Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief Amici Curiae Katzenbach et al.
Public Court Documents
March 25, 2009
Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Northwest Austin Municipal Utility Distr. One v. Holder Brief Amici Curiae Katzenbach et al., 2009. 802bbbf6-bf9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/88bebd5a-9c9c-46ec-8086-d684caa3ea98/northwest-austin-municipal-utility-distr-one-v-holder-brief-amici-curiae-katzenbach-et-al. Accessed December 04, 2025.
Copied!
No. 08-322
In the
Supreme (Court of th z IHnitrti States
NORTHWEST AUSTIN MUNICIPAL UTILITY
DISTRICT NUMBER ONE,
Appellant,
u.
ERICH. HOLDER, JR.,
Attorney General of the United States, et al.,
Appellees.
O n A ppeal from the U nited States D istrict C ourt
for the D istrict of C olum bia
B r ie f of N ic h o la s d e B . K a t z e n b a c h , D r e w S. D a y s , III,
J o h n R. D u n n e , B r ian K. L a n d sb e r g , B ill L an n L e e ,
J. St a n l e y P o t tin g e r , and J a m e s P T u rn er
a s A mici C uriae in S u pp o r t of A p p e l l e e s
E lissa J. Preheim
David D. Fauvre
Sheri L. Shepherd
A rnold & Porter LLP
555 Twelfth St. N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20004
(202) 942-5000
Samuel R. Bagenstos
Counsel of Record
405 Hilgard Ave.
Los Angeles, CA 90095
(310) 267-4728
Counsel for Amici Curiae
March 25, 2009
221695
$
C O U N S E L PRESS
(800) 274-3321 • (800) 359-6859
I
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES ............... ii
STATEMENT OF INTEREST
OF AMICI CURIAE ........................................ 1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .......................... 5
ARGUM ENT......................................................... 8
I. The Constitutionality Of The Amendments
To Section 5’s Preclearance Standard Is
Not Properly Before The C o u rt............. 8
II. The Amendments To Section 5’s
Preclearance Standard Are Constitutional
........................................................................... 11
A. By Requiring Denial of Preclearance
to Changes with “Any Discriminatory
Purpose,” Congress Merely Incorpo
rated This Court’s Own Standard for
Unconstitutional Discrimination----- 12
B. The Amended Retrogression Standard
Does Not Demand Violations of Shaw I
and M iller ........................................... 20
CONCLUSION......... .......................................... 30
ii
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES
FEDERALCASES
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena,
515 U.S. 200 (1995) .......................................... 2,18
Bartlett v. Strickland,
No. 07-689, 2009 WL 578634
(U.S. Mar. 9, 2009) ........................................... 26
Beer v. United States,
425 U.S. 130 (1976) ............................ 16, 21, 22, 29
Blodgett v. Holden,
275 U.S. 142 (1927) .......................................... 9
Bushv. Vera,
517 U.S. 952 (1996) ........................................ 23, 28
City o f Boerne v. Flores,
521 U.S. 507 (1997) .......................................... 8
City o f Mobile v. Bolden,
446 U.S. 55 (1980)........................................ 6, 13, 15
City of Richmond v. United States,
422 U.S. 358 (1975) .................................... 7, 22, 28
City of Rome v. United States,
446 U.S. 156 (1980) ...........
Page
13, 29
Cited Authorities
Page
Clinton v. Jones,
520 U.S. 681 (1997) ................................ . 11
Easley v. Cromartie,
532 U.S. 234 (2001) .................................. . 26
FW/PBS, Inc. v. City of Dallas,
493 U.S. 215 (1990) .......................................... 8
Georgia v. Ashcroft,
539 U.S. 461 (2003) .................................. 23, 24, 25
Georgia v. Ashcroft,
195 F. Supp. 2d 25 (D.D.C. 2002)..................... 29
League o f United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry,
548 U.S. 399 (2006) .......................................... 26
Lopez v. Davis,
531 U.S. 230 (2001) .......................................... 8
Lopez v. Monterey County,
525 U.S. 266 (1999) ......................................... 29
Lorillard v. Pons,
434 U.S. 575 (1978) ......................................... 28
Massachusetts v. Mellon,
262 U.S. 447 (1923) ......................................... 9
IV
Cited Authorities
Page
Metro Broad,., Inc. v. F.C.C.,
497 U.S. 547 (1990) ................... ...................... 2, 18
Miller v. Johnson,
515 U.S. 900 (1995) ......................................passim
Morris v. Gressette,
432 U.S. 491 (1977) .......................................... 16
Personnel Adm’r v. Feeney,
442 U.S. 256 (1979) .......................................... 14
Presley v. Etowah County Comm’n,
502 U.S. 491 (1992) .......................................... 10
Reno v. Bossier Parish Sch. Bd.,
520 U.S. 471 (1997) .......................................... 12
Reno v. Bossier Parish Sch. Bd.,
528 U.S. 320 (2000) ................................... 5, 12, 13
Rogers v. Lodge,
458 U.S. 613 (1982) .................................... 6, 13, 15
Shaw v. Hunt,
517 U.S. 899 (1996) .......................................... 17
Shaw v. Reno,
509 U.S. 630 (1993) ......................................passim
V
South Carolina v. Katzenbach,
383 U.S. 301 (1966) ......................................... 3, 29
Summers v. Earth Island Inst.,
129 S. Ct. 1142 (2009) ...................................... 10
Tennessee v. Lane,
541 U.S. 509 (2004) .......................................... 9, 13
Tilton v. Richardson,
403 U.S. 672 (1971) .......................... .............. 20
United Jewish Orgs. v. Carey,
430 U.S. 144 (1977) ......................................... 2, 18
United States v. Georgia,
546 U.S. 151 (2006) ......................................... 13
United States v. Salerno,
481 U.S. 739 (1987) ......................................... 9
Village o f Arlington Heights
v. Metro. Hous. Dev. Corp.,
429 U.S. 252 (1977) ........................................ 14, 15
Washington v. Davis,
426 U.S. 220 (1976) .............................. 6, 12, 13, 15
Washington State Grange
v. Washington State Republican Party,
128 S. Ct. 1184 (2008) ............................
Cited Authorities
Page
11
VI
Wilson v. Layne,
526 U.S. 603 (1999) .......................................... 19
Wright v. Rockefeller,
376 U.S. 52 (1964)............................................. 15
CONSTITUTION AND STATUTES
U.S. C on st , art. I l l ............................................... 9
U.S. C on st , amend. XIV ................................... passim
U.S. C on st , amend. XV ............................ 6, 13,14, 15
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965,
42 U.S.C. § 1973 ............................................... 12
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965,
42 U.S.C. § 1973c ...........................................passim
MISCELLANEOUS
Department of Justice, Guidance Concerning
Redistricting and R etrogression Under
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, 66 Fed.
Reg. 5412 (Jan. 18, 2001) ........................... passim
Department of Justice, Revision of Procedures
for the Administration of Section 5 of the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, 52 Fed. Reg. 486
(Jan. 6, 1987)................................................. 7, 22, 28
Cited Authorities
Page
vii
Cited Authorities
H.R. R ep. N o. 109-478 (2006) ..............................
Letter from Bill Lann Lee, Acting Assistant
Attorney General, to John C. Henry, Esq.
(May 20,1998)...................................................
Voting Rights Act: Evidence o f Continued Need,
H earing Before the Subcomm. on the
C onstitution o f the H. Comm, on the
Judiciary, 109th Cong., Serial No. 109-103
(2006)........... .....................................................
Voting Rights Act: Section 5 o f the Act —
History, Scope and Purpose: Hearing Before
the Subcomm. on the Constitution of the H.
Comm, on the Judiciary, 109th Cong., Serial
No. 109-79, Vol. I (2005) ..................................
Voting Rights Act: Section 5—Preclearance
Standards, Hearing Before the Subcomm. on
the Constitution of the H. Judiciary Comm.,
109th Cong., Serial No. 109-69 (2005)..........
Voting Rights Act: The Continuing Need for
Section 5: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on
the Constitution o f the H. Comm, on the
Judiciary, 109th Cong., Serial No. 109-75
(2005) ..................................................................
Page
25
23
27
10
14, 17
27
1
STATEMENT OF INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE1
Amici are former Attorney General of the United
States Nicholas deB. Katzenbach and former officials in
the Civil Rights Division of the United States Department
of Justice. Collectively, they have served during
both Democratic and Republican administrations.
They have substantial experience with the Department’s
implementation of the preclearance requirement of Section
5 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. § 1973c. Amici
believe that their collective experience will illuminate the
issues before the Court. Amici write this brief principally
to respond to the brief filed on behalf of Abigail
Thernstrom and five former Justice Department officials
(“Thernstrom Amici”). That brief urges this Court to
strike down the reauthorized Section 5 on the ground that
it authorizes or demands unconstitutional race-based
districting. The Thernstrom Am ici’s argument relies
principally on the ground that the United States
Department of Justice, which administers the statute, is
purportedly a serial violator of the Constitution with a
“proven track record of using [its] power to require at least
presumptively unconstitutional racial districting.”
Thernstrom Br. 34.
But that supposed “track record” involves a handful
of cases during a brief period immediately following the
1 No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in
part, and no such counsel or party made a monetary contribution
intended to fund the preparation or submission of this brief.
No person other than amici curiae or their counsel made a
monetary contribution to its preparation or submission. The
parties have consented to the filing of this brief and such
consents are being lodged herewith.
2
1990 census— ie ., nearly two decades ago—when this
Court’s precedents, exemplified by United Jewish
Organizations v. Carey, 430 U.S. 144 (1977), appeared
to permit the use of race in drawing electoral districts
so long as the district lines did not dilute the votes of
any group, and when this Court was not even applying
strict scrutiny to “benign racial classification^]” adopted
by the federal government, Metro Broadcasting, Inc.
v. F.C.C., 497 U.S. 547,563 (1990). Since this Court made
clear in Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993) (Shaw I), and
Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900 (1995), that districting
decisions trigger strict scrutiny when race is the “the
predominant factor motivating the legislature’s decision
to place a significant number of voters within or without
a particular district,” id. at 916—and since this Court
made clear in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515
U.S. 200 (1995), that all racial classifications, state and
federal, trigger strict scrutiny— the Department
of Justice has assiduously complied with those
principles. See Guidance Concerning Redistricting and
Retrogression Under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act,
66 Fed. Reg. 5412, 5412-13 (Jan. 18, 2001). Amici who
served in the Department after this Court’s decisions
in Shaw I, Miller, and Adarand were responsible for
ensuring that the Department complied with those
decisions. Their experience contradicts the assertions
in the Thernstrom brief. A list of amici follows.
Nicholas deB. Katzenbach. Nicholas deB.
Katzenbach served as the Deputy Attorney General
from 1962-1965 and as the Attorney General of the
United States from 1965-1966, during which time he
helped draft the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and he
argued the constitutionality of the Voting Rights Act
3
before this Court in South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383
U.S. 301 (1966). He was Under Secretary of State from
1966-1969. Prior to that time, he was a law professor for
eight years and then served as Assistant Attorney
General of the Office of Legal Counsel. Since his
government service, Katzenbach has served as General
Counsel of the IBM Corporation and as Chairman of
the Board of Directors of the MCI Corporation.
Drew S. Days, III. Drew S. Days, III, served as
Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights from 1977-
1981 and as Solicitor General of the United States from
1993-1996. Prior to his service in the Civil Rights
Division, he was an attorney for the NAACP Legal
Defense and Education Fund. Since his government
service, Days has been the Alfred M. Rankin Professor
of Law at the Yale Law School.
John R. Dunne. John R. Dunne served as Assistant
Attorney General for Civil Rights from 1990-1993. Prior
to that time, he served over 20 years in the New York
State Senate. Since his government service, Dunne has
been an attorney in private practice.
Brian K. Landsberg. Brian K. Landsberg was an
attorney in the Civil Rights Division from 1964-1986,
where he served as Chief of the Appellate Section from
1974-1986. In 1993, he returned to the Division to serve
as Acting Deputy Assistant Attorney General for Civil
Rights. Since his government service, Landsberg has
been a professor at the McGeorge School of Law at the
University of the Pacific. He is the author of two books
on the Division’s civil rights enforcement: Enforcing Civil
Rights - Race Discrimination and the Department of
4
Justice (Univ. Press of Kan. 1997) and Free at Last to
Vote: Alabama and the Origins of the Voting Rights Act
(Univ. Press of Kan. 2007).
Bill Lann Lee. Bill Lann Lee served as Assistant
Attorney General for Civil Rights from 1997-2001. Prior
to that time, he was an attorney for the NAACP Legal
Defense and Education Fund for 18 years. Since his
government service, Lee has been an attorney in private
practice; he chaired the bipartisan National Commission
on the Voting Rights Act.
J. Stanley Pottinger. J. Stanley Pottinger served
as Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights from
1973-1977. Prior to that time, from 1970-1973, he served
as D irector of the Office of Civil Rights at the
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Since
his government service, Pottinger has been a lawyer in
private practice, an investment banker, and an author.
James E Turner. James P Turner was an attorney
in the Civil Rights Division from 1965-1994. He served
as Deputy Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights
from 1969-1994, and as Acting Assistant Attorney
General for Civil Rights from 1993-1994.
5
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The arguments raised by the Thernstrom Amici are
not properly before this Court. The Thernstrom Amici
essentially concede that Section 5 of the Voting Rights
Act, as amended in 2006, is valid prophylactic legislation
as applied to voting changes other than redistricting;
their argument relates exclusively to the statute’s
application to claims of vote dilution in redistricting. But
there is no redistricting issue in this case—nor could
there be, as Appellant does not elect its board members
from districts. Moreover, the Appellants have never
challenged the amendments Congress made to the
preclearance standard—whether in the district court,
in their Jurisdictional Statement, or in their opening
brief on the merits— and the district court did not
address any such challenge. Indeed, the Thernstrom
Amici make clear that what they seek is an advisory
opinion regarding the constitutionality of amended
Section 5 as it might be applied in the future to
circumstances different from those at issue here. The
Court accordingly should not reach the challenges
asserted for the first time by the Thernstrom Amici.
In any event, the amendments to the preclearance
standard are constitutional. The amendment to the
purpose prong of Section 5 requires denial of
preclearance to voting changes with “any discriminatory
purpose.” 42 U.S.C. § 1973c(c). To be sure, that
provision sweeps more broadly than did Section 5’s
purpose prong as interpreted prior to 2006—which, per
this Court’s decision in Reno v. Bossier Parish School
Board, 528 U.S. 320, 328 (2000) (.Bossier II), required
denial of preclearance only when a change was
6
motivated by a retrogressive purpose. But it sweeps no
more broadly than does the Constitution itself.
The amendment to the purpose provision merely
incorporates the standard this Court has adopted to
determine whether discrimination violates the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. See Rogers v.
Lodge, 458 U.S. 613, 617 (1982); City o f Mobile v.
Bolden, 446 U.S. 55, 67 (1980) (plurality opinion);
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 240 (1976).
The Thernstrom Amici cannot point to anything in
the amended purpose standard that in any way purports
to “require race-based districting that subordinates
traditional districting principles.” Thernstrom Br. 26.
Rather, in arguing that the amended Section 5 triggers
strict scrutiny and is unconstitutional, they simply
assert that the Department of Justice will apply that
provision—in violation of its plain text and of this
Court’s decisions in Shaw I, supra, and Miller, supra—
to require such districting. Their assertion rests on
nearly two-decade-old allegations that “ [d]uring the
1990 redistricting cycle” the Department found
discriminatory purpose and denied preclearance—in a
handful of cases involving statewide redistricting—when
states “fail[ed] to maximize the number of majority-
minority districts.” Thernstrom Br. 18. But those
allegations involve conduct that occurred before Shaw
I and Miller—and before this Court made clear that
strict scrutiny applies to all federally imposed racial
classifications. There is no evidence that the
Department has disregarded Shaw I and Miller in its
administration of the preclearance process in the years
since this Court decided those cases. Indeed, the
Department issued guidance that specifically
7
acknowledges that its preclearance decisions must take
account of, and be constrained by, the principles adopted
in those cases. See Guidance Concerning Redistricting
and Retrogression Under Section 5 of the Voting Rights
Act, 66 Fed. Reg. 5412, 5412-13 (Jan. 18, 2001). To
conclude, from allegations of conduct in the 1990
redistricting cycle, that a facially constitutional statute
should be invalidated based on the presumption
that the Department will apply that statute
unconstitutionally, would fundamentally deny the
respect this Court owes to coordinate branches of
government.
Nor are the Thernstrom Amici correct to say that
the amended Section 5 effects standard “locks in all
existing majority-minority districts until 2031” and does
so “regardless of intervening demographic or other
changes.” Thernstrom Br. 26, 28. Both this Court and
the Department of Justice have long recognized that
demographic and constitutional constraints may require
a voting change to be precleared even i f it is
retrogressive. See City of Richmond v. United States,
422 U.S. 358, 370-72 (1975); Guidance Concerning
Redistricting, supra, at 5412-13; Revision of Procedures
for the Administration of Section 5 of the Voting Rights
Act of 1965,52 Fed. Reg. 486,488 (Jan. 6,1987) (codified
at 28 CFR § 51.54). Although the 2006 amendments
changed the standard for determining what is
retrogressive, it made absolutely no change to the
settled principle that even a retrogressive plan must
be precleared if the alternative is a constitutional
violation. Thus, the amended Section 5 will never require
maintenance of majority-minority districts that violate
Shaw I and Miller. The Thernstrom Amici are simply
8
wrong to suggest that the amended effects test bars all
reductions in minority voting-age population in the
districts covered by Section 5.
ARGUMENT
I. The Constitutionality Of The Amendments To
Section 5’s Preclearance Standard Is Not Properly
Before The Court
The Thernstrom Am ici’s constitutional challenge
to the amendments to Section 5’s preclearance standard
is not properly before this Court. Appellant did not
present this argument below, in its Jurisdictional
Statement, or in its opening brief before this Court.
Throughout these proceedings, Appellant has
challenged Congress’s decision to extend Section 5 for
another 25 years without permitting jurisdictions like
it to bail out; the extension, Appellant has argued, lacks
congruence and proportionality under City of Bo erne
v. Flores, 521 U.S. 507 (1997). But Appellant has not
challenged the changes Congress made to the
preclearance standard, and the district court issued no
ruling on such a challenge. In these circumstances, the
Thernstrom Am ici’s challenge must be disregarded.
See, e.g., Lopez v. Davis, 531 U.S. 230, 244 n.6 (2001)
(declining to address issue that was raised only by amici
and not raised or decided below); FW/PBS, Inc. v. City
o f Dallas, 493 U.S. 215, 224 (1990) (“It is this Court’s
practice to decline to review those issues neither pressed
nor passed upon below.” ).
9
Even if the Thernstrom Amici’& challenge had been
properly raised, it would not be appropriate for this
Court to reach it. The duty to decide whether Congress,
a coordinate branch of government, has acted within its
powers in enacting legislation is “the gravest and most
delicate duty that this Court is called upon to perform.”
Blodgett v. Holden, 275 U.S. 142, 148 (1927) (Holmes,
J., concurring). Accordingly, this Court cannot invalidate
an Act of Congress on its face so long as any “set of
circumstances exists under which the Act would be
valid.” United States v. Salerno, 481 U.S. 739,745 (1987);
see Tennessee v. Lane, 541 U.S. 509, 530-31 (2004)
(holding that, having determined that Title II of the
Americans with Disabilities Act is a valid exercise of
Congress’s Fourteenth Amendment enforcement power
as applied to the context before the Court, the Court
“need go no further”—even if some applications of that
statute would exceed Congress’s power). This rule is an
application of the basic principle that Article III of the
United States Constitution gives federal courts
authority to review the constitutionality of an Act of
Congress “only when the justification for some direct
injury suffered or threatened, presenting a justiciable
issue, is made to rest upon such an act. Then the power
exercised is that of ascertaining and declaring the law
applicable to the controversy.” Massachusetts v. Mellon,
262 U.S. 447, 488 (1923).
The Thernstrom Am ici’s challenge to Section 5’s
amended preclearance standard focuses entirely on the
application of those amendments to redistricting plans.
There is, however, no redistricting plan at issue in this
case, and for good reason—Appellant does not even elect
its board members from districts. As a result, Appellant
10
would lack standing to challenge Section 5’s possible
application to redistricting. Appellant faces no “actual
and imminent,” as opposed to “ conjectural or
hypothetical,” injury that is fairly traceable to the
application of Section 5 to redistricting. Summers v.
Earth Island Inst., 129 S. Ct. 1142,1149 (2009). Section
5, of course, extends to a “wide range” of voting changes
other than redistricting. Presley v. Etowah County
Comm’n, 502 U.S. 491, 502 (1992).2 Those changes
include changes to “the manner of voting,” such as the
moving or consolidation of polling places; changes to
“ candidacy requirements and qualifications” ; and
changes “affecting the creation or abolition of an elective
o ffice .” Id. at 502-03. The Thernstrom A m ici
acknowledge that, as applied to those non-redistricting
sorts of voting changes, the amended Section 5 “is
simply a prophylactic prohibition against devices that
exclude access to the ballot, and does not coerce racial
favoritism or proportionality.” Thernstrom Br. 10
(emphasis in original). Under this Court’s precedents,
that concession is sufficient to defeat the Thernstrom
A m ici’ s facial challenge, even if a justiciable
2 In fact, of the approximately 4,000 to 6,000 Section 5
submissions received by the Justice Department each year,
“ [rjedistricting plans are only a small portion of those
submissions.” Voting Rights Act: Section 5 of the Act — History,
Scope, and Purpose: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on the
Constitution of the H. Comm, on the Judiciary, 109th Cong. 9,
Serial No. 109-79, Vol. I (2005) (statement of Bradley J.
Schlozman, then-Acting Assistant Attorney General of the Civil
Rights Division, United States Department of Justice). During
the two years immediately following a decennial census,
redistrictings constitute less than 20% of the total number of
preclearance requests, and that number drops below 10% in
the other eight years of the decade. See id. at 9-10.
11
facial challenge were properly before this Court.
See Washington State Grange v. Washington State
Republican Party, 128 S. Ct. 1184,1190 (2008) (stating
that all members of the Court “agree that a facial
challenge must fail where the statute has a plainly
legitimate sweep”) (internal quotation marks omitted).
Indeed, in the last two pages of their brief, the
Thernstrom Amici state—with admirable candor-—that
what they seek from this Court is nothing more or less
than an advisory opinion regarding whether the
amended Section 5 is constitutional insofar as it might
be applied in the future to different parties and facts
than those presented in this case. Thernstrom Br. 36-
37 (“ [W]e emphasize that receiving the Court’s guidance
now on § 5’s constitutionality in the redistricting context
is extremely important” as “ [rjedistricting will begin in
2011.”). But “ the judicial power to decide cases and
controversies does not include the provision of purely
advisory opinions to the Executive.” Clinton v. Jones,
520 U.S. 681, 700 (1997).
II. The Amendments To Section 5’s Preclearance
Standard Are Constitutional
Even if they were properly before this Court, the
Thernstrom Amici'1 s constitutional challenges to the
amendments to Section 5 would be unavailing. Section
5 has always provided that preclearance should be
withheld if a proposed voting change is discriminatory
in purpose or effect. The 2006 amendments to the Voting
Rights Act made changes to both the purpose and effect
12
prongs of the statute. Contrary to the contentions
of the Thernstrom A m ici, those changes are
constitutional.
A. By Requiring Denial of Preclearance
to Changes with “Any Discriminatory
Purpose,” Congress Merely Incorporated This
Court’s Own Standard for Unconstitutional
Discrimination
In Bossier II, this Court held that “the ‘purpose’
prong of § 5 covers only retrogressive dilution.” 528 U.S.
at 328. Thus, even if a proposed voting change reflected
purposeful discrimination on the basis of race—and thus
violated the Constitution—B ossier I I required
preclearance of that change so long as the purpose was
not to make things worse than they had been in the past.
See id. at 336 (requiring preclearance of “a plan that is
not retrogressive—no matter how unconstitutional it
may be”)- In the 2006 amendments to the statute,
Congress overturned that ruling. Section 5 now provides
that “any discriminatory purpose” behind a voting-
change—not just a retrogressive purpose—warrants a
denial of preclearance. 42 U.S.C. § 1973c(c).3 Because
the amended purpose provision simply incorporates
this Court’ s own standard for unconstitutional
discrimination, see Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229
(1976), it is valid legislation to enforce the Fourteenth
8 By contrast, Congress left intact this Court’s holding in
Reno v. Bossier Parish School Board, 520 U.S. 471, 485 (1997)
(.Bossier I) that a violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act,
42 U.S.C. § 1973, cannot alone provide a basis for denying
preclearance under Section 5.
13
and Fifteenth Amendments. See United States v.
Georgia, 546 U.S. 151, 158 (2006) (stating that “no one
doubts that” Congress may provide remedies for actual
constitutional violations).4
The Thernstrom Am ici argue that Congress’s
decision to incorporate the Washington v. Davis
standard somehow triggers strict scrutiny and threatens
constitutional principles. They assert that the
amendment to the purpose provision of Section 5
“authorize[s] the Department [of Justice] to use its
‘discriminatory purpose’ power to again require race-
based districting that subordinates traditional
districting principles.” Thernstrom Br. 26. That assertion
is curious, because the Constitution itself prohibits
states from diluting minority voting strength with a
discriminatory purpose. See Rogers, 458 U.S. at 617; City
o f Mobile, 446 U.S. at 67.
4 This Court’s decision in Bossier II rested on principles of
statutory interpretation. See 528 U.S. at 329-36 (emphasizing
that a retrogressive effect had already been held to be necessary
to violate Section 5’s effects prohibition, and that, because the
words “purpose” and “effect” were textually parallel terms in
that section, a retrogressive purpose must be necessary to
violate the section’s purpose prohibition). Because purposeful
discrimination violates the Constitution, it cannot violate the
Constitution for Congress to prohibit that conduct, and shifting
the burden of proof to jurisdictions with a significant history of
discrimination is appropriate in light of Congress’s “wide berth
in devising appropriate remedial and preventative measures
for unconstitutional actions.” Lane, 541 U.S. at 520; see City of
Rome v. United States, 446 U.S. 156, 181-82 (1980) (Section 5’s
burden shift is appropriate response to history of discrimination
by covered jurisdictions).
14
The Thernstrom Amici repeatedly disparage the
prohibition on purposeful discrimination. They call it a
“free-floating purpose inquiry” (Thernstrom Br. 34), and
frequently render the word “purpose” in quotation
marks (id. at 3, 15, 17). They also complain about the
supposed complexity of the discriminatory purpose
inquiry; they urge, for example, that it requires a
“subjective, open-ended assessment of the submitting
jurisdiction’s ‘purpose’” (id. at 16-17), and a “speculative
and amorphous analysis of whether the alternative was
rejected “ ‘because of,” not merely “in spite of,” ’ its
‘dilutive’ effect” (id. at 15-16 (quoting Personnel Adm’r
v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256,279 (1979))). But as their citation
to Feeney suggests—as does their citation, in the next
sentence, to Village o f A rlington Fleights v.
Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U.S.
252, 265 (1977)—this sort of discriminatory purpose
analysis is the standard analysis this Court applies in
all Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendment discrimination
cases.
In criticizing that analysis as “extraordinarily open-
ended and amorphous in the redistricting context”
(Thernstrom Br. 16), the Thernstrom Amici disregard
the experience of the Department of Justice, which has
found the Arlington Heights analysis fully administrable
in the Section 5 context. See Voting Rights Act: Section
5— Preclearance Standards, H earing Before the
Subcomm. on the Constitution o f the H. Judiciary
Comm., 109th Cong. 8, Serial No. 109-69 (2005)
(testimony of Mark A. Posner, former Special Counsel
for Section 5, United States Department of Justice).
More important, they ignore this Court’s cases, which
make clear that the discriminatory purpose requirement
15
“applies to claims of racial discrimination affecting voting
just as it does to other claims of racial discrimination.”
City of Mobile, 446 U.S. at 67; see also Rogers, 458 U.S.
at 617 (holding that the Washington v. Davis!Arlington
Heights standard governs constitutional vote dilution
cases). Indeed, Washington v. Davis itself held that the
purposeful discrimination requirement applies across
the board in Fourteenth Amendment race cases—and
it explicitly invoked a redistricting case, Wright v.
Rockefeller, 376 U.S. 52 (1964), as an example of the
point. Davis, 426 U.S. at 240 (citing Wright).
Because the amended purpose provision merely
incorporates the very standard that this Court has
applied to determine whether the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments have been violated, the
Thernstrom Amici are simply wrong to say that the
amended provision “contains an ‘implicit command that
States engage in presumptively unconstitutional race-
based districting.’” Thernstrom Br. 2 (quoting Miller,
515 U.S. at 927). Contrary to the Thernstrom Amici’s
assertion, the amended purpose provision does not
authorize the Department of Justice “ to find
discriminatory purpose whenever a covered jurisdiction
has failed to create a race-based district, even where
the district is plainly at odds with traditional districting
principles” (Thernstrom Br. 18), or to “use its
‘discriminatory purpose’ to again require race-based
districting that subordinates traditional districting
principles” (id. at 26). And it certainly does not permit
the Department “to force Georgia to create a third
majority-[minority] district that ignores standard
districting principles” (id.) or to deny preclearance if it
determines that “improvements to minority voting
16
strength” are “not sufficiently far-reaching to maximize
minority voting strength” (id. at 33-34). As this Court
underscored, a state does not engage in unconstitutional
intentional discrimination simply by failing to maximize
minority voting strength or following traditional
districting principles. See Miller, 515 U.S. at 924 (holding
that a “policy of adhering to other districting principles
instead of creating as many majority-minority districts
as possible does not support an inference that the plan
‘so discriminates on the basis of race or color as to violate
the Constitution’” (quoting Beer v. United States, 425
U.S. 130, 141 (1976))).5
Not surprisingly, the Thernstrom Amici can point
to nothing in the amended purpose requirement of
Section 5 that purports to authorize the Department of
Justice to “ require race-based districting that
subordinates traditional districting principles.”
Thernstrom Br. 26. Instead, their argument relies
almost entirely on allegations that U[d]uring the 1990
redistricting cycle, the Department routinely denied
5 The Thernstrom Amici assert that there is not “any
judicial review” of the Attorney General’s decision to deny
preclearance. Thernstrom Br. 18. That assertion is misleading
at best. Although the Attorney General’s decision to grant
preclearance is final and nonreviewable, see Morris v. Gressette,
432 U .S. 491 (1977), when the Attorney General denies
preclearance the submitting jurisdiction is entitled, by the very
terms of Section 5, to a de novo trial of the issue before a three-
judge district court, with direct review to this Court. See 42
U.S.C. § 1973c(a). As the many judicial preclearance cases that
have reached this Court demonstrate, that process is certainly
a “practical” means of obtaining judicial review. Cf. Thernstrom
Br. 17-18 n.3 (internal quotation marks omitted).
17
preclearance to redistricting plans” based on
discriminatory purpose where those plans “failfed] to
maximize the number of majority-minority districts.”
Thernstrom Br. 18 (emphasis added). These allegations
involve a handful of statewide redistrictings that took
place three presidential administrations and nearly two
decades ago. And far from a “routine” practice, there
are only two instances in which this Court concluded
that the Department required “maximization” : the
Georgia redistricting, Miller, 515 U.S. at 917, 925-26,
and the North Carolina redistricting, Shaw v. Hunt, 517
U.S. 899, 913 (1996) (Shaw II), both of which followed
the 1990 census. In general, “ [t]he Department utilized
the well-established framework for conducting
discriminatory purpose analyses set forth by the
Supreme Court in the Arlington Heights case.” Voting
Rights Act: Section 5—Preclearance Standards, supra,
at 14.
In any event, the Georgia and North Carolina
objections that were the subject of Miller and Shaw II
occurred at a time when the state of constitutional law
was very different than it is today. When covered
jurisdictions were drawing redistricting plans and
submitting them for preclearance during the 1990
redistricting cycle, this Court had not yet ruled that the
Constitution could be violated by race-based line
drawing that did not deny or dilute any individual’s or
group’s vote. That ruling did not come until 1993,
in Shaw I, 509 U.S. at 649-50, and the contours
of Shaw P s constitutional prohibition on “ racial
gerrymandering” were not clear until 1995, when this
Court decided Miller, 515 U.S. at 915-17, 920-23. Nor
had the Court ruled, by the time of the 1990 redistricting
18
cycle, that racial classifications adopted by the federal
government receive the same strict scrutiny as those
adopted by the states. That ruling did not come until
1995, when this Court decided Adarand, 515 U.S. at
226-27; cf. Metro Broad., 497 U.S. at 563 (applying only
intermediate scrutiny to “benign racial classification^]”
adopted by the federal government).
When the Department of Justice was reviewing
preclearance submissions during the 1990 redistricting
cycle, the then-existing precedent most relevant to the
issues the Court would later address in Shaw I and
Miller was United Jewish Organizations, supra. This
Court’s decision in United Jewish Organizations was,
to be sure, “highly fractured.” Shaw I, 509 U.S. at 651.
But it provided substantial support for the proposition
that, in the absence of vote dilution, “ racial
gerrymandering” did not violate the Constitution.
See id. at 658-59 (White, J., joined by Blackmun and
Stevens, JJ., dissenting) (noting that a majority of
justices “held that plaintiffs were not entitled to relief
under the Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause”
because “members of the white majority could not
plausibly argue that their influence over the political
process had been unfairly canceled or that such had
been the State’s intent” (citations omitted)). Indeed, in
Shawl itself, four justices dissented on the ground that
United Jewish Organizations foreclosed the cause of
action for nondilutive “racial gerrymandering” that the
Court adopted there. See id. at 658-59 (White, J., joined
by Blackmun and Stevens, JJ., dissenting); id. at 684
(Souter, J., dissenting). Miller, too, was decided over
the dissent of four justices. See Miller, 515 U.S. at 934
(Ginsburg, J., joined by Stevens and Breyer, JJ., and
19
by Souter, J., in part, dissenting). The failure of
Department of Justice officials, in 1990, “to predict the
future course of constitutional law,” Wilson v. Layne, 526
U.S. 603, 617 (1999) (internal quotation marks omitted),
does not justify invalidating a congressional enactment
today based on the presumption that the Department will
disregard this Court’s decisions in the future.
The Thernstrom Amici have not offered a shred of
evidence that, since Shaw I and Miller, the Department
of Justice has refused to preclear a redistricting plan
unless it subordinated traditional districting principles in
an effort to maximize minority voting strength. Indeed,
after Shaw I and Miller, the Department issued guidance
that specifically recognized that the principles adopted in
those cases are among the constraints that may require
preclearance of a retrogressive change. See Guidance
Concerning Redistricting and Retrogression Under
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, 66 Fed. Reg. 5412,5412-
13 (Jan. 18, 2001). If, in the future, the Department
disregards the rules of constitutional law this Court settled
in Shaw I and Miller, a covered jurisdiction can bypass
the Department entirely and seek preclearance in the
District Court for the District of Columbia. See 42 U.S.C.
§ 1973c(a). And a private party could always file a lawsuit
under Shaw I and Miller themselves. But to presume that
the United States Department of Justice will apply the
purpose prong of Section 5 unconstitutionally, and to
invalidate the statute itself based on that presumption,
would fail to accord the proper respect to coordinate
branches of government. As this Court has explained:
A possibility always exists, of course, that the
legitimate objectives of any law or legislative
20
program may be subverted by conscious design
or lax enforcement. There is nothing new in this
argument. But judicial concern about these
possibilities cannot, standing alone, warrant
striking down a statute as unconstitutional.
Tilton v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 672, 679 (1971). Because
the amended purpose provision of Section 5 does
nothing more than incorporate the standard that this
Court has itself adopted to assess unconstitutional
discrimination under the Fourteenth Amendment, that
provision is a valid exercise of Congress’s power to
enforce that Amendment. The Court may not apply
strict scrutiny and invalidate that provision based on
the presumption— a presumption at odds with
published Department guidance—that the Department
of Justice will disregard this Court’s Shaw I and Miller
jurisprudence and refuse to enforce the provision
according to its terms.
B. The Amended Retrogression Standard Does
Not Demand Violations of Shaw I and Miller
In addition to the changes to Section 5’s purpose
standard, the 2006 amendments to the Voting Rights
Act also changed its effects standard. See 42 U.S.C.
§ 1973c(b), (d).6 The Thernstrom Amici assert that the
6 Congress amended Section 5’s effects standard to
measure retrogression by determining whether the change at
issue will diminish minority citizens’ ability “to elect their
preferred candidates of choice,” rather than whether it will
diminish minority citizens’ influence in the political or electoral
process. 42 U.S.C. § 1973c(b); see id. § 1973c(d) (“[t]he purpose
(Cont’d)
21
amended effects test triggers strict scrutiny and violates
the Constitution because it has a “ nakedly racial
purpose” (Thernstrom Br. 32); that it “ locks in all
existing majority-minority districts until 2031,” and does
so “ regardless of intervening demographic or other
changes” (id. at 26, 28); and that it therefore operates
as a “quota ceiling on nonminorities’ ability to elect”
(id. at 27). These assertions rest on a fundamental
misunderstanding of the amended effects prohibition.
Since the enactment of the Voting Rights Act in
1965, Section 5 has prohibited voting changes with a
discriminatory effect. In its authoritative decision in
Beer, this Court read the effects provision of Section 5
as requiring “that no voting-procedure changes would
be made that would lead to a retrogression in the
position of racial minorities with respect to their effective
exercise of the electoral franchise.” 425 U.S. at 141. On
(Cont’d)
of subsection (b) of this section is to protect the ability of such
citizens to elect their preferred candidates of choice”).
Subsection (b) states:
Any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting,
or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to
voting that has the purpose of or will have the effect
of diminishing the ability of any citizens of the
United States on account of race or color, or in
contravention of the guarantees set forth in section
1973b(f)(2) of this title, to elect their preferred
candidates of choice denies or abridges the right to
vote within the meaning of subsection (a) of this
section.
Id. § 1973c(b).
22
its face, the original Section 5 effects provision contained
“no defense or justification” (cf. Thernstrom Br. 27) that
would permit a voting change that diminished minority
voting strength. But this Court recognized that Section
5 could not be understood as imposing an utterly
inflexible prohibition on retrogression. Thus, in City of
Richmond v. United States, 422 U.S. 358 (1975), the
Court held that an annexation that reduced the black
population percentage in Richmond, Virginia, from 52
percent to 42 percent did not violate Section 5’s effects
prohibition. See id. at 370-72. It was enough, this Court
held, that the city’s election plan “fairly reflected] the
strength of the Negro community as it exist[ed] after
the annexation.” Id. at 371 (emphasis added).
In a similar vein, the Department of Justice has long
refused to “read Beer to require the reflexive imposition
of objections in total disregard of the circumstances
involved or the legitimate justifications in support of
changes that incidentally may be less favorable to
minority voters.” Revision of Procedures for the
Administration of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of
1965, 52 Fed. Reg. 486, 488 (Jan. 6,1987). In particular,
the Department has recognized that retrogression can
be justified where a plan that maintains preexisting-
minority voting strength would violate the Constitution:
“ [I]n the redistricting context, there may be instances
occasioned by demographic changes in which reductions
of minority percentages in single-member districts are
unavoidable, even though ‘retrogressive,’ i.e., districts
where compliance with the one person, one vote
standard necessitates the reduction of minority voting
strength.” Id. Since this Court made clear, in Shaw I
and Miller, that the Constitution prohibits nondilutive
23
racial gerrymandering, the Department has recognized
that a retrogressive redistricting plan must nonetheless
be precleared if the only alternative is a plan that
violates the principles articulated in those cases.
See Guidance Concerning Redistricting, supra, at 5413
(“ [Preventing retrogression under Section 5 does not
require jurisdictions to violate Shaw v. Reno and related
cases.”); Letter from Bill Lann Lee, Acting Assistant
Attorney General, to John C. Henry, Esq., 3 (May 20,
1998) (stating that “a reduction in minority voting
strength that is required by the United States
Constitution does not violate Section 5” and specifically
recognizing that a Shaw violation may warrant “some
reduction in minority voting strength”).7 And even where
retrogression was not justified, it was settled law that
“ [njonretrogression is not a license for the State to do
whatever it deems necessary to ensure continued
electoral success; it merely mandates that the minority’s
opportunity to elect representatives of its choice not
be diminished.” Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. 952, 983 (1996)
(opinion of O’Connor, J.).
The 2006 amendments to Section 5’ s effects
provision made absolutely no change to these principles.
In amending the effects provision, Congress merely
addressed a very specific controversy over the
definition of retrogression— a controversy that is
relevant only in the context of some redistricting plans.
In Georgia v. Ashcroft, 539 U.S. 461 (2003), this Court
considered whether a Georgia state senate redistricting
plan was retrogressive. That plan reduced the black
7 Available at http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/voting/sec_5/ltr/
l_052098.php.
http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/voting/sec_5/ltr/
24
voting-age population in three previously majority-
minority districts to “just over 50%,” which made it at
least “marginally less likely that minority voters [could]
elect a candidate of their choice in those districts.”
Id. at 486. But, at the same time, the plan increased the
black voting-age population percentage in four other
districts where blacks remained a voting-age minority.
See id. at 487. The Court held that the district court
should not have denied preclearance to the plan simply
on the basis of the reduction in minority voting-age
population in the three majority-minority districts; it
directed the district court to consider, on remand,
whether the addition of more non-majority “influence”
or “ coalitional” districts rendered the new plan,
considered as a whole, nonretrogressive. Id. The Court
explained that it would not necessarily be retrogressive
for a state to trade existing districts in which minority
voters had the opportunity to elect candidates of their
choice for ‘“influence districts’—where minority voters
may not be able to elect a candidate of choice but can
play a substantial, if not decisive, role in the electoral
process.” Id. at 482. The Court concluded that “ [t]he
State may choose, consistent with § 5, that it is better
to risk having fewer minority representatives in order
to achieve greater overall representation of a minority
group by increasing the number of representatives
sympathetic to the interests of minority voters.”
Id. at 483.
It is on this narrow point that Congress took issue
with this Court’s retrogression jurisprudence. The
amended Section 5, overturning Georgia v. Ashcroft,
deems it retrogressive when a state trades away
existing districts in which minority voters have the
25
opportunity to elect candidates of choice in order to
create more districts in which minority voters have some
undefined “influence” in the political or electoral process.
Now, retrogression must be measured solely by whether
the voting change will diminish minority citizens’ ability
“to elect their preferred candidates of choice.” 42 U.S.C.
§ 1973c(b), (d). Congress thus agreed with the Georgia
v. Ashcroft dissenters that “redefining] effective voting
power in § 5 analysis without the anchoring reference
to electing a candidate of choice” leaves the
nonretrogression principle “substantially diminished”
and “practically unadministrable.” Georgia v. Ashcroft,
539 U.S. at 493-94 (Souter, J., dissenting).8 But the
amendment to the effects provision did not change the
principle that demographic or constitutional constraints
may justify even a retrogressive redistricting plan under
Section 5.
8 The Thernstrom Amici assert (at 33) that the amendment
to the effects provision reflects Congress’s “outrage!]” at “the
notion of Georgia being allowed to take some baby steps away
from super-majority black districts.” That is not a fair reading of
the record. As the House committee report shows, Congress was
not moved by outrage at what transpired on the ground in the
State of Georgia, but by disagreement with the Georgia Court’s
conclusion that a state may diminish the ability of minority voters
to elect the candidates of their choice and leave them to a difficult
to define notion of “influence.” See H.R. Rep. N o. 109-478, at 69
(2006) (“Under its ‘new’ analysis, the Supreme Court would allow
the minority community’s own choice of preferred candidates to
be trumped by political deals struck by State legislators purporting
to give ‘influence’ to the minority community while removing that
community’s ability to elect candidates.”); id. at 70 (“[T]he
Committee is concerned by testimony indicating that ‘[mjinority
influence is nothing more than a guise for diluting minority voting
strength.’”) (footnote omitted).
26
As this description should make clear, the amendment
to the effects provision does not “lock[] in all existing
majority-minority districts until 2031.” Thernstrom Br. 28;
accord id. at 4,26.9 What it presumptively locks in—subject
to the same defenses that applied before the 2006
amendments—is minority voters’ ability to elect the
candidates of their choice. As racially polarized voting
diminishes, minorities in those districts may be able to
maintain the same ability to elect the candidates of their
choice with smaller percentages of the population.
See Bartlett v. Strickland, No. 07-689, 2009 WL 578634,
at *16 (U.S. Mar. 9, 2009) (opinion of Kennedy, J.).10
9 The Thernstrom Amici assert that the “existing majority-
minority districts . . . raise serious Fourteenth Amendment
concerns.” Thernstrom Br. 28. But there is no constitutional concern
with a majority-minority district per se. See, e.g., Easley v.
Cromartie, 532 U .S. 234, 253 (2001). Such districts raise
constitutional concerns only when race is “the predominant factor
motivating the legislature’s decision to place a significant number
of voters within or without a particular district,” and the legislature
“subordinate[s] traditional race-neutral districting principles . . .
to racial considerations.” Miller, 515 U.S. at 916. Indeed, where a
majority-minority district is consistent with traditional districting
principles (as when minorities make up a majority of the
population of a sizeable city), it is the failure to draw such a district
that will raise constitutional concerns. Cf. League of United Latin
Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399, 440 (2006) (dividing Laredo,
with its cohesive Latino community, bore “the mark of intentional
discrimination”).
10 The Thernstrom Amici are therefore incorrect to state that
the amended effects provision “increases federal race-conscious
mandates in inverse proportion to the race-consciousness of the
electorate.” Thernstrom Br. 31-32. As we explain in text, as racially
polarized voting decreases, the constraints the effects provision
imposes on the states will necessarily loosen.
27
The amended effects prohibition therefore is
not insensitive to “ changes in voting patterns.”
Cf. Thernstrom Br. 4. Indeed, it is only the continuing
existence of racially polarized voting that can make
districting the sort of racial zero-sum game the
Thernstrom Amici posit (Thernstrom Br. II);11 absent
racially polarized voting, the maintenance of minorities’
ability to elect the candidates of their choice can
impose no “ceiling on nonminorities’ ability to elect.”
Cf. Thernstrom Br. 27.
Nor does the amended effects provision set forth
an “inviolable” prohibition that requires maintenance
of minority voting strength “regardless of changes in ..
. demographics,” (cf. Thernstrom Br. 4), or regardless
of any inquiry into “feasibility” or any other “defense or
justification” {cf. id. at 27). It is true that the amended
Section 5, like the original Section 5, does not contain
any express defenses for retrogressive changes. But
both this Court and the Department of Justice have
recognized that demographic and constitutional
constraints may appropriately justify a voting change
that is retrogressive. See pp. 21-23, supra. The
amendments to Section 5 changed the definition of
retrogression, but they did not purport to alter the
11 See, e.g., Voting Rights Act: The Continuing Need for
Section 5: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on the Constitution of
the H. Comm, on the Judiciary, 109th Cong. 4-5, Serial No. 109-
75 (2005) (testimony of Laughlin McDonald); id. at 49-79
(testimony of Prof. Richard Engstrom); Voting Rights Act:
Evidence of Continued Need, Hearing Before the Subcomm. on
the Constitution of the H. Comm, on the Judiciary, 109th Cong.
301-02, Serial No. 109-103 (2006) (Appendix to the Statements
of the Hon. Bill Lann Lee and the Hon. Joe Rogers).
28
principle that demographic or constitutional constraints
may require preclearance even of some retrogressive
changes. See Lorillard v. Pons, 434 U.S. 575, 580 (1978)
(“Congress is presumed to be aware of an administrative
or judicial interpretation of a statute and to adopt that
interpretation when it re-enacts a statute without
change.” (citations omitted)). Accordingly, the amended
effects provision would still require preclearance of a
retrogressive redistricting plan where demographic
changes made retrogression “unavoidable,” Revision of
Procedures, supra, at 488; cf. City of Richmond, 422
U.S. at 371 (“It is true that the black community, if there
is racial bloc voting, will command fewer seats on the
city council; and the annexation will have effected a
decline in the Negroes’ relative influence in the city. But
a different city council and an enlarged city are involved
after the annexation.”), or where avoiding retrogression
would require violating Shaw I and Miller, see Guidance
Concerning Redistricting, supra, at 5413.
Nor is there anything problematic about Congress’s
prohibition of changes that “diminish[]” the opportunity
to elect candidates of choice, 42 U.S.C. § 1973c(b).
Cf. Thernstrom Br. 26. Diminishment of minority voting
strength is what retrogression has always meant, and it
is hardly novel to use “diminish” and “retrogress” as
synonyms in this context. See Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. at
983 (opinion of O’Connor, J.) (“Nonretrogression . . .
mandates that the minority’s opportunity to elect
representatives of its choice not be diminished, directly
or indirectly, by the State’ s actions.” (emphasis
omitted)). To the extent that the Thernstrom Amici
mean to suggest that the amended effects provision
would bar any reduction in the minority voting-age
29
population percentage in a district, the foregoing
discussion should demonstrate that the provision will do
no such thing. It is diminishment in the opportunity to
elect, not in district demographics, that the amended
provision defines as retrogressive. In many cases, a
reduction in minority voting-age population percentage
will not diminish the opportunity to elect candidates of
choice.12
Finally, the decision to frame the effects test in terms
of non-diminishment rather than in terms of “racial
equality” (Thernstrom Br. 28) was not an innovation of
the 2006 amendments to the Voting Rights Act. To the
contrary, it is an essential part of the retrogression
standard that has governed discriminatory effects analysis
under Section 5 at least since Beer, supra. The Court has
upheld Section 5, with its nonretrogression standard,
because it applies to those areas of the country where a
deep history of discrimination raises especial concern that
a diminution of minority voting strength will be an
unequal diminution. See Lopez v. Monterey County, 525
U.S. 266, 282-84 (1999); City of Rome, 446 U.S. at 181-82;
South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S, 301, 330-331
(1966); see also Brief for Intervenor-Appellees Texas State
Conference of NAACP Branches, Austin Branch of the
NAACR and Nathaniel Lesane at 22-49. That analysis
applies equally to the post-2006 effects language.
Accordingly, this Court should neither apply strict scrutiny
nor invalidate the amended effects test.
12 See Georgia v. Ashcroft, 195 F. Supp. 2d 25, 74-76 (D.D.C.
2002) (noting that “Section 5 is not an absolute mandate for
maintenance of [majority-minority] districts” and that in
certain circumstances “dilution of minority voting age
population may have no retrogressive effect”), vacated on other
grounds by 539 U.S. 461 (2003).
30
CONCLUSION
This Court should not reach the constitutional
questions raised for the first time in the Thernstrom
Amici brief. Should the Court reach those questions,
however, it should reject the Thernstrom A m ici’&
arguments and affirm the judgment of the district court.
Respectfully submitted,
Samuel R. Bagenstos
Counsel of Record
405 Hilgard Ave.
Los Angeles, CA 90095
(310) 267-4728
Elissa J. Preheim
David D. Fauvre
Sheri L. Shepherd
Arnold & Porter LLP
555 Twelfth St. N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20004
(202) 942-5000
Counsel for Amici Curiae
March 25, 2009