City of Birmingham v. Monk Brief and Argument of Horace C. Wilkinson
Public Court Documents
June 1, 1950
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. City of Birmingham v. Monk Brief and Argument of Horace C. Wilkinson, 1950. ba4ad4ea-c69a-ee11-be37-000d3a574715. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/82c91c80-4cfa-4123-bb85-83887224d084/city-of-birmingham-v-monk-brief-and-argument-of-horace-c-wilkinson. Accessed December 08, 2025.
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IN THE
UNITED STATES CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS
FIFTH CIRCUIT
No. 13,158
CITY OF BIRMINGHAM, ET AL.,
Appellants,
vs.
MARY MEANS MONK, ET AL,
Appellees.
BRIEF AND ARGUMENT OF
H orace C. W ilk in so n
Attorney for Appellants
SUBJECT INDEX
Page
Staetment of the Case____________________________________ I
The Facts _____________________________________________ 7
Proposition of Law_____________________________________ 29
Assignment of Error_____________________________________ 34
ARGUMENT
Proposition I
a. The court erred in holding that this case is ruled by
Buchanan v. Warley________________________________ 42
b. The zoning ordinances do not “take” property without
due process _______________________________________ 50
c. A non-absolute right may be restricted by legislation----- 52
d. The City Commission believes that its zoning ordinance
does not conflict with the 14th Amendment----------------- 56
e. Long and repeated recognition of validity of ordinance— 57
Proposition II
a. Social and economic data admissible and material-------- 60
b. Constitutional interpretation is more than a rule of
thumb ___________________________________________ 66
c. Segregation is not forbidden by U. S. Constitution-------- 69
Proposition III
a. Residential segregation socially desirable----------------- — 73
b. Residential segregation discourages debasement of bloods 77
c. Residential segregation is advantageous to the Negro----- 93
d. Residential segregation lessens racial antipathies----------- 94
e. Residential segregation makes each race more at ease----- 96
f. Equitable segregation ______________________________ 98
Proposition IV
Residential segregation is essential to peace and order----------102
Proposition V
Equitable segregation is economically desirable-------------- 114
Proposition VI
a. Residential segregation the most practical solution----- 137
b. The nature of race conflict__________________________ 143
c. The city’s right to preserve racial integrity-------------------145
SUBJECT INDEX (Cont.)
Page
Proposition VII
The use of property may be regulated under the Police
pow er--------------------------------------------------------1________149
Proposition VIII
The difference between the races affords a sound basis for
the exercise of the police power______________________
a. The marked differences_____________________________ 156
b. Science of Government_____________________________ 160
c. Military Value ____________________________________162
Proposition IX
An impracticable construction of the Constitution will be
avoided ___________________________________________ 164
Conclusion __________________________________________ 165
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY
PROVISIONS
City Code of Birmingham (1944)
Sections 1604 and 1605
(Supp. Ord. No. 709-F)
Chapter 57
Section 1645
Code of Alabama (1940)
Title 62-Sec. 719
” 62-Sec. 711
” 14-Sec. 360-361
” 16-Sec. 7
” 27-Sec. 11
ACTS OF ALABAMA
Acts 1909—Page 392
Acts 1915—Page 294—Sec. 6
Alabama Constitution (1901)
Sec. 102
Sec. 256
Sec. 182
Text Books
Cooley’s Constitutional Limitations
Vol. II—Page 1317
BIBLIOGRAPHY
THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL-January 1944
PRINCIPLES OF CITY LAND VALUES
(Hurd) 77-78
21 ILLINOIS LAW REVIEW-716
APPRAISAL JOURNAL, February, 1940
(A Source of Property Value)
THE STATE (Woodrow Wilson) Page 592
EBONY (May, 1949) Page 18
SELECTED ESSAYS ON CONSTITUTIONAL LA W -
Vol. 2, Pages 1175-1176 and 1193, 1179, 1180, 1194.
HARVARD LAW REVIEW, Vol. 38, Page 6
MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW-Vol. 24, Page 17
MILTON R. KNOVITZ (Irene Morgan case)
PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW-Vol. 79, Page 665
ILLINOIS LAW REVIEW, Vol. 21, Pages 704-716
THE NATION (August, 1947) Page 123
NEW YORK COMMISSION REPORT-Page 74
PENNSYLVANIA COM. REPORT, Page 131
COLLIER’S WEEKLY (November 3, 1946)
NEGRO GHETTO, Pages 167-170
W HAT THE NEGRO WANTS (R. W. Logan), Pages 7, 28
THE NEGRO IN CHICAGO
NEGRO DIGEST (December, 1944) Page 31
WHAT THE NEGRO WANTS (DuBois), Pages 65, 66
AMERICAN JOURNAL ON SOCIOLOGY, Vol. 50-Page 351
DEUTERONOMY, Chapter 23, V-2
HEBREWS, Chapter 12-V6-8
AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS AND TH EIR PRESERVATION
(Cook)
BALFOUR, SIR ARTHUR JAMES
MY THREE YEARS IN MOSCOW (Smith), 285, 268
WHERE I WAS BORN AND RAISED (Cohn, 1949), Page 156
DOWD, Professor
RACE AND NATIONALITY (Fairchild, Professor), Page 88
THE CRADLE OF TH E CONFEDERACY (Hodgson)
NEGRO HOUSING, Page 213
THE NEGRO IN AMERICAN LIFE, Pages 474, 476
TOOMBS, SENATOR ROBERT
THE AMERICAN RACE PROBLEM (1927)
PLANNING FOR THE SOUTH (Sickle)
BISHOP, Reporter
BIBLIOGRAPHY (Cont.)
PRICE, BEN
PEOPLE v. PROPERTY
ROCKY MOUNTAIN LAW REVIEW (Vol. 18)
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS CODE
HOUSING FOR THE MACHINE AGE
THE REVIEW OF THE SOCIETY OF
RESIDENTIAL APPRAISERS
UNDERWRITING MANUAL (FHA) (1935)
TH E INSURED MORTGAGE PORTFOLIO
PUNISHMENT W ITHOU T CRIME
TH IRD NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW (July, 1914)
ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF LAND VALUES IN CHICAGO
(Hoyt)
THE NEGRO PROBLEM (1914)
TABLE OF CASES
Page
Borden’s Co. v. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194___________________ 32, 67
Boyer v. Garrett, MMS U. S. Dist. Ct., Maryland, Dec. 30,
1949 ______________________________________________ 31, 54
Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60----------------------- 29, 41, 50, 52, 56
Buck v. Bell, 274 U. S. 200__________________________30, 46, 75
Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296------------------------ 29, 33, 44
Cassee Realty Co. v. Omaha, 144 Neb. 753-----------------------------33
Cumming v. Richmond County Board of Education, 175
U. S. 528 _________________________________________ 32, 71
Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 87 N. E. (2d) 241----------------32
Eldridge v. Trezevant, 160 U. S. 452------------------------------------ 58
Elmore County v. Tallapoosa County, 221 Ala. 182--------- -—31, 57
Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U. S. 365____________ 29, 30, 45
Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337------------------------------------------32, 72
Gompers v. U. S. 233 U. S. 604____________________________ 32, 66
Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 U. S. 78___________________________ 32, 71
Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 U. S. 394-------------------------------- 29, 44
Henderson v. U. S., 80 Fed. Supp. 32-----------------------------------31, 54
Holden v. Hardy, 169 U. S. 366------------------------------------------- 33
Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81-----------------------------------30, 45
Jackman v. Rosenbaum, 260 U. S. 22------------------------------------ 58
Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11------------------ 30, 46, 64, 74
TABLE OF CASES (Cont.)
Page
Kyle v. Abernathy, 46 Colo. 214_________________________31, 57
Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214_________________ 30, 45
Laurel Hill Cemetery v. San Francisco, 216 U. S. 358 (1910)___ 58
Miller vs. Schoene, 276 U. S. 272____________________________33
Miller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412___________________ 30, 46, 65, 76
Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S. 113______________________________29
Nectow v. City of Cambridge, 277 U. S. 183______________ 32, 33
Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U. S. 104__________________ 33
Norton v. Randolph, 176 Ala. 381______________________ 30, 47
Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633_____________________ 29, 45
Pace v. State, 69 Ala. 231_______________________________30, 53
People v. Gallagher, 45 Amer. Report 232___________________ 70
People v. School Board, 161 N. Y. 598___________________ 32, 72
Pierce Oil Company v. Hope, 248 U. S. 498_______________ 29, 44
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537_______________ 30, 31, 53, 58, 97
Prudential Insurance Co. v. Cheek, 259 U. S. 530_________ 31, 55
Roberts v. City of Boston, 5 Cush. 198______________________71
Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U. S. 171___________________ 29, 44
Sipuel v. Board of Regents, 332 U. S. 631 (1948)_____________ 72
St. Anthony Falls Water Power Co. v. Board of Water Com
mission, 168 U. S. 349 (1897)____________________________58
State v. Board of School Comm., 226 Ala. 62_____________ 31, 54
State v. Board of Trustees, 126 Ohio St. 290_________________ 32
State ex rel Carter v. Harper, 182 Wis. 148, 196 N. W.
451 ------------------------------------------------------------------30, 47, 77
State v. Hillman, 110 Conn. 92____________________________ 33
Story v. State, 178 Ala. 98______________________________30, 81
Taylor v. Hackensack, 137 NJL 139_________________________ 33
Texas & N. O. R. R. v. Brotherhood R. & S. Clerks, 281 U. S.
548 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 33
Traux v. Corrigan, 257 U. S. 312___________________________66
U. S. v. Caroline Products Co., 304 U. S. 144___________ 32, 67, 68
Vidalia v. McNelly, 274 U. S. 676 (1927)______________________58
Weaver v. Board of Trustees of Ohio State Univ., 126 Ohio
St. 290 ______________________________________________ 73
West Chester R. R. Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209 (1867)-.4, 31, 54, 89
West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379_________ 30, 33, 47
Worthington v. District Court, 37 Nev. 212_______________ 31, 57
IN THE
UNITED STATES CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS
FIFTH CIRCUIT
No. 13,158
CITY OF BIRMINGHAM, ET AL.,
Appellants,
vs.
MARY MEANS MONK, ET AL,
Appellees.
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
This is an appeal from a final judgment rendered by the
United States District Court in Birmingham, Alabama, in
favor of Mary Means Monk and fourteen other Negroes
against the City of Birmingham, a municipal corporation,
H. E. Hagood, its Building Inspector, and Commissioner
James W. Morgan, in whose department the zoning law
is administered.
The court declared Sections 1604 and 1605 of the City
Code of Birmingham (1944) and a supplementary ordi
nance No. 709-F, unconstitutional and ordered an injunc
tion against their enforcement. (R. p. 263) . The ordi
nances are set out in the appendix.
Sections 1604 and 1605 are a part of the basic zoning
law of Birmingham. They make it unlawful for a Negro,
with some minor exceptions, to occupy property for resi
dential purposes in an area zoned A-l or white residential
and for a white person to occupy property for residential
purposes in an area zoned B-l or negro residential.
2
The plaintiffs filed a complaint in the District Court
(R. p. 1) in which they claimed that Sections 1604 and
1605 and supplementary ordinance No. 709-F were un
constitutional because they prevented the plaintiffs from
constructing and occupying residences upon certain real
estate in the Graymont-College Hills section of Birming
ham which has been zoned white residential since 1926.
The plaintiffs claimed that they were negroes and that
they were excluded from that area, by the zoning ordinance,
solely because of their race or color. They averred that
Mary Means Monk had applied for and had been denied
a permit to build and occupy a house as a residence in said
area and that all other negroes will be denied a permit to
build and occupy a residence on any lots they own in said
area because said lots are in a white residential zone. They
asked the court to injoin the enforcement of Sections 1604
and 1605 of the City Code of Birmingham and said Ordi
nance No. 709-F and to render a judgment declaring said
ordinances unconstitutional, null and void.
The defendants filed an answer (R. p. 19) in which
they denied that the plaintiffs are prevented from living
on the property they claim to own solely because of their
race and color. The defendants set up that the classifi
cation of certain areas in the City of Birmingham in its
zoning ordinances as white residential sections and negro
residential sections is based... in part, upon the difference
between the white and negro races and not solely upon race
or color. The defendants denied that the zoning ordi
nances are unconstitutional.
With respect to the origin and operation of the basic
zoning ordinances in Birmingham the defendants averred
(R. p. 22) :
“. . . . The zoning ordinances of the City of Birming
ham were adopted more than twenty years ago after pro
tracted public hearings in which each class of citizen
ship in Birmingham was represented and heard, that it
3
embraced a comprehensive plan for zoning in line with
the best thought in the Nation on the subject of zoning
and that said plan embodied in said zoning ordinances
has been highly successful in its operation for twenty
years or more and has contributed by stabilizing property
values in the respective zones to the material prosperity
and progress of the City of Birmingham, that it has alle
viated racial friction and race tension and has contributed
to the public peace and the public welfare to a marked
degree. Defendants aver that said ordinance is a valid
and legal exercise of the police power of the City of Bir
mingham which by specific statutory enactment is com
mensurate with the police power of the State of Alabama
and is a power that is inalienable and cannot be sur
rendered by the City of Birmingham, Alabama, or by
the State of Alabama.”
The defendants set up in their answer that the most
exceptional circumstances not only justify but require the
classification made by the zoning ordinances and that the
enforcement of the zoning ordinances is imperative.
The defendants averred that,
“ There has been dynamiting, rioting, violence, dis
order and damage to property in the areas in which the
plaintiffs claim to own property on recent previous oc
casions when negroes attempted to occupy property in
said area zoned white residential. . .
The defendants further averred:
• ■ • • That should the plaintiffs undertake to occupy
the property they claim to own, there is a clear, grave
and present danger of a race riot, violence and loss of
life and tremendous property damage, all of which will
likely or probably follow such action and which cannot
be prevented by any amount of police protection that
the City of Birmingham or the State of Alabama is able
to afford. . . .” (R. p. 20).
4
The defendants further averred that if the plaintiffs
undertook to occupy the property they claim to own that,
“• • • • The lives of a large number of citizens, white
and negro, in Birmingham would be jeopardized and the
public peace and order disturbed to a marked degree.. .
The defendants further averred that an overwhelming
majority of white and colored citizens in Birmingham favor
residential segregation as the same is established by the
zoning ordinances referred to in the complaint and that
said white and negro citizens recognize that said residential
segregation is advantageous to both races and in the in
terest of both races and in the public interest for the fol
lowing reasons:
(a) Racial antipathies would be lessened. Because of
differences between the races, resulting from different
cultural backgrounds and different physical make-ups, a
natural prejudice prevents harmony. By keeping one sepa
rated from the other it follows that the prejudice will mani
fest itself less frequently.
(b) Each race would be more at ease—the white be
cause it has a distaste for the colored, and the colored be
cause it would feel less imposed upon and more inde
pendent. This, no doubt, is one of the important elements
prompting various legislatures to enact laws separating the
races in trains, schools and cities.
(c) Because of this feeling of independence the negro,
as a race, would be more progressive. There would be
greater incentive for him to move forward in that he would
feel he was improving his own castle rather than that of the
white man. Mr. Shannon says that with segregation “all
would have better opportunity to develop along normal
lines toward racial self-sufficiency, racial self-respect, and
racial self-reliance.”
(d) There would be less miscegenation. West Chester
R. R. Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209 (1867), states that co-
U /JU .
5
yMJd IV
?;\ ■ ' J j® * s
mingling of the races even on street cars was pernicious fori
the very reason that “the tendency of intimate social inter
mixture is to amalgamation contrary to the law of races ” I
(R. p. 21).
The defendants further set up that:
“The white and colored citizens in Birmingham have
abided by the zoning ordinances referred to in the com
plaint for more than twenty years prior to the filing of
the complaint and that by unanimous consent up to the
filing of the complaint abided by and respected the
classifications established by the zoning board and ap
proved by the Commission of the City of Birmingham,
Alabama, as provided in said zoning law and as a result
there has been developed in the City of Birmingham a
well established and well recognized custom which has
crystalized into a contract between the whites and negro
citizens in Birmingham to the effect that the members of
each race will abide by and respect the classifications
established by the zoning board and that the members
of one race will not undertake to occupy property for
residential purposes that is located in an area zoned for
residential purposes for the members of the other race.
Based on that agreement and the aforesaid recognition
of the said classifications for more than twenty years,
thousands of white citizens have built their homes in
areas zoned white residential and thousands of colored
citizens have built their homes in areas zoned negro
residential area relying upon the aforesaid agreement and
custom and its observances for a period of twenty years
fully confident that the area zoned white residential
would not be invaded by negroes and that the area zoned
negro residential would not be invaded by members of
the white race until the respective zoning classifications
were changed by the zoning board in the way and man
ner provided by said zoning ordinances.” (R. p. 28) .
In addition to the calamity in the form of a race war
which will result from the plaintiffs being allowed to live
in a white residential section, the defendants averred that
6
residential property in Birmingham, white and colored
alike, would immediately depreciate in value from twenty-
five to fifty percent if the Birmingham zoning law is nulli
fied and as a result,
. . . . The municipal revenue would be so greatly
diminished as a result of the depreciation in property
values that the City of Birmingham would be unable to
render the necessary fire, police, health, street and light
service to white and black that is necessary and essential
that the education of white and black in Birmingham
would be greatly impaired as a result of the diminution
in municipal revenue and that the comfort, peace and
progress of both races would be disturbed and arrested
and all municipal services to both races materially im
paired as a result of the diminution in revenue resulting
from the decrease in property values. . . (R. p. 29).
In addition to injuries suffered by the City of Birming
ham in its corporate capacity, the defendants averred that:
“. . . . Thousands of property owners in Birmingham,
white and colored alike will suffer irreparable injury and
damage if the plaintiffs are allowed or permitted to upset
or overturn the arrangement that has prevailed in the
City of Birmingham for more than twenty years, and that
it would be inequitable to allow the plaintiffs to disturb
the aforesaid arrangement which is essential to peace and
order and the preservation of life and property values
in the City of Birmingham.” (R. p. 30) .
The defendants also averred that the human rights of
the citizens of Birmingham to freedom from disorder is
superior to any property rights asserted by the plaintiffs.
That claim was made in the following language:
“Defendants aver that the human right of hundreds
of thousands of negroes and whites in the City of Birm
ingham to peace and order and freedom from race war
and race riots, that their right to life, liberty and the
7
pursuit of happiness is superior to any alleged right of
the plaintiffs to occupy property they claim to own which
they admit they purchased with full knowledge of the
restrictions placed on its occupancy by the City of Birm-
ham, Alabama, which have been acquiesed in, accepted
and abided by the citizens of both races for more than
twenty years. The defendants aver that the aforesaid
human rights are paramount to any property rights as
serted by the plaintiffs.”
The defendants also set up that plaintiffs could take an
appeal to the Board of Adjustment from the refusal of the
administrative officer, H. E. Hagood, to issue the building
permit and that Mary Means Monk had not availed her
self of the right of appeal provided for in Section 719,
Title 62, Alabama Code of 1940. (R. p. 27).
THE FACTS
The City of Birmingham is an Alabama municipal cor
poration. It lies mostly in Jones Valley between two moun
tains. One on the North and one on the South and has a
population of about four hundred thousand people. More
than forty percent of its population are negroes.
Prior to 1910 the territory now within the corporate
limits of the City of Birmingham consisted of the City of
Birmingham and eleven other municipalities lying East,
West and North of Birmingham. There were one or more
white and one or more colored residential districts in each
of these outlying communities.
In 1909 the boundary lines of the City of Birmingham
were altered or rearranged so as to include within the cor
porate limits of the City of Birmingham the territory then
included within the eleven municipalities, effective Jan
uary 1, 1910. Acts 1909, page 392.
In 1915 the legislature of Alabama conferred upon the
City of Birmingham express authority to prevent conflict
and ill feeling between the races and delegated to Birming-
8
ham full, complete and unlimited police power possessed
by the State of Alabama in so far as it is possible for the
legislature of Alabama under the Constitution of Alabama
and of the United States to delegate such powers. Acts
1915, page 294, Section 6.
In 1923 the legislature of Alabama expressly empowered
the legislative body of the City to establish a zoning com
mission and to classify inhabitants by regulations, which
will not discriminate in favor of or against any class of in
habitants. Alabama Code 1940, Title 62, Section 711.
The City employed the well known engineering firm of
Morris Knowles of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, to prepare a
comprehensive zoning plan for the City of Birmingham.
After several years study and innumerable public hearings
in which all races, classes and interests were heard at length,
the City was zoned by a basic zoning ordinance which is
now Chapter 57 of the General City Code of Birmingham
of 1944, Generally speaking, the City was divided by this
ordinance into five districts, white residential, negro resi
dential, commercial, light industrial and heavy industrial.
The white and negro residential districts were in turn sub
divided in A-l residential for white, B-l residential for
negroes, A-2 residential for whites, and B-2 residential for
negroes. In the white residential districts no building or
part thereof shall be occupied or used by a person of the
j negro race, with minor and unimportant exceptions. In
L the negro residential districts, no building or any part
j thereof shall be occupied or used by any person of the
white race, with certain minor and unimportant exceptions.
It is made the duty of the Chief Building Inspector of
the City to administer and enforce the zoning law and a
right of appeal from the decision of the administrative offi
cer may be taken to the Board of Adjustment by any per
son aggrieved under Section 1645, Birmingham Code, 1944.
In the basic zoning map which was introduced in evidence
as defendants Exhibit 2, it appears that there are thirty-
seven negro residence areas in Birmingham plus a thirty
acre tract known as Taylors Hill in a white residential zone
which has not been disturbed because it was occupied by
negroes at the time the City was zoned in 1926. It is en
tirely surrounded by a white residence area.
George R. Byrum, Jr., Chairman of the Board of Ad
justment testified (R. p. 78) that the percentage of the
vacancies in the different residence areas was substantially
uniform throughout and that all of the negro areas are
from 90 to 92 percent improved and that about 8 or 10
percent of each respective area is vacant and available for
improvement.
This was based on an actual inspection of the property
made the week before the trial in the District Court.
A map of the area in which the lots owned by the plain
tiff are located was introduced in evidence as defendants
Exhibit 1. This map shows that the streets in that dis
trict run north and south and the Avenues east and west.
All of the property west of Center Street between 9th
Avenue and 11th Avenue, a distance of four blocks, is
zoned white except six lots on the east side of block 36.
Blocks 40 and 46 between 11th Avenue and 11th Court
West on Center Street are also zoned white. West of
Center Street between 9th Avenue and 11th Avenue for
more than a mile is zoned white. Lots owned by the plain
tiffs are located in Blocks 37, 38, 39, 40 and 47, all of which
are exclusively white blocks.
The evidence is to the effect that Mary Means Monk
applied for a building permit to erect a dwelling or a house
on a lot in Block 37 which she proposed to occupy as a
residence. (R. p. 54) . The building inspector examined I
the plans and specifications for the dwelling and found
they were in compliance with the structural requirements
of the building code of the City of Birmingham, but the
issuance of the building permit applied for was refused
because the purpose for which the property was to be used
10
would violate Sections 1604 and 1605 and Ordinance 709-F
above referred to.
Commissioner James W. Morgan testified (R. p. 91)
that the building inspector was in his department and under
his immediate supervision and that he refused to have Mr.
Hagood issue the permit on the grounds that Mary Means
Monk’s property was in a white district and that it is his
policy that no permits are issued to negroes who propose
to build homes and occupy them in a white residential
section. Mr. Morgan testified that this policy was based
on the custom that had been observed throughout the years,
that he thought it best for white people to have their own
area to live in and their own places of worship to attend
and their own schools. Mr. Morgan testified that during
the 12 years he had been on the City Commission, the
white and colored areas of Birmingham had been well ob
served by members of both races until recently. This ques
tion was propounded to Mr. Morgan:
“Q. In your opinion, I wish you would tell the court
whether or not the zoning ordinance as drafted, approved
and enforced and applied and construed and administered
has been conducive to public peace and order.”
The plaintiff’s objection was sustained on the ground
that under Buchanan versus Warley that is most certainly
not in issue. (R. p. 94) .
The defendants offered to show that the ordinance had
been conducive to public peace and order.
This question was propounded to Mr. Morgan:
“Q. Mr. Morgan, if the custom that has been observed
here with respect to the residential sections, white and
colored, by both races since you have been on the Com
mission is upset or overturned, what in your judgment
will be the effect on property values, residential property
values, in the City of Birmingham?
The plaintiffs objection was sustained and the defend
ants offered to show that it would result in a very sub
stantial decrease in ad valorem residential value. (R. p. 95) .
This question as propounded to Commissioner Morgan:
“O. I would be glad if you would state to the court
what in your judgment and opinion as a member of the
Commission of the City of Birmingham would be the re
sult on the City finances and its ability to render municipal
services such as fire, police, health, street improvements,
education, and matters of that kind, if a substantial de
crease in municipal revenue is brought about by a disre
gard of the custom that has prevailed for 12 years with
respect to the residential zoning?
The plaintiffs objection was sustained and the defend
ants offered to show that it would impair the City’s ability
to the extent that it would probably not be able to render
those essential services to the extent required and necessary
and essential for the comfort and convenience of the citi
zens. (R. p. 96) .
Commissioner Morgan further testified that the zoning
ordinance was enacted to preserve peace and order in the
community and for the best interest of all concerned and
that the zoning ordinance was the reason why the building
permit was denied.
The defendants offered to show that in the immediate
territory of plaintiff’s lots six bombings had occurred with
in the last few months as a result of the attempt of the
negroes to invade that territory. The court refused to
allow evidence of that character to be introduced. (R.
p. 98).
Commissioner Morgan further testified that in his judg
ment and opinion and belief that there is a clear and grave
and present danger to the peace and public welfare in Bir
mingham from the upsetting of the custom that has grown
up under the zoning laws.
Commissioner Morgan testified (R. p. 102) that he ap
pointed a committee to work out the situation and that as
12
a compromise the City Commission re-zoned thirty-five
acres for negro residential property and that when the
committee for the NAACP (National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People) came before the Com
mission with such forceful demands, namely, that they
would not accept any compromise on this proposition, but
that segregation had to be abandoned in Birmingham, he
believed it had a strong bearing on the discontinuance of
any effort to be helpful. It certainly had that effect on
him. He further testified that he thought the action of
the NAACP made further action on the part of the Com
mittee futile at this time and that the demands of the
Graymont Civic Association which rejected the recommen
dation of the Zoning Board and the Committee did not
have anything to do with the Committee resigning. He
testified that the Graymont Civic Association is a civic
club of about one hundred residents of that area out there.
N. L. Thompson, Manager of the Western Union Tele
graph Company in Birmingham in response to a subpoena
duces tecum (R. p. ] 06) produced a number of telegrams
on file with the Western Union office in Birmingham for
transmission and delivery to President Truman, Attorney
General Tom C. Clark, A. A. Carmichael, Attorney Gen
eral of Alabama, Commissioner Eugene Connor, Walter
White, Chief of Police Floyd Eddins, which he testified
were transmitted and delivered by the Western Union Tele
graph Company. The first telegram dated August 13,
1949, informed Attorney General Carmichael that,
“Racial tensions made acute by Friday night bomb
ings of two ministers home. Situation demand swift
and sure attention. NAACP pleads for your office to
conduct a thorough investigation of every worth aspect
of the problem. Not one of six bombings of Negro
homes solved. Had it been the other way it is doubtful
outcome would be same. NAACP will not relax its
fight against racial zoning laws.” (R. p. 108) .
13
Telegram to President Truman on the same date in
formed him that:
“Violent unsolved bombings of negro homes rose to
six Friday night, August 12, in short span. Racial ten
sions sharp enough for unhappy possibilities. . . .”
(R. p. 109).
Telegram to Commissioner Eugene Connor on the same
date informed him that:
“Just three days after you allegedly warned that quote
we’re going to have bloodshed in this town unquote
unless white citizens have their way about racial zoning
homes of two negro ministers were bombed. These
two become the sixth negro homes to be bombed. Not
one arrest has been made. . . .” R. p. 110) .
Telegram to Attorney General Tom Clark on the same
date informed him that:
“. . . . Six negro homes bombed over short period
without single arrest. Racial tensions inflamed by un
fortunate utterances by one public official. Three days
after Commissioner Connor allegedly said quote we’re
going to have more bloodshed in this town unquote in
connection with the racial zoning question violence
came.” (R. p. 111).
Telegram to Commissioner Jimmy Morgan on the same
date informed him that:
“. • . . The NAACP will fight without let up all forms
of racial zoning because such is unlawful. We shall
continue to support and encourage negro citizens to
stand firm at all cost and sacrifices for the precious
right to own and live where one can buy or rent.
NAACP urges round the clock protection for negro
citizens in Smithfield area. Not one of six bombings of
negro homes have been cleared up. . . .” (R. p. 112) .
14
Telegram to the President of the City Commission,
Cooper Green, on the same date said:
. We urge day and night police protection for
the negro homedwellers in Smithfield area. . . (R.
p. 113).
Telegram to the Sheriff of Jefferson County, Holt Mc
Dowell, said:
“With two bombings Friday night, August 13, in
Birmingham the number has risen to six unsolved
bombings of negro homes. The community has been
inflamed by unfortunate statements attributed to at
least one city public official. . . .” (R. p. 114) .
All of these telegrams were signed by the Chairman, Exe
cutive Committee, Birmingham Branch NAACP.
In a telegram to Chief of Police Floyd Eddins dated June
2, 1949, it was said:
“A situation exists growing out of controversy over
racial residential zoning which demands hourly police
protection for Reverend Milton Curry of 1100 Center
Street North and Reverend E. B. Deyampert of 1104 Cen
ter Street North.”
This telegram was signed by the President of the Birming
ham Branch, NAACP.
On May 23, 1949, a telegram was sent to Attorney Gen
eral Tom Clark, saying:
“Urge conspiracy prosecution in case where Willie Ger
man of 1100 North 11th Avenue denied occupancy of
his home by threats and acts of Birmingham public offi
cials May 21, 1949.” (R. p. 117) .
President Truman was advised by telegram dated June 2,
1949, that:
15
“Because of fear that local police protection is break
ing down in Smithfield area where racial zoning contest
has provided controversy, the Birmingham Branch of
NAACP voted Thursday night to bring this to your at
tention. We urge that the prestige of the White House
be thrown behind efforts of negro citizens to have pro
tection here where their civil liberties are being threat
ened.”
These telegrams were sent by the Birmingham Branch
of the NAACP.
After the telegrams had been read in evidence without
objection, the court said:
“THE COURT: Those telegrams are in, but I don’t
see where they have any bearing on any issue in this
case.” (R. p. 118) .
E. A. Camp, Jr., testified (R. p. 120) that he was Vice-
President and Treasurer of the Liberty Life Insurance
Company and handled investments for that company.
That he was familiar with its policy with reference to mak
ing loans on white and colored property in Birmingham
and elsewhere. That his company makes loans on white
residential property and colored residential property where
in his opinion it is properly located and is good security
for a loan. He was asked this question:
“Q. What is the policy of the Liberty National Life
Insurance Company with reference to making loans on
white and colored residential property?”
Plaintiff’s objection was sustained and defendants offered
to show by this witness and other witnesses that the policy
of the Liberty National and other life insurance companies
is that they loan on white residential property where it is
zoned white and loan on colored residential property where
it is zoned colored. They do not loan on property that is in
a mixed zone or in a twilight zone or in the path of being
16
changed from one classification to the other. That sta
bilized conditions is one of the main factors taken into con
sideration in making loans on property.” (R. p. 122) .
The defendants also offered to show that the building
and loan associations, the mortgage companies, trust com
panies, banks and other financial people have followed that
same policy in Birmingham and elsewhere for many years.
(R. P. 122).
The court declined to admit the evidence. Mr. Camp
was then asked this question:
Q. Mr. Camp, in your opinion, I wish you would
tell the court what effect the invasion of a white resi
dential zone by negro citizens has on the appraised value
and fair market value of property in Birmingham?”
The plaintiffs objection was sustained and the defend
ants offered to show that it varies, causing depreciation
from 25 to 50 percent, according to locality. (R. p. 123) .
W. Cooper Green, President of the City Commission of
Birmingham testified (R. p. 124) that the Commission of
Birmingham is the governing body of the City and is com
posed of three members. He has special supervision over
the financial department, the parks and playgrounds, the
stadium and dog pound. There is a mixture of miscel
laneous departments. He testified that he had lived in
Birmingham forty-five years. He is familiar with the ter
ritory in the controversial area in the North Smith field
portion of Birmingham. He testified that he lived in the
Graymont-College Hills area from 1922 to 1936. He re
members a controversy arising between the white and
colored people in 1922 or 1923 about whether Center
Street would be the dividing line between the white and
colored settlements out there. He attended the meeting.
There was a committee representing the Graymont Civic
Association, a colored committee representing the negro
citizens. These committees met with the City Commission,
17
worked out a compromise and agreed on Center Street as
the dividing line, except one little strip down at the 8th
Avenue end of Center Street which was zoned colored later
by the zoning board in 1926. The territory west of Center
Street was to be white and the territory east of Center Street
was to be colored. (R. p. 125) .
That settlement has been observed and abided by gen
erally from that time until this controversy arose.
President Green identified a document which was pre
pared under his supervision giving certain facts and figures
about the City of Birmingham in 1946. It was in the
nature of a report to the people of Birmingham of the con
dition of affairs at that time. The document contains
statements about population, owner occupied property,
finance, schools, salaries, public health, libraries, municipal
auditorium, parks and playgrounds, department of public
welfare, housing, police and fire department, streets and
highways, garbage collection, street lighting, showing the
amount expended for the various services and the percent
age of the revenue that was particularly expended for the
negro citizens in Birmingham. Exhibit 16.
The defendants claimed that the information was rel
evant to show the amount of money that is needed for the
services rendered and that the facts stated therein showed
that there was no discrimination against the negro race in
Birmingham. (R. p. 127) .
The plaintiff’s objection was sustained and the defend
ants then offered in evidence a document entitled “The
1948 Municipal Tax Dollar, Condensed Statistical and
Operational Data”, published and distributed to the citi
zens of Birmingham by the City Commission. This was
defendants’ Exhibit No. 17. The court sustained the plain
tiff’s objection to the introduction of the document in evi
dence.
18
Mr. Green testified that when the Graymont area was
basically zoned in 1926, the zoning lines followed the
lines of the agreement that the white and colored citizens
reached in respect to said area in 1923. Mr. Green testi
fied that after the whites and negroes reached the agree
ment in 1923, and the property was zoned in 1926 there
had been no challenge of the arrangement in any way,
shape, form or fashion in the ten years he had been on the
Commission until the recent controversy involving the in
vasion of the area West of Center Street by some negroes
arose.
Mr. Green testified that there had been no change in the
zoning west of Center Street since 1926, but that on the
north end about thirty acres was rezoned from white to
colored and that the area rezoned was about ninety-five
percent vacant.
President Green was asked this question:
“Q. I will ask you to tell his Honor what in your
opinion would be the result of upsetting the custom that
was translated into the zoning laws by the ordinance, zoning
ordinance in 1926, with respect to white and colored areas
in the Graymont section?”
Plaintiff’s objection was sustained and Mr. Green was
then asked this question:
“Q. Mr. Green, I will ask you whether or not in your
opinion there is a clear and present grave danger of jeopardy
to life and property if the white section out there that we
have been talking about is invaded by negroes?”
The plaintiffs objected and the witness answered.
“Yes, sir.”
The court sustained the objection. The defendants
offered to show by this witness that in his opinion grave
disorder and damage to property and jeopardy to life and
limb would result from that situation. (R. p. 155).
The witness testified that the City of Birmingham was
up to its tax limit. After he had so testified the court sus-
19
tained an objection whereupon the defendants offered to
show that Birmingham is up to its tax limit and that it has
no new sources of revenue that it could tap under the law,
and if there is any substantial diminution in the ad valorem
tax from residential property sources, the city’s ability to
furnish necessary municipal services would be materially
impaired. (R. p. 156) .
The witness testified that the zoning ordinance was being
enforced to the best of his ability and that for the good of
racial harmony, law and order the Commission upholds the
ordinance and observes the principle that a negro can own
land in one area that is zoned for white occupancy, but
he is not allowed to occupy the land.
Mr. Green testified:
“I believe this matter goes beyond the written law, in j
the interest of peace and harmony and good will and racial
happiness.” “I think this thing creates bloodshed. Under
the police powers to keep law and order, we have that au
thority. There are some things that law cannot cover, and j
I think this is one of them.” (R. p. 158) .
He testified that nothing except the zoning ordinance
and its enforcement that he knewT of prevents the plaintiffs
in this case in continuing to build their home on the land
they bought.
Mr. Green was asked this question:
“Q. Mr. Green, in your opinion does the City Com
mission of the City of Birmingham or the State of Alabama,
both of them combined, have enough police force to pre
vent race riots, violence and damage to property if the in
vasion of white sections by negroes becomes general in Bir
mingham?”
The plaintiff’s objection was sustained.
Mr. A. Key Foster testified (R. p. 162) that he was Vice-
President of the First National Bank of Birmingham and
had about twenty-five years experience in the banking busi
ness which included the appraisal of mortgage loans on resi-
20
dential property in Birmingham. He testified that there
has been observed in Birmingham a custom in substance
that the white people remained in the white residential
areas as zoned by the City and the negroes did the same
thing with respect to areas zoned for negroes.
“Q. Was that fact taken into consideration in making
mortgage loans and appraising property?”
Plaintiff’s objection was sustained and defendants offered
to show that that was a very important question in the
making of loans and the appraising of property and fixing
values on it.
Mr. Foster testified that in the appraisal of property by
financial institutions such as banks, insurance companies,
mortgage loan companies, building and loan associations,
and institutions of that kind, the location of the property
and its stability of its classification is a very important
factor. (R. p. 164) .
It was then asked:
"Q. I will ask you, Mr. Foster, if property is in the
path of a contemplated change from white to colored classi
fication, or from colored to white classification, if that is a
factor that is taken into consideration in the appraisal of
property?”
Plaintiff’s objection was sustained.
The court ruled that the elements that enter into the
appraisal of property for the purpose of making mortgage
loans was immaterial in the issuance of the case. (R.
p. 164) .
The defendants offered to show all of the elements that
enter into a property appraisal of property by a man ex
perienced in that line of business for the purpose of show
ing just how they do arrive at values. That the location
and stability of classification is highly important. That
there are other such things, such as the type of tenant who
is going to occupy it, the type of occupant, whether white
21
or colored, whether professional or an artist, a laborer or
merchant, or what not. (R. p. 165) .
Mr. Foster testified that he was a member of the com
mittee of five appointed in 1949 by Commissioner Morgan
to work out a solution of the controversy that arose be
tween the negroes and whites over the Center Street zoning
in the Graymont territory. That committee conferred
with the negro committee several times.
Mr. Foster stated that the whole contention was that
the colored people wanted some more room to build high
class residential homes and the committee recommended
that a line be drawn down the center of Center Street, that
the territory east of Center Street be zoned colored, and
west zoned white, and that the line be drawn east and west
down 11th Avenue, that south of the line be white and
north of the line over the hill, down the other side, wfhich
is largely vacant, be zoned colored.
Mr. Foster testified that the two committees discussed
the advisability of residential zoning as a social matter in
Birmingham and that his committee explained to the negro
committee that they felt for the sake of peace and harmony
that there ought to be a segregation of races, regardless of
whether there was any ordinance to that effect or not and
it was generally agreed by them that that was the desire-
able thing to do. The negro committee wanted to keep
their people on their side of the established line if the
white people would see that the white people stayed on
their side. There were two blocks between 11th Court and
11th Avenue which the committee recommended to be
made into a park so that there would be sort of a zone be
tween white and negroes. The matter was finally com
promised by drawing a line down 11th Court instead of
11th Avenue.
V. L. Adams testified (R. p. 171) that he was engaged
in the coal business in Birmingham and lived in the Gray
mont section for about twenty-six years on 9th Court. Mr.
22
Adams testified that he was a member of the Graymont
Civic Association in 1923 when a controversy came up
about Center Street being the dividing line between the
white and colored races and that it was agreed that Center
Street was to be the dividing line up to a certain point, and
then it went back to the right some 180 or 200 feet, and
then went diagonally across the hill there to about that
bridge over the Frisco Railroad which is shown at the top
of the map which is identified as defendants’ exhibit 1.
Mr. Adams testified that agreement was generally re
spected by both white and negroes in that territory until
three or four years ago when some negroes tried to break
the white zone set up out there. Air. Adams testified that
he knew the sentiment out in the Graymont section and he
was asked:
“Q. I will ask you if in your opinion and judgment,
if there is a clear and present grave danger to public peace
and order, and to property values out there if the white
section that is in force here is invaded by the negroes?”
Witness testified, “Very great.”
The court sustained the objection made after the wit
ness answered and the defendants offered to show that
there was such clear, present and grave danger to the public
peace and order and to property value.
Mr. Walter E. Henley testified (R. p. 178) that he was
born in Birmingham in 1877 and as a young man became
connected with banking. He later left banking and under
took the development and operation of some large coal
properties and in 1925 returned to active banking since
that time. He was President of the Birmingham Trust &
Savings Company which is now the Birmingham Trust
National Bank for twelve years and is now Chairman of its
Board of Directors and actively engaged in the banking
business. In his industrial experience he employed a great
many negro citizens and in his banking business he has had
a great many dealings with negroes, financing the construe-
23
tion and loans on their houses. Mr. Henley testified that
his bank makes loans on white and negro residential prop
erty, that he is familiar with residential property values in
Birmingham generally and has been familiar with those
values over a period of years. That the Trust Department
of his bank under his supervision and direction has made
large numbers of loans which were scattered all over the
City of Birmingham, that he is familiar with the district
known as the Graymont-College Hills section, North Smith-
field.
Mr. Henley was asked:
“Q. I will ask you whether or not, if the restrictions in
the zoning of Birmingham are removed from that territory
and from residential property in Birmingham in general
with respect to the areas that are classified white residential
and colored residential, and the difference between them
is blotted out or ignored or disregarded, whether or not as
a matter of fact property values in the residential areas
would decrease?”
Plaintiff’s objection was sustained, whereupon counsel
for the defense stated to the court:
“MR. WILKINSON: We reserve an exception. It may
be that we can save the time of calling a number of wit
nesses to the stand. I wanted to elaborate on that con
siderably, if your Honor please, and get them to explain
why the property values would decrease, and to explain to
the court that that is a fact. There is nothing speculative
about that, it is just as certain to take place as the sun rises
and sets, because there are certain well recognized stand
ards in the financial world, and I thought the court would
be entitled to that information for what it might be worth
in this case. (R. p. 180) .
THE COURT: Well, I want you to make a full offer
to show all the facts necessary. Under the decisions of the
Supreme Court of the United States I don’t think it is ad
missible in evidence, unless they change their rules.
24
MR. WILKINSON: Well, I beg to differ with the
court about that, but I am not going to stop to argue it at
this point. I will take that up in my argument. I want
to be sure that I get the full factual picture before the
court, or at least an effort to get it before the court.
THE COURT: I want you to have the full benefit of
that opportunity too, for purposes of appeal in the case.
Q. Mr. Henley, I will ask you whether or not you know
whether or not there is anything speculative about the
effect upon property values, residential values in Birming
ham if the provisions of the zoning law are no longer ap
plicable and enforceable—
MR. MARSHALL: Objection.
Q—with respect to white and colored areas?
MR. MARSHALL: Objection.
THE COURT: Read me that question, Mr. Reporter.
(The question was read.)
THE COURT: I sustain the objection.
MR. WILKINSON: We reserve an exception. We
offer to show if your Honor please by this witness that the
effect upon residential property values in Birmingham, if
the provisions of the zoning law with respect to white and
colored areas is not enforceable is not a matter of specula
tion, but that this witness can and will testify as a matter
of fact that over a period of years this district, this City,
and particularly this Graymont-College Hills area, has been
built up, the residences have been built by white and
colored alike, and financed by his institution and by other
financial institutions in Birmingham, all of whom relied
upon the stability which it was believed that the zoning
laws afforded' that property, to colored and white alike.
And if those provisions are no longer enforceable, that the
protection it was believed that the property enjoyed, both
white and negro, is removed, the stabilizing effect is des
troyed, and that when that is recognized, that as a matter
of fact the property thus affected very materially depreciates
25
in value from 25 per cent on up, according to its location
and character. (R. p. 182) .
I don’t like to put a long string of questions if your
Honor understands just what I am trying to show.
THE COURT: That’s all right. I think I understand
it, and I want you to have that showing, but I don’t think
the evidence is admissible.”
The defendants offered to, but were not allowed to show
by Mr. Henley that out of the vast number of contacts that
he has had with members of the negro race that they have
been outspoken in their approval of residential segregation,
and outspoken in their recognition of its value to their race
as well as to the white race. Mr. Henley testified that a
great many houses had been built in the Graymont-College
Hills section both east and west of Center Street since 1926.
He was then asked this question:
“Q. Mr. Henley, I would like to ask you whether or
not in view of your long residence and experience in Birm
ingham you know of any better way for society in Birm
ingham to protect itself against the result of the feeling of
race hostility that has been manifested here than by the
zoning laws of the City which we claim were in force and
effect?” (R. p. 184) .
The plaintiff’s objection was sustained and defendants
offered to show the witness did not know of any better
method.
Defendants offered in evidence (R. p. 185) a portion of
the transcript of the proceedings of a negro mass meeting
in Birmingham on August 17, 1949 in which the nature
and extent of the violence in the Smithfield area was des
cribed and in which the speaker said:
“We will not cease calling on you until the flag of victory
shall not only wave over the battle field of Center Street,
but the flag of victory will be waving all over Birmingham.”
The plaintiff’s objection was sustained.
26
Mr. H. B. Hanson, Jr., testified (R. p. 188) that he is
the immediate past President of the Graymont Civic Asso
ciation, was President from July, 1947 to July, 1949. He
moved into that community after returning from the war
in 1946. He had no knowledge of any agitation going on
in reference to negro citizens crossing to Center Street at
the time he moved out there. That agitation came to his
knowledge after he purchased his home in that area. Mr.
Hanson testified that he made a careful study of each block
to see what the situation was, trying to be completely fair.
That the negro population is fairly dense up to Second
Street and then thins out in the last two blocks. There are
quite a few vacant lots east of Center Street on top of the
hill, going along Center Street.
Mr. Hanson testified that he commanded five thousand
negroes during the war and that the ill will between the
races in that area had reached a point that when he woke
up in the night and heard a noise, he feared that it was a
bombing or something was happening. It was getting
desperate, so he went to work to get a fair solution of the
problem. He testified that he worked to get the thirty-five
acres zoned for residential purposes and that north of 11th
Court and West of Center Street the area is ninety-eight
percent vacant. (R. p. 192) .
The witness testified that he located in that area because
it was close to Birmingham-Southern College and he wanted
to send his children to that Methodist College.
Commissioner Eugene Connor, the Commissioner of
Public Safety in Birmingham testified (R. p. 203) he was
a member of the legislature of Alabama for three sessions,
a railroad man, farmer, traveling salesman before he be
came Commissioner of Public Safety.
Commissioner Connor testified that the zoning laws had
been generally and universally observed by both races so
far as the residential areas are concerned during the twelve
years he has been a member of the City Commission until
27
this controversy arose. He was not allowed to testify that
during the time he had been on the Commission the zoning
law has as a matter of fact protected the citizens, both white
and colored. He was then asked this question:
“Q. I will ask you as an experienced legislator and as
an experienced member of the City Commission, whether
or not you know of any better way of the City of Birming
ham protecting its citizens against the consequences arising
from the feeling of race hostility than the present zoning
ordinance of the City of Birmingham?”
The plaintiff’s objection was sustained and the defend
ants offered to show that the zoning law does represent the
best judgment.
Mr. Connor testified that practically seventy-five per
cent of the houses in the territory west of Center Street have
been built since 1926 when the city was zoned and that
about seventy-five percent of the negro houses east of Cen
ter Street had been built since the city was zoned.
Mr. Connor testified that Birmingham does not have an
adequate police department and has not had an adequate
police department since he has been Police Commissioner.
All available money has been used to provide an adequate
police department. He asked for fifty additional police
last September, was turned down for the reason that the
city did not have the money. (R. p. 209) .
Chief of Police Floyd Eddins testified (R. p. 210) that
he has been with the Police Department of the City of Bir
mingham since November, 1919. He has served as patrol
man, sergeant, captain, assistant chief and chief and has
been chief for seven years. There was introduced in evi
dence a statement prepared by Chief Eddins showing the
number of policemen by square miles patrolled and the
yearly budget of cities in the Birmingham class. Accord
ing to this statement, Atlanta, Georgia has 464 policemen
to patrol 34 miles of territory with a yearly budget of
$1,823,125.12. Birmingham has 333 policemen to patrol
28
52 square miles of territory with a yearly budget of $1,179-
960.00. Indianapolis, Indiana, has 653 policemen to patrol
55 square miles of territory with a yearly budget of $2,524,-
468.81.
This table showed that because of lack of money Birm
ingham is handicapped in the matter of police protection.
Chief Eddins testified that racial tension has been high
in Birmingham particularly in that part of Birmingham
known as the Graymont-College Hills area. He was not
allowed to testify about the number of bombings and other
disorders in that area that have occurred since the contro
versy arose, but which the defendants offered to show. The
court ruled that they were not material.
Chief Eddins testified that up until 1947 the zoning law
adopted in 1926, together with such ordinances as have
been adopted from time to time since that time have been
generally and universally observed by the white and colored
population in Birmingham. (R. p. 215) .
Commissioner Connor was recalled as a witness and testi
fied that Mary Means Monk never took any appeal from
the action of Mr. Hagood, the administrative officer, to
the Zoning Board or to the City Commission. (R. p. 217) .
The defendants undertook to show that in a mandamus
proceeding which Mary Means Monk filed against the
building inspector, that when the point was raised that she
had not taken an appeal from Mr. Hagood’s refusal to issue
the building permit that she dismissed the petition. The
court stated that has already shown in this case and sustained
plaintiff’s objection. Defendants offered to show those
facts.
Commissioner Morgan was recalled as a witness and
under question by the court stated that it is the policy of
the City Commission to enforce Sections 1604 and 1605 of
the City Code and Ordinance 709-F. (R. p. 244) .
The District Court ruled that the defendants’ conten
tions “both factual and doctrinal” were not material “to
29
the issue of the constitutionality of such ordinances” and
on authority of Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S., 60, ad
judged the aforesaid provisions in the zoning ordinances
unconstitutional as in violation of the Fourteenth Amend
ment and ordered an injunction against, their further en
forcement. The defendants in the court below appealed
from that final judgment. (R. p. 246).
PROPOSITIONS OF LAW
I.
The Fourteenth Amendment embraces two concepts of
liberty absolute and non-absolute rights.
Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296, 60 Sup. Ct. 900;
84 L. Ed. 1213.
II.
The right to occupy a particular piece of real estate for
a particular purpose is not an absolute right.
Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U. S. 171; 35 Sup. Ct. 511;
59 L. Ed. 900.
Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 U. S. 394; 36 Sup. Ct. 143;
60 L. Ed, 348.
Pierce Oil Co. v. Hope, 248 U. S. 498; 39 Sup. Ct. 172;
/ 63 L. Ed. 381.
*7 Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U. S. 365; 47 Sup. Ct.
114; 71 L. Ed. 303.
Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S. 113; 24 L. Ed. 77.
III.
Exceptional circumstances will justify discrimination on
the basis of the racial descent of a citizen.
Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633; 68 Sup. Ct. 269;
92 L. Ed. 249.
30
Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81; Sup. Ct. 1375;
87 L. Ed. 1774.
Korematsu v. U. S., 323 U. S. 214; 65 Sup. Ct. 193; 89
L. Ed. 194.
IV.
Reasonable restraints upon the use to which property
may be devoted are not unconstitutional.
Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., Supra.
Muller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412; 28 Sup. Ct. 324; 52 L.
Ed. 551.
Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11; 25 Sup. Ct. 358;
49 L. Ed. 643.
Buck v. Bell, 274 U. S. 200; 47 Sup. Ct. 584; 71 L. Ed.
1000.
West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379; 57 Sup.
Ct. 578; 81 L. Ed. 703.
State ex rel Carter v. Harper, 182 Wis. 148; 196 NW 451;
33 ALR 269.
Norton v. Randolph, 176 Ala. 381; 58 So. 283; 40 LRA
(NS) 129—Am. Cas. 1915 A 714.
V.
A state may prohibit intermarriage between whites and
negroes.
Alabama Constitution (1901), Section 102.
Plessy v. Furguson, 163 U. S. 537.
Pace v. State, 69 Ala. 231; 44 A Rep. 513; Affd 106 U. S.
583.
Story v. State, 178 Ala. 98; 59 So. 481.
VI.
A state may require separation of the races in schools.
Alabama Constitution (1901), Section 256.
Plessy v. Furguson, Supra.
31
State v. Board of School Commissioners, 226 Ala. 62;
145 So. 575.
VII.
A state may require the separation of the races on intra
state carriers.
Henderson v. U. S.;J30 Fed. Supp. 32.
Plessy v. Furguson, Supra.
West Chester Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209
VIII.
The state may separate the races in parks, playgrounds,
swimming pools and golf courses.
Boyer v. Garrett, (MMS) U. S. District Court, Mary
land, Dec. 30, 1949.
IX.
The privileges and immunities protected by the Four
teenth Amendment are only those privileges and immuni
ties which owe their existence to the federal government.
Prudential Insurance Co. v. Cheek, 259 U. S. 530; 42
Sup. Ct. 516; 66 L. Ed. 1044.
X.
The enforcement of a statute over a long period of years,
without its constitutionality being challenged may be con
sidered a virtual recognition of its constitutionality.
Worthington v. District Court, 37 Nev. 212; 442 Pac.
230; Am. Cus. 1916 E 1097.
Elmore County v. Tallapoosa County, 221 Ala. 182; 128
So. 158.
Kyle v. Abernathy, 46 Colo. 214; 102 P. 158.
32
XI.
A policy of racial exclusion may be essential to the safety
of invested funds.
Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 87 NE (2d) 241.
XII.
Supporting facts essential to a decision of constitutional
questions of novel and far reaching importance should be
definitely found by the lower court upon adequate evi
dence.
Ne'ctow v. City of Cambridge, 277 U. S. 183; 72 L. Ed.
842; 48 Sup. Ct. 447.
Bordens Co. v. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194; 55 Sup. Ct. 187;
79 L. Ed. 281.
U. S. v. Caroline Products Co., 304 U. S. 144; 58 Sup.
Ct. 778; 82 L. Ed. 1234.
Gompers v. U. S., 233 U. S. 604; 34 Sup. Ct. 693; 58 L.
Ed. 115.
XIII.
Segregation per se is not prohibited by the Constitution
of the United States.
Camming v. Richmond County Board of Education, 175
U. S. 528; 20 Sup. Ct. 197; 44 L. Ed. 262.
Gong Lum v. Rice, 275 U. S. 78; 48 Sup. Ct. 91; 72 L.
Ed. 172.
Gaines v. Canada, 305 U. S. 337; 59 Sup. Ct. 232; 83 L.
Ed. 208.
People v. School Board, 161 N. Y. 598; 56 NE 81.
State v. Board of Trustees, 126 Ohio St. 290; 185 NE
196.
XIV.
A restriction on one form of liberty may be justified on
33
the very ground that it removes an impediment to another
liberty.
Holden v. Hardy, 169 U. S. 366; 18 Sup. Ct. 383; 42 L.
Ed. 780.
Texas & N. O. RR v. Brotherhood R & S Clerks, 281
U. S. 548; 50 Sup. Ct. 427; 74 L. Ed. 1034.
West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379; 57 Sup.
Ct. 578; 81 L. Ed. 703.
Miller v. Schoene, 276 U. S. 272; 48 Sup. Ct. 246; 72
L. Ed. 568.
XV.
Zoning regulations may result to some extent in the
taking of property and yet not be deemed confiscatory or
unreasonable.
State v. Hillman, 110 Conn. 92; 157 Atl. 294.
Taylor v. Hackensack, 137 NJL 139; 58 A (2d) 788;
Affd 62 A (2d) 686.
Cassee Realty Co. v. Omaha, 144 Neb. 753; 14 NW (2d)
600.
Cantwell v. Connecticut, Supra.
Nectoic v. City of Cambridge, Supra.
XVI.
The police power may be put forth in aid of what is
sanctioned by usage or held by the prevailing morality or
strong and preponderant opinion to be greatly and imme
diately necessary to the public welfare.
Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U. S. 104; 55 L. Ed.
112; 31 Sup. Ct. 186.
S4
FIRST ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Commissioner Mor
gan:
“Q. In your opinion, I wish you would tell the court
whether or not the zoning ordinance as drafted, approved
and enforced and applied and construed and adminis
tered has been conducive to public peace and order.”
(R. p. 94) .
SECOND ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that the zoning ordinances had been conducive to
public peace and order. (R. p. 94) .
THIRD ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Commissioner Mor
gan:
“Q. Mr. Morgan, if the custom that has been ob
served here with respect to the residential sections, white
and colored, by both races since you have been on the
Commission is upset or overturned, what in your judg
ment will be the effect on property values, residential
property values in the City of Birmingham.” (R. p. 94) .
FOURTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Commissioner Mor
gan:
“Q. I would be glad if you would state to the court
what in your judgment and opinion as a member of the
Commission of the City of Birmingham would be the
35
result on the City finances and its ability to render mu
nicipal services such as fire, police, health, street im
provements, education, and matters of that kind, if a
substantial decrease in municipal revenue is brought
about by a disregard of the custom that has prevailed
for 12 years with respect to the residential zoning?”
(R. p. 95).
FIFTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that it would impair the City’s ability to the extent
that it would probably not be able to render those essential
services to the extent required and necessary and essential
for the comfort and convenience of the citizens. (R. p. 96) .
SIXTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that in the immediate territory of plaintiff s lots six
bombings had occurred within the last few months as a
result of the attempt of the negroes to invade that territory.
(R. p. 98) .
SEVENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. E. A. Camp, Jr.:
“Q. What is the policy of the Liberty National Life
Insurance Company with reference to making loans on
white and colored residential property?” (R. p. 121) .
EIGHTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that the policy of the Liberty National and other life
insurance companies is that they loan on white residential
property where it is zoned white and loan on colored resi
dential property where it is zoned colored and that they
36
do not loan on property that is in a mixed zone or in a
twilight zone or in the path of being changed from one
classification to the other and that stabilized conditions is
one of the main factors taken into consideration in making
loans on property. (R. p. 22).
NINTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that the; building and loan associations, the mortgage
companies, trust companies, banks and other financial
people have followed that same policy in Birmingham and
elsewhere for many years. (R. p. 22) .
TENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiff’s objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. E. A. Camp, Jr.:
“O. Mr. Camp, in your opinion, I wish you would
tell the court what effect the invasion of a white resi
dential zone by negro citizens has on the appraised value
and fair market value of property in Birmingham?”
(R. p. 123).
ELEVENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
introduce in evidence Exhibit 16 which document gives
certain facts and figures about the City of Birmingham in
1946. (R. p. 127).
TWELFTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the introduction of Exhibit No. 17 entitled “The 1948
Municipal Tax Dollar, Condensed Statistical and Opera
tional Data.” (R. p. 139) .
37
THIRTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to President Green:
“Q. I will ask you to tell his Honor what in your
opinion would be the result of upsetting the custom that
was translated into the zoning laws by the ordinance,
zoning ordinance in 1926, with respect to white and
colored areas in the Graymont section?” (R. p. 154) .
FOURTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to President Green:
“Q. Mr. Green, I will ask you whether or not in your
opinion there is a clear and present grave danger of
jeopardy to life and property if the white section out
there that we have been talking about is invaded by
negroes.” (R. p. 155).
FIFTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to President Green:
“Q. Mr. Green, in your opinion does the City Com
mission of the City of Birmingham or the State of Ala
bama, both of them combined, have enough police force
to prevent race riots, violence and damage to property if
the invasion of white sections by negroes becomes general
in Birmingham?” (R. p. 160) .
SIXTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. A. Key Foster:
38
“Q, Was that fact taken into consideration in making
mortgage loans and appraising property?” (R. p. 163) .
SEVENTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. A. Key Koster:
“Q. I will ask you, Mr. Foster, if property is in the
path of a contemplated change from white to colored
classification, or from colored to white classification, if
that is a factor that is taken into consideration in the
appraisal of property?” (R. p. 164) .
EIGHTEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in ruling that the elements that enter
into the appraisal of property for the purpose of making
mortgage loans was immaterial in the issuance of the case.
(R. p. 164) .
NINETEENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show all of the elements that enter into a property appraisal
of property by a man experienced in that line of business
for the purpose of showing just how they do arrive at values.
That the location and stability of classification is highly
important. (R. p. 165) .
TWENTIETH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. V. L. Adams:
“Q. I will ask you if in your opinion and judgment,
if there is a clear and present grave danger to public
peace and order, and to property values out there if the
white section that is in force here is invaded by the
negroes?” (R. p. 174) .
39
TWENTY-FIRST ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that there was such clear, present and grave danger
to the public peace and order and to property values.
(R. p. 175).
TWENTY-SECOND ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. Walter E. Hen
ley:
‘Q. I will ask you whether or not, if the restrictions
in the zoning of Birmingham are removed from that ter
ritory and from residential property in Birmingham in
general with, respect to the areas that are classified white
residential and colored residential, and the difference
between them is blotted out or ignored or disregarded,
whether or not as a matter of fact property values in the
residential areas would decrease? (R. p. 180) .
TWENTY-THIRD ASSIGNMENT OR ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. Walter E. Hen
ley:
“Q. Mr. Henley, I will ask you whether or not you
know whether or not there is anything speculative
about the effect upon property values, residential values
in Birmingham if the provisions of the zoning law are no
longer applicable and enforceable—” (R. p. 181) .
TWENTY-FOURTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that out of the past number of contacts that he has
had with members of the negro race that they have been
outspoken in their approval of residential segregation, and
40
outspoken in their recognition of its value to their race as
well as to the white race. (R. p. 183) .
TWENTY-FIFTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Mr. Walter E. Hen
ley:
“Q. Mr. Henley, I would like to ask you whether
or not in view of your long residence and experience in
Birmingham you know of any better way for society in
Birmingham to protect itself against the result of the
feeling of race hostility that has been manifested here
than by the zoning laws of the City which we claim were
in force and effect?” (R. p. 184) .
TWENTY-SIXTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show a portion of the transcript of the proceedings of a
negro mass meeting in Birmingham on August 17, 1949
in which the nature and extent of the violence in the Smith-
field area was described. (R. p. 188).
TWENTY-SEVENTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in sustaining the plaintiffs’ objection to
the following question propounded to Commissioner Con
nor:
“Q. I will ask you as an experienced legislator and
as an experienced member of the City Commission,
whether or not you know of any better way of the City
of Birmingham protecting its citizens against the conse
quences arising from the feeling of race hostility than the
present zoning ordinance of the City of Birmingham?”
(R. p. 206).
41
TWENTY-EIGHTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show the number of bombings and other disorders in the
Graymont-College Hills area that have occurred since the
controversy arose. (R. p. 214) .
TWENTY-NINTH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in refusing to allow the appellants to
show that grave disorder and damage to property and
jeopardy to life and limb would result if the white section
in the Graymont area is invaded by negroes.
THIRTIETH ASSIGNMENT OF ERROR
The court erred in rendering the final judgment that
was rendered in this cause. (R. p. 249).
42
ARGUMENT
May It Please The Court—
PROPOSITION I.
The Court erred in holding that Buchanan v. Warley,
245 U. S. 60, required a declaration that the Birming
ham Zoning Law is unconstitutional.
Inasmuch as the action of the trial court was based on
Buchanan v. Warley, supra, and some similar cases cited
by the District Judge, we think it proper to point out that
Buchanan v. Warley was not a zoning law case. The ques
tion involved in that case was clearly stated by the court
in the following language:
“The concrete question here is: May the occupancy,
and, necessarily, the purchase and sale of property of
which occupancy is an incident, be inhibited by the
states, or by one of its municipalities, solely, because of
the color of the proposed occupancy of the premises?
M. -Sf. M.-7f- "7\- "ft- "A*
“In the face of these constitutional and statutory pro
visions, can a white man be denied, consistently with due
process of law, the right to dispose of his property to a
43
purchaser by prohibiting the occupation of it for the
sole reason that the purchaser is a person of color in
tending to occupy the premises as a place of residence?
(emphasis supplied) .
* -4u ■&£. 41.*7v' -7S- *7V
“The case presented does not deal with an attempt to
prohibit the amalgamation of the races. The right which
the ordinance annulled was the civil right of a white man
to dispose of his property if he saw fit to do so to a per
son of color and of a colored person to make such dis
position to a white person.
Jit. At- -it- «M.W Vi" -A* VT
“We think this attempt to prevent the alienation of
the property in question to a person of color was not a
legitimate exercise of the police power of the state, and
is in direct violation of the fundamental law enacted in
the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution prevent
ing state interference with property rights except by due
process of law. That being the case, the ordinance can
not stand.”
We have quoted liberally from the opinion in order that
it will clearly appear that the ordinance was construed as
an attempt to prevent a white man from alienating his
property, from selling and conveying it to a negro, and as
thus construed, only the attempt to prevent the white man’s
right to alienate, to convey to a negro was involved, and
only that point was decided.
An inhibition on the right of occupancy is not an inhibi
tion on the right to dispose of property in the light of later
decisions of the United States Supreme Court and the de
cisions of the courts of last resort of various states in dealing
with zoning laws.
44
In the case at bar, the right to alienate, to sell and con
vey to a negro is not involved. The right the court is ask
ed to protect in this case, is the alleged right of the plain
tiff, Mary Means Monk, and the other negro plaintiffs, to
occupy a particular piece of property, in a white neighbor
hood, as a place of residence; the right to devote a particu
lar piece of property to a particular use.
The Fourteenth Amendment embraces two concepts of
liberty, one absolute, the other not absolute.
Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. 296; 60 Sup. Ct. 900.
The right to think, the right to believe, the right to buy,
^ to sell and to convey real estate, are illustrations of phases
of liberty which are absolute. They are not subject to
regulation under the police power, because under no con-
ceiveable set of circumstances can the exercise of those
phases of liberty injure the public.
/ On the other hand, the right to occupy a particular piece
io f real estate, for a particular purpose, is not an absolute
( right under the constitution. The exercise of that right
may be regulated or prohibited, if necessary, in the public
interest. Thus in Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U. S. 171,
35 Sup. Ct. 511, 59 L. ed. 900, an ordinance was sustained
that prohibited the operation of a livery stable in a certain
area in Little Rock; Hadacheck v. Sebastain, 239 U. S. 394,
36 Sup. Ct. 143, sustained an ordinance prohibiting the ope
ration of a brick yard in a certain area, and Pierce Oil Co.
v. Hope, 248 U. S. 498, 39 Sup. Ct. 172, 63 L. ed. 381, sus
tained a law prohibiting the storage of petroleum within
300 feet of a dwelling.
The Supreme Court of the United States has recognized
that most exceptional circumstances will justify discrimina
tion on the basis of the racial descent of a citizen.
45
Oyama v. California, 332 U. S. 633; 68 S. Ct, 269, 92
L. Ed. 249.
Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 U. S. 81, 63 S. Ct. 1375, 87 L.
Ed. 1774.
Korematsu v. U. S., 323 U. S. 215; 65 Sup. Ct. 193, 89
L. Ed. 194.
While we most earnestly contend that a negro is not ex
cluded from a residential area zoned for white by the Bir
mingham ordinance solely because he is a Negro, but solely
because of the extraordinary and most exceptional injury \
to the public that will result from his exercising the right \ *•"'
to live in a white residential area, we mention the cases
cited for the purpose of showing that even if the court
should disagree with us about that, and decide that the j
exclusion is based on color solely, then color under the
circumstances is a sound basis for the ordinance.
The Constitution does not speak of the right to occupy
a particular piece of property as a residence. It speaks of
liberty and property and prohibits the deprivation of liber
ty or property without due process of law. As we have
shown, the right to occupy a particular piece of real estate
for residential purposes is not an absolute right, but a right
whose exercise may be prohibited, in the public interest
if there is adequate basis for it. If the exercise of that
right will injure society to the extent set forth in the
answer, then its exercise may be prohibited, if that be rea
sonably necessary to avert the threatened disaster.
This, as we understand it is the doctrine of Euclid v. I
Ambler Realty Company, 272 U. S. 365; 47 S. Ct. 114; 71 '
L. ed. 303.
In that case, in explaining the basis for its decision that
the right to occupy a particular piece of property for a
particular purpose is not absolute and uncontrollable, the
Supreme Court of the United States said:
46
“Until recent years, urban life was comparatively sim-
ple.”
# # # #
“Regulations, the wisdom, necessity, and validity of
which, as applied to existing conditions, are so apparent
that they are now uniformly sustained, a century ago, or
even a half century ago, probably would have been re
jected as arbitrary and oppressive.”
The court then pointed out that the scope of the appli
cation of constitutional guarantees must expand or contract
to meet new and different conditions which are constantly
coming within their field of operation, and that now, there
is no serious difference of opinion in respect of the validity
of laws excluding from residential sections offensive trades,
industries and structures likely to destroy the desireability
of the district as a residential section.
Thus has the Supreme Court of the United States put
at rest any possible controversy in respect of the qualified
character of the right to occupy a particular piece of prop
erty for a particular purpose. Thus has the Supreme Court
of the United States definitely decided that the right to
occupy a particular piece of real estate for a particular pur
pose is not an absolute, uncontrollable right, but is an
aspect of liberty, subject to regulation in the public in
terest.
The power under the Constitution to restrict the exer
cise of certain aspects of liberty has had many illustrations.
Statutes have been sustained limiting the number of hours
a woman might work in any one day in a factory, Muller v.
Oregon, 208 U. S. 412, 28 S. Ct. 324, 52 L. ed. 551; re
quiring compulsory vaccination, Jacobson v. Massachusetts,
197 U. S. 11, 25 S. Ct. 358, 49 L. ed. 643; authorizing the
sterilization of the “probable potential parent of socially
inadequate offspring”, Buck v. Bell, 274 U. S. 200, 47 S. Ct.
584, 71 L. ed. 1000, providing a minimum wage for woman,
47
West Coast Hotel Company v. Parrish, 300 U. S. 379, 57
S. Ct. 578; 81 L. ed. 703.
Other illustrations might be added.
The courts have long since recognized and declared that,
“Although one owns property, he may not do with it
as he pleases, any more than he may act in accordance
with his personal desires. As the interest of society justi
fies restraints upon individual conduct, so, also, does it
justify restraints upon the use to which property may be
devoted.”
State, ex rel Carter v. Harper, 182 Wis. 148; 196 N.W.
451; 33 A.L.R. 269.
That doctrine is illustrated in Alabama by the rule that
a “spite fence” may be abated.
Norton v. Randolph, 176 Ala. 381, 58 So. 283, 40 L.R.A.
(NS) 129; Ann. Cas. 1915A, 714.
These authorities make it clear, we think, that the plain
tiffs right to occupy the property described in the com
plaint is not an absolute, uncontrollable right, but a right
which may be regulated or prohibited according to the
circumstances and conditions.
Let’s examine some of the immediate dangers to the
public from a decision that a Negro has a right to live in
a white residential district in Birmingham.
(1) All residential property values are lowered from
25% to 40%, even if the Negro never exercises the right.
“Infiltration of incompatible races has always been a
red flag to the appraiser. . . . No one thing can so quickly
depress values as the beginning of a race movement.”
THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL, January, 1944.
If a Negro never set foot in a white residential area in
Birmingham, but it is decreed that he may do so if he sees
48
fit, down go property values, because all residential sec
tions in Birmingham immediately become “mixed” areas,
deprived of the protection they have enjoyed under the
zoning law, and under established custom for more than a
quarter of a century. It is little short of a calamity for
thousands of white and black to have from 25% to 40% of
the value of their homes wiped out over night. When no
one knows what minute a Negro or a white person as the
case may be will move in next door, a state of unrest is
created, many are ready to sacrifice property, panic grips
the people, and the social, political, and economic life of
the entire city is tremendously disturbed.
(2) The decrease in ad valorem taxes resulting from the
decrease in values of all residential property, would require
a drastic curtailment of all municipal functions. White and
black alike would have to get along without adequate
police and fire protection; without health service, garbage
collection would be practically abandoned and the poor
would suffer worse than the rich because the poor are not
situated to dispose of their own garbage. Little children
would be deprived of even the present inadequate educa
tional facilities.
We want this court to visualize what will happen when
j a situation like that comes to pass in Birmingham. ONCE
j THE HEAD OF THE HOUSE CONCLUDES THAT
THE NEGRO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE COL-
j \ LAPSE OF THESE MUNICIPAL FUNCTIONS IT RE
QUIRES NO IMAGINATION TO VISUALIZE A
TEMPTATION TO EXTERMINATE THE NEGRO.
I All of the power on earth could not keep blood from flow-
i ing and it would continue to flow until the cause is re
moved.
The federal judiciary precipitated a bloody civil war by
an ill advised decision in the Dred Scott case. We beg this
court, in God’s name, not to plunge our people into a race
war by an ill advised decision in this case.
49
What we have outlined will happen if it is declared that
a Negro has the right to live in a white residential district,
even if he never attempts to do so. The economic effect
of such a decision will create a situation that will never be
tolerated in Birmingham.
Suppose the Negro actually undertakes to live in a white
residential area. What then? The law making body of
the City of Birmingham, tells the court under oath, the
same oath to support the Constitution of the United States
that a judge takes, that
“ (b) When attempts have been made by members
of one race to enter for the purposes of a permanent
residence into an area commonly recognized as set aside
for members of the other race, VIOLENCE, DISTURB
ANCES OF THE RACE, DESTRUCTION OF PROP
ERTY AND LIFE has resulted almost without ex
ception.”
“ (c) This Commission further finds. . . . that in the
event attempts shall now or in forseeable future be made
by members of one race to establish residence in areas
heretofore regarded as set apart for the residence of mem
bers of the other race, BREACHES OF THE PEACE,
RIOTS, DESTRUCTION OF LIFE AND PROP
ERTY will follow.”
This court can disregard that solemn warning; it can say
that the City Commission doesn’t know what it is talking
about; but the average Birmingham citizen will continue
to believe that every policeman in Birmingham knows
more about what will happen here, if zoning restrictions
are nullified, than all the judges in Christendom.
To say that the Birmingham public must be exposed
every day to a race riot, that it must suffer depreciation in
all residential property values ̂submit to astronomical prop
erty damage from time to time, lose essential municipal
services and sustain the loss of lots of lives of white and
50
blacks, all because the Fourteenth Amendment is supposed
to be in the way of the City preventing such a tragedy by
separating the races in residential districts is to put a low
estimate on the mental alertness of this court.
Buchanan v. Warley, supra, has no application to this
case. What these plaintiffs ask for is judicial authority to
wreck Birmingham, because they are black. That is what
would happen, if Negroes invade the white residential
sections in that City.
b.
The zoning ordinances of Birmingham do not “take”
plaintiffs property without due process of law.
The claim that by depriving plaintiffs of the right to
live on the lots they own, the zoning law takes their prop
erty without due process of law, is not well founded. If
the zoning law prohibited them from selling their property,
Buchanan v. Warley, supra, would be apt authority for the
claim that their property was taken without due process.
That question, however, is not present in this case.
It seems to be well settled that a zoning law which pro
hibits certain uses to which real property might be devoted,
compensates for the deprivation of that use, by the en
hanced and stabilized value of the property resulting from
regulation and restrictions.
It is generally recognized that real property in a city,
protected by restrictions, is worth more than unprotected
property.
The basis of residence values is social and not economic.
Business property is selected by the man from an economic
standpoint. Residence property by the woman from a
social standpoint.
Principles of City Land Values (Hurd) 77-78.
Restrictions, aid rather than restrict, free alienation of
residenital property.
51
21 Illinois Law Review, 716.
As applied to the case at bar, it is obvious that the num
ber of potential purchasers for residential property in a
white zone or a negro zone, is much larger than the number
of potential purchasers of the same kind of property in a
mixed zone or in a zone which is open to all. The number
of whites and the number of Negroes who prefer to live
among their kind, far exceeds the number who prefer to
isolate themselves in a zone open to all.
Appraisers, banks, lending institutions insist that, for
maximum loans, the property upon which the loan to be
made must have every prospect of being desirable property
over a long period of time. They seek definite standards
upon which to base their estimates of values.
“In seeking these standards they find that deed restric
tions, city planning, and zoning are the fundamental
considerations in the evaluation of all types of property.”
* # * *
“In the building and owning of a house, land is the
first item of cost; environment is the final source of
value.”
THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL, February, 1940.
A SOURCE OF PROPERTY VALUE.
It would seem that a law which guarantees a good en
vironment to residential property is of substantial benefit
to the property.
“Property owners today are really becoming zoning-
minded. They realize that, while zoning limits their in
dividual property rights, at the same time it places the
same limits on their neighbors and, through strict en
forcement, zoning actually increases and stabilizes the
value of the properties over which it has control.”
THE APPRAISAL JOURNAL, supra.
If as a matter of fact, as we proposed to show in the Dis
trict Court, the plaintiffs property is reasonably worth at
52
least 25% more zoned white residential than it would be
worth if the area in which it is located is open to both races
and therefore classed as a mixed area, the plaintiffs cannot
support the claim that the zoning law takes their property.
To the contrary the plaintiffs must be regarded as under
taking to decrease the value of their property and all other
residential property in Birmingham. To that extent they
are taking property values others have accumulated over
a period of years “without due process of law.”
It is an axiom that “the value of thy home dependeth
upon thy neighbor.” This being true the exclusion of an
undesirable class from a neighborhood is fulfillment of a
high social duty. Certainly the Fourteenth Amendment is
not to be construed in a way that will make it a road block
to progress.
c.
While a citizen may not be deprived of an absolute right,
he may be restricted in the exercise of a right that is not
absolute, under the Constitution.
In the District Court it was emphasized, and the District
Judge was greatly influenced, by the following statement
in Buchanan v. Warley, supra:
“That there exists a serious and difficult problem
arising from a feeling of race hostility which the law is
powerless to control, and to which it must give a measure
of consideration, may be freely admitted. But its solu
tion cannot be promoted by depriving citizens of their
constitutional rights and privileges.”
We have no quarrel with that statement, if it is borne
in mind that the constitutional right and privilege the
court was dealing with and had in mind when that gen
erality was announced, was THE CONSTITUTIONAL
RIGHT TO SELL REAL ESTATE,-an absolute, uncon
trollable constitutional right.
53
The court was not undertaking to deal with the use to
which property might be devoted. It recognized in the
opinion that the use of property may be controlled in the
exercise of the police power in the public interest.
The District Judge seems to have been of the opinion
that color or race can not be made the basis of restrictions
on the right to occupy a particular piece of property for
residential purposes. As has been pointed out, the restric
tion is not on account of color, but on account of the injury
suffered by society from a Negro living in a white district.
1. The State may prohibit intermarriage between mem
bers of the two races, not because one party to the marriage
is white and the other black, but because of the injury
done society by such a union.
Alabama Constitution (1901) Sec. 102.
Title 14, Sec. 360, 361, Alabama Code (1940).
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537.
2. The State may prohibit adulterous relations between
Negroes and whites and prescribe more severe punishment
for fornication between a white person and a Negro than
when the offense is committed by two members of the same
race without violating the Fourteenth Amendment.
Pace v. State, 69 Ala. 231, 44 Am. Rep. 513, affirmed
106 U. S. 583.
3. The State may require white and negro children to
i attend separate schools, and prohibit any child of one race
attending a school of the other race, not because one is
white and the other black, but because of the harm to
society from mixing children in school.
Alabama Constitution (1901) Sec. 256.
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537.
54
State v. Board of School Commissioners, 226 Ala. 62,
145 So. 575.
4. The State may require the separation of the two
races on street cars and intra-state carriers.
West Chester Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St. 209.
Plessy v. Ferguson, supra. ________ _
Henderson v. U. S., 80 Fed. Supp. 32p
5. The State may separate the races in parks, play
grounds, swimming pools, tennis courts and golf courses.
Boyer v. Garrett, MMS, U.S.D.C. Maryland.
December 30th, 1949. Judge Chestnutt.
If the state can separate the whites and blacks in schools,
on street cars and busses and in other public places, pro
hibit their intermarriage and biological integration out
side the marriage relation, solely because of the harmful
effect of such conduct on society, what prevents the same
state from requiring whites and blacks to live in separate,
but equal, residential areas in Birmingham, solely because
of the tremendously harmful effect on society of their living
side by side?
If the owner of a piece of property may be prohibited
from using it for a legitimate, desirable, business, because
such use will injure the public and its exclusion is a part
of the general plan for the development of the city as a
whole, in the interest of all, the owner may be excluded
from using it as a residence, if its use for that purpose by
the owner will have the same injurious effect on the public,
and the exclusion of that use by that owner is a part of the
general plan for the development of the city as a whole in
the interest of all.
The right of a citizen to use property for a residence is
not to be held superior to the right of a citizen to use prop-
55
erty for highly desirable business purposes, educational
purposes, or religious purposes.
If a municipality may protect residential property from
blight, deterioration, and disorder, any use of property
which results in blight, deterioration and disorder may be
prohibited.
The desirability of a neighborhood as a place of resi
dence may be more completely destroyed by a negro living
in it (or by a white person living in it if, it is a negro
neighborhood) than by the use of the same property for
the operation of a knitting mill or a sausage factory.
We submit that if the city is empowered to preserve the
desirability of a district as a place of residence, for whites
or blacks, as the case may be, it is entitled to do all things
necessary in that regard, so long as its action does not
violate a liberty expressly and absolutely protected by the
Constitution of the United States.
The Supreme Court of the United States has repeatedly
pointed out that
“The privileges or immunities of citizens, protected by
the Fourteenth Amendment against abridgment by state
laws, are not those fundamental privileges and immuni
ties inherent in state citizenship, but only those which
owe their existence to the federal government, its na
tional character, its Constitution, or its laws.”
Prudential Insurance Company of America v. Cheek,
259 U. S. 530, 42 Sup. Ct. 516, 66 L. Ed. 1044.
The right to occupy property does not owe its existence
to the federal government, its national character, its Con
stitution or its laws. People were asserting and exercising
the right of occupancy long before a federal government
was dreamed of, its Constitution contemplated or its laws
enacted.
It would, therefore, appear that when a state says in effect
to its citizens; you may not use property in a district for a
56
home where your presence in that district is a menace to
public peace and order, the comfort and convenience of
the people in that district, as well as a distinct disadvantage
to all of the people in the city,—it has not violated any
federal right of any citizen of the United States.
Whether property is misused or not depends on the ef
fect of its use on the general welfare.
A circus might be a nuisance in a residential section but
not a nuisance on the outskirts of the city.
d.
The Birmingham zoning ordinances represent the ma
ture judgment and opinion of the legislative branch of the
City of Birmingham that they do not violate the Fourteenth
Amendment nor do they conflict with Buchanan v. Warley,
supra.
The Commission of the City of Birmingham, about
eleven years after Buchanan v. Warley was decided, after
years of study, investigation and consideration, reached the
conclusion that a comprehensive, equitable, zoning law,
would not conflict with Buchanan v. Warley or the Four
teenth Amendment.
That conclusion and opinion is entitled to great respect
in all the courts in the United States.
The men composing the legislative body that enacted
the Birmingham zoning law, acted under oath, the same
oath to support the Constitution of the United States that
a Judge takes, before he can sit in judgment. It is not to
be presumed that the members of the legislative body of
Birmingham disregarded their oath to support the Con
stitution of the United States or that they undertook to
violate it.
Every Commission of the City of Birmingham since the
adoption of the zoning law in 1926 has decided under its
oath that the zoning law does not conflict with Buchanan v.
Warley or violate the Fourteenth Amendment.
57
In arriving at such conclusion, each Commission has
been guided by principles long established by the Supreme
Court of the United States. Each Commission has refused
to believe that the decision in Buchanan v. Warley is a bar
to a comprehensive, equitable, zoning law, designed to
avert injury to the public, that inevitably follows an in
vasion of a white area by negroes.
e.
While age alone will not impart validity to an invalid
statute, it is never the less true, that where a statute has for
a long period of years been enforced by the courts of the
state, without its constitutionality being challenged,
THAT FACT MAY BE CONSIDERED AS A VIRTUAL
RECOGNITION OF ITS CONSTITUTIONALITY.
Worthington v. District Court, 37 Nev. 212, 142 Pac.
230, Ann. Cas. 1916 E, 1097.
Courts seldom entertain questions of the constitution
ality of a statute so long and repeatedly recognized as valid
in the adjudication of the most important relations and
rights, and when the interpretation of the statute WOULD
LEAD TO CONSEQUENCES MOST SERIOUS.
Elmore County v. Tallapoosa County, 221 Ala. 182; 128
So. 158.
Kyle v. Abernathy, 46 Colo. 214; 102 Pac. 158.
For more than twenty years, the constitutionality of the
Birmingham zoning law, establishing white and negro dis
tricts, was never called in question. To now wipe out
all the advantages that whites and negroes obtained over
a period of years, from the enforcement of that law,—ad
vantages they now enjoy,—would be taking from the great
majority of white and negro citizens, property values,
58
earned and acquired by the sweat of their brow, “without
due process of law.”
Tradition and habits of the community count for more
than logic in determining the constitutionality of laws
enacted for the public welfare under the police power.
Laurel Hill Cemetery v. San Francisco, 216 U. S. 358
(1910). See also Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 437
(1896).
The fact that a practice is of ancient standing in a State
is a reason for holding it unaffected by the Fourteenth
Amendment.
Jackman v. Rosenbaum Co., 260 U. S. 22 (1922) .
The amendment does not override public rights, existing
in the form of servitudes or easements which are held by
the courts of a State to be valid under its constitution and
laws.
Eldridge v. Trezevant, 160 U. S. 452, 468 (1896) ; Vida-
lia v. McNeely, 274 U. S. 676 (1927). See also St.
Anthony Falls Water Power Co. v. Board of Water
Commissioners, 168 U. S. 349 (1897) .
With respect to custom, Woodrow Wilson said:
“Custom, too, never ceases to build up practices legal
in their character and yet wholly outside formal law,
constructing even, in its action on Congresses and Parlia
ments, great parts of great constitutions. It constantly
maintains the great forces of precedent and opinion
which daily work their will, under every form of gov
ernment, upon both the contents and the administration
of law. Custom is habit under another name; and habit
in its growth, while it continually adjusts itself to the
standard fixed in formal law, also slowly compels formal
law to conform to its abiding influences. Habit may be
said to be the great Law within which laws spring up.
59
Laws can extend but a very little way beyond its limits.
They may help it to gradual extensions of its sphere and
to slow modifications of its practices, but they cannot
force it abruptly or disregard it at all with impunity.”
“The State,” by Woodrow Wilson, Page 592.
Segregation, more especially residential segregation, has
prevailed in Alabama since long before the Civil War.
Residential segregation has prevailed in Birmingham since
its incorporation after the Civil War.
Section 256 of the Alabama Constitution of 1901, requir
ing separate schools for white and colored children, spe
cifically provides:
“No children of either race shall be permitted to at
tend the school of the other race.”
Every official in Alabama is sworn to uphold that pro
vision of the Constitution of the State. As we have pointed
out, the validity of these requirements have been sustained
by the Supreme Court of the United States.
Starting with childhood and ending with old age, white
and colored alike in Alabama, understand and believe and
accept the doctrine that the two races must remain separate.
The Birmingham Zoning Ordinance is but a translation of
that basic rule affecting residential areas. The Commission
of the City of Birmingham carefully weighed the public
needs against private desires of a few individuals and then
weighed the relative social values of residential segrega
tion. What, at any particular time, is the paramount public
need is necessarily, largely a matter of judgment, and while
the judgment of a legislative body is entitled to a great
respect in every court in the land, it is not final and con
clusive. It may be strengthened and supported by evidence
showing what the facts actually are.
In the May, 1949, issue of “Ebony,” one of the most
popular Negro magazines, there is a denunciation of seg
regation in the District of Columbia. It is there pointed
60
out on Page 18 that Negroes are segregated in Arlington
Cemetery in two plots, Numbers 23 and 25, and that solely
for economic reasons the proprietor of a Pet Cemetery will
not allow a Negro to bury a dog in that cemetery—
“A few miles north of Washington is the Aspine Hill
Pet Cemetery which pridefully calls itself The Coun
try’s largest Pet Burial Place. To enter a Negro’s dog,
the manager explained to Ebony, would greatly damage
the ‘Cemetery’s excellent reputation’.”
Consequently the cemetery has refused burial to twelve
Negro owned dogs in seven years solely on the ground of
color of the owner.
The appellants are not seeking to vindicate the pro
prietor’s idea. The incident is referred to solely for the pur
pose of demonstrating that business proprietors in the na
tional capital go much further in their demand for segre
gation than the City of Birmingham has ever dreamed of
going.
We respectfully submit that if these and other tremend
ously significant facts had been introduced in evidence and
considered by the Trial Court and a proper finding of fact
made by the District Judge it could not be plausibly con
tended that the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitu
tion of the United States should be construed in a way that
would bring it into collision with the unbending will of the
American People on the question of residential segregation.
PROPOSITION II
The Court erred in holding that social and economic
data showing that the Birmingham zoning law does not
violate the Fourteenth Amendment was inadmissible and
immaterial.
Under this heading we will discuss assignments of error
61
one to thirty, inclusive, separately and severally, inasmuch
as the argument in support of one relates to all.
The appellants introduced some evidence, and offered
other evidence in the District Court, of the extraordinary
conditions in Birmingham, and particularly evidence show
ing:
(1) There is a clear and present danger of a race war
and other forms of violence in Birmingham, and,
(2) There is a clear and present danger of an immediate
decrease in residential property values in Birmingham of
from twenty-five to thirty-three and one-third per cent,
and,
(3) There is a clear and present danger that the City
will be unable to render essential municipal services—if
negroes cannot be excluded from white residential sections
in Birmingham.
The District Judge ruled that these matters “factual and
doctrinal” were not material to the issue of the constitu
tionality of the zoning ordinances.
It is our position that evidence showing that we are
literally sitting on a powder keg in Birmingham, with a
slow burning fuse getting shorter every day, and that our
zoning law is the most feasible way of preventing an explo
sion, is not only relevant and material, but is of the very
highest importance to a proper decision of this case.
The appellants and this court are entitled to a finding
of fact by the trial court on these important issues. If the
community in particular, and society as a whole, are to
suffer irreparable injury and damage as a result of giving
the right, the plaintiffs sought to protect, preference and
priority over all other rights protected by the Constitution,
we embark upon strange procedure.
Residential segregation is a social problem. Courts,
scholars and others are in accord that satisfactory conclu
sions on social problems cannot be reached solely through
a process of deduction from abstract legal documents.
62
In an article entitled, “Segregating Residences of Ne
groes” in Volume 2 of Selected Essays on Constitutional
Law, Page 1175, 32 Michigan Law Review 721, Professor
Arthur T. Martin of Ohio State University, and later Dean
of the law department of that Institution, gave cogent rea
sons for the admissibility of social and economic data in a
case of this kind:
“Satisfactory conclusions on social problems cannot be
reached solely through a process of deduction from ab
stract legal doctrines.” Page 1193.
.V- .y ,
*«• -7T -TS*
“In considering the validity of these segregation de
vices the courts have not ordinarily purported to take
into account the social desirability of the end sought.”
Page 1175.
Jfe -Sfe"A*
“In cases of Negro segregation it would seem that this
controlling factor should be an appraisal of the social
desirability of the device in question.” Pages 1175, 1176.
Professor Martin points out in the article referred to that
race prejudice is common to most white people of this
country and that the presence of the Negro neighbor would
limit the number of white persons who would be interested
in the purchase of any particular owner’s property.
“This in turn would tend to diminish the market value
of the property and so add the financial to the racial
ground of objection.” Page 1179.
In commenting upon the inadequacy of traditional legal
standards, Professor Martin said:
“The social advantage or inevitability of race dif
fusion as against segregation has not been weighed. Tra
ditional legal standards such as the due process clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment, and the Rule Against Re
straints on Alienation together with the usual supporting
data are apparently all the material which a court uses
to determine the validity of a segregation device. Legal
63
rules of this type do not furnish a definitive basis for the
disposition of controversies.” Page 1175.
In speaking of residential segregation and its advantages,
the Professor said:
“Through governmental control it would be possible
to have a planned expansion of Negro areas with pro
visions for sections in which better homes for Negroes
could be constructed, and at the same time avoid the vio
lent disturbances which result from unregulated attempts
at expansion. As the problem is essentially urban, and its
physical aspects vary from city to city, each municipal
government could be permitted to enact the legislation
best adapted to its peculiar needs. With this approach
zoning ordinances seem to afford the most suitable means
of adjusting the problem.” Page 1180.
* * *
“A court’s estimate of the social propriety of residence
segregation should be more than a guess; it should be a
judgment reached through a study of the social facts in
cident to these segregation problems.” Page 1194.
If residential segregation is a social problem, and “social
forces laugh at laws,” then it is respectfully submitted that
this case requires an appraisal of the desirability of the un
discriminating residential segregation established by the
Birmingham Zoning Law.
In speaking of the influence and importance of questions
of fact in a case of this kind, we take the following from
Harvard Law Review, Volume 38, beginning at Page 6,
where it is said:
“Moreover, these underlying questions of facts, which
condition the constitutionality of the legislation, are at
times questions on which the layman feels justified in
forming his own opinion and in declining to yield it to
that of the Judge, at least when the Judge bases his de
termination, not on evidence produced in the case before
him, but on his general information the same foundation
64
upon which the layman builds his conclusion. As an ex
ample, the layman may be quite ready to defer to the
opinion of the court when the decision requires a defi
nition of the legal significance of the phrase ‘ex post fac
to law,’ but when the court decides that a law limiting
the hours that people may work in bakeshops has no sub
stantial relation to the promotion of the public health,
he is inclined to doubt the finality of this finding, since
he knows of no particular reason for supposing that the
Judges are better able to decide such a question than
other intelligent persons, unless their determination is
based upon evidence produced before them in the usual
way, carefully weighed and considered.”
In pointing out that the famous bank case, McCullough
vs. Maryland, and the Legal Tender Cases turned on ques
tions of fact, the author said:
“But the important point to be observed is that the
decision turned on a question of fact, and on a question
upon which a layman felt justified in forming his own
opinion, and with respect to which he could find noth
ing to make him believe that the training and experience
of the Supreme Court Justices qualified them to form an
exceptionally trustworthy opinion in the absence of evi
dence bearing directly upon the point in dispute.”
The point is further illustrated by this reference to the
Massachusetts vaccination statute—
“The validity of the Massachusetts vaccination statute
turned essentially on the question whether such a re
quirement was an arbitrary interference with personal
liberty and therefore a violation of the due process clause
of the Constitution; and, as in the bakeshop case, this
question could only be resolved by an intelligent consid
eration of the efficiency of vaccination.”
In this connection it is interesting to note that in the
Massachusetts vaccination case, Jacobson vs. Massachusetts,
supra, the Supreme Court of the United States said:
65
“While we do not decide, and cannot decide, that vac
cination is a preventive of smallpox, we take judicial no
tice of the fact that this is the common belief of the peo
ple of the State, and with this fact as a foundation we
hold that the Statute in question is a health law, enacted
in a reasonable and proper exercise of the police power.”
While this Court will not decide and cannot decide that
residential segregation in Birmingham will prevent all of
the evils that flow from the intense feeling of race hostility
in Birmingham, it should take judicial notice of the fact
that this is the common belief of the people of the state
and with this fact as a foundation the Court should hold
that the zoning ordinance is a safety regulation enacted in a
reasonable and proper exercise of the police power.
In Muller vs. The State of Oregon, 208 U. S. 412, 420,
28 Sup. Ct. S24-326, 52 L.ed. 551, the Court took notice
of:
“A widespread belief that woman’s physical structure,
and the functions she performed in consequences thereof,”
justify special legislation restricting the conditions under
which she should be permitted to work, and the Court
ruled:
“When a question of fact is debated and debatable,
and the extent to which a special constitutional limita
tion goes is affected by the truth in respect to that fact,
a widespread and long continued belief concerning it
is worthy of consideration.”
Mr. Justice Brandeis stated his position on this subject
as follows:
“Whether a law enacted in the exercise of the police
power is justly subject to the charge of being unreason
able or arbitrary, can ordinarily be determined only by
a consideration of the contemporary conditions, social,
66
industrial and political of the community to be affected
thereby. Resort to such facts is necessary, among other
things, in order to appreciate the evils sought to be
remedied and the possible effects of the remedy pro
posed.” Dissenting in Traux v. Corrigan, 257 U. S. 312,
356, 357, 42 Sup. Ct. 124, 138 (1921)' L. Ed.
There can be no doubt about the problems confronting
the governing body of a municipality of 400,000 people,
fifty-five per cent white and forty-five per cent black, being
different from the problem that confronts the governing
body of a municipality of 400,000 people all of whom are
white or all of whom are black. There can be no doubt
about the problem confronting the governing body of a
city which has enforced residential segregation for more
than 20 years under a zoning law universally accepted dur
ing that time, being different from the problem of a city
which has never had residential zoning. And how is the
court to appreciate the evils sought to be remedied and the
effects of the remedy proposed unless it has before it the
experience of mankind world wide as well as evidence of
local conditions. The prohibition amendment demonstrat
ed that the will of the people is the supreme law.
b.
The problem of constitutional interpretation is more
than a matter of rule-of-thumb. Gompers v. U. S., 233 U. S.
604-610; 34 Sup. Ct. 693, 695, 58 L. ed. 115.
If it is true that “no citizen has any right superior to the
common welfare” and that “every forward step in the prog
ress of the race is marked by an interference with individual
liberties,” Michigan Law Review, Vol. 24, Page 17—then
this case cannot be properly decided without recourse to
social and economic facts, experience and statistics which
show that the Birmingham Zoning Ordinance is not in
imical to the property right asserted by the plaintiffs, but
bears a reasonable relation to the general welfare and is an
imperative in Birmingham.
67
The peculiar and extraordinary conditions which pre
vail in Birmingham and in other cities, and which do not
prevail in rural areas, largely lie outside the range of ju
dicial notice. For that reason, evidence of those conditions
is admissible. The Supreme Court of the United States
has said:
“We held that before the question of constitutional
law, both novel and of far-reaching importance, were
passed upon by this court, supporting facts essential to
their decision should be definitely found by the lower
courts upon adequate evidence.”
Bordens Company vs. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194.
The court declined to pass upon the ultimate question
of the constitutionality of the statute because of the absence
of a finding of fact by the trial court upon important ques
tions.
In United States vs. Caroline Products Company, 304 U.
S. 144-153, the court announced a ruling in the following
language:
“Where the existence of a rational basis for legislation
whose constitutionality is attacked depends upon facts
beyond the sphere of judicial notice, such facts may prop
erly be made the subject of the judicial inquiry Borden
Farm Products Company vs. Baldwin, 293 U. S. 194, and
the constitutionality of a statute predicated upon the
existence of a particular set of facts may be challenged
by showing to the court that those facts have ceased to
exist. Chastleton Corp. vs. Sinclair, 246 U. S. 543.”
If the constitutionality of a statute predicated upon the
existence of a particular state of facts may be challenged by
showing to the court that those facts have ceased to exist,
it would seem that the same statute might be supported by
showing to the court that those facts have not ceased to
exist.
68
Justice Butler in his concurring opinion in United States
vs. Caroline Products Company, supra, pointed out that
prior decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States
supported the proposition that declarations of an Act that
described a product as injurious to public health might be
disapproved by evidence tending to show that such declara
tion was without any substantial foundation.
In this case the District Court had before it a statement
by the Commission of the City of Birmingham to the effect
that the Commission found that breaches of the peace, riots,
destruction of property and life will follow attempts by
members of one race to establish residences in areas hereto
fore regarded as set apart for the residences of members of
the other race. This is contained in Paragraph (c) of Ordi
nance 709-F. The District Court also had before it a fur
ther statement and finding by the Commission to the effect
that neither the City of Birmingham nor any other law en
forcement agency is able to prevent those disasterous and
catastrophic consequences. That information is contained
in Paragraph (d) of Ordinance 709-F. The District Court
closed its eyes and ears to this most important and potent
information.
The duty of a trial judge to make a study of the available
social and economic data hearing on the question before
him is forcibly stated in 79 Pa. Law Review at Page 665
in the following language:
“A Judge needs a high order of legal training but he
should also have sympathetic appreciation of the eco
nomic and social life of today and its bearing on the prob
lem of government.
-JV”
. . even John Marshall, as a lawyer, had his superiors.
His supremacy lay not in his knowledge of law, but in
his recognition of and penetrating insight into the prob
lems that faced a new and growing country.
TV- -R~
“The often judicial consideration of modern social
69
and economic problems has remained either rational or
historical.
* * *
“Many, if not most, of our modern Constitutional
questions cannot properly be dealt with in this manner.
•itr .St. •H-"K- TP w
“Courts continued to ignore newly arisen social needs.
They applied complacently 18th Century conceptions of
the liberty of the individual and of the sacredness of
private property.
* * *
“Where statutes giving expression to the new social
spirit were clearly constitutional, judges, imbued with
the relentless spirit of individualism, often construed
them away.
# # #
“The Judge can no longer confine his researches to
the law library. In addition he must make a study of the
available social and economic data bearing on his par
ticular question.
-M. J£.-ft- -JF -Jp
“In the opinion of one acute observer, ‘courts are less
and less competent to formulate rules for new relations
which require regulation.'
* * *
“General propositions should not decide concrete
cases. Certainly decisions involving social and economic
legislation should turn, as Mr. Justice Holmes has said,
on ‘a judgment or intuition more subtle than any articu
late major premise.”
* * *
The nature of this case, in our opinion, requires a most
careful consideration of the factual picture, and a clear and
definite finding of fact with respect to the presence of a
clear and present danger of a calamity.
c.
No form of segregation per se is prohibited by the Con
stitution of the United States.
Residential segregation is now recognized as primarily
a social question; secondarily, an economic question and
thirdly a political or constitutional question.
NAACP lawyers apparently recognize that segregation
is not prohibited by the Constitution of the United States.
In an address by Milton R. Knovitz, in discussing the
Irene Morgan case, he is quoted as follows:
“When the NAACP lawyers were preparing the case
on appeal to the Supreme Court, they very carefully lim
ited the attack on the statute to its interstate commerce
aspects. NO ARGUMENT WAS MADE THAT THE
JIM CROW ACT VIOLATED ANY PROVISION OF
THE BILL OF RIGHTS. This was done because the
state of the law on the Bill of Rights was such that we
thought it would be too great a risk to ask the court to
decide that Jim Crow violates the constitutional rights
of Negroes.”
Segregation by law is not of southern origin. It origi
nated in Pennsylvania and spread to abolitionist Massa
chusetts and from there to other northern and eastern states.
Separation of races in Boston as early as 1849 was noted in
Roberts v. City of Boston, 5 Cush. 198. Notice was taken,
Page 241, of the establishment by Congress in 1862 of ex
clusive schools for the colored race in the District of Co
lumbia. In 1883 the New York Court in the case of People
vs. Gallagher, 45 Amer. Report 232, sustained segregated
schools of equal quality in Brooklyn under the authority
of its Board of Education acting under state law. The rea
son for segregation and the attitude of the people as it then
existed could be no more clearly stated than was done by
this opinion of the New York Court, Pages 237-238 and
240:
“In the nature of things there must be many social
distinctions and privileges remaining unregulated by law
and left within the control of the individual citizens, as
being beyond the reach of the legislative functions of gov-
71
ernment to organize or control. The attempt to enforce
social intimacy and intercourse between the races, by
legal enactments, would probably tend only to embitter
the prejudices, if any such there are, which exist between
them, and produce an evil instead of a good result. Rob
erts vs. City of Boston, 5 Cush. 198.
“A natural distinction exists between these races
which was not created, neither can it be abrogated by
law, and legislation which recognizes this distinction and
provides for the peculiar wants or conditions of the par-
tcular race can in no just sense be called a discrimination
against such race or an abridgement of its civil rights.
. . . Recent movements on the part of the colored people
of the south, through their most, intelligent leaders, to
secure Federal sanction to the separation of the two races,
so far as the same is compatible with their joint occupa
tion of the same geographical territory, afford strong evi
dence of the wishes and opinions of that people as to the
new methods which in their judgments will conduce
most beneficially to their welfare and improvement.”
In Cummings vs. Richmond County Board of Education,
175 U. S. 528, (1899) the opinion by Mr. Justice Harlan,
who dissented in the Plessy case, held that race segregation
in public schools under state statute was not prohibited by
the Fourteenth Amendment. Going Lum vs. Rice, 275 U.
S. 78 (1927), sustained as lawful refusal to admit a Chinese
to white public school, under state statute requiring the
separate schools for white and colored students. Speaking
of the state court decision holding the state statute lawful,
the opinion of Mr. Chief Justice Taft said, Page 86:
“The decision is within the direction of the state in
regulating its public schools and does not conflict with
the Fourteenth Amendment.”
State courts have held that separation of races in public
schools is not forbidden by the Constitution. (People vs.
School Board of Borough of Queens, 161 N. Y. 598, 56 N.
E. 81 (1900) ; State ex rel. Weaver vs. Board of Trustees
72
of Ohio State University, 126 Ohio St. 290, 185 N. E. 196
(1933).
A leading recent school segregation case decided by the
Supreme Court is Missouri ex rel. Gaines vs. Canada, 305
U. S. 337 (1937) . The question there arose over refusal of
Missouri University to admit Gaines, a Negro, to its law
school, and mandamus was sought to compel the University
to admit him. Denial of admission to the University was
held a violation of rights to equal school opportunity where
no separate school was available for Negroes.
The opinion by Mr. Justice Hughes notes recognition
by state court of the obligation to provide educational op
portunity for Negroes substantially equal to those provided
whites, stating, Page 344:
“The state has sought to fulfill that obligation by fur
nishing equal facilities in separate schools, a method the
validity of which has been sustained by our decisions.”
To make it clear that segregation itself is not unlawful,
the opinion later said, Page 349:
“The admissibility of laws separating the races in the
enjoyment of privileges afforded by the State rests wholly
upon the equality of the privileges which the laws give to
the separated groups within the State.”
The Gaines case is important in plainly stating the po
sition of the Supreme Court, adhered to over many years,
to the effect that separation of races in various activities is
lawful and does not violate constitutional rights, provided
equality of treatment is afforded both races. Sipuel vs.
Board of Regents, 332 U. S. 631 (1948), was decided per
curiam upon authority of the Gaines case.
Other cases in numbers too great to permit mention or
discussion deal with segregation in many affairs of life,
which have little or no application here.
The one outstanding constitutional fact established un
der the above-cited authorities is that segregation is not for
bidden. It is always inequality of treatment which leads
73
to invalidation of state statute, carrier rule, and other au
thority requiring separation of races.
PROPOSITION III
Residential segregation is socially desirable.
# # #
Racial residential segregation as provided by the Bir
mingham Ordinance is not only socially desirable, but is
essential to the preservation of the existing social institu-
tians—the home, the community and the racial integrity
which the South, and, in fact, the overwhelming portion of
the nation, desires to maintain. The basic reasons for this
are therefore presented to the court.
The Home and The Community
“In addition to all that has been said in support of the
constitutionality of residential zoning as part of a com
prehensive plan, we think it may be safely and sensibly
said that justification for residential zoning may, in the
last analysis, be rested upon the protection of the civic
and social values of the American Home.”
Cooley’s Constitutional Limitations, Vol. II, Page
1317.
The home and the community are essentially, and by
their nature, social institutions. It is inconceivable that
any reasonable action taken by states and municipalities to
protect and maintain these institutions can be construed to
be in violation of the Constitution.
“The main consideration in the individual selection
of a residence location is the desire to live among one’s
friends or among those whom one desires to have for
friends; for which reason there will be as many residence
neighborhoods in a city as there are social strata. In
securing a home in a good residence section a man se-
74
cures safe, healthy and attractive conditions for his fam
ily to live under, and, in smaller cities, desirable social
life, these social considerations explaining the strong
pressure in all cities towards the best residence sections.
The contrast should be noted that BUSINESS PROP
ERTY IS SELECTED BY THE MAN FROM AN ECO
NOMIC STANDPOINT, AND RESIDENCE PROP
ERTY BY THE WOMAN FROM A SOCIAL STAND
POINT.”
Principles of City Land Values, (Hurd), Pages 77-78.
The prevailing attitude of the overwhelming portion of
the non-negro population toward social equality of the
negro, in the sense of intimate social and community re
lations, has already been called to the attention of the court.
There can be no question about there being a widespread
belief on the part of white people in this country that Ne
groes are undesirable neighbors. Robert Weaver, writing
in the Negro Ghetto, said:
“Colored people are opposed as neighbors in most de
sirable and most undesirable sections of American cities.
This atttiude in middle-class areas is of long standing.”
The irreparable, or potentially irreparable, social dam
age which may be occasioned by the lack of equitable and
non-discriminatory segregation is well stated in the follow
ing quotation from Charles Abrams (The Nation, Aug. 2,
1947, page 123) :
“The social statute of a neighborhood is an item to be
reckoned with by any homeowner, tenant or investor.
Where one lives is usually indicative of one’s station in
life and has an effect on friends, potential friends and
business associates. The character of the neighborhood
may be especially important to one’s daughter during
her marriageable years. Unhappily, social status depends
partly on race and color. Sometimes a single grundy in a
neighborhood may inspire organized opposition; some
times the intrusion of a single family of ‘unwelcome an-
75
cestry’ may precipitate an exodus-first by those best able
to afford it, then by others. The section gets to be known
as the undesirable part of town, houses fall into disrepair,
and the neighborhood turns into a hand-me-down.”
There is also a widespread belief of the inevitable de
preciation of property values in residential sections when
Negroes are allowed to invade white territory.
In The Illinois Law Review, Volume 21, Page 704, the
situation in Northern cities is stated as follows:
“The constant flow of the colored man into the middle
and northern states has now made the Negro problem na
tional in its scope and importance and is constantly creat
ing neighborhood and governmental problems which are
becoming more and more difficult to solve.”
In discussing those problems and their immediate bear
ing upon property values in residential districts, it is
said:
“Not the least of these problems is that which is pre
sented by the migration of the colored man into what
was formerly white and often aristocratic, residential dis
tricts, the consequence of which usually, and almost in
evitably is, not merely a lessening of property values but
of constant irritation and ultimate moving out of the
original residents who were not willing to have colored
neighbors and above all to send their children to the
neighborhood school where the children of all classes
and nationalities mingled together.”
In the same article at Page 716, it is pointed out that
where there is no residential segregation the fear of Negro
invasion materially interferes with the profitable sale of
homes.
It is emphasized that this is not exclusively a local situa
tion. The New York Commission on the Condition of the
colored population reported that “There is no section of
76
New York that residential segregation is not practiced
against negroes” (page 74) . And the Pennsylvania Com
mission on the condition of the urban population reported
(page 131) that “Residential segregation is an observable
fact. It did not happen by accident nor is its existence
maintained by mere chance.”
The Inter-racial Commission of the State of Minnesota
is reported in the July 27th, 1947 issue of the New York
Times as finding that sixty per cent of the people were flatly
opposed to Negroes being allowed to move into any vacancy
that they could afford to occupy, and ten per cent was un
decided. By areas, city people, town people and farm peo
ple were opposed respectively in the proposition of sixty-
four per cent, sixty per cent and sixty-one per cent.
Leslie Vellie, writing in Colliers Weekly, November 23,
1946, on the situation in Detroit said:
“On Detroit’s Northwest side there is a concrete wall
a foot thick, six feet high and about one-half a mile long.
A real estate developer put it up in 1941 to shut out from
his white customers the sight of Negro families nearby.
The United States Government Federal Housing Ad
ministration wouldn’t insure white owner mortagages
until the wall was put up.”
The “Negro Ghetto,” Pages 167 to 170 points out that
“Residential segregation has been given federal sanc
tion in San Francisco, Richmond, Sacramento and small
er places in California and in Vancouver, Bremerton,
Fort Washington, Renton and Tacoma.”
Rayford W. Logan (Negro), writing in “What The Ne
gro Wants,” Page 7, says:
“Today, most white people, North as well as South, do
not accept the Negro as an equal.”
77
b.
Maintenance of Racial Integrity
One of the most important and useful purposes of the
Birmingham Ordinances is the socially desirable result of
deterring amalgamation. That the intermarriage and con
sequent blending of some races, or of related groups within
certain large racial categories, is not objectionable is gener
ally accepted. But the amalgamation of such races as the
Germanic and Anglo-Saxon on the one hand and the Negro
race on the other is decidedly and demonstrably unde
sirable. It appears obvious, however, that an increasing
number of negro leaders are, avowedly or unavowedly,
working toward this end, and they hope to help achieve this
goal partly by breaking down residential segregation.
Professor G. A. Borgese of the University of Chicago
(now Secretary-General of The One World Organization)
in the Negro Digest of December, 1944, Page 31, states the
Negroes’ ultimate goal, as follows:
. . any step forward in the field of political and social
equality, however desirable and imperative, is merely a
palliative as compared with the final remedy.
# # *
. . All will be done only when the bedrooms open
and the two bloods mix freely in many marriages, free
from blame and bane.
̂ ^
“. . . I would believe in science as the miracle-maker.
If science is trying hard, and hopefully, to contrive an
artifical heart, I would be at a loss to understand why it
should be overbearing or nonsensical to exact from
science the lesser miracle of an artificial skin. There
should be some means—by innoculation or rays, or other
nondescript process-to discolor the Negro.
* * *
“. . . a proposition of this kind should be the leading
78
thought of humanitarianism and science in their next
phase of growth.
* # #
“Mixed marriages would he insured against racial
nemesis by the knowledge that the treatment that was
inexpensive and successful for the parent will be no less
so for the progeny, with the other and less definite differ
ential characteristics of the race merging by-and-by much
more easily in the multiple miscegenation of the border
zones.
•Jr
“• ■■ The color line should blur almost past recognition
in the course of the very next generations.”
The sentiments of Professor Borgese are the sentiments
of W. E. B. DuBois and the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People. DuBois says:
"What does one mean by a demand for ‘social
equality?’
“The phrase is unhappy because of the vague mean
ing of both ‘social’ and ‘equality.’ Yet it is in too com
mon use to be disregarded, and its stands especially for an
attitude toward the Negro. ‘Social’ is used to refer not
only to the intimate contacts of the family group and of
personal companions, but also and increasingly to the
whole vast complex of human relationships through
which we carry out our cultural patterns.
“We may list the activities called ‘social,’ roughly as
follows:
“A. Private social intercourse (marriage, friendships,
home entertainment).
“B. Public services (residence areas, travel recreation
and information, hotels and restaurants).
“C. Social uplift (education, religion, science and
art) .
“Here are three categories of social activities calling
for three interpretations of equality. In the matter of
purely personal contacts like marriage, intimate friend
ships and sociable gatherings, ‘equality’ means the right
to select one’s own mates and close companions. The
79
basis of choice may be cultural taste or vagrant whim,
but it is an unquestionable right so long as my free choice
does not deny equal freedom on the part of others. No
one can for a moment question the preference of a white
man to marry a white woman or invite only white friends
to dinner. But by the same token if a white Desdemona
prefers a black Othello; or if Theodore Roosevelt in
cludes among his dinner guests Booker T. Washington,
their right also is undeniable and its restrictions by law
or custom an inadmissible infringement of civil rights.”
W. E. Burghardt DuBois (colored), Professor Socio
logy Atlanta University, on “What the Negro Wants,”
Pages 65-66.
“What the Negro Wants,” University North Carolina
Press (1944) composed of articles contributed by such Ne
gro leaders as Mary Bethune, Sterling A. Brown, W. E. B.
DuBois, Gordon Blaine Hancock, Leslie Pinckey Hill,
Langston Hughes, Rayford W. Logan, Frederick Douglas
Patterson, A. Philip Randolph, George S. Schupler, Willard
S. Townsend, Charles H. Wesley, Doxey A. Wilkerson, and
Roy Wilkins, leaves no doubt in any rational mind that
Professor Borgese was right when he said that the negroes
ultimate aim is to open the bedrooms and let
“the two bloods mix freely in many marriages, free
from bane and blame.”
The recent marriage of Ruth Weyland, the white worn- j
an lawyer, who is Assistant General Counsel for the Nation-
al Labor Relations Board to Leslie S. Perry, negro lobbyist
for the National Association for the Advancement of Col
ored People, and the marriage of negroes like Paul Robe
son’s boy and Walter White, to white women, and the re
action of the negro press to these incidents, demonstrates
that Professor Borgese knew what he was talking about
when he declared that the negro’s ultimate was the mixture
of the two bloods in many marriages and lighter skin for j
the negro.
80
V
A
It is understandable why the negro would like to blot
out the color line, but it is completely beyond our compre
hension for one to expect that any American court will look
with favor on such a program or will hold that the Constitu
tion of the United States in effect prohibits protection of
racial integrity.
If it be concluded that a municipality has a right to pre
serve racial integrity and to deter amalgamation, then it
logically follows that it has the authority to adopt legislation
that is calculated to work such results.
Oliver C. Cox in an article in The American Journal of
Sociology, Volume 50, Page 351, points out that
“Negroes, in America, at least, are working toward the
end that Negroes as such shall become nonexistent.
“In short, they want to be known unqualifiedly as
American Citizens, which desire, in our capitalistic so
ciety, means assimilation and amalgamation.’’
If anything is certain in this uncertain world, it is cer
tain that the Negroes’ ultimate goal is assimiliation and
amalgamation which prompts the writer to reproduce some
pertinent questions by publisher W. T. Couch in the pub
lisher’s introduction to “What The Negro Wants:”
“What problem would be solved if the white South
dropped all barriers and accepted amalgamation?
“Would anything be gained if overnight the whole
population could be made one color?”
A desire to preserve the white race is innate in the vast
majority of white people. The Negroes’ goal is to destroy
it. The Negro is ashamed of his color. He is ashamed of
his race. He would masquerade as “colored” although
Indians, Chinese and other colored people do not appre
ciate the Negroes eagerness to occupy the “colored” field.
The average white man (and many negroes) sincerely
believe that the white race is superior to the black race.
Whether that belief is rational or not is beside the ques-
I
II
81
tion. Whether it is cruel, chirstian, or charitable makes no \
difference. The white man believes that. Courts and Con
gress and the President must deal with people as they are,
not as some one would have them be.
“This (inferior) status has been fixed by custom
which has become as strong as statutory law. The funda
mental reason for this situation is the belief in the in
feriority of the Negro, a concept based upon the master-
slave psychology and past poor white-negro relationships.
The presence of the Negro raises objection whenever he
comes as an equal. As long as he is an inferior—-a porter,
a nurse, a sexton, a servant he is tolerated. Whenever
recognition is given to the status of inferiority, there is
rarely any racial conflict. This belief is not peculiarly
southern, for although Northern sympathy could be
aroused during slavery to a fairer consideration of the
Negro by descriptions of Negro treatment in the south,
there is no longer any rigidly marked sectional difference.
Custom limits the Negro in the north just as legislation
and custom circumscribe him in the south. An effective
commentary in the Independent in 1920 upon this situa
tion stated: ‘The omniscience of the South on the race
question is only equalled by the mescience of the North’.”
Charles H. Wesley (colored), Head of the Department
of History at Howard University, in “What the Negro
Wants,” Page 97.
The Negro gives the white man good cause for such be
lief. The plethora of advertisements in the negro press
of lotions and concoctions it is claimed will lighten the
negroes’ skin, evidence his desire to change his color.
We find no such efforts on the part of the members of
any other race.
A bastard is looked on with disfavor by God and man.
As far back as Deutronomy, Chpater 23, Verse 2, it was
declared:
“A bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the
Lord; even to his tenth generation shall he not enter into
the congregation of the Lord.”
82
In the New Testament the Apostle Paul in writing to the
Hebrews, Chapter 12, Verses 6 and 8, says:
“For whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth
every son whom he receiveth.”
“But if ye be without chastisement, whereof all are par
takers, then are ye bastards, and not sons.”
The common law disabilities of a bastard are well known.
In Alabama now, a bastard can only inherit from his mo
ther, and in default of issue, his mother and her kindred
only inherit from him.
Title 16, Sec. 7, Alabama Code (1940) .
Title 27, Sec. 11, Alabama Code (1940) .
Miscegenation is a crime in Alabama, and one convicted
of this crime is disqualified from registering, voting and
holding office.
Ala. Constitution, Sec. 182.
Ala. Constitution, Sec. 102.
Story vs. State, 178 Ala. 98.
Title 14, Sec. 360 Ala. Code (1940).
Certainly any increase in that class of citizens should be
discouraged.
Johan Gregor Mendel, the immortal biologist, discovered
the principle of inherited and acquired characteristics. He
studied the reproductive cells, the germ cells which are now
called “gametes” which contain the “chromosomes” in
which the inherited characteristics are lodged.
Mr. William W. Cook, the noted legal authority and
author of “American Institutions and their Preservation,”
sums up the significance of Mendel’s discovery as follows:
“The fundamental mental and moral nature of the
child is the same as that of its ancestors and will be the
same for its posterity. . . . This is so whether he be a
Sicilian or the President of the Uinted States.”
83
In commenting on the overwhelming importance of
heridity, Mr. Cook further says:
“On the other hand modern studies in genetics are
emphasizing the immense, the overwhelming importance
of heredity. . . . Belief in the omnipotence of environ
ment for the evolution of species has steadily waned in
recent years. . . . The old view (which is now the Com
munistic view) that men are chiefly the product of en
vironment and training is completely reversed by recent
studies of heredity. The modifications which may be
produced by environment and education are small and
temporary as compared with those which are determined
by heredity. . . . There is no evidence that the effects of
good environment or good training ever change the germ
inal constitution.”
This may explain the negroes inability to make progress
in the social science or in the science of government. If left
to himself he reverts to savagery.
In speaking of the southern and eastern European, Mr.
Cook said:
“It is idle to claim that the American environment
(schools, habits, customs, etc.) will change their inherit
able natures. They will hurrah for the flag and then
combine in a bloc for political power to use in their own
behalf and to displace the old Americans.”
What Mr. Cook says of southern and eastern Europeans
is equally true of the Negro.
Sir Arthur James Balfour writes:
“I at least find it quite impossible to believe that any
attempt to provide widely different races with an identi
cal environment, political, religious, educational, what
you will, can ever make them alike. They have been dif
ferent and unequal since history began; different and
unequal they are destined to remain through future pe
riods of comparable duration.’
84
Mr. Cook takes cognizance of those who scorn the laws
of heredity in the following languages:
“With the development of democratic opinions in
the eighteenth century it became fashionable to disparage
the weight of those hereditary influences to which the
ancients attached so much importance. The equality of
man was proclaimed, the differences between race and
race attenuated or ignored. Modern professors of eu
genics, he says, “ask us to face the fact, which is now plain
to all, that different races are differently endowed by na
ture, some being relatively high and others relatively
low in the scale of civilization, and that within every
race men and women differ from one another in natural
inherited ability, and that no matter what education is
supplied, these nautral differences will persist. . . .
Mr. Cook, after reading 1,307 books and declaring that,
“America exists to assert and demonstrate whether or not
a vast people in a vast country of every climate and every
occupation is capable of governing itself by democracy,”
says with startling bluntness:
“Mendelism may yet save America.”
Ambassador Walter Bedell Smith in “My Three Years
in Moscow,” (pages 285, 286), points out that the Mendel
theory of inherited characteristics seriously conflicts with
the theory that man is a creature of environment and for
that reason the Kremlin ruled that Mendel’s scientific truth
is no longer truth.
“Adherence to this rigid theory accounts for the now
famous biological controversy that raged last year in the
Soviet Union. No matter how many Soviet biologists
accepted as proven the fundamental truth of the Men
delism theory of inherited characteristics, the Kremlin
has ruled that it cannot be true.”
The compelling necessity for disowning the truth is made
clear by our Ambassador:
85
“If, contrary to the claim of the Soviet biologist Ly
senko, man cannot inherit acquired characteristics then
one of the fundamental props of Soviet ideology fails to
the ground. If the Soviet State, by environment and out
side pressure cannot cause fundamental changes in
man’s character—in other words, in human nature—the
future of the whole Soviet System is questionable.”
It will be interesting to see whether or not American
politicians and American courts will follow “the party j j
line” and join the Soviet State in claiming that environ- U
ment and outside pressure can cause fundamental changes \
in man’s character or whether they will follow the line of \
scientific truth. i
If the heritable qualities of the negro do not change—and
science says they do not—then the preservation of the racial
purity by white people is one of the nation’s first concerns.
The negro can never preserve constitutional government,
his racial constitution will not allow him to do so. “His
chromosomes are not of the right kind,” says Mr. Cook at
page 578.
“If science is right then the vociferous are wrong when
they talk about ‘diverse contributing cultures and com
posite civilization.’ The ‘melting pot’ is a witches’ caul
dron, brewing all sorts of mixtures. It is no answer to
cry ‘race prejudice.’ It is race preservation and not race
prejudice. It involves the preservation of American in
stitutions, the future of the American people.”
While a few states outside the South do not have mis-
cegnation laws and laws against intermarriage, biological
integration is frowned on there as severely as in the South.
Professor Rayford Logan (Colored) of Howard Univer
sity, concedes:
“On no aspect of the race problem are most white
Americans, North as well as South, so adamant as they
are on their opposition to intermarriage.” Page 28.
86
The author refers to the views of Mrs. Roosevelt and to
the opinion of some biologists and anthropologists that mix
ed marriages do not necessarily result in an inferior off
spring, and concludes:
“Most white Americans remain nontheless opposed to
intermarriage and many of them to the abolition of pub
lic segregation as a possible first step toward it.” Page 28.
Cohn expresses the idea this way:
“The white visitor to New York from the Delta con
cludes that essentially the same discrimination that run
against the Negro in the Delta run against him in New
York. And he wonders how much wider and deeper these
discriminations woud be if the racial percentages of the
two areas were reversed. What would the white man’s
attitude and conduct towards the Negro in New York
be if 70 per cent of the population were Negro?”
“Where I was Born and Raised,” (1948), By David L.
Cohn, Page 156.
Professor Dowd points out that like the law of the Medes
and Persians, the attitude of the Caucasian toward race
intermixture with the Negro does not change.
“The attitude of the Caucasian toward intermixture
with the Negro has not changed within the historic pe
riod. As far back as 700 B. C. the fair widowed Queen
Dido of Carthage committed sucide rather than comply
with the unnatural and selfish importunities of her sub
jects, to marry Larbus, the swarthy monach of Mauritania
in Africa.
-ft- "T?
Professor Henry Pratt Fairchild, Professor Emeritus of
Sociology, New York University, in his book on “Race and
Nationality,” says that amalgamation is almost automatic
when two or more racial groups are brought into juxtapo
sition.
87
“It (amalgamation) is a process that takes place almost
automatically when two or more racial groups are
brought into juxtaposition. Obviously, this does not nec
essarily involve the formal institution of marriage—the
process is purely biological and takes place whenever
streams of germ plasm are combined. Nor does it neces
sarily involve any profound fellow feeling on the part of
the parties concerned. It was noted long ago that the
relations between the soldiers of an invading army and
the natives of the country tend to be alternately material
and marital. An American soldier attached to one of the
units that made the first incursion onto German soil in
1944 replied to the superior officer, who was warning
him against ‘fraternizing’ with the enemy, that it wasn’t
really the brothers that he was interested in.” Page 88.
The Professor, however, warns against experimenting
with amalgamation. In speaking of that proposed solution
he says:
“This solution would certainly be repugnant to a large
portion of the members of both groups, and would cer
tainly require a profound alteration in existing senti
ments. What its final outcome would be in terms of na
tional solidarity and human quality, lies entirely beyond
the scope of present scientific prediction. One thing at
least can be said—such a program should be adopted with
great caution, because the process would be entirely irre
versible. If it were discovered eventually that it was a
mistaken policy, there would be nothing that could be
done about it. You can no more unmix races than you
can unscramble the proverbial egg. This would seem to
be an excellent case for the application of the good old
maxim, in case of doubt, don’t.”
Human experience teaches that social and political as
sociation lead to and will bring about intermarriage be
tween the people of different races. One follows the other
as night follows the day.
Our forefathers carefully guarded racial purity in the
early days.
88
“The State of Massachusetts had been earliest to enact
a law against intermarriage between the Indian and the
Anglo-Saxon. It was entitled ‘An Act for the better pre
venting of a spurious or mixed issue.’ Our forefathers,
understanding the inferior character of the colored faces,
refused to permit amalgamation, and visited it with the
severest penalties of law. They possessed a lofty pride of
race, which, in a great measure, has been lost to their de
scendants. Their firm resolve to preserve the purity of
the race, and to continue its dominion over the land, was
strengthened by the aspect presented by Central and
South America, and the Spanish Isles. There the races
had been received into political fellowship; the white
blood had been adulterated, and government had be
come a by-word and reproach.”
Massachusetts did not stand alone in prohibiting mis-
cegnation.
“In Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland,
and Pennsylvania, laws were passed, some still existing,
to regulate, to protect and to punish Indians. In Massa
chusetts the intermarriage of an Indian and white was
forbidden as debasing the Anglo-Saxon blood.”
-JA. -If.I P I P TP
“Understanding perfectly- the absolute sovereignty
which had been claimed and exercised by the other
States in this matter, Georgia repudiated definitely and
finally the idea of admitting the Indian to her political
family.
“. . . Not all the logic nor all the rhapsodies of the new
generation of humanitarians, who looked to equal politi
cal and civil rights between the white man and the In
dian could convince the bold Saxons who won their in
dependence from Great Britain that it was their duty to
adulterate their white blood and sinks to a level with the
descendants of the Castilian of the Southern Continent.
No Federal agent to the Indian tribes could convince
them that such was their duty. The Indians must go.”
“The Cradle of the Confederacy,” by Joseph Hodg
son, Pages 106, 108.
The results of association and familiarity are as apparent
in racial relations as they are in other relations.
“Vice is a monster of so frightful mien
As, to be hated, needs but to be seen;
Yet seen too oft, familiar with her race,
We first endure, then pity, then embrace.”
Familiarity breeds more than contempt.
One of the earliest segregation laws upheld in this coun
try is reported in West Chester R. R. Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. St.
209 (1867), where it is stated that commingling of the races
even on streetcars was pernicious for the very reason that
‘the tendency of intimate social intermixture is to amalga
mation contrary to the law of races’
It has been said that “The strength of a Nation depends
more upon the race than upon the Government.”
In a statement before the House Committee on emigra
tion, Dr. H. H. Loflin, an expert connected with the Car
negie Institute in Washington said:
“In the long run, military conquest by a superior peo
ple would be highly preferable to a conquest by emigra
tion by people with inferior family stock endowments.”
American Institutions and their Preservations, by Wil
liam W. Cook, Vol. 2, Page 748.
The same author in the same work at pages 567, 571,
elaborates on the importance of adherence to our racial
standard and he quotes Dr. Loflin in that respect as fol
lows:
“Adherence to our racial standards is one of the es
sential institutions of American Life. Unless this basic
institution be preserved and developed the essential char
acter and genius of other American institutions must
disappear.”
90
The truth of the statement that “the strength of the Na
tion depends more upon the race than upon the Govern
ment” was never better demonstrated than in the Mexican
war, when the capital of a country of seven millions of peo
ple was captured by less than six thousand white Americans.
After the American General had established order and
security for life and property in Mexico City,
“Men in and out of office, of great influence, ap
proached General Scott privately and offered to place at
his disposal one million of dollars if he would remain in
and govern Mexico.”
In addition to the million dollars offered the General,
history says:
“A salary of $250,000 per annum was offered General
Scott. All the fortresses, all the armies of the country, all
the custom-houses were already in his hands. A distribu
tion of a little money, or the arrest of those who were op
posed to the scheme, would easily secure a favorable vote
of the Mexican Congress; and then nothing was left to
obstruct the mounting of the American General to the
Mexican throne, with as much ease as BERNADOTTE
ascended the throne of SWEDEN.”
The reasons why General Scott refused these flattering
offers, were given by the General himself.
“The first reason was, that he could not honorably re
sign from under his own flag except to add to the glory
of his country by immediate annexation of Mexico to
the United States.
“The second reason was that, as there were but one
million of pure-blooded white men in Mexico, and six
millions of Indians and mixed Indians, Negroes and
Spaniards, the American General believed that the an
nexation of such a population to the United States would
be an injury to his country.”
91
In short, General Scott spurned an offer of an empire be
cause of the character of the population. The difference
between Mexico and the United States is dramatically de
scribed by a gifted historian as follows:
“The Government of Mexico is modeled after that of
the United States; but what the pure-blooded Anglo-
Saxon could accomplish, the mind of the dark races of
Central America could not even compass. While the
former advanced with the tread of a giant, driving the
copper-colored race towards the Rocky Mountain, and
holding the black race in servitude, Mexico surrendered
to the optimistic ideas of natural race equality, which
were sweeping over France and the Iberian peninsular.
While the United States, with a homogenous population
of citizens, bounded to the front rank of nations, her
mongrel sister Republic fell to the earth before a single
feeble blow from a handful of brave and intelligent white
men, under the lead of General Scott.”
The “Cradle of the Confederacy,” by Hodgson, pages
253-256.
As Burke says:
“Better be alarmed by the midnight bell than be
burned in your bed.”
Senator Robert Tooms once said:
“This Republic was born of the soul of a race of pi
oneer white freemen who settled on our continent and
built an altar within its forest cathedral to Liberty and
Progress. In the record of man has the negro ever dream
ed this dream? The answer is ‘No’.”
The negroes racial constitution will never allow the ne
gro to become “a dreamer of dreams.” Capacity for self-
government, capacity to govern others is no part of a ne
groes racial constitution. The negro is a creature of the
tropical climate where fruit and nuts are plentiful and
where clothing is not required for protection against the
winter cold. The negro has never been under the necessity
of producing anything through voluntary cooperation. The
92
essentials of savages in the jungle are few and do not include
protection, transportation and marketing of goods. His
racial constitution knows not the meaning of social respon
sibility.
The white race received the Ten Commandments upon
tablets of stone fresh from the hands of God on Sinia’s burn
ing summit. The white race received the Golden Rule
from Jesus of Nazareth himself. The white race faced King
John at Runnymeade and wrung from his Magna Charta
the right of trial by jury. The white race sailed the
angry Atlantic in a wooden tub and landed at Plymouth
Rock and carved a continent out of a wilderness. The white
race wrote the Declaration of Independence, signed the
Constitution of the United States, carried the stars and
stripes “to the Halls of Montezuma, and the shores of
Tripoli,” to the heights of Okinawa and to Berlin beyond
the Rhine. The white race harnessed steam, developed elec
tricity and made its power subject to the will of man. The
white race made a spark jump out into the night and leap
leagues of snarling seas and cry to the shore for help. The
white race added the highways of the eagle to the paths of
man. The white race dotted this universe with houses of
worship whose spires stab the skies and whose golden cross
es kiss the sun. The white race supports missionaries in the
four corners of the earth. The white race split the atom
and eliminated the yellow beast as a peril to progress, and
fed a former enemy by an air lift that astounded the world.
The negro has had just as long as the white man to de
velop his civilization, but not once since God cursed Cain
had he built a ship, flown a flag, produced literature or sug
gested a creed.
It is interesting to note that when the wartime manpower
shortages forced a wider acceptance of negro labor and led
to the decline of segregation on the job in many areas in
the North, RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION INCREAS
ED.
93
“The Negro Ghetto,” pages 271, 272.
It is not democracy, but idocy for Americans to weaken
in any degree the blood that is responsible for the vigor and
glory of this Republic.
c.
Equitable Residential Segregation
Beneficial to the Negro
Segregation is advantageous to the Negro, as has been
many times pointed out. For instance in NEGRO FIOUS-
ING, Page 213, we find:
“Whatever political power the Negro exerts is derived
from segregation. In several of the large cities, such as
New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Cleveland he
elects one or more members of the city council and some
times at member of the state legislature as a result of his
localized vote.”
Professor Dowd in his Book, THE NEGRO IN AMER
ICAN LIFE, Pages 474-4175, says:
“The white people outside of the South who have writ
ten about Negro segregation generally commend it as
necessary and wise in sections of the country where N egro
population is large.”
J. M. Mecklin, of the Pittsburgh Psychological In
stitute, in his book, Democracy and Race Friction, ex
presses his opinion as follows: “Viewed from the stand
point of the good of society as a whole, laws requiring so
cial segregation in the South are undoubtedly based up
on a sound social philosophy.’
“A. B. Hart, of Harvard University, believes that:
‘Race separation would give greater opportunities to
the Negro, and reduce the contract with the lower class
of whites out of which comes most of the race violence in
the South.’
“Maurice Evans, an Englishman long resident in
South Africa, who has studied the Negro in the United
States, takes the ground that segregation is working to
94
the advantage of the Negro: ‘the segregation of the race
has thrown the members on their own powers, and has
developed the qualities of resourcefulness. The very pro
cess which may have seemed to some like a policy of op
pression, has in fact resulted in a process of development.'
“What would happen to the Negroes in the South, if
they were not segregated? They would have to compete
in every occupation with the whites; they would find the
door of opportunity practically closed to them in all the
higher walks of life. It would rarely happen that a Negro
could secure a position as teacher in a school, as pastor
of a church, or as editor of a paper. There would be no
Negro doctors, dentists, lawyers, actors, or singers. Even
in the unskilled trades they would have to compete with
the white man.
“What does the Negro gain by segregation? He finds
in the South a large field of employment open to him
with little or no competition from the whites. In other
words, segregation enables him to lead an easier and less
strenuous existence, which insures to him a diminishing
death-rate and a higher birth-rate; also, it enables him to
resist the downward pressure into poverty, vice, and
crime. Above all, segregation builds up cooperation and
race pride, and, by diminishing the incentive to imitate
the whites, tends to bring out in the race its special ap
titudes and geniuses. The progress of mankind can be
best advanced by each race’s developing the genius and
culture peculiar to it instead of striving to imitate
another.”
d.
/ Residential Segregation Lessens Racial Antipathies
VV In the Literary Digest of September 7, 1935, it is re-
M ported that the heads of the Maryland School System in-
' / formed the court in their appeal that the biracial school
/ system undoubtedly has been a leading cause of the present
I amicable and cooperative relations which exist in the state
between the races, resulting from different cultural back
grounds.
95
The people will not follow the Court if its decision is
contrary to a decision made by the people on a subject
which they feel better qualified than the Court to decide
and which they feel extends the law and the Constitution
into the governance of their social life to an unwarranted
extent and beyond any reasonable interpretation of even
the so-called elastic clauses of the Constitution.
“Segregation enables the Negro to find among his
own people as many opportunities in the higher walks
of life as are found among the white people. He may be
a merchant, banker, doctor, lawyer, dentist, school-teach
er, college president, pastor of a church, editor of a pa
per, actor, musician, officer in a lodge, and so forth. In
many Southern states there are more Negroes holding
higher positions in professio?ial life than in the entire ter
ritory of Brazil, where segregation has largely broken
down as a result of racial intermixture
W. T. Couch, Publisher Chicago University Press, a
publisher not unfriendly to the Negro, says:
“I believe that if complete elimination of segregation
could be accomplished overnight—as many of the authors
of this volume assume it ought to be—the consequences
would be disasterous for everyone and more so for the
Negro than the white man.”
“What The Negro Wants,” Page XX.
“Hodding Carter, publisher and editor of the Green
ville (Mississippi) Democrat-Times was awarded the
Pulitzer Prize in 1946 for editorials on racial and religious
tolerance. He has consistently and courageously stood for
social justice to Negroes; he has strongly advocated prac
tical measures for their educational health, and economics
betterment; and has been in general a salutary influence in
the area where his newspaper circulates. For these reasons
he has been called everything from a ‘nigger lover’ to a
96
communist, and has become a controversial figure through
out Mississippi.
“Yet these are the words of this alleged firebrand when
he addressed students of the University of Mississippi in De
cember, 1936:
“ ‘As Southerners our great challenge is to lift the
economic, health and education standards of the Negro
together with our own. . . . But I want to make it clear.
. . . that I consider any program which would end the
segregation of races in the South as unrealistic and dan
gerous to the hope of progress in race relations. . . .”
“Where I was Born and Raised,” by David L. Cohn,
Page 295.
The white man has risen through separation. The negro
and other races must walk the same path if they would rise.
“The attempt to impose social intimacy and inter
course between the races by legal enactment would
probably tend only to embitter the prejudice which exists
between them.”
Professor Fairchild, in “Race and Nationality,” at Pages
183 and 184, speaks words of wisdom to those who would
change human nature by legislation. He said:
“In dealing with race and nationality problems, as in
all other social affairs, sound and constructive action
must be based upon people as they are, not as they ought
to be or as the liberal spirit might wish to have them.
This does not mean in the least that efforts to change
public attitudes and sentiments are useless and should
be abandoned. Quite the contrary. The hackneyed say
ing that ‘you can’t change human nature’ is as false as it
is stultifying. But if you want to avoid creating more
trouble than you remove, the change in human nature
must precede the practical measures that assume that it
has changed.” Pages 183, 184.
e.
Residential segregation makes each race more at ease.
97
The whites because it provides a district for the Negroes
and the Negroes because they feel less imposed upon and
more independent.
Because of this feeling of independence the Negro, as a
race, is more progressive under residential segregation.
There is a greater desire for him to move forward in that
he feels he is improving his own castle rather than that of
the white man. (See Reuther, “The American Race Prob
lem.” (1927) Chapter XVI).
Mr. Shannon says that with segregation, “All would have
better opportunity to develop along normal lines, towards
racial self sufficiency, racial self respect and racial self re
liance.” This is one of the important elements prompting
various legislatures to enact laws separating the races in
trains, schools and hotels.
The claim that segregation stigmatizes the Negro as an
inferior being was disposed of in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163
U. S. 537.
There is a manifest difference between caste relations
and race relations. The City takes the emphatic position
that segregation and accepted race differences is not and
does not establish a caste system. The difference between
caste and race is pointed out in an article in the American
Journal of Sociology, Volume 50, beginning at Page 51, in
which Oliver C. Cox warns against confusing caste relations
with race relations.
“The world view of the caste is turned inward, and its
force is centripetal; that of Negroes is turned outward,
and its force is centrifugal. Negroes, in America, at least
are working toward the end that Negroes as such shall
become nonexistent. However, the cast of either low or
high status is devoted to the perpetuation of itself. The
solidarity of Negroes is admittedly temporary; it is a de
fense-offense technique. The idea of negroes is that they
should not be identified; they evidently want to be work
ers, ministers, doctors, or teachers without the distinction
of being Negro workers—negro ministers, and so on. In
98
short, they want to he known unqualifiedly as American
citizens, which desire, in our capitalist society means as
similation and amalgamation.”
Caste is a perpendicular and immutable separation of
individuals. Segregation and race differences is a horizontal
or area grouping of people based on social intercourse and
the homogeneity which makes social intercourse possible.
Segregation is not a bar to the rise of any individual to the
highest position in the land. It is for this reason that the
City urges that in dealing with a social problem, the Court
must follow the people and respect their custom and way of
living.
f.
Equitable Segregation
In the Foreword of his book, “Planning for The South,’’
(published by The Vanderbilt University Press), John V.
Van Sickle said that the volume is a plea for regionalism
by a man without a region. “My residence in the South
dates from September, 1938. With the exception of the
first eight years of my life in Colorado and the next eleven
in Baltimore, I have never spent more than five years in
any one place; more than ten years were spent in various
parts of Europe. My regionalism is thus intellectual rather
than emotional. Nor is it the result of any sudden con
version.”
With that kind of a background Professor Van Sickle
discusses the subject of equitable segregation in a fine way.
We quote liberally from the volume, pages 71 to 74, with
out single spacing the quotation:
“The solution of the Negro problem in the South is
complicated by lack of agreement as to a formula. Many
extra-regional students of the cause of this underprivileged
group see eventual amalgamation as the only permanent
solution. Except for a few extremists, the adherents of this
school of thought are prepared to go slowly, providing there
99
is real progress from year to year. They regard this ‘pa
tience’ as evidence of their realism and statesmanship. Only
clear evidence of a trend toward equality, they argue, can
prevent the extremists from gaining the upper hand and
forcing a rate of change too rapid for the Southern mores.
They urge Southern white leaders to cooperate with them
in removing the external and hence humiliating stigmata
of inferiority, such as the Jim Crow cars on the railroads
and the corresponding sections in the urban busses, the
separate waiting rooms for Negroes in railroad stations, the
exclusion of Negroes from hotels, etc. When moderate
southern white leaders balk at such proposals, they con
clude that the South is bereft of statesmen in this area of
human affairs.
“The trouble is, of course, that Southern whites look be
yond the concrete measures under discussion for the ulti
mate goal. If amalgamation is the ultimate goal, they will
oppose reforms which to an outsider appear entirely reason
able. As long as amalgamation is set up as a goal, segrega
tion and subordination will be set up in opposition and the
white majority in the South ivill be found solidly behind
that goal.
“This deadlock cannot be broken with the consent of
Southern whites until amalgamation is frankly discarded as
the ultimate solution of the Negro problem in the South.
It is greatly to be hoped that it will be discarded for it is an
unworkable and unrealistic formula. Racial lines appear to
be about as distinct now as at any previous period in re
corded history. It is hard enough to assimilate culturally
distinct groups within a single race—witness the French in
Canada, the German enclaves in Southeastern Europe and
the Baltic provinces, the Hungarians, the Czechs and the
Irish. None of these cultural subgroups want amalgama
tion.
“Even less do the distinctive groups popularity known
as races want amalgamation. What they want is what cul-
100
tural subgroups want, namely, cultural autonomy. What
they resent is any implication of inferiority. Removal of
the stigma of inferiority will do more to promote the peace
ful living together of this mosaic of races and groups than
a century of preaching of amalgamation. The latter is a
glacial process little, if at all, susceptible to social controls.
The task ahead will not be solved by denying differences,
but by recognizing them and treating them as differences in
kind and not in excellence. Young people must be edu
cated to this concept. They must be taught that the prin
ciple of equity can be applied to groups within as well as
to groups outside the national frontiers.
“Professor Bronislav Malinowski has used the term
‘equitable segregation’ to describe this approach to the
Negro problem and has endorsed it as offering the greatest
prospects of an early amelioration of the status of the South
ern Negro. Just what are the implications of the phrase?
“Frank acceptance of the principle will help to break
down the psychology obstacle to reform from within the
South. Many vexatious and humiliating features in the
present situation can be removed if it is clear that the end
goal is the establishment of equality of opportunity be
tween two distinctive groups and not as an attempt to blur
the obvious distinctions between the groups. It thus per
mits of progress without a frontal attack upon the existing
mores. It does not call for the abolition of separate cars
for Negroes on railroads, or for separate schools, or sep
arate waiting and rest rooms in railroad stations and build
ings open to the general public. But it does call for cars,
adequate in number for the needs of the Negro population
and every bit as good as those provided for the whites; for
rest rooms in public buildings comparable to those avail
able to the whites. It does not mean that whites and Ne
groes should be mingled in the same school buildings but
that the buildings provided for the Negroes should be as
good as those provided for the whites in the same school
101
district and that the education should be as excellent and as
appropriate to their occupational prospects as that avail
able to the white children. It does not require that the
vote be indiscriminately and immediately accorded to every
Negro but it does imply that reasonable restrictions on vot
ing shall be honestly and equitably applied to whites and
Negroes alike. It does not necessarily involve the indis
criminate employment of Negroes and whites side by side
in public and private business, but it does imply that man
agement will use its inkeunity to devise ways and means
of opening up to Negroes every occupational category for
which they can demonstrate the requisite capacities. Tact
and firmness can accomplish much. For example, the Lock-
heed-Vega Aircraft Corporation, ‘after some hesitation de
termined to experiment with Negro labor in one of its
plants. It got ready very carefully by going over the plan
with its foreman. In the summer of 1941, each one of
Lockheed’s many thousand white employees was given a
statement of the company’s intention. Presently the intro
duction of Negroes into the plant began, and now several
hundred are employed there.’ If our economy can be kept
operating at something approaching full employment, the
white man's objection to working beside the Negro may be
expected to decline. The present acute shortage of man
power makes this a favorable time to experiment.
“The principle of “equitable segregation’ does not call
for the breaking down of segregated residential districts
in our cities of tomorrow; but it does call for the provision
of wholesome residential districts for Negroes equal to those
available to white groups of comparable incomes.
“In brief, the principle of ‘equitable segregation’ justifies
the maintenance of the dual institutions which have been
so severely criticized outside the South and which admitted
ly bear so heavily upon the inadequate recourses of the
South.”
102
PROPOSITION IV
Residential segregation is essential to happiness and
contentment, the peace, tranquility, and good order of
the City of Birmingham.
The Commissioners of the City of Birmingham, sworn to
uphold the Constitution of the United States, tell the world
in Ordinance No. 709-F, under their oath, with an author
ity not to be denied, that,
“ (a) From the date of the original settlement of this
City unto the present time it has been the invariable cus
tom, supported for most of the time by municipal law
and universally observed, to require white and colored
residents to live in separate residential areas.
Nobody disputes that. It cannot be challenged.
“ (b) That when attempts have been made by mem
bers of one race to enter for purposes of a permanent
residence into an area commonly recognized as set aside
for members of the other race, violence, disturbances of
the peace, destruction of property and life has resulted al
most without exception.
That statement is incontrovertable. There were six
bombings in 1949 before the passage of this ordinance, as
a result of attempted negro invasion of this white residen
tial section.
“ (c) This Commission further finds from its knowl
edge of present conditions and public sentiment in this
City that in the event attempts shall now or in the fore
seeable future be made by members of one race to estab
lish residences in areas heretofore regarded as set apart
for the residences of members of the other race, breaches
of the peace, riots, destruction of life and property will
follow.
Any other finding would be a defiance of facts known
to all.
103
“ (d) That neither the City of Birmingham nor any
other law enforcement agency is able so completely to
police, supervise and safeguard the person and property
of persons attempting to establish a residence in an area
not commonly recognized by members of the race to
which such person belongs, as to prevent injury to such
persons, members of his family, third parties in the area
affected, and destruction of property.
Mark Ethridge in effect said all the powers of the Allied
and Axis armies could not do that.
“ (c) That the zoning ordinances of the City of Bir
mingham now in effect do substantially and fairly well
delineate those areas historically and generally regarded
as available for residences and occupation by members of
the white and colored races.
This was not challenged in the court, below nor was it
claimed that the Birmingham zoning ordinance was not an
equitable zoning ordinance.
“ (f) That this ordinance is necessary to preserve the
peace of said City and to safeguard the property and saf
ety of its citizens and of the public in general.”
We trust this court is impressed with the seriousness of
the situation and the sincerity of the declaration of these
public servants. There are nearly 400,000 people in Bir
mingham, white and black, who will testify to the same state
of facts.
The N egroes themselves furnish evidence of the unhappy
situation in Birmingham; in their telegram to President
Truman on August 13, 1949, they say:
“Racial tensions sharp enough for unhappy possibil
ities.”
On the same day they telegraphed Attorney General Car
michael:
104
“Racial tensions made acute by Friday night bombings
of two ministers homes.”
In a telegram to Commissioner Morgan on the same date
they said:
“The NAACP will fight without let up all forms of
racial zoning because such is unlawful. We shall .con
tinue to support and encourage Negro citizens to stand
firm at all cost and sacrifices for the prescious right to
own and live where one can buy or rent.”
In a telegram to the Sheriff of Jefferson County they said:
“The community has been inflamed by unfortunate
statements attributed to at least one city public official.”
In a telegram to the Chief of Police they said:
“A situation exists growing out of controversy over ra
cial residential zoning which demands hourly police pro
tection for Reverend Milton Curry of 1100 Center Street
North and Reverend E. B. Deyampert of 1104 Center
Street North.”
In another telegram to President Truman dated June 2,
1949, the NAACP informed him that it feels,
“that local police protection is breaking down in
Smithfield area where racial zoning contest has provided
controversy.”
A leading speaker at the negro mass meeting in Birming
ham on August 17, 1949, said:
“We will not cease calling on you until the flag of vic
tory shall not only wave over the battlefield of Center
Street, but the flag of victory will be waving all over Bir
mingham.”
105
This has been construed to mean that Negroes intend
to do what they have been accused of preparing to do,
namely, place a Negro family in each wihte block of Bir
mingham where it is possible for a Negro to purchase a lot
in that block. The Steel City Star, a local paper published
in Fairfield, Alabama, recently carried an editorial com
menting upon information to that effect it obtained from
sources it deems reliable.
White people are warned by taxicab drivers, policemen,
and newspaper people, in Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia,
New York and other places that it is highly dangerous for a
white person to go inside a negro tenament alone in those
cities, and to remain on the outside unless amply protected.
Birmingham has not reached that stage. But it has reach- j
ed the stage where white people are not going to allow j
negroes to move next door to them. They are not interested
in discussing whether this is democratic or dictatorial,
Christian or pagan, right or wrong. They simply will not \
tolerate it. There are many reasons why they take that j j
position, and humanity being what it is, must be dealt with I
as is.
David L. Cohn, an author decidedly friendly to the Ne
gro, in his book, “Where I Was Bdrn and Raised” tells
why residential segregation is essential to peace and order,
and comfort and convenience of all in Birmingham.
“Whatever may be the disablities worked upon the
negroes and whites by segregation; whether the fears that
provoke it are reasonable or unreasonable; whether it is
anti-democratic, anti-constitutional, or anti-christian,
there is little chance, in my opinion, that it will be oblit
erated within foreseeable time. He who evades, beclouds,
or challenges the issue may do great harm to the whole
American society. He who does not take segregation as
the starting point for an exploration of the possibilities
that may lead to a betterment of the race question will
find himself lost in a haunted wood.
106
Since the deep-seated mores of a people cannot be
changed by law, and since segregation is the most deep-
seated and pervasive of the Southern white mores, it is
evident that he who attempts to abolish it by law runs
risks of incalculable gravity. There are nonetheless
whites and negroes who would break down segregation
by Federal fiat. Let them beware. I have little doubt
that in such a case the country would find itself nearing
civil war.” Page 294.
Mr. Cohn might be excused for mentioning the civil war
on account of the fact that he was southern born. But as
startling as it may appear, Professor Fairchild of New York
reaches the same conclusion.
“As long as the bulk of the American people are pos
sessed by group antipathy, suspicion, jealousy, envy,
hatred, condescension, it is worse than useless to put in
to effect measures that would be good if they were all
broad-minded, tolerant, hospitable, and charitable. Ev
ery well-convinced, psychologically sound, practically
efficacious campaign to eradicate these noxious traits
from the American soul is to be welcomed. But the cam
paign—and its success—must come first; liberal measures
may follow.
“Out of these truths arises the tragic paradox that the
various efforts that were made in the midst of World War
II to improve the lot of the Negro in the United States,
and to establish greater equality, are having the effect of
intensifying and fortifying the opposition of those who
do not welcome this change. Tensions are increased
rather than relaxed. The gloomy prognostication fre
quently heard, ‘It looks as if we were going to have to
fight the Civil War all over again’ is much more than a
mere wisecrack.” Race and Nationality, Page 184.
Mark Ethridge is quoted by Mr. Cohn on the subject
of the permenance of segregation as follows:
“Writing five years ago in the Louisville Courier-
Journal, Mark Ethridge, the publisher of that newspaper
said:
107
‘He (the Negro) must realize that there is no power in
the world . . . which could now force the Southern white
people to abandon the principle of social segregation. It
is a cruel disillusionment, bearing the germs of strife and
perhaps a tragedy, for any of their leaders to tell them
that they can expect it as the price of their participation
in the war.'
This, it seems to me, is a statement of indubitable fact,
yet Mr. Ethridge was denounced by the Negro press and
Northern white liberals as a fascist, a Ku Kluxer, and,
anticlimactically, a scoundrel.” Pages 294-295.
It requires no argument to demonstrate that anything as
deep seated as residential segregation in Birmingham is
essential to happiness and contentment, peace and good
order in Birmingham.
The people of Birmingham are not without a sound basis
for their uncompromising stand on residential segregation.
In that respect they are not out of step with other sections.
Their beliefs about the Negro are shared by others and the
beliefs of others are shared by them. They regard as the
most villianous form of hyprocrisy, political platitudes
eulogising social equality uttered for the purpose of cor
ralling the Negro vote when the difference between prac
tice and preaching is as wide as the Pacific ocean.
In a report by the Chicago Commission on Race Rela
tions at Page 63, “The Negro in Chicago,” an interesting
statement is made about beliefs concerning Negroes where
certain primary and secondary beliefs ar catalogued. We
take the following from that report :
“Beliefs Concerning Negroes”
“The conduct of individuals is largely determined by
their attitudes toward a subject and their general beliefs
concerning it. Definite beliefs concerning Negroes may
be found in the North as well as in the South, varying
with the individuals who hold them, according to degrees
of contact with the Negro group and the individuals’ tra-
108
ditional background. These may be divided according to
their character and effect into two general classes: (a)
primary beliefs or those fundamental and firmly estab
lished convictions which have, all around, the deepest
effect on the conduct of whites towards Negroes and are
pretentiously supported by statistics, authorities, and
scientific research; (b) secondary beliefs, or modifica
tions and variants of important assumptions as to cardi
nal attributes.’
r a) Primary Beliefs—Among these primary beliefs are
j the following:
1. Mentality: That the mind of the Negro is distinct
ly inferior to that of the white race. Some believe that
this is due to backwardness in ascending the scale of civil
ization; some that the Negro belongs to a different spe
cies of the human family.
2. Morality: That Negroes are not yet capable of exer
cising social restraints common to white persons; that
they are unmoral as well as immoral.
3. Criminality: That Negroes possess a constitutional
character weakness, and a consequent predisposition to
sexual crimes, petty stealing and crimes of violence.
4. Physical Unattractiveness: That physical laws
prompt whites to avoid contact with Negroes.
5. Emotionality: The Negroes are highly emotional
and for that reason are given to quick, uncalculated
crimes of violence as easily as to noisy and emotional re
ligious expressions.
b) Secondary Beliefs—As continued repetition of any
plausible statement without correction of its error event
ually gives it credence, these secondary beliefs have root
ed themselves deep in the public mind. Among other
things it is believed that Negroes are: (1) lazy, (2) ‘hap
py-go-lucky,’ (3) boisterous, (4) bumptious, (5) over-
assertive, (6) lacking in civic consciousness, (7) addict
ed to carrying razors, (8) fond of shooting craps, (9)
flashy in dress and like gaudy brilliant colors, especially
red.”
In the same report at Page 43, the Commission points
109
out some of the reasons for the attitude of the whites toward
Negroes. It is there said:
“The widespread and deep-seated racial prejudice
among whites against Negroes, heretofor mentioned as
a psychological basis for the belief that the presence of
Negroes is disasterous to property values, is directly re
flected in the unwillingness of whites to buy property
close to that occupied by Negroes and in their desire to
sell, even at a sacrifice, when Negroes move into the
immediate neighborhood.”
Professor Henry Pratt Fairchild gives some good advice
to those who would treat lightly the determination of white
people to have residential segregation. In his work on
“Race and Nationality,” the Professor says:
“Whether understood or misunderstood, correctly de
fined or incorrectly defined or not defined at all, used
for good or for ill, regarded as the most important thing
in life or sniffed at as a mere triviality, the notion of race
is almost as old as humanity, has influenced men’s think
ing and behavior in a myriad ways, and cannot be sum
marily tossed onto the junk heap. Something about
which whole libraries of books have been written, by au
thors ranging all the way from hysterical and ignorant
sentimentalists to scholars of the highest scientific rank,
cannot be disposed of by a flick of the finger like a speck
of dust on one’s tuxedo jacket. Men have for ages
thought, talked, felt, argued, and fought about some
thing they called race, without making any effort to de
fine it, and they are not going to accept readily the off
hand assertion that there is really nothing at all to it,
made by self professed scientists with no matter how long
a string of academic initials appended to their names.”
Pages 8-9.
The Professor then points out that the determination of
white people to have residential segregation cannot be ig
nored, nor can the behavior that results from it be dismissed
as “a vaporous figment of the social imagination.”
110
The fruits of the Negro invasion of white residential
areas is reported at Page 8 in the Commission report on
Race Relations as follows:
“Since the riot in East St. Louis, July 4, 1917, there
had been others in different parts of the country which
evidences a widespread lack of restraint in mutual anti
pathies and suggested further resorts to lawlessness.
Riots and race clashes occurred in Chester, Pennsylvania;
Longview, Texas; Coatsville, Pennsylvania; Washington,
D. C.; and Norfolk, Virginia, before the Chicago riot.”
And in pointing out the reason for the Chicago riot, the
Commission said:
“The Negroes overran the hitherto recognized area of
Negroe residences, and when they took houses in adjoin
ing neighborhoods, friction ensued. In the two years just
preceding the riot, twenty-seven Negro homes were
wrecked by bombs thrown by unidentified persons.”
The record in this case incontestably shows that six
bombings of Negro homes occurred in Birmingham in
1949. We do not suppose that we are violating any confi
dence when we say that the District Judge who decided this
case in favor of the Negroes informed their counsel, that,
in his opinion it would be very unwise for them to build
and occupy a home on their property at the present time.
He reminded them that he decided a similar case in 1948
in favor of a Negro, and when he attempted to occupy the
property his house was destroyed by an explosion.
This situation in Birmingham in no different from the
situation in other places. In the report of the Chicago
Commission on Race Relations, at Pages 44 and 45, the
Commission describes the situation that prevailed there at
the time the report was made:
“Bombings—The antagonistic sentiment attributable
to the Negro housing situation both incited and condon
ed the fifty-eight bombings of homes committed between
July 1, 1917.”
I l l
The United Press reports the following on March 4,
1950, from Dallas, Texas, a city said to be most free from
race prejudice, and without a race problem:
“NEGRO HOUSE BURNED
IN ‘ALL-WHITE’ SECTION
Dallas, Tex., March 4— (U.P.) —A vacant house on the
Dallas Southside was gutted by fire last night, one day
before a negro family was to take over occupancy in an
‘all white’ block.
Fire Chief F. H. Colbert disclosed it was the second
time within a week that the same house, sold a Negro
family by a white owner 10 days ago, had been set afire.”
Since this case was decided in the District Court two ne
gro houses adjacent to the white section in Smithfield have
been bombed, one of them in territory recently zoned col
ored residential.
Speaking further on the race problem, and its reality, and
the consequences of its presence the Chicago Commission
on Race Relations said:
“Penetrating observers of human conduct, have long
realized, and noted, that men’s voluntary conduct is
based upon belief about the facts rather than upon the
facts themselves, and unfortunately an erroneous belief,
that is, one not soundly grounded in reality, constitutes
just as potent a stimulus to behavior as one that is in
complete accordance with reality. Thus to the sociologist
a belief, an illusion, a phantasmagoria of any kind be
comes a social fact. However erroneous, confused, con
tradictory, and generally obfuscated popular thinking
about race may be, it cannot be ignored, nor can the be
havior that results from it be dimissed as a vaporous fig
ment of the social imagination. Race, whether real or
imaginary, scientifically demonstrable or naively vision
ary, is with us, and if we are to act intelligently it must
be dealt with consciously and objectively. As a matter of
fact, race is possibly more of an inescapable reality in the
112
year 1947 than at any other point in human experience.”
Pages 9-10.
One of the strongest arguments in favor of residential
segregation is furnished by the Negroes themselves. Re
porter Bishop pointed out in his report of a survey of seg
regation in the North, that in some northern cities, negro
citizens living in good residential districts sought court
injunctions to prevent housing authorities from erecting
housing projects in their areas ON THE GROUNDS THE
CLASS OF NEGROES WHO WOULD LIVE THERE
WOULD DEPRECIATE THEIR PROPERTY
VALUES.
Professor Fairchild evidently had this in mind when he
commented on class distinction among Negroes. On Page
180, Race and Nationality, he says:
“. . . among the colored population of the United States
there exist class distinction and social gradation just as
truly as between the Negroes and the whites. Most of it is
based on the same criterion—color. But there is also a
sharp cleavage between the continental Negroes and na
tives of the West Indies, particularly Puerto Ricans.”
An ordinance that conforms to the ideas of whites and
blacks alike, and preserves peace and tranquility in a popu
lous community where the population is divided almost
evenly between the two races, must be a valuable social
and economic contribution.
There have been scores of riots, hundreds of dead, and
thousands of wounded, with astronomical property dam
ages, as a result of the effort of Negroes to invade white resi
dential sections for residential purposes. So far as we are
advised, NOT ONE DISORDER HAS BEEN STAGED
AS A RESULT OF RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION
BEING ENFORCED.
Ben Price, writing for the Associated Press in a story
113
out of Atlanta on November 28, 1949, published in the
Birmingham News of that date states:
“Spread over the South is a 3,000 member network for
the prevention of race riots and lynching.”
The existence of such an organization, composed of N e-
roes and whites more forcibly demonstrates the clear and
present danger of catastrophic consequences of negro in
vasion of white territory, than any language that might be
employed.
“There is something ominous and urgent in the race
relational situation in the United States.”
-Y- -Y- -Y-•TP I f *
“There is no way to avoid a head-on collision with
the color question.”
# #
“Today, most white people North as well as South,
do not accept the Negro as an equal.”
What The Negro Wants, pages 7 and 11.
Racial tension has invaded the schools with tragic con
sequences. Herman H. Long and Charles E. Johnson in
their book, “People v. Property,” at page 84, gave an ac
count of what happened in Gary, Indiana, in the following
language:
“In 1945, a wave of conflict between groups of Negro
and white students found expression in several areas of
the North, representing on the adolescent level an ex
ample which adult grownups had so clearly maintained.
In Chicago, New York City and Gary, Indiana, pro
tests and strikes by organized groups of white high school
students against the presence of Negro students in the
school occurred. These were developments of serious
proportions. In Gary, where two schools participated in
strikes against the presence of Negro students, white
students demanded of the Board of Education that all
114
Negro students be transferred to a segregated Negro
school and that the Board discontinue ‘bi-racial experi
mentation.’ When the Board refused to comply with the
demands of the strikers, approximately five hundred
parents held a mass meeting at which they condoned the
action of their children and demanded that the Board
establish separate schools.”
The Rocky Mountain Law Review, Volume 18, at page
153, quotes from 147 Fed. (2d) at page 837 as follows:
“That the broad social problems, of which the ques
tion in the instant case is but one aspect, is both serious
and acute, no thoughtful person will deny. That its right
solution in the general public interest calls for the best in
statesmanship and the highest in patriotism is equally
true. But it is just as true that up to the present no law
or public policy has been contrived or declared whereby
to eradicate social or racial distinctions in the private
affairs of individuals # #
PROPOSITION V
Equitable Residential Segregation Is Economically
Desirable In Birmingham
Inseparably related to the social necessity for residential
segregation is the economic necessity of such segregation-
in order to protect private investments and the public wel
fare. The economic benefits of residential segregation rest
essentially on the matter of property values as they relate to
the racial homogeniety of communities. An exhaustive
examination of both factual data and the opinions of quali
fied individuals, agencies and organizations reveals a large
area of agreement to the effect that racial movements, espe
cially the movement of negroes, has a decidedly depreciating
effect on residential property values. In fact, it appears
that the only area of disagreement is that of how long a
period is required for the municipality to recuperate from
the economic effects of the depreciation which the white
115
property owners were forced to take pursuant to their us-
usually rapid movement out of the invaded area.
The city of Birmingham is firmly of the opinion that the
community-wide economic aspects of the ordinance are
clearly pertinent, and in fact vital, to an adequate constitu
tional analysis of this case. The following data and opin
ions are from real estate and appraisal agencies, govern
mental agencies, municipal authorities, other students of
the problem and finally, from negroes themselves.
The National Association of Realtors has a very definite
policy which is a part of its “Code,” Article Thirty-four of
which reads:
“Realtors should never be instrumental in introduc
ing into a neighborhood members of any race or nation-
ability, or any individuals whose presence will clearly be
detrimental to the property values in that neighbor
hood.” (See Long and Johnson, People v. Property,
page 61).
“The St. Louis, Missouri Real Estate Exchange has
gone much further than other boards in Northern cities
in prohibiting the sale and rental of property in white
neighborhoods to Negroes. Are realtors not bound to
obey these racial boundaries in their dealing with Ne
gro clients.”
In it’s answer to the complaint in Dorsey v. Stuyvesant ,
Town Corp., 87 N. E. (2d) 241, the Stuyvesant Town Cor
poration admitted its policy of racial exclusion and asserted
that the successful operation of the project and the safety of j
the investment of funds required that Negroes should not j
be accepted as tenants in this project. (Yale Law Review, I
Volume 57, Page 439) .
The validity and accuracy of the judgment of real estate
dealers, and the essential basis for their policy, is clearly
stated by Clarence A. Perry in Housing for the Machine
Age (published by the Russell Sage Foundation, 1939),
page 245, as follows:
V
116
“It is the man who sells houses who comes to know,
better than anyone else, what invests them with value.
From long experience he understands that the one fac
tor that influences every customer is the indefinable
thing we call ‘residential quality,’ an attribute not mainly
of the house but of its neighborhood.”
Of equal validity, and even more scientific and objective,
are the opinions of, and data compiled by, real estate ap
praisers. It is the business of these trained specialists to
know and evaluate all the factors governing the value, ap
preciation and depreciation, of property. Real estate agen
cies, leading institutions and private investors rely on the
reports of these specialists and it is felt that the Court will
be on the soundest of ground in taking cognizance of their
findings on the effects of negro migration into white resi
dential areas.
The managing editor of The Appraisal Journal, publish
ed by the American Institute of Real Estate Appraisers,
(January, 1944, pages 47 and 48) said:
“Infiltration of incompatible races has always been a
red flag to the appraiser. It is of special significance now,
and will be more important after war. N o one thing can
so quickly depress values as the beginning of a race move
ment.
“The white and the colored can work side by side
in certain industries but the mixing of the races in fam
ily life cannot be countenanced. The trend and the man
ner of handling it will be most significant to real estate.”
In this same publication, The Appraisal Journal, Jan
uary, 1943, (article entitled “Both Sides of The Color
Line”) , is found the following:
“What is blight?
“Blight is any use of land that does not produce an
economic return, and which results in financial distress.
“The causes of blight in residential areas may be listed
117
under three classifications. They are known as initial
causes, contributing causes, and resulting causes. Initial
causes of blight are so important in their effect that the
presence of any one of them is enough to cause blight.
“Another cause of initial blight is a variety of uses
which cannot be reconciled, as racial groups for which
the former dwellers have a decided antipathy. Dwellings
used as boarding houses, hotels, taverns, or the conver
sion of the larger single-family dwelling into rooming
houses causes blight.
“Why is an area blighted because a Negro family
moves in? What does the presence of several Negro fam
ilies in a block do to the rental return on a given proper
ty? What happens to the block or more of housing which
lies between the ‘all-white’ and the ‘all-black’ groups?
“Why must there always be this sharply drawn line be
tween the groups. And in searching for the answer we
come at once upon the subject of miscegenation. It is
the ‘end-all’ argument behind which non-thinking peo
ple retire. From a psychological, social, and biological
standpoint marriage between the races does stand as a
barrier to complete fraternity and it is a locked door
against equality. It is a mountain in the pathway of the
forward moving forces, but it is a mountain which
neither white nor black would wish to see moved. Like
unto like is a law which carries terrible penalties if
broken.”
Writing in “The Review of the Society of Residential
Appraisers,” (April, 1939, pages 13 and 14), Louis M.
Pratt, Senior Member, Pasadena, California, said:
“The value of real estate depends upon its salability
or marketability. Any factor which limits the probable
number of willing purchasers must be taken into con
sideration. It is therefore essential to ascertain the pres
ence of any adverse influence which lessen or destroy
desirability, from the standpoint of the typical buyer.
“No matter how attractive a residential area may be,
in its appearance, it will not possess maximum desirabil
ity unless it is occupied by people who will be contented
118
and comfortable, generally speaking, in one another’s
company. This requires that they be more or less alike
in their manner of living, their education, and their
financial status, and not antagonistic or incompatible in
their racial characteristics or nationalities.
“For this reason private restrictions permitting oc
cupancy only by certain racial groups appear to be de
sirable and necessary for the proper stabilization of values
in residential neighborhoods. (This stabilization of
values is also reflected, to a large degree, in the rents
paid in a district restricted as to race. And the rents
paid, of course, have an important bearing upon market
value) . This idea of racial restrictions is not a matter of
intolerance but an attempt to ‘make everybody happy’
in their home surroundings.
“If there are no racial restrictions, or if they are soon
to expire, there is always the danger of infiltration of
inharmonious racial groups. If this actually takes place,
it causes serious and permanent depreciation of land
values, and severe depreciation, which may be temporary,
in the value of improvements. The permanent lowering
of land values tends to lengthen the remaining economic
lives of the residential structures in the district and this
fact may eventually result in the recpature of part of the
improvement value lost during the period of transition.
“The race and nationality of people in a residential
district greatly influence the desirability of the neighbor
hood and the amount of rent which will be paid. Areas
occupied by mixed races and nationalities invariably are
of low rent-paying ability. The more nearly uniform a
district is in this respect, the higher will be the rents ob
tainable, generally speaking.
“In a mostly black district, values will be higher and
much more stabilized, and property more salable than in
a neighborhood in a transitional stage from white to
colored. Even shacks are salable in a black district. But
let one Negro move into a ivhitp district and it puts a
quietus on all sales of nearby residences.
“Two months ago I was asked to appraise a bungalow
in the northwest part of Pasadena, in order to estimate
the selling price which could be obtained within a rea
sonable time. It is well and favorably located in every
119
respect except that the average well-informed Pasaden
an is inclined to think that it is in an area partly occupied
by the black race, especially on account of the fact that
subject street has many black residences along two-thirds
of its length, although there are none within half a mile
of the property appraised and the subject district, which
is large in area and is residential against occupancy by
any but members of the Caucasian race.
“The house was built in 1938, is of good construction,
well planned and attractive. The immediate neighbor
hood is good and about 60% built up with attractive
homes, mostly owneroccupied.
“The estimated replacement cost of the house and lot
was $4,000 and the house is practically new. Owing large
ly to the fact that the street has a ‘black name,’ I consider
ed it necessary to deduct $750 or nearly 19% from the
estimated replacement cost in order to arrive at an esti
mated selling price of $3,250, and I advised the owner
that it would be much more difficult to sell property on
this street than in other portions of the city not so handi
capped.”
In the July, 1943 issue of the Appraisal Journal (page
247) there is the following:
“Negroes and whites do not live together in harmony
in one community, except in rare cases, and when the Ne
gro moves in the whites move out.
“Therefore it is most desirable that communities now
occupied by Negroes be improved and rehabilitated, that
new buildings be built, new schools and recreational fa
cilities be established and the area be expanded where
there is need and where expansion will not destroy pres
ent existing property rights and values of others.”
Hyder K. Lee in the same journal (July, 1945), explains
the matter this way:
“The successful use of the comparative method of ap
praisal requires a thorough knowledge of the factors
120
which require several pages simply to list all of these
factors. Some of the more important ones are.
# # *
“12. Zoning restrictions.
# # #
“13. Private restrictions.
“19. Racial characteristics of neighborhood.”
M.•If iP
We find the following in the “Review” of the Society of
Residential Appraisers of December, 1939, by George T.
Welden, Realtor, Indianapolis, Indiana, in an article en
titled “APPLICATION OF DEPRECIATION THE
ORIES” in which he demonstrates that an appraiser must
view a changing community unfavorably.
“CHANGING COMMUNITIES”
“The so-called invasion of inharmonious groups in an
area also bears close watching. The new group may be
equal in economic status to the average former occupant
of the area. However, measured from the social point of
view the original occupants may consider such invading
groups as inferior. Regardless of the appraiser’s personal
opinion on the social equality of men, he must recognize
the existence of racial and class prejudices.”
In the same periodical for August, 1940, in an article en
titled “NEIGHBORHOOD RATING,” (on page 7), we
find the following:
“The more desirable a neighborhood, the greater in
centive of the homeowner to cling to and protect his in
vestment. This is the basic reason why mortgage lenders
will loan a higher percentage of value in some locations
than others.”
In view of the fact that residential investment and com
munity planning are more than matters of the moment, the
following is a pertinent statement:
121
“If the threat of Negro invasion is removed the young
er people are often willing to remain in the old home,
and as property owners take pride in maintaining their
neighborhoods. It is essential that the property owners
in threatened communities are given protection and con
fidence so they can continue their pride in their own
community and so they will encourage other good fam
ilies to settle there.”
“The Appraisal Journal,” (July 1943), Page 245.
Appraisers, banks, lending institutions insist that, for
maximum loans, the property upon which the loan to be
made must have every prospect of being desirable property
over a long period of time. They seek definite standards
upon which to base their estimates of values.
“In seeking these standards they find that deed restric
tions, city planning, and zoning are the fundamental con
siderations in the evaluation of all types of property.”
* m . .y,"A" •A'
“In the building and owning of a house, land is the
first item of cost; environment is the final source of
value.” (“The Appraisers Journal,” February, 1940. “A
Source of Property Value”) .
It would seem that a law which guarantees a good en
vironment to residential property is of substantial benefit
to the property.
“Property owners today are really becoming zoning-
minded. They realize that, while zoning limits their in
dividual property rights, at the same time it places the
same limits on their neighbors and, through strict en
forcement, zoning actually increases and stabilizes the
value of the properties over which it has control.” (“The
Appraisal Journal,” Supra) .
If, as a matter of fact, as we proposed to show in the Dis
trict Court, the plaintiffs property is reasonably worth at
least 25% more zoned white residential than it would be
122
worth if the area in which it is located is open to both races
and therefore classed as a mixed area, the plaintiffs cannot
support the claim that the zoning law takes their property.
To the contrary the plaintiffs must be regarded as under
taking to decrease the value of their property and all other
residential property in Birmingham. To that extent they
are taking property values others have accumulated over a
period of years “without due process of law.”
For approximately fifteen years prior to 1948, the various
Federal Housing agencies operated on what was considered
to be a sound business basis and on the long-established
economic principles of realtors, banks and other home fi
nance activities. It is therefore considered relevant to this
case to place before the Court the established policies of
the Federal Housing agencies—-prior to the recent directives
of the National Administration, which directives have di
verted the Federal Housing agencies from their formerly
sound policies on social and economic factors and turned
them into vote-getting policies. It will be noted that these
practices, which prevailed until 1948 are almost identical
with those of realtors and appraisers indicated above.
Under the heading “PROTECTION FROM AD
VERSE INFLUENCES,” the Underwriting Manual, FHA
(1935), Part II, Pages 308-314, lays down this rule.
“The matters to be considered in rating this feature
are the factors which afford protection to and preserva
tion of the desirable characteristics of residential neigh
borhoods. Numerous influences can so change these
characteristics that the neighborhood will become entire
ly undesirable for residential purposes. Protection
against some adverse influences is obtained by the exist
ence and enforcement of proper zoning regulations and
appropriate deed restrictions.”
* # *
“Important among adverse influences besides those
mentioned above are the following: infiltration of in-
123
harmonious racial or nationality groups; infiltration of
business or commercial development or use; the presence
of smoke, odors, fog; proximity to noisy or high-speed
traffic arteries, to railroads, and to nuisances.”
It is to be noted that insofar as adverse influences are
concerned, the white in a negro district, or a negro in a
white district, are put in the same class, so far as the effect
on the district is concerned, as business use, the presence of
smoke, odors, and nuisances.
“All mortgages on properties in neighborhoods pro
tected against the occurence or development of unfavor
able influences, to the extent that such protection is pos
sible, will obtain a high rating of this feature. The ab
sence of protective measures will result in a low rating or,
possibly, in rejection of the case.”
In the April 1939 issue of The Insured Mortgage Port
folio, published by the FHA, under the heading “Planned
Protection Essential,” there is the following:
“Neighborhood deterioration and rapid transitions in
land uses must be particularly guarded against in long
term residential mortgage lending and insurance. Pro
tective measures to these ends must be deliberately
planned, for stable and attractive neighborhoods do not
just happen. Similarly, sound and orderly city growth
ensues only as a result of competent city planning, care
fully conceived and supported by proper zoning regu
lations and adequate subdivison control.
“The Federal Housing Administration as a mortgage
insuring agency has sought to minimize its risk in these
connections by establishing standards which locations
must meet if properties are to provide eligible security
for FHA-insured mortgages. These Standards may be
likened to those health standards of the like insurance
company which individuals must meet in order to quali
fy as acceptable risks.
124
“Thus the FHA determines the life expectancy’ of
residential properties, insofar as their location is concern
ed, by an analysis of the following:
“1. The relative economic stability of the location in
which the property is situated.
“2. Protection provided by zoning, and restrictive cov
enants or natural physical protection against undesirable
encroachments.
“3. Freedom from flood, earthquake, subsidence, and
similar hazards.
“4. Adequacy and accessibility of schools, parks, play
grounds, churches, and shopping centers.
“5. Adequacy and cost of public transportation.
“6. The sufficiency of such utilities as water, sewers,
electricity, and gas, and such improvements as roads and
walks.
“7. The level of taxes and special assessments.
“8. The appeal of the neighborhood to possible
buyers.
“Each of these neighborhood factors is carefully weigh
ed and rated and the quality of a given location is thus
determined. Serious deficiencies in any one of these basic
neighborhood elements will result in rejection of the site
for mortgage insurance purposes. Fligh qualifications
with respect to all the factors, on the other hand, gener
ally assure high-percentage loans.
“A careful analysis of the destructive factors affecting
the quality of residential areas shows conclusively that
they can, to a certain extent, be controlled by carefully
drawn and conscientiously administered planning and
zoning regulations and restrictive covenants.
“The attitude of the Federal Housing Administration
with regard to such protection is set forth as follows in
its manual of instructions to its underwriting staff:
“One of the best artificial means of providing protec
tion from adverse influences is through the medium of
appropriate and well drawn zoning ordinances. If the
provisions of an ordinance have been well worded and
drawn from a thorough knowledge of existing and prob
able future conditions in the city, and if the ordinance re
ceives the backing of public approval, an excellent basis
125
for protection from adverse influences exists.” (Pages 14
and 15).
As indicated above, political pressure has influenced the
President to order the FHA to disregard the basic principles
recognized as vital by the business world. We recognize
that the President may say, contrary to all experience, the
mingling of racial groups is not an unacceptable risk—just
as the Kremlin said that Mendel’s finding of inherited char
acteristics is not true, but the fact that the President or the
Kremlin says a thing is not true does not keep it from being
true.
In S. Andil Finebert’s “PUNISHMENT W ITHOUT
CRIME,” Pages 97-98 (1949), the author points out that
honest appraisers follow economic laws, saying:
“The Federal Housing Administration in guarantee
ing mortgages has followed the practice of respecting lo
cal racial patterns instituted by an earlier government
agency, the Home Owner’s Loan Corpoartion. The FHA
Underwriting Manual of 1947 reads: ‘If a neighbor
hood is to retain stability, it is necessary that properties
shall continue to be occupied by the same social and ra
cial classes.’ Valuators are advised in the Manual that
deeds should include ‘Prohibition of the occupancy of
properties except by the race for which they are intend
ed.’ In response to public pressure the Federal Housing
Administration eliminated these strictures. But the re
moval of such provisions from the written code does not
necessarily alter the practices of FHA appraisers, who
consider the minging of racial groups an unacceptable
risk.” (PP. 97-98) .
Numerous special city commissions have made surveys
and reports on social and economic conditions relating to
racial problems. The conclusions of these commissions have
been almost identical. An example follows. The Chicago
Commission on Race Relations reported that:
126
“One of the strongest influences in creating and fos
tering race antagonism in Chicago is the general belief
among whites that the presence of Negroes in a neigh
borhood inevitably and alone depreciates the market
value of real estate, and this belief is commonly accepted
as a valid reason for unfriendliness toward Negroes as
individuals and as a race.” (Page 41) .
Jf. -Hr -S£-TV* 'Jv
“It should be noted that the understandable bitterness
of feeling on this question of Negro encroachment upon
white residence districts has been intensified in some
cases through exploitation, by both white and Negro
real estate operators, of anti-Negro prejudice and fear
of loss on account of Negroe occupancy.”
M. M.W -A* W
“The widespread and deep-seated racial prejudice
among whites against Negroes, heretofore mentioned as
a psychological basis for the belief that the presence of
Negroes is disasterous to property values, is directly re
flected in the unwillingness of whites to buy property
close to that occupied by Negroes and in their desire to
sell, even at a sacrifice, when Negroes move into the im
mediate neighborhood.” (Page 43).
A fair and able discussion of segregation of white and Ne
gro races is shown in the Third National Municipal Re
view, July, 1914, in an article entitled “Segregation of
White and Negro Races,” by Gilbert T. Stephenson of
Wake Forest College and Harvard University.
The question is discussed in the following language:
“After all, the more important question about a segre
gation ordinance is not whether it is constitutional, but
whether it is just to all parties concerned. If segregation
is right in principle, then it will probably be possible to
frame a statute that will conform to constitutional limita
tions. If, on the other hand, it is not right in principle,
then the fact that a statute can be drawn to satisfy the
constitution will not justify its adoption.
127
“The following are some of the considerations that
have had weight with the various city councils in their
consideration of these ordinances. Wherever colored
people enroach upon a white neighborhood, the land
values in that neighborhood immediately tumble. The
white people who live on the mixed blocks are, in most
instances, less thrifty than those living in the all-white
community and the only danger of race mixture in this
country lies in the close association of the lower ele
ments of the two races. This is the conclusion that Ray
Stannard Baker reached in his ‘Following the Colour
Line,’ writing from the standpoint of a northern man.
Dr. Edgar Gardner Murphy reached the same conclusion,
approaching the subject from the viewpoint of a southern
man. Ex-President Roosevelt, writing in The Outlook
of Februrary 21, 1914, of the ‘Negro in Brazil,’ said, ‘. . .
in the lower ranks intermarriages are frequent, especially
between the Negroes and the most numerous of the im
migrant races of Europe. In the middle class these mar
riages are rare, and in the higher class almost unknown
so far as concerns men and women in which the black
strain is at all evident.’ Race feeling between the less
thrifty white people and the Negroes is much more pro
nounced than the feeling between the thrifty members of
the two races. The Negroes who have done violence to
the persons and property of white people have usually
belonged to the lowest element of that race, and the white
people who have taken the law into their hands and com
mitted murder by lynching have usually belonged to the
lowest element of the white race. The city councils have
thought it wise to promote race purity and race harmony
by separating, in so jar as it is possible to do so by law,
the lower elements of both races. Voluntary segregation
has fixed the residences of most of the white people and
Negroes in different districts. Segregation by legislation
will, therefore, affect only those who live in the twilight
zone between the distinctly white and the distinctly col
ored communities. If the city council, by laying down a
a definite way of determining the color of a block, can let
the people know which are thereafter to be white blocks
and which colored, they can do a great deal towards clear-
128
ing up this twilight zone and this will, in turn, do much
to allay race prejudices and promote race harmony.
“The segregation of the races in cities by legislation
can in no wise be justified if it means the neglect of the
Negroes. It is well known that the government of nearly
every city in the country is in the hands of white people
and that it is they, not the Negroes, who are initiating
the segregation legislation. The white race can justify
this latest race distinction only by letting it be a means
of obliterating discrimination against the weaker race,
such as have long prevailed in this country and in other
countries where a weaker and a stronger race have under
taken to live together on the same soil. Urban segrega
tion—in most southern cities, at least—is wise for the rea
sons that have already been given; but the white people,
having brought about such segregation, must, in justice
to themselves as well as to the colored people, give the
latter a fair share of the municipal funds for streets,
lights, sewers, schools, and other community activities.”
It might be said that the above statements represent the
opinions and experience of interested agencies. This cer
tainly does not invalidate them, but in order to emphasize
the scientific objectivity of the data which show the depre
ciating effect of negro movement into formerly white resi
dential areas, the following statements are taken from schol
arly studies of a private nature.
In Housing for the Machine Age, published by the Rus
sell Sage Foundation, there is the following (pages 77-78) :
“What is a neighborhood? According to Webster’s New
International Dictionary, a neighborhood is ‘a district or
section with reference to the character of its inhabitants.’
As is the case, however, with words that, through usage
in a particular field, become a part of its terminology,
‘neighborhood’ for appraisal purposes has been defined
within narrower limits. Thus, one Federal agency in the
field of housing says :
“Neighborhood is defined as a single area composed
of locations (that is, individual property sites) separated
129
only by publicly used land, the residential portions of
which exhibit a degree of homogeneity. In general a
neighborhood is available for, or improved with, dwell
ings of more or less similar character, age and quality.’
(FHA, Underwriting Manual, Washington, D. C. Gov
ernment Printing Office, 1938, paragraph 903) .
“The student of the urban scene will observe that a
neighborhood is a clustering of people in certain districts
where the inhabitants have a sameness of income level,
or racial and nationalistic traits, and (to a lesser degree)
of religious affiliations.”
-ff
“The neighborhood is vitally important. The individ
ual unit may be good, of good design and construction,
properly located upon an adequate lot and oriented to the
sun, but in an unsuitable neighborhood it would be a bad
investment. The importance of the neighborhood is a
vital question in city planning. The stabilization of the
neighborhood through planning has the effect of stabiliz
ing the individual home.
“Permanence and stability are most essential in main
taining good homes.
“From this we may generalize that, in the city that
houses a large percentage of people of foreign birth, or
their children, or that contains a substantial minority
percentage of people of races other than white, residential
real estate values in the older districts bordering those
at present inhabited by the minority peoples will exist
in a state of threatened status quo.
“The racial and ethical traits of city population are
an important phase of valuation study. The well equip
ped appraisal laboratory will contain a map of the city
showing the location of these groups, and tracing the his
tory and direction of their movement.”
One of the most scholarly studies which has been made
on city land values is Homer Hoyt’s “ONE HUNDRED
YEARS OF LAND VALUES IN CHICAGO,” from which
the following data is taken (pages 313-316) :
“Meanwhile, a great influx of colored workers from
the South, beginning during the World War, had burst
130
the barrier that confined their race west of State Street
and filled that territory to Cottage Grove Avenue on
the east and Sixty-seventh Street on the south. Another
segment of colored people penetrated the old area along
Lake Street as far west as Western Avenue.
“The significance of these racial and national move
ments upon Chicago land values lies in the fact that cer
tain racial and national groups, because of their lower
economic status and their lower standards of living, pay
less rent themselves and cause a greater physical de
terioration of property than groups higher in the social
and economic scale. Because of the instability of the ten
ants, high collection losses, and the aversion of persons
higher in the social order to living near these classes, the
rents received are capitalized at higher rates, so that they
yield lower capital values than property yielding the
same net income in the most desirable areas. Land values
in areas occupied by such classes are therefore inevitably
low. Part of the attitude reflected in lower land values
is due entirely to racial prejudice, which may have no
reasonable basis. Nevertheless, if the entrance of a col
ored family into a white neighborhood causes a general
exodus of the white people, such dislikes are reflected in
property values. Except in the case of negroes and Mexi
cans, however, these racial and national barriers disap
pear when the individuals in the foreign nationality
groups rise in the economic scale or conform to American
standards of living. Hence, the classification given below
applies only to members of the races mentioned who are
living in colonies at standards of living below those to
which most Americans are accustomed. While the rank
ing given below may be scientifically wrong from the
standpoint of inherent racial characteristics, it registers
an opinion or prejudice that is reflected in land values;
it is the ranking of races and nationalities with respect to
their beneficial effect upon land values. Those having
the most favorable come first in the list and those exer
cising the most detrimental effect appear last.
1. English, Germans, Scotch, Irish, Scandinavians.
2. North Italians.
3. Bohemians or Czechoslovakians.
4. Poles
131
5. Lithuanians.
6. Greeks.
7. Russian Jews of the lower class.
8. South Italians.
9. Negroes
10. Mexicans.
Dr. Will Alexander of the Rosenwald Fund, an institu
tion which has done much work to aid the negro, especially
in the South is quoted in “The Negro Problem,” The
Dallas Morning News (1944) as follows:
“Dr. Alexander explained that our country has two
policies toward Negroes. One is education, and great
strides are being made in that direction in the South as
well as in the North. The other is segregation. In the
South this is by law and custom, but social pressure and
resentment achieve about the same thing in the North.”
In 1944 the Dallas Morning News sent an experienced
member of its staff, Barry Bishop, on a tour of eastern and
northern cities to study the race relations problem. He re
ported on his studies in a series of articles. In respect of
segregation in the North and East, Mr. Bishop reported:
Chicago
“Non-segregation of Negroes is a ‘phony philosophy in
Chicago so far,’ one official said.”
Detroit
“In Detroit one hears much talk of the Commies, a pet
name for Communists; the jogaboos, a derogatory name
for Negroes, and the hillbillies, a derisive term for the
thousands of people who have come from the South for
war work.
“You find strange tongues in Detroit. It is a potpourri
of nationalities and strains of Americans. But some of
the Detroiters with foreign roots are among the most
severe critics of the Negro.”
132
“This tension became so great that the Detroit Hous
ing Commission adopted a policy on April 29, 1943, not
to change, in any way, the racial characteristics of any
neighborhood through occupancy standards of housing
projects. Negro leaders have fought this policy because
they contend it is segregation. Some think they have not
been helpful in doing this, but Negro leaders will not
waver from their established policy of fighting segrega
tion in any form and especially in housing projects.”
Pittsburgh
“A leader in the interracial movement, a white man,
described the sentiment in this manner: ‘There always
will be segregation in fact until the negro makes the
white man want to live next to him. While all the laws
in the land can decree equality, nothing can make the
white man remain next door to the negro—and he simply
doesn t want to do it so far as most of our people are
concerned’.”
“Any impression that we have our arms around the
Negroes and sleep with them here is erroneous,” one of
the top civic leaders of Pittsburgh emphatically declared.
He also pointed out that there is a good bit of segregation
in residential districts and in other ways.”
Philadelphia
“In Philadelphia you find the same story; no legalized
segregation and antidiscrimination laws on the books,
but actually segregation exists in custom and practice to
a large degree.”
New York
“So, what causes the tension in one of the world’s great
est cities? One finds by talking to leaders that, aside from
the evident housing problem, it is the constant fight of
the Negro for full citizenship. The average southerner
or southwesterner believe the negro already has it in
New York, but apparently he is a long way from it, to
hear Negro leaders talk. There is still the constant and
actual application of segregation against the black man
even there, they say.”
Cincinnatti
“Negroes live in well-defined areas, largely a result of
custom but somewhat from force of circumstances. And
when they start moving into white neighborhoods tension
rises and the seeds of trouble sprout.”
“Whatever it is, there doesn’t seem to be a complete
feeling of tolerance between the races. There is one sec
tion of the central city with a distinctive black belt in
which, I was told, a lone white person at night would
almost certain be attacked. There were two incidents in
recent months of negro houses being stoned after families
had moved into a former white area. And a seven-day
strike in one big war plant occurred over the sole issue
of bringing seven negroes to work in a department form
erly manned entirely by whites.”
One of the strongest arguments in favor of residential
segregation is furnished by the negroes themselves. Report
ed Bishop pointed out in his report of survey of segrega
tion in the North that in some Northern cities negro citi
zens invoked the law to enforce segregation.
“One outstanding fact noted in the North, however, is
that the negroes have not attained the goal of nonsegre
gation, even among their own people. They talk about
segregation as forced by the whites but practice it them
selves. In Chicago negro citizens living in good residen
tial districts sought court injunctions to prevent housing
authorities from erecting projects in their areas on the
grounds the class of N egroes who would live there would
depreciate their proverty values!”
Let’s examine some of the immediate economic dangers
to the public which would result from a decision that a
Negro has a right to live in a white residential district in
Birmingham. All residential property values are immed-
134
iately lowered from 25% to 40% if it is decreed that the
Negro may reside anywhere in Birmingham even though
he never exercises that right.
“Infiltration of incompatible races has always been a
red flag to the appraiser. . . . No one thing can so quickly
depress values as the beginning of a race movement.”
(The APPRAISAL JOURNAL, January, 1944) .
If it is decreed that the negro may reside anywhere in
Birmingham, down go property values, because all resi
dential sections in Birmingham will immediately become
“mixed” areas, deprived of the protection they have enjoy
ed under the zoning law, and under established custom for
more than a quarter of a century. It is little short of calam
ity for thousands of white and black to have from 25% to
40% of the value of their homes wiped out over night.
When no white person knows what minute a Negro and no
Negro knows what minute a white person may move in
next door, a state of unrest is created, many are ready to
sacrifice property, panic grips the people, and the social,
political, and economic life of the entire city is tremendous
ly disturbed.
This means much in Birmingham where about thirty-
eight per cent of the municipal revenue comes from ad va
lorem taxes, and residential property makes up a large part
of that thirty-eight per cent. The ad valouem tax rate in
Birmingham has reached the Constitutional limit. Bir
mingham’s bonded debt has also reached the constitutional
limit. The stabilization of property values at a fair and
reasonable figure is of the highest importance to the mu
nicipal government and to the property owners.
The City of Birmingham obtains its revenue from ad
valorem taxes, and other sources, authorized by the Con
stitution and laws of the State of Alabama.
Ad valorem taxes account for 38% of the City’s revenue.
135
Ad valorem taxes on residential property accounts for a
very large part of that 38%.
If ad valorem taxes on residential property in Birming
ham are reduced by 25% by Negro invasion of white areas
and the destruction of the zoning law, Birmingham must
immediately suffer from:
(1) Less money for schools.
(2) Less money for health.
(3) Less money for fire and police protection.
(4) Less money for garbage collection.
(5) Less money for every needed municipal function.
Birmingham is already up to the limit. It can levy no
additional taxes until authorized by the legislature. Its
license schedule is now almost prohibitive and higher than
any city of its class in the nation. Its financial situation will
be precarious if property values cannot be maintained by
its zoning laws.
We were prepared to show in the court below by most
reliable testimony that fifty negro families well distributed
in the various white areas in Birmingham would result in
such a diminution in municipal revenue that a paralysis
of municipal functions would result. THE DISTRICT
COURT WOULD NOT LISTEN. This court is entitled
to a finding of fact on that important matter. We under
took to show that Birmingham has dealt generously with its
negro citizens and that there is no occasion for this at
tempted wreckage of the city’s finances. We submit that on
an application for an injunction the court was entitled to
balance the equities and consider the good and the bad
involved. We submit that the court should have considered
that thousands of hard working, industrious negroes, who
are no party to these political maneuvers of a frustrated few,
will suffer irreparable injury and damage, if they are de
prived of the benefits of the zoning law, and the services
they now receive from the City, which the taxes on resi
dential property makes possible. We submit that the court
136
should consider the inconvenience that both white and
black will have to put up with when the City loses the reve
nue it will lose when residential property values are lower
ed as a result of the City of Birmingham becoming a mixed
area.
Education in Birmingham needs more than five million
dollars yearly. Debt service calls for a million and a half.
The fire department requires one million two hundred
thousand dollars. The police department about the same
figure. Health and sanitary nearly a million. All of these
necessary services will be practically paralyzed if the four
and one-half million dollars the City realizes from ad va
lorem taxes is greatly diminished. The court need go no
further than to study the defendants Exhibit 17 offered
for identification in order to be convinced beyond a rea
sonable doubt and to a moral certainty that the City of Bir
mingham cannot operate efficiently without the ad valorem
taxes it now receives on residential property in Birming
ham.
The widespread belief that most people gain from resi
dential segregation is recognized by white and negro writers
alike. Whether such belief is well founded or not is beside
the question. It determines the action of a great majority
of the American people. The poet had something to say
about man being convinced against his will being of the
same opinion still.
“A large segment of the population believes that it
gains from residential segregation. For the majority of
northern urban dwellers, spatial separation of Negroes
and whites has become a symbol of protection against
Negro neighbors.”
The Negro Ghetto, Page 272.
The same author emphasizes the importance of that be
lief at Page 279 in the following language:
“There is no aspect of housing and of minority groups
more important and also confused than the relationship
137
between racial occupancy and property values. The most
respectable and frequently quoted justification for resi
dential segregation is the assertion that colored people
depress real estate values. Whether this is valid in fact or
not, its acceptance by a large segment of American people
is important.”
Summed up, equitable residential segregation (1) Stab
ilizes the use and value of residential property in Birming
ham, (2) Makes Negro and white residential property in
Birmingham more valuable, (3) Attracts and assures a
permanent citizenship, (4) Fosters pride and attachment
to the Ctiy.
PROPOSITION VI.
a.
Equitable residential segregation is the most practi
cable solution of the serious problems confronting all
citizens.
While we do not mean to assert that all of the social engi
neers in this country agree that residential segregation is
the solution of the race question, we do mean to say that
many people are of that opinion, and that had we been per
mitted to do so, we would have established beyond a reason
able doubt and to a moral certainty, that it is the most prac
ticable method available to the city to avert a race war.
If it can be demonstrated that residential segregation
is one method of averting a race war, the legislative body
of the city was at liberty to use that method, even though
the court might be of the opinion that it was not the best
mehod.
The lamp of experience is invaluable when we are look
ing for light on this problem. “By their fruits ye shall
know them” is as true today as it was when uttered by the
Master two thousand years ago. Jesus never uttered a doc
trine that was true at the time and then became obsolete.
138
We have sought in vain for evidence that residential seg
regation germinates discontent, results in riots, produces
ill feeling, or works a hardship on any one. While an un
fortunate type of Negro and a like type of white person
may assert the contrary, the number in both races is
negligible, and the idea is based on imagination instead of
on facts.
On the other hand evidence of the appalling conse
quences of efforts to break down the color line is abundant.
Detroit’s 1943 riot cost 34 dead, 340 badly injured, two
million dollars property loss.
Survey Graphic, Volume 36.
On November 11, 1949, according to the Associated
Press thirty police squads stood watch at two south side
residences in Chicago after a racial disturbance. The build
ings were several miles apart. A crowd of one thousand per
sons gathered in front of a two flat building at 5642 South
Peoria Street as a result of a false rumor that Negroes were
moving into the house. Ten persons were jailed.
The fruits of efforts to destroy residential segregation are
ill feeling, violence, riots, bloodshed, and depreciated
property values.
Practically every effort to relax or destroy segregation in
any form in this country has encountered determined op
position on the part of the white race.
The following are fair illustrations:
CONSTITUTION HALL CONTROVERSY
Washington, D. C.
“The fight waged periodically since 1939 against the
Daughters of the American Revolution for refusing to
permit certain Negro artists to appear in recital at Con
stitution Hall in Washington, D. C., flared again in 1946.
The hall is owned and operated by the DAR under tax-
exempt and other privileges granted by Congress. The
cause of the 1939 protest was the refusal of the DAR to
139
grant to Marian Anderson, noted Negro contralto, use
of the hall for a recital.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 73.
CONSTITUTION HALL
“The next cause celebre concerning Constitution Hall
was the refusal of its management to permit Hazel Scott,
noted pianist and wife of Congressman Adam Clayton
Powell, Jr., of New York, to appear there in concert dur
ing 1945. (See details in the Negro Handbook, 1946-47,
page 61). At this time the DAR announced that it was
abiding by a regulation adopted by the national board in
1932, granting rental of the hall to white artists only.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 73.
NATIONAL THEATER, WASHINGTON
“Coupled with the fight against the Lisner Auditorium
a campaign was launched to break down the color bar of
the National Theater, Washington’s only commercial
legitimate playhouse. This theater permitted Negroes to
act in performances on the stage, but refused to admit
them to the audiences. For many years Negroes had pe
riodically protested against its racial policy.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 71.
FERNWOOD PROJECT RIOT, CHICAGO, ILL.
“When Negroes were admitted to the Fernwood Park
Housing Project in Chicago in August, 1947, another
race riot was begun by white persons in the area. At least
1,000 policemen had to be sent to guard the Negroes and
quell the disturbance, when a mob estimated at 2,000
whites stormed the project, four policemen were in
jured.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 190, 191.
“On December 6, when two other Negro veterans were
scheduled to move into the project, whites stormed the
project. A crowd estimated at 1,800 surrounded the place
and fought the police, who wielded their night sticks
140
against the mob, many of whom were women.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949. Page 190.
Airport Homes Riot, Chicago, III.
“In November, 1946, a mob of approximately 200
white persons attempted to storm the Airport Homes, a
federally-owned housing project in Chicago in an effort
to keep a Negro veteran from moving in with him fam
ily.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 190.
GARY SCHOOL STRIKE
“In September, 1945, about one thousand white stu
dents of three high schools in Gary, Ind., went on strike
against the attendance of Negroes at the schools.
“When the 1947 school term began in September,
1947, however, about 1,300 of the 1,750 white students
of the Emerson School where 38 negroes had enrolled,
remained away from their classes in protest against the
city’s new non-segregated policy.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 133.
LOS ANGELES SCHOOL STRIKE
“On Monday, March 17, 1947, about 300 of the ap
proximately 3,000 students of the John G. Gremont High
School in Los Angeles, California, remained out of their
classes and participated in a demonstration against Negro
pupils in attendance. They congregated shortly before
the opening of school, shouted anti-negro epithets and
hung Negroes in effigy.
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 134.
UPSALA COLLEGE SORORITY
“In March, 1947, Naomi Sylvia Charner, white, vice-
president of the Phi Omega Chi Sorority at Upsala Col
lege in East Orange, N. J., submitted her resignation
after the sorority’s refusal to admit Bernice Petty, a Ne
gro, of Summit, N. J. Miss Charner, a senior, had joined
the soroity several years previously with the intent, she
said, ‘of liberalizing’ its policy to include Negroes. She
141
resigned after the vote of 5 to 4 barred admittance of
Miss Petty.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, Page 135.
FORT LEAVENWORTH RIOT
“In May, 1947, one prisoner was killed and six injured
in a race riot in the military disciplinary barracks at Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas. The prisoners fought all night
and were subdued by tear gas. A fight between one or
two white men and a Negro in a shower room was re
ported to have precipitated the riot. Reports also stated
that white prisoners protested against having Negroes eat
in the dining hall with them.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 109.
ATHENS, ALABAMA, RIOT
“On August 10, 1946, a fist fight between two white
war veterans and a Negro touched off a race riot in which
between 50 and 100 negroes were reported to have been
injured, none fatally. A mob estimated at between 1,800
and 2,500 participated in the clash.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 109.
GEORGIA HOUSE BOMBINGS
“Beginning in May, 1947, a series of attacks were
launched against homes into which Negroes had moved
in a formerly all-white vicinity in Atlanta, Georgia. The
first attempt to bomb a house in the area was thwarted
by police, who, having been forwarned of the violence,
were sent to guard the house. ‘The following week a
bomb placed between two houses on Ashby Street, ex
ploded and blew out two dozen windows of the two
houses and damaged the porch of one. In July another
house in the area was bombed and damaged.
“The bombings quieted down until early winter when
several more homes of negroes were bombed or set afire.
The persons guilty were not apprehended.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 191.
142
RIOTS
Columbia, Tennessee, Riot
“The largest racial clash in the country during the past
three years occurred on February 26, 1946, at Columbia,
Tennessee, 42 miles from Nashville.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, page 108.
MARRIAGE CASES
Harrisburg, Pa. Case
“Sgt. Percell McKamey was refused a marriage license
to wed Ingeborg Franke, a German woman, by a clerk at
the marriage license bureau in Harrisburg, Pa., in Jan
uary, 1948. The War Department had brought Miss
Franke from Germany to Harrisburg at the sergeant’s re
quest so that the couple could marry. . . . The Clerk’s
action in refusing the license had been upheld by the
registrar of wills who stated that it was not the practice
of the bureau to issue marriage licenses to Negro-white
couples.”
McAlester (Okla.) Case
“Ted Sesney, white farmer, married Miss Josie Doug
las in Nowata County in the northwestern part of Okla
homa in 1945. He was later sentenced to a year in prison
in McAlester, Oklahoma, for having violated the state
law which makes it a felony for Negroes to marry white
persons in the state. After completing his prison term
he and his wife were banished from the state.”
Yuma (Ariz.) Case
“Mr. and Mrs. Allen Beadford Monks were married
in Yuma, Arizona, in 1930. Mr. Monks, white, died in
1937, while living in San Diego, California, and his wid
ow sued to establish rights to a share in his estate in
Arizona.
An Arizona court decided that she was one-eighth ne
gro and therefore could not claim shares in the estate as
his widow, since a state law forbids interracial marriages.
143
New Orleans, La. Case
“About 1920, Azealia Barthelmy was married to Tony
Rice (of Italian descent) in New Orleans. She bore him
seven children. Mr. Rice reputedly deserted her in 1931.
In October, 1946, Mrs. Helen Ryan, white, purchased
from Mr. Rice the house in which Mrs. Rice and her
children lived, and ordered the family dispossessed.
Mrs. Rice filed suit in an effort to void the sale on the
grounds that the property had been recorded in her name
along with that of her husband, and she had not signed
any papers conveying it to Mrs. Ryan.
Mrs. Ryan’s reply to the suit was that Mrs. Rice be
cause interracial marriages are not permitted by state
law. . . . The 24th Judicial District Court in New Or
leans declared, in March, 1947, that the marriage was
null and void under Louisiana law and ordered Mrs.
Rice to vacate the property.
The verdict was appealed, and the appellate court up
held the lower court’s decision.”
The Negro Handbook, 1949, pages 76, 77.
b.
The nature of race conflict is important in any con
sideration of the problem of race conflict.
In “The Nature of Human Nature,” by Faris. (McGraw
Hill Book Co.), pages 340, 341, we find some enlightening
references to the unchangeable nature of racial conflict.
“Race conflict is quite different from national and
from religious conflict. While nations fight over nations
for something that is done, or threatened to be done, and
while religions strive with other religions for what they
believe and say, there is, in the case of the religions and
of the nations, the possibility of change. But racial con
flict is founded not on what people do or think or believe,
but on what they are, and what they are cannot be chang
ed. The basis of the classification is assumed to be bio
logical and, therefore, immutable.
144
It is quite proper to urge that some races are so called
without any warrant in anthropology or biology for the
designation. While this may be exactly true it makes no
difference whatever in the nature of racial conflict. From
the standpoint of sociology a race is not one which is
anthropologically different or biologically demonstrated.
Racial conflict is, therefore, the most enduring of all.
The outcome may be the submission of one or a state of
accommodation or the amalgamation by intermarriage
until there is a blending of the two races.”
Racial purity is a gift of God, but it is a gift which man
can destroy. Once destroyed redemption is impossible. If
God gave the Negro the right to social equality and inter
marriage with whites, then He gave to the black man the
right to destroy both races. If God gave the white man the
right to social equality and intermarriage with Negroes,
then he gave the white man the right to destroy both races.
If the Constitution of the United States gives to white
and black the right to social equality and intermarriage
with those of a different color, or if it is construed to arm
them with a right to do those things which inevitably lead
to social equality and intermarriage with those of a differ
ent color, then it must be construed as arming the white
man with a right to destroy the Negro race and arming the
Negro with a right to destroy the white race.
If the “brotherhood of man” doctrine, and the “father
hood of God” doctrine are lifted out of their spiritual realm
and misapplied to the physical kingdom, they produce the
same result.
It is more in keeping with the revealed will of God that
each race remain true to itself and develop to the highest
status of which it is capable.
Professor Fairchild points out how deeply imbeded is
the notion of race.
“Whether understood or misunderstood, correctly de
fined or not defined at all, used for good or for ill, re-
145
garded as the most important nothing in life or sniffed
at as a mere triviality, the notion of race is almost as old
as humanity, has influenced men’s thinking and be
havior in a myriad ways, and cannot be summarily tossed
onto the junk heap. Something about which whole li
braries of books have been written, by authors ranging all
the way from hysterical and ignorant sentimentalists to
scholars of the highest scientific rank, cannot be disposed
of by a flick of the finger like a speck of dust on one’s
tuxedo jacket. Men have for ages thought, talked, felt,
argued, and fought about something they called race,
without making any effort to define it, and they are
not going to accept readily the offhand professed scien
tists with no matter how long a string of academic initials
appended to their names.” Page 9.
c.
The City of Birmingham has a right to preserve racial
integrity in the public interest.
The fallacious claim of the NAACP that any restriction
on the right of a negro to marry a white person, or vice
versa, is “an inadmissible infringement of civil rights,” com
pletely ignores a basic and fundamental concept of constitu
tional law, which is, that restraints on some aspects of lib
erty are indispensible to the preservation of other phases of
liberty. It is fallacious in assuming a right in a black to
marry a white when no such right ever existed.
The attempt to safeguard the more important ingred
ients of individual liberty is an attempt which can only be
achieved by rather far reaching and well thought out leg
islative measures.
The United States Supreme Court has clearly recognized
that a restriction on one form of liberty may be justified
on the very ground that it removed an impediment to
another liberty. Holden v. Hardy, 169 U. S. a66; Texas
and N. O. R. R. v. Brotherhood of Railway & Steamship
Parish, 300 U. S. 379; Miller v. Schoene, 276 U. S. 272.
146
It is only with the help of the legislature that most people
can be given any real liberty. Constitutional rights, while
they may stand guard in a way over individual liberty,
are inadequate to safeguard it in those more vital aspects.
If there is to be a restoration of liberty to a great majority
of people and the liberty of the majority to the pursuit of
happiness is to be preserved, it is obvious that some curtail
ment of the liberty of a few individuals must be tolerated.
W. T. Couch, publisher Chicago University Press, in
his introduction to “What The Negro Wants,” convinc
ingly exposes the fallacy in the claim of a right to destroy
the white race. We quote the following by Mr. Couch
without single spacing it.
“Does the white man have no right to attempt to separate
cultural from biological integration, and help the Negro
achieve the first and deny him the second Can biological
integration be regarded as a right? What happens to the
case for the Negro if it is tied up with things to which he
not only has no right, but which, if granted, would destroy
all rights? If any two people have a right to lead their own
lives certainly any two others or ten or twenty million have
a right to opinions on what ought to be allowed and what
forbidden. To say that the twenty million have no right
to make and enforce decisions that they think necessary
to the well-being of all is to say that society has no right
to govern itself. The assumption of a better, a more valid
authority, one that can be undestood and that ought to be
accepted by all rational beings, one that speaks with the
voice of reason and justice, is the only foundation for ap
peals against majority decisions. To say that two may be
right and twenty million wrong is to say that there is a
more valid authority, that it is the only trustworthy guide,
and that all men ought to act in accord with it. But the
spokesmen for minorities have followed the fashion of the
times and denied the existence of any such authority. In
doing so they have destroyed the only possible basis for
147
their arguments, and have abandoned their only oppor
tunity to help create understanding where confusion now
exists.
“What problem would be solved if the white South
dropped all barriers and accepted amalgamations? Would
anything be gained if overnight the whole population could
be made one color? One of mans’ great problems in this
world is to learn what is good, to learn to recognize the
good in whatever form, under whatever circumstances, it
may appear. Some day the social engineers may be able to
make all men alike, indistinguishable from one another,
and equally good. But until that has been done, men need
most of all to learn to recognize and use good qualities
whether they belong to tall or short, round or long skulled,
colored or white. Booker Washington came nearer than
anyone else to stating the problem of the Negro in its true
terms. Envy, jealousy among his own people seriously
hampered his efforts, curbed his program. Nothing is more
needed in the South today than rebirth of his ideas, res
toration of the great leadership that he was giving.
“I believe that regardless of the Negro’s abilities the same
justice that is good for the white man is good for the Ne
gro. But this justice does not, cannot operate on the basis
of a mechanical equality. To be just, distinctions and dis
criminations have to be made. If the distinctions and dis
criminations are made in directions that some people say
are wrong—who can take such charges seriously in a world
that denies the existence of any real right and wrong? I can
and do, because I believe standards of right and wrong are
necessary to civilization. Until the modern intellectual
abandons his relativistic dogmas, he cannot criticize without
expecting to be reminded that, according to his own doc
trines, his opinion is merely his opinion and has no real
validity. If he can quote ‘authorities,’ if something that
calls itself ‘science’ supports his views, if the assertion of
opposed views is not intellectually respectable, what of it?
148
What kind of ‘science’ is it that has to support itself in this
manner?”
In an article entitled “Liberty—A Path to Iits Recovery,”
by F. A. Harper, the writer points out:
“The only way to be totally ‘non-discriminating’ in as
sociation with persons would be to share one’s time and love
equally among all persons on earth. As far as the time ele
ment of this plan is concerned, an average lifetime would
allow a little less than one-half second of one’s time for
each person.” Pages 22-23.
In pointing out that under certain circumstances man
is legally forced to discriminate and that Negro insistence
upon invading white residential sections is an infringement
of the liberty of the white man to live among his kind, Mr.
Harper said:
“Every voluntary association is a two-way deal, willing
ly accepted by both parties in the same manner as the free
exchange of goods in the market place. The insistence of
one person that another associate with him against the
other’s wishes is a violation of the other’s liberty, in the
same manner as forcing one to sell at a given price in the
market place violates his liberty in that realm. In some of
its more intimate forms, violating liberty of association is
judged to be a criminal offense; but in other realms one is
forced by law to violate his preferences as defined under
liberty and freedom of choice—he is legally forced to ‘dis
criminate’.” Page 24.
“Selection of associates is, to be sure, ‘discrimination.’
But if that right under liberty is to be judged improper or
illegal, we shall have to make some drastic changes in our
concepts about the propriety of monogamy, about the wis
dom of several of the Commandments, and about other im
portant concepts of morals an djustices in human society.”
In emphasizing the importance of having rules of the
game which apply to situations of conflicting desires, Mr.
Harper very forcibly points out:
149
“The only possible way to preserve liberty in physical
relationships is to have acceptance o£ rules of the game such
that situations of possible overlapping or conflicting de
sires are resolved in advance. What is needed is to have
‘rules for a ball game,’ such as those discussed in later sec
tions, accepted by the players in advance. Acceptance of
necessary and workable rules of the game prevents it from
developing into mayhem. There is no other way by which
the game of human relationship can be played without
destroying the liberty of someone.” Page 25.
We respectfully submit that the public interest is better
served by the members of both races understanding that
there is a limitation of their right to use property for spe
cified purposes. That the right to make their home in this
favored land of ours does not necessarily carry with it the
right to make their home in a community where such ac
tion would result in irreparable injury and damage to the
public. If a situation of that kind will likely arise and ma
terially affect the racial integrity of both races it would
seem to us to be idle to argue that the governing body of
a municipality could go to great length to prevent it.
PROPOSITION VII
The use of real property may be regulated under the
police power.
The Legislature of Alabama has expressly conferred up
on the City of Birmingham specifically authority to pro
vide for the safety, preserve the health, promote the pros
perity, improve the morals, orders, comforts and conven
iences of the inhabitants of Birmingham and to prevent
conflict and ill feeling between the races in such cities.
Acts 1915, Page 294, Section 6.
The Legislature has exressly conferred on Birmingham
the authority to regulate the use of buildings for trade, in
dustry, residence and other purposes by a nondisci imina-
150
tory zoning law. Alabama Code 1940, Title 62, Section
710, et seq:
Having express statutory authority for its action the City
has undertaken to prevent a use of property that would re
sult in a race war, and depressed property values.
The District Judge seemed to have been of the opinion
that race or color could not be made the basis of a regula
tion respecting the use of property.
We respectfully submit that any such contention entirely
ignores the character of the right the plaintiffs in the lower
court ask that court to protect. As we have pointed out,
they sought protection for a right that is not absolute and
exempt from regulation under the police power. Residen
tial segregation is a form of legislation which protects by
restrictions. The idea is well expressed in Negro Hous
ing at Page 218 in the following language:
“So men still argue that every man’s house is his castle,
and that property rights give entire control of everything
within the boundaries of any plot of land down through
to China and up to the sky. Most men, however, have
been convinced by common sense and experience that
many individual preferences must be surrendered for the
common good. Four thousand years ago Confusius, the
wise man of Shantung, said: ‘The value of thy house de-
pendeth on thy neighbor.’ Problems of ‘health, safety,
morals and general welfare’ make the old adage apply
with great force to every piece of property in a city
where overcrowded streets, land and houses compel the
observance of laws which restrict, but at the same time
give protection.’
Zoning Regulations may result to some extent, practically
in taking the property . . . and yet not be deemed confisca
tory or unreasonable.
State v. Hillman, 110 Conn. 92-105, 157 Atl. 294.
“It is natural that with so great an increase of the use
of the police power of the state in regulating ‘health
151
safety, morals and general welfare,’ discussion should
arise as to the segregation of the races through the same
agency.”
Negro Housing, Page 221.
“Whether a zoning ordinance is reasonable and is sub
stantially related to the health, safety, morals and general
welfare of a community, depends on the facts in each
particular case. For instance, zoning ordinances, under
certain conditions, may nullify private covenants that
were more stringent, and authorize the construction of
multiple-family dwellings in a particular area and simul
taneously abrogate private convenants which restrict the
area to single-family dwellings.”
Taylor v. Hackensack, 137 N. J. L. 139, 58 A. (2d) 788
(1948), Affd. 62 A (2d) 686.
“If there was evidence upon which the city authorities
could have found that the ordinance was necessary in
consideration of the public health, safety, comfort or gen
eral welfare, it is beyond the province of the court to say
that it is unreasonable, arbitrary or confiscatory, even
though it may depreciate in value business property or
restrict the liberty of citizens, in regard to ownership and
use of property.”
Cassee Realty Co. v. Omaha, 144 Neb. 753, 14 NW (2d)
600.
Section 1311 of the Federal Housing Administration
Underwriting Manual, January, 1947, provides in part:
“Appropriate and well-drawn zoning ordinances may
provide one of the best means for protecting residential
locations from adverse influence that diminish the de
sirability of sites and increase risk in mortgage transac
tions. If the provisions of an ordinance have been well-
worded and drawn from knowledge of existent and prob
ably future conditions in the city, and if the ordinance
receives the backing of public approval, an excellent basis
for protection from adverse influence exists.”
In Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U. S. page 308, the Su
preme Court of the United States said:
152
“No one would have the hardihood to suggest that the
principle of freedom of speech sanctions incitement to
riot or that religious liberty connotes the privilege to
extort others to physical attack upon those belonging to
another sect. When clear and present danger of riot, dis
order, interference with traffic upon the public streets,
or other immediate threat to public safety, peace, or
order, appears, the power of the State to prevent or pun
ish is obvious
The only limitation on the power of the State to prevent
or punish we are familiar with is the rule that the regula
tion must not unduly infringe on a protected freedom.
Cantrell v. Connecticut, Supra.
A well known writer on the police power calls it the law
of overruling necessity and he adds:
“The law of necessity has been stated to be an excep
tion to all human ordinances and constitutions, yet has
been frequently decided to be subject to the law of
reason and subject to the control of the courts. It would
be more accurate to say that the entire doctrine of the
police power of the States is the creation of the courts
evolved from the necessity of harmonizing provisions of
written constitution of states and nation with the impera
tive needs of civilized society. . . . The prohibition of a
constitution must be held to extend the acts even if not
within the literal terms of the constitution . . . and on the
other hand such prohibition must not be held to extend
the acts which, while within the literal terms of a con
stitutional prohibition could not have been intended by
the people to be prohibited to legislative competence be
cause of the obvious injury to public interest which
would result from such prohibition.”
Harvard Law Review, Volume 27, Pages 297-298.
In speaking of the validity of zoning laws and the exer
cise of the police power we find the following in 58 Am.
153
Jur., page 947, Section 14, supported by the authorities
there cited:
“There is no fundamental objection to zoning laws and
ordinances so long as they apply without unnecessary dis
crimination and are reasonable in their scope and oper
ation; within these limits they are a justifiable exercise of
the police power and are not open to objection upon
the ground of privileges and immunities of citizens, inter
ference with vested rights, or the taking of property with
out due process of law.”
Again at Page 957, Section 27, we read:
“Zoning ordinances are ordinarily enacted to adopt a
comprehensive plan for a municipality and bring about
an orderly development thereof.”
And in Section 28 at Page 958 it is stated:
“Zoning regulations are sometimes adopted for the
purpose of promoting the prosperity of the community,
or for the conservation of land values throughout the
municipality, and there is authority to the effect that
the protection of the value and usefulness of urban land,
or, in general, the promotion of the community pros
perity, is a matter relating to the general welfare, and is
within the police power.”
At Page 961, Section 33, it is said:
“Zoning laws generally authorize or provide for the
division of municipalities into business, residential, and
unrestricted districts. Business zones may be classified
for different classes of business into local business, com
mercial, commercial and light manufacturing, and indus
trial districts. Industrial zones are sometimes subclassi
fied into heavy and light industrial. Residential districts
also are sometimes subclassified.”
Nectow v. City of Cambridge, 277 U. S. 183, 72 L. ed.
842, 48 S. Ct. 447.
In the Nectow case it is interesting to note that the un
constitutionality of the ordinances as applied to the plain
tiff turned on a finding of fact made in the court below
to the effect that the health, safety, convenience and gen
eral welfare of the inhabitants of part of the city affected
154
would not be promoted by the disposition made by the
ordinance of the locus in question.
In this case the finding by the City Commission is to
the effect that not only the interest of the inhabitants of
the part of the city effected by the attempted negro invasion
would be promoted, but that the general welfare of the
entire City is promoted by the zoning ordinance under at
tack.
The idea that the use one may make of his property is a
subject of regulation—not an absolute liberty—is well ex
pressed by the Supreme Court of Wisconsin in the follow
ing language:
“Although one owns property, he may not do with it
as he pleases, any more than he may act in accordance
with his personal desires. As the interest of society jus
tifies restraints upon individual conduct, so, also, does it
justify restraints upon the use to which property may be
devoted.”
State ex rel Carter vs. Harper, 182 Wis. 148, 196 N. W.
451, 33 A. L. R. 269.
The writer of the opinion in the case cited very pertin
ently points out that—
“The rights of property should not be sacrificed to the
pleasure of an ultraesthetic taste. But whether they
should be permitted to plague the average or dominant
human sensibilities well may be pondered.”
The Supreme Court of the United States recognizes that
the right to contract is a liberty protected by the Fourteenth
Amendment, but says that court, law may restrict that lib
erty in many respects.
Mr. Justice Brewer speaking for the Court, said:
“It is undoubtedly true, as more than once declared by
this Court, that the general right to contract in relation
to one’s business is a part of the liberty of the individual,
155
protected by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal
Constitution; yet it is equally well settled that this lib
erty is not absolute and extending to all contracts, and
that a state may, without conflicting with the provisions
of the Fourteenth Amendment, restrict in many respects
the individual power of contract.”
Muller vs. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412, 420, 52 L. Ed. 551, 28
Sup. Ct. 324, 326.
In Jacobson vs. Massachusetts, 197 U. S. 11, 25 Sup. Ct.
358, 49 L. Ed. 643, 3 Ann. Cases 765, the Supreme Court
of the United States carefully pointed out that the liberty
secured by the Constitution of the United States does not
import an absolute right in each person to be, at all times
and in all circumstances wholly freed from restraint, and
in upholding the Massachusetts vaccination law, the court
said:
“But the liberty secured by the Constitution of the
United States to every person within its jurisdiction does
not import an absolute right in each person to be, at all
times and in all circumstances, wholly freed from re
straint. * * * ‘Even liberty itself, the greatest of all rights,
is not unrestricted license to act according to one’s own
will. It is only freedom from restraint under conditions
essential to the equal enjoyment of the same right by
others. It is then liberty regulated by law.”
In Buck vs. Bell, 274 U. S. 200, 71 L. Ed. 1000; 47 Sup.
Ct. 584, the Supreme Court of the United States upheld
the Virginia sterilization law, and Carrie Buck was sterilized
because the court found that she was the probable potential
parent of socially inadequate offspring, and that her welfare
and that of society would be promoted by her sterilization.
Mr. Justice Holmes, writing for the court, said:
“We have seen more than once that the public welfare
may call upon the best citizens for their lives. It would
156
seem strange if it could not call upon those who already
sap the strength of the State for these lesser sacrifices,
often not felt to be such by those concerned, in order to
prevent our being swamped with incompetence.”
It would seem that if the state may lawfully cut into a
human body in the public interest and remove therefrom
the reproductive organs of an individual, it would have the
right to cut off the right to occupy property where the ac
tion ist taken in the public interest.
If the public welfare may call upon a citizen for his life,
what is there to prevent the same public welfare from call
ing upon citizens for a much lesser sacrifice—if it be a sacri
fice, namely, residential segregation, in order to preserve
the integrity of both races and prevent our being swamped
with persons of debased blood?
The point of the whole matter is that the rights the plain
tiffs in the court below sought to protect are not absolute
rights but rights whose exercise may be regulated by law.
PROPOSITION VIII
a.
The difference between the races furnishes a basis for
the exercise of the police power in favor of residential seg
regation.
In a consideration of the constitutional question involved
in this case it is idle to undertake to debate the question
of superiority and inferiority vel non. When it comes to
an exercise of the police power the City is not required to
reach the conclusion that one race is superior or inferior
to another. When it comes to sustaining an exercise of the
police power, the court is not called upon to decide that
the white race is superior to the black race or vice versa.
That is a matter about which individuals are free to enter
tain whatever opinion they see fit to entertain about it. It
is of no concern to the legislative body of the City or to the
157
court. It has no place in the case and does not enter into it
in any way. We might as well waste time and we would
perhaps get just as far in arguing whether a Packard car is
superior to a Mack Truck. We are on safe ground if we
recognize that there is a difference between the two and that
the City would have a perfect right to restrict the speed of
a heavily loaded truck to twenty miles per hour and at the
same time impose a sixty mile speed limit on a passenger
car. There are many differences between the white and the
black race. There are differences between the two races
other than the difference in color. Color only serves the
purpose of identification. Color enables us to recognize
that a person of a certain color has a certain racial constitu
tion, background, history, experience, and ambition that
is entirely different from the racial constitution, back
ground, history, experience and ambition of people of a
different color.
In Social and Mental Traits of the Negro (Odum) at
page 265, it is said:
“The Negro differs from the white not only in devel
opment, but also in kind. It is a knowledge of this kind
which is the first essential to a satisfactory discussion of
the problem.”
In the same work beginning at page 268, the author calls
attention to some of the oustanding differences between
a white person and a negro which are listed as follows:
(1) There is in the negro little home consciousness and
more of the general social consciousness.
(2) The negroes law of social consciousness and control
does not lead him to develop a love of home and family.
(3) The negro rarely shows lasting friendship and af
fection.
(4) Freedom from restraint and parental control are
much desired by young negroes.
158
(5) There is little parental and filial affection among
negroes.
(6) The average negro has little abiding solicitude for
the welfare of members of the family.
(7) There is little respect and care among negroes for
the aged and infirmed.
(8) There are few high ideals of woman, wife and mo
ther and little thought of individual chasity and of the pur
ity of the home among negroes.
(9) The negro entertains no defiinte idea of health and
hygiene and individual responsibility for his own conduct.
(10) The negro looks upon labor as an evil necessity
and is developing professional ethics of vagrancy.
(11) Negroes exercise little, if any, forethought.
/ j (12) The negro shows little desire to acquire property.
(IB) Crime is not a cause for social ostracism or condem
nation by negroes.
(14) Education is valued in proportion as it makes the
individual important in the eyes of his people and it re
lieves him from physical labor.
(15) The negro woman fails to assist the man in a bit
ter struggle. She is inefficient and indisposed to be faith
ful.
(16) The negro woman is a hinderance to the success
ful saving of money and the industrial development of the
family.
(17) The negro is not increasing his moral stability.
(18) The weakness of the negro predominates over his
progressive tendencies.
(19) Crimes committed by negroes are on the increase
and are out of proportion to his numerical relation to the
population.
(20) Chiefly his crime is due to the expression of animal
impulses and his lack of restraint.
(21) His religion has little practical bearing upon his
conduct.
159
(22) He is constantly engaged in mingling with his fel
lows at large and is less often at home with his family.
One trouble with treating negroes as social equals is
that the moment that starts they treat the person who treats
them as a social equal as a social inferior.
All men may be born equal, but they certainly do not
develop equally and they do not have equally good man
ners.
In the preface to Professor Dowds book, “The Negro in
American Life,” it is said:
“The greatest downward plunges of human society
have come from racial contacts.”
The legislative body of the City of Birmingham was en
titled to take these marked differences between the two
races into consideration in working out a regulation to pro
mote peace and harmony between members of the two races
in Birmingham. David Livingston once said, God made
the white man and God made the black man, but the devil
had made the half-breed.” American Institutions and
Their Preservations,” Page 402.
No state has yet enacted a law requiring the segrega
tion of negroes in agriculture districts, but such laws exist
in South Africa. The separation of the races is held by the
majority of the European to be the true policy and the
principle has been accepted by the legislature. “The Negro
in American Life,” page 473.
The author also points out that the proposal to segregate
negroes in rural districts of the South has been sanctioned
by leaders of high standing.
We submit that the true rule was well expressed by the
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania in West Chester and P. R.
Co. v. Miles, 55 St. 209, where the court said:
/
“The question remaining to be considered is, whether
there is such a difference between the white and black
160
races within this state, resulting from nature, law and
custom, as makes it a reasonable ground of separation.
The question is one of difference, not of superiority or
inferiority.”
With that as a premise the court reasoned the matter out
and concluded as follows:
“When, therefore, we declare a right to maintain sep
arate relations, as far as reasonably practicable, but in
a spirit of kindness and charity, and with due regard to
equality of rights, it is not prejudice nor caste, nor in
justice of any kind, but simply to suffer men to follow the
law of races established by the Creator himself, and not
to compel them to intermix contrary to their instincts.”
b.
One of the most marked differences between the two
races appears when the progress made by the white man
in the science of government is compared with the pro
gress made by the black race in the same science.
Thomas Jefferson is generally credited with having writ
ten the Constitution of Liberia more than one hundred
fifty years ago. We understand there is a provision in the
Liberian Constitution to the effect that only a negro can
vote and only a negro can own property in that Republic.
We think that provision is entirely proper in the constitu
tion of a negro nation. What do the records show with ref:
erence to progress in matters of government by the negro?
George Abrahams writing in the International Digest of
October, 1946, gives a vivid picture of the conditions pre
vailing in Liberia. The title of the article is “The Land
Where Monkeys Vote.” In this article the writer said:
“There is a country where monkeys can vote for a
President. That country is Liberia, a tiny republic situ
ated on the steaming rain-lashed west African coast.
Strangely, monkeys in Liberia have more political in
fluence than women. By law, the so-called weaker sex is
161
not allowed to vote. However, any dissatisfied female can
hurdle this obstacle by letting monkeys do the voting for
her.
The last Presidential election, May 4, 1943, was one
of the purest exhibitions of untrammeled political chic
anery in franchise history. Women led dressed-up
monkeys to the polls. On the chatterings primates’ fury
backs were pasted ballots for the Honorable William V.
S. Tubman. At the polls, the ballots were ripped off and
cast into the voting box. Thus, Mr. Tubman, who now
holds the highest office in that land, is perhaps the first
man ever to become President with the aid of votes cast
by flea-bitten monkeys.'
Anything goes in Liberia. The stark power politics of
this American-inspired repubic reek to heaven. The gov
ernment, while supposedly a replica of the American
system, teems with creeping forms of legalistic fungus
which have stunted the growth of the Negro republic
Uncle Sam has been nursing along for over a century.”
In describing how elections are conducted in Liberia the
author goes into some detail as follows:
“Mercenary Liberians don’t mind voting. It pays off.
One native, hired to vote on the Whig ticket, was clocked
to an official speed record by a white official and was
found to have voted 162 times in less than two hours!
One village, Cheesemanburg, which has two small huts,
and two families, polled 1,200 votes for the Whigs. In
upper Buchanan, Bassa County, with a voting population
of 32, over 8,500 ballots were polled for the Whigs.
Near the military area where American Infantry and
service troops were stationed, one town of 12 native huts
and a maximum voting population of 40 polled 5,100
ballots for the Whigs and only seven for the Democrats.
In Kakata, a voting population of not more than 200
was augmented by 300 more hinterland aborigines not
legally qualified to vote. They were sent down by Dis
trict Commissioners and Chiefs who threatened repris
als if any of their people voted on the Democratic ticket.
That gives some indication of the decadent political
situation in Liberia. One American soldier remarked,
162
‘It’s a good thing Liberian politics are so screwey and cor
rupt. We had to have something funny to keep our
morale up.”
The entire article is well worth reading. The reader will
likely reach the conclusion that the negro needs an organ
ization for the protection of colored people against the ad
vancement of colored people advocated by the NAACP.
c.
Another striking difference between whites and blacks
is the difference in military value. The limitations of a
brief will not allow a reproduction of Chapter XXX in
General Robert Lee Bullard’s book, “Personalities and
Reminiscenses of the War.” It is to be regretted that the
General was compelled in frankness and candor to appraise
the negro division in the following language:
“Altogether my memories of the 92nd Negro Division
are a nightmare. When all my thought, time, and efforts
were needed to make war against a powerful enemy, they
had for a week to be given over entirely to a dangerous,
irritating race question that had nothing to do with war
making, the paramount matter of the time. I fear that it
will always be so with Negroes wherever they are m
contact with whites. This thought and my experience led
me to this conclusion: If you need combat soldiers> and
especially if you need them in a hurry, don’t put your
time upon Negroes.”
Negro soldiers in World War II were no improvement
over the negro soldier in World War I. In the Survey
Graphic at page 111, Volume 36, 1947, in speaking of the
negro in the armed forces, it is said.
“The Ninety-second Division had a spotty combat rec
ord in Italy. A study of its performance and of the under
lying reasons for its shortcomings was made by Truman
Gibson, able Negro Assistant Secretary of War, who re
ported the elements in the division had exhibited a ten
dency on a number of occasions to ‘melt away’ under
fire.”
163
We cite this statement not as a criticism of the negro, but
as a criticism of calloused politicians who are so disregardful
of the safety and security of this Nation as that they are
willing for political purposes to count the negro as a com
bat asset and place responsibilities upon him that should
never be placed upon him.
Another basic and fundamental difference between the
two races is their attitude towards wedlock.
In 1932 figures for the United States as a whole show that
there were 157.5 illegitimate births for every 1,000 negro
births as compared with 20.7 for every 1,000 births among
white people. “A Preface to Racial Understanding,” page
64, Charles S. Johnson (Negro) Fisk University.
There has been no improvement in this respect in eigh
teen years.
In Birmingham there are 22.3 illegitimate births to 1,000
white births and 235.4 illegitimate births to 1,000 negro
births. The ratio of veneral disease is ten to one in favor
of the negro.
We are aware that the claim is made in certain circles
that there is no difference in the blood of the two races.
We think Professor Fairchild explodes that preposterous
claim at page 175 in his book where he says:
“When these types were first discovered it appeared
that they might serve as an additional basis of race identi
fication. Uater on it was demonstrated that much of the
types then known can be found in individuals of all
races, and so there was a tendency to discount entirely
their race significance. But the fact remains that while
there is no distinction among individuals of different
races, yet there are great differences in the proportional
frequency of the different types in various racial groups.
And since, as has been so often emphasized in these
pages, the whole question of race must be approached
from the standpoint of the average, it becomes clear that
it is quite accurate to say that there are racial differences
in blood types. These differences might conceivably take
164
on practical significance in connection with the contem
plated amalgamation of two or more races.”
PROPOSITION IX
The Court will avoid a construction of the constitu
tion that will produce conflict, confusion, riots and vio
lence.
The Constitution of the United States was designed to
protect life and property, liberty and freedom—not to de
stroy. It should not be construed so as to bring about a
situation that will cause people to destroy each other.
In Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S. R., page 104,
the court said:
“The Constitution as a continuously operating charter
of government does not demand the impossible or the
impractical.”
Under the zoning ordinaces of the City of Birmingham
the City Commission has determined that there is a clear
and present danger of race riots, loss of life and property
damage if the zoning ordinances are unenforced. We do
not contend that the finding of the Commission is conclu
sive. We do assert that it is prima facie correct and must be
accepted by the court until it is overturned by a creditable
evidence. We also submit that the ordinance may be sup
ported by showing that conditions are even worse now than
they were when the first zoning ordinance was enacted.
A law may be constitutional at one time and unconstitu
tional at another; invalid as applied to one set of facts and
bvalid as applied to another.
California v. Anglim, 129 Fed. (2) 455; Certiorari de
nied, 317 U. S. 669.
The constitution was not designed to render society im
potent to protect itself against evils that menace it. It mat-
165
ters not what form an evil might take. By protecting society
against known evils the individual himself is protected even
though some phase of his individual liberty may be re
stricted. Society has never parted with the power to protect
itself or to promote the general well being of all and if the
right to occupy property clashes with the right of society
to be free from race riots the right of society must prevail.
The police power may be put forth in aid of what is sanc
tioned by usage, or held by the prevailing morality or
strong and preponderant opinion to be greatly and imme
diately necessary to the public welfare.
Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U. S. 104; 55 L. ed.
112; 31 S. Ct. 186: Annotated cases 1912-A-48.
The Constitution of the Uinted States does not require
the streets of Birmingham to be patrolled by the National
Guard of the regular army in order to prevent a race riot
when an equitable zoning ordinance will serve the same
purpose.
The court will, if possible, give the constitution such con
struction as will make it reasonable and avoid a construc
tion which leads to absurdity.
CONCLUSION
The observation of Mr. Justice Traynor in Fairchild vs.
Raines, 24 Cal. (2) 818, 833; 151 Pac. (2) 260, 268, that: \ j jUU4̂
“The problem of race segregation cannot be solved by
the courts alone, for it involves emotions and convictions
too deeply embeded in the social outlook of men to be
uprooted overnight by judicial pronouncement.”
should make a court hesitate before it approves a decree
that overthrows a custom of more than seventy-five years
standing, a custom which has crystalized into law and as we
verily believe into a contract between the two races.
166
As Judge Chesnut so clearly pointed out in Boyer v. Gar
rett, (MMS), U. S. D. C. Maryland, December 30th, 1949,
“separation of the races in normal treatment in 17 of the
48 states,” including Alabama.
Equality of treatment does not require that privileges be
provided members of the two races in the same place, and
on the same theory, restrictions on the exercise of a right
may recognize the normal treatment which has proven
beneficial to both races.
There is a sharp distinction between the proper exer
cise of constitutional power on the one hand and what is a
justifiable policy on the other. A state or municiaplity may
choose the method by which equity is maintained. Boyer
v. Garrett, supra.
We respectfully submit that the judgment appealed from
should be reversed and the cause remanded to the District
Court.
H orace C. W ilk in so n
Farley Building, Birmingham, Ala.
Attorney for Appellants
CERTIFICATE
I hereby certify that I have mailed a copy of the fore
going Brief and Argument to Arthur Shores, attorney for
the Appellees, properly addressed to his office in the Negro
Masonic Temple Building, Birmingham, Alabama, postage
prepaid, on this the-------- day of June, 1950.
167
APPENDIX
Sec. 1604. Occupancy in “A-l” and “B-l” residence dis
tricts.
In “A-l” and “B-l” residence districts, no building or
part thereof shall be occupied or used by a person of the
negro race; provided, however, that this section shall not
be interpreted to prohibit any of the following:
(a) Use or occupancy by a negro servant, chauffeur or
other employee, when the employer resides in the same
building or in a building upon the same lot.
(b) Use or occupancy by any person, who, on August 4,
1926 was the owner of the used or occupied building or of
the lot upon which such building may be erected, or who at
said time shall have contracted to purchase the same by a
valid and enforceable contract of purchase, or by his succes
sor in title by will or descent.
(c) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate
family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any
person described in paragraph (b) at any or all times dur
ing his concurrent ownership and residence of, in or on the
building or lot.
(d) Use or occupancy during the period of the tenancy
or lease by a life tenant, lessee for a term of years or other
lessee of the used or occupied building or lot, such tenant
or lessee being of the negro race, or by the successor in title
of any such lessee by will or descent, in cases in which the
tenancy or lease was created before August 4, 1926 and is
unexpired and in force and effect.
(e) Use or occupancy by a person described in para
graph (d) during the period of an extension or renewal of
any such lease, in cases in which the right of renewal or
extension was created previous to, and was in force and ef
fect on August 4, 1926.
(f) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate
family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any
person described in paragraph (d) at any or all times at
which both the tenancy, lease, renewal or extension de
scribed in paragraph (d) and (e) shall be in full force and
effect, and said person himself resides in or on the building
or lot.
168
(g) Continuance, after August 4, 1926, of the residen
tial use of occupancy of a building by persons of the negro
race, in any case in which such building was used or oc
cupied for residential purposes by persons of the negro race
prior to August 4, 1926, or, if such building was vacant at
said time, then in any case in which the last such use or oc
cupancy previous to said time was by persons of the negro
race. (Ord. 1101-C, Sec. 9).
Sec. 1605. Occupancy in “A-2” and “B-2” residential
districts.
In “A-2” and “B-2” residence districts, no building or
part thereof shall be occupied or used by a person of the
white race; provided, however, that this section shall not be
interpreted to prohibit any of the following:
(a) Use or occupancy by a white servant, chauffeur or
other employee when the employer resides in the same
building or in a building upon the same lot.
(b) Use or occupancy by any person who, on August 4,
1926, was the owner of the used or occupied building or of
the lot upon which such building may be erected, or who at
said times shall have contracted to purchase the same by a
valid and enforceable contract of purchase, or by his suc
cessor in title by will or descent.
(c) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate
family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any
person described in paragraph (b) at any or all times dur
ing his concurrent ownership and residence in or on the
building or lot.
(d) Use or occupancy during the period of the tenancy
or lease, by a life tenant, lessee for a term of years or other
lessee of the used or occupied building or lot, such tenant
or lessee being of the white race, or by the successor in title
of any such lessee by will or descent, in cases in which the
tenancy or lease was created before August 4, 1926 and was
unexpired and in force and effect at said time.
(e) Use or occupancy by a person described in para
graph (d) during the period of an extension of renewal
of any such lease, in cases in which the right of renewal or
extension was created previous to and was in force and ef
fect on August 4, 1926.
(f) Use or occupancy by a member of the immediate
family, or servant, lodger, boarder, lessee or tenant of any
169
person described in paragraph (d), at any and all times
at which both the tenancy, lease, renewal or extension de
scribed in paragraph (d) and (e) shall be in full force and
effect, and said person himself resides in or on the building
or lot.
(g) Continuance, after August 4, 1926, of the residential
use or occupancy of a building by persons of the white race,
in any case in which such building is used or occupied for
residential purposes by persons of the white race or, if such
building was vacant at said time, then in any case in which
the last such use or occupancy previous to said time was
by persons of the white race. (Ord. 1101 -C, Sec. 10) .
ORDINANCE NO. 709-F
BE IT ORDAINED By the Commission of the City of
Birmingham that:
Section 1. The Commission finds as a matter of fact that:
(a) From the date of the original settlement of this City
unto the present time it has been the invariable custom,
supported for most of that time by municipal law and uni
versally observed, to require white and colored residents to
live in separate residential areas; and
(b) That when attempts have been made by members
of one race to enter for purposes of a permanent residence
into an area commonly recognized as set aside for members
of the other race, violence, disturbances of the peace, de
struction of property and life has resulted almost without
exception; and
(c) This Commission further finds from its knowledge
of present conditions and public sentiment in this City that
in the event attempts shall now or in the foreseeable future
be made by members of one race to establish residences in
areas heretofore regarded as set apart for the residences of
members of the other race, breaches of the peace, riots, de
struction of property and life wTill follow; and
(d) That neither the City of Birmingham nor any other
law enforcement agency is able so completely to police,
supervise and safeguard the person and property of per
sons attempting to establish a residence in an area not com
monly recognized as an area to be occupied by members of
170
the race to which such person belongs, as to prevent injury
to such persons, members of his family, third parties in the
area affected, and destruction of property; and
(e) That the Zoning ordinances of the City of Birming
ham now in effect do substantially and fairly well delineate
those areas historically and generally regarded as available
for residences and occupation by members of the white
and colored races; and
(f) That this ordinance is necessary to preserve the
peace of said City and to safeguard the property and safety
of its citizens and of the public in general.
Now, therefore, BE IT ORDAINED:
Section 2. That it shall be a misdemeanor for a member
of the white race to move into, for the purpose of establish
ing a permanent residence, or, having moved into, to con
tinue to reside in an area in the City of Birmingham gen
erally and historically recognized at the time as an area for
occupancy by members of the colored race; and
Section 3. That it shall be a misdemeanor for a member
of the colored race to move into, for the purpose of estab
lishing a permanent residence, or having moved into, to
continue to reside in an area in the City of Birmingham
generally and historically recognized at the time as an area
for occupancy by members of the white race.
Section 4. The words “permanent residence” as used
herein shall be construed as meaning the occupancy of a
house or tenament for more than twenty-four hours, except
a house or tenament which is appurtenant to, used in con
nection with, and a part of the curtilage of another house or
tenement and occupied by a person who shall be in the
employ of the person occupying the residence or tenement
to which it is appurtenant.
Section 5. The moving into for the purpose of establish
ing a permanent residence shall constitute a separate offense
from remaining there, and remaining in residence in a for
bidden area for each twenty-four hour period shall con
stitute a separate offense.
Section 6. This Ordinance shall take effect immediately,
the public welfare requiring.
171
STATE OF ALABAMA
JEFFERSON COUNTY
I, Eunice S. Hewes, City Clerk of the City of Birming
ham, do hereby certify that the above is a true and correct
copy of an ordinance duly adopted by the Commission of
the City of Birmingham at its meeting held August 9, 1949,
and as same appears of record in Minute Book A-32 of said
City.
GIVEN UNDER MY HAND AND CORPORATE
SEAL of the City of Birmingham, this the 3rd day of No
vember, 1949.
E u n ic e S. H ew es , City Clerk.