Their Daily Bread - A Study of the National School Lunch Program
Reports
January 1, 1968

73 pages
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Division of Legal Information and Community Service, DLICS Reports. Their Daily Bread - A Study of the National School Lunch Program, 1968. 1e66ff0b-799b-ef11-8a69-6045bdfe0091. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/83b16c47-7c5d-4c76-8281-8e751805b52e/their-daily-bread-a-study-of-the-national-school-lunch-program. Accessed June 18, 2025.
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A Study of the National School Lunch Program THEIR DAILY BREAD Florence Robin, Director COMMITTEE ON SCHOOL LUNCH PARTICIPATION Chairman: Jean Fairfax Sponsoring Organizations: Church Women United National Board of the Y. W. C. A. National Council of Catholic Women National Council of Jewish Women National Council of Negro Women ~18 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 68-27171 Produced by McNELLEY-RUDD PRINTING SERVICE !NO. Atlanta, Georgia TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. II. m. IV. INTRODUCTION OUR HUNGRY SCHOOL CHILDREN There are six million school-age children in this country from families at the rock-bottom of poverty. But fewer than two million children receive free or reduced price lunches in the National School Lunch Program. We found children who are not getting their daily bread. We found hungry children. WHICH CHILD IS NEEDY? The lack of guidelines together with the present system of financing results in a crazy-quilt pattern for determining need. A child eligible in one school district for a free lunch would not necessarily receive one in the neighboring town. Indeed eligibility standards may vary from school to school and it is not unusual that in the same family one child may eat while his brother does not. "EVERYBODY KNOWS THEIR NAMES" Contrary to USDA Regulations, children receiving free or reduced price lunches are of ten identified and are made to feel the stigma of proverty. Poor children are denied both privacy and dignity. FINANCING THE SCHOOL LUNCH PROGRAM The financing of the School Lunch Program is totally in adequate. Most states and communities do not contribute to the program out of taxes. Thus, schools where the children cannot fully support the program either have to leave the pro gram or cannot supply the needed number of free and reduced price lunches. Increasing cost means an increasing number of schools dropping out. The provisions of the School Lunch Act designed to help such schools are not used consistently and are funded inadequately. PAGE 1 . 13 . 22 . 33 . 37 CHAPTER v. VI. "TOO POOR TO SUPPORT A CAFETERIA" One of the causes of low participation in the School Lunch Program is that slum schools often do not have facilities. Thus, the children who need lunch the most are denied it. Parents of these children as well as those who speak for the whole community are expressing their resentment about this more and more. HIGH PRICE EQUALS LOW PARTICIPATION . Increases in price also affect participation. The National School Lunch Program may be pricing itself out of existence. PAGE . 51 . 57 VII. TEENAGE TASTES . 62 Adolescent eating habits, of ten cited as causing a decline in participation, are not a major factor. But some schools, by instituting a la carte service or vending machines, are encourag- ing teenagers to buy more expensive and less nutritious meals. VIII. EFFORTS TO INCREASE PARTICIPATION . 68 Some states and communities are making commendable efforts to increase participation. But lack of long-range planning and research handicaps their efforts. IX. DONATED COMMODITIES 78 Donated commodities play an important role in the School Lunch Program and deserve praise for their high nutritional content. But their unpredictability and their decreasing dollar value raise questions about how much the program should depend on them. x. ESEA TO TIIE RESCUE 88 Funds from Title I of ESEA and other Federal programs provide substantial assistance for meals for needy children. But lack of coordination and some hostility between administrators of these programs and Schools Lunch Directors often under- mine the effectiveness of these efforts. XI. BREAKFASTATSCHOOL. 98 Most educators welcome breakfast programs, but a few have resisted them. Only half of the funds allocated for breakfasts under the Child Nutrition Act were used during the first year. CHAPTER XII. XIII. ADMINISTRATION OF THE SCHOOL LUNCH PROGRAM· · · · · · · USDA's Regulations concerning personnel ~ta'!dards and prr m su ervision and review are too permissive. A~ a resu t, !'Jminist~ative practices among the states are arbitrary and differ to a wide extent. LOS ANGELES: OUT OF IT · After 21 years of growth, the National School Lunhh Pfirogra.l is developing its own drop-out problem because of t e nanc1a squeeze Few school districts have dropped out as yet but the Los Angeles story may be a harbinger of the future. PAGE . 104 . 114 XIV. RECOMMENDATIONS . .. 120 APPENDIX: HOW THE STUDY WAS DONE · CHARTS FREE LUNCHES AND POVERTY LEVEL FINANCING WITHIN THE STATE · · EXTRA ASSISTANCE . COMMUNITIES: METHOD OF FINANCING AND PERCENTAGE FREE & REDUCED PRICE LUNCHES PARTICIPATION (BY STATE) . PARTICIPATION (BY COMMUNITY) FOOD CoMMODITIES RECEIVED BY SCHOOLS CmLD NUTRITION ACT (BREAKFAST PROGRAM) . 128 14 38 44 47 69 70 86 . 100 INTRODUCTION Poverty is not a uniquely American disease, but Americans have a uniquely optimistic way of dealing with it. In the twenty years from the end of World War Il to the mid-sixties, we hid our disease in the attic of the national consciousness and almost convinced ourselves that it did not exist. We concealed it with phrases like "the affluent society" and "the highest living standard in the world," and we covered it with booming production, consumption and employment statistics. We ex ported the goal of American prosperity to under-developed nations. But poverty would not be concealed. One of the chief by-products of the civil rights movement was the revelation to middle-class America of the existence of an under-developed nation right here--millions of Americans, black and white, living in a shadow world of bare subsis tence. This "Other America" is with us, but not in our midst. Unlike the one-third of a nation ill-fed, ill-clothed and ill-housed during the Depression, poor people are no longer visible to middle-class America. It is possible for a suburban family to live its entire life without ever meeting a poor person. So that while we have finally been forced to acknowledge the ex istence of wide-spread poverty-and indeed have declared a national War on Poverty-there is an unreality bred by distance about our acknowledgment. This unreality pervades not only our awareness of the problem, but our assessment of the methods created to deal with the problem. It is more reassuring and easier for us to believe uncritically that if a program is adopted to deal with employment or housing or welfare, then solutions to the problem are on the way, and we need trouble our minds and consciences no further. This attitude applies with special force to the National School Lunch Program. Because it is one of the oldest social benefit programs in this country, and because it operates smoothly in a well-established mechanism for its administration, most Americans accept the present 1 functioning of the program without complaint, believing that it ade quately meets the need for which it was created. It is easy to under stand why they believe this. The National School Lunch Program last year celebrated its twenty-first birthday. During its life, it has won wide aceptance from educators and nutritionists. The members of both professions feel, with few exceptions, that there is a direct relationship between adequate nutrition and good scholastic performance, discipline in the classroom and constructive social attitudes. Hungry children are inattentive chil dren, educators believe, and inattentive children cannot learn. The Congress which originally created the National School Lunch Program in 1946 recognized the importance of a good lunch to the school child and passed legislation "to safeguard the health and well being of the Nation's children." To achieve this goal, the Program was "to supply lunches without cost or at a reduced cost to all children who are determined by local authorities to be unable to pay the full price thereof'' without discrimination. Because of this wide-spread recognition of the value of the National School Lunch Program, most of middle-class America believes that the sc~ool lunch is universally available. If you were to question, as we did, nuddle-class acquaintances or neighbors about their understanding of how the S~hool Lunch Program operates, they would likely reply: "Oh, all the children get that," or, "That's to give needy children a good lunch," or, "All the kids get it, but the ones who can't afford it don't have to pay." But in these comfortable assumptions-as in so many others we are unrealistic. The facts show otherwise: 1. Of 50 mjllion public elementary and secondary school children, only about 18 million participate in the National School Lunch Pro gram. Two out of three children do not participate. 2. Of 50 million school children, fewer than two million, just under four per cent, are able to get a free or reduced price school lunch. 3. Whether or not a child is eligible for a free lunch is determined not by any universally accepted formula, but by local decisions about admi~istration and financing which may or may not have anything to do wzth the need of the individual child. And generally speaking, the greater the need of children from a poor neighborhood, the less the community is able to meet it. 2 These three facts, while perhaps not generally known, are well understood by school lunch administrators. What has not been compre hensively studied heretofore is why so few children participate in the National School Lunch Program or are denied the opportunity to par ticipate, and why the School Lunch Program is failing to meet the needs of poor children. This study was undertaken to find out why. It is peculiarly appro priate that these particular organizations have sponsored this particular study. All five sponsors are women's organizations and have a special affinity for the needs of children. All five organizations have a religious orientation or connection, so their concern for social problems is neither that of a useful political tool or a passing fancy. And most important, all five-sometimes working cooperatively, sometimes separately-have had practical experience on the local level dealing with the great social issues of our day: the problems of the aged, of children, of employment, education, housing, race relations. The Appendix sets forth in detail how this study was organized and conducted, how the communities to be studied were selected, and who participated in conducting the studies. All the material used in this study, except that which is specifically identified as coming from outside sources, was gathered by personal in terviews using questionnaires specifically designed for this study. These interviews, more than 1,500 of them, form the basis for our conclusions about the National School Lunch Program. The method of personal interviewing has been a great strength of the study, since it enabled the volunteer to talk directly with the school lunch administrator, principal, class room teacher and parent involved in school lunches in a local school, and to see the program in actual operation for herself. But it also leads to some contradictory statistics, since the volunteer did not attempt to evaluate the material herself, or to reconcile the figures given by one school official with conflicting figures given by another. But in spite of some conflicting or confusing findings, the larger conclusions of the study are inescapable. We set them forth below, and discuss, document and analyze each in the chapters that follow: 1. The National School Lunch Program is inadequately financed on the Federal level, and the gap between the available Federal money and the needs of the Program grows bigger every year. 3 2. The formula for state and local financing which allows states and localities to contribute little or no financial support to the National School Lunch Program is both unjust and harmful to the operation of the program. In many states, Federal money and Federal commodities pay for one-third of the child's lunch and the children themselves pay for two thirds, which includes not only the food on their plates, but the salaries of state and local school administrators, cooks and food handlers, the storage and transportation of the food, and the cost of free and reduced price lunches for needy children who cannot afford to pay. 3. The lack of a uniform method of determining who shall be eligible for a free or reduced price lunch results in unequal and unfair decisions on the local level. A child eligible in one community for a free lunch might not be eligible in a neighboring town; eligible in one school, he might be disqualified in a neighboring school. Even in the same family, one child may be eligible and his brother or sister may be declared ineligible. This lack of standards presents conscientious educa tors with choices they should not be forced to make. It fosters resent ment and distrust on the part of needy parents. 4. Many older schools do not participate in the School Lunch Program because they were built without kitchens or cafeterias. Some do not participate because it would not "pay" to have a kitchen or cafeteria, i.e., the children's payments could not cover the cost of the program. Both types of schools are almost invariably located in slums. This means that the slum child, who needs good nutrition most, has the least chance of getting a school lunch. Around these basic inadequacies, several cherished myths have arisen which tend to obscure the problems and to inhibit constructive solutions of them: 1. "No child who is hungry goes without lunch." We beard this over and over again from school lunch administrators. This is true in many schools where concerned principals and generous teachers work out emergency ways of paying for lunches, often out of their own pockets. But thousands and thousands of children watch their classmates eat while they sit in the cafeteria, not eligible for a free lunch and too poor to buy one. 2. "Teen-age eating habits account in large part for low partici pation in the school lunch program." Teenagers, according to a press release of the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), "find it the 'in' thing to do to subsist on soft drinks and candy bars. They've 4 th ·gbt problems to prove it." No comprehensive survey bas been got e we1 d · di t done to find out why participation is so low, but our stu y m ca es that teen-age eating habits are a small part of the problem. Certainly a vigorous educational campaign needs to be unde~~en t ach teen-agers- and all children-the value of good nutntion. :h e 1 boards which permit the installation of soft drink and snack oh~ m· pu,blic schools as a money-making device, could also benefit mac mes · 1 · hi from such an educational campaign. ~d surely there ~ a re ations P b tween participation and bow attractively the food is prepared and e d But all of these factors our study indicates, are less important serve . ' to participation than how many children can afford the lunch. 3. "It is better for young children to eat lunch at home. This is one of the benefits of the neighborhood school idea." This is only true when the child who goes home to eat lunch gets a lunch to eat. But thousands of slum children come home for lunch to an empty house and a bare refrigerator. 4. "Children who are getting a free or reduced price lunch .can not be identified by the other children." Thi~ is a requirement see~gly implied by the legislation and touched on b~ the USDA re~~tions. Every State School Lunch Director we interviewed felt certain it was being followed. Some schools have indeed worked out careful systems to avoid humiliating free lunch children. But the majority of them have no such procedures, and quite a few, by using special tickets and tokens for needy children, have guaranteed their identification by classmates. We found many children, especially teen-agers, who would rather go hungry than eat under these circumstances. These are the broad conclusions reached in this study. There are, of course, many other elements in the National School Lunch Program, and they, too, will be discussed in the chapters which follow. Among them are Federal programs, in and out of the National School Lunch Program, which provide special assistance to feed needy children; the role of donated commodities in the National School Lunch Program; and a consideration of the professional qualifications of school lunch personnel. In a program such as this, which is not fulfilling its potential, there is a tendency to try to assign the blame to particular individuals or groups for its inadequacies. But succumbing to this easy temptation in this case would be unjust. Members of this Committee and the writer, who have dealt with school lunch officials at the Department of Agricul ture, have been impressed with how hardworking and cooperative they 5 are. Among State School Lunch Directors, there is a high percentag .. of dedicated public servants. Similarly, in the local communities we studied, we encountered cooperation and concern on every side--from School Lunch Directors to principals and classroom teachers. Not every official we met was a paragon, of course. But whatever shortcomings there are in the School Lunch Program lie not in the indi viduals charged with responsibility for it, but in the system which limits, and sometimes even prohibits, their effective functioning. How that system operates is the subject of this inquiry. The fol lowing thirteen chapters describe what our volunteers found. Chapter XIV is a series of recommendations for Federal, state and local action set forth in some detail and dealing with all aspects of the National School Lunch Program. Our chief recommendation calls for a universal, free school lunch program as part of a long-range plan for better nutrition for all chil dren. But until such a total program is developed, the following recom mendations are designed to make the present system work: 1. Reduce the maximum price of the school lunch to 20¢ and provide free lunches for all children who cannot afford to pay. 2. Raise the federal contribution to keep pace with the growing needs of the National School Lunch Program. 3. Create a new matching formula for the states to insure that they bear some of the financial burden, relieving the children of paying for salaries, administration, food handling, and the cost of the free and reduced price lunch program. 4. Set uniform standards of eligibility for free and reduced price lunches to end the haphazard and inequitable present system. In order to understand the study, some of our readers may wish to refresh their memory of how the National School Lunch Program operates, and what the various terms, which will be used throughout our report, mean. What follows is a brief summary of the legislation and Regulations governing the School Lunch Program. It is excerpted from the kit of materials prepared for our volunteers who conducted the state and local interviews. SOME FACTS ABOUT THE NATIONAL SCHOOL LUNCH PROGRAM The National School Lunch Program currently operates under legislation passed in 1946 and amended in 1962 and entitled the 6 . onal School Lunch Act. This legislation grew out of various Fed~ral Nati "din urplus commodities. and cash in the late Depression programs proVI g s . . S d Today all states the District of Columbia, A.mencan amoa, c::~. Puedo Rico, and the Virgin Islands participate in the Program. Here are its most important features: PURPOSE: "It is hereby declared to be the policy of Congr:ss, as Of nati·onal security to safeguard the health and well-bemg of a measure ' . · f the Nation's children, and to encourage the domestic .co.nsumption o tritious agricultural commodities and other food, by assisting the States, :ough grants-in-aid and other means, in ~roviding ~ adequate supply f foods and other facilities for the establishment, mamtenance, opera- o h ,, tion and expansion of non-profit school lune programs. The Act provides this assistance by Federal contributions of both cash and agricultural commodities to each state. ADMINISTRATION: On the Federal level, the program is admin istered by the United States Department of Agriculture through its c;o~ sumer and Marketing Service, School Lunch Division. In each state, It is administered by the state educational agency-State Board of Educa tion, as it is usually called. Most states have set up a School Lunch Division for this purpose. STATE ALLOCATION FORMULA: The Act prescribes a form ula for distribution of cash assistance to the states. The formula is based on (a) the number of school lunches served the previous year in each state; and (b) the assistance need rate of the state. The assistance rate is based on a comparison between the average per capita income within the state and the average per capita .inc~me in the United States as a whole. When the state average per capita mcome falls below that of the United States, the extent to which it does deter mines, within certain limits, the correspendingly higher amounts of cash assistance to which that state is entitled. In addition assistance in the form of donated commodities is allo cated to each st~te based on the number of lunches served in the state the previous year. (See Commodities Program below~. If any st~te cannot use all the funds allocated to it, the unused portion may be dis tributed to the other states on the same basis described above. MATCHING FUNDS: The Federal cash contribution must be matched by funds from sources within each state on the basis of $3 .of state money for $1 of Federal money. But those states whose per capita income is less than that of the United States have this ratio reduced. 7 However, since the state's matching funds include the money the children themselves pay for their lunches-which is about two-thirds of the cash amount of the Program-no state bas ever had any difficulty meeting this requirement. Other sources included in the state's matching funds are state and local government funds, except funds used for school construction and private charitable donations. ' The state is not required to match the value of commodities donated by the Federal Government. PARTICIPATION REQUIREMENTS: The Act requires that all s~bools wishing to participate in the National School Lunch Program must sign an agreement with the state educational agency that they will operate a non-profit school lunch program which: (a) Meets minimum nutritional standards for a Type A luncb a specified amount of protein-rich foods, vegetables and fruit, bread, butter or margarine, and milk; (b) Complies with state and local health and sanitation standards· ' ( c) Supplies lunches free or at reduced price and without dis- crimination to all children who are determined by local school authorities to be unable to pay the full price. EXTRA ASSISTANCE: Agriculture Department Regulations au thorize--but do not require--the state educational agency to allocate out of its general school lunch funds extra money to those schools which have ~ high proportion of children unable to pay for lunch. The Federal limit ~n non-needy schools is up to 9¢ a lunch. In needy schools, the state is empowered to reimburse up to 15¢ a lunch. SPECIAL ASSISTANCE: The reimbursement rate described above must come out of general school lunch funds. In addition the Act authorizes in Section 11 (one of the features added in the 1962 amended Act) the appropriation by Congress of funds over and above the regular amount to provide special assistance to needy schools. These Sec. 11 "Special Assistance" funds are distributed to the ~tate on the basis of the number of free or reduced price lunches served Ill the state the previous year and on the assistance need rate of the state. . .NON-FO<?D ASSISTANCE: The Act authorizes Federal appro priations to assist schools in purchasing equipment with which to set up lu~ch programs-stoves, refrigerators, etc. But Congress bas not appro pnated any non-food assistance funds under the School Lunch Act since 1946. 8 NON-PROFIT PRIVATE SCHOOLS: These schools may par . · t · the Federal program but where a state is prohibited by state ttcipa em ' . statute from making allocations to non-profit .pnvate schools, e.g., arochial schools, the Federal Government may wiUi?old from that state ~e amount which the private schools would receive, and make the Fed al contribution directly to the private schools. In such cases, the er . f . . fr private schools must adhere to all the regulations or nutntion, ee lunches, program review, matching funds, etc., e~en thou~h they are not dealing with the state educational agency, but directly with the Federal Government. ADMINISTRATIVE REVIEW: The Act requires the state educa tional agency to review at least one-third of the schools participating every year to assist the local manager in improving her op~r~tion, to make sure they are meeting nutritional standards and ar~ prov1drng free or reduced price lunches to needy children, and to determrne the adequacy and accu- racy of their records. OTHER SCHOOL LUNCH LEGISLATION COMMODITIES PROGRAM: Almost thirty years ago, the Fed eral Government began distributing surplus commodities to state welfare agencies, which in turn distributed them to charitable institutions and schools. The School Lunch Act continued this commodity distribution. But unlike the cash assistance part of the program, the state educational agency is not necessarily the agency in the state which distributes the commodities. Each state designates the agency within the state to dis tribute commodities. It may be the state educational agency, but it may also be the state Welfare Department, the state Agriculture Department, or some other agency, or a combination of agencies. In any case, the decision about the amount of commodities allocated to the schools in the state is not made by the distributing agency, but by a formula prescribed by the Federal Government based on previous participation in the program. Commodities available for school lunch programs are of three types: (a) SEC. 32 SURPLUS FOODS: Surplus foods are purchased by the Federal Government when supply exceeds commercial demand. The funds for purchasing these foods come from customs receipts on imported foods, and thus do not depend on yearly Congressional appropriations. (b) SEC. 416 PRICE SUPPORT FOODS: These foods are pur chased by the Department of Agriculture to carry out price 9 support programs established by Congress for certain basic agricultural products. They are paid for with funds appropri ted for price support purposes, and not funds appropriated for the National School Lunch Program. (c) SEC. 6 SPECIAL FOODS: In addition, the 1946 Act au thorized the Federal purchase and donation to the states of special foods over and above the available surplus and price support commodities. These special foods were authorized to insure the good nutri tional balance of school lunches, which could not be guaranteed if the commodities were limited to the haphazard supply of only surplus and price support foods. SPECIAL MILK PROGRAM: Previously under separate legis lation, the Department of Agriculture provided Federal payments for each half-pint of milk served to children at reduced price in schools, pre-school groups and child-care institutions. In the schools, this does not include the half-pint which is served as part of the Type A school lunch. The special milk payments apply only to second or third half pints and to milk served separately from the school lunch. Schools may participate in both the National School Lunch Pro gram and the Special Milk Program, or they may participate in one and not the other. Many more schools are in the milk program than in the lunch program. Under the special assistance section of the milk legislation, free milk is authorized for needy children attending schools classified as especially needy. Administration for public and private (parochial) schools and child-care institutions is the same for the milk program as for the lunch program described previously. As noted, the Special Milk Program operated under separate leg islation. But since 1966, it has been incorporated into the Child Nutri tion Act of 1966. CIIlLD NUTRITION ACT OF 1966: Pilot breakfast programs in needy schools and schools to which children must travel long dis tances are being funded by the Federal Government under this Act. It uses the same apportionment formula as the National School Lunch Act, although an initial amount is apportioned equally among the states. However, so far as donated commodities are concerned, the states 10 limited to using Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods in the breakfast pro- are · 6f d · · S and may not use the more desrrable Sec. oo s m it. gram, Like the National School Lunch Act, the C~d Nutrition ~ct authorizes appropriations for non-food assistance (equ1pme~t) to assISt needy schools. For the first year, 1966-6~, Congr~~s appropnated $750,- 000 for non-food assistance under the Child Nutntion Act. The pilot breakfast program is authorized for only rn:o years. Sin:e the Federal money for it did not become available until the last six months of the school year, less than $1 million of the $2 million appro priated for 1966-67 was used. ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION ACT (ESEA): Under Title I of ESEA, local school dis~ricts may un~ertake a variety of projects to meet the needs of areas with concen1;1"~tions of children from low-income families. Some schools are proVIding free school lunches funded by Title I. This program is under the jurisdiction of the Office of Education of the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, not the Department of Agriculture. (When we mention ESEA in the text, we are ref erring to Title I. ) 11 1 ·' OUR HUNGRY SCHOOL CHILDREN As noted in the Introduction, the most cherished myth about the National School Lunch Program is that no child who really needs a lunch is allowed to go hungry. We say flatly that this is not so. By conservative estimate, the odds are three to one against his getting a free lunch. There are six million school-age children in this country from families at the rock-bottom of poverty-whose parents earn less than $2,000 a year and/ or are receiv ing Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). But fewer than two million children receive free or reduced price lunches in the Na tional School Lunch Program. (See chart page 14). The odds are against the hungry child whether he goes to school in a small rural Southern county or a large Northern industrial city. Here is a sampling, taken from some of the communities we studied, of what the needy child encounters: 13 FREE LUNCHES AND POVERTY LEVEL* SrATl! No. OP SCHOOL-AGB CHJU>REN JN STATl! JN FAMILIES BELOW POVERlT LEVEL Oil RECEIVINO Am To FAMILIES wrm DEPENDENT CHILDIU!N (AFDC) Alabama 244,311 Arizona 46,633 Arkansas 149,658 California 396,632 Colorado 45,989 Connecticut 39,361 Delaware 10,082 Washington, D. C. 22,896 Florida 145,719 Georgia 243,261 Idaho 14,902 Illinois 254,140 Indiana 88,233 Iowa 85,169 Kansas 49,671 Kentucky 196,465 Louisiana 205,962 Maine 22,456 Maryland 81,246 Massachusetts 77,492 Michigan 167,661 Minnesota 102,145 Mississippi 256,196 Missouri 144,612 Montana 16,978 Nebraska 37,346 Nevada 4,688 New Hampshire 8,385 New Jersey 108,767 New Mexico 45,737 New York 405,584 North Carolina 334,527 North Dakota 26,325 Ohio 194,251 Oklahoma 101,346 Oregon 33,832 Pennsylvania 255,396 Rhode Island 18,883 South Carolina 208,329 South Dakota 34,890 Tennessee 222,959 Texas 403,275 Utah 15,395 Vermont 8,945 Virginia 179,409 Washington 49,358 West Virginia 109,083 Wisconsin 78,593 Wyoming 6,585 •The source of these figure3 ls the ESEA statistical study, 1966. 14 No. OP ScRooL CHILDIU!N IN STATB RECEIVING FREE Oil REDUCED LUNCH Plues 38,149 19,593 40,673 39,647 10,938 40,050 7,743 11,787 77,726 84,379 17,796 18,717 17,159 12,036 6,590 59,846 103,368 8,385 10,741 21,409 26,130 16,230 31,512 23,266 6,160 18,945 1,358 3,412 12,933 20,806 350,563 70,765 4,414 43,433 21,415 3,858 67,899 7,469 72,415 6,043 67,095 73,078 8,980 3,039 34,505 8,878 32,389 15,699 762 piflLADELPIIlA, PENNSYLVANIA (From an interview with a junior high school principal): "If a child does not have the money for lunch and is not bringing lunch from home, in other words is not eating, he is required to go to the lunchroom and sit with the other children who are eating." LEE COUNTY, SOUTH CAROLINA (From interviews at a school where 519 free lunches are rotated among 800 eligible children): "The desperately hungry usually eat at least several times a week." ... "Sometimes a child becomes ill in the morning from lack of food." (From an interview with an elementary school principal:) "Noth ing can be done for these children who cannot buy lunch and are not eligible that day for free lunch, except that those who ask to eat because they are hungry are allowed to do so if there is enough food left over when the others finish eating. The teachers try to rotate the lunches among the pupils." GREEN BAY, WISCONSIN (From an interview with a teacher of low income high school students): "In one of my classes, five out of six children are getting no lunch or bringing inadequate food. In most of my other classes, 20% to 25 % are getting no lunch or an inadequate one. There is only one girl in my classes who gets a free lunch and she works for it in the kitchen. Since getting free lunch she has shown a marked improvement in attitude. Last year she was a major discipline problem." (From an interview with the mother of eight children who used to be on welfare): "All my children pay regular price. I can afford to pay this about three months of the year. I can't afford it during the cold months, when they need it most, because of extra fuel bills, the need for warm clothing, and so on. During the winter I try to fix them oleo sandwiches or sometimes peanut butter. At one time my husband had major surgery and was laid up for a long time. I went to school and asked for free lunch and was told the children could eat daily but I must repay the total amount after my husband got back to work. I did repay this." (From an interview with a principal): The only children getting free lunch are the ten who work in the kitchen. Children can apply to work in the cafeteria at the beginning of the year. 15 SUMTER COUNTY, ALABAMA (From interviews at a school with no lunch program): "Some children just eat a handful of peanuts or pecans." ... "Children have neither lunch from home nor money most of the time." (From an interview with a Negro high school principal): "We know there are fifty or more children who cannot afford to buy lunch, but we don't have enough money to feed them all. They are ineligible for free lunch because their parents make over $2,000 a year, but the parents may have eight or ten children . . . All the children go to the lunchroom whether they eat or not. This is because there is no one to supervise them if they don't go." OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA (Comment from a parent receiving welfare whose children do not eat regularly at school): "If the school runs out [of lunches], that's it. There ain't no more allowed." FAYETTE COUNTY, TENNESSEE (Parent's comment): "When there is no money, I give them a big breakfast of beans and 3 ¢ for milk." MARYSVILLE, WASIIlNGTON (A community which includes an Indian Reservation) (From the interview with the Local School Lunch Director): Of 3,926 children attending Marysville schools, only 40 receive free or reduced price lunches. There are no free lunches in the one high school in the district. (From a parent interview): "I have six children in school and receive welfare. I don't know anything about free lunches. All my chil dren pay the regular price for lunch. I don't have the money to pay for the lunches every day. I can't afford to buy the food to make a good lunch." (From a parent interview): "I have two children and they pay the reduced price-15¢. They were given free lunches at one time when I couldn't afford to give it to them, but they had to eat their lunch in the kitchen." (From a parent interview): "I have seven children in school. The children would get a reduced price lunch because I am on welfare, but that would cost $31.60 which is too expensive for me. When I can't afford to fix the lunch, the children go hungry." 16 NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA . (Comment from a principal): "1,250 out of 1,800 pupils cannot afford to eat." CLEVELAND, OIIlO (From the interview with the School Lunch Director): Only 44 t Of 177 schools participate in the School Lunch Program. All ele- ou d fr . . . mentary schools-with 88,844 children-~re exclude om pa.rtic1pating. In some schools, there is a rule that children are not pemntted to go home for lunch without special permission. Either they bring lunch to school or they don't eat. (From an elementary school principal interview): He estimates that there are 500 welfare children in this school getting an inadequate lunch or no lunch. (From an elementary school principal interview): He estimates that half of the 640 children in this school get no lunch or an inade quate one. MOUND BAYOU, MISSISSIPPI (From principal and teacher interviews at an elementary school): There are one hundred free lunches available for 940 students in the school. Although the price of the lunch is 15¢, the principal says that more than 50 per cent of the students cannot afford to pay for lunch. A teacher states that 25 per cent of her 40 students get no lunch or an inadequate one: "Children that don't eat are very hard to discipline. The free lunches are rotated among the students. When it is not a child's tum and he has nothing to eat, he just wanders around looking for food." RENO, NEVADA (From an interview with a junior high school principal): In answer to the question about what happens to a child if he is not getting a free or reduced price lunch, does not purchase one, and brings noth ing to school from home, the principal said: "We think this is the responsibility of parents and child. We do not check them to see if a student eats. As a whole, we are doing it [supplying lunch] as a service rather than a need." MEMPIIlS, TENNESSEE (From an interview with an elementary school principal): "If a child is not eating as a regular thing, the school attempts to get the 17 parents to apply for a free lunch. If the parent doesn't apply, the school cannot do the application for him. Under these circumstances, the other children seem voluntarily to share with the child not eating, or a teacher buys the child lunch-this is discouraged-or sometimes the child just stays in the lunchroom and doesn't eat." DETROIT, MICIIlGAN (From statistics issued by the Food Service Department of the Detroit Public School System): There are two schools where more than 95 per cent of the children come from low-income families and fewer than one per cent of them are getting free lunches. There are also schools in Detroit, where there is no lunch program at all, even though the number of low-income families is as high as 99 per cent. (From an interview with a teacher): "I was not aware that needy children could get a free lunch in this school." DONNA, TEXAS (A community with large percentage of migrant workers) (From a school principal interview): "We have a specific alloca tion of free lunches. There are always more children to feed than funds allow. We have a policy that no child goes hungry. If they can't get a lunch, then they get milk and crackers." SPRINGFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS (From an interview with a parent): This parent's income from welfare and AFDC is $67 per week. Two of her four children are in school and come home for lunch "because it is cheaper." "I asked the principal if my children could get free lunches. The principal didn't answer 'yes' or 'no'. He told me my children were so rambunctious that they needed to be sent home at lunch time." (From a parent interview): "I have two elementary school chil dren. They take lunch to school which I fix or they fix themselves. I get AFDC, but the Welfare Department did not tell me about free lunches." Because she read about free lunches in a newspaper written for a nearby housing project, this mother thought that only tenants of the project were eligible for free lunches. When she cannot afford to give her children lunch, she keeps them at home. LA CONNER, WASHINGTON (From the interview with the Local School Lunch Director): This community bas a high proportion of needy children. Of 459 children in 18 the two schools here, 24 get free or reduced price lunches. "The chil dren are given the opportunity to work one day for a free lunch the next day. Older children can do the work for the younger ones." (From a parent interview): "I know of several families who ought to be getting a free lunch. Some families keep their children out of school when they don't have lunch to give them or money for them to buy it." TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA (From an interview with a teacher in a slum junior-senior high school with 1,264 Negro students): Of 250 children in the lunch pro gram, there are six reduced price lunches and one free lunch. "Seventeen out of my 36 children are either not getting any lunch or an inadequate one. I see definite personality changes when a child doesn't get lunch." (From an interview with the principal of a rural Negro elemen tary school with 71 children): "Of the 36 children who don't buy lunch, 20 don't because they can't afford to. There are children who go hungry if the teacher doesn't share her lunch. I wish more hungry children could be fed." (From an interview with an elementary school teacher): "I give up most of my lunch each day. I want food for all the children, but I can't afford to buy tickets for all of them. You can't teach a hungry child." (From an interview with an elementary school teacher): "The children in my class are the oldest ones in the school. And when there isn't enough food to go around in a big family, of course, these older ones go without. Breakfast is unknown for many of these children, but there are no free lunches. About one-third of the children get reduced price lunch, but that's 20¢. The pattern is that students run out of money for lunch by the end of the week. ST.LOUIS,:MISSOURI (From an interview with the principal of a slum elementary sch~o~): There are 1,045 elementary school children enrolled here, the maJonty of them on welfare. Twelve are given free lunches. There are no reduced price lunches. LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS (From an interview with the principal of a Negro elementary school): "Probably 70 per cent to 80 per cent of our 850 pupils here come from homes where the family income is $3,000 or less per year. 19 We are authorized this year to serve 311 free lunches daily. If there is no lunch for a child who has brought nothing from home and does not have the money to pay for it, we divide one lunch among two pupils, or take the cost of the lunch from petty cash, or occasionally, the teacher will pay herself. There have been ti.mes when children have gone without." RICHMOND, CALIFORNIA (From an interview with a high school cafeteria manager of a newly opened school): This school gives no free or reduced price lunches, although children of welfare recipients are approximately 20 per cent of the student body. The campus is open at lunch time, i.e., students may go where they please, so the school can't keep track of who is eating. But the manager felt that at least 20 per cent of the students are eating no lunch, either at home or in the schools, and 90 per cent of these are Negroes. MOBILE, ALABAMA (From an interview with an elementary school principal): "The child who cannot afford to buy lunch and doesn't bring anything from home stays in the classroom during lunch hour with those who have brought a bag lunch." (From an elementary school principal interview): "The child with nothing to eat plays outdoors during the lunch hour. Lunches are rotated among the needy on a weekly basis. One thousand children need free lunches, but only 15 get them." (From an interview with a high school principal): "Lunch period is used as a study period for those who have nothing to eat. Often teachers buy some of these children lunch or bring extra food from home." (From an elementary school principal interview): "We choose the children for free lunches at the beginning of the year. There is no rotation of free lunches. If you have to go hungry, you might as well get used to it." The examples given above could be multiplied a hundredfold. There are some communities-a very few-where every needy child does get a lunch. New York City, not included in our study, is an example, ac cording to a survey done by that city's United Parents Associations. In addition, there are many, many individual schools where every needy c::hild gets a free lunch. This occurs either where a school has a 20 predominantly middle or upper class student body able to pay the full price of the school lunch and a small percentage of needy students or where Federally funded programs, other than the National School Lunch Program, provide special funds for free meals. It is when a large number of needy students attend a school that the system of providing free lunches for them collapses. It is in these schools that the stopgap measures noted in the above examples are em ployed-rotating the free lunches, or having the teacher buy the children lunch, or hoping the others will share, or having the children stand at the end of the line to see whether any food is left over. It is in these schools where the problem is so overwhelming that principals cannot cope with it and the hungry children just sit and watch their classmates eat while they go hungry. 21 2 WHICH CHILD IS NEEDY? The School Lunch Act states that all children who cannot pay the full price, determined by local authorities, shall be given a free or reduced price lunch. Each school must agree in writing to meet this requirement. But the Department of Agriculture has adopted a hands-off policy on suggestions, directives or guidelines to help local authorities come up with a uniform standard of need. This lack of guidelines, coupled with the present system of financing, has resulted in a crazy-quilt pattern for determining need. A child classi fied as needy in one community might not be so classified in the neigh boring town. Indeed, the eligibility standards vary from school to school. And it is not at all unusual for children in one family to be accorded different status-one child is eligible, but his brother is not. In general we have observed, the poorer the school, the needier the child must be to get a free lunch. In some school districts, the chil- 22 dren of families with incomes over a certain amount-$2,000 is the usual amount-are not eligible for free lunches, although no distinction is made between the family with one child and the family with seven or eight children. In some school districts, only children of welfare recipients are eligible. Equally needy children whose parents are not eligible for wel fare because of restrictions such as length of residence and the presence of a "substitute father" or "employable mother" are disqualified. In some school districts, only children whose parents are not receiving welfare and are in a low income bracket are eligible. But declaring the child eligible does not mean that he actually gets a free or reduced price lunch. Where money is lacking to feed all the eligible children, the school may have a quota of free lunches. Some times the available meals are rotated, as noted in the previous chapter, and the needy child gets lunch once or twice a week. The rest of the time be goes without. But in most schools there is no set formula, such as being on wel fare or not being on welfare, and no set maximum income. The school principal makes the decision, sometimes with the recommendation of the classroom teacher, the school nurse, or a social worker. Since the principal has no formula to guide him, and since he may be grappling with the problem of a lack of funds, he may make his decision upon considerations which have little to do with the needs of a particular child. His own attitudes about the School Lunch Program whether he regards it as a burden which should be a welfare responsibility or as an intrinsic part of the child's education-play a role in his decision. The principal may not know who the needy are and may have neither the desire nor the time to seek them out. A report in the Sep tember, 1966 issue of the School Lunch Journal* about school officials in the Granite School District in Salt Lake County, Utah, who do not wait for applications for free lunch but seek out needy children, indi cates a practice that we rarely found. Usually, if parents do not know that free lunches must be provided, or if they do not know how to make the application, that is their problem. A principal may have moralistic notions that parents who are not willing to pay something do not know the value of good nutrition and perfer to spend money on other things. The presence of a television set • The. School Lunch Journal is the publication of the American School Food Scmce Association, the national organization of professionals involved in non profit school food service work. 23 in the home or the judgment that parents spend money on whiskey may disqualify a child. The presence of an unemployed father may also handicap the hungry child. And it sometimes happens that a principal or teacher will favor the child with the neat appearance. We found this in a low-income school in New Orleans where only 95 free lunches are available to 2,000 students and where the teacher who uses this selection procedure can choose only two of her children to eat each day. We heard a number of comments about doing too much for peo ple who really ought to help themselves. A Florida public health official, although she observed 20 per cent malnutrition among school age children in her district, could still say: "We give too many free school lunches. People have to learn to help themselves." And a State School Lunch Director told us the following story: "I would hazard the guess that at least 10 per cent of the children who are not getting free lunches should be getting them because they can not afford to pay. On the other hand, it all depends on what you mean by 'cannot afford to pay.' Let me give you an example: I used to be a teacher and in my class I had two youngsters whose mother asked for free lunches for them because their father was going into the hospital for surgery. I realized this would mean a loss of pay and extra medical bills and this struck me as a valid reason. As a matter of fact, I kept them on free lunches for the balance of the year-two months-even though their father was in the hospital less than two weeks. In the fall term, the mother again asked that the children be given free lunches. However, I learned that this family had a television set. If they could afford a television set, they certainly could afford good nutrition for their children, so I refused to put them on the free list. The trouble with these people is that they have no sense of values-they just don't know what's important and what isn't.'' In many cases, it is not the school, but the parents and the children themselves who make the decision not to apply for free lunches. Over and over again, we heard parents say that although their need is great, they would not subject their children to the humiliation of being pointed out by their classmates as being too poor to afford lunch; or they would not go through the embarrassment of a searching investigation-with no guarantee of confidentiality-that applying for free lunches might in volve. What follows is a sampling of some of the practices used in identi fying needy children for free lunches: MOBILE, ALABAMA: No district-wide pattern used. Some schools depend upon the recommendation of the classroom teacher, some on 24 the principal, some on a PTA committee, and one school gives no free lunches at all. A welfare worker says: "Th~ ~elfare Dep~ent makes f rrals of needy children to the school pnnc1pal, but with few excep ~ e the school cannot provide free lunches. Each school is responsible t10ns, d · for the operation of its own lunch p~og~am, and where the nee IS greatest, the resources are least. The pnnc1pals have stated th~t they are not financially able to provide free lunches for the many children who need them." sUMTER COUNTY, ALABAMA: Families must have income of less than $2,000 a year regardless of the size of the family. TUCSON, ARIZONA: In one low-income elementary school, ten out of 549 children are given free lunch each day and the older children are required to work for it. The principal states: "I don't believe in free lunches for welfare people. They have enough if they manage their affairs properly to feed themselves. Of course, if a child is hungry we always give him something. It [the school lunch] is not a welfare or educational responsibility. It is the parents' responsibility. But since the children are here and we don't want them hungry, we see to it that they are fed. We do give free milk in the early morning to 85 children." LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS: All free lunches are financed by ESEA, not the National School Lunch Program. The criterion used is an income of less than $2,000 a year. OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA: Parents must be on welfare or earn less than welfare scale. Then the children are entitled to a maximum of ten free lunch tickets a month except in June and December, which are short school months, when the eligible children get five tickets a month. PALM BEACH COUNTY, FLORIDA: Mothers receiving AFDC and requesting free lunches are referred by the Welfare Department to the school, but some are turned down. A Welfare Department official states: "Schools in the deprived areas of town have less funds available to meet the needs of all the children. Unfortunately, a child who might be con sidered deprived in an area of slightly higher economic standards, will not be considered deprived in his own school. Some instances of refused free lunch referrals have been cited which indicate that some rejections are based on subjective feelings." TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA: Evidence is obtained from the Welfare Department after an investigation of the home, employers, neighbors. A visiting teacher states, "Sometimes a child I've advised to apply for free lunch has to be turned down since there is only so much money available 25 for free lunches or partially paid lunches. The decision is first come, first served." In a school with about 650 pupils, the principal reports that there are 250 who cannot pay the 45¢ price for lunch. However, the school is able to provide only 60 free or reduced price lunches. In a family of six children, one student pays the full price at one school; at another school, one child is fed free and one pays a reduced price. At still another school, two pay a reduced price and one pays the full price. AUGUSTA, GEORGIA: The Welfare Department advises its clients to have their children apply for free lunches, but has no control over the selection. "A great number of welfare clients are turned down," states a welfare official. The classroom teacher selects children for free lunches and the demand always exceeds the supply. The principal of a school that receives both Sec. 11 (Special Assistance) funds and ESEA funds says that the teachers make home visits periodically to determine the eligibility of the children through their observation. An elementary school teacher says she knows which children are eligible "by their clothing." A parent, one of whose six children gets a free lunch, and the other five get reduced price lunches, doesn't under stand why all her children can't eat free this year because "last year three children had free lunches and this year my husband's income is lower than last year." She filled out a form for free lunches at the school, but their income was too high for more than one free lunch, she was told. PEORIA, ILLINOIS: No free lunches. NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA: No evidence is required. "We take the parent's word that he is needy and hope he is telling the truth." Some schools have a quota of free lunches, and when these are exhausted, no more can be given no matter who is eligible. In one combined elementary junior high school, the principal stated that free lunches are distributed on a family basis, that is, if there are seven children in one family, the family may receive four free lunches to be used as they see fit DETROIT, MICHIGAN: The general guide for free lunch eligibility given to school principals is a family of four with a yearly budget of $2,444. What happens to this guideline in practice can be seen from the following comments: (From an interview with a parent): "During the time my four grandchildren lived with me and attended Junior High School, I served 26 President of the PT A for one year and was a constant worker with ;;.A the rest of the time. My children were denied free lunches. Their arents were divorced and the money the court ordered my son to pay ~as far from sufficient to feed and clothe four growing children. Under these conditions they were still denied free lunches. I feel that someone with more common-sense knowledge should determine when a family qualifies for free lunch for their children." (From an interview with a junior high school principal): "The Welfare Director told me that welfare recipients are given a sufficient amount to cover three meals a day, and therefore welfare children don't necessarily need free lunch." MJNNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA: Generally, families receiving AF?C are not granted free lunches. Children over 16 are referred to the Neigh borhood Youth Corps and other work programs, thus "eliminating the necessity for free lunches." Among the considerations for free lunches are the family's budget, with particular attention to the ability to man age money; indebtedness; sickness and other emergenci~; seasonal employment. Special consideration is given to needy families new to the city and not yet on welfare, health status of the child, and willingness of the family to use this help. JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI: The Local School Lunch Director states: ''The school does not wish to be involved in finding or certifying needy children for the free lunches. A child will not get a free lunch unless he is certified by the County Welfare Department, the United Givers, the Salvation Army or Family Services. Since each school has a maximum number of lunches served free in any month, those who are told about free lunches by the welfare agencies and certified by them are only from the most destitute families." RENO, NEVADA: Being on welfare does not ensure a free lunch. There is a county form for parents to fill out to apply for lunch. Any number of people in a school can identify the needy children. In two school principal interviews, both said that the standard they used is a monthly income under $200 in a family with one child, and under $300 a month for a family with as many as five children. BRIDGETON, NEW JERSEY: The Local School Lunch Director says that the only standard for eligibility is for the child or anyone else to express need to the principal, teacher or cafeteria manager. But exten sive interviews with parents show that many obviously needy children get free lunch only when they work in the cafeteria. Others are too proud to ask. 27 BUFFALO, NEW YORK: The Welfare Department fee~ "it. is ~ot desirable to identify children receiving welfare, and any .r~lations~p :'1th the school concerning a child would be based on an individual situation, not the fact that children on welfare are getting school lunches." In this city, the principal determines if there are any children who need free lunches. NEWBURGH, NEW YORK: The Social Services [Welfare] Department gives the cost of the school lunch-at school rates. ranging from 25¢ to 40¢ per day-to welfare families in addition to their monthly grant. FAYETTE COUNTY TENNESSEE: In one elementary school, the practice is that childre~ on welfare are generally .no~ give~ lunches. But if the child is hungry, even if on welfare, the prmcipal tries to see that he gets something to eat from leftovers, generally peanut butter or cheese from donated commodities and crackers. In interviewing a principal of an eleme~tary sch.ool ~ith high par ticipation and a fairly adequate free lunch policy, our .mtervie':"er learned that this school (described as mixed socio-econoffilc and mtegrated) also prepares some lunches for a nearby poor, rural, all-Negro school. Approximately 60 per cent of the children at the Negro school eat no lunch at all and only a few get free meals. The principal of the first school feels that if his Federal reimbursement were increased from ~e present 6Yz"\¢, he would be able to feed more children at the sa~elhte school. Whatever the reason, this is a perfect example of the arbitrary free lunch policy in two neighboring schools--one is able to feed almost all its needy children, and the other is able to feed almost none. MEMPIDS, TENNESSEE: Memphis has uniform criteria ~o: free or reduced priced lunches and a sliding scale of fees. The d~c1S.ions con cerning how much each child must pay are made by the D1Strl~t School Lunch Director. This arrangement which seems so much fairer th~ leaving the decision to local principals still ~oes not. solve the basic problem of feeding large numbers of poor children with scarce funds. Our interviews revealed that there are many children who are charged 5¢ for their lunch but cannot even pay that token fee: ~one school 98 such children were aoina hungry, according to the pnncipal. In another school only 103 of fue 415 pupils approved for reduced. priced ~~c?es were actually eating. They did not have the money which the objec tive" system in the central office had established as. reasonable. In. one welfare family only four out of the seven school children we:e e~title~ to reduce price lunches. Apparently, some parents feel the situation is so hopeless that they do not even bother to apply. 28 DONNA, TEXAS: The Welfare Department says: "The school social worker calls our office when a parent applies to see if they are on wel fare. Because of limited funds, free lunches are usually not given to children on welfare." A parent, who is a migrant farm worker and who bas seven children in both special migrant schools and regular schools, requested that her children be put on the free lunch program, but after the social worker made a home visit, she did not hear anything further. At the time of the interview there was no income in the family because there was no work available. NORFOLK, VIRGINIA: From a memorandum from the Director of School Food Services: "A careful study shall be made by the principal, teacher, or visiting teacher to determine the need for free lunches. This should be repeated at least every three months to be sure the conditions are unchanged. All welfare cases are not eligible for free lunches. AFDC includes food. Under proper management they should not need free lunches." SEA TILE, WASHINGTON: From a school bulletin: "Eligibility [for free lunches] is limited to students of low-income families who are not receiving aid from welfare services, A.D.C. [AFDC] , or other public assistance. Reevaluation of each case must be made after each two-week period to re-establish eligibility: Family with one child, gross income not over $300 per month; family with two or more children, gross income not over $350 per month ... Financial eligibility requirements do not apply to free milk." A memorandum from the Missouri State School Lunch Director spells out the financial problems which, in the view of this Director at least, make it necessary to limit severely the number of children eligible for free lunches: "We seem to be receiving an increasing number of letters from parents requesting free lunches for their children. The letters indicate that their financial situation is attributed to localized unemployment, limited in come and continued increases in the cost of living. For this reason, we feel that a review of the National School Lunch regulations pertaining to free lunches is in order. ". . . You will note that under the law local school officials have full authority and responsibility for determining need. There is no set pattern for making this determination. In some instances, this matter is left to the principal or classroom teacher who is familiar with the economic background of the children ... ". . . Where parents are determined by local school authorities to be financially able to provide lunches for their children, but arbitrarily re fuse to do so, the school is not obligated under our agreement to con tinue to offer free service to the children. 29 "In instances where state welfare grants are concerned, .you wo~d not be obligated to offer free lunches if their cost has ~n mclud~~ tn the budget drawn up by the County Welfare Office tn detenmrung the amount of aid the family is to receive. The fact that welfare f~~ds may not be adequate to meet the minimum budget for welfare families do~s not necessarily remove responsibility from the welfare ~g~ncy. It still remains a welfare problem to meet the need for providing adequ:ite funds for a minimum budget. This is the primary purpose for which welfare agencies were established. "Local school districts do not have a levy for welfare purposes, and further the Federal school lunch reimbursement aid extended to local distric~ has been drastically reduced during the past several years. Even at greatly reduced reimbursement rates in effe.ct during ~e past year, the inadequate Federal funds were exhausted with the partial pay ment of their May claims. In addition, usable food surpluses, purchased under farm price support programs no longer exist . . . ~c~l scho?l districts were then faced with the financial problem of contmumg their lunch programs without even the limited federal cash contribution dur ing the remainder of the school year. "In view of the . . . continued limited Federal appropriations for the National School Lunch Program, we urge all school administra~ors ~o explore all possibilities for obtaining some source of food serVIce aid for needy children under the more liberally financed Federal Welf~re, Education and Economic Opportunity programs . . . Th~ 4¢ reim bursement under the National School Lunch Act cannot possibly finance free lunches for needy children that presently cost approximately 50¢ to place on the serving line." We cannot leave the subject of the factors that determine which needy children are fed without considering whether included in this determination is discrimination against minority group children- Negro, Puerto Rican, Mexican-American and American Indian. We did not design our questionnaires to find out about racial or ethnic discrimination. We asked a few questions but they did not result in much information. All State School Lunch Directors said they did not keep statistics on the number of minority group children who parti~ipate in the program and/ or receive free meals. Also, persons whom we mter viewed in central offices were often unable or unwilling to identify schools as "middle-class, rural poor, inner-city slum, mixed socio-economic" or to give us information which would permit us to make any generaliza tions about the differences existing in schools where minority group children predominate and those in which the majority are white. We had to rely, then, on our interviewers' observations and interpre tations of the attitudes and practices of administrators in the program and on scattered information brought to our attention. Some commented 30 on the difference in atmosphere and equipment between predominantly Negro schools and schools attended primarily by white children. Here are some other :findings: In an Alabama County, the seven schools that do not participate in the school lunch program are all poor rural Negro schools without facilities. This is the first year that any Negro school has had a cafeteria (supplied through ESEA funds). When the interviewer began with her first question about the number of schools in the county, the School Lunch Director asked, "Do you want the colored schools, too?" Each white school has a trained cafeteria manager who prepares the menus and supervises the program but the County School Lunch Director pre pares the menus for all the Negro schools. In a Mississippi County, lunch and milk programs were discontinued at a school which the white children abandoned after 18 Negro students enrolled. The school administration stated that the program was discon tinued for "economic reasons". In another southern county, Negro children who transferred to a formerly all-white school were told that there were no free or reduced price lunches served at that school. Since the price of lunch was 30¢, and since the Negroes were from poor families, these children went hungry. Many observers have reported that children who are receiving free lunches at all-Negro schools under ESEA are advised that they will no longer be entitled to this assistance if they enroll in formerly all-white schools. This is a device to discourage desegregation and is contrary to ESEA regulations. In a South Carolina county, school officials refused to allow white schools to be included in our study. We discovered that Negro schools rely solely on ESEA funds for lunches; we were told that in the white schools free lunches are part of the regular National School Lunch Program. In the West and Southwest, we heard complaints from parents that their children were discriminated against because they are Indian or Mexican American. We found a few school administrators whose attitudes toward minority children are openly hostile. One State Director kept referring to Indian children as "dirty", "dishonest'', and "dumb." Another State School Lunch Director's telephone conversation, taken down verbatim by the interviewer, as she was waiting to talk with him, speaks for itself: "Well, I was down in one County and I saw 'niggers', Indians and whites all eating in the same cafeteria at the same table. We went 31 over to one of them all-Indian schools later and those Indians are worse than the 'niggers'. It was really filthy. Those niggers in one County are eating now. I wonder what that black rascal gonna say now? You tell that boy in Washington we're gonna feed his 'nigger' children." At this stage in our country's history it will shock no one that some white people despise members of minority groups. The fact that some of these people are administering school lunch programs is not startling either. We cannot document how these attitudes affect the program. But there is enough evidence of discrimination in the School Lunch Program to warrant a thorough study by agencies staffed and equipped to do the job-the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights or the Department of Agriculture itself, or both. While we could not pursue individual instances of racial or ethnic discrimination, the material in this report amply documents wholesale economic discrimination. Minority group children are poor children. And poor children are discriminated against because they are excluded from the National School Lunch Program. The parents of these children and the children themselves only know that they are kept out of the program. Many of them conclude that they are excluded, or are treated differently, because their skins are black or brown, or because of their accents-a conclusion entirely justified by their previous experience in American life. It is small comfort to them to learn that they are discriminated against not because of their color but because they are poor. To a hungry child this is a very fine distinction, indeed, and one without meaning or humanity. 32 3 "EVERYBODY KNOWS THEIR NAMES" The National School Lunch Act and the USDA Regulations make it a condition of participation in the Program that there be no discrimina tion against any child because of his inability to pay the full price of the lunch, i.e., he shall not be fed at a different time, or a different place, or in such a way that he can be identified by his schoolmates. Many State School Lunch Directors have issued instructions or sugges tions about how to prevent needy children from the humiliation of being identified by the paying children. Most State School Lunch Directors sincerely believe that needy children cannot be identified. But where teachers who collect school lunch money are overworked, where the principal regards the School Lunch Program as an unnecessary burden, where the community in general is hostile to welfare recipients in any form, those suggestions are ignored and those instructions are violated with monotonous regularity. The examples given below are not exceptional: 33 DENVER, COLORADO (High Sclzool Teachers): Teachers feel that more students would participate in the free or reduced lunch program if there were no stigma attached to it. Even though only the office and the cafeteria supervisor are supposed to know who is receiving free lunches, there is often such a lack of understanding on the part of the supervisor that students have been embarrassed in line and have commented that they would rather go hungry than be humiliated in front of others. NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA (Teacher): "I do not collect lunch money. It is collected by a member of the cafeteria staff. Children who receive free lunch have cards, and other children are aware of this." (High School Principal): "Children who are getting free lunches are required to work for it in the lunch room, so, of course, everybody knows who they are." MEMPIDS, TENNESSEE (Junior High School Principal): "Children receiving free lunches go into a special room alone to get a token for the plate lunch. The free children get a token; others pay cash." (Elementary Sclzool Teacher): "Up until this year, poor children worked in the cafeteria to earn free lunches and were fed first. I believe this policy may be changed this year." NORFOLK, VIRGINIA (Elementary School Principal): "Free children have a different color lunch ticket." (Elementary Sclzool Teacher): "It is recognized by others in the class. The child does not have a special card but receives a special ticket to be punched daily. It is collected in the classroom." MOUND BAYOU, MISSISSIPPI (Former Cafeteria Manager): "Children that eat free must wait until paying students get through." (Elementary School Teacher): "There is a difference in the kind of tickets the children that receive the free lunches and those who pay get. This has a very definite psychological effect on the children who receive free lunches." 34 DONNA, TEXAS (Principal): "Elementary school children all have tickets, but the free ones are a slightly different color." ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI (Elementary School Principal): The children getting free lunches are made to get at the end of the cafeteria line. They use tokens; the rest of the children pay cash. This happens despite the fact that the Local School Lunch Director sent out a suggestion to all principals that all children use tokens in the cafeteria. PALM BEACH COUNTY, FLORIDA (Welfare Department): "The strongest, most hostile feelings by clients are expressed in relation to the attitudes of cafeteria personnel and supervising lunch room teachers toward the children. These complaints are geographically separated and frequent enough to indicate validity. Children receiving free lunches are too frequently reminded that they are not paying and are made to feel guilty if they do not eat all of the food." (Elementary School Principal): "Children must have a special card to give to the cafeteria cashier and are required to work in the lunch room if convenient for the school." (Elementary Teacher): "We call the roll and they tell us which ones brought lunch, are paying for it, and are not paying. The children don't seem to notice." GARY, INDIANA (Elementary School Principal): "A separate line is set up for them to pick up their lunch tickets. Then they get into the regular lunch line." SUMTER COUNTY, SOUTH CAROLINA (Junior High School Teacher): "Other children can tell who is getting a free lunch. Tickets are passed out in home room for free lunches each day. Students pay or present tickets in the cafeteria. In one case, I give one embarrassed student her ticket after class because she would rather go hungry than have classmates know she cannot pay." (School Principal): "Free children have a ticket while the others pay, but the difference is not obvious." 35 LEE COUNTY, SOUTH CAROLINA (Teacher Interview): "I collect the money and the child getting a free lunch presents a special card. The teachers call out the names of those eligible for a free lunch that day." (Teacher Interview): "At lunch time I walk down the line giving out tickets. The free tickets are a different color from the pay tickets." GREEN BAY, WISCONSIN (Principal): Asked if anybody knew the ten children in his school who received free lunch by working for it, he replied that "the school is too large for people to notice individual eating habits." LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS (Welfare Department): Welfare workers believe that some teachers point out welfare children and embarrass them. RENO, NEVADA (Four Teachers): All agreed that the paying children knew who was getting a free lunch; two, because of the way the money was collected one, because of a special ticket the needy child is given; and one, be cause the teacher called off the names of free and paying children. In contrast to the examples given above there is the interview with the Local School Lunch Director in Great Falls, Montana. When asked whether free and reduced price children could be distinguished from paying children her reply was a vehement: "NO, NO, NO, NO! The list is confidential. Paid and free tickets are alike. In our system, each school bas a cashier. [Upon information from the principal] she issues all free and reduced tickets." Our interviews confirmed that only the principal and cafeteria manager know who is paying and who is not. This last example shows that if a school makes an effort it can prevent the child who gets a free lunch from being embarrassed. Every body does not have to know his name. 36 4 FINANCING THE SCHOOL LUNCH PROGRAM 1. MATCHING FUNDS "[Federal] funds apportioned to any state ... shall be made upon condition that each dollar thereof will be matched during the year . . . by $3 from sources within the State determined by the Secretary to have been expended in connection with the school lunch program under this act ... " (National School Lunch Act, 1962). The National School Lunch Act does not spell out which "sources within the State" shall provide this $3 to match the Federal Govern ment's $1. The Department of Agriculture has interpreted this phrase to mean that, according to its Regulations, "Funds from sources within the State shall include . . . funds expended for the program . . . from children's payments ... " Thus the states, and the individual school districts within the states, have no responsibility to provide matching funds from taxes to the 37 w STATE Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Florida<b> Georgia Illinois oo Iowa I.» Kansas Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Missouri Nebraska New Hampshire New Jersey STATE New Mexico New York N. Carolina Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island '° South Carolina South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin 62-63 30 20 26.5 25 28 30 15 30 22.5 30 23.8 30 25 27.5 62-63 25 25 26 23.15 24.92 25 30 20 25 25 30 30 25 25 25 25 25 FINANCING WITHIN THE STATE AVERAGE PRICES 63-64 64-65 65-66 35 40 40 Not Given 22 25 27 5¢ increase per year 27.5 28.5 30.5 26 26 27 28 30 32 30 30 30 25 - 28 15 15 15 30 30 35 Not Given 22.5 22.5 22.5 35 35 40 24 24.2 24.2 30 30 30 27.5 30 29 31.25 20 66-67 45 30 32.5 37.5 29 33 31 30 20 35 25 45 26.4 30 30 31.25 45 CHILDREN 100.0% 82.0% 93.6% 94.5 % 96.4% 49.0% 85.2% 86.1% 66.5% 90.5% 75.7% 97.2% 89.9% 78.0% FINANCING WlTillN THE STATE AVERAGE PRICES 63-64 30 25 28 22.28 25.07 27 30 25 25 30 30 25 27 25 25 25 64-65 28 35 25 30 22.57 24.93 28 35 25 25 30 30 25 29 30 25 25 65-66 31 35 25 32 22.98 25.15 32 40 22.5 25 25 32.5 30 30 30 30 30 25 66-67 35 40 30 34 24.09 27.51 32 40 25 25 30 35 30 30 30 40 30 30 C HILDREN 52.9% 90.3 % 79.2% 89.0% 81.5% 90.8% 89.0% 92.0% 96.6% 79.1% 90.0% 76.9% CONTRIBUTION BY STATE G OVER NMl!NT .3% 2.3% LocAL G OVERN MENT 17.7% 4.1% Incomplete Figures Incomplete Figures .3% 2.5% .4% 3.2% Incomplete Figures Incomplete Figures Incomplete Figures 36.0% 13.0% 1.6% 11.4% .3% 11.0% 13.9% 22.5% Incomplete Figures 2.3% 6.9% 3.9% 2.8% 9.1% 20.4% .6% .6 % 21.4% CONTRIBUTION BY STATE GOVl!RNMl!NT LocAL G OVEllNM J!NT Incomplete Figures 20.9% .8% .2% 5.6% .7% 26.2% 8.9% 20.6% 5.4% 17.8% .3 % 8.9% Incomplete Figures 4.3% 3.9% Not Given .3% .4% 19.9 % Incomplete Figures 7.7% 3.0% 1.0% .4% 9.6% Incomplete Figures Incomplete Figures .9% 22.2% a ) •The source of these fi gures are interviews with the State School Lunch D irectors. b ) This year was the first that Florida had made an appropriation. At the time of the interview, however, the Governor had just vetoed It. CHARITIES .2% 1.6% .3% .4% 2.8% Federal contribution. That responsibility is borne by the children out of what they pay for their lunches. Many states have appropriated funds to support the operation of the State School Lunch Director's office only, a tiny percentage of the total cost of the program. Few states contribute anything beyond this, and one at least-Alabama-does not do this. Some communities contribute to the School Lunch Program out of local taxes; many do not. In most states, the only substantial non-Federal contribution is what the children pay for lunches. The chart on pps. 38 & 39 shows the percentage that the children in each state pay out of the state's contribution to the so-called "$3 to $1" formula. A look at the individual child's lunch to see how this system affects the financing of the total program is instructive. It costs an average of 50¢ (not including milk) to put the child's school lunch plate in front of him. That 50¢ cost includes the price of locally purchased food and the cost of storing it, transporting it, cooking it, and serving it. Also included are the salaries of cooks, dishwashers, dieticians, local supervisors, and sometimes part of the cost of administra tion. Let us say the child pays 35¢ for that lunch (a fairly average cost, although in the bigger cities the price tends to be 40¢ to 45¢ and the average total cost of the lunch is proportionately higher). The Federal Government contributes an average of 4.5¢ cash reimbursement toward the lunch, and the value of the Federally donated commodities may be as high as 11.5¢. According to these calculations, the School Lunch Program works out just right: The amount the child pays plus the amount of the Federal contribution adds up to what it costs to provide the child with a lunch. But what happens when the cost of the lunch goes up because the price of food or the price of labor increases? And what happens when a large number of children cannot afford to pay the full price of the lunch, or to pay anything at all? How is this extra cost financed? Our examination will show that the present methods of financing these extra costs are at best stopgaps and, at worst, are completely in adequate to meet the twin problems of rising cost and rising need. The state can make a contribution to the School Lunch Program out of state taxes. Unfortunately, few state legislatures seem impelled to do this. Where it is done in any significant amount, it has a dramatic effect on the price of the school lunch in general, and on the ability to provide free and reduced price lunches to needy children. 40 South Carolina, for example, makes a state allotment of 50¢ per year for every elementary and secondary school child enrolled. This con tributes to the fact that South Carolina's participation rate in the pro gram is over 61 per cent, one of the highest in the nation, and that ~he state also has one of the highest percentages of free and reduced pnce lunches-25.6 per cent--compared to an average of less than 8 per cent in Alabama, Mississippi and Virginia. New York State contributes an amount sufficient to raise the level of the Federal subsidy to 9¢ per lunch, as compared to the current national average reimbursement of 4.5¢ per lunch. Its percentage of free and reduced price lunches is the highest in the nation-27.4 per cent. The Utah Legislature doubled the state's contribution to the School Lunch Program and now pays 19 per cent of the Program's cost. Elemen tary school lunch prices now average 21¢ to 25¢, which is well below the average national price of 35¢, although the percentage of free lunches is slightly less than the national average. Louisiana contributes 9¢ to the cost of each meal. The state's par ticipation rate is 73 per cent, the nation's highest, and the free and reduced price lunch rate is 18 per cent, well above the national average of 10 per cent. And Louisiana is able to keep the price of the lunch down to 20¢-25¢. The significance of a state contribution to participation, price, and free and reduced price lunches can hardly be overstated. Communities, too, can contribute local tax funds to support the School Lunch Program, but only a few have done so and only in a small way. For example, some pay the costs of utilities, some the salaries of local administrators. More frequently, communities adopt two other methods to meet their financial problems: 1) they discontinue lunch programs in schools which cannot make ends meet; or 2) they raise the prices. Closing a school lunch program causes bitter anger, and no matter bow the matter is resolved, leaves a scar. In Oakland, California, for instance, the Oakland Unified School District discontinued the school lunch program in slum schools because not enough children could afford to pay and the program was losing money. The resulting community struggle lasted more than two years, and its outcome, the reopening of the program and the granting of a minimum number of free lunches, has satisfied neither the parents nor the school board. The more usual practice is to raise the prices. As will be noted from the chart on pps. 38 & 39, there has been an increase in price in most states in the past five years. But increases in price result in a decline in 41 participation in poorer schools, eliminating th~s~ c~dren wh? just .man age to pay the full price. The decrease in partictpation of paymg children means that there is even less money available to provide free and reduced price lunches for needy children. A State School Lunch Director comments on the present financing system as follows: "The $3 to $1 matching formula is not realistic. It was never the intention of Congress, as can be seen from the record of the hearings in 1946, that children's lunch money be included in the state's matching amount. Lunch money, administration and supervision all should have been excluded from the amount provided by the state; the matching formula should have been "$1 to $1", with the state's contri bution based on taxes, state and local. The state should build, equip, administer and supervise for the school lunch program in addition to pro viding tax funds. The School Lunch Program is the only Federal program for which a state reporting on expenditures can co-mingle expenses such as cash contributions and supervision." The State School Lunch Director of a state in which only 15 per cent of the children participate in the National School Lunch Program says: "The greatest need is for state assistance to supplement Federal assistance. Last year, for the first time, a bill was introduced in our Legislature which would have granted 5¢ per lunch. This didn't get out of the Appropriations Committee. This bill will be reintroduced this year and the State School Lunch Department and the professional school lunch association will have to lobby for it again. Many schools, particu larly older urban schools, are afraid now that they'll lose money under the present program. A state supplement would help make it possible for them to balance their budgets and purchase needed equipment." A third State Director, in an article in his monthly newsletter last year, urged the following: " ... we believe firmly that the cost of all school food service labor should be budgeted in the school budget and paid for entirely by the cities or towns as all other school employees and should not be set apart or singled out as a group, to receive their salaries and benefits from funds provided by the children who participate in the lunch pro gram. "Adequate funds should be budgeted for all labor and supervision costs attached to the program, not charged to the program, so that the cost of the lunch can be kept at a minimum for the student and the program becomes realistically part of the educational services provided by the school. Students are not expected to pay for bus rides, 42 custodial services, or to pay the costs of librarians, nurses, guidance counsellors or physical education programs. School food service should be operated in the same manner in which athletic programs, school bands or vocational shop programs are conducted and financed. ". . . In this state, approximately 70% of all communities are paying the entire cost of the central supervision of the school food service from appropriated funds and 67 cities and towns are paying sub stantial amounts of the total labor costs from appropriated funds. This means that the burden for this one educational program is removed from only those who participate and more realistically is assumed by all the taxpayers of the community. "At this time of the year, when school budgets are being prepared for town meetings, we urge those charged with the financial responsibility of the schools, to include the cost of the food service labor and super vision in the total school personnel costs, where it rightfully belongs. Then, the students who need and choose to participate can do so at a minimum cost. "Do not let school food service suffer from financial malnutrition by setting it apart from all other school activities. Accept school food ser vice in its rightful place at the educational banquet and· let it receive a fair share of he local educational dollar." 2. VARIABLE RATES OF ASSISTANCE There are, however, two remedies within the School Lunch Act which are designed to redress the balance between the schools that can support the School Lunch Program and those that cannot. The first remedy is the use of variable rates. As noted in the section, "Some Facts about the National School Lunch Program", in the Introduction, the Regulations set a maximum rate of reimbursement for each lunch: "The maximum rate of reimbursement shall be 9¢ for a Type A lunch (7 ¢ without milk)." (It must be borne in mind, however, that the 9¢ reim bursement rate is no longer applicable. The rising costs of the program have made the Federal contribution shrink to an average of 4.5¢ per plate.) But the Regulations allow, although they do not require, making reimbursement at higher rates for poorer schools: "State Agencies . . . are authorized to reimburse from general cash-for-food assistance funds, at rates not to exceed 15¢ for a Type A lunch (13¢ without milk) . .. schools which have a high proportion of children unable to pay for their lunches and for which it is determined that additional financial assistance is needed in order that they meet program requirements . . . " What this regulation means is that more affluent schools could re ceive a lower Federal reimbursement rate, which results in higher lunch prices, so that poorer schools could receive a higher rate of Federal 43 STATE Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Florida Georgia Iowa Kansas Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska New Hampshire New Jersey New Mexico New York North Carolina Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin EXTRA ASSISTANCE* V ARIABLB RA TI!S x x information not clear x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x SECTION 11 x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x not this year x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x •Source of information: Interviews with State School Lunch Diiectors 44 .AMT. SEC. 11 FUNDS $ 59,306 $ 19,054 $ 62,383 $100,000 $ 9,229 $ 90,954 $112,744 $ 9,354 no figure $128,287 $ 7,612 $ 8,182 $ 63,520 $ 19,757 $ 12,351 $ 51,459 $ 24,075 $ 6,983 $ 3,589 $ 6,654 $ 25,473 $356,750 $100,000 $ 33,543 $ 26,518 $ 3,798 $ 41,136 no figure $ 22,907 $ 11,000 $ 90,000 $ 78,324 $ 10,328 no figure $ 39,961 $ 7,862 $ 45,000 $ 9,218 reimbursement and thus cut the price correspondingly, or provide more free and reduced price lunches . It is worth repeating that variable rates are permitted, but they are not required. As the chart on p. 44 shows, 19 of the 39 states where this information was available employ variable rates. Three of the states which do not, South Carolina, Louisiana and New York, have substituted substantial state aid and are maintaining a relatively high level of free and reduced price lunches. There is also no requirement in the legislation or in the Regulations that where variable rates are used, they must be distributed according to a particular formula. The decision to use them is made at the state level. Some states select a few needy schools to receive the higher rate; some try to spread a smaller amount of the higher rate to more schools. Not a single state reimburses up to 15¢ a lunch in every school that could be classified as needy. In three states where variable rates are employed, Minnesota, Tennessee and New Jersey, the communities we studied-Minneapolis, Memphis and Fayette County, and Bridgeton--did not use them. The following five examples, taken from interviews with Local School Lunch Directors in communities which do employ them, will show how different their use can be. TALIAFERRO COUNTY, GEORGIA: "Eleven cents is the highest reimbursement allowed by the state. Taliaferro gets this. The State De partment of Education says they do not have the money to pay the 15¢." LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS: "We get 6¢ in our program." DENVER, COLORADO: "Higher rates are given to six schools based on their need, the number of meals served. The higher rates help provide low cost meals." DETROIT, MICHIGAN: "Higher rates go to two schools (\11 the basis of establishing a pilot project in a depressed neighborhO\.ld, These are the same two schools receiving special assistance undet Section 11. (See below) CLEVELAND, OHIO: "We receive 10¢ reimbursement for 'additional assistance' schools for free and sold lunches as opposed to 4¢ for free and sold lunches in other schools." Tucson, Arizona provides an interesting example of how two poor schools in the same community use the variable rate in quite different ways. 45 In the first school, there are 230 children of whom 100 go home for lunch and 130 buy their lunch. The regular price for lunch in Tucson is 30¢, but in this school it ranges from 10¢ to 25¢, depending on the income, size and other needs of the family. There are no free lunches, even among the neediest. Some of the children who get the lowest price lunch work in the kitchen to earn it. The principal believes that "every one should pay something, both for the family's self-respect and because the cost of a free lunch program in a school as poor as this would be prohibitive." But two of the parents interviewed felt that the 25¢ was prohibitive. One works at the school as a playground monitor during the lunch hour, partly to pay the 25¢ for her child's lunch. She eats her own lunch at home because the 50¢ charge for adults is too high. The other parent, who works as a domestic and at whatever else she can find to support her family, finds 50¢ a day for her two children "a lot. It is sometimes hard to get the money." When she doesn't have it, the children have to find something to eat at home--tortilla or soup. In the second school, there are 440 children, of whom 225 live near enough to go home for lunch. Of those who go home for lunch, the principal says: "This would be completely a guess, but say 60 to 80 of these do so because they can't afford to buy lunch at school. There are many families in this area with ten or twelve children and they can't afford to give all of them money for lunch." Two teachers interviewed together both felt strongly that children who went home for lunch were not getting enough to eat. "They don't get meat or vegetables, it's mostly tortillas and beans." They said that there were many cases of extreme poverty where children live in dirt fioored houses and sleep in beds with three or more other children. Of the children who remain at school, about 25 bring something from home and the remainder, about 175, buy the school lunch. The lunch is priced at 15¢ for everybody. In addition, about six children are given lunch free every day. This is done on a short term basis, for ex ample, when a child's pa_rent is temporarily out of work. The children do not work in the kitchen regularly, although if help is needed, any body may be asked to assist. From these examples, two conclusions emerge: first, that there is no uniform standard for determining how variable rates shall be used, in terms of need, neighborhood, number of children served, and price charged. Secondly, and far more significantly, no matter how they are 46 COMMUNITIES Method of Financing and Percentage Free & Reduced Price Lunches •> COMMUNITY Mobile, Ala. Sumter County, Ala. Tucson, Ariz. Little Rock, Ark. Oakland, Calif. Richmond, Calif. Tulare County, Calif. Denver, Colo. Washington, D . C. Palm Beach County, Fla. Tallahassee, Fla. Augusta, Ga. Taliaferro County, Ga. Carbondale, ill. Peoria, Ill. Gary, Ind. Knott County, Ky. Rock Castle County, Ky. New Orleans, La. Springfield, Mass. Detroit, Mich. Minneapolis, Minn. Buffalo, N. Y. Mound Bayou, Miss. Jefferson County, Mo. Great Falls, Mont. Reno, Nev. Bridgeton, N. J . Albuquerque, N. M. Jackson, Miss. Charlotte, N. c. Cleveland, Ohio Philadelphia, Pa. Lee County, s. c. Sumter County, s. c. Fayette ounty, Tena. Memphis, Tenn. Norfolk, Va. La Conner, Wash. Marysville, Wash. Seattle, Wash. Green Bay, Wisc. (a) Source of information . I · . . D1snncr-Wroe x<•' x x x x x x x x not answered x not answered not answered x x x x not answered x x x not answered x not answered x x x x x x x x x x FINANCING JNDIVJDUAL SCHOOL x x<b> x x x x x x x % Flu!e & Reouceo PRICE 4.5% 2.8% 9.9% 0.0%Cc> 21.5% not given not given 8.6% 51.7% 40.5% 7.0% 19.0% 26.0% 5.0%Cd) none 38.0% 25.0% 20.0% 8.0% 22.4% 14.0% .6% 5.0% 33.0% not given 16.3% 10.0% 1.0% 6.5% 4.0% 12.5% 11.3% 5.7% 47.0% 17.0% 17.0% not given 36.7%Ce) 22.0% 3.1% .4% 6.0% ~~) For Negro schools, the~;~~~~ ~i~ocal Sc_hCX?I Lll;Dch Director (d~ AllThisfrfiee lun~hes are financed by ESEA rW::~sd district-wide, for white schools, individually ( gure IS for high scho 1 . · · e) Of this percentage, ESEA pr~Jid~:\co~~~e for elementary schools was not known. 47 used, their application is entirely inadequate to meet the problem of feeding needy children in poor neighborhood schools. Various school lunch administrators-experts from the Department of Agriculture as well as individual State School Lunch Directors-have explained to us the value of district-wide financing of the School Lunch Program in preference to financing by the school. It is easy to understand the theoretical advantages of district-wide financing: All the schools in the district pool their Federal contributions and the children's payments. Then the money is given to each school based on the children's ability to pay and on the number of free lunches needed. Thus, children in more affluent schools would pay a higher price and the school would receive a small or perhaps no Federal subsidy; children in poorer schools would pay a lower price and their schools would receive a high subsidy. District financing in practice, however, does not work this way. Most of the communities we studied have district-wide financing; only eight said they permitted the individual school to do its own. (See chart on p. 4 7). But where variable rates are not allowed, district financing is simply a matter of central bookkeeping. In the states where it is allowed, it is not always practiced, and where it is practiced, the pattern has been to assign the higher rates to one or two or just a handful of schoolr sometimes the most needy, but sometimes selected for other reasons. Although some states, such as Colorado, have done so, in no community that we studied did we see a carefully worked out plan of a sliding scale of variable rates to permit a sliding scale of prices based upon the ability of the children to pay for lunch. 3. "A DROP IN THE BUCKET" In 1962, when the 1946 National School Lunch Act was amended, one of the significant changes made was the addition of Section 11, to provide " . . . special assistance to schools drawing attendance from areas in which poor economic conditions exist, for the purpose of helping such schools to meet the requirement of Section 1758 of this title concerning the service of lunches to children unable to pay the full cost of such lunches." The Section provides for the apportionment of funds among the states on the basis of two factors: ( 1 ) the number of free or reduced price lunches served ... in the previous fiscal year, and (2) the assis- tance need rate. 48 ~e Sectio~ lists ~ve factors to guide each state in selecting schools to r~1:e Special AssIStance and the proportion in which they should receive it: ( 1) the economic condition of the area from which such schools draw students; (2) the needs of il · lunches; pup s m such schools for free or reduced price . (h3 ) hthe 1 percentages of free and reduced price lunches being served m sue sc oo s; . ( 4) the prevailing price of lunches in such schools as com ared with thei average prevailing price of lunches served in the state· !,d b th ( 5 'im the. need ~f. such schools for additional assistance as :effected y e anc1al position of their school lunch programs. lie Again, . ~e Dep~~nt of Agriculture has kept to its hands-off r y, r:frai;:rng from givmg suggestions, directives or guidelines about .ow sthuc · sc ools ought to be selected. It merely repeats in its Regula tions e above statements of Section 11. hi ;ome State Directors assign Special Assistance funds only to schools ;ev~e :e;~est them;. oth~rs select one or two for pilot programs; others bill rmul.a which mclud.es such non-need factors as administrative car~ t Again, the result IS a crazy-quilt pattern which bears little ~:t~e;:~ l:~kt~~ i:.egree of need. The examples below illustrate that ~ABAMA.: Its $59,306 goes to 14 schools. Sumter County one of N: poorest m. the United States, with 70 per cent of its predo:mnantl gro population below the proverty level, receives no Special Assistanc?. ~ONA: The $19,054 it received this year ran out in November With districte :oRney, the Sc~oo! Lunch Director decided to use it all in. one , e oosevelt District in Phoenix. ARKANSAS: Its $62 383 · none to Little Rock '. l ;ent .to llllle schools all over the state- but princi al of an el ' mc u ed m our survey, where, for example, a of hi p tud ementary school states that 70 per cent to 80 per cent s s ents come from ho · hi h th or less mes m w c e family income is $3 000 school h per hyedar and 1!1at there have been times when children ~ his ave a to go without any lunch. ;::~RNIA : It received $100,000, although its school population eeds New York, which received $356,750. The reason for this 49 disparity lies in the requirement that apportionments to the states must be based on the number of free and reduced price lunches served the previous year. Since New York provides a state subsidy to support its free lunch program, and California does not, poor schools in California receive less special assistance. COLORADO: Received $9,229. This money went to one school out· side of Denver. Here, too, the money ran out in November and the school had to be carried on general funds until the end of the year. FLORIDA: Received $90,954, which went to ten schools. The state approves those schools recommended by the county. ''Most schools re. main participants although some, if they have a mobile population or if there is a change of administration, are dropped." The School Lunch Director feels strongly that there should be national criteria developed to identify Sec. 11 schools, much more specific than presently defined in the School Lunch Act or in the USDA Regulations. GEORGIA: Its $112,744 went to 23 schools, but Taliaferro County, included in our survey, received no funds. Tailaferro is one of the poorest counties in the state. It has no white public school pupils: after a Federal court order desegregating the Taliaferro schools, the state permitted the county's white children to be bused to schools in a neighboring county. MICHIGAN: It used its $19,757 Sec. 11 appropriation in one month. The State Board of Education is currently asking the State Legislature to appropriate $2,000,000 for the School Lunch Program. Just as damaging as the lack of standards for distribution of Sec. 11 funds is their pathetic inadequacy, as the chart on p. 44 shows. The 1962 Amendment to the School Lunch Act authorized $10,000,000 for Special Assistance for the first year and open-ended appropriations after that. But Congress has never appropriated more than $2,000,000. Divided among 50 states, this amount is, as one school administrator put it, "A drop in the bucket." 50 5 "TOO POOR TO SUPPORT A CAFETERIA" There are 50 million bli h . only 18 milli f p~ . c sc. ool children in this country and tryino to dete:U::.e :m ~rtic1pate ID the School Lunch Program. In time ~gain to the fact ~at lowwas s?•. ou: attention ~as drawn time and urban schools, most of the . p~c1pation wa_s particularly apparent in lunchtime is ·u m ID s urns. The plight of the slum child at of our cities ~st o~e ymptom of. the sickness of education in the slums lunch progr~m:g~:ealr~~~~s!;;'1th ~aren~ demanding.~ more adequate more. en p ace m several cities. We predict The schools in the gbett f . . in almost every way 0 oes o. our cities are neglected and inadequate lunch for the childre~ ne way ~s that many of them cannot provide facilities. who need It most because they do not have any The Department of Agriculture estimates that nine million children 51 are excluded from the National School Lunch Program because their schools do not have the facilities to provide lunch. These no-facility schools are almost invariably in the slums of our cities. Urban schools were built as neighborhood schools with the idea that children could walk to and from them and also go home for lunch. At the time these schools were built, it was assumed, of course, that waiting for these children at home at lunch time was a non-working mother who would provide a nutritious lunch. These old urban, neighbor hood schools, without kitchens and lunchrooms, are now the schools of the slums. They serve the children of the poor--children whose mothers often work and, even if they do not, cannot provide them with an adequate lunch at home, as educators and nutritionists acknowledge. The children of more affluent parents live in newer neighborhoods with newer schools more likely to have lunchroom facilities. And if they go home for lunch, they probably have a waiting mother and a good meal. The exclusion of urban slum schools from participation because of lack of facilities is borne out in the communities we studied: CLEVELAND, OHIO: All 136 elementary schools in the city are excluded from the School Lunch Program; 60 per cent of Cleveland's school children attend schools without lunch facilities. DETROIT, MICHIGAN: Only 79 out of 224 elementary schools par ticipate in the School Lunch Program. Of those not participating for lack of facilities, 78 are located in the slums. SPRINGFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS: One third of the elementary schools are eliminated from the School Lunch Program because they have no facilities. The School Lunch Director, commenting on why children do not get lunch even when the school does make it available, states: "School Department regulations govern the number of elementary students who are allowed to participate. Seating accommodations and kitchen facilities are a factor in all schools." Another principal of a slum elementary school without kitchen facilities or a lunch program stated that "a bot lunch program would be desirable in a disadvantaged school of this type" but that there would be no space for facilities in the school which was built about sixty years ago. The school's breakfast program takes place in an exercise room and the bag lunches which children bring from home are eaten in the class rooms. An interviewer, after seeing the principal of a slum elementary school, wrote: "In this school only 130 out of 740 children participate 52 in the school lunch program and only 25 to 40 get free lunches. The cafeteria holds 48 children. Others eat in an anteroom and an adjacent classroom. Although the principal would ideally like to see an expanded lunch program, it must be limited by a lack of additional space." PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA: Only 44 elementary schools par ticipate in the School Lunch Program. The Local School Lunch Director could not identify schools by socio-economic neighborhoods but not a single one of the 12 slum schools we surveyed had facilities for a pro gram. The principals of these 12 non-participating schools seemed to feel that a lunch program or lack of one is out of their jurisdiction and they had little information about the nutritional needs or habits of their children. (Elementary school principal interview): This school, located in a low-income neighborhood, has no lunch program. It is a new school, dedicated May, 1966. It has a kitchen and dining room, but they are not used. The principal set up a "Latch-Key" program which accommo dates 50 children. (They are called "latch key children" because they fr<> quently wear latch-keys around their necks so they can get into their homes by themselves. Their mothers work and there is nobody at home to supervise them during lunch or after school. ) These children bring sandwiches from home plus a dollar a week. They eat their sandwiches at a local recreation center and are given milk. The dollar pays for the services of two women who supervise the children during the lunch hour. There are 1,136 children in the school, many of them latch-key children. The principal feels that if lunches were free, it would deny a basic right of parents. She did not know about the National School Lunch Program. MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA: Only nine elementary schools out of a total of 71 participate in the School Lunch Program and 51 per cent of the children in the city are excluded because they go to schools with no facilities. WASHINGTON, D.C.: Only 24 out of 138 elementary schools here have lunchroom facilities. In some of the 114 schools excluded, the School Lunch Office is attempting to feed 10,000 children with bag lunches prepared in a central kitchen. (See Chapter IX) . . By conn:ast to the above examples, none of the fairly large Southern cities we studied-Mobile, Tallahassee, Charlotte, New Orleans, Norfolk, Memphis, Augusta-excluded elementary schools wholesale. In most of 53 these cities every school participated. In only a few, a very small number did not participate, because of special circumstances or on the desire of the local board. Only one school, in Mobile, did not participate because of lack of facilities. We asked school principals in the Northern cities listed above in which there were no-facility schools to estimate how many children who were going home for lunch were not getting an adequate lunch. Very few cared to make an estimate. The three or four who did said, "about half", "most of them", "99 per cent," and were careful to add that they did not know for certain or that they had never studied the problem, or had no figures. So we cannot document how many children from these no facility schools are getting an inadequate lunch or no lunch at all. But many of our interviewers' comments underline the feeling that "every body knows" that slum children who go home for lunch are not eating adequately. Here is one such interviewer's assessment from Philadelphia: "This school is located in a large, low-income housing project. The children all live within two blocks of the school building. There are many, many AFDC and relief families in the project. "There is no provision for food service or free milk. The children are not permitted to bring their lunches. It is generally known that few of the children have satisfactory lunches, even though they go home. Some of the children could pay for lunch, but those from large families could not. "Apparently, teachers and parents accept the situation as it exists and do not even consider a school lunch program. It would seem that if any neighborhood could benefit from the operation of a school lunch pro gram, this one certainly could. Outward appearances would indicate that a good bot lunch for each child would be a morale builder for the entire community." Washington, D. C. is struggling to provide bag lunches for needy children in no-facility schools and St. Louis is experimenting with a "Vita Lunch" (also a bag lunch) for a few of its slum schools. New York City has long had a central kitchen which provides lunches for no facility schools and other cities have "satellite" programs. We will ex amine these operations in Chapter IX. But most of the big cities do not seem disposed to add cafeterias to old schools or to experiment with "satellite programs" or central kitchens. (See Chapter VIII) Nor is there always a willingness to include them in new schools being built in the slums. As long as communities 54 are tied to the concept that the School Lunch Program must "pay for itself' out of what the children and the Federal Government contribute, school boards will be reluctant to install cafeterias in schools which are financially unable to support them. As one State School Lunch Director, whose state has only 15 per cent participation, told us: "In older urban schools, lack of facilities and equipment is a severely limiting factor. Every possible closet space is already taken for some activity. In newer schools where space has been set aside for lunchroom programs, they often have no money for equipment. The best programs are in rural areas where schools must have facilities to accommodate children who are bused to school." This fact is the cause of growing resentment among parents of children in slum schools, who are beginning to voice their objections to the discrimination inherent in excluding their children from the advan tages of participation in the School Lunch Program. It is also a source of growing concern to responsible voices which speak for the whole community, as these two recent newspaper editorials demonstrate: From an editorial entitled "Going Hungry" in the Harrisburg, Penn- sylvania Evening News, January 22, 1968: "Harrisburg's junior and senior high schools have cafeterias, but the elementary schools in Harrisburg and a few other municipalities in the area do not. "For years it has been assumed that the in-town elementary pupil would walk home at lunch hour and get a nutritious lunch, which incidentally isn't necessarily a 'hot lunch.' But many pupils, in Harrisburg especially, come from poor families or from homes where the mother is away at work during the day. "The Benjamin Franklin Elementary School . . . is the city's newest school, built early in the 60's, but even this school lacks a cafeteria. ". . . The problem of getting a nutritious lunch program for all ele mentary school pupils is now in the lap of the Harrisburg School Dis trict. It is a problem, of course, that should have been met years ago. Buildings like Ben Franklin shouldn't have gone up without cafeterias. "The school districts without elementary school cafeterias are not entirely to blame, however. The Commonwealth does not require that all schools have cafeterias. A municipal school district can receive its full share of state construction subsidy without providing cafeteria service . . . "The situation today on school lunches is ironic. Out in the wealthy suburbs, children are bused to schools which have cafeterias. Most of 55 these children get nutritious meals at home and in school. But in the municipalities where children walk to school from home, where often nutritious meals aren't served, these are the very children deprived of a school lunch program." From an editorial entitled "No Cafeteria" in the Ba/,timore Sun, November 27, 1967: "One of the new schools in the inner city has the space provided for a cafeteria and kitchen, but the cafeteria is used as four classrooms, sep arated by low partitions, while the ceramic-tiled kitchen is used for auxiliary school purposes. Not that the school is so desperately short of classroom space that a cafeteria had to be sacrificed. The cafeteria is not equipped and used because a survey in advance of the school's opening found the neighborhood was too poor to support a cafeteria . . . "While a self-supporting system may make financial sense, it does not make social welfare sense. The neighborhood which cannot buy enough lunches to support a school cafeteria is probably just the neighborhood in which it is important to see that the children get at least one-well balanced hot meal each school day ... " 56 6 HIGH PRICE EQUALS LOW PARTICIPATION A second major factor in low participation in the School Lunch Program is the price of the lunch. Almost every State School Lunch Director we interviewed agreed that price increases affect over-all state participation very markedly. (See chart on pp. 38 & 39 which shows price increases over the last five years). Some Directors simply answered "yes" to the questions about price increases affecting participation. But some had more extended comments. Here they are: CALIFORNIA: "Our prices have increased 5¢ each year for the past five years. We have had a 25 per cent drop-off. It knocks out the kids who need it most." COLORADO: "One school district dropped 8 per cent when a 5¢ increase went into effect, but most of it was regained. Another increased 5¢ and dropped 25 per cent in participation. When Denver increased from 25¢ to 30¢, there was a very sharp drop in participation." 57 MAINE: "I am worried by the 30¢ lunch. We would serve more children if it were a 25¢ program. We can't justify a lunch program if it's only for those who can afford it." MARYLAND: "Oh my, yes, indeed increases affect children's participa tion! We had a price increase last winter and it made our participation drop way down. We're still suffering from this because last year our total state participation increased by only .06 per cent. In previous years, it has increased steadily by 7 per cent to 8 per cent." MISSISSIPPI: In almost every case where there has been a price increase, the average daily participation in the program has dropped. MISSOURI: "Because of the price increase, we did not have our usual 7 per cent to 8 per cent increase in participation which will affect our cash reimbursement per lunch in 1967-68." OREGON: An increase from 25¢ to 30¢ caused an average 11 per cent drop; however, a part of this loss was recovered the following year. NEW MEXICO: "Yes. Our state has had an 8 per cent to 9 per cent annual increase in participation. Participation decreased 2.2 per cent in 1966-1967." WASHING TON: The increase caused an 18 per cent drop in partici pation. ''Why Does It Have To Be All Or Nothing?" A parent in Detroit told our interviewer: "I have three children in school. I am not on the welfare and I don't want to take charity. I know I could afford to pay something, maybe 15¢ or 20¢ most of the time, but I can't pay the 35¢ for three. But they won't take some, so none of them get any. Why does it have to be all or nothing?" The USDA Regulations permit schools to offer lunches at a reduced price. The decision to do so is generally left up to individual schools. Most school principals dislike the reduced price category because of the additional bookkeeping and because it puts them in the position of having to review each child's case individually to see how much he can afford to pay. Since the USDA Regulations do not require that free and reduced price lunches be reported separately, most school administrators do not feel any obligation to set up a sliding scale of prices for lunch. It is only in those states and school districts where serving reduced price lunches 58 is encouraged and facilitated, because of the philosophy of the State or Local School Lunch Director, that the practice is followed. The over whelming majority of schools do not allow reduced price lunches. The only communities in our study in which lunches are served at a reduced price in a number of schools are: Denver, Colorado; Fayette County and Memphis, Tennessee; Palm Beach County and Tallahassee, Florida; Lee and Sumter Counties, South Carolina. Significantly, the State Directors in Florida, Colorado and South Carolina all believe that reduced price lunches are a way to help marginal income families afford a lunch and to save the pride of poor families who may be able to afford a few cents for a lunch. In addition, individual schools in Carbondale, Illinois; Rock Castle County, Kentucky; Norfolk, Virginia; Albuquerque, New Mexico; Marys ville, Washington; and Augusta, Georgia, serve reduced price lunches. In an elementary school in Augusta, where the regular price of the meal is 30¢, families with four children in the school automatically pay 25¢ each and families with more than four, 20¢. We found 210 schools in 30 school districts which do not offer reduced price lunches (excluding the school systems and the individual schools mentioned above, schools which had no lunch programs, and those in which all the lunches were reduced because of the use of variable rates, Sec. 11 or ESEA funds). Lunch From Home Many of the children who cannot afford the price of lunch at school bring a sandwich from home--a "sack lunch." In the more than 500 parent interviews conducted in this study, only three parents stated that they prepared a sack lunch because their children liked it better than the school lunch. The rest all said they fixed one because it was cheaper, or because they could not afford the price of the school lunch. The schools above were those in which, according to the interviewer's comments, the lunchrooms were clean and attractive, the lunches were tasty, and the serving lines were not too long. The parents' interviews in these schools all stated that when lunch was fixed at home, it was because it was cheaper than buying it at school. About half the parents interviewed stated that they would prefer their children to purchase lunch at school, but that the price was prohibitive. Here is an around-the-country sample of the number of children bringing sack lunches from home: 59 LOCATION OP No. OP BUY BRING Snrol!NTS LUNCH LUNCH PR.Ice. SCHOOL (a) Mobile, Ala. 714 200 360 $ .30 Tucson, Ariz. 834 319 342 .30 Little Rock, Ark. 473 250 150 .35 Oakland, Calif. 445 150 120 .40 Richmond, Calif. 488 265 150 .35 Denver, Colo. 850 450 250 .30 Palm Beach County, Fla. 152 130 -0- .20 Tallahassee, Fla. 152 80 70 .40 Rock Castle County, Ky. 360 360 -0- .20 Knott County, Ky. 608 580 25 .25 New Orleans, La. 512 385 34 .20 Detroit, Mich. 1,600 750 400 .35 Minneapolis, Minn. 860 430 430 .35 Reno, Nev. 750 375 300 .35 Albuquerque, N. M. 238 90 78 .30 Charlotte, N. C. 852 650 160 .25 Fayette County, Tenn. 496 340 100 .25 Memphis, Tenn. 1,780 800 500 .30 Seattle, Wash. 558 200 238 .35 Green Bay, Wisc. 1,142 250 860 .35 (a) All are elementary schools except those in Minneapolis and Reno which are junio r high schools. Information is from interviews with school principals. As the sample shows, the lower the price, the higher the number of pupils who buy the school lunch. In two schools where the price was 20¢, participation was 100 per cent; in the third, it was 75 per cent. In three schools where the price was 25¢, the participation was 95 per cent at one, 76 per cent at the second, and 68 per cent at the third. At 30¢, participation drops sharply, ranging from 27 per cent, 37 per cent, 38 per cent, 45 per cent to 52 per cent. Once the price went over 30¢, there was not a great difference in participation in these schools. The participation rate at 35¢ was 21 per cent, 35 per cent, 47 per cent, 50 per cent; and the rate at 40¢ was 33 per cent. In the six schools where the price was 25¢ and below, the hmch program was subsidized above the normal Federal contribution through higher variable rates, Sec. 11 funds and through ESEA money, and in the case of New Orleans, through a state subsidy. Our interviews with parents bear out the fact that for marginal families, not on welfare but struggling along on a modest income--and especially where there are several public school children-the 5¢ price differential between 25¢ and 30¢ is one they cannot bridge. In Albu- 60 querque, New Mexico, parents and community leaders petitioned the school board last fall to establish a 15¢ price in low-income areas. (The school superintendent replied that a price reduction was not possible "under present circumstances.") And the Arizona State School Lunch Director said that if the price were decreased to 10¢, almost 100 per cent of the children in the state could afford to participate. There are, of course, other factors which influence school lunch par- ticipation. In some overcrowded schools, teachers, parents and inter- viewers mentioned long waits on the cafeteria line, generally because of a shortage of help. In some schools, interviewers felt that the lunch period was too short when it was only half an hour. But on the elementary school level, at least, price seems by far to be the major factor determining participation. 61 7 TEENAGE TASTES Many State Directors are concerned that high schools are dropping out of the School Lunch Program and are shifting to a la carte service or vending machines which permit students to buy inadequate meals. Others have forbidden schools participating in the School Lunch Program to open snack bars or vending machines during the lunch period. In high schools and in some junior high schools, the reasons for participation or lack of it are not easy to isolate. Many high schools have "open campuses", i.e., the students may come and go during the lunch hour as they please. Under these circumstances, it is only possible to count how many students purchase their lunch; it is not always pos sible to determine how many of the balance bring a sandwich or go home or purchase lunch at a nearby snack stand. The presence of soft drink and snack machines on the grounds of some schools is another complicating factor. In addition, high schools in eight communities in 62 our study, are excluded from the National School Lunch Program, pre ferring either to provide a la carte items for the students to purchase, or providing no food service at all. The following sampling shows the wide range of eating patterns in high schools across the country: SUMTER COUNTY, ALABAMA: This is a very poor all-Negro high school with 637 students. ESEA provides 571 free lunches daily. The principal estimates that about 50 children are not eligible for free lunch and don't eat anything. Three go home for lunch. There is a cracker and candy machine and the principal estimates that about ten children pur chase a snack from it in lieu of or in addition to lunch. Profits from the machine go to the general school fund for this particular school. How a price increase would affect participation cannot be answered, since no Negro school in Sumter County had a lunch program before this year, when ESEA funds were made available. TUCSON, ARIZONA: Tucson is one of the communities mentioned above which excludes high schools from the School Lunch Program "be cause of the cost and the belief they are not necessary." This is a double-shift high school in which most of the students eat either after school is over or before it starts. Of the 2,590 students, however, about 635 bring a sack lunch from home. Interestingly, this high school has kitchen facilities which are used to prepare lunches for elementary schools in Tucson's satellite program. MOBILE, ALABAMA: This high school has a closed campus and no snack machines. It is in a poor Negro neighborhood. Of the 1,600 stu dents, 569 buy lunch, 270 bring lunch and the rest cannot afford to do either. The price of the lunch is 30¢ and has not been increased recently. There are no free or reduced price lunches this year, although in previous years about 5 per cent were free. KNOTT COUNTY, KENTUCKY: This is a closed campus school in a rural area. About 50 of the 585 pupils bring sack lunches from home; 82 per cent of the students buy lunch which costs 25¢. There are 70 to 80 free lunches served daily. OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA: This is a closed campus with 870 students. It has a soft drink machine which makes a $20 profit per month which is used for school projects, such as trips. The school cafeteria serves regular school lunches to about 200 children daily, of which 100 are served free. The price of the lunch is 45¢. When the price was raised, "quite a few" students stopped buying the lunch. "Not many" students 63 bring sack lunches from home. The school also serves a la carte items such as hamburgers, pizza, tamales, malts, cake, etc. "Many more" pur chase from the a la carte line than from the plate lunch line. (The interviewer comments): "This is a new, clean, very pleasant school. The food [plate lunch] is fairly attractive, and adequate in taste. It was not very hot. I think the plate menu is very heavy in starch and an adequate portion of meat is not served every day. There is variety in the s~ack foods offered, but far too many sweet and starchy items. Some ~hildren buy very inadequate selections-perhaps cookies or po. tato chips only. I also object to the choice of sweetened ice tea offered to the plate lunch children. The kitchen was clean and well run." RICHMOND, CALIFORNIA: This is a brand new school with 2,400 students. It has an open campus and double shift. Some students go home for lun,ch; some are on morning shift and eat off campus after school· some are on afternoon shift and eat off campus before school; some brin~ a bag lunch. The cafeteria manager stated that there are soft drink and cracker machines and she thinks "many" children purchase a bar of c~dy and a coke for lunch. The machines make a 30 per cent profit which goes to the cafeteria fund. Four hundred children eat the 45¢ plate lunch daily; 400-500 stu dents, over and above the 400 who eat the School Lunch Program lunch, purchase hamburgers, hot dogs, tamales, pizza, enchiladas, jello, cookies and cake. The school gives no free or reduced price lunches. The cafeteria manager estimates that 20 per cent of the children, of whom 18 per cent are Negro, eat little or nothing for lunch. DENVER, COLORADO: This is an open campus of 2,500 students of whom an average of 700 per day eat the plate lunch. The price is 35¢. Half the students purchase a la carte items· 100 go home for lunch· about 625 bring a .sack lunch, and the balance a;e unaccounted for off c~mpus, perhaps buymg snack lunches from machines or snack bars. There are no £r:ee lun~hes except in a rare emergency. This, according to the inter viewer, is ~; ~nly. open campus high school in Denver. The principal states that, Puce increase made participation drop a lot," but gives no percentages. MINNEAPOLIS, MINNEsOTA: This high school has 1,100 students, of whom .40 go home for lunch; 130 are on special shifts and so eat off campus either before or after school. The price of the plate lunch is 35¢ ?nd about 500 purchase this. The balance buy a la carte item<;. A price increase caused a 10 per cent decrease in participation. 64 ETROIT, MICHIGAN: This is a two-shift school of 1,800 pupils: 3.00 D d ts on mornina shift eat off campus after school; 400 students bnng stu en o . . a sack lunch from home; 200 students are given a free lunch. The remain- . 800 students purchase the lunch at the regular price of 45¢. The 1.0gbool carries a la carte items, but they may be purchased only after the SC af .. bool lunch is purchased. Thus, only 8 per cent of the c etena income sc . N d . . from a la carte items. There are no vending machines. o ecrease m JS • , d participation was noted when the pnce mcrease . NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA: This is a poor Negro high school with 1,800 students. It has a closed campus; nobody g~es home. for lunch; no a la carte items are sold; and there are no vending machmes. !Mee hundred children purchase the plate lunch at 30¢. About 300 children bring a sack lunch from home. Twenty free lunches per .day are .available at this school and the students are required to work m the kitchen to earn them. The rest of the children "do not eat because ~hey c~~ot afford to pay." A recent increase in price did cause a drop in participa tion, but the principal could not estimate by what per cent. (It should be noted that the state subsidy applies only to elementary schools.) ROCK CASTLE COUNTY, KENTUCKY: This is an open-campus elementary through high school with 880 students. Six hundred students purchase the plate lunch at 25¢; 25 pay 15¢ for the plate lunch; and 7 S get a free lunch. There are no a la carte items. Only five students go home. Ten students bring lunch from home. "Some" students purchase their lunches from pop-corn and coke machines in the school building. The coke and pop-com machines each make a profit of $1,000 a year. In 1967, the profits financed the senior class trip. Previous to that, the money was applied to school salaries. The balance of the students-about 120-purchase food off campus. CARBONDALE, ILLINOIS: This is an open campus. Of the 505 stu dents, about 165 go home for lunch, one-third (about 160) eat their lunch at nearby snack stands, and the remaining 160 purchase the plate lunch for 30¢. There are no a la carte items, but there is a candy ma chine which mak'es a profit of $100 a year that is given to the Girls Honor Society. Five students help in the kitchen to earn a free lunch, which they are "tactfully" required to do and seem to "enjoy participa tion." Price has not increased in recent years. TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA: There are 1,540 regular students, plus 200 technical students on special shifts. There are no vending machines and no a la carte items. About 175 students go home for lunch; 250 bring a sack lunch. Only 30 free lunches a day are available, although 65 the principal estimates that 125 children daily bring nothing from home and do not purchase any lunch. They either do not eat or they persuade their friends to share a plate lunch with them. About 800 students pur. chase the plate lunch which is priced at 45¢. The principal estimates that the last price increase caused a 15 per cent drop in participation. SUMTER COUNTY, SOUTH CAROLINA: This is a poor Negro ele. mentary-high school with a closed campus. Most of its 1,710 students are in the high school and 800 of them have been declared eligible for free lunches which are funded by ESEA. There are, however, only 519 free ESEA lunches available each day, so these are rotated among the 800 children, enabling most to eat two or three times a week. Of the 800 children who are not eligible for free ESEA lunches, about 33 per day are given free or reduced price lunches out of the regular School Lunch Program if there is anything left over; about 750 purchase lunch at 20¢, and 75 bring a sack lunch. Those who don't eat, play outside. The principal states that "When we tried charging 25¢ one year instead of 20¢, 30 per cent stopped eating." There are soft drink, cracker and candy machines which show a $100 monthly profit. The machines, which are available only to high school students, are used to support the high school's athletic program. No a la carte items are served. The popularity of the vending machines in this instance is a result not of teenage tastes, but of necessity. That is, the child who is not eligible for a free ESEA lunch, and whose parents cannot fix him a sack lunch, may be able to come by a nickel a day. A candy bar can keep him going until supper that night, if any. The above examples include all possible combinations of high school lunch time patterns in marginal to poor schools. It should surprise no one that on a closed campus with no vending machines and no a Ia carte items, participation is higher than on an open campus with vending machines. It is interesting to note, however, that in the high school with an open campus and vending machines, but with plate lunch priced at 25¢, 600 out of 880 students purchased the plate lunch. The popularity of a Ia carte items carried by the school cafeteria certainly attests to the teenage preference for bot dogs, hamburgers and pizza over vegetables and fruits. While we did not ask our interviewers (since they are not qualified nutritionists) to review the contents of the plate lunch from the nutritional standpoint, many of them, writing as parents of teenage children, commented that while the plate lunch was adequate in quantity for a first or second grade child, in fact, more than adequate, it was entirely inadequate for a teenage appetite. 66 Reviewing these examples, we can see that teenage tastes are certainl! element in low school lunch participation. The part they play JS :-ghtened by soft drink and cracker-candy machines in school buildings e~ by permitting students to buy a la carte items instead of, rather than : addition to, lunch. But they are not the major element. There are many factors in addition to food habits which influence whether adolescents will eat school lunch: price, quality, variety, atmos phere in the cafeteria, whether the campus is closed, time ~~wed, etc. The problem deserves special study. There may be commumttes where the pattern is to go in cars to drive-ins at lunch t~e. But in many more, we believe that a nutritionally· adequate food service program at a com petitive price would attract the patronage of teenagers. 67 8 EFFORTS TO INCREASE PARTICIPATION In almost every community we found officials who are concerned about the low participation in the National School Lunch Program but are bafHed about how to increase it (See charts on pps. 69 and 70 for participation figures by state and community.) There is very little planning or research going on in the National School Lunch Program, particularly on the subject of participation and how it relates to nutritional needs, price, age, social class, food habits, parental understanding. Many State Directors commented on this lack of professional study and could only speculate on the answers to our questions about participation. In the absence of research and planning, efforts to increase participa tion tend to be on trial and error basis and are often tied into Federal programs under the control of other agencies. Efforts to increase partici pation generally fall into three categories: 68 PARTICIPATION (BY STATE) <•> No. OF Cmu>RBN (AVERAGB DAILY No. OP CHILDREN ATIENDANCB) PARTICIF ATING STA'Il! Alabama 862,041 495,239 ArkallSas 411,903 260,647 California 2,231,898 778,978 Colorado 461,509 193,000 Florida 928,873 677,022 Georgia 988,459 720,000 Illinois no figure given 661,000 Iowa 638,000 327,175 Kansas 519,667 242,000 Louisiana 909,615 676,104 Maine 210,590 87,119 Maryland 790,927 280,932 Massachusetts l,055,536(b) 371,569 Michigan 2,033,982 536,016 Minnesota 782,962 440,000 Missouri 829,585 450,707 Mississippi 536,000 345,000 Montana 171,806 52,527 Nebraska 304,065 135,290 New Hampshire 138,497(<) no figure given New Jersey 1,345,000 234,028 New Mexico 249,984 104,123<•> New York 2,762,500 1,220,000 North Carolina 1,101,988 765,000 Ohio 2,174,110 725,439 Oklahoma 536,622 245,000 Oregon 439,989 189,671 Pennsylvania 2,280,137 832,889 Rhode Island 158,437 33,000 South Carolina 598,487 430,000 South Dakota 150,000 70,000 Tennessee 668,393 473,057 Texas 220,869 802,154 Utah 277,590 142,991 Virginia 916,212 502,443 Washington 698,049 267,583 West Virginia 322,000 145,000 Wisonsin 865,771 323,384 (a) Source of information: Interviews with State School Lunch Directors (b) Enrollment, not ADA, figure (c) Enrollment (d) May include private and parochial schools (e) Includes private schools 69 % CHILDREN PARTICIPATING 58% 63% 35% 42% 73% 73% 50.9% 41% 74% 41% 38.7% 35.2% 26% 56% 54% 64% 31% 44% 35-40% ( d ) 15% 41% <•> 44% 77% 33% 46% 43 % 32% 21 % 72% 46% 71 % 36% 52% 55% 38% 45% 37% PARTICIPATION (BY COMMUNITY) <•> AYEllAGB No. OP DAILY CHILDREN COMMUNITY ATrnNDANCB P AltTICIPATING Mobile, Ala. 75,310 43,059 Sumter County, Ala. S,504 4,242 Tucson, Ariz. 52,425(b) 13,317 Little Rock, Ark. 25,148 8,830 Oakland, Calif. 59,04l (C) 13,384 Denver, Colo. 96,015 20,623 Washington, D. C. 143,976 64,439 Palm Beach County, Fla. 56,459 41,646 Tallahassee, Fla. 20,258 13,373 Augusta, Ga. 36,277 23,319 Taliaferro County, Ga. 517 400 Carbondale, Ill. 3,707 1,906 Gary, Ind. 49,132 7,670 Knott County, Ky. 4,560 3,400 Rock Castle County, Ky. 3,084 2,187 New Orleans, La. 106,795 51,360 Springfield, Mass. 31,778 11,643 Detroit, Mich. 294,969 56,000 Minneapolis, Minn. 68,540 14,659 Jackson, Miss. 40,000 29,800 Mound Bayou, Miss. 1,717 950 Great Falls, Mont. 18,135 5,149 Reno, Nev. 26,351 15,218 Bridgeton, N. I. 6,500 3,551 Albuquerque, N. M. 73,000 27,130 Buffalo, N. Y. 73,000 13,000 Charlotte, N. C. 79,553 33,244 Cleveland, Ohio 147,572 36,195 Philadelphia, Pa. 250,000 14,000 Lee County, S. C. 5,448 3,676 Sumter County, S. C. 10,000 7,000 Fayette County, Tenn. 6,925 1,410 Memphis, Tenn. 121,032 34,604 Donna, Texas 3,547 970 Norfolk, Va. 54,996 21,287 La Conner, Wash. 459 225 Marysville, Wash. 3,926 1,078 Seattle, Wash. 95,245 26,759 Green Bay, Wisc. 19,828 3,008 (a) Source of information: Interviews with Local School Lunch D irectors ~b) Enrollment figure; no ADA figure given c) Enrollment 70 % PAllTio. lPATINo 57% 76% 25% 35% 23% 21% 45% 74% 66% 64% 77% 51% 16% 75% 71% 48% 37% 19% 21% 75% 55% 29% 58% 54% 37% 18% 39% 25% 8% 67% 70% 20% 20% 27% 39% 49 % 27% 28% 15% 1. Bringing non-facility schools into the program by adding facili ties. In three years, Tennessee reduced the number of nonfacility schools from 300 to 45. A number of isolated rural schools have been brought into the program in this way. Here is one report from Knott County, J{entucky: "This is a neat, attractive little school at the end of the worst road I have ever traveled on. Last summer they built a kitchen at the back. It is well-equipped, clean, attractive. The food looked and smelled de licious. One woman is employed as cook and is aided by her daughter in the Neighborhood Youth Corps. The cook, who was trained in a local summer program, is paid through Title I of ESEA. All 20 pupils eat; the charge is 10¢. The children get extra milk free." (On the other hand, there are new schools being built without facilities. Often these schools are in rapidly growing suburban areas which run out of construction money and skimp by cutting out the cafeteria.) 2. Providing meals from other Federal programs which has in creased participation substantially. In Madison County, Tennessee, which we did not study, we learned that participation increased 100 per cent when the ESEA Title I program began. (See Chapter XI for a discus sion of these Federal programs) 3. Reorganizing arrangements for preparing and serving foods, School systems have created central kitchens, have adopted "satellite programs"-a kitchen in one school prepares meals for neighboring schools-and are experimenting with "convenience foods," sometimes frozen, or sack lunches which require a minimum of space and equip ment. There is vigorous discussion among professionals about the rela tive merits of these different arrangements. Some School Lunch Directors say that there is no substitute for the individual kitchen at each school, an arrangement which they believe offers both nutrition education and the integration of food service into the total educational program. We have no judgment to offer, but it is clear that school systems must find alternative ways of bringing food to children now excluded from the program on a vastly expanded scale. We welcome these experi ments, although we are aware of the problems, as indicated by the following reports from New York, St. Louis and Washington, D. C. New York: The Central Kitchen The central kitchen operation in New York serves only elementary schools. It prepares about 150,000 lunches per day and distributes them by truck to 650 schools located throughout the five boroughs of the city. All the lunches are prepared in one kitchen, located in Long Island City. 71 This bu~ding was originally used as a temporary soup kitchen during the Depression, but in 1935, 15 central kitchens were consolidated into one at the Long Island City Building. Under th.e best of circumstances, the problem of producing, packing and transporting such enormous quantities of food over a large area would be enormous. And the central kitchen is not able to operate under the best conditions. For example, in order to have the lunch prepared in time for delivery at noon, workers must begin their preparations at about 3: 00 a.m., and so the bread used in the preparation of the sandwiches is day-old bread. By the time the sandwiches reach the schools the fol lowing day, the bread is pretty well dried out. Lunch generally consists of soup, a sandwich, and dessert--canned fruit, or ice cream, or graham crackers. The price is 25¢. The trucks in which the lunch is delivered are not refrigerated, which severely limits the types of food which may be used in the program. Milk may be in non-refrigerated trucks for several hours before delivery, and then is not always refrigerated at school. Mechanical failures- in the kitchen, the trucks, and the heating plates used to warm up the soup in individual schools are old- are a constant problem. Here is an evaluation of the central kitchen operation in New York City prepared by the Economic Research Service of the Department of Agriculture: "The mass production of meals from one basic menu at one site with limited equipment, restricts the variety of menus th;t can be offered. ~oreover, the lag between the time food is prepared in the Central Kitchen and received by the students may be five or more hours. In ~e absence of temperature controls during this period, further limita tions. o~ ~he selection of food and on design of menus must be imposed to mmlllllZe the possibility of contamination. "· · · A never-ending problem is that of repair and maintenance of equipment in many scattered locations. Every year, almost every school has lunchroom furniture to be repaired and maintained. Kitchen sinks beco~e rusty _and clogged. Refrigerated milk coolers require frequent electrical repairs. The Bureau of School Lunches also has no direct authority over certain persons whose duties are only partially devoted to the lunch program. For example, custodians or janitors are responsible for sweeping and waxing lunchroom and kitchen floors at the receiver schools, but the Bureau of School Lunches neither pays for nor directs these services. "Some d?nated commodities cannot be effectively utilized within the central kitchen. The most outstanding example here is meat, although some donated meat now is being used in schools authorized to serve the 'augmented meal' [which costs 27¢ instead of 25¢] . 72 "Without considerable moderniza~on and expansion, the current Central Kitchen cannot be counted on to mcrease the number of_ meals produced r day. The apparent lack of both plans and enthusiasm for a new pe d expanded central kitchen to serve the elementary schools of New ~ork City suggests that Bureau of School Lu°:ches and Board of Educa tion officials responsible for long-range pl~nnmg general!~ do not favor the perpetuation of the single Central Kitchen concept m New York City." In schools served by the central kitchen, there is no a la carte .ser- . Milk is sold separately. No lunches are served at reduced pnces, w~ 1 . but 75 per cent of the lunches served in elementary schoo s ~re .given fr to needy children. The Department of Welfare sets the cntena for ee d . . b determining which children may receive free lunches an 1t relill. urses the Board of Education for the cost of free meals to welfare children. In schools served by the central kitchen, the campus is open and children are free to go home for lunch. However, children whose parents work or who would not get an adequate lunch at home for other reasons are permitted to stay in school and eat a free lunch, even though they may live only a block or two from school. The lack of facilities in the schools, which was responsible for the creation of the central kitchen, is also responsible for the poor conditions under which the children eat their lunches. According to a "Lunchroom Study" conducted by the United Parents Associations of New York in May, 1967: "The physical facilities of our schools were not planned to feed the number of children now eating lunch in school. Fifty-two per cent of all children eat in school. Of those who eat in school, over 60% do not eat in lunchrooms. Most of them eat in the auditorium where they have to balance their lunch on their knees. One-third of the schools schedule more than one lunch session. The recurring factor found in most of the responses [to the survey] was the lack of space to handle the lunch pro gram effectively. "Half of the children bringing lunch from home regularly cannot pur chase milk to have with lunch. Where milk is available, one in five schools reported that it was not kept refrigerated until lunch time. "Supervision of children during and after lunch is handled by school aides with a teacher or assistant principal 'on duty', frequently no place near where the children are eating or playing . . . In one school children remain in their seats with fingers on lips until it is time to line up. In others . . . children roam the neighborhood . . . Almost universally, parents complained of inadequate supervision." To this United Parents Association report, a New York City nutri tionist adds this comment: "I have seen children, dressed in snowsuits, with their books on their laps, trying to eat the Central Kitchen lunch in their auditorium seats. 73 The sight of a seven year old child struggling to eat broad noodle soup with a tiny plastic spoon fully dressed in a hot auditorium and juggling bis books would be ludicrous if it wasn't so pathetic." St. Louis: The Vita Lunch Program While St. Louis was not included in our study, we had heard a great deal about the new "Vita Lunch" program, and we sent a repre sentative to look into its operation. Her report follows: "Last year the city had 150 schools with 55 stations. The School Lunch Program was facing a crisis. They were getting only 4¢ Federal reim bursement and were charging 30¢ a lunch. They had demonstration pro grams in four schools in a low income-low rent housing development, but this three-year demonstration program was ending and there were no funds with which to continue it. "More than twice as many children were fed free lunches in these demon stration schools as in the rest of the system. With increased prices of wages and food, they were faced with the problem of increasing the cost to 35¢. "In hunting for a cheaper way to feed the children who were already buying lunches and the few who were receiving free or reduced price lunches, the Board of Education bit on the 'Vita Lunch' idea. They know their public relations. Vita Lunch is just a nice name for a plain sack lunch. (The word 'sack' is plainly taboo around St. Louis.) "Last fall, six schools with good facilities were chosen to refrigerate and deliver the lunches to the individual schools. Only the elementary schools are participating in this program. The high schools receive commodities but have only a la carte lunches. "The lunch consists of one sandwich made with two ounces of protein and butter, a vegetable or salad, a fruit, either canned or fresh, and two cookies. Milk is also served. The sandwich is made with the butter on one half of the sandwich with no filling, and the protein (something like bologna) with no butter is on the other side. The director said that the lunch is perfect nutritionally and that by and large the children like it. He did say, however, that they were not selling as many as they sold of the hot lunches. He said it would take education to break the myth that bot food was better. "The director considered this a better program because now the lunches were uniform throughout the city, whereas the old program was 'a great hodge-podge.' Second, he said the lunch could be served anywhere and did not require a lunch room. The only equipment necessary in each school was a refrigerator for the milk. And most important was the sav ing in money, particularly in salaries. The lunch is served for 25¢. To me the lunch was not a bargain, especially when compared with the larger lunch and bigger portions served in New York. "I was taken on the tour by one of the supervisors who checks on food preparation. Th.is supervisor told me that she bad been suffering for 74 some years with hook worm and bad been back in the hospital the week before for treatment. I wondered about health precautions. "We visited two schools, a poor Negro school and a middle class school. Both of these schools had better faci lities and so were used in the prep aration of the Vita Lunch. "The poor school was in the center of an enormous low-rent housing project in the inner city. On that day, although 1,045 children attend the school, only 67 bought the Vita Lunch; 12 were given free lunches; and two made partial payments of $1.00 per month. "During the forty-five minute lunch period, school is dismissed. One teacher was on duty in the balls. Two aides and a cashier were in the lunch room giving out sacks. (The aides are paid from ESEA money). There was bedlam in the lunch room. At the end of the period, the children came back to school, many with cracker jacks or other junk bought at the corner. "I waited for the principal who bad gone home to lunch. He could not possibly have been less interested in hungry children. He maintained that the children and their parents bad it a lot better ban be-that most of them were on welfare and could get free treatment at the city hos pital. "I questioned the principal about bow they identify the children for free lunches. A letter is sent home telling parents they may apply. If they come to school and apply, they are then investigated by the school social worker, and if found eligible are given free or reduced lunches. So few apply that the social worker rarely is busy on her three after noons a week that she spends at the school. The principal was appalled when I asked if she spent any time trying to find out who the hungry children were. "I returned to the lunch room to look at the food preparation. Lunch was over. The janitor was sweeping a very dusty, dirty floor. Less than ten feet away, ladies were filling little cups with potato salad for Thursday's lunch. This was Tuesday! Since it was a full two days away, I did th.ink they might have waited until the sweeping was done. Others were frying chicken, also for the Thursday lunch, wrapping it and put ting it in the refrigerators. (The refrigeration space has not proved adequate and a new refrigerator was being installed.) Much labor very amateurish-went into the wrapping. The quantities of food were so small that I could not imagine a boy of twelve being even a bit satisfied. "The second school I visited was a high school. Lunches were being fixed for elementary schools, using the same kitchen that serves a la carte items to the high school students. The high school was planning to serve the chicken livers from the chickens the Vita Lunch was frying, so there seemed to be good coordination about the use of the food between the two. "In this kitchen, I was shown Wednesday's lunch which had already been prepared and refrigerated. Here, lunch was arranged on a small 75 paper tray. None of the food was individually wrapped, but the wh?le tray was sealed with Saran Wrap. The trays were much more attractive than the paper sack, and also there was much less work. Again_, I was astonished at the size of the helpings: tiny slivers of celery, the tmy cup of canned fruit, only half full, the unhappy-looking bologna sandwich. As in the other school, the chicken for Thursday's lunch, two days later, was being prepared. "There is great fear on the part of all the people with whom I talked that some child might get a free lunch who could afford to pay. Little effort was made to keep the poor child from embarrassment. A directive went out for teachers to sell tokens and for all children to have the same token, but they don't do this. The paying children pay cash and the free children are given tokens. "I came to St. Louis at the same time that two doctors from the Com municable Disease Center were there to investigate a case of food poison ing which had hospitalized some 38 children the week before. ;niey had eaten turkey salad sandwiches. If they followed the same policy, those sandwiches were two days old. Considering the time spent in prepara tion and in delivery when they are not refrigerated, that's pretty bad. "The people were very hospitable, everyone extremely kind. Of course they were bothered about the food poisoning. "I know it is only the first year of the program, but I would not recom mend it unless they make some drastic improvements. "All of the food service units, I was told, are short of space and refrigera tion. The health standards leave much to be desired. After my visit, no child of mine would have eaten that food." Washington, D. C.: The Sack Lunch There are 138 elementary schools in Washington, and 24 of them participate in the National School Lunch Program. The remaining 114 schools are served by a central kitchen operation which prepares 10,000 sack lunches a day, and four schools have experimental pre-packaged food programs. Washington's sack lunches are available free to needy children who are qualified by the Welfare Department. They account for the major part, 51.7 per cent, of lunches distributed. Other children in these 114 schools who are not qualified by the Welfare Department either go home for lunch or bring something from home. The Washington School Lunch Director states: "The number of children on free lunches varies. Although all welfare children are entitled to a free lunch, the parents must apply for it. Thus not all get lunch who should or could." No reduced price lunches are served in the Washington, D. C. elementary schools, not even in the bag lunch operation. 76 We encountered general satisfaction with the way the sack lunch program functioned in the elementary schools. High School Principals hoped that many needy children could be included in an expanded free lunch program. The number of free lunches available to upper grade students is severely limited. Although parents and teachers seemed satisfied with the sack lunch, administrators complained of its inefficiency. Since Washington does not have adequate warehousing facilities, food is not purchased wholesale from manufacturers, but from middle-men vendors at close to regular retail prices, we were told. This makes for inefficient, expensive buying procedures and it was felt that full value is not being received for the money expended. Our volunteers, however, did not feel competent to evaluate this aspect of the operation. In addition to the above major programs, we encountered several smaller central kitchen operations. These are in: Tucson, which serves all its elementary schools from two central kitchens; Oakland, which serves 25 of its 65 elementary schools from one central kitchen; Augusta, which serves 49 of its schools through a central kitchen, and Rock Castle County, which serves eight elementary schools. These four systems all serve hot lunches which are heated at steam tables in the individual schools. Our interviewers comment that the system works well, noting no more mechanical or technical difficulties than are reported in schools where lunches are prepared in the schools' own kitchen. Among the communities in our study employing the "satellite pro gram" are Little Rock, for one school; Denver, for seven schools; Talla hassee, for two schools; New Orleans, for 27 schools. (This program will end as kitchen facilities are added to each individual school) ; Detroit, for 85 schools; Minneapolis, for eight schools; Reno, for four; Charlotte, for two; Philadelphia, for four; Seattle, for ten; Green Bay, for seven schools. We understand that in Greeley, Colorado, as new schools are built, only half have kitchens, the rest are on the satellite program. Again, school administrators felt that the system worked well, par ticularly in elementary schools where the children do not need the variety of foods that high school students do, and that there was little or no difference between the satellite lunch and one which the school might prepare for itself. If the satellite program does work well, as it seems to in the communities listed above, why can it not be expanded to meet the needs of all the children in these cities now excluded? 77 9 DONATED COMMODITIES The recurrent theme of this report has been that the National School Lunch Act was created to "safeguard the health and well-being of the Nation's children"--0f all of its children, rich or poor-and that the National School Lunch Program has not entirely lived up to the intent of its creators. But there is a secondary purpose to the Act, as well, which is stated in its Declaration of Policy: "It is hereby declared to be the policy of Congress, as a measure of national security, to safeguard the health and well-being of the Nation's children and to encourage the domestic consumption of nutritious agricul tural commodities and other foods .•. " [our italics] The connection between the nation's farm programs and the opera tion of the School Lunch Program is a natural, even an inevitable, one. 78 On the one hand, the Government is required to purchase surpluses and other foods to carry out price support programs authorized by Congress. And on the other hand, meals for the nation's school children present an opportunity for having these commodities consumed without waste. Thus, two desirable social goals are met by the use of donated commodities in the National School Lunch Program-supplying food to our school children while lending needed Government support to a healthy farm economy. Indeed, the fact that the School Lunch Program is a market for agricultural products has been a key factor in support from Congressmen from the farm states. The early experience with donated commodities in school lunches before the bill was passed in 1946 showed that the available surpluses and price support foods were not by themselves adequate to supplement the school lunch. In some cases, the supply fluctuated greatly; in other cases, the nature of the food made it difficult to process or unpalatable for children. One of the School Act's important sections (Sec. 6) authorized Federal purchase and donation to the states of special foods which would ensure the good nutritional balance of the school lunches. These special Sec. 6 foods tend to be high protein foods, such as meat and eggs. While surplus foods (Sec. 32) and price support foods (Sec. 416) are dis tributed as available, some in unlimited quantities, the more desirable Sec. 6 foods, limited in quantity, are distributed on the basis of the num ber of lunches served the previous year. Donated commodities play an extremely important part in financing the school lunch. Whereas the Federal cash contribution is only 4.5¢ toward the cost of the lunch, the food contribution ranges from 6¢ a lunch to about 10¢. Opinion about the usefulness, ease of handling, de sirability of the available food, and the administrative headaches of the commodity program vary. What follows is a summary of State Directors' experiences with and reactions to the donated commodity portion of the National School Lunch Program in the thirty-six states where the informa tion was available: ALABAMA: Larger portion of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods go to needier schools but Sec. 6 foods are shared equally. Director described the foods as nutritionally good. ARIZONA: All schools get same amount of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods. Nutritionally foods are "marvelous"; administrative handling is "good", but foods should "be available earlier, when promised." ARKANSAS: Schools receiving higher rate of cash reimbursement also receive more Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods. Sec. 6 foods distributed on the basis of previous participation. The food is "usually desirable" from the nutrition standpoint. As for handling, "There is difficulty with frozen foods. 79 We would like to see school districts purchase more frozen fruits and vege. tables when equipment and storage are available." CALIFORNIA: All foods distributed on a participation basis. On the desira. bility of the foods from the nutrition standpoint, "Money could be spent on other things-margarine, canned fruit, raisins, etc. If more cash, rather than commodities, were available, schools could adjust the price of the lunches and surpluses would be a boon." No administrative difficulty. COLORADO: State Welfare Agency bandies the distribution of surplus fOOds and problems are about to arise because they have asked to be relieved of this responsibility. Although local schools pay drayage, Welfare handles stor. age and this represents a $65,000 contribution from Welfare to the School Lunch Program. In answer to the question, "Does your office know in advance what foods are going to be available?", the comment was : "Not far in advance so it is bard to plan. Last year, the Government stuck its neck out and said it would have lots of turkeys. Dealers jacked up the price and then the Government refused to buy." Sec. 6 foods are allocated on the basis of so much per child, but Director may designate that needy children get double amounts, and the very needy may get some commodities usually only available to non-school welfare re cipients. "We sometimes would prefer cash because we believe that some items can be purchased locally cheaper. The Department of Agriculture is reluctant to buy regional surpluses if there are not enough for national use. We would like to keep the level of commodities the same and have more cash. "Colorado makes good use of prison canned goods which are a tre mendous asset, especially for districts which are from wholesalers. But they first go to state institutions; then the excess goes to the Schooi Lunch Pro gram." FLORIDA: Commodities distributed not through School Lunch Program but through Department of Public Welfare. Schools in needy neighborhoods are offered a larger share of them, but usually don't have adequate storage facili ties, so can't use them. Foods generally desirable. As a result of being used for school lunches, some nutritious foods, such as dried eggs, have had a market created for them. "We could better use money than these fods. It is all right to support farmers, but there is no reason for the government to underwrite such prod ~cts as honey. For many of the Sec. 6 foods, the schools could do better buy mg them on the open market in Florida." GEORGIA: Greater quantities of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods go to needy s~hools. The food is "very good" nutritionally and there are no administra tive problems, but "it would be more desirable to have Sec. 6 funds for pur· chasing food locally instead of commodities." ILLINOIS: Needy schools get larger share of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods. Food~ desir~ble nutritionally and there is no administrative difficulty in the handling. Director would like to see the commodity program broadened. 80 JOWA: Needy schools get larger share of Sec. 32 and 416 foods. Foods d~ irable and due to "data processing, the state has been able to handle goods as ~ast as they come in. The main difficulty is that some 'filler' commodities du- )icate each other, are too similar and there are not enough uses for them ri.e., rolled wheat and rolled oats) . " J{ANSAS: Needy schools get larger share of surplus commodities. Foods "excellent" nutritionally and administrative handling reasonably good. Program should be kepjj as is. LOUISIANA: Same as Kansas. MAfNE: Sec. 6 commodities and those Sec. 32 commodities which are in short supply are apportioned on the basis of number of children in the schools. Needy schools are not given larger share of surplus commodities ex cept that they are usually smaller, and since they don't break up cas:s of com modities, the smaller schools (needy or affluent) tend to get a little more proportionately. Nutritionally, foods "in general very good." "It would make for easier handling if lists of what was available could be sent to local schools and they could order what they needed and what they bad room to store. More study should be given to alternate ways of supplying commodities." MARYLAND: "The commodity program is a marvelous program. We could not purchase anywhere near this amount of food if we were given the equivalent in dollars. In these terms, the food is worth much, much more and we get good protein-high foods." MICHIGAN: Schools receiving Sec. 11 funds receive more donated com modities. The nutritional quality of the food is "excellent"; ease of handling is "excellent." "If Sec. 6 could be cut back, the funds saved should be dis tributed' in the form of cash reimbursement." MINNESOTA: Distribution of donated commodities is based on food use, and needy schools do not get larger share. Quality of food is "good": "no problems" with administration. "Sec. 6 foods should be cut back and others broadened. The Federal government and state government should work out a system of having enough commodities to have uniform distribution each year." MISSISSIPPI: Needy schools do not receive a larger share of surplus com modities unless they request more of such basic items as fl.our, meal, dried milk and rice. Quality of food is "good"; administration presents no prob lems and is "very well organized"; and program should be broadened, but "commodity distribution is a problem because storage facilities are a problem in many school districts. There are no state facilities at all and this makes it necessary to limit the amount of frozen foods used." However, we need "continued provision of adequate and desirable donated foods year by year. There is a need for consistency in providing these foods so that they will be less subject to lobbying influences." MISSOURI: Schools reporting a high rate of free lunches get larger appro priations of all types of commodities. The foods themselves are "a help, but handling and storage, plus transportation, reduce the actual value of the dollar 81 spent. The commodity program should be cut back and Sec. 6 should be dis continued and replaced with cash reimbursement." MONTANA: Needy schools do not get larger share of commodities. All are distributed on basis of participation. Food is "all right" but Director would like "more proteins. They could leave out bulgur, split peas and lima beans." NEBRASKA: Needy schools get larger share of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416; Sec, 6 apportioned on basis of previous participation. "With a few exceptions, i.e. rice, the food from the nutritional standpoint is pretty good"; "no problems~ in administration. "Sec. 6 should be cut back because money is cheaper than food to distribute. Often foods can be bought cheaper locally, e.g., ground beef locally is 49¢ to 50¢ a pound and the government is paying 67¢ to 69¢ a pound. The program should use surplus foods only." NEW HAMPSHIRE: Commodities allocated by direct distribution agency not a part of School Lunch Division. Nutritionally, foods generally good, and administration is well-handled at state level. "We would prefer to receive the dollar value as part of the Federal reimbursement rather than the commodi ties." NEW JERSEY: Sec. 32 and 416 commodities distributed on basis of need. Basis for distributing Sec. 6 foods includes the number of free and reduced price lunches served. Program should be "broadened." NEW MEXICO: "Schools receiving a higher variable rate of cash reim bursement are eligible for one and a half times the amount of food distributed to regular programs. The Commodity Division in this state, not the School Lunch Office, distributes commodities, so we have no comment about ad ministration. The desirablility of the food is 'excellent' and we would like to see the commodity program broadened as much as possible." NEW YORK: Needy schools get more Sec. 32 commodities. "If the govern ment is going to give so little in cash, then the state does well with commodi ties. We get a better overall dollar value with commodities than on the open market. There are some wasteful aspects; We had a surfeit of turkeys in the last years-they are bulky and take up all the freezer space. Beans and peas could be dehydrated. Also, it would be good to know more in advance what foods are going to be available. We suggest menus at the beginning of the year based on commodities we think we are going to get and then they change." OHIO: If needy schools request larger share of surplus foods and are able to use them, they get them. The foods are generally "excellent" nutritionally; freezer and storage space lin1itations sometimes make administration difficult. "Many schools would prefer increased cash reimbursement. There have been instances in which some commodities· could have been purchased locally at lower prices. Handling costs must still be added. Also, many children tend to dislike some donated foods, such as rice and olives." OKLAHOMA: Distribution of commodities handled by State Welfare Depart· ment, which says that the only difficulty in administration is in "isolated cases where there is inadequate refrigeration, but most schools use local locker plants for storage of frozen foods." Needy schools get more Sec. 32 foods. Also more Sec. 6 foods. (Colorado is the only other state which does this.) The foods are "excellent" because they include Sec. 6. 82 gEGON: "Extra allocations of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods are made to ~ools with a large percentage of free lunches and to schools with deficient balances in lunch funds." The food is "excellent in quantity and quality," and adlllinistratively, the "program works well." Should be broadened. PENNSYLVANIA: Needy schools in poor neighborhoods can get a larger share of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods if they request it and have the storage ace. The foods are "good" with "no special problems" of administration. !!'More protein rich food and canned fruit and vegetables would cut costs." RHODE ISLAND: State Purchasing Agent responsible for distribution of commodities. Foods "enhance nutrition and the value of the meal" but some food allotments per child are higher at times when there is a. surplus of one or two items, such as honey or peanut butter. Some of these items should be cut back. soUTII CAROLINA: "We work out our own internal state assistance rate based on the number of free and reduced price lunches and allocate commodi ties accordingly. We make sure that if one school is not using all of a certain commodity, another school which ' likes it better gets it. This is an important way of using foods economically and keeping prices low. Administration is easy because packaging has improved and we are embarking on a state pro gram of better warehousing and better school equipment :financed 75 per cent with Federal non-food assistance. The program should be broadened. But al most as important is a better system for knowing in advance what foods are going to be available on a long-term basis. The Federal government has ~een in this commodity business for 30 years and ought to be able to say de:fimtely that such-and-such foods will be available to states on a continuing year-to year basis no matter what happens." SOUIH DAKOTA: Commodities are distributed on basis of participation, but "it is our responsibility to allocate on need basis, if necessary. We are able to allocate sufficient quantities of Sec. 32 and 416 commodities to take care of full needs for all schools." Nutritionally, Sec. 32 foods are ' 'very good." Administration of the program is "difficult" but would be hard to simplify. In general Sec. 32 commodity assistance "is very valuable. A cut back would be acceptable only if cash reimbursements increased." TENNESSEE: Commodities distributed by State Department of Agriculture, not School Lunch Program. "We give schools some leeway to adjust among themselves, so sometimes needy schools get larger share. We have never made a survey on the basis of need." On the quality of the food: "USDA does studies on the nutritional value of the food, but occasionally on surplus or sup port foods you get a lot of things like ripe olives you can't use." Administra tion "is not overly difficult, especially for a Federal program." "Basically, we've gotten the same amount of money for ten years for Sec. 6 foods but are feeding a lot more children. From our standpoint, it is not a free lunch program, though we try to help schools serve lunches at reasonable prices. Food items that are donated are never more than 20 per cent of all food, so you can see the help is not overwhelming." 83 TEXAS: Only schools receiving Sec. 11 funds received larger share of com. modities. Quality of food is "excellent." Administration is "no problem"; program should be broadened. UTAH: "Needy schools, like other schools, may use as many Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 commodities as they want since most of these are in plentiful sup. ply." Quality of food is "excellent" and there is "no problem" administra. tively. The "average per meal value in Utah of donated commodities is 7.2¢ and this is by far the greatest source of assistance we receive from the Federal government and is much more valuable than cash. "But the Federal support should be provided on a constant, ~t~ble basis, taking into account necessary and desirable increases. Commodities should be provided every year through a constant and assured program. Local dis trict budgets and management planning cannot be done adequately on a 'feast one year and famine the next' basis. Plentiful commodities one year when surpluses are plaguing the government give adequate assistance at that time, and another year, if commodities are not plentiful in supply, then dis tricts and schools are denied this assistance. Then the program is set back and loses its effectiveness. School food service should not provide assistance from the government depending on whether or not commodities are available. The children are in the schools each and every year, and cannot be half-fed one year just to have them around to eat the surpluses another year." VERMONT: Secs. 32 and 416 foods distributed on basis of ability to use them; needy schools "can" get a larger share. Foods "very good" nutritionally. "Sec. 6 items, if made available in large quantities, would be a definite ad· vantage to all lunch programs. ·On handling: "It would be better for smaller schools if certain commodities were made available in smaller containers." VIRGINIA: Needy schools get larger share of commodities. Food is "good" administration "no problem"; program should be broadened. WASHINGTON: Sec. 11 schools and those having to pay higher freight costs get larger share of commodities. Food is "good" and there is no ad· ministrative problem, but it would be desirable to have "more beef instead of butter; we can buy oleomargarine for less" "better instructions to vendors would be helpful." WISCONSIN: Needy schools can get larger share of Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 foods on request. Sec. 6 foods are distributed on basis of previous participa· tion. Sec. 6 foods are generally good; Secs. 32 and 416 foods vary. "The general attitude on the part of the federal government to rely on surplus commodities as a substantial support for the Program is not realistic. In some years, the contribution is very high, while in other years it is very low. Consequently school districts cannot establish a sound budget for financ ing the program since there is no way of forecasting the per meal value of donated commodities . . . Any surplus commodities available could be well utilized ... to help carry the burden of supplying lunches to children who are unable to pay and to augment local food purchases, but they should not be relied on as a main source of support for the program. By omitting Sec. 6 purchases and providing cash support in their stead, local schools will have an opportunity for greater food selection locally and consequently greater free- 84 d 01 in menu selection. It can help to reduce expenditures for costly refrigera· . 0 0 freezer and other food storage facilities and eliminate a great deal of ~~trative expense and personnel at the state level." TbirtY-two of the thirty-seven Directors quoted above answered the questions about whether needy schools get a higher share of surplus, price support, and the more desirable Sec. 6 foods. In 16 of these states, needy schools automatically get a larger share of the Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 donated commodities. In seven more, needy schools get these foods if they request them and have the storage facilities for them. In five of them, those few schools receiving Sec. 11 funds or variable rates of assistance get a larger share of donated commodities. Jn four, needy schools receive no more donated commodities than other schools. In only two states-Colorado and Oklahoma-do needy schools receive a larger share of the more desirable Sec. 6 foods as well as the Sec. 32 and Sec. 416 commodities. Thus, we can see that, as with the cash reimbursement, practices among the states vary and are subject to no uniform guidelines for distri bution based on need. All the State Directors who answered felt that the commodities are good to excellent, even the twelve who have reservations about some of the surplus and price support commodities that are available. Even those who would prefer cash reimbursement to Sec. 6 foods do not complain about the nutritional content of the food. Seven State Directors are concerned with administrative problems which make menu planning and food distribution difficult-lack of suit able storage space or failure to get advance notice of what foods are going to be available. The problems of administration may be complicated by the fact that in some states (eight of those in which we interviewed the State Director) another agency is responsible for commodity distribution. On the question of eliminating Sec. 6 foods and letting states use this money to purchase food locally on the open market, twelve State Directors feel strongly that this would enable them to buy food more cheaply and budget more intelligently. Thirteen State Directors believe that the commodity program should be kept as it is or broadened. And eleven State Directors volunteered no opinion. Thus, we have an almost equal division of opinion between two well reasoned points of view, neither of which, it must be kept in mind, affects surplus foods or price support foods-only the more desirable, protein rich foods in Sec. 6. 85 00 IC a.. - IC IC a.. - T IC a.. - M IC a.. - N l"i a.. 00 N' "' 00 ..:;; --~ 86 I I ~ 0 a ); '-" I I ! ! ~ §, ] Q,) Cl) ] .... & () ::l ~ .... 0 j . But whatever the diversity of opinion on the use of surplus commodi ties, there is no argument that the cash value per lunch of all types of donated commodities-Sec. 6, Sec. 32 and Sec. 416-is headed danger ously downward. As the chart from the School Lunch Journal shows, the amount of donated commodities has fluctuated from year to year, lending validity to the complaints of the State School Lunch Directors that it is difficult to plan ahead. But the trend in the past three years bas been downward, with 1968 estimated to hit the lowest point yet. While in 1965 the value per lunch of the commodities was 9.3¢, in 1968 it will be estimated at 4.6¢. When this drop of 4.7¢ is coupled with the drop of almost 5¢ in cash reimbursement from the Federal Government, it is easy to under stand why the National School Lunch Program is in serious :financial trouble. 87 10 ESEA TO RESCUE "Congress hereby declares it to be the policy of the United States to provide financial assistance to local educational agencies serving areas with concentrations of children from low-income families in order to expand and improve their educational programs by various means which contribute particularly to meeting the special educational needs of educationally deprived children." -Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (Public Law 89-10) ESEA was enacted to give special educational help to needy chil dren. Of the nearly $1 billion spent in 1966, 75 per cent went for instruc ti~nal activities-remedial reading, special instruction in mathematics, sc1en~e and social studies, speech therapy, special education for the handicapped. Twenty-eight per cent of the funds went for service activities- text- 88 bQOks and materials, school libraries, guidance programs, transportation, clothing, health care, including eyeglasses and dentistry, and food ser· vice programs. The amount spent from Title I of ESEA on food service programs school breakfasts and lunches combined-is $20,000,000, 2.7 per cent of the total ESEA expenditure, and so represents a very small part of its total budget. But $20 million, compared with the National School Lunch Pro- gram's $141,000,000 reimbursement to the states, is a healthy 14 per cent addition to funds available for school lunches. Moreover, this extra $20 million is spent exclusively in needy schools and thus is directed to the areas where the greatest problems exist. The formula for determining state entitlements is based on the fol lowing factors: (a) the number of children age 5-17 from families with an annual income of less than $2,000; (b) the number of children age 5-17 from families where incomes exceed $2,000 only because they get Aid to Families with Dependent Children; ( c) one-half the average per pupil expenditure in the state for the second year preceeding the year for which the computation was made. (Formula: (A + B) X C equals amount of state entitlement.) Most school districts using ESEA funds for programs related to food service put the money into lunches, some into breakfasts or snacks. Some have used funds for cafeterias or equipment, for labor for break fast programs funded under the Child Nutrition Act, or to upgrade the quality of school lunch programs in needy areas. Twenty-four school districts in our survey had ESEA programs. Eight of these had no food service projects among their ESEA programs. One had a breakfast program. One had a lunch and a breakfast program but it was at a child guidance center. One had a summer lunch program and had purchased kitchen equipment with the hope of starting an experi mental program in one school, but decided to spend the money on medical help for the children. One hopes to start a school lunch program at one school during this school year. In 12 of the communities in our study ESEA participated sub stantially in their lunch programs: Lee County, South Carolina; Sumter County, South Carolina; Little Rock, Arkansas; Sumter County, Ala bama; Taliaferro County, Georgia; Mount Bayou, Mississippi; Minneapo lis, Minnesota; Augusta, Georgia; Alburquerque, New Mexico; Donna, Texas; Denver, Colorado; and Norfolk, Virginia. 89 Here are reports about how the ESEA programs operate in SOIJle of these districts: LEE COUNfY: Of a total ESEA budget of $313,245, $74,375 is used for free lunches. ESEA provides about 1, 700 free lunches in U schools in the county. At the two schools in our survey, one served 519 ESEA lunches which were rotated among 800 students; one served 260 lunches rotated among 630 children. Before ESEA, the number of free lunches at these schools was miniscule. SUMTER COUNfY (SOUTII CAROLINA): The total ESEA budget for this county is $18,000, all of which is spent on free lunches in 13 of the 19 schools in the county. This money provides 450 free lunches a day. At the schools surveyed the following practices were observed: At Central Elementary, classified as a slum school, ESEA pro vided 17 of the 34 free lunches daily. At Bates Junior High, a Negro slum school, ESEA provides 67 of the 266 free lunches served daily. At Savage Glover, also a Negro slum school, 40 to 50 free lunches are served daily. The principal thought ESEA supplied some or most of these but was not certain how many. At Lincoln, a Negro slum school, ESEA provides all of the 88 school lunches served free daily. The principal at this school estimates that there are 250 additional children who do not eat. Since the ESEA coordinator had stated that no school child was hungry in this school dis trict, the interviewer asked him bow he accounted for the fact that one school principal said there were 250 children in need of free lunch but only 88 were getting it. The coordinator replied that he had no way of knowing this because he leaves all such matters up to the school prin cipals. LITTLE ROCK: ESEA funds provide virtually the entire free lunch program-1,975 free lunches daily. Approximately $80,000 of the $465,000 ESEA budget is spent on school lunches. The Federal Pro grams Director states that 4,000 school age children have been identified as needy in this community. There was no free lunch program, except on an emergency basis, before ESEA. SUMTER COUNfY (ALABAMA): Here, too, ESEA is almost com pletely responsible for the free lunch program. There are only 25 chil dren, attending three middle-class schools, whose free lunches are not provided by ESEA. In four poor rural schools, ESEA provides 2,118 90 tree lunches daily, all that are served. Ten other schools in the county classified as rural poor do not participate because of lack of facilities. ;\gain. this is the first time Negro schools were included in the lunch program· rALJAFERRO COUNTY: The information here is not quite clear beCause free and reduced price lunches are not separated and because ESEA did not start operating here until the last four months of last year. It seems as though ESEA provided half the free lunches served daily, about 35 out of 70. But there is no director of federal programs here to verify this. MJNNEAPOLIS: ESEA provides 3,000 children with free lunch daily, spending $125,000 of its budget in six schools. This is the major part of free lunches, since the National School Lunch Program gives only 87 children free lunches every day. AUGUSTA: ESEA provides almost a third of the free lunches in Augusta, giving 1,400 free lunches daily in 25 schools, out of a total of 4,645 lunches given free. MOUND BAYOU: ESEA provides the total number of free lunches in the town's schools, feeding 200 children a day and putting $7,000 into the program. As in so many places where the school is very poor, the lunches are rotated among some 600 children who are eligible. ALBUQUERQUE: ESEA is feeding 4,595 children daily in 15 schools, compared with about 1,930 children who get free lunches from the Na tional School Lunch program. It is clear that in the communities cited above, the money that Title I of ESEA provides is a major support for free lunches for needy children. In some of the very poorest counties, with a predominantly Negro school population- Mound Bayou, Mississippi, Sumter County, Alabama, Lee and Sumter Counties, South Carolina- it is the whole free lunch program. The role that ESEA has played in helping a target group is espe cially evident in programs for the children of migrants. Two of the eight schools in Donna, Texas, which are funded by ESEA, are part of a special migrant education program. ESEA provides free lunch for 117 migrant children for the full year in regular schools, and for 80 children for 131 days in the migrant schools. (Another Federal program for mi grants provides additional lunches.) In New Mexico, ESEA provided $3,385 for 11,200 meals for migrant children in 1966-67. 91 Colorado, which has been a leader in migrant education, was able to expand its program considerably when Federal funds became available through Title I of ESEA. Many school districts with migrant children have written food service programs into their ESEA proposals, and the State School Lunch Director, who has worked closely with the migrant program, proudly reports that no migrant child in these districts goes without lunch, which is provided free or for 5 ¢. ESEA pays the actual cost of the lunch when school is in session, but in the summer migrant programs it pays for the cooks' salaries also. The principals of poor schools that receive ESEA funds are unani mously grateful for the money which helps them cope with feeding hun gry children. But there are others in some communities, even high-level school administrators, who do not always greet ESEA programs with open arms. For their part, many ESEA Directors feel resentful that they have to use part of their budget for food service which they feel should be covered by the National School Lunch Program. Instead of spending their money to patch up an ongoing program, they would prefer to spend it in experimental programs where new educational ground waits to be broken. Here are some summaries of interviews with state officials who administer ESEA programs: "We do not use Title I money for school lunch programs, but for educa tional services. But we know the school lunch program is entirely inade quate. We know that many children go hungry because it is impossible to get them certified under the present system." "We do not spend any money on school lunches because of the needs elsewhere in our programs involving 90,000 children. But we know the school lunch program is absolutely not doing an adequate job. Lack of funds for facilities and equipment is a serious obstacle. But all pro grams cannot be implemented at once. A pilot breakfast program is being discussed. The regulations about who is eligible should be more flexible. A really creative dietician is needed in order for the menus to appeal to the children. Something is terribly wrong when participation is so very low." "No, the [school lunch] program is not adequate. Some students cannot even afford the small amount of money required for the lunches and many go to school without breakfast. There is great need for nutritional education and a well-managed program. Suggestions have been made to use more of our funds for the lunch program. However, there are no facilities in the elementary schools and we feel that rather than spend a large amount of [ESEA] money for the purpose of equipping them, the main thrust should be in spending funds for academic purposes." "Due to the rapid growth and great mobility in this community, last year's figures upon which this year's allocation was determined were 92 inadequate. We did drop one program that had been started so the money could be used for other programs to serve greater needs. The main problem here stems from lack of understanding at the community level. The general feedback resulting from community sentiment is a general opposition to all Federal aid in general. This is a very conservative com munity. Before the school program, lunch programs were operated com pletely locally, but through ESEA, meals are better, more varied and nutritionally balanced." ''We would prefer to spend educational money for educational pro grams, and let some other agency take care of the needed food program. We did start a lunch program and drop it because of these other needs, and there wasn't enough money to do both. This made it necessary to cut down on the number of lunches each child received." "We have encountered hostility about our ESEA program in school lunches and about the whole school lunch program in general. It stems from the conviction that programs should focus primarily on the educa tion of children for the future rather than concentrate on a lunch pr<> gram for today. The two programs should not be administered jointly. A separate program of welfare [for school lunches] should be pro vided." "The school lunch program is doing an adequate job except that com modities aren't always available and therefore prices are high. Free lunch tickets must be absorbed by individuals who pay for the programs in individual lunch rooms. Some school board members are opposed to Federal aid in education in general. Once they understand the pro gram, there really isn't any hostility." "Many needy children are excluded from the National School Lunch Program in this community because of the Welfare Department guide lines. The National School Lunch Program should be immediately re vised and improved in this respect. Our ESEA office is part of the school system, so needless to say we have encountered no official hos tility to the program." "Well, obviously the National School Lunch Program is not doing an adequate job in this community. If it were, then there would be no need for an ESEA free lunch program in this community." For their part, school lunch administrators, while appreciating the help which ESEA money gives to the problem, are concerned with the problems of dual administration, lack of communication, and the fact that ESEA school lunch projects may be short term, not permanent. Since the ESEA program in many instances is administered locally through separate offices, Local School Lunch Directors did not know how many children in how many schools were receiving ESEA lunches. In some cases, however, the ESEA food service money is administered directly by the local School Lunch Director. These varying patterns of administration and liaison made it difficult to find out the facts in each 93 case. The examples given below of school lunch administrators' attitudes toward the school lunch program are taken from interviews with the State School Lunch Directors interviews to provide a more uniform and more knowledgeable assesment of attitudes among school lunch people: "The amount of money which ESEA provides for free school lunches will be reduced next year in this state. Many schools wrote school lunch proposals because they are the easiest to put together. Once they learn the ropes of the act, they'll ask money for other projects. "I do not know how many children in how many schools are fed lunch through ESEA programs. This is administered through the State Educa tion Department, not the School Lunch Division ... We are only re sponsible for the nutritional content of ESEA lunches. The staff respon sible for ESEA funds is better than the staff of the School Lunch Division because the Office of Education has set standards. "The Federal government should require that all education programs be turned over to the Office of Education and all school food programs to the U.S. Department of Agriculturer--with all its faults." "We have just started picking up the data on ESEA school lunches. It is incomplete because districts haven't reported it. All school lunch pro grams should have uniform standards, centralization, and administration and coordination should be! under one agency. At present they are not and there is no liaison." "The number of children getting free lunches through ESEA rather than through the National School Lunch Program is not kept as a separate statistic, since the School Lunch Division administers ESEA food ser vice money as part of the regular lunch program. But it complicates things to have funds coming in from so many sources. If provision is going to be made, it should be done through one program. Funds should all be channeled through the school lunch program in more generous fashion so all needy children could be benefited." "Title I funds are not dispensed through our office but through a sepa rate federal agency, which also dispenses OEO funds. We do not keep track of their operation and have no idea of what's going on there." "ESEA spends approximately $2,690,000 in school lunch programs, pro viding a total of 190,733 free lunches a year. These funds are primarily used in target area schools which are usually predominantly Negro schools. Target area schools should be eliminated. This would remove the problem you ask about (the denial of a free lunch to a Negro child when he transfers to a previously all-white school). There are needy children in non-target schools. The school lunch program should be funded sufficiently. In order to do this effectively other food programs should be eliminated, i.e., non-food assistance, breakfast pro grams and all other special food programs." (Southern State School Lunch Director.) "Our office is kept informed about how the ESEA program is financed and administered, as well as reviewing ESEA lunches to assure com- 94 pliance with Type A lunch requirements. Title I programs help districts carry extra heavy load of free or reduced price lunches." "The figures on what ESEA spends in school food service programs are kept by another office in the State Board of Education, not by us in the schoo~ lunch division. "Let me say why I think all food service programs should be adminis tered by one office. Several ESEA free lunch projects were written up and approved in this state. Our nutritionists and county supervisors assisted in writing these proposals. Why were they written up? Because ESEA had the money and it had to be spent or returned and the pro posals had to be submitted by a certain deadline. The easiest proposal to write up is a school lunch proposal. After all, all the facilities and experienced personnel already exist and no thought or research has to go into it. "But after the project has been started, the ESEA people want to go into something else for which they see a greater need. They divert their attention and their money to something else, and the children who are supposed to be getting lunches on a continuing basis are left without it and the ESEA people say their money has run out when actually it is being used for something else." "Quite a few Title I programs are helping, but there is not much com munication." "Director seemed perturbed that' there was no liaison between the Fed erally-funded programs that included food, and the stat!>directed school lunch program. In fact, some of the questions he was asked about the ESEA programs he didn't know and hoped if I did get the answers they could be shared with him." [ Interviewer's comment] "All types of Federal [food service] aid provided under the various Federal programs should be coordinated and' administered through one federal and one state agency, under one agreement." Many of the officials interviewed-both ESEA administrators and State School Lunch Directors-were apprehensive lest their remarks about another government agency be taken as criticism by outsiders not qualified to comment. Since it is not the purpose of this report to create embarrassment for individual officials, we did not identify the states or the communities where the comment originated. But the comments here represent only the top of the iceberg. For it is obvious that underneath the complaints of lack of adequacy of the School Lunch Program made by ESEA directors on the one hand, and the complaints of lack of liaison made by School Lunch Directors on the other, lies a lack of understanding on both sides of the others' problems. Many ESEA officials seem to have no awareness of the problems with which School Lunch Directors must grapple-the lack of state and local support; the lack of adequate financing; the lack of guidelines. 95 Since their lunch and breakfast programs are fully funded, they are im patient with the daily compromises which state and local school officials must make because of lack of money. And since their programs are directed solely toward needy childreill, they have not taken the trouble to analyze the School Lunch Program in its proper perspective, as a program which must deal with all children, not only the needy. For their part, many School Lunch Directors are resentful because they tend to forget that ESEA is dealing with a whole range of programs, only a small part of which concerns school food service. They see ESEA as so opulently funded that it can initiate programs which are prohibitive for them. They resent the lack of continuity of ESEA lunch programs, not aware that ESEA directors are having to respond to pressures out side their own districts. The lack of liaison is a real one, but it is a two way street, both sides playing a part in creating that impasse. And finally, some School Lunch Directors, because of the foregoing, have a tendency to reject out of hand the new approaches and new standards for feeding needy children that some ESEA directors have proposed simply because they originate from another agency with whom the communication has not been good. These hostilities need to be resolved and some of our recommenda tions will propose methods of dealing with them. We did not survey food service in Headstart projects for two rea sons: a) Local and State School Lunch Directors had little information about them; and b) Headstart's funding and guidelines are so different that no proper comparison with regular school lunch programs is possible. There are also funds provided under the well-known Johnson O'Malley Act for American Indian children in public schools who meet certain criteria: they must be at least one-quarter Indian; their families must live on Indian-owned, tax-free land; their parents may not be in Federal employment. State agencies, usually boards of education, contract with the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) to give needy Indian children supplemental aid such as books, funds for athletic fees, physical education equipment, and meals. School districts submit claims to the responsible state agency and are reimbursed at the prevailing cost of the item or service, e.g., BIA will pay the full fee for a school lunch. We do not have national figures on funds expended under this pro gram and we visited only one state office where information was available on services for Indian children in public schools. The Division of Indian 96 :Education of the New Mexico State Department of Public Instruction keeps full records and publishes an excellent report. In_ 1967 about 8,850 Indian students in New Mexico public schools qualified for Johnson O'Malley assistance. Out of an expenditure of $1,338,248 that year, food service reimbursements totaled $537,171. we received very little information at the local level about Johnson O'M alley funded meals, probably because they are not considered to be tree lunches and because local school lunch budgets do not absorb the cost of feeding this group of needy children. It is probable also that these funds which provide meals for Ameri can Indian children present the same problems as the other Federally funded lunch programs for special target groups. They attack the pr~bl~m of feeding needy children in a piecemeal way. In one s_outhwes~ disO:ct that we heard about, there are a large number of Amencan Indian chil dren who get their lunches through Johnson-O'Malley funds, but the poor Mexican-American children are excluded because the lunches cost 45¢ and few are given free. Once again we see the need for a comprehensive school lunch pro gram for all needy children. 97 11 BREAKFAST AT SCHOOL In Tipton County, Tennessee, where the per capita income is $1,028 a year, there is an elementary school where the principal keeps a supply of aspirin on hand for students with morning headaches.• Physical examinations of first-graders recently revealed that 37 per cent were anemic, 27 per cent had dental problems attributable in part to malnutri tion, and fewer than 25 per cent of the children ate breakfast. Last year the school launched a pilot breakfast program. After six weeks, teachers reported that attendance had improved, that pupils were more willing to study, alert and attentive and had fewer colds. The principal had fewer requests for aspirin. And a little fourth-grade girl said, "I won't be hungry anymore." Funds for the Tipton program came from Title III of the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 which authorized the establishment of pilot • The report of this school comes from the School Lunch Journal, June, 1967.. 98 breakfast programs in the state to feed needy school children and/ or those children who traveled long distances to school. The program was to run for two years and to be administered by the same agencies as were handling the National School Lunch Program. Congress authorized $7,500,000 for the first year which would include an initial reimburse ment to each state of $50,000, plus an additional amount to each state based on school age population and the same assistance need rate as in the National School Lunch Prgram. However, as with the School Lunch Program in general, and with Sec. 11 assistance in particular, Congress failed to appropriate all the money that was authorized, the final 1966-67 appropriation being $2 roillion. Furthermore, the appropriation was made so late in the year that most states were able to run the program only for about four months - some less-and less than half of the money was used. The chart on the next page shows how much was appropriated, bow much used in how many schools, and what the average price of the breakfast was. With so new a program undertaken on so small a scale, it is not possible to tell yet how well it is succeeding. School administrators seemed a little bit reluctant to commit themselves in a large way to the program because at the time of the interviews, they were not certain whether the program would be funded for the coming year and whether it would be renewed and/ or expanded beyond the two-year experimental stage. For most states, the breakfast program has certain inherent ad vantages: 1. The Federal Government's reimbursement is up to 15¢ a breakfast. 2. The nutritional requirements for the breakfast can, unlike the school lunch, be met largely out of surplus foods--cereals, dried eggs, juice, etc.-in plentiful and continuing supply. These two factors make it possible for schools to serve breakfasts to needy children either free or for a very nominal price as the chart shows. State and local School Lunch Directors were very enthusiastic about the possibilities of the program. The majority of them agreed with the South Carolina Director who said: "In all of the schools where we have breakfast programs, school principals report that they cause an increase in attendance, reduce disci plinary problems, make the children more alert and help create better study habits. But we must make certain that a child who gets a free 99 CiilLD NUTRITION ACT (BREAKFAST PROGRAM) c•> breakfast is not deprived of his free lunch. It shouldn't be an either/ or proposition, and the lunch program must not suffer.* AMOUNT AMOUNT NO. OF ~ICE rik Although no one disputed the value of breakfasts for needy children, SCHOOLS AVERAGE SrATil APPROPRIATED SPENT the fact that only half the money was used suggests that the program is $36,871 $14,642 not given 10¢ 50% far from being popular. In addition to the funds being late, which made Alabama planning difficult, other reasons for resistance during the first year were Arizona 36,205 14,000 21 free 100% Arkansas 11,691 not given 9 15¢ 85% ( 1) cost (although the reimbursement rate is high, labor is not covered) ; California 66,162 not given 3 10¢ none (2) requirements for record keeping; ( 3) disruptions to morning sched- Colorado 34,958 5,298 5 5¢ or less none ules; ( 4) community feelings that breakfast is a family responsibility. Florida 36,990 7,070 8 8¢ 56% The Kansas State Director, after stating that 60% of the children in Georgia none none the state do not get good breakfasts, reported that most of the $37,000 Illinois 30,000 30,000 not given not given not given allotted to the state was not used. Other directors commented: Iowa 9,000 3,194 not given not given not given Kansas 37,000 2,800 4 10¢ 30% MISSOURI: "(So little of the money was used] because children and Louisiana 27,807 8,572 9 5¢ 95% families apparently do not approve or are not interested. Excessively Maine 7,000 721 3 10¢ 82% detailed reports are required, plus supervision, and no allowance is made Massachusetts not given 2,459 10 15¢ 53% for labor." Michigan 34,000 17,000 17 8¢ none Minnesota 20,435 20,435 8 11¢ 50% UTAH: "We discontinued the program this year because an audit showed Mississippi 37,800 25,800 8 10¢ almost 100% the Government reimbursed one-third the cost, the children paid one- Missouri 37,807 2,315 4 20¢ 95% third and the district had to make up the other one-third from school Nebraska none none lunch funds. We are opposed to developing new programs from funds New Hampshire 37,807 2,502 2 10¢ none collected and budgeted for the National School Lunch Program. [In his New Jersey 32,773 9,320 4 13¢ 98% New Mexico 7,807 4,247 3 5¢ none general comments about the National School Lunch Program, this Director New York 37,000 37,000 30 20¢ 99% spoke eloquently about the inadequate financing of the School Lunch North Carolina 37,807 37,807 207 10¢ not given Program as a whole.] Ohio 33,874 7,311 12 11.5¢ 85% WEST VIRGINIA: "We started with 51 programs, but now have only Oklahoma 37,807 1,475 5 not given not given 43 because the children didn't take advantage of the program." Oregon 37,807 529 2 10¢ 17% Pennsylvania 33,033 3,125 4 10¢ none ARIZONA: "School administrators believe it upsets routine. Everyone Rhode Island not given not given 2 10¢ 80% had to start one hour earlier, even if they were not in the breakfast South Carolina 37,384 12,746 6 10¢ most program." South Dakota not given not given 2 (?) 10¢ 73% Tennessee 33,033 11,284 7 10¢ most As with the regular National School Lunch Program, the breakfast Texas 36,257 12,098 16 15¢ none program's regulations do not spell out specific guidelines beyond those Utah 36,000 300 1 15¢ majority contained in the act: Vermont 37,807 545 4 10¢ not given Virginia 37,146 24,720 32 5¢ 60% "In selecting schools the State Educational Agency shall, to the Washington 36,675 522 2 free Cb> 100% extent practicable, give first consideration to those schools drawing at- West Virginia not given not given 43 15¢ most • South Carolina is unique in that in addition to the six pilot breakfast programs, Wisconsin 30,321 10,471 3 5¢ not given it has long had 30 additional breakfast programs which are completely private and run as welfare enterprises by textile companies in company towns. This is (a) Source of Information: Interviews with State School Lunch Directors evidently an old tradition in South Carolina going back many years. These pro- (b) Next year the price will be 10¢. grams are completely free and supported solely by the companies. 100 101 tendance from areas in which poor economic conditions exist, and to those schools to which a substantial proportion of the children enrolled must travel long distances daily." Some State School Directors did indeed attempt to follow this sug gestion insofar as possible, considering that as a pilot program, it could not cover a great many schools. They either selected poor rural schools on long bus routes, or where bus travel was not a factor, they used the ESEA guidelines or other valid criteria of need to select the schools. But some State Directors had to include other elements not connected with need or travel. In answer to the question, "How were the schools for the pilot program selected?", we noted the following answers: ARIZONA: "Those who chose to participate." COLORADO: "Need, but also those with clerical help available to handle administrative responsibilities. One needy school could not par ticipate because it did not have clerical help." MAINE: "Any school that wants it. Had to turn money back last year." MINNESOTA: "First come, first served." NEW JERSEY: "All schools were alerted to program. State Director visited those schools interested and then selected on the basis of need." OREGON: "All schools were notified of the program. Last year only one superintendent felt there was enough need to establish a program in the face of taxpayers who are very critical of all welfare programs in the school." WASHINGTON: "They requested it." PENNSYLVANIA: "The state bas not been able to fulfill the purpose of the Breakfast Program. Where there was the greatest need, no oppor tunity was given to establish it This is partly because in the cities only union help could be used for so many hours and volunteers were not per mitted to serve." In addition, six State Directors said that the schools were selected on the basis of need plus the interest of the principals and/or school districts. The balance of the states made the selections on the basis of need and the number of children who bad to travel long distances. It is perfectly understandable that in a small pilot program the sug gested criteria of the act could not always be followed. But if the pro gram were to be enlarged and substantially funded, the present vague terminology would not suffice. The history of the National School Lunch 102 Program as a whole proves the desirability of defined standards in the Breakfast Program as well. In addition to the Breakfast Programs funded by the Child Nutri tion Act, ESEA conducts breakfast programs in the following states sur veyed: Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, New Mexico, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee and West Virginia. In West Virginia, ESEA also supplies the labor for the Child Nutrition Act breakfast program. And although ESEA has no breakfast programs in Washington, it supplies the labor for their Child Nutrition Act breakfast programs. SOME NOTES ABOUT THE SPECIAL MlLK PROGRAM We included nine questions about the special milk program in our questionnaire to State School Lunch Directors and seven questions to local School Lunch Directors. In one respect, the answers were so uni formly affirmative that it seems clear that the milk program is adequately funded and is working well: 1. The great majority of schools in the communities we surveyed are included in the special milk program. 2. The Federal Government reimburses more than half the cost of the first pint of milk served with lunch and slightly more on every half-pint served after that. This means that out of what the children pay on the balance, plus special reimbursement based on the number of half-pints served free, there is enough money to serve milk free to needy children-a far higher percentage than receive a free lunch. From these two factors alone, it is easy to see that the milk pro gram is working well. On the other hand, record-keeping for the milk program is such that some states do not separate bow much milk is served at the regular reduced price and how much is served free to bow many children. And while some of the communities studied have this information, others do not. For these two reasons, we decided not to attempt a state by state or community by community analysis of the special milk program. In general, the milk program seems to be a success and we have no recom mendations to make about its operation. We are concerned, however, about schools which have neither the milk nor the lunch programs. 103 12 ADMINISTRATION OF THE SCHOOL LUNCH PROGRAM The National School Lunch Act does not set minimum standards for school lunch personnel, and the USDA Regulations interpreting the Act do not deal at all with qualifications for school lunch administrators, formal training for supervisors, or in-service training for dieticians, cooks and helpers. All that the Regulations require is that the state educational agency review at least one-third of the participating schools every year to assist the local manager in improving her operation, to make sure they are meeting nutritional standards and are providing free or reduced price lunches to needy children, and to determine the adequacy and accuracy of their records. This does not mean, however, that every school must be visited once every three years. The Regulations permit the use of "performance sur veys"-written reports to the state educational agency-by up to one- 104 half of the schools. "The use of performance surveys in lieu of admin istrative reviews to meet more than one-half of this requirement shall be only on the basis of consultation with and approval of the USDA." [our italics] While administrative reviews may not be made by school personnel directly involved with the lunch program under review, there is no re quirement that they be made by qualified personnel in the State School Lunch Director's office. They can be made by county personnel or by people who may have no training in dietetics, sanitation, or the economics of the School Lunch Program. While the National School Lunch Program spells out quite specifi cally what the nutritional content of the lunch may be, it provides no guidance about the conditions under which the lunch is to be served. This depends solely upon local and state regulations concerning cleanli ness, safety, health, and adequate space. Predictably, this laissez-faire attitude results in the broadest possible spectrum of quality of personnel, training programs, and administrative review. In the last analysis, it is also responsible for the widest possible range of performance in preparing the food for the children to eat. A well-trained cook can take the ingredients of the Type A lunch and make a tasty, attractive meal with a minimum of waste. A poorly trained cook, working in inadequate space with poor equipment, can take the same food and make an unappetizing mess out of it. The American School Food Service Association is deeply concerned about professional standards and upgrading. Almost every issue of its School Lunch Journal has articles, reports of convention discussions, or position statements on professional upgrading, in-service training, the development of management skills. Their leadership recognizes that the job of making school lunches available to all school children requires competence in administration, business management and community rela tions, as well as nutrition. A look at the requirements for personnel, training and review reveals the extent of the differences in practices among the states. ALABAMA: Provides no state money for administration of State School Lunch Director's office. Does not require professional certification or degrees for those responsible for school lunch menus. One state-wide meeting each year to review menus and provide in-service training. Local supervisors conduct administrative reviews. ARIZONA: Degrees for school lunch personnel not required: "They are usually housewives." Three two-week programs in the universities and one at 105 a junior college available to school lunch personnel. One state-wide meeting of personnel held each year. Three staff profresionals at the state level do the administrative review. ARKANSAS: "We do not require professional certification, but are working toward it. We do not have enough people to man jobs, therefore we must work with some who are not certified." Course at the University of Arkansas available for managers. State-wide conference held each year for supervisors. Menu review and in-training service provided at regularly scheduled meetings four times a year. CALIFORNIA: No professional certification. State staff includes only one trained nutritionist. Training provided at junior colleges all over the state, al through no state-wide or regional meetings held. Field representatives do ad ministrative reviews. COLORADO: Supervisors and directors are professionals, but less than half of those responsible for school lunch menus have professional certification or college degrees. Many in-service programs throughout the state where inexperienced school lunch personnel can become vocationally certified and trained in quantity food preparation and baking. There is an annual state wide meeting and area meetings for "multiple unit supervisors" who have three or more schools under their jurisdiction. These supervisors conduct administrative reviews in their own units because the state office has only two professionals. Reports from trouble spots are watched and reviewed more often. FLORIDA: All county supervisors must have professional certification. State-wide meetings of county school lunch supervisors are held twice a year, regional meetings of school lunch supervisors are held once a year, and county meetings are held monthly. "Administrative reviews are conducted by a state staff person with a degree in nutrition visiting the school for a whole day. In 1966-67, the state staff conducted administrative reviews in 56 of the 1,800 schools." GEORGIA: Professional certification is available for food service directors but not mandatory, since the state cannot finance the program. No in-service training or menu review is provided at regularly scheduled regional or state wide meetings but there is a comprehensive program of training for school food service personnel. Eight state staff and seventy locally employed pro fessionals conduct administrative reviews. ILLINOIS: No professional certification required. One state-wide meeting of personnel held annually. Review conducted by field supervisor. IOWA: Certification not required, but it is hoped that within six years. ~ne person in each kitchen will have at least completed the advanced trammg course at the University of Iowa. Local school districts and groups such as PTA usually pay cost of sending school lunch personnel to attend the training course at the University of Iowa. State Director comments: "Better trained personnel are needed as cooks and cafeteria workers. Higher salaries would help a great deal in attracting such people. Currently, salaries average $42.94 a week." There is one state-wide and one regional meeting a year, and in some areas, there are multi-county meetings monthly or bi-monthly. Adminis- 106 trative review is conducted usually by regional supervisors, but occasionally by a state staff person. Reviews include not only visits to schools, but also discussions with welfare and other community sources. KANSAS: Professional certification not required, but "encouraged" and can be obtained at a series of courses provided throughout ·the state and also through college courses in the summer. Reviews are conducted by regional personnel. LOUISIANA: Professional certification is required for all supervisory per sonnel. However, some parishes as yet do not have the professional per sonnel. Certification is available at state-sponsored and college sponsored workshops and through local in-service training by supervisors, who conduct pre-job and on-the-job training. Administrative reviews are conducted by state or parish professionals or visits to schools. MAINE: No professional certification required. "Workers want and need training . .. They are mostly housewives ... We can't meet their requests for training because of lack of funds and ... trained instructors .•. We have set up training programs and then the Federal money for them has been withdrawn ... We have held some courses with Manpower Training and Adult Education funds . .. 1We try to give training through adult education programs and are even planning a TV program . . . There is a state-wide meeting once a year. We used to hold a day training session in each county at the time of the teachers' conventions, but the conventions are phasing out, so we need a new plan . . . The visits required by Federal law [for admin istrative reviews] are used primarily for education, not inspection, and are conducted by a state person. MARYLAND: "All our district supervisors have degrees. However, we do not have district supervisors for every area. In these smaller population centers, someone doing another job-such as being in charge of school transportation -may ac~ as a supervisor. In these places, lunchroom managers attend our regularly held state-wide and district meetings and receive training in menu preparation." MASSACHUSETTS: "Certification for school food service personnel will be required within a year." In-service training and menu review provided through two state-wide and four regional meetings a year, programs con ducted by executive chief of the school kitchen staff, monthly newsletters. Administrative reviews conducted by state staff nutritionists. MICHIGAN: Professional certification not required. "We follow the general procedures outlined by the USDA. We don't have sufficient staff to do more. Our State Food Service Supervisors meet once a year and regional meetings are held at varying times--once a month to twice a year . . . 'Intermediate personnel' conduct the administrative review." MINNESOTA: No professional certification required. In-service training can be obtained by participation in one of four six-week summer courses given at different locations in the state. Also three Saturday workshops during the year and yearly state-wide and regional meetings. State staff members able to visit only one-tenth of schools each year for administrative reviews. MISSISSIPPI: Managers can become certified by attending a one-week sum mer workshop. Supervisors required to attend two summers in succession. 107 Administrative reviews conducted by area staff and by performance surveys. State Director suggests as a program improvement: "Reduce amount of sur veys to be completed." MISSOURI: No professional classification required. Yearly state-wide and regional meetings for personnel. The University provides a "short course" and the state colleges have a continuous program of workshops. State staff professional does administrative review of each school every three years. MONTANA: No professional certification is necessary: "most school dis tricts cannot even afford to hire a school lunch supervisor." There are train ing workshops every summer and state-wide and regional_ ~eetings once a year. Administrative reviews sometimes conducted by VISlts from school superintendents. NEBRASKA: Professional certification not required. No state-wide meetings, each summer for all food service personnel; lunch room managers attend state university workshop for two weeks during three summers. Regions hold meetings twice a year. Menus supervised locally through a visitation program by School Lunch Director and two nutritionists. Administrative reviews handled by state staff. NEW HAMPSHIRE: Certification not required. In-service training available in biennial workshops and state-wide meetings or in regional meetings, "as the need arises." Menus reviewed by consultants, reminders in newsletters, workshops, short courses. There is also "extensive cooperation with the New Hampshire School Food Service Association and their annual and regional meetings." Administrative reviews conducted by state staff. NEW JERSEY: Ten of the school lunch personnel responsible for menus have Master's degrees; 37 have Bachelor's; 50 have professional training; and 16 have had two years of college. The majority have had no higher education. There are two small summer workshops for supervisors and five for managers; workshops on a county level every three years; yearly regional meetings; and a yearly two-day state-wide meeting. These are sponsored by the State Professional Association on whose board two of the state school lunch personnel serve. Menu suggestions also made through state division's newsletter. Administrative review forms filled out by local administrators. Two state professionals review the form, make recommendations and report to the local school board. NEW MEXICO: No professional certification required. There are summer workshops, annual state-wide meetings and area meetings for training. Local school lunch "consultants" do administrative reviews. NEW YORK: No certification requirements, but the state school lunch office is trying to get the State Department of Education to at least require that new managers and directors attend a state-wide meeting. No formal, manda tory in-service programs, but the state office encourages local training pro grams and thinks they, too, should be required. Menus are supervised through supervisory visits to schools, area-wide managers' meetings, workshops of the School Food Service Association and newsletters issued by the state office. Administrative reviews conducted approximately every three years by a mem ber of the state staff. 108 NORTH CAROLINA: Questions on training, meetings, certification left un answered. Question on how menus meet Federal nutritional requirements: "Electronic data processing system." OHIO: All professional personnel in the program are in the state office. In service training provided through city and county one-day conferences, three-day annual summer conferences, and six-day workshops at the state universities. Administrative reviews conducted by state office consultants who evaluate 25 per cent of programs annually. OKLAHOMA: No professional certification required. No state-wide meetings, but yearly regional meetings. Also local workshops ranging from three days to two weeks. OREGON: Professional certification not required. No state-wide meetings, but regional in-service meetings once a year provide in-service training. Three courses prepared by State School Lunch Director's office are available for vocation education classes. Performance surveys and administrative reviews made of programs "if possible." PENNSYLVANIA: Certification not mandatory, but school managers can be certified through attendance at training courses and six week institute each summer at State university. Regional home economics supervisors have meet ings with each school food service staff about once a month. Administrative reviews handled by state office personnel, regional home economics super visors or local school food service managers. RHODE ISLAND: Two top state school lunch persons must have college degree; no certification required for rest of professionals. Training provided by state supervisors at one-day meeting. State-wide meetings scheduled only "as need arises" and no regional meetings. SOUTH CAROLINA: On certification: "A new state law allows supervisory personnel to be hired at the local level. No effect so far since all are the same people and all had degrees. It could have a bad effect in the future. But the law may be changed back." There is a one week state-wide seminar [for training] and one three-day seminar during the year. Regional meetings are held five or six times during the year in five centers in the state. Local county meetings of all food service personnel are held every month. "We have constant review of menus, personal visits and area meetings. I regard review and training as of supreme importance in this program." SOUTH DAKOTA: "We have started college courses leading to certification but not a degree." State-wide meetings are held once a year and regional meetings, three times a year. Administrative reviews are made by School Lunch Division personnel and a trained nutritionist, who also does menu evaluations. TENNESSEE: Degrees required for supervisors in state office. A new state regulation requires college degrees in home ecomonics for newly employed supervisors of the few local systems operated from the central office but makes no requirement for cafeteria managers even though they plan menus. There are summer programs for managers and supervisors with special demonstrations and one or two day meetings in various localities during the 109 year. ''The adminiStrattve review ls com1ucted haphazardly. Each year USDA sends in a team of an administrative officer and a home econoffiis~ for one week. They visit with us, see our bosses and we all visit schools together. Otherwise, we don't do a real review-just check menus." TEXAS: No professional certification required. Seven one-week workshops held each summer. No state-wide or regional meetings. Six state supervisors visit schools to conduct administrative review. UTAH: Certification only "recommended" for district supervisors. State-wide meetings held three times a year; regional meetings, twice a year. Training available through colleges and local districts. Administrative review is con ducted in each school at least every three years. Evaluate schools with little professional or experienced help every year. VERMONT: No certification required. Training given at annual state-wide meeting, semi-annual regional meetings and workshops. State staff and regional supervisors conduct review. VIRGINIA: No certification necessary. State-wide meetings held yearly and regional meetings, "as necessary." Training provided in seven area con ferences. Administrative review conducted by regional supervisors. Schools in areas without supervisors are visited at least every two years. WASHINGTON: No certification required. State-wide meetings held once a year; regional meetings, "upon request." Workshops and classes in vocational education are also provided. Administrative review is accomplished by per formance survey where district has a professional supervisor. Where not, schools are visited by personnel from the Home and Family Life Education Department and other regional supervisors. WEST VIRGINIA: No certification required. Training is provided in one or two day programs once a year by the Department of Education, by adult education courses, and by one teacher who travels around the state. The administrative review is conducted by State Program specialists-four in the field and the counties which have supervisors. WISCONSIN: No certification required, but we are working toward a cer tification program. Training is provided through district area and state-wide workshops and currently through a program of training by the University Extension Service. State-wide meetings are held once a year and regional meetings as "often as needed and the availability of personnel dictates." Administrative review conducted by School Lunch Division personnel. As previously noted, two of the chief reasons for the administrative review are: (a) to check the nutritional content of the school lunch, and (b) to ensure that schools are providing free or reduced price lunches to needy children. We asked State Directors if schools were put on probation or dropped if they failed to meet these requirements. The answers pro vide a sharp contrast among the procedures followed. Of the 39 State Directors surveyed, more than two-thirds had de veloped procedures for dealing with substandard nutritional content of 110 the food. These included recommendations for improvement with a fol low-up to see that recommendations had been put into e~ect; e~tra visits by supervisors; careful checking of menus over a sustamed penod after violations were found; official letters of warning; probation; and, in a few instances, where all else had failed, dropping the school from the program and re-admitting it only when the difficulties had been corrected. As far as not providing sufficient free or reduced price lunches is concerned, only five states-California, New York, Ohio, South Carolina and Maine-had ever dealt with this violation of the Regulations, and the instances were very few, e.g., Maine, where schools had been put on probation only "three or four times in twenty years." The reasons for the difference in approach can be easily adduced from the previous chapters : 1. Nutritional standards set by the USDA are clear and specific. Supervisors, even untrained ones, should not have much trouble telling when the lunch does not meet such clearly defined standards. But since no standards have been set to define need, a supervisor--especially one who is untrained-bas no way of knowing whether the performance in this matter is adequate. 2. "We don't do this," said one State Director about putting schools on probation, "because we know they are trying the best they can." If there is not enough money available for free lunches, this is not the fault of the individual school principal, and under the present system, it makes little sense to exhort, recommend or penalize. Thus, the administrative review, as far as feeding needy children is concerned, has little meaning. Another important area in the administration of the program is the keeping of records, and this, too, is supposed to be one of the items checked in the administrative review. The Federal Government only asks for essential information, although some State School Lunch Directors and Local Directors complained about the burden of paper work. Many school principals, because they have so many administrative chores in the area of education, spoke up strongly about this burden, which, in tum, has been placed on them. In any case, we encountered the broadest variations in the accuracy and depth of statistical information available-from State Director to State Director, among Local Directors, and most particularly among indi vidual school principals. Many school principals, who gave every evidence 111 of wanting to cooperate in our study, were unable to tell us how many children participated in the school lunch program or how many lunches were served free or at a reduced price to needy children. Local School Lunch Directors sometimes could not give us this information in their districts, and often did not have any facts and figures about finances, i.e., how much money came from Federal, state or local sources and how much from the children themselves. And, as previously noted, many State Directors were not kept informed about other Federal programs, such as ESEA, which operate in the school lunch field in their states. However, it must be said that many State Directors and local of ficials, as well, were extremely knowledgeable about their own operations and had devised forms and procedures to assist them in gaining informa tion and in keeping school principals well-informed, too. It would be a healthly development if these more successful directors could contribute the techniques they use to their colleagues and if a standardized system of record-keeping could be developed on a more sophisticated level than the Federal Government demands. Although part of the story of training personnel to run school lunch programs can be recounted in the statements concerning available courses and requirements for certification, a recital of the answers to interviewers' questions does not tell the whole story. For instance, a state university can provide a splendid course on lunch room management, but if the lunch room manager is neither required to attend nor given an incentive to do so, such as upgrading in the job or increased pay, the course will have little impact. Similarly, state or regional meetings which do not foster discussions of everyday problems common to lunch room personnel will leave them little wiser than before they attended. How effective the various programs are depends in large part upon the leadership provided by the State School Lunch Director. Our reports reflect a wide range of competence, enthusiasm and leadership among the State Directors whom we interviewed. In some states, the regular turn over in the State Director's job seems to suggest either that the position has no status or that it is a political appointment. In others, State Direc tors were able to give our interviews so little information about basic requirements of the National School Lunch Act and about developments in their own states that we were forced to conclude they were less than totally involved in their jobs. In at least ten states, the interviewers found the State Director very knowledgeable and concerned, and made a special point of recording this. And in three states-Florida, Colorado and South Carolina-the State 112 Directors had so much extra to offer in the way of special information, background history, statistics, and thoughtful insights into the way the School Lunch Program operates that we have gratefully turned to their comments over and over again in preparing this report. In addition to formal training sessions, some State School Lunch Divisions prepare regular newsletters or bulletins for their own personnel and for school lunch managers. These publications contain suggested menus, tips for preparing food economically and attractively, hints on good purchasing procedures and how best to use existing equipment, articles on increasing participation in the program. These are valuable aids and it is too bad that not all state offices can afford to publish them. Among the publications we reviewed that seemed very good are those from New York, Utah, California, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Arizo~a, New Mexico and Massachusetts. And it is no accident that the bulletins published by Florida, Colorado and South Carolina seemed to us par ticularly outstanding. 113 13 LOS ANGELES: OUT OF IT Two communities, on opposite coasts and very different in size and history, have come to our attention as drop-outs from the National School Lunch Program. Belfast, Maine (pop. 6200) , 28 per cent of whose families are below the welfare standard, and Los Angeles (pop. 2,695,000) have left the program. Both claim the financial crisis as the chief reason. Here is the Los Angeles story. Los Angeles dropped out of the School Lunch Program in 1955 when the Federal cash subsidy fell to 4.3¢ per meal. At that time, accord ing to a report issued by the Los Angeles Auxiliary Service Committee '~it b:came financially impractical for the District to maintain participa~ tion. m the program. [The subsidy] has now dropped to 4¢ [In Cali forrua] and would further drop to 3.6¢ during the first year of Los Angeles' re-joining the program. 114 "In order for Los Angeles to participate, there cannot be a continu ing discrepancy between the actual cash subsidy and the maximum allow ance. If the present allowable maximum of 9¢ were actually funded, it would allow Los Angeles to participate at the elementary level without increasing the price of the meal." The report goes on to list other reasons for non-participation as follows: 1. Nutritional Standards "The Los Angeles Schools' lunch program at the elementary level is designed to meet one-third of the daily diet requirements of children in grades one through six (all older children are on an a la carte basis) . The nutritional standards are less than in the National School Lunch Program and, therefore, the cost to produce the lunch is less. The Na tional School Lunch Program would also require additional manager time for reports." 2. Additional Cost Los Angeles estimates that participation in the National School Lunch Program would raise the cost per meal to 41 ¢ as against the present net cost of 35¢. Against this, the report states, the addition of Sec. 6 commodities to the present surplus commodities would bring an increased reimbursement of 2.4¢ per meal. The cash reimbursement would also be increased by a Federal reimbursement of 3.6¢ per meal as against the present milk subsidy of 3¢ for the milk included in the meal, a net gain of six-tenths of a cent. Thus, the increased cost of the lunch would be 6¢, and the gain in Federal subsidies would be only 3¢, making an increased net cost in each meal of 3 ¢. "Based on an estimated 75,000 average daily pupil meals at the ele mentary level, the estimated increased net annual cost for participating in the National School Lunch Program would be $391,500. If the increased cost of the program were to come from the General Fund, it would be in conflict with present [Governing] Board policy which re quires the cafeteria program to be self-sustaining." 3. Effect on Pupil Partidpation If the increased costs could not be borne out of general funds, because of this conflict with Board policy, the only other way they could be financed would be by increasing the selling price of the lunch to the children. But, "Historically, an increase in the selling price of the tray lunch at the elementary level has resulted in a general reduction of pupil par- 115 ticipation from 13 per cent to 17 per cent. It can be projected that a 3¢ to 5¢ increase in the selling price would, therefore, result in a re duction of participation. Thus, an increase in the price to pupils of the elementary lunch will result in the lunch program providing a service to a smaller number of pupils." 4. Free Lunches "The National School Lunch Program requires that meals be of fered to all children and shall be served at a reduced cost or free to children unable to pay the full cost as determined by the Governing Board." HOW THE LOS ANGELES SCHOOL LUNCH PROGRAM OPERA TES Because Los Angeles does not participate in the National School Lunch Program, records are not kept in the usual way, and it has proved somewhat difficult to pick out the comparable data used elsewhere in this study. As one example, 28 adult schools and five junior colleges are included in the over-all figures. Also, Los Angeles County is responsible for contributions for free lunches, so there is no distinction in figures between county and city schools. In spite of these handicaps, certain facts emerge clearly: 1. Thirty per cent of the elementary school students participate in the school lunch program-about 100,000 out of 369,000 children. 2. The cost of the lunch is 35¢ to elementary school children, and 4 7 ¢ to junior high and high school students, the price for the junior high and high having increased 5 ¢ in the past year. However, high school students may also purchase a la carte lunches, and records of how many 4 7 ¢ plate lunches are sold and how many a la carte lunches are sold are not kept separately. 3. The schools are served in three ways: 444 schools have cafo terias and prepare their own food; one central kitchen prepares hot lunches for five schools; and 32 schools have bag-lunch programs. 4. There are 44 schools without any lunch program at all, but "with the present bag lunch and the new cafeterias planned by 1969, all schools in slum areas will have lunch programs." Financing As previously noted, the policy of the Los Angeles Governing Board is that the school lunch program must be self-sustaining. As a 116 result, what the children pay for their lunches is 94.68 per cent of the cost of the program. Federal surplus commodities and special county alloca tions for needy students (see below) make up the balance. The Local School Lunch Director reports that beginning January, 1968, Los Angeles schools will receive $51,000 in Sec. 11 Special Assistance to be spent on a bag-lunch program in 32 schools presently excluded from the program because of lack of facilities. Feeding Needy Children The number of needy children given free lunches in the Los Angeles School Lunch Program is microscopically small: about 1,110 children, or six-tenths of one per cent of the number of lunches served. No reduced price lunches are served. The money for the free lunches is provided in two ways. Private charity-the United Fund, local PT As, the Milk Bowl and individual contributions-is one way. It is administered by the PTA, which re ceives the money from the private groups and determines the eligibility of the children for free lunch. The PTA aid goes only to "undernourished" children, which in this context means those with a special health prob lem. It goes only to those children who are not receiving state or county welfare. According to a report from the Director of the Food Services Branch of the Los Angeles City Schools: "There are disparities between schools in the program because of the differences in school administrators, nurses and doctors. Some school administrators do not participate in the PTA program because they feel students should work for any free meals. Lincoln High School has a par ticularly large program because the school nurse there is concerned about the incidence of TB in that area." In addition, Los Angeles County provides free lunches for children who are both "undernourished" and "aided." "Aided" means receiving public assistance through the Los Angeles County Bureau of Public Assistance under either AFDC or aid to indigents. The county budget this year for the program is $54,000. In four school districts, this county money is also administered by the PTA. The county pays the money directly to the PT A which sets the standard for undernourishment after the child is so certified by the school doctor or nurse. In any case, it should be kept in mind that in a county where 140,- 000 school age children have been identified as either coming from homes where the yearly income is less than $2,000 and/ or whose families are 117 receiving AFDC, only 1, 110 children are receiving free lunches from both public and private sources combined. There are three school districts in the county which do participate in the regular National School Lunch Program. This year the California State Department of Education provided $75,000 for this program, thus making up the difference between the National School Lunch subsidy in California and 15¢ per meal, which is what the students pay. Over 300 free meals are served per day. Participation is approximately 85 per cent of the enrollment. ESEA Free Lunch Program As in communities where the free lunch provisions of the regular National School Lunch Program are either inadequate or non-existent, ESEA funds many of the free lunches. Of 434 schools in Los Angeles, 63 either have ESEA food programs or will have them in the coming year. Thus, it appears in Los Angeles as elsewhere, that the free lunch program is being carried for the most part by ESEA. Breakfast Program Although Los Angeles does not participate in the National School Lunch Program, it does participate in the pilot breakfast program under the Child Nutrition Act. In fact, Los Angeles receives the entire $66,000 allocated to California under the act. The program operates in three schools, with two more to be added in January, 1968. The breakfast costs 10¢ and none are provided free. The Los Angeles School Lunch Director notes that reaction to the Break fast Program has been "rather poor." There is only 20 per cent participa tion in the three schools where it is available, not because of the cost, but because the children have to come early enough to eat. In comparing Los Angeles as a non-participating community with the participating communities we have studied, we can see that: Its rate of participation-30 per cent-is about average. The price of the lunch-35¢ to 47¢-is slightly above average. If we weighted this figure by noting that the nutritional content of these lunches is admittedly lower than the Department of Agriculture standards for an "A" lunch, we would have to say that the price is considerably higher than the average in other communities studied. Its percentage of free lunches is second from the bottom of all com minities studies. Only Little Rock, among the communities we studied, relies so heavily on ESEA to provide free lunches. 118 As long as the policy of the Los Angeles Board ~ to make the school lunch program entirely self-supporting, so long will the number of free lunches continue to be low, and so long will the s:hool system find it profitable to refrain from participating in the National School Lunch Program. 119 14 RECOMMENDATIONS This report has stressed over and over again that the present opera tion of the National School Lunch Program is inadequate in meeting the needs it was designed to serve. First of all, the funds are inadequate. They are inadequate on the Federal, state and local levels. They are inadequate to keep the prices of the lunch at a point which would increase participation significantly; they are inadequate to serve needy children free and reduced priced lunches; they are inadequate to provide training to administrators and those responsible for food preparation. School lunch administrators all over the country are beginning to express their sense of defeat about coping with this financial burden which grows larger every year. Articles in the School Lunch Journal, the field's professional journal, talk about "the deepening crisis of the school lunch program'', "the inability to hold the line on prices'', "the ever-decreasing federal contributions." The phrase "drop-out" is being applied to the National School Lunch Program with increased frequency. 120 Perhaps even more important, a feeling of dissatisfaction, of unrest about the School Lunch Program pervades those communities where children are excluded from the program. The parents of these chil dren are not professionals-they are not interested in the average contribution per lunch of donated commodities and the Federal cash reimbursement, or what percentage of funds are contributed by the state. What they are interested in is that the lunches are priced out of reach for those who could pay something; and the majority of those who can not pay are denied the opportunity to receive a benefit which is theirs by law. This community concern is a real and growing one. The National School Lunch Program has been a source of organized community protest in New Mexico, California, Ohio, Mississippi, Alabama, Texas and Pennsylvania. The list is likely to grow longer. So the most important and the most detailed recommendations we make in this report are those which concern financing. But we have a larger concern. From our talks with school administrators, local, state and Federal officials, legislators and parents, we have come to the conclusion .1?at unless the School Lunch Program is accepted as a means of providing good nutrition for all our children in order to insure ~eir pres~nt ability to absorb the education that is offered them, to help msure their present and future health and to help insure their present and future functioning as responsible citlzens, it will never be adequately financed and it will never be properly run. This is hardly an original thought-on the surface it seems like a mere repetition of the language of the National School Act itself .. But unfortunately, this attitude is not the prevalent one among many legisla tors, school lunch administrators, or community officials. Too many legislators view the National School Lunch Program primarily as a convenient market for surplus commodities. Too many school administrators regard the School Lunch Program as a welfare burden, not an educational responsibility. Too many school principals regard the school lunch program as ~ administrative headache, not a means of raising the level of acadellllc performance. And woven into these attitudes are some darker threads of dislike and distrust. "They"-the poor-are "no good." "They" are trying to get something for nothing. "They" drink. If "they" won't provide for their own children, it is not our responsibility. 121 Too many legislators, school administrators, school principals and community officials regard the National School Lunch Program as one in which the books must balance. If the program cannot be made to pay off financially in a poor school, it ought to be eliminated, they feel. But by showing a financial profit, we may show a corresponding loss in the nourishment of our children, and mortgage their future well-being-a costly profit to our nation indeed. If these attitudes persist, they will wreck the National School Lunch Program. For if the National School Lunch Program is viewed as a business which must pay for itself or is administered unfairly, then it cannot simultaneously be viewed as an opportunity to provide America's children-all her children-with a start toward a healthy and productive life. And if it is not viewed this way, the financing of it will continue to be grudging, insufficient and unsuccessful. On the following pages are our formal recommendations based on the material in this study. They are addressed to the President, to Department of Agriculture, to Congress, to school lunch administrators and to pro fessionals in the food service field. But in addition to these groups, voluntary agencies as well as official bodies have educational jobs to do: 1. We must educate parents about good nutrition. We must tell them about the school lunch program and inform them that their children have a right to be included in it. 2. We must convince educators, school board members and state legislators and the total community about the need to support the Na tional School Lunch Program at the state and local level. 3. We must develop a national awareness that adequate nutrition is an essential part of education-without it, the most sophisticated ad vances in educational techniques are meaningless. "You can't teach a hungry child" must be first understood, and second translated into a sound nutrition program, starting first with the school lunch. RECOMMENDATIONS 1. The price of the school lunch should be reduced to place it within the reach of the majority of children. We believe, along with many State School Lunch Directors, that a maximum price of 20¢ would make this possible. Reduction in price, a feasible short-run objective, could be achieved by the following combination of Federal, state and local action: a. Increased Federal Contribution: Congress should set a standard below which the Federal cash reimbursement per lunch should not 122 be allowed to drop. We recommend that the 9¢ reimbursement be restored as a preliminary step. The minimum Federal reim bursement should be so calculated that, combined with the states' contributions and the donated foods, it will keep the price at the 20¢ maximum. b. Increased Contributions from the States: The formula should be changed to require the states to match the Federal contribution on a one-to-one basis. That is, if the Federal Government provides 9¢ per lunch, the states must also provide 9¢ per lunch. But the regulations of the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) should specify that the states are not allowed to include in their matching funds the children's fees, funds from private charity, or the costs of program administration, construction or equipment. The money should come from state appropriations out of state revenues. The formula could be adjusted, as it is now, to permit states with a per capita income lower than the national average to contribute proportionately less. c. Increased Local Contributions: The local school district should pay for local administration, labor and equipment for school food service as a regular item in its budget. The USDA Regula tions should specify that children's fees may be used only to cover the cost of the food served to them. d. A Dependable Level of Commodities: The cash value of donated commodities should be maintained at a steady and dependable level. The current standard should be 11 ¢ per meal, but subject to change should food costs rise. If the income from tariffs is not sufficient to maintain this level, or if the available supply of price support foods is not sufficient, Congress should appropriate special funds to ensure this level of support. The value of the more highly nutritious Sec. 6 foods should con stitute 50% of the cash value of all donated commodities. With more funds available from within the state, State Directors would have more flexibility and could make advantageous commodity purchases within their area. 2. The Regulations should be changed to require that the local public school district should be the unit which contracts to participate in the National School Lunch Program, not the individual school.* As a condition of participation, the school district should be required • Parochial schools, where so required by state law, would continue to deal directly and individually with the Federal Government. 123 to make the program available without discrimination to all schools, to submit a total plan showing how the service will be provided in each school, and to explain the exclusion of any school under its juris diction. Lack of facilities, the enrollment of large numbers of poor children, or the fact that a school is a neighborhood school where children can go home for lunch should not be considered valid reasons for exclud ing schools from the program. The contract should obligate a school district to feed all of its needy children. These children should be identified in advance, according to a uniform Federal standard, and the district should report to USDA its plan for including them in the National School Lunch Program. 3. Higher reimbursement rates and increased Special Assistance (Sec. 11) funds should be made available to schools which serve a high pr~ portion of needy children. Increased Federal and state financial sup port to reduce the price to 20¢, plus the requirement that the pro gram must be available district-wide, will put the school lunch within the reach of most children. But there will still be schools in poor neighborhoods which will need extra assistance. a. School districts containing schools in poor neighborhoods and/ or a high percentage of poor children should get a higher reimburse ment rate out of general school lunch funds. This would enable them to reduce the price below 20¢ and across the board in pov erty-impacted schools and to offer free or reduced-price meals to poor children wherever they are in the district. b. Special Assistance (Sec. 11) funds should be sufficient to help the states feed all of their needy pupils, not just a token few. As a first step, Congress should appropriate the $10 million originally authorized for Special Assistance. Subsequent appropriations (fol lowing this one) should be based not on the number of free meals served in the previous years, but on the estimated number of children who will need assistance in the fiscal year for which the appropriation is made. Ultimately, the School Lunch Program should be adequately funded on the national and state levels so that Special Assistance would not be necessary. But until that time Special Assistance will have to be vastly increased to be effective. 4. Children should be eligible for free or reduced price lunches accord ing to a uniform standard of need. All school children in families 124 below the poverty level established by the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), plus all school children in families receiving Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), should be auto matically eligible. Children in large families with marginal incomes, even though they are not on welfare or below the poverty level, should be added. 5. Identifying needy children by such practies as using special tokens or different color tickets, by calling out the names of those receiving free or reduced price meals, by collecting money in a conspicuously dif ferent way, by forcing them to go to the end of the cafeteria line or by requiring them to work should be specifically banned by USDA Regulations. We do not object to giving all children the opportunity to earn money or credit for community service. But to make their eating dependent on cafeteria work is humiliating and psychologically unsound. 6. All school food service should be put under one administration at all levels- national, state and local- to promote uni/ orm funding, stan dards of eligibility, record-keeping and review and to effect greater efficiency and coordination. The need for special programs to provide lunches and breakfasts to needy students will continue until the National School Lunch Program becomes truly inclusive. We look forward to the time when all special efforts, with their separate ad ministrations, will not be necessary. 7. USDA and the states should assume greater responsibility for im proving the administration of the National School Lunch Program. Higher levels of administrative and business skill as well as compe tence in food service are required if the program is to be of greater benefit at a lower cost. The major burden will be on the states who carry traditionally the responsibility for professional standards, training and certification. The states should accelerate their efforts in training, upgrading and certification and should hasten the time when only certified persons will be eligible for employment. USDA should set guidelines for program standards, administrative reviews and record-keeping. Federal grants to strengthen the adminis tration of the state and local school lunch divisions should be pro vided. 8. The Congress, USDA, Boards of Education, state legislators, school lunch administrators should begin planning now for a universal free school lunch program as part of a coordinated plan for better nutrition for all children. 125 We believe that school lunch should be served to all children as a matter of course. Each child should be given his school lunch in the same way that the majority of children now receive their books and school equipment. The school lunch should be a basic part of the free public school education to which every child has a right. Part of the malaise of the present school lunch program is that it is isolated from the rest of the child's education. More important, its present operation bears little relation to the needs of today's children. What is needed is a total plan which will unify the present piecemeal system, modernize its administration and integrate it into the total educational process. In order to achieve this goal, we recommend a two-stage program: a. Congress should provide incentive grants to school districts, municipalities or counties to develop model nutritional and food service programs for children and youth. These models should include: a scientific analysis of nutritional needs; a total food ser vice plan for maximum participation, free or at low cost, for chil dren of all ages; experimentation with developments in food tech nology; increased efficiency and professional upgrading in already existing programs; community involvement in nutrition education; coordination with other community planning efforts for improv ing health and education. b. The President should appoint a National Commission with a mandate to design a federally sponsored free nutrition and food service program for children and youth. The Commission should gather data about the nutritional status of America's children, evaluate all food service programs, and review the experiences of other countries with universal programs. Based on their study, the Commission should make recommendations about how a uni versal free school lunch program should be financed and ad ministered. It should create the blueprint for a total nutrition program which would include not only the free school lunch but which would cover children's nutritional and health needs all day, every day. The Commission should be broadly based and should include educators, nutritionists, economists, experts in food technology, school lunch administrators and parents. "It is my firm conviction that to make lunch a fully educational project, it is necessary that it be offered free to all the children every 126 day . . . It is a growing conviction that a proper lunch is just as important as proper teaching, and that can be controlled only by having lunches offered to all children in the school ... We are living in an age where the schools will assume more and more responsibility for the children and when such responsibilities are assumed, we in the school lunch field cannot neglect our obligation to the hungry child and to all children." George Mueller, Late Comptroller, Board of Education, Kansas City, Missouri, School Lunch Journal, July-August 1966 127 Appendix HOW THE STUDY WAS DONE This study was designed to be conducted by volunteers, not experts. From the beginning we felt that one of its chief values lies in providing American women with an opportunity to learn about how their children fare at the school lunch table in their own communities, working with people they know and with whom they have a continuing relationship. In order to provide a setting for this, each of the sponsoring organi zations appointed two representatives to a board which became the Com mittee on School Lunch Participation. Their names and affiliations are listed at the end of the Appendix. The Field Foundation made a grant of $25,000 to the National Council of Catholic Women which provided the fiscal administration for the project. The Committee's first task was to draw up a list of communities to be studied. The factors that determined the initial choice of 60 com- 128 munities were: a) a balance between large urban centers, middle-sized cities, and small, rural towns and counties; b) geographical distribution; and c) proper representation of minority groups-Negroes, Mexican Americans, American Indians, Spanish-Americans-and income levels. We then asked the executive director of each sponsoring organiza tion to tell us, for each community, whether the membership strength in it was sufficient so that the local chapter of her organization could lead the study, cooperate in it, or was not able to do either. The organizations' field staff consulted with local chapters to assess whether there would be interest in the study and available womanpower to do it in view of their other pressing programs and our time schedule. Based on the information we received from the organization, the tentative list was revised and pared down. For instance, Pittsburgh had originally been suggested as a big Northern city to be studied, but other commitments of the organizations there indicated that we would not have sufficient workers. So Philadelphia, where leadership was available, was substituted. After the communities had been selected, the national organizations sent the Committee the names of the women in each community who had agreed to provide leadership. They also sent us, where available, the names of those women in each community who could cooperate in the study which was being led by the members of another organization. Each national organization then notified all the leaders and cooperators that they would shortly receive the study materials from the Committee on School Lunch Participation. This system of getting volunteers to conduct the study, however, could work only in middle-sized or large cities. The sponsoring organiza tions often do not have chapters in small towns or rural areas. Our Com mittee felt strongly, however, that a study confined only to cities and which omitted rural areas and small towns would lack balance. The Com mittee, therefore, also included smaller communities, where there are no organizational chapters. It then became our job to find individuals, not necessarily connected with the sponsoring organizations, to organize the studies in these smaller centers. In some instances, a member of the Committee had a suggestion to make. Fortunately, we were able to rely upon staff members of the American Friends Service Committee. Without their invaluable help, the small center studies could not have been conducted. The AFSC staff people who participated in the community studies are: Winifred Green, Sumter County, Alabama; Ted Robinson, Bridgeton, New Jersey; 129 Patricia Mizell, Sumter and Lee Counties, South Carolina; and Joan Anderson, Marysville and La Conner, Washington. Mrs. Electra Price, an AFSC staff member, supervised the studies conducted in Oakland, Richmond and Los Angeles, California. We also consulted with AFSC staff members in the selection of communities with a large American Indian population and they secured the help of Sister Providenzia, a Catholic teaching sister, who conducted the community study in Great Falls, Montana. One other person not connected with the sponsoring organizations played a major role in conducting the community studies. Mrs. Frances Pauley, the former Director of the Georgia Council on Human Relations, supervised all the Southern community studies. Mrs. Pauley was able to pull effective groups together even where national organizations could only provide a small reservoir of womanpower upon which to draw. In addition to the community studies, the Committee decided to conduct interviews with the State School Lunch Director in as many states as possible. In many cases where the state capitol was near a com munity being studied, or in the few communities where it was the one under study, the sponsoring organizations were able to secure an inter viewer from among their own membership. Some state capitols were long distances away from members' homes and, in these cases, the per son conducting the interview was suggested by Committee members, and was not necessarily active in one of the sponsoring organizations. We were able to conduct extended interviews, of ten lasting three to five hours and sometimes all day, with 39 State School Lunch Directors. The states in which these interviews were conducted follow: Alabama Michigan Arizona Minnesota Arkansas Mississippi California Missouri Colorado Nebraska Florida New Hampshire Georgia New Jersey Illinois New Mexico Iowa New York Kansas North Carolina Louisiana Ohio Maine Maryland Massachusetts Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania 130 Rhode Island South Carolina South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin . The Committee had set a goal of completing 50 community studies. This goal was not quite reached-one community withdrew from the study; in a few, only partial studies were completed; and in several, while the study group did not formally withdraw, they could not get their group sufficiently well organized to complete even part of the study. The 40 communities in which the studies were completed are: Mobile, Alabama Jackson, Mississippi Sumter County, Alabama Mound Bayou, Mississippi Tucson, Arizona Great Falls, Montana Little Rock, Arkansas Reno, Nevada Oakland, California Bridgeton, New Jersey Richmond, California Alburquerque, New Mexico Denver, Colorado Buffalo, New York Washington, D. C. Charlotte, North Carolina Palm Beach County, Florida Cleveland, Ohio Tallahassee, Florida Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Augusta, Georgia Sumter County, South Carolina Taliaferro County, Georgia Lee County, South Carolina Carbondale, Illinois Fayette County, Tennessee Gary, Indiana Memphis, Tennessee Knott County, Kentucky Donna, Texas Rock Castle County, Kentucky Norfolk, Virginia New Orleans, Louisiana Seattle, Washington Springfield, Massachusetts Marysville, Washington Detroit, Michigan La Conner, Washington Minneapolis, Minnesota Green Bay, Wisconsin In addition, partial studies containing enough useful information to be included in this report were done in the following communities: Los Angeles, California Newburgh, New York Tulare County, California Jefferson City, Missouri Peoria, Illinois We also visited St. Louis, New York, Greeley, Colorado, and Kan sas City, Missouri, to look at special projects. 131 The selection of the communities and the search for volunteers to conduct studies was accomplished during August and September of 1967. During these months, the Chairman, the Director of the study, and Com mittee members conferred with Department of Agriculture officials, ex perts in nutrition and institutional management, staff members of the American School Food Service Association, and school lunch admin istrators. The result was the Community Study Kit, which contained the following materials: a) A section explaining briefly how the National School Lunch Program operates. b) Suggestions on how to organize the study in each community including the persons to be interviewed and when the studies had to be completed. c) Questionnaires for the Local School Lunch Director, the local Welfare Director, the public health official, the Federal Programs Direc tor, school principals, classroom teachers and parents. d) A brief explanation of what the terms used in the questionnaires meant with suggestions about conducting the interview. We also included a questionnaire for directors of parochial schools. But the questionnaires that were returned did not have enough consistent information to give us a clear picture of how the School Lunch Program operates in parochial schools; nor did we receive enough data for a valid sample. This section of the kit, therefore, was not used in writing this report. During this period, also, the much longer, more complicated ques tionnaire for the State School Lunch Director was devised. Since it was such a detailed document, it was tested out on the School Lunch Direc tors in Maryland, South Carolina and Florida who were most helpful in suggesting changes and clarifications. Then, the whole kit and the State School Lunch Director question naire were submitted to the Director of the School Lunch Division of the U. S. Department of Agriculture, Herbert Rorex. He gave the material his careful scrutiny for accuracy, spending a great deal of time and effort to make sure the questions were valid. He bears, however, no responsibility for the way in which the questions were phrased. He concerned himself only with the technical correctness of the questions. In October, 1967, the Committee reviewed the total output of ma terials and made some revisions. Then the materials were sent out to the previously designated study leaders. 132 Most of the state and community interviews were conducted from late October through the middle of January. The report was written early in 1968 and approved by the Committee in early March. The Committee would like to express appreciation to the National Council of Catholic Women for the financial administration of the grant and to the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund for the able secretarial services, especially of Mrs. Lolita Livingston, and for the services of Miss Brooke Aronson, who provided staff assistance to the Committee and to the Director. One final word about this study: All of us who have worked on it volunteer interviewers, the chairman, the Executive Committee and the Director consider that this report is the beginning, not the end of our efforts. It is not by any means the last word on the school lunch program. We hope that this small beginning may inspire community groups, school lunch administrators, federal officials and Congressmen to undertake more searching studies so that they can understand how the program operates now and how it can be made to operate better in the future. COMMITTEE ON SCHOOL LUNCH PARTICIPATION Church Women United Mrs. MargaretM. Morris Project Director, National Committee on Household Employment; formerly, Chief of Technical Services, National School Lunch Program, U.S. Department of Agriculture; Technical Secretary for Home and Community, President's Commission on the Status of Women; Home Economics Consultant, President's Committee on Consumer Interests. Mrs. Katharine P. Riddle Associate Secretary and Home Economist, Committee on Agricul ture and Rural Life, Division of Overseas Ministries National Council of _Churches of Christ/USA; nutrition consult~t, Church Women Umted. National Board of the Y.W.C.A. Julia F. Allen Dean of Women, Emeritus, Berea College, Berea, Kentucky; mem ber, Executive Committee, National Board of the Y.W.C.A.; mem ber, Board, Central Kentucky Civil Liberties Union. Dorothy B. Ferebee, M.D. Assistant Professor of Preventive Medicine and Medical Supervisor of Health Activities, Howard University, Washington, D.C.; Medi- 133 cal Consultant, U.S. Department of State and Peace Corps and U.S. delegate, World Health Organization Assembly, 1967; Presi dent, Southeast (Washington) Settlement House; former Medical Director, Mississippi Health Project; National Chairman of Publica tions, Y.W.C.A. National Council of Catholic Women Sister Melathon Heister, C.S.C.; M.S.W. Director, Sisters Urban Center, Washington, D.C.; Assistant Direc tor, Southeast (Washington) Catholic Center; member, Archdio cesan Board of Education; formerly, teacher, elementary school principal and superintendent of a boys' home; articles in Catholic Charities Review and National Catholic Education Association Bulletin. Mm. Maxwell H. Stokes National Director, National Council of Catholic Women; Secretary, District of Columbia Public Welfare Advisory Council.; Treasurer, National Christ Child Society. National Council of Jewish Women Mrs. William J. Cooper Education System Representative, Burroughs Corporation; Program Adviser, Omaha Job Corps Center for Women; corporate member and first President, Women in Community Services (WICS); formerly member, National Board of the National Council of Jewish Women. Mrs. Daniel Schreiber Chairman, Education Subcommittee, Program Development Com mittee, National Council of Jewish Women; member, Inter-Religious Relations Committee, National Community Relations Advisory Council; corrective reading teacher, ESEA (Title I) program, New York City. National Council of Negro Women Janet L. Douglass Project Director, National Council of Negro Women; member, Board of the Association of Black Social Workers. Mrs. Dorothy Shaed Proctor School psychologist and former teacher, public schools, Washington, D. C.; member, Boards of Directors, Social Hygiene Society of Metropolitan Washington and Ionia Whipper Home for Unwed Mothers; National Consumer Representative, National Council of Negro Women. 134 Chairman, Committee on School Lunch Participation Jean Fairfax Director, Division of Legal Information and Community Service, NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.; delegate, Fourth Assembly, World Council of Churches, 1968; formerly, National Representative for Southern Programs, Community Re lations Division, American Friends Service Committee; Vice Chairman, Council for Christian Social Action, United Church of Christ. 135 Committee on School Lunch Participation Suite 2030 10 Columbus Circle New York, New York 10019