pro
cess is most likely to ensure that the manipulation does not
occur and that facially technical decisions are not used ma~
nipulatively. In our view, meaningful judicial review is that
process for three reasons. First, the open nature of court de
cision-making, with public trials, will better deter manipula
tion and guarantee accuracy than decisions made in private in
executive offices. Second, the nature of court proceedings,
with discovery and cross-examination, is particularly suited
to teasing out and challenging hidden assumptions or masked
manipulation. Third, the history of the failure of majoritarian
executive and legislative branch decision-making in ensuring
voting equality, and the success of court involvement in that
context, demonstrates that courts have an important role to
play in assuring that those branches of government do not
ignore, or affirmatively manipulate, facts important to minori
ties, whether racial and ethnic minorities, geographic minori
ties, or others.
18
The Federal Petitioners attempt to steer this Court away
from reviewing the Secretary’s decision by declaring that reso
lution of the statistical dispute in this case “involves an exer
cise of technical expertise that lies uniquely within the com
petence of [the executive branch].” (Brief at 33). This argu
ment is wrong for two reasons. First, courts routinely engage
in technical analysis in resolving disputes of all kinds. Fur
thermore, the Commerce Secretary, who is admittedly not a
statistician, did not perform technical analyses himself but
rather relied on the judgment of various experts in reaching
his decision. Second, the Secretary did not rely on his own
technical advisors, the Bureau of the Census (the agency em
powered by Congress to conduct the census), in reaching his
decision. Rather, he rejected the Bureau’s strong recommen
dation in favor of the adjusted census and based his decision
on a number of non-technical grounds, including the preser
vation of the traditional method of census calculation. Thus,
Petitioners’ argument that this conflict is too technical for
courts to determine is belied by the Secretary’s own actions.
When constitutional interests are at stake, courts must not
abdicate their traditional responsibility of ensuring that those
interests are protected. As this Court eloquently stated in
Reynolds, “a denial of constitutionally protected rights de
mands judicial protection; our oath and our office require no
less of us.” 377 U.S. at 566, 84 S. Ct. at 1384.
D. The District Court Must Determine Whether The Com
merce Secretary Acted In Good Faith To Ensure A Census
That Is As Accurate As Practicable
The constitutional mandate set by Art. I, § 2 that equal
representation be afforded for equal numbers requires an ob
jective good faith effort by the political branches to achieve
population equality as nearly as is practicable. Karcher, 462
U.S. at 730, 103 S. Ct. at 2658 (citing Kirkpatrick v. Preisler,
394 U.S. at 530-531, 89 S. Ct. at 1228, 1229). Because the
decennial census, as discussed above, directly impacts upon
the right to equal representation, Karcher’s good faith stan
dard applies with equal force to the Secretary’s decisions con
19
cerning the census. The good faith standard is an objective
one. In this context it would have been met only if the Secre
tary chose a method of calculating the census that was as ac
curate as practicable.8 Where there is a practicable method of
accurately calculating the census, the Secretary must elect to
use such a method. His decision not to does not meet the
standard of good faith, regardless of his subjective intent.
The good faith standard and the practicable accuracy re
quirement are two sides of the same coin: they are concepts
created in the recognition that precise mathematical precision
in the equal representation context is impossible and that cer
tain practical considerations have to be taken into account.
See Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725, 730 (1983); Kirkpatrick
v. Preisler, 394 U.S. 526, 530 (1969); Wesberry v. Sanders,
376 U.S. 1, 7-8 (1964). While there are clearly impractical
methods of determining the census that could hypothetically
result in a perfect count of the population, those methods are
not required by Karcher’s good-faith standard, and Amici do
not argue that the Secretary should consider them. Instead,
Amici contend that because the Secretary was provided with
an indisputably practicable alternative to the traditional means
of taking the census, namely, the PES method, the only ques
tion that remains in the good-faith analysis is whether the PES
method provides the most accurate census. If it is determined
by the District Court upon remand that the PES method pro
vides a more accurate census, then the Secretary’s failure to
use that method violated his good-faith obligation to ensure
7 Petitioners argue that Karcher’s good faith requirement is inapplicable to
the census and apportionment process because disparities between State dis
tricts would be of a “magnitude that would be unacceptable in the context of
[intra]state districting policy.” (Brief at 40, n. 30). This argument is unten
able. Neither the Court of Appeals nor Amici expect an absolutely precise
census. What the appeals court held, and what Amici argue, is that the fed
eral government must make a good-faith effort to achieve a census and ap
portionment that is as accurate as possible. As the Court of Appeals de
clared, “[t]he impossibility of achieving precise mathematical equality is no
excuse for not making this mandated good-faith effort.” 34 F.3d at 1129.
20
equal representation and his decision not to use the adjusted
census must be overturned. If it is determined that the PES
method does not provide a more accurate census, then the
Secretary acted in good faith in electing not to use it, because
the unadjusted method provided a census that was as accu
rate as practicable.
Amici do not concede that the unadjusted census provides
a more accurate count of the nation’s population. Further
more, if the PES methodology provides at least as distribu-
tively accurate a count as the unadjusted census and allevi
ates the historic undercount of racial and ethnic minorities,
the Secretary’s failure to use the adjusted census does not meet
the good faith standard. The use of data that, by all accounts,
historically undercounts racial and ethnic minorities is sim
ply wrong. There is no rationale for its continued use if an
equally accurate and more just method exists.
21
CONCLUSION
For these reasons, this Court should affirm the Second
C ircuit’s remand to the District Court for review of the
Secretary’s decision not to use the adjusted census under the
standards stated above.
Dated: New York, New York
December 8, 1995
Jonathan L. Greenblatt
Counsel o f Record
M argaret Hahn-DuP ont
SHEARMAN & STERLING
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Paul C. Saunders, Co-Chair
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Thomas J. Henderson
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW
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Steven R. Shapiro
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Respectfully submitted,
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AMERICAN JEWISH
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Director-Counsel
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