Clippings (Folder)

    DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WELFARE 
W A SH IN G TO N , D .C . 20201

OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY

December 5 , 1968

Dear Jean:

Enclosed Is a newspaper article which I think you will 

find interesting. It looks like the Federal government 

may be going back to 1965. I'm sure you remember those 
days.

Sincerely yours,

Lloyd R. itSnderson 
Education Branch Chief 
Office for Civil Rights

Mrs. Jean Fairfax, Director 
Division of Legal Information 

and Community Service 
NAACP Legal Defense and Educational 

Fund, Inc.
10 Columbus Circle
New York, New York 10019

Enclosure



r

NEW YORK TIMES February 15, 1968

In The Nation: Black Power and White Liberalism
By TOM WICKER

WASHINGTON, Feb. 14— One 
of the primary troubles with 
Mack power is white liberal­
ism. Black power doctrine chal­
lenges and in som ecases re­
futes every tenet of the faith 
in which most w hites have 
fought the so-called “civil 
rights” or “integration" battles 
of the last fifteen years, and 
that is  one of the major rea­
sons w hy so many of these 
w hites have muted or aban­
doned their efforts.

Are you a Southerner who 
risked livelihood and commu­
nity status to advocate inte­
grated schools? Black separa­
tists will tell you that “separate 
but equal” schools are what 
they want, assuming that they  
truly are equal. Merely to state 
this idea obviously refutes 
point-by-point the contention 
of the Supreme Court of 1954 
that .separate schools for the 
two races are inherently un­
equal.
The Old B eliefs

Are you careful how you 
pronounce “Negro”? Better say 
“black people,” anyway. And 
don’t worry any more about 
■suggesting that black people 
have more rhythm than whites: 
they are proud of it. Do you  
think segregated white churches 
are shameful on the face of it?

Black power theorists believe 
that the black church, which 
has been let alone, to thrive . 
and grow in its own way, is as 
a result the strongest of all 
black institutions.

These are only a few specific 
points in the over-all thesis of 
articulate young blacks like 
Harry' Quintana, an architec- 
tual student at Howard Univer­
sity. As judged by their blunt 
comments in a discussion group 
at All Souls’ Unitarian Church 
here this week, Quintana and 
those who think as he does be­
lieve in the idea of a separate 
black community, controlled by 
black people and built on the 
notion of a black environment 
in which black people would be 
free to be black. This was the 
only alternative, they asserted, 
to a white society in which 
black men, at best, would be 
tolerated and “integrated” just 
far enough to keep them docile 
and second-class.
For Tribal Living

Quintana, for instance, is par­
ticipating in the physical design 
and planning of a  black com­
munity based on black design­
ers’ ideas. At least one feature 
of the plan is that it contem­
plates a particular type of liv­
ing unit that would accommo­
date “the tribal type of living 
that 400 years of oppression

have not stifled.” Defending 
Quintana’s project, Stokely Car­
michael recently asserted that 
“Only blacks can plan for a 
black community.”

The logic of this becomes dif­
ficult to dispute when the basic 
premise is made clear— that 
urban housing in America is 
primarily, a concern of poor 
black people and ought there­
fore to be designed for their 
needs. And who knows their 
needs best?

It is equally hard to dispute 
some of the more bitter asser­
tions of young blacks who have 
lost any faith they might ever 
have had in integration. They 
concede, for instance, the need 
of the urban poor for more and 
better jobs. But they deny that 
this problem is likely to be 
solved by programs like that of 
the big insurance companies 
who say they plan to invest a 
billion dollars in the ghettos, or 
by any Government induce­
ments for industries to locate 
new facilities in the slums.

“If white men put those 
plants in there and control 
them,” they say, “white men 
can take them out again. Let’s 
see those insurance companies 
give black men that money so 
it can be invested in the black 
community under black control 
and for black purposes.”

This reflects an absolute con­

viction that “white racist sod*, 
ety” is organized for the ext 
ploitation of black people, and 
that it is hopeless to expect 
such a society to stop doing 
what it always has done. The 
black community, therefore, 
must manage its own affairs, 
demanding the means and the 
right to do so from white so­
ciety, as a sort of reparation 
for the centuries of bondage 
and repression suffered by black 
men. The alternative is violence 
— ultimately even a general 
black revolution.
Black Racism?

It is easy enough to listen to 
that kind of talk and find in it 
no more than' a threat to be 
resisted. It is easy to believe 
that there is at work here a 
kind of black racism that ought 
to be condemned equally with  
white racism, in favor of the 
shibboleths of integration, color 
blindness and interracial broth­
erhood.

In fact, it may be the flat 
assertion of black identity, ami 
the uncompromising demand for  
white recognition of it and re­
spect for it, that offer some­
thing like a racial modus vivendi 
in America. If so, that would 
be more than the integration 
movement could achieve, .and 
better than anything else i.ow  
in view.



Governorship
Gray Calls 
Carniichael 
Seditioiiist

Pushing Hard
By MARGARET HURST

ALBANY, Ga.—James Gray 
told a hometown audience here 
that Tuesday’s racial outburst 
in Atlanta was no longer a mat­
ter of civil rights but “has be­
come a matter of life and 
death.”

He told the Albany Jaycees 
that black power advocate

Gray
Stokely Carmichael “is a sedi- 
tionist.” Gray said Carmichael 

“not talking about civil 
rights, he’s talking about insur­
rection,”

He said that when Dr, Martin I 
Luther King led racial demon-1

Contimiet! on Page 10, Colnmn 1

Continued from Page 1

strations in Albany four years 
ago that he talked of “love and 
non-violence” but, Gray added, 
“Everywhere King went there 
was hate and violence breaking 
out.”
SAKE OF VOTES 

The gubernatorial candidate 
said that in the four years since 
racial trouble broke out in A!» 
bany that non - violence has 
turned into black power because /  
too many politicians have “for 
the sake of votes” sold out to,' 
the Negro bloc vote.

“I’ve been criticized by the At­
lanta liberal papers for talking 
about law and order. I was talk­
ing about riots in Cleveland 
and Chicago and they said, of 
course, it can’t happen here.”

He said that black power ad­
vocates “recognize no govern­
ment.” . ^
FACING TROUBLJf'

“We are facing racial war in 
this country,” he said, “and we 
don’t like to admit it.”

Gray said that he would, as 
governor, fight civil disobedi­
ence if “I have to jail every pne 
of them.”

He promised to give the state’s 
law enforcement officers addi­
tional protection from death or 
dismemberment due to violence 
through a $10,000 state-paid 
insurance policy over and above 
any coverage they now- have.



'A 'm 4 rrrirG A ‘;rSO302;'Tm jRSDATr'BEPTC]\IBER-'S, 1966

10 Seized
2 Bonne! ■ 
To Jury ' " "

V

III Violence
By KEFXER McCARTNEY 
Tv?o men identified bv police 

as among the instigator of . a 
riot v/hich shook southeast At­
lanta and injured at least 15 
p.ersons Wednesday were or-' 
dered held under S5,(K)0 bonds i 
each for the Fniton County i 
Grand Jury on charges of incif'- 
"ig to riot. .

They were William Wars of 
142 Vine St„ head of the local 
chapter of the Student Non-Vio- 
iont Coordinating Ckimmittee, 
and Bobby Vance Walton, 20, of 
558 HoiBton St. NE, identified 
as a SNCG member. ■ , 

Municipal Judge Robert 
Sparks also placed both Ware 
and Walton under $1,000 bonds 
each on.diarge.s of disorderly' 
conduct, llio se  charges w ere' 
checked until Sept. .15 on the 
motion of Howard Moore, at­
torney for the two.

TEIXS OF SOUN'l) TRUCK .
Negro Sgt. C. J. Perry said 

he arrested Ware -and Waiton 
at around 3:45 p.m. Tuesday at 
Capital A%'enue and Ormond 
Street as they operated a sound- 
truck in the area where police i 
had shot and wosuided an auto 
theft suspect.

About 20 to 25 persons wore- 
standing on the sidewalk when 
the .sound truck arrived. Perry j 
toM tiie court. He said W.are 
■began operating a loud-speaker ̂  
.shouting that police had inur-'; 
dered a man and ako shouting 
police brutality.

Perry said he attempted to 
.stop Ware and Ware looked at 
his namapiata and then shout­
ed through the loud speaker: _ 
“Sergeant Perry tells me i ’H' 
have to leave, but first i  want 
to tell you about the man that 
was murdered.” 
m  GATHERED

By this time, Perry .said, 200 
persons had gathered. He add­
ed they “were pushing . ... sliov-: 
ing and tnilling around. One of 
them tried to snatch m y gun.”

.Perry .said he took Ware to 
the patrol wagon and the crowd 
stormed the wagon, attempting 
to, break the lock and turn the 
wagon over. He said some lay 
down in front of tiie wagon- 
Ware, he said, was on tlse in­
side, kicking at the door.

Under cross - e.Kamination, 
Perry said Ware was in the 
area at around 2:3.') p.m. — 
soon after the shooting of Har­
old IjOuis Prather, 25 — and 
left, saying: 'T il be back.” _

' Perry said aften ^'fare was 
; arrested, Walton got on the loiid- 
! speaker, yelling “black power 
a L  urging people who wanted 
to tell about the “murdei to 
come forth. He said one womOT 
got on the microphone and said 
Prather'was murdered xu 
cuffs because he ran- a red 
light. 1
UKDEK AttHSiST ■ ;

Three persons who actually 
were in a car with Prather when 

ihe inmped out and ran after an 
! officer informed him he was un- 
j der arrest on a warrant charg­

ing auto theft were not permit­
ted to talk on the loud speaker, 
Perry’ said. Ho said they knew 
the man was only shot and 
wounded.

Chief Judge Robert E. Jones 
said he. Judge Ed Brock and 
Judge Sparks had agreed that 
persons found guilty of having 
participated in the disturbance

would be held for the grand jury 
under $1,000 bonds each on 

: charges of riot. ,
Earlier in the day, judges 

hearing the cases had assessed 
penalties ranging from suspend­
ed sentences and $22 to |250 
fines and 50 days m the city 
prison iarni.

J’jd.ge T. C, Little a;ssessed 
fines of $27 or 25 days against 
an estimated dosen who ap­
peared at the raorniiig court 
ses.sion. .Judges B r o c k  p.nd  

' .Tpavte promptly began banding 
out $250 fines and 60-day prisMi 
terras at the outset of the af-i 
temoon sessions.

Faye Bellamy, 28, and Mon­
roe Sharp, 26, both of 2222 Tel* 
hurst Drive, requested continu­
ances of charges against them- 
to Sept. 15, Judge Brock agre^! 
to continue the cases of dis- i turbance, cursing and throwing 

1 rocks, but he hiked the appear­
ance bonds of both from $150 to 

i $1,000.
Mis,s B e l l a m y  later was 

t placed under $1,000 bond to Ful­
ton Criminal Court on charges 
of assault and battery after she 
allegedly struck Bailiff S- C. 
Mointger on the head wlnle be­
ing brought to Uie courtroom.

Jones said the court sessions 
would continue into the night.

Police said 73 persons were 
arrested Tuesday and 10 others 
were arrested Wednesday.

The remaining cases will be 
heard Thursday.



'i _

•]

, n - u
E u f i e n e  P a t t e r s 9 n

■ A Day ..
To Forget

i/'

A fume of tear gas stiJl sfemg the eye 
occasionally. It made Ivan Alien look as if he 
had been weeping.

The mayor stood in a pool of glass fragments in the middle 
of Capitol Avenue with his shoulders slumped wearfly. A poiiee. 
car with blue light flashing passed on one side of him, and a  
Grady Hospital ambula.nce with a re« light passed on the odier.

He Ufusl his reddened eyes to the'porches and looked at the 
Negro men,- women and children whose rights -he had long 
fought fo r , at the risk of his owa political life. They looked 
back af him,

On tile upstairs balcony of a bleak apartment iuyuse—“four 
iw m s, tviii redecorate, 159.50”—a girl of about 15 jerked and, 
shook idly in a silent dance.

“They don’t know,” .Mayor Alien said gently. “They just don’t  
know.”

But the SNCC leaders knew, Vi-’hen Stokely CaniiichaeT,? crowd 
fihally got & police shooting to play with, they stirred up those 
m en,'w om en and children as skillfully as white demagogues 
used to get a night ride going.

Like the old white mobs, tlie rock-throwing Negroes didn't 
have a very clear idea what had hold of them Tuesday. Dema­
gogues bad hold of them. SNCC wa.s in charge.

; SNCC cotne,s in on a scene of trouble like an ambulance. Kut 
not to heal any .fractures. It had been a long, cbiily summer in 
the Vine City slu.m. SNCG’s sound tructe had failed to stir riots. 
Maybe Vine City residents got toughened to the black power 
demagospiery and imnuine to it. Here, almost in tlie shadow of 
Atlanta’.? new stadium, was a fresh neighlxirhood with a  built- 
in incident. And here was SNCC.

As Allen said, the people just didn’t known But SNCC did. To 
say pfust white injustices to Ne,grf.ie,s was fair provocation for 
what the black powajr zealots did to Atlanta Tuesday is about 
like 3u.stif).'ing' whliie bombers and burners on ground,s some 
Negroes are crijiiinal.

The mayor ra5der.st(x»d what was going on, even while the 
Negra rock dirowers wdio lileraliy threatened his life did not. 
He gave them their target. He walked in the open down the 
middle of the street while some policemen w'ere taking cover 
behind an armored car under the liail-of stones. His coiu-age was 
remarked by everv' tough cop' present. He acted like a man woho 
didn’t want to.be safe if his city wasn’t.

ALMOST^-BUT NOT QUITE ' ]
For a while it looked as if tlie mayor inighi piifi it off. H e ' 

w„de.d into fhe middle of fee riol:ou.s crowd at Capitol and Ormond 
lycu gt! psst fee stadiam on Cajhtol, and across Georgia, and . 
f-.TOss Little and Itove—tiiat’s ri,gbt, 'love— and there’s  Onnond) 
o.id- tried to lead them out to «s.e stadium. They followed him . 
for a block. ’Itiea SNCC got hold of the thing again, yelling black , 
power.-

Tlsey weren’t gonna go to any white man’s sfedium. Pretty 
■ soon they had the crowd b.ack at Ormond and Capitol Alien g o t .
. up Oft a  iKsiice car and tried to talk to them. Ilem.agoguis ki»w  

what to do about fea.t.
They rcx-kod fee car violently iinii! he was shaken off it. . 

Eneii-ded and shoved, he simpiy bored deeiser into fee biack 
' c iw d . demanding order, ex.horting peace.
■ Kratk,s Sew, Windshields and windows crashed in. Police 
curs had their glasses smashed: A vs'liite woman’s oar was hit; - 
she pa.«sed at the staditan parking lot to shake '.fee glass out of 
her hair. People were getting hurl While Allen .stoixi between 
item , Negroes threw rocks as'id policemen fh-ed foto fee .-Jir.

Tear g,as finally broke that one up. 'Ttie )»Iice ran out of tear 
gas. Etit feev .stood on fee street corners wife feeir gas guns at ■ 
fee ready aad nobody knew they were empty until new supplies 
came.

Policemen are al'Ways targets in mobs like these. The strain 
showed in 'their faces and you e>uidn’t blame feem. Shotguns, 
pistols, gas guns, billies—the tense brandistiiag o: so much hard­
ware was imposmg. l l ie y  had seen too many care smaslred, too 
much auger, to be easy. H'ley were as tight as coiled springs, 
looking all a'faout. There in the middle of feem, unarm ^ and 
ufix-attied, was Mayor Allen.

■ “I wish I could slow that gijy down,” said Capt George 
Koyall, his police aide and bodyguard, sprinfeg up Little Street 
The mayor had .suddenly wa'ikrf up there to uisist that a  crowd 
of Negroes disperse and go to feeir homes. The crovfd moved 
sltfH'iy,

'Avo policemen were assigned to herd fee crowd back up that 
side street They w'ere white, though many of fee policemen on ■ 
the scene w'ere Negro. 'Fhe two ■whito policemen had company. 
“T-his is fee Rev. Sam tVilliams,” Capt. 'fioyail told fee pair of ' 
policemen. “He is going wife you and he is  going to ask fee  
people to go to their homes pcaceful.'iy.”

The Rev. Williams did. A tough, smart NAACP militant, 
tho Baptist niini.ster and college profe.?.sor had been fighting for 
Ms people. again.?t white oppressors all his life and he did not 
liesitate to go to the scene Tuesday and fight against their being 
l«n*t by SNCC. It took great courage. He went up the street wife 
fee jxilicemeii,. commandiBg respect.

Like Sam Williams, fee Rev. Martin Luther King Sr. was , 
'’'-• there, deploring violence and laying the blame on those who in­

cited i t  “We have got to have law,” the old man said. “If I only 
had my strengUb I would tell these people we have got to have 
law, Elise we have no protection.”

“You’ve got your strength, old friend,” Iv'aa Allen said, taking 
bis hand in fe.e stoeet • , , j



■ ''-NEGRO LEADERS CAME'
• Segro fw ascia®  like Q. V, Wiffiamson and Jofai Hood were 

t e e ,  laboring to lead their people out of folly, aergra ien  like ■ 
■ 7® i'-ev- W.iilism Holmes Borders were there, and leaders like 
: Jesse Hill. In e  Negro leadership turned out to do wliat it could 

Just as staunchly as the white leadership ised  to do when fee  
Klan mentalities threatened violence. But the violent and fee  

; disorderly always have an advantage in seising leadership of 
. ,a  cj-OTvd. 'Kiey are mihampered by responsibility' and they have  ̂

emotion going for feem. Hesponsible leaders, rational men, often 
look vulnerable and even futile in such a setting. But they have 
to go. '

failing. ‘‘.4re you hurt? Did any of the rooks hit 
ssked in the lull. He looked at his friend Sam 

wnnam s there in fee street and laughed. “Man,” he kidded “you 
know they can’t thi-ow anytiiing as fast as i  can nin,

“I’ve got great peripheral vision. Blind to color, blind to- 
class. I’ve got to be blind, haven’t I, Sam?” .

The Rev. Williams smiled. “That’s right,” he said {juietly, 
Tlie two strong men, one white, one black, looked af. each other ■ 
for a second in fee gathering night, then moved off to see if  
tfiey could calm  and di.sperse some more of the silent, stai’ing 
spectators. ,

Walking aloag fee center of the Capitol Avenue sidewalk, a ■ 
tall, thin Negi'o man wearing a striped sport shut and a wisp 
of beard m et a policeman and deliberately confronted liim head-s>n, 
refusing to yield room for him to pa.ss. The policeman held a 
shotgun .at port arms and stood there for a minute. He jeiked ■ 
Iiis thumb to the side but the Negro did not move.

Blind hatred contorted his face into a furious mask. -
The policeman shrugged and walked on around him. The thin;- 

goateed Negro waiked on, muttering, looMag over his shoulder 
and hating the white man with a pas.sion feat seemed to be 
consuming him like some foul, fatal fever.

Shattered glass lay in the street. Flickering lights glinted on 
fee police guns. Night was falling and the mayor was thinking ■ 
about opening up the schoolhouse at the corner of Capitol and 
Little and invitmg eveiyborly in to talk instead of fight,’ bum, 
sto.ne and shoot.

It was almost as if the mayor, after half a .day of presenting' 
b'-s body in the street, was as intent on willing peace and a retui'n 
to normality as he whs in building up his forces of police to- 
crush any reneyved disorder.

In the gathering darkness, somebody said to the tired mayor, - 
as he stood feere in fee street, that he ought to go on home "and 
leave the night peril to his policemen and the people on the 
porches.

“Listen,” he s.napped, “if anything is  going to happen here 
tonight, it’s going to happen over me." , ... . y

^  T  T £  /C.

■Here’s 
Candidates ' ■ ■
. Meactecl
. 'file riot -in Atlanta brought 

varied comment Tuesday night 
from five of Georgia’s guberna­
torial candidates.

Garland Byrd said at Val­
dosta: '

“Those responsible for the 
riots in Atlanta' have brought 
shairie and disgi-ace to our state 
and our capitM city. Tiiose re­
sponsible should be airested a.nd 
dealt with according to law eom- 
..mensurate w i t h  feeir wrong-, 
"doings. I,et’s demonstrate to' 
;Snick that we will not tolerate 
■their kind in Atlanta, nor per- 

them to take the layv in their 
bands.”
; Jimmy Carter said at Dalton;
■ “I think it would be a dis­
service to the state of Georgia 
4o try to capitalize on the racial 
rsnrest in .Atlanta for anyone’s 
own political benefit.
; “It’s a  matter feat can tiest 

■’be handled by. local authorities, 
1 have confidence tiiat the estal> 
lished law enforceitfent ofifcers, 
fcotii local and state can handle 
jt. X helive a strict return to law  
'■and order is sometSiing all Gaor- 
■^ans desire.” ;
;; James Gray said in Albany: 
J “Black i»w'er has exploded in 
'Atlanta. Anger is the obvious 
Teaciion, but soitow is fee true 
,Te.suit. Stokety Carmichael and 
his followers posed fee threat 
to fee nation on fee ‘Mec't the 
Press’ television program three 
weeks ago, but liberal apologtsts' 
chose to e.vcuse their jimgie talk. 
There is no excuse, There can 
be m  excuse for rioting and fee 
preaching of sedition.”
. liOster Maddox sent a tele­
gram  to Capt. J. I. Marlin, 
president of the .Atlanta Fire­
fighters Union Independent, in 
which he stated in part: 

“Knowing that you are loyal 
dtize.ns, 1 urge that you and 
your men immediately return 
to your stations during the 
present racial crisis in your city 
and mine. The lives and prop­
erty of your fellow citizens are 
fcreatened, and your immediate 
return to your stations will show 
ail citizens your devotion to duty 
as loyal citizens.”

■; S ills Arnali returned to At­
lanta late Tuesday night from 
a campaign trip to Macon, Per­
ry and Vfa-rner Robins, a n d  
when reached by newsmen said 
he had no time to assess fee, 
situation 'in Atlanta.

Former Gov. Ansail said, how­
ever, that he will have a far- 
reaehiag statement on the situa­
tion at a press conference to be 
held at 4 p.ra. Tiiursday at the 
Atlanta American Motor Hotel.

Tlie sixth candidate, H o k e  
, O’Kelley, had no' comment 
Tuesday night. '

7̂



A

E u q e n e  P a t t e r H o n  
— -- -------------------------

For Negroes 
And Whites Only

/  T m ng to reason with the Student Non--
I \  -l: , violent Coordinating Committee nowadays is

like preaching brotherhood to the Ku Klux 
Klan. The members aren’t interested There arenT many SNCC 
m em bers-m aybe 200 to 300 in the whole United States Like the 
Klan their effect depends on the people they can influence.

So it is the impressionable Negro masses to whom any appeal 
to reason must be- addressed. „„„„„

White leaders spent years explaining to the white masses of 
the South why the Klan philosophy was unacceptable. It will 
take a long time now for Negro leaders to educate their masses 
in the urban slums against following the false prophecies of

^^'^SNCC is tiny. Yet the danger its organizers brought to At­
lanta this week was appalling. , , ,, „ „ „ „

Theirs is the strength of utterly heedless men. They want 
trouble, not peace. They want to elect white racists, not mode-, 
rates, to public office. They want to offend, not cooperate, with.

^ Their tactic is purely, simply and violently anti-social. It is 
rooted in the revolutionary belief that society’s pr^ent forms must 
be smashed before they can be changed. So the less they 
liked the more they like it. This apparently is hard for some 
white people to understand, and impossible for some Negroes to

Yet it must be understood by whites that the kind of mob 
violence SNCC deliberately incited in Atlanta this week was 
unique to it. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference of D r .. 
Martin Luther King Jr. fought to stop it.'The NAACP, the Urban 
League, the Atlanta Summit Leadership Conference, were as 
appalled as the W’hite community.. So it is absurd to blame the 
Negroes.” SNCC in particular, and the mob it manipulated, 
staged the riot. , „  .

And it must be understood by the Negroes in the mob that 
they were used cynically by professional riotslingers interested in 
trouble, not truth. Like the Klan in the white South, SNCC is 
nothing but a violence-prone little band of racists unless it can 
get a parade to follow it. Follow it where?

SNCC’s idea seems to be that Watts was the way of the 
future that to riot, burn, bomb and loot is an effective -way to 
sain its way. The fatal flaw in that reasoning can easily be 
minted out to the Negro masses by their responsible leaders. 
Quite simply, the flaw is that the white South tried, for many 
years, to gain its own way through the use of the mob, the 
bomb the torch and the gun.- It failed. SNCC also will fail, after 
it gets a lot of people hurt. Violence will bring repression. As 
Lillian Smith says, what will -ultimately prevail will not be 
white supremacy or black power, but human power.

A glimmering of that appeared in Atlanta Tuesday. While 
■ SNCC-incited rock throwers tried in vain to force chaos through 

violence, a slender, grav-haired man. Mayor Ivan Allen, walked 
nonviolently among them and asked them why they didn’t just 
go on home. And they did. - , . . , . . ■

L„

MM

Story of a Man 
; And of SNCC

Tliis is the story about the ac­
tivities of an organization and 
2 man. The organization is  ̂
»«»,™.,»...,.^-,,T,the former Stu- 
A  ' -2 dent Nonviolent
I ; ■ --i Co o r d i n a t i ng
fc - C o m  m i t t e e
i . "'(SNCC), known
I'-j; .AsR as “Snick.” It

- ' ”€ is now commit-
‘ -  - 4  ted to violence

* and anti - white 
h a t r e d .  T h e  
m a n  is t h e  
Mayor of At­
lanta.

“I'll say this,” said a Negro 
man on the outskirts of the re­
cent riot in Atlanta, “ that Mayor 
Allen is a sure enough man.”
. The mayor was one part of the 
unhappy and unnecessary story; 
Impeccable, bareheaded, dis­
tinguished looking, he walked 
literally into the midst of fight­
ing groups where angry and bit­
ter men were embroiled. He 
was shaken from the top of an 
automobile where he was stand­
ing to address them. Bricks and 
bottles were being thrown. Vio­
lence was being urged by 
Snick’s leadership.

Calm. Assurance
Yet, Mayor Ivan Allen, brush­

ing aside those who feared for 
his safety—and the danger was 
very real—stayed with his chief 
of police and his men. He set 
the police an example of calm 
assurance in tlie face of ugly 
provocation. He endured the 
dangers that were about them 
all. No other mayor of any city 
experiencing the trauma of riots 
has so behaved. Even the more 
angry and bitter could not fail 
to respect liim.

The story of the Student Non­
violent Coordinating Committee 
(Snick) is a sad one. During the 
vears of freedom rides and sit- 
ins, SNCC bad a magnificent 
record. It could be said of the 
young white and Negro students 
who w'orked in it that they in­
cluded some of the sweetest, 
bravest people of those days. 
They telescoped time in their 
achievements. They now are

out. SNCC is no longer a stu­
dent movement. It is not now 
a civil rights organization. It is 
openly, officially committed to 
a destruction of existing society.

The chronicle of Snick’s change 
is a variation of Dr. Jekyll 
and Mr. Hyde. It is now a prop­
er associate in reverse political 
principle, for example, with the 
White Citizens Councils, the 
Klan haters, and the Alabama 
politicians who are determined 
to exclude the Negro.
■ Snick now attracts those who 

hate the white man and who 
are determined to destroy, if 
they can, the existing society. 
Society must learn to live with 
and through this cult of violence 
and its thrusts of hate.

The Transformation
The truth of the transforma­

tion of Snick from a Dr. Jekyll, 
to the hideousness of a M r.; 
Hyde is not yet fully known. As 
of last fall SNCC was without 
funds. A meeting was held in 
New York. Quick action fol­
lowed on its heels. SNCC sud­
denly had a great amount of 
money.
' A white attorney, Charles 

Morgan, whose career in Ala­
bama had been destroyed be­
cause he had defended Negro 
clients in civil rights cases, sum­
marily was dismissed from the 
legislative case of Julian Bond 
by a New York attorney who 
walked into the Atlanta office 
and fired him. This New York 
attorney, Victor Rabinowitz, is 
registered in Washington as an 
agent for the Castro government 

, in Cuba. SNCC’s president, 
John Lewis, was re-elected^ then 
fired, and Stokely Carmichael 
elected.

In civil rights circles it is 
said that Havana money “took 
over Snick.” No one knows if 
“Havana money” is Castro’s or 
if it is supplied by China or 
Russia. Whatever the source of 
the new money, the Mr. Hyde 
process began with Carmichael 
proclaiming an anti-white policy 
and a program to destroy to­
day’s society.

In a recent attempt to batter 
down a door at the array induc­
tion center in Atlanta and to pre­
vent entry of inductees, SNijC’s 
pickets were shouting Castro 
slogans..

So, just what SNCC realty i s ' 
today can only be judged by 
what it says or does. If it is 
out to destroy society, it can­
not expect society to remait 
passive under attack.



S. SUNDA Y. A PR IL  27,1969

Assembly Told Negroes Want Changes in Capitalism
By JOHN A. HAMILTON

Special t» The New York Tlmw '
HARRIMAN, N. Y„ April 26 
■Negroes attending Columbia 

University’s 35th American As­
sembly at Arden House, the 
former Harriraan estate here, 
have made it clear that they 
want broader employment op­
portunities and greater partici­
pation in extra-preneurial ac­
tivities.

‘We have got to break the 
grasp the white man has on 
black opportunity,” said one. 
“The business community con­
trols the country. We want a 
piece of that control.”

The Negroes here also made 
it clear that they want not only 
to gain “a piece of the action,"  
but also to change the form'and 
structure" of the Acfloji from 
traditional capitalism, which 
many feel to be ruthlessly ex­
ploitive, to a form of partici­
patory enterprise in which resi­
dents own and control services 
and institutions serving them. 

Report to Be Drafted 
About 75 political, business 

and intellectual leaders, Negro 
and White, have been attending 
the four-day assem bly discus­
sions, which conclude tomor­
row. The participants will 
draft a formal report including 
recommendations for the Nixon 
Administration’s consideration 
and national action.

The assem bly will issue a 
book on black econom ic devel­
opment and will sponsor subse­
quent. regional conferences on 
the topic.

Among the recommendations 
will be creation of a national 
development authority, mod­
eled on New York’s Triborough 
Bridge Authority, to revitalize 
urban areas by lending Negroes 
capital and providing technical 
assistance.

Government Role Stressed 
There has been stress in the 

discussion sessions on the ur­
gent need for government to  
assure econom ic opportunities 
to Negroes. Many assem bly par­
ticipants have said they consid­
er more intensive government 
involvment essential to national 
stability.

“Elderly blacks used to say 
about whites, ‘give them all the 
world, but give me Jesus,’ 
young blacks now want their 
‘all,’ ” one black conference 
participant explained.

But some of the younger 
blacks here also have been de­
manding fundamental changes 
in capitalism and their demands 
have had a profound influence 
on the course of the assembly’s 
discussions. Preliminary sound­
ings had caused the name of 
the conference to be changed' 
from "Black Capitaiism” to  
•31ack Economic Development.” 

Howard .1 Samuels, former

head of the Small Business Ad­
ministration who has been par­
ticipating in sessions here, re­
ferred to the need for Negro 
"economic parity.”

"We do not parity in the 
present system ,” one of the 
young Negro participants ex­
plained. “Our goal is not simply 
to get a greater share in what 
already exists. We are out of 
the social compact now and we 
do not just want to get in. 
“We want a new concept of 
American economic . organiza­
tion.”

Among the new concepts dis­
cussed here have been coihmu- 
nity corporations with broad 
equity participation by commu­
nity residents. There has been 
a demand by some that black 
residents in inner-city areas 
fully own the business and in­
stitutions that serve them and 
that any new business ventures 
launched in their areas have a 
demonstrable social utility.

As an example a new busi­
ness venture launched by a 
community group in Harlem 
w as cited. The group sponsor­
ing the venture weighed the 
relative merits of a computer 
type industry and an all-night 
drug store and decided on the 
all-night drug store because the 
community needed one.

Political Change Foreseen
Roy Innis, national director 

of the Congress of Racial 
Equality, has stressed his belief 
that econom ic change w ill re­
quire political change.

“Blacks must redefine^ them' 
selves in a political commu­
nity,” he said in a speech de­
livered to  the whole assembly 
at an evening session. “We 
must redefine relationships of 
ghettos to the rest of the city.”

He explained that he felt 
Harlem residents must “have 
control of vital political institu­
tions.” He spoke of a “new  
political unit” w ithout any fur­
ther description, adding how­
ever that it should “regulate 
the flow  o f goods and services 
across our borders.”

Others at the assem bly have 
urged different changes.

“We want for blacks what 
the nation has done for the 
farmer, for the oil industry, the 
railroads, the airlines, for the 
Rockefellers, the Fords, and the 
Harrimans,” said one Negro, 
spreading his arms to indicate 
one of the magnificent Arden 
House rooms. “We want oppor­
tunity. We want subsidy.”

Evening speakers have in­
cluded the Rev. Dr. Leon H. 
Sullivan of Philadelphia and 
Senator Charles E. Goodell of 
New York.

Dr. Sullivan launched the 
Opportunities Industrialization 
Centers program, which has 
spread widely acro.ss the na- 
tion. More recently he formed

community groups that have 
erected a shopping plaza as 
well as a company making 
components for space vehicles.

He invited w hites to join 
Negroes in their entrepreneurial 
efforts, saying “Black power 
and white power must put 
their strength together to build 
American power.”

Senator Goodell warned in 
a banquet speech scheduled 
for delivery tonight that eco­

nomic creativity in black areas 
“will be stifled imless w e do 
better than just continue with 
tired old grant-in-aid programs, 
tangled with bureaucratic con­
trol and red tape.”

He said that “only a  self- 
governing community can help 
to be self-generating”' and, 
joined blacks at the assembly! 
in urging a “changing patterni 
of ownership from absenteel 
control to local control.”

Paging the happy-hours 

day and play shoe

by P E N A L J O



T H E  N E W  Y O R K  T IM ES ,  1

The Campus Revolutions: One Is Black, One W hite 1
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New York Times

CAMBRIDGE, Mass., May 9—  
If Scott Fitzgerald were alive 
today and commenting on cam­
pus disruptions, he would un­
doubtedly note that Negroes are 
different from you and me. And 
he would be right. ,

For despite the tendency of 
the general public to view  the 
upheavals plaguing college ad­

ministrators as a 
h o m o g e n e o u s  

News youth revolution. 
Analysis those who have 

witnessed events 
from Columbia to 

Berkeley realize that there are 
tw o distinct revolutions taking 
place, one black and one white.

And these revolutions, while 
they sometimes use each other, 
are more often exclusive of 
each other. Nowhere is the dis 
tinction sharper than at Har­
vard, though mainly the Har­
vard case is a good micrometer 
through which to view  the cam­
pus turmoil.

Irrespective of the merits of 
their cause, Negro students at 
Harvard, as at most other cam­
puses, have limited objectives. 
They do not want to destroy 
the university but to make it 
relevant to them. They do not 

^ a n t  to  bring down the Estab- 
Bishment but to  become part 
î>f it.
; Negroes Win Two Points

The white left radicals, on the 
other hand, see the university 
as the architect of the power 
structure—which is the engine 
o f a corrupt society— and want 
to  bring the university down. 

The main objective of Har­
vard’s Negro students w as the 
setting up of a black-studies 
discipline leading to  a degree. 
Although willing, even eager, 
to  have w hites participate in 

^ e  program, the blacks in­

sisted that the committee start­
ing the new  discipline include 
black students. They won both 
points.

A lesser issue w as the pro­
tection of Negro neighborhoods 
from the university’s “expan­
sionist” policies. There is no 
demand here for open enroll­
ment.

Negro students at Harvard 
were hopeful of negotiating 
their demands, rather than 
demonstrating. Many persons 
here believe that the white 
radical students do not want 
to do less than demonstrate.

Joseph Strickland, a Negro 
Nieman Fellow at Harvard, 
who is shortly scheduled to be 
come a Harvard recruiter for 
Negro graduate students, says 
that what black students - are 
looking for is “their own iden­
tity.”

He believes, as most Negro 
students do, that there is no 
longer a distinction between 
what whites consider moderate 
middle-class black students and 
radical black students from the 
slums.

“At Harvard you have to say 
that except for a very few, the 
blacks here are middle-class 
blacks, the sons and daughters 
of professional people,” Mr. 
Strickland said. “Even for them 
Harvard was a cultural shock. 
The traditions here are not rele­
vant to  blacks, even middle- 
class blacks, so they felt shut 
out.”

One Negro student crossing 
the Harvard Yard put it this 
way;

When I first arrived here, I 
thought every white man in the 
world was walking through the 
Yard. I was scared.”

f t ’s no use to think, as whites 
like to, that middle-class black 
students are less radical than 
the ghetto blacks,” said Ernest 
J. Wilson 3d, a Negro junior af

Harvard whose father is dean of 
foreign students at Howard Uni­
versity in Washington.

“Look at the more radical 
blacks in the freshman class. 
Most of them are the sons of 
doctors and lawyers,

“You can find examples, of 
course, but that distinction be­
tween blacks, which was true 
maybe until 1966, is no longer 
valid. We all want our identity."

To understand why no Negro 
student will compromise on the 
black studies program is to un 
derstand the search for identity, 
expressed dramatically in Eld- 
ridge Cleaver’s essay “To All 
Black Women, From All Black 
Men.”

He summed it up this way;
“Oh, My Soul! I became a 

sniveling craven, a funky punk, 
a vile, groveling bootlicker, 
with my will to oppose petri­
fied by a cosmic fear of the 
Slavemaster. Instead of incit­
ing the Slaves to rebellion with; 
eloquent oratory, I soothed 
their hurt and eloquently sang 
the Blues! . . . Black woman, 
without asking how, just say 
that w e survived our forced 
march and travail through the 
Valley of Slavery, Suffering and 
Death . . . Put on your crown, 
my Queen, and w e will build a 
New City on these ruins.”

It is this Inner voice that 
the Negro student is listening 
to rather than the voice of Roy 
Wilkins or Bayard Rustin, who 
have urged Negroes to go to 
school and learn what the 
white student is learning.

As Mr. Strickland said, “This 
demand for black studies grows 
out of guilt of the past when 
we let ourselves be pushed 
around; guilt by middle-class 
black youngsters who are con- 
science-stricken because their 
fathers did nothing for the 
ghetto blacks. This striving for 
identity is a natural first step.”

It is also this natural first 
step that has kept the black 
and white revolutions from 
merging. Nearly every Negro 
student opposes the war in 
Vietnam. But at Harvard it is 
hard to find a Negro student 
who has strong feelings against 
the R.O.T.C. program..

It is even more difficult to 
find a black who considers it 
relevant to blacks that the uni­
versity is involved in contrac­
tual work for the Federal Gov­
ernment. Both are white radi­
cal issues.

Mr. Wilson put it this way; 
“I don’t  take anything away 
from the S.D.S. Our society 
needs a lot of improvement, 
and they are 'trying to cope 
with that.”

On the part of the white 
radical students, it was only 
after much internal debate that 
the Students for a Democratic 
Society at Harvard decided to 
support the black demands for 
black studies.

Nornian Daniels, a co-chair­
man of the Harvard society 
and a Maoist, said that his 
faction, which opposed sup­
porting Negro demands, felt 
that “the Afros are not inter­
ested enough in the wider is­
sues, which are more revolu­
tionary than black studies.”

‘What w e are fighting for 
is an alliance between the 
working people and the stu­
dents to work for common in­
terests,” he said, “to end the 
war, to keep establishments 
such as Harvard from throw­
ing their weight around in sur­
rounding neighborhoods.

“Harvard promises to build 
low-rent housing. We don’t 
want Harvard to build any 
housing. Anything Harvard 
builds wi)l end up expensive, 
The Afros don’t really care 
about these issues.”



J im  R a n k in

Mercifully Innocent
There has been nothing as poignant in this viewer’s memory as the 

picture on TV yesterday morning of little 5-year-old Bernice King and 
her sister and brothers as they sat with their mother and their father’; 
brother in a humble Atlanta Negro church just a few feet away from  ̂
their father’s casket.

_______ Especially the picture of Bernice. It was obvious that this beautiful
child did not fully comprehend what was
going on about her. She was mercifully in­
nocent.

She fidgeted and squirmed as any other 
child her age would fidget and .squirm. She 
was snuggled up beside her mother whose 
trance of grief was broken once when the little 
girl craned her head backward and asked a 
question. Her mother answered softly and 
the chUd became quiet, soon to fall asleep on 
Mrs. King’s arm.

On the other side of her uncle were her 
sister and brothers. Yolanda, 12, looked much 
like a small Madonna in white. She has her 
mother’s dignity and beauty. Martin Luther 
III, who is 11, and Dexter, 7, sat manfully 
erect.

Bernice awoke when the Rev. Ralph Aber­
nathy’s eulogy followed a beautiful spiritual 
solo.

After the service at Ebenezer Baptist 
Church, Bernice, a very tired little girl, 
dressed in white, ribbons in her hair, began 
the long march to Morehouse College, holding 
her mother’s hand.

Yes, Bernice was and is mercifully in­

nocent, just as all children are at that age. 
This every parent knows.

Watching this small wisp of a girl follow­
ing her father’s casket resting on a farm 
wagon drawn by two mules, the question that 
should be on everyone’s mind is: What are 
we doing to beautiful little children like Ber­
nice? Not just to Negro children, but to all 
children.

What have we done to make beautiful, 
innocent children of ours and past genera­
tions grow up to hate and to deny justice 
and dignity to others, to loot and to burn . . . 
and to murder? Why is it that just the other 
day our nation’s Capitol was ringed with 
troops as if we were living in a banana 
republic? Why is it that more troops have 
been called , up to quell civil disorders than 
at any other time in our nation’s history?

We, of course, know the answers. And 
the time has come to take affirmative action 
else we shall certainly destroy what we have 
so imperfectly built.

We must not let happen to Bernice King’s 
generation what has happened to ours.



THE*. EONSI.'n’-: Weslssiisdffî s Se p t^  19i6 ĵ

In Middle 
Of Moi)--~ 
The Mavo:

j- By DICK BEBEET 
j- A grim-faced Mayor Ivan Ai- 
' ien walked into the- middle of a 

jeering, angry throng of Ne­
groes Tuesday afternoon and 
repeatedly asked them- to listen 
to him and “.sit down and talk 
this thing over peaceably.” _ : 

Standing sbooJSer to shoulder 
it! the center of a  chanting, 
crowd of hundreds, Alien said 

, throijgh a portable mogaphoise:.
' 'LET’S GO’

“How abo’ut listening to me 
a nnimits now? How about let­
ting me speak? I’m going to 
walk up Capitol As’eime to the 
stadium — and if you want to 
come, let’s go." _

Negroes repeafeidly asked the 
mayor,- “Why are there ohiy 
white people with shotguns?” 

Tne mayor answered, “In the 
first piace we don’t need any 
shotguns, and I’m not here- with 
anything. Ain’t nobody going to 
get kiiied and you knovs- that." 
ROCK C.AR

After the crowd refused to fol­
low him to the steps of Aiianta 
Stadium and refused to hear 
him as he stood above them on- 
the roof of a  police car, t’na 
Negroes rocked the cai’ and al­
most turned it over.

Allen was j»ulled down but he 
landed on his knees and eilrnbed 
back onto the car.

■ .At one point, a Negro in a red 
' shirt dim bed on top of the car 
;j with Allen and pointed a  finger 
I into Allen’s face, .spitting out the 
I words, “Black ptjwer!" 
j REPEAT CRY

'fhe crowd took up the chant; 
, as its leader 'orandished his fists 
; in the air. Allen stood w-atching. 
grimly,

A fc-v? minutes later fee Cap­
itol Avenue area was torn by’ 
gunfire, exploding tear gas, 
bombs and flying bricks, sticks 
and soda bottles. Alle.n still was 
in the midst of it, caught in a  
crossfire.

As newsmen and police scam­
pered from the rain of bricks 
and bottles, Allen ducked behind 
the amiored police rict tracks 
but minutes later was again ap- 
p.'oadiing Negro groups to dis­
perse them.

LIFE SN».ANGS'RED 
Later he scoffed at the -idea 

that he had placed his ide m 
' danger. _, _

"The only thing you think of
Contlaaeii from Pagf; 1 ,

at this time is that you are is 1 
fee middle and that you’ve got | 
to find a way , to stop it," the| 
ijrayor said, “I had to k-e.ep them j 
moving up and down the street.” ;

Tl'ircrughoiit fee tense hoiavs, | 
fese .55-year-old mayor’s personal 
driver, Police Cap*. George 
Royal, and Capt. Morris Pteddteg 
tried to stay at the mayor's 
elbows. But,-Royal complained, 
“i  oa-n't ever keep up wdfe him. 
He’s always ru-ssning off some­
where.”
WON’T ESAFE

Tlie mayor, acting a.s top law 
enforcement officer of the city 
during the emergency situafion, 
stayed in the streets, iielping to 
disperise c l u s t e r s  of angry 
Negroes until the area, was 
empty excep t' for patrolling 
police.

wiU stay here tonight 
with whatever steps are neces­
sary to pressure law and order,” 
he said at an iniprojnptij street- 
side news conference. “I tiiink 
■we have a.n ample force-.to taka 
care of feat.”

He said police "m ade every 
effort” to use not’iing bat neces- 
s s ij  force in making arrests. “I 
can assure anyone who w-as 
here this evening that the 
bn.!tality was aga-inst the police 
and the officials who were try­
ing to jweserve law and order,”  
Alien a.s-seried.
FACES CRO’tVD

Earlier in the day, when Allen 
was called to the area of the 
disturbance, he moved rapidly 
into the crowd to try t.o talk but 
was sbouted dow-u. Trying to 
keep the crowd with him, he 
woiild walk north toward the 
stadium, bat a.s the crowd fe ll ' 
behind ’he w-ould turn and rejoin 
it, shot^ i-a im ed  rxtlice trying 
to keep -the mob away from 
him.

After the te.ar g.as scattered 
the mob, Allen started walking 
the street again, ordering by­
standers into foeir homes.

“If'you live here, go inio your 
homes. If'yo’a don't, then let’s 
just move on,” Allen told fee 
Negroes. At one point he .spotted 
a Negro man with a holstered 
pistol and shouted, “Wiio's the 
man with the gun up the."a? Go 
get that gun."

The man came out of a small

iifSwd and let , l-cenian dis­
arm him.

Chortly after 5 p.m.. Mayor 
A'iien left fee are.a.
■ A short tfere later ’ne was at 

the Mt. Ca.rmei Baptist Canre-h 
in tlie Vise City section of .At­
lanta, appealing for order there 
after aii unruly mob had blasted 
oat the rear window of a WS-B 
Radio car, beaten, newsman 
Andy Still and overturned hi.s 
vaiiide.
WO.E’R.IEB PASTOR.

At 8se ch-urch. Alien was 
greeted by a distranght B. J. 
Johnson Jr., pastor of the 
church, who said, “Mayor, I 
just want you to ivnt«w that we 
did the very-' best we could" to 
co-sitain the mob.

“Marlin Luti'er Kin.g’s Soufe- 
eni L e a d e r s h i p .  Conference 
doesn’t eondene this violence,” 
he asserted.

Allan shook the .Rev. Mr. 
.Jo.hiison’s iiand and told him: “I 
'■mow you’ve tried to help. Rev. 
King Sr. was with me today and 
he has been, a big help in thi.s.” 
CLIM'BS BACK

■As police put the ’WSB car- 
back on its w-tioels, the mayor 
climbed hack mto his patrol car 
and headed back to fee Summer 
Hill district.

On the street again, Mayor 
Allen took dsarge, just as he 
had been doing all day. The 
night still wasn’t over. The tear 
gas canisters still Uttered the 
ground.

SCENE OF TROtBLK



€ < t i k t d k 1 a ^ e s  R i & i i f s . g
By FS.lKS 'iVSL’jS

Wriicf
Hoke 0-'Kei!ey, caadidate for 

goreraor, toared. the Atlanta 
area Wednesday where the 
riot eceurred Tuesdav aUer- 
iiiwn.

He spent most of his day sa 
h'.s office, answering con-e- 
spondeece, and Wednesday night 
aHepded a fund raising dinner 
0i the fuiton County Dejaocrat-

i r i i E l L E Y

O’Keiky issued a stateroerit 
concerning the riot and cont- 
rriorided Atlanta's fdayor Ivan 
Ai'oi! on his “courage and the 
wr.y he stood up in face of the 
i)!ob.

,C’0!itiBUed on Pago Z9, CfllaosB 1

. 1 6  r a E  A'JXASTA COSSTi'TCTlOH, Bsamlay, Sept. S, 196«

i f ’.Kelley rrnises Mayor’s 
Cfi'urage During Riot

CoHiiaiied from Pag® 1

“Such incidents show that we 
have to stand ready to meet 
Lawlessness and the attending 
violence with neces.sary force 
to maintain iaw.

“Under the Ariglo-.Saxon sys­
tem of law, the rights of aii 
eitisens arc protected. Under 
jungle iaw, tin individual or 
group! — whether in the minori­
ty or the majority - -  is pro­
tected. We are going to sup­
port and. maintain our law, not 
the iaw of tise jungle.

“When I am elected governor, 
all law-abiding cifeeas 'W’iii fee 
protected. Tlie Ipw'ie.sis element 
w.iii be compelled to re.speet the 
Jaw. The state will back up 
municipalities 'whenever help 
is reque-sted by local autiiori-

“Any organi'zed group which i 
foments violence and disrupts j 
legal processes will be dealt i 
witis by enough force to stop 
them. T here' is no room in 
Georgia for jbiifdt power' and 
what it stands for.

“.My stand o.u this subject has 
been made crystal clear 
tisroughoiit this campaign and, 
notably, in iny appearance be­
fore the NAACP in southeast 
Georgia last month.”

0 ® s i s » f i p  f.

Trouble Delivered on T fir get
Three weeks a.go In .James Gray head­

quarters, I was told there might be trouble 
ill Atlanta the day after Labor Day.

A few (lays later, a simi- ^
!ar rumor concerning At! in 
ta w.as reported from Mi- ' ' ' ’ . 
ami. It said Snick and other 
organizations iisight be in- '
Yolved. f

.At Gray headquarters 00 ;
August 18, I was intervie,v- 
ing a campaign aide of Mr \  •

■ Gray a’wiut the gOTejmor’.s „ < v
race. By tSie way, he s.aid,r ’ j , ' |
a man has told us som e-f  ̂ _ j
thing will happen in Atlan '* >•* ’ '  •*
ta ‘The day after Labor Day’’ that will be 
helpful to the Gray campaign.

Tuesday night,'even a,s regular television 
programs' were being interrupted for news 
of the Atianta rioting, aio.ng came tlie Gray 
spot commercials vowing a get-tough p.olicy 
on rioting. The timing couMn't have bccin 
more fortuitous for Mr. Gray. (He airoady 
had been nmnirig anfiriot commerdais, on 
the Today show', which followed on the heels 
of news reports of near-anarcliy in Cicero, 
lilinoi.s.)

None of this in any way links Mr, Gray 
tn the outbreak of trouble here. Let me make 
that clear.

But the point is that the rumor wa.s cur­

rent at !ea.st tiiree weeks ago. If the day 
for “something" to happen in Atlanta could 
be pinpointed that far in advRnce--in Miami, 
here or anywhere efie—then the “sponlaneity” 
of Tuesday’s riot i.s open to .question.

Could Snick have arranged for a man flee­
ing arro.st to be .shot? Well, not hkeiy.

' But could .Snick have been waiting for any 
suitable tinder to fuel the fire? Ihe several- 
hour delay between the shooting incident itself 
and the arrival of Sn..jk fomenters suggests 
this is highly possible, .Several .Snick partisans 
already had been demenstrating in Mayor 
.Allen's office before the action W'as switched 
to Capitol Avenue.

This is a question the Fulton County Grand 
•Jury .siiAily w'il! be a-sking. They may well 
discover that Atlanta’s Tiiesilay riot was the 
least spontaneous, most blatantly incited slum 
riot on the American scene this summer. They 
also will be curious about the ['iresence here 
of .Snick peonle from .New V'ork, Philadelphia 
and Wafts. ‘ . . j

What's to be gained by Snick? Time and 
again I have heard fiiern argue that they 
would rather have their worst eiicrriy in office 
than a more moderate man. The pote.ntiai 
for conflict is better that way. If you believe 
the only way to “reform" society is to tear 
it eoiTipiciciy down and start from scratch, 
you welcome chaos.

BRUCK GALPHIN.



By SAM iiOFKINS
CnnslitHtioil EriUor

COLUMBUS, Gu. -  Ellis 
Araaii, campaigning for gover­
nor here sVednosciav, siiarpiy 
criiloized the Negroes respoB- 
sibie for the riots in Atianta 
Tuesday night.

“The sliaraofui action by 
Stokeiy Charmich.ae!, he said, 
“and tiso.se irienibtsrs of tlse 
Student Non-Vioieist Coordinat-

A K M A I J .

ing Committee vrho precipitated 
the civil di-sturbarsco and biood- 
sised isi our capital city of At­
ianta was iiTespoiisiuie.”

Ha further deeiared, “Ttsis 
barbaric riot displayed tsttar 
disregard tor law and order.

CfuiSina.cd on Page 15, Coimsis 1.

' M a t e s  € _ o n
J g  THE .4TLANTA CON.^TmiTtOsNi, Thursday, Sf.pt. 8, 1966

Ainall Assails SMiek 
Fur Role in liiotiiig

Cootinned from Page 1

Kob action mtist not be per­
mitted in Georgia.”

In a statement Arnai! re­
leased both in Atlanta and Co­
lumbus, he further said:

“I denounce ‘bi.aek power,' 
racial violence,. insuiTeetioii 
arid civil anarcity. I condemn 
iawIcs.snoss and irresponsible 
exirc mists of both races where- 
evor they may be.”

Amal! said the “rsvoiting 
tactic,? employed by SMCC mu.st 
be halted for ail time. Disre­
spect for law and order in 
Georgia !rn,ist be' brought to a 
grinding slop.
UPHOLDS MAYOR 

"The re.sponsibie eitisens of 
both races," white and Negro, 
w'a.nt, peace, harmony and tran­
quility. We uphold our courage­
ous mayor, Ivan .Allen, the At­
lanta city officials and our 
brave policemen. We denounce 
violence, we condemn irrespen- 

, sibie e-'dremists.”
The candidate for governor 

furaicr declared h e r o  that 
"SNCC, the Ku Klux Klan and 
the John Birchers” are all 
'“brothers under the skin." 

Meanwhile, Arnail ridiculed

Republican candidate Howard 
(Bo) Callaway in Callaway’s 
own backyard hero Wednesday 
and predicted that he would de­
feat Callaway in the General 
Election at least tnree.to one.

Arnali also predicted he would 
carry Muscogee County, con­
sidered to be one of Callaway’s 
biggest strongiiolds in tise state 
Arnail frwther said he had E 
“dos.sier on Caliaway i h a t 
would .enabie Hoke O’Kelkjy, if 
he were nominated, to defeat 
Caliaway.”

The fonufir governo.'* con- ’ 
tended, that the election of Cal­
laway wouid “dsslroy Musco­
gee County” because of Calla­
way hr criiid-sm of federal funds 
and nearby Fort Benning’s de- 
penden.cy on such funds, 
CALLAWAY TAXES 

Arnail also said he has the 
tax returns on the Caliaway 
FoundEjtion and said he will 
ask the Republican “why he 
avails hirnseU of federal tax- 
benefits. What he is saying is 
that it is good for him but is 
bad for the rest of Georgia."

Arnail add«i, “'We liEive the 
voting record of Callaway and 
all of his statements which are 
CEJHsistentiy inconsistent Eind

we'il roil them out,”
Speaking to a group of sup­

porters, Arnail i'lirtlier said if 
elected his administration wiis 
“look rather closely” at the feix- 
free Callaway Foundation 
“when we re-examine the tax 
structure” of the stats.

Arn.aU also challenged Calla­
way to a .series of debates after 
the primary. “If he w'on’t de­
bate me, I’m going to debate 
an empty chair or a stand in,”



' ' ' Yc ' y  “ ■|

iv!il;y blUJUi a

Questions 'F reedom ' 
Of Choice’ Decision

l!y Nick liolz
.(Of The f ĉois-lcr’s'.V^ihifiglcm Purcfu)

 ̂ WASlilXGTO.X, D.C. -  Pjx, , 
idciij-c!cct_ Kicliard Xixnn Js in i

ihs;i5rcc:afcilLTchkilic..U.S.._S.u- 
pmil?._Coiu:Lf;sd_ the - Jolmsoji 
aamiriislraiion on Ihc l'Cy„is?iic 
ii).voI\:ccL,/ 0 (La.y_Jn-- SiiliicDi 
school desegregation, a Nixon 
aide has confirmed.
C Palrich Buchanan?■ who lias 
been named by Nixon a.s a 
.'pecial a.ssislahl, told The Sun-j 
day Regi.stcr that ,Ni\au_jiis-1 
â gicc.s with a ■M.a.v, ]958, Su- 
frchic Coji t^decision on_ the 
crucdarnsslie of ''freedomi of 
choice’’ schooj.plans..

Hinges mi Issue
The It-ycar fight to iniple-, 

inenl the coin'f.s 19.it dcei.sion i 
oiitlawing .segregated Southern! 
.school syslcnrs now liinges on ' 
tile issue of this Itr.O cieci.sion. i 
In the 17 Soutiiern and Border! 
states onl\' 14 per cent of Negro I 
children a t t e n d  integrated I 
sciionls. Ill Deep South slates,' 
le.s.s than 5 per cent do.

Nixon's po.silinn, as explained | 
by Buchanan, who is one of his
key “ isiJJCs__jiicn,”  cpincitlcs
wJih__th?_ _yic\v. .__of, .^ulhern
polifjcian.s jn d  school officials 
who are .seeking relief from tliis 
Supreme Court decision and 
from John.son admini.stralion 
application of it in wilhhokiing 
federal aid funci.s from southern 
school districts.

Nixon's viewpoint on lids 
one issue — sehno! dcsc.grcga- 
tion guidelines as adminis- 
Icrcd by the Deparlnienl of 
Health. Mducation and IVcl- 
farc (HEW) ~  cmdil hc the 

^Iclcnidniog faelor mi wlicllicr
- - f-i'jlir ' u_Dcinneralie eju'"
-E-'Tsyncu .._are .c.o.̂ ,ope.r;Ll.i' e 
■>'illi_ids ..adnimistralion on | 
legislation.
If Nixon implements the 

viewpoint ascribed to him by I 
Buchanan and outlined in gen'-l 
rral term.s by Nixon himself 1 
tiuring the campaign. Ids admin­
istration wilMniinrdi.alely^ cl.'i.sji 
v illi virlu.'illy cc',wy civil riglits 
kadcrjiT’iiie coiiiitry and cven- 
''^y_fd!b'.lhe..SuiV,enic Court, 

What is involved was litHe 
I'nilcr.slocd b.v news media or 

general public during the 
t i'osidenlia! camp.aign.

The i'-siie, simply st.ated, is
.\i.\O N  -

r.a a,-.' /I.ni fii fv ;.'c V.rcc

NDfOn--
Contimard jrc-in }-'a';c Oi.c

how much ialegra.tioii must 
Soutiiern schools have to conijily 
with the Supreme Court dcci- 
.sion, and to avoid liaving fed­
eral education aid funds cut off 
by IIHV/. .' -

The crucial i.SSue_Joday_ .hi- 
volves llio acceptability of llic_ 
‘'ireerforn __ o I choice” p!a ns
v.'iiicii have been adopted by 
viriualiy every Deci) South 
sd ico ljjiis lr ict in an effort 
citlior to comply with court 

. action from the 1954 decision or 
else to comply with HEW guide­
lines inijilcmenting Title VI of 
the 1964 Civil Kight.s Law. Title 
VI staled federal funds were to 
be withheld from discriminatory 
school districts.

Til these freedom of choice 
plans, each student and liis 
pareiUs are given the choice 
of w hich scliool he will altcml. 
As a ji r a e t i c a 1 matter 
throughout the South, white 
children have continued to 
a t t e n d  previously all-white 
schools, Negro schools are ! 
still all-Negro, and a feiv i 
Negroes now are aftonding ! 
the previous all-white schools.
The crucial quesfion is wheth­

er Soulhefn school districts 
have—danc enough merely by 

,offcrhig _Ilfrc.e(l0Jn .of - choice’! ..to] 
liie.Ncgroes. i

Here is where Nixon’s' view is 
in sharp disagreement with boUi 
the Supreme Court and the 
Johnson administration.

The court ruled on May 27, 
19G3, in a case involving Vir­
ginia, Tennessee and Arkansas 
school districts, that a ‘‘freedom 
of choice” plan was not satis­
factory unless it resulted in 
actual integration and complete 
dismantling of the former dual 
‘‘black” and “white” system.

S5 Her Cent
In the New Kent County, Va., 

situation, the court noted that 85 
per ceiit of Negro children still 
attended the formerly all-Negro 
school and ICO per cent of the 
white cliildrcn and 15 per cent 
of the Negroes now attend the 
previously all-white school.

“Ualher than dismantling the 
dual system,” the court said, 
“the plan has operated .simply 
to burden children and.. tjicir
BQ.Leiijs_.w ijli.„a_rcsuonsibilily
which Brown H (the jfa.i’rfTurt 
decisioiil placedjjquriiyehjar^ 
.sdldJJLboaj'd. T’fic board must 
bo required to formulate a new 
plan . . . and fashion steps 
which promise realistically to

convert jiroinjilly to a .system 1 
wiliiciut a ‘while .seimol’ and a I 
'Negro sehoul' but jii.-t scliools.” i 

The court .said (hat a selioa! 
board that “upeiicd I'le doors ; 
of the tenner ‘white school’ 
(by the freedom of choice 
plan) to Negro cliildrcn and of 
the ‘Negro school' to white 
chiidren merely begins, not 
ends, our inquiry whether the 
board lias taken steps ade­
quate to abolish its ciiial, 
segregated system.”
.HE\V. is following ihi,s, ruling 

.h.l.iviLhhqlding- fiifids . to .school 
districts ii)__w’hich..a freedom of 
choice plan hasn't resulted, in 
acdua! .substantial inicgralicn in 
both the “Nc.grq’̂  and “while” 
scimols.

At present, 115 school districts 
have been cut off federal aid, 
BOO other scliool districts are 
being investigated by HEW, and 
anolTier 349 dislricls are being 
desegregated under court order.

Nixon Disagrees 
Asked how Nixon will ap­

proach the question of TlEVi' 
school guidelines in light of tliis 
decision, Buchanan, said the

presidcnt-clec't “disagrees with 
tliej;lecisionjl,

Buchanan said Nixon “agrees 
with the thrust” of a Washing­
ton Evening Star editorial criti­
cizing the May, 18GS, decision.

In its editorial on June 23 
entitled “Our Judges Should’ 
Slick to Their Judging,” lliei 
Star said that the Supreme 
Court decision unconstitutionally! 
commanded compuhsory inte-j 
gration. ' i

The Siar saitl the. court 
decision commanded t h a t  
some white chi'dren go to the 
previously all-.Negro school 
and more Negro children go 
to the previously all-white 
school, hut that the court 
doesn't have “the foggiest 
notion” what the percentages 
of black and white children 1 
should be. . 1
The Star noted the courtj 

made no claim “tiie plan did not 
offer a truly free choice.”

The Star editorial conelii.ded: 
“Federal judges have a consti­
tutional duty and competence to 
strike down any law which 
imposes s c h o o l  segregation, 
‘fiiey have neither the duty nor,

the competence to demand 
cominilsory integration and to 
run the schools by judicial fiat. 
The sooner tlic judgi-s recognize 
that, if tliey ever ) ecogniz.c it. 
the belter it will be for our 
sysiem of public education.” 

Campaig.n Stalemcii's
Buchanan pointed to repealed' 

Nixon statements during IhOi 
campaign in Norfolk, Va., Nixon 
replied to a qiieslioner;

! “H freedom of choice ' is 
implemented in sueh a way that 
there is no question of its being 
insed as a subterfuge for perpet- 
iialing segregation or for provid- 
jing for segregation, then free- 
idonr of choice in my view would 
be within the legislation as 

Ipassod by the Congress of 1’i 
United States (referring to Till 
VI 'of the 196-1 Civil Rights 
Ad).

This Nixon quctafioii could 
be iuterprelert as in agree­
ment with (he Supreme Court 
position.
Commenting on such Kixon 

quotations, Euclianan said; “He 
lias no qualms about freedoirijd 
choice pla.ns so loijig aTlhcyLmte

not a subterfuge*Tor contjiiued 
segregation.!’

In oilier words, Nixon is not 
concerned whether freedom of 

;choice actually rc,?ulls in anj 
integrated system so long as 
Negroes have the choice to 
integrate tlie v.tnte schools.

■ However, the Supreme Court 
jsays the te.st is only v.liellier the 
i d u a l  system is dismantled, 
!vvliich requires integration.

“ Gone Further”
' Buchanan said that Nixon 
feels that HEW cfficials in the 
Johnson administration “have.

Dos Moines Sunday Reoisler ' 
I Nov. 24, 1943 ^

General Seefion ■



viiinrii:
C.-i? 0̂g

!

U'.tQi

0 l i e
lOl ©F F.kil©

£yiO i!lill?rJliaii_ll).e...in lcxiL of 
.-’i'iJk'-V r’ ill v.-ilhlinlding finitis if 
fi'ccdom of clioicR pl.qn.'; actually 

J’' 91 -ill kfi'i'.a! i on
Biidiamm said Nixon lias adminisicr Title VI f\:en

hrt n-JTl illrlllv will r'nmr> Tinfm-n <K/stated he xvill apjioiiit as seci'e- 
lary of HEW “an individual who 
will look for more strict con- 
sti'uclion of the legislation.”

.^Jj:s,J]eih^.G4j\IiLr(i direc­
tor of ItEW's Office for Civil 
liiglits, told The Picglstcr that 
acceptance of all freedom of 
choice plans would halt school 
desegregation.

■ She said: “S^i^Lclcsegrcga- 
jicin_.KauId_.cou)e. to . a complete 
and grinding halUn most school

fcdenil school aid ynll come 
ffoil] his interm-c-IatiST of dPi11 c
V.‘!_2.t._y2c IfiGI Civil Kights Act. 
However,  ̂the issue of liow HEW

*M!x._-.VvilLconic,_„b£foi;e_Jhc 
enijrk ~

If Nixon decides ;dl freedom 
of choice plans aic accept­
able, civil rights leaders will 
appeal to Hie courts. At 
present, Southern school dis- 
Iricis are appealing Ihcir cut­
off of funds.

the community opposition to a 
truly free choice of schools is 
o.xprossed in more subtie ways.”

The other methods include 
zoning to produce neighborhood 
schools, closing Negro schools 
and using only the fovjnor white, 
schools, dividing schools so Ipat, 
for example, all children in 
grades' one through four attend ■ 
one school while children in. 
grades five tlirough eight attend 
another.

If Nixon wants to legalize all

Rights Law.
An iindcrco\'cr 

change this law
effort (o 

made

HEW officials really are con- u. ii t̂jaiize an
tending that most “freedom of|, o/ cboiee” .plans,,.he
choice” plans are inlierenlly/!w9!LdIl9£J'ither Rdrninisiratiy^ 
discriniinatoi'y b e c a u s e  tli'e lp^-!9kcRi}^^ng ikcEIIEtV giiidcv 

VTRlwFc-r'T,'“-nT,;” c ' k . V r ' Purpo.se of such plans i,s tie subject to
i*o ciscourage inlcgraiion wliilff̂ ^®'"'* ftallcnge—or he can .seek

s c h o o l^ b ^ o  „,g (“ fo change Title VI of the Civil
egiodn^iT Jhe.-xnoicc_oI a c(,j„pjy 

s S j o p r r ^  I segregation. ^
The. action tliat Nixon takc.s-] HEW officials point out fliat 

on HEW school guidelines willjfrccdorn of choice school plans 'P"'i'>g the last Congress and 
be crucial early in 19G9 because^are not used anvv.hcrc in the' '™s only narrowlv defeated.

X r i f ' S c F F ' F n k F ' F  Keprosentative Jamie Whitten,.cnoois 10 aesCtoJCgaio com- Sqj(}, norOiern citvI(D^m
pletcly by tlie opening of tlie:sehool officials, for exaniple,! .\nproiF f lF s  CoFn k e  in F  
schoo! year in September, 10G9. would find it impossible to I ' c r : ^ ^  a F S  ?  f  h - F  
Schools arc given another year;mit each cliild to pick his choice approiTriations 'bill The r i t e

■ if conslruction of new facilities '■''I.... ' - ' . "i "ucr
Sis reejuired.

Immedi.ate Action 
The Supreme Court, in its 

May, ]96S, decision, also de­
manded immediate action by
the three school boards involved ̂ . . . _______
in that case. |tend they have complied with

The court said that the'orig-j the law as long as a choice is 
Inal I951 decision permUled “alijoffcrcd to Negro siudenls to 
deliberate speed” because of the:'’Rend white schools. In most 
complexity of changing a lradi-;eases, however, tliis leaves vir- 
tional system but said that Usually unchanged the same dual 
years later “such delays are no; school system

of school.
Howe Testifies

Explaining why these plans do 
not work, former U.,S. Commis­
sioner of Education Harold 
Howe testified before Congre.ss;

“Many school authorities con-

longer tolerable.
It might appear that Nixon 

would be violating a Supreme 
Court decision, but such will not 
be the case early in 19G9. The 
c 0 u r I ’s pronouncements on 
“freedom o f choice” plan

“When our field workers 
investigate free choice plans 
which arc not proc'vciag school 
desegregation (hey find that 
in almost all instances the 
freedom of clioice is iilnsory.

‘Typically the cammunity at-

would have precluded HEW 
from cutting off funds to any 
school district that permitted 
children and their parents to 
choose tlicir own school. In 
other words, his rider would 
legalize all freedom of choice 
plans.

A bipartisan group of civil 
rights supijoiiors only beat the 
Whitten rider by votes of 17G-1G7 
and 167-150. On these votes all 
but four or five Southern Demo­
crats voted with. Whitten.

Iowa Votes
Among Iowa congressmen, 

Democi'al John Culver voted 
against both similar Wdiittcn 
proposals and Republican Wil­
liam Scliorle split on the two 
votes.V.*  ̂ UJU H -M um uuu\ dL*lVU«CJ>.

strictly invclve its enforcement inosphere is such that the .Negro Democrat Neal Smith and 
and interpretation of its own parents are fearful of choosingHlcpniblicans W i l e y  Maync, 
1951 desegregation decision. a white school for their diil-jll. R. Gross and John Kyi 

Ju>LOji!sjxLknsten__dcd^^^  ̂ Sometimes the hostility is I supported Wliittcn. Republican
wbetber or_not to__withiteijexpressed outwardly . . . Often, j Fred Sdiwcngd was absent.



AN INDEPENDENT NEI^SPAPER THURSDAY, AUGUST 28, 1969

The School Desegregation Mess
Ever since the Nixon administration took -office, 

people have been trying to figure out what its 
policy was on school desegregation. Only recently 
has it become evident that the exercise was doomed 
to failure because there was (and is) no policy. 
The precariously balanced official statements put 
cut by the administration on the subject, with all 
their jmitually cancelling clauses and paragraphs, 
have taken form in real life as a series of "zigs and 
zags, sweiwes and screeches, threats and retreats—  
a kind of stock car race to nowhere that is far too 
arbitrary and ad hoc and politicaliy accident-prone 
to be characterized as policy at all.

The best construction that can be put on any of 
this—and has been from time to time by Secretary 
Finch—is that the administration means to deal 
with the complexities of school desegregation on a 
case-by-case basis that takes full account of indi­
vidual district’s problems and needs. Even in 
theory, however, the merit of this approach is more 
apparent than real. As John Gardner and others 
warned from the beginning, any substantial devia­
tion from the body of precedent, practice, and iaw 
that had come to be controlling in HEVV’s con­
siderations, was bound to invite resistance, en­
courage political pressures, and replace the mo­
mentum that was gathering with chaos. Moreover, 
they argued, there was plenty of room in the policy 
that had been adopted for reason and compassion 
to come into play in special individual cases. They 
were right, as it seems, on both points. The pros­
pect they warned of has been realized.

The bizarre events surrounding the administra­
tion’s dealings in the state of Mississippi are the 
latest example of how things are coming unstuck. 
Incredibly, Secretary Finch a sliort while back in­
tervened in a critical court case on the side of 
Mississippi and against his own Office of Education 
which had submitted school plans for 30 districts 
— plans meant to effect more than token desegrega­

tion by tliis fall. The heat which had brought about 
this extraordinary move must have been intense: 
none other than Jerris Leonard, the Assistant At­
torney General for Civil Rights, appeared in Jack- 
son to argue the case against OE’s position and 
for delay. Understandably, the proceedings tore it 
with tlie T-eral Defen.se Fund, which had thought 
it was in court witii the government. And the 
Mississippi debacle is apparently what also finally 
triggered the uprising of discontented attorneys in 
the Department of Justice who are now fUing a 
protest of their own. Doubtless, tlie administration 
is onto a surefire thing, in the sense that school 
desegregation has never been what you would call 
a very popular issue, and it is getting less popular 
every day. But the administration would do w êll to 
consider whom it is hurting most by its actions. 
Like those courageous white Southerners who put 
their reputations on the line in their communities 
to argue the practical wisdom and necessity of com­
pliance, the Legal Defense Fund and the cadre of 
Civil Rights lawyers at Justice are part of a dwin­
dling band of men and women who have persisted 
in a sound cause against a rising tide of black and 
wliite separatism. It is they—in the face of violent 
and voguish extremes—who have continued to 
make the unpopular case for the acceptance and/or  
promotion of integration via the orderly processes 
of law. And it is they who are being repudiated by 
these actions: the white Southerners who told 
their communities that desegregation must come 
about, the civil rights workers who gave assurance 
that justice was attainable through law. It is not 
just the unseemly performance of the administra­
tion in this and related episodes that is so dis­
tressing. It is the gathering evidence that for a 
short-term gain, the administration is willing to do 
incalculable damage to those it should regard as its 
best friends and most worthy allies for the long 
haul.

Tl



NIXON ADMINISTRATION MOVES

January 20 - Inauguration
January 29 - Five southern districts get 60 day delay

in termination;
HEW said it was cutting off $ tout districts 
could get it hack i-etroactively; two of the 
five came in with acceptatole plans.

March 10 - Finch Interview in U.S. News and World Report
saying that some "redrawing" of guidelines 
was in the works.
Leadership Conference met with Finch and 
received assurance that there would toe no 
change.

March 19 - Termination order for Chester County, Tenn­
essee rescinded.

March 23 - Post story on Mardian memo advocating deseg­
regation delay without public notice.

April 15 - Post storĵ  that guidelines are toeing "revamped"
because they are "vague and amtoigiious."
Finch denies this. White House meeting with 
Finch, Mitchell.

April, 23 - Post story that Administration is waiting to
see what Federal courts do and then might take 
a new look at the guidelines.

May 31 - Title IV plans in South Cai'olina rewritten as
2-year plans.

June 20 - Post story that Administration is di'afting a
policy statement that would give Southern 
districts more time.
Jerris Leonard: would require districts to 
desegregate toy target deadline "where that is 
possible." "It's wrong to set arbitrary 
deadlines."

June 26 - Times reports Administration is considering
easing policies. One pi'oposal was to require 
terminal desegregation plans with no target 
date. "
Finch quoted: "Some change likely."



June 3 0  

July 3

July 5

July 6

July 7 
July

August 1 
August 3

Augus t 1 3  

August 2 5

Chicago Tribune reported that Southern 
Democrats wei'e being shown copies of new 
desegregation policies in return for votes 
on the income tax surcharge.
Finch-Mitchell statement.
Panetta quoted saying HEW was going to send 
a clarifying letter to superintendents. Finch 
overruled this as "unnecessary."
White House Press Secretary says Administration 
is "unequivocably committed to goal of finally 
ending racial discrimination in schools."
Gary Orfield's article in Post "President Keeps 
Promise of His Southern Strategy."
Justice files five school suits.
Louisiana mess.
Judge Dawkins receives call from Harry Dent 
who indicates that there will be "relaxation."
Justice files state-wide suit against Georgia.
Administration takes no position on Whitten 
Amendment in House.
Mitchell's speech to American Bar Association.
Government asks for delay in Mississippi school 
cases.Finch sends letter that "plans were too hastily 
drawn up."



m aaifasjisjf

MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT 
FROM: P a t r i c k  J .  B u ch an an

The a t t a c h e d  i s  a  m id d le  r e - w r i t e  o f  a s p e e c h  I 
h a v e  b e e n  w o r k in g  on f o r  t h e  V ic e  P r e s id e n t  f o r  A t l a n t a ,  
F e b r u a r y  2 1 s t .

I t  c o n t a i n s  a  b i l l  o f  p a r t i c u l a r s  a g a i n s t  a n y  m ore  
c o m p u ls o r y  I n t e g r a t i o n ,  a n y w h ere  i n  t h e  c o u n t r y  a t  t h i s  
p o i n t  i n  t im e .  The r e a s o n s  a r e  t h e s e :  ( 1 )  The c l i m a t e  o f  t h e  
c o u n t r y  r a c i a l l y  a r g u e s  a g a i n s t  i t  f o r  t h e  s im p le  r e a s o n  
o f  m a in t a i n in g  p e a c e .  (2 )  The r e c o r d  o f  I n t e g r a t i o n  i n  t h e  
N o r th ,  a c c o r d in g  t o  B i c k e l*  i s  u t t e r  f a i l u r e  ; and  t h e  
p r o s p e c t  o f  s u c c e s s  i s  a b s e n t  c o m p le t e l y  w i t h o u t  en orm ou s  
and u n a c c e p t a b le  c o s t .  ( 3 )  In  t h e  S o u th ,  t h e  t r e n d  o f  i n t e ­
g r a t i o n  o f  t h e  s c h o o l s  w i l l  r e s u l t  i n  s o c io - e c o n o m i c  
s e g r e g a t i o n  w h ic h  i s  w o r se  f o r  e d u c a t io n  th a n  r a c i a l  s e g r e ­
g a t i o n ;  i t  i s  u n f a i r  t o  t h e  p o o r  who i n t e g r a t e  w h i l e  t h e  
m id d le  c l a s s  r e t a i n  t h e  fr e e d o m  o f  c h o i c e  t o  go  t o  t h e  
s c h o o l s  t h e y  w an t ; i t  e n c o u r a g e s  p o o r  w h it e  t o  s im p ly  
a b a n d o n  t h e  s c h o o l s ,  and l i f e - l o n g  t e a c h e r s  t o  q u i t  t h e i r  
j o b s .

I n  s h o r t .  I n t e g r a t i o n  a p p e a r s  t o  dam age r a t h e r  
t h a n  a d v a n c e  b o th  t h e  c a u s e  o f  e d u c a t io n  and t h e  c a u s e  o f  
r a c i a l  h a rm o n y .

F i n a l l y ,  t h e  n a t i o n a l  mood among b l a c k s  and  w h it e  
a l i k e  —  i s  to w a r d  b la c k  s e p a r a t i s m  and w h it e  s e p a r a t i s m .  
W here t h e  C o u rt i n  1 9 5 4  r u l e d  a t  t h e  c r e s t  o f  a n a t i o n a l  
t i d e  ; t h e i r  c u r r e n t  r u l i n g s  go  a g a i n s t  t h e  g r a in  o f  r i s i n g  
and a n g r y  p u b l i c  o p i n io n .

What o f  S t e n n i s '  am en dm ent. C e r t a i n l y  e q u i t a b l e .  
B u t i t  c a n ' t  b e  c a r r i e d  o u t  ; t h e r e  w i l l  be b lo o d  i n  t h e  
s t r e e t s  i f  we t r y  t o  b r in g  su b u r b a n  N o r th e r n  k i d s  i n t o  t h e  
c e n t r a l  c i t y  s c h o o l s  —  i n  t h e  c o n d i t i o n  t h o s e  s c h o o l s  
a r e  i n  t o d a y .

I f  we t r y  t o  a p p ly  l o  som e su b u r b a n  t e a c h e r s  t h e  
k in d  o f  s c h o o l  r a t i o s  t h e y  im p o se d  on A t l a n t a ,  RN w i l l  
b e a  o n e - te r m  P r e s i d e n t .

L e t  me s a y  c a n d i d ly  t h a t  f o r  t h e  f o r e s e e a b l e  
f u t u r e ,  i t  i s  a l l  o v e r  f o r  c o m p u ls o r y  s o c i a l  i n t e g r a t i o n  
i n  t h e  USA; b e c a u s e  t h a t  b o d y  o f  p u b l i c  a p p r o v a l  w h ic h  
m u st b e  p r e s e n t  f o r  a  s o c i a l  ch a n g e  o f  t h i s  m a g n itu d e  i s  n o t  
t h e r e  ; i n d e e d ,  a  h a r d  o p p o s i t e  o p in io n  i s  b u i l d i n g .

W here d o e s  t h i s  l e a v e  u s ?  —  e s s e n t i a l l y  c o n ­
f r o n t e d  w i t h  t h e  c h o i c e  o f  f o l l o w i n g  t h e  C o u r t ' s  l o g i c  and  
d e c i s i o n s  and  t r y i n g  t o  i n t e g r a t e  t h e  s c h o o l s  o f  t h e  
e n t i r e  n a t i o n  —  an  im p o s s i b l e  t a s k  —  o r  t h e  c o u r t ,  i n  one  
m anner o r  a n o t h e r  b a c k in g  o f f  fro m  c o m p u ls o r y  i n t e g r a t i o n  
t o  a  p o s t u r e  o f  fr e e d o m  o f  c h o i c e ;  t h e  p o s t u r e  o f  t h e  o r d e r s  
o f  B row n** a s  a g a i n s t  t h e  f a r - r e a c h i n g  la n g u a g e  o f  Brow n.

77ie Hiirhanan memorandum was provided by David A. Andelman, a New 7 ork 'I'imcs reporter who ontained it from 
sources in Washington, together with other papers pertinent to the busing debates.



Gilbert L. Raiford

The Black Experience is reading a 
news account of a murder and a 
rape with no thought for the victim, 
but rather, sending up a fervent 
prayer that the perpetrator is not 
black.
The Black Experience is going to the 
welfare department and having a 
white caseworker say that you are 
ineligible because you will not take 
your husband to court.

The Black Experience is going 
beyond that white caseworker to the 
black administrator who tells you the 
same thing.

The Black Experience is sitting in a 
predominantly white class and having 
the white professor teach directly 
at you.
The Black Experience is being con­
gratulated because Willie Mays hit a 
home run.

Charles B. Slackman

The Black Experience is having to 
feel guilty and apologetic for being 
middle class.
The Black Experience is trying to 
decide whether or not you are black 
enough for blacks or too black for 
whites.
The Black Experience is having well- 
meaning whites look at you seriously 
and say. ‘"I believe in equality, and 
therefore I cannot agree to preferen­
tial treatment for blacks.”

The Black Experience is having to tell 
your four-year-old son that if he 
insists upon wanting to be white, then 
he will have to get himself a new set 
of parents.

The Black Experience is having the 
price of collard greens, pig feet, and 
chitterlings go sky-high simply be­
cause you decided to call them “soul 
food,’’thereby creating a gourmet 
market.

The Black Experience is listening to 
the Osmond Brothers and feeling that 
they robbed the Jackson Eive.
The Black Experience is being called 
a thief and a con man when your 
white counterpart is referred to as an 
embezzler. It is being called militant 
when your counterpart is called 
liberal. It is being called a numbers 
racketeer when the white counterpart 
is called a Wall Street broker.
The Black Experience is being called 
a welfare recipient while the white 
counterpart is being called a 
Lockheed executive.

Finally, the Black Experience is the 
perplexity you face when trying to 
answer the asinine question, “ 
is it the black man wants?”

Gilbert Raiford is an assistant professor at 
the Graduate School of Social W el fare at the 
University of Kansas, where he is teaching 
a course entitled "'The Black Experience and 
Its Relevance to Social Work.”



i - .  i l k

In  the high councils of the "White House a broad 
variety of memoranda regularly change hands on the 
major issues of our time, many ultimately finding their 
way to the desk of the President, but few ever finding 
their way before the public domain. So, their candor 
and rhetoric are frequently more reflective of the true 
thinking of an administration than the public pro­
nouncements from even the highest levels. Such was the

case in February 1970 when, during the last major de­
bate on busing within the Nixon Administration— a 
debate that never made headlines but that provided a 
foretaste of this spring’s major pronouncement— top 
speech writer and Presidential confidant Patrick J. 
Buchanan delivered to Richard M. Nixon his views on 
busing. And two years later, he teas rewarded by seeing 
them as “the Administration position.”

What t h i s  s p e e c h  now l a c k s  a r e  t h e  f o l l o w i n g  
e s s e n t i a l s :

( 1 )  I f  we a r e  g o in g  t o  h o ld  o f f  i n t e g r a t i o n ,  we 
m u st p u t  f o r t h  an  a l t e r n a t i v e  t o  b l a c k s  and  w h it e  l i b e r a l s  
t h a t  w i l l  h o ld  a  r e a s o n a b le  c h a n c e  t h a t  e d u c a t io n  i s  
g o in g  t o  b e  im p r o v e d  w h ere  t h e  b l a c k s  a r e  now —  i f  we a r e  
n o t  g o in g  t o  m ove them  en  m a sse  i n t o  w h it e  s c h o o l s .

(2 )  R e c o g n i t i o n  t h a t  t h e r e  a r e  th o u s a n d s  o f  
N o r th e r n  and  S o u th e r n  p e o p le  who w a n te d  t o  make t h i s  w o r k ;  
who w en t o u t  on a  l im b  t o  make r a c i a l  i n t e g r a t i o n  s u c c e e d  —  
and who a r e  g o in g  t o  b e  l e f t  h o l d in g  t h e  b a g ;  f o r  t r y i n g  
s o m e th in g  a b o v e  and b e y o n d  t h e  c a l l  o f  d u t y .

( 3 )  I  am d e e p ly  c o n c e r n e d  t h a t  W a lla c e  w i l l  i n  t h e  
im m e d ia te  f u t u r e  f o r c e  t h e  P r e s id e n t  t o  c a r r y  o u t  a  c o u r t  
r u l i n g  w h e th e r  w i t h  m a r s h a ls  o r  t r o o p s  —  w h ic h  w o u ld
make t h e  l i t t l e  d em agogu e i n v i n c i b l e  i n  a r e a s  and en d  o u r  
c h a n c e s  o f  d e s t r o y i n g  him  b y  1 9 7 2 .

(4 )  T h ere  i s  on t h e  s i d e  o f  s t o p p in g  t h i s  m ove­
m en t ; t h e  W a sh in g to n  P o s t  h ad  a n  e d i t o r i a l  a s k i n g  f o r  a  
s t u d y  o f  w h at h a s  b e e n  a c c o m p l i s h e d  and w h ere  we a r e  g o in g  ; 
B i o k e l ' s  c a s e  i s  a lm o s t  u n a s s a i l a b l e ;  t h e  New Y ork  T im es
i s  r e p o r t i n g  r i s i n g  r a c i a l  v i o l e n c e  i n  t h e  s c h o o l s  ; t h e  
l e s s o n  i s  s in k i n g  i n  r a p i d l y  —  o n ly  an  i d e o lo g u e  c a n ,  in  
t h e  f a c e  o f  t h i s  k in d  o f  e v id e n c e ,  demand t h a t  w h i t e s  
an d  b l a c k s  b e  m ix e d  i n  m ore s c h o o l s  ; w h ere  i n  e v e r y  s c h o o l  
i n  w h ic h  i t  h a s  b e e n  t r i e d  r a c i a l  v i o l e n c e  i s  b e c o m in g  
t h e  r u l e  —  a c c o r d in g  t o  t h e  O f f i c e  o f  E d u c a t io n .

(5 )  The s e c o n d  e r a  o f  R e - C o n s t r u c t io n  i s  o v e r ;  
t h e  s h i p  o f  I n t e g r a t i o n  i s  g o in g  dow n; i t  i s  n o t  o u r  s h i p ;  
i t  b e l o n g s  t o  n a t i o n a l  l i b e r a l i s m  —  and we c a n n o t  s a lv a g e  
i t  ; and  we o u g h t  n o t  t o  b e  a b o a r d .  F o r  t h e  f i r s t  t im e  
s i n c e  1 9 5 4 ,  t h e  n a t i o n a l  c i v i l  r i g h t s  com m u n ity  i s  g o in g  
t o  s u s t a i n  an  u p -a n d -d o w n  d e f e a t .  I t  may come n ow ; i t  may 
come h a r d ;  i t  may b e  d i s g u i s e d  and  d r a g g e d  o u t  —  b u t  i t  
c a n  no l o n g e r  b e  a v o id e d .

T h is  i s  t h e  o t h e r  s i d e  o f  t h e  c o in  —  and r e p r e ­
s e n t s  i n  i t s e l f  a  s e r i o u s  p r o b le m  f o r  t h e  w h o le  c o u n t r y ;  
o u r  o b j e c t i v e  h a s  t o  b e ,  I  t h in k ,'  t o  c u s h io n  t h e  f a l l  t o  t h e  
d e g r e e  we c a n .  L o o k in g  a t  t h e  r e a l i t i e s  a s  a  r e a s o n a b le  
i n d i v i d u a l  I c a n ' t  s e e  how t h e y  c a n  w in  —  b u t  we d o n ' t  
w an t t o  h u m i l i a t e  th e m . F o r  t h a t  r e a s o n ,  p e r h a p s  som e o f  my 
la n g u a g e  i s  t o o  t o u g h .

My r e co m m e n d a tio n  i s  t h a t  t h e  P r e s id e n t  w i t h ­
h o ld  a n y  d a y - t o - d a y  comm ent ; p e r h a p s  t h a t  h e  s e t  a  d a t e  in  
t h e  f u t u r e  when h e  o r  t h e  V ic e  P r e s id e n t  w i l l  o u t l i n e  
o u r  p o l i c y  and c o n c e r n  on t h i s  i s s u e  ; t o  e a s e  up  t h e  h e a t  
on  u s  a  b i t .

The V ic e  P r e s id e n t  m ig h t  b e  a b l e  t o  d e l i v e r  a  
t h o u g h t - o u t  a d d r e s s ,  a l l  c h e e r  l i n e s  o u t ,  m o v in g  t o  t h e  
R ig h t  o f  t h e  P r e s id e n t  and g i v i n g  RN t im e  t o  m ove t h e  d i s ­
t a n c e  we h a v e  t o  m ove w h ic h  i s  e s s e n t i a l l y  t o  a  q u a l i f i e d  
fr e e d o m  o f  c h o i c e  p o s t u r e ; o u t la w in g  s e g r e g a t i o n  b u t  n o t  
r e q u i r i n g  i n t e g r a t i o n  o r  r a c i a l  b a la n c e  o r  t h e  s h i f t i n g  o f  
w h it e  c h i l d r e n  i n t o  b la c k  s c h o o l s .  I f  we c o u ld  g e t  G reen  
v e r s u s  New K en t C o u n ty  r e v e r s e d ,  t h a t  w o u ld  b e  e n o u g h .!

P a t

*Alexander Bickel. Yale law professor. **The 19.54 Supreme Court decision against segregation in piildic schools 
IThe 1968 Supreme Court ruling ordering quick and substantial desegregation by wdiatever means necessary.



Barbara Garson

LUDDITES IN LORDSTOWN
It’s not the money, it’s the job

Barbara Garson is the 
author of Marbird and 
coauthor, with Fred 
Gardner, of a new play. 
The Co-op. She was ac­
tive in the Free Speech 
Movement at Berkeley 
and worked for a year 
in an antiwar Gl coffee­
house in Tacoma, (f’ash- 
ington.

Though labor unrest has long been common­
place in American society, more and more young 
workers now seem to be fed up with the whole 
ethos of the industrial system. Freer in spirit 
than their fathers, they often scorn the old work 
ethic and refuse to be treated like automatons, no 
matter how good the pay or how brief the hours. 
Their anguish and boredom are likely to worsen 
in the next few years, perhaps infecting not only 
those on the assembly line but also white-collar 
workers who resent toiling at trivia. Nowhere has 
the new discontent been more forcibly expressed 
than by the young auto workers who recently 
shut down a GM plant at Lofdstown, Ohio.

IS IT  T R U E ,”  an auto worker asked wistfully, 
“that you get to do fifteen different jobs on 

a Cadillac?” “ I heard,” said another, “that with 
Volvos you follow one car all the way down the 
line.”

Such are the yearnings of young auto work­
ers at the Vega plant in Lordstown, Ohio. Their 
average age is twenty-four, and they work on 
the fastest auto assembly line in the world. Their 
jobs are so subdivided that few workers can feel 
they are making a car.

The assembly line carries 101 cars past each 
worker every hour. Most GM lines run under 
sixty. At 101 cars an hour, a worker has thirty- 
six seconds to perform his assigned snaps, 
knocks, twists, or squirts on each car. The line 
was running at this speed in October when a new 
management group. General Motors Assembly 
Division (GMAD or Gee-Mad), took over the 
plant. Within four months they fired 500 to 800 
workers. Their jobs were divided among the re­
maining workers, adding a few more snaps, 
knocks, twists, or squirts to each man’s task. The 
job had been boring and unbearable before. 
When it remained boring and became a bit more 
unbearable there was a 97 per cent vote to strike.

More amazing—85 per cent went down to the 
union hall to vote.*

One could give a broad or narrow interpreta­
tion of what the Lordstown workers want. Broad­
ly, they want to reorganize industry so that each 
worker plays a significant role in turning out a 
fine product, without enduring degrading super­
vision. Narrowly, they want more time in each 
thirty-six-second cycle to sneeze or to scratch.

John Grix, who handles public relations at 
Lordstown, and Andy O’Keefe for GMAD in 
Detroit both assured me that work at Lordstown 
is no different than at the older assembly plants. 
The line moves faster, they say, but then the 
parts are lighter and easier to install. I think 
this may be true. It is also true of the workers. 
These young people are not basically different 
from the older men. But they are faster and 
lighter. Because they are young they are eco­
nomically freer to strike and temperamentally 
quicker to act. But their yearnings are not new. 
The Vega workers are echoing a rank-and-file 
demand that has been suppressed by both union 
and management for the past twenty years: 
HUM ANIZE W ORKING CONDITIONS.

Hanging around the parking lot between 
shifts, I learned immediately that to these young 
workers, “ It’s not the money.”

“It pays good,” said one, “but it’s driving me 
crazy.”

*The union membership voted to settle the twenty- 
two-day strike in late March, but the agreement ap­
peared to be somewhat reluctant; less than half of the 
members showed up for the vote, and 30 per cent of 
those voted against the settlement. The union won a 
number of concessions, among them full back pay for 
anybody who had been disciplined in the past few 
months for failure to meet work standards. Mean­
while, however, UAW locals at three other GM plants 
around the country threatened to strike on grounds 
similar to those established at Lordstown. In early 
April GM recalled 130,000 Vegas of the 1972 model 
because of a possible fire hazard involving the fuel and 
exhaust systems.

68



|jprtra«ttt sf |u«twt

S TA T E M E N T  BY

TH E HONORABLE R O B ER T  H. F IN C H  

S EC R E TA R Y  O F  TH E

D E PA R T M E N T  O F H E A LT H , ED U CA TIO N  AND W E LFA R E  

AND

THE HONORABLE JOHN N, M IT C H E L L , A TTO R N EY  G EN ER A L

EM BARGOED
NOT FO R R E LE A SE  U N TIL  
5:00 P .M . E .D .T .
JU L Y  3, 1969



I . IN TR O D U CTIO N

T h is  a d m in is t r a t io n  i s  u n e q u iv o c a lly  c o m m itte d  to  th e  g o a l 

of f in a lly  ending r a c ia l  d is c r im in a t io n  in  sc h o o ls , s te a d i ly  and  

sp e e d ily , in  a c c o rd a n c e  w ith  th e  law  of th e  la n d . T he new  p ro c e d u re s  

s e t  f o r th  in  th is  s ta te m e n t  a r e  d e s ig n e d  to  a c h ie v e  th a t  g o a l in  a  w ay 

th a t  w ill im p ro v e , r a th e r  th a n  d is r u p t ,  th e  ed u c a tio n  of th e  c h i ld re n  

c o n c e rn e d .

T he t im e  h a s  co m e to  f a c e  th e  f a c ts  in v o lv e d  in  so lv in g  th is  

d if f ic u lt  p ro b le m  and  to  s t r i p  aw ay  th e  co n fu sio n  w h ich  h a s  too  o ften  

c h a r a c te r iz e d  d is c u s s io n  of th is  i s s u e .  S e ttin g , b re a k in g  and  r e s e t t in g  

u n r e a l i s t i c  " d e a d lin e s "  m a y  g ive  th e  a p p e a ra n c e  of g r e a t  f e d e ra l  

a c tiv i ty , b u t in  too m an y  c a s e s  i t  h a s  a c tu a l ly  im p e d e d  p r o g r e s s .

T h is  A d m in is tr a t io n  does n o t in te n d  to  co n tin u e  th o se  o ld  

p ro c e d u re s  th a t  m a k e  sa tis fy in g  h e a d lin e s  in  so m e  a r e a s  b u t o ften  

h a m p e r  p r o g r e s s  to w a rd  e q u a l, d e s e g re g a te d  e d u c a tio n .

O u r a im  is  to e d u c a te , n o t to p u n ish ; to  s t im u la te  r e a l  p r o g r e s s ,  

n o t to s t r ik e  a  p o se ; to  in d u ce  c o m p lia n c e  r a th e r  th a n  co m p e l su b m is s io n . 

In  th e  f in a l a n a ly s is  C o n g re s s  h a s  e n a c te d  th e  law  and  b u t t r e s s e d  th e  

C o n s titu tio n , th e  c o u r ts  h av e  in te r p r e te d  th e  law  and  th e  C o n s titu tio n . 

T h is  A d m in is tr a t io n  w ill e n fo rc e  th e  law  and  c a r r y  ou t th e  m a n d a te s  of 

th e  C o n s titu tio n .



- 2

A g r e a t  d e a l of c o n fu sio n  s u r ro u n d s  th e  " g u id e lin e s . "

The e s s e n t ia l  p ro b le m  c e n te r s  n o t on  th e  g u id e lin e s  th e m s e lv e s  

b u t on how  and  w hen in d iv id u a l sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s  a r e  to be  b ro u g h t 

in to  c o m p lia n c e  w ith  th e  law .

T he "G u id e lin e s "  a r e  a d m in is t r a t iv e  re g u la tio n s  p ro m u lg a te d  

by  th e  D e p a r tm e n t of H ea lth , E d u c a tio n  and  W e lfa re , a s  an  a d m in is ­

t r a t iv e  in te r p r e ta t io n ,  n o t a c o u r t  in te r p r e ta t io n ,  of th e  law . 

F re q u e n tly , th e  p o lic ie s  of th e  D e p a r tm e n t of J u s t i c e ,  w h ich  is  

in v o lv ed  in  la w -su its ,  an d  th e  D e p a r tm e n t o f H ea lth , E d u c a tio n  and  

W e lfa re , w h ich  i s  in v o lv ed  in  v o l\m ta ry  c o m p lia n c e , h av e  b e e n  a t  

v a r ia n c e .

T h u s , w e a r e  jo in tly  announcing  new , c o o rd in a te d p r o c e d u r e s , 

n o t new  "G u id e lin e s . "

In  a r r iv in g  a t  o u r  d e c is io n , we h av e  f o r  f iv e  m o n th s a n a ly z e d  

th e  co m p lex  le g a c y  th a t  th is  A d m in is tr a t io n  in h e r i te d  f ro m  i t s  

p r e d e c e s s o r  and  h a v e  co n c lu d ed  th a t  su c h  a  c o o rd in a te d  a p p ro a c h  is  

n e c e s s a ry .



3 -

II. THE LAW

F if te e n  y e a r s  hav e  p a s s e d  s in c e  th e  S u p re m e  C o u r t , in  

B ro w n  v . B o a rd  of E d u c a tio n , d e c la r e d  th a t  r a c ia l ly  s e g re g a te d  

p u b lic  sc h o o ls  a r e  in h e re n t ly  u n e q u a l, and  th a t  o f f ic ia l ly - im p o s e d  

s e g re g a tio n  is  in  v io la t io n  of th e  C o n s titu tio n . F o u r te e n  y e a r s  h av e  

p a s s e d  s in c e  the  C o u r t , in  i t s  se co n d  B ro w n  d e c is io n , r e c o g n iz e d  

th e  te n a c io u s  and d e e p - ro o te d  n a tu r e  of th e  p ro b le m s  th a t  w ould  

h av e  to  be o v e rc o m e , b u t n e v e r th e le s s  o r d e re d  th a t  sc h o o l 

a u th o r i t ie s  sh o u ld  p ro c e e d  to w a rd  fu ll  c o m p lia n c e  "w ith  a l l  

d e l ib e r a te  s p e e d ."

P r o g r e s s  to w a rd  c o m p lia n c e  h a s  b e e n  o r d e r ly  and u n e v e n tfu l 

in  so m e a r e a s ,  and  m a rk e d  by  b i t t e r n e s s  and  tu r m o i l  in  o th e r s .  

E f f o r t s  to  a c h ie v e  c o m p lia n c e  hav e  b e e n  a  p r o c e s s  of t r i a l  and  e r r o r ,  

o c c a s io n a lly  a c c o m p a n ie d  b y  u n n e c e s s a ry  f r ic t io n ,  and  so m e tim e s  

r e s u l t in g  in  a te m p o r a r y - - b u t  fo r  th o se  a ffe c te d , i r r e m e d ia b l e - -  

s a c r i f ic e  in  th e  q u a lity  of ed u ca tio n .

Som e f r ic t io n  i s  in e v ita b le . Som e d is ru p tio n  of ed u c a tio n  is  

in e s c a p a b le . O u r  a im  i s  to  a c h ie v e  fu ll c o m p lia n c e  w ith  th e  law  in  

a m a n n e r  th a t  p ro v id e s  th e  m o s t  p r o g r e s s  w ith  th e  l e a s t  d is ru p tio n  

and  f r ic t io n .

T h e  im p lic a tio n s  of th e  B ro w n  d e c is io n s  a r e  n a t io n a l in  s c o n e . 

T he p ro b le m  of r a c ia l ly  s e p a ra te  sc h o o ls  i s  a  n a tio n a l p ro b le m , an d



- 4  -

w e in ten d  to  a p p ro a c h  e n fo rc e m e n t by  c o o rd in a te d  a d m in is t r a t iv e  

a c tio n  and  c o u r t  l i t ig a tio n .

m .  SEG R EG A TIO N  BY O F F IC IA L  PO LIC Y

T h e m o s t  im m e d ia te  c o m p lia n c e  p ro b le m s  a r e  c o n c e n tra te d  

in  th o s e ,s ta te s  w h ich , in  th e  p a s t ,  h av e  m a in ta in e d  r a c ia l  s e g re g a tio n  

a s  o ff ic ia l p o lic y . T h e se  d i s t r i c t s  c o m p r is e  4477 sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s  

lo c a te d  p r im a r i ly  in  th e  17 so u th e rn  and  b o r d e r  s t a te s .  2994 h av e  

d e s e g re g a te d  v o lu n ta r ily  and  co m p le te ly ; 333 a r e  in  th e  p ro c e s s  of 

co m p le tin g  d e s e g re g a tio n  p la n s ; 234 h av e  m a d e  an  a g re e rn e n t w ith  

th e  D e p a r tm e n t of H ea lth , E d u ca tio n  and  W elfa re  to  d e s e g re g a te  a t 

^the open ing  of th e  1969-70 sch o o l y e a r ;  -under ex em p tio n  p o lic ie s  

e s ta b l is h e d  by  th e  p re v io u s  A d m in is tra t io n , 96 h av e  m ad e  su c h  an 

a g re e m e n t  f o r  th e  open ing  of th e  1970 -71 sc h o o l y e a r .

A s a  r e s u l t  of a c tio n  by  th e  D e p a r tm e n t of J u s t ic e  o r  p r iv a te  

l i t ig a n ts ,  369 d i s t r i c t s  a r e  u n d e r  c o u r t  o r d e r s  to  d e s e g re g a te .  In  

m an y  of th e s e  c a s e s  th e  c o u r ts  h av e  o r d e re d  th e  d i s t r i c t s  to  se e k  

th e  a s s is ta n c e  of p ro fe s s io n a l  e d u c a to rs  in  H E W 's GSffice of Educa-tion 

p u rsu a n t to  T it le  IV .

A to ta l  of 121 sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s  hav e  b e e n  c o m p le te ly  c u t off 

f ro m  a ll  f e d e r a l  funds b e c a u s e  th ey  hav e  r e fu s e d  to  d e s e g re g a te  o r  

even  n e g o tia te .  T h e re  a r e  263 sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s  w h ich  fa c e  th e



p r o s p e c t ,  d u r in g  th e  co m in g  y e a r ,  of a  fund  cu to ff by  HEW o r  a 

la w s u it  by  th e  D e p a r tm e n t of J u s t i c e .

T h e se  re m a in in g  d i s t r i c t s  r e p r e s e n t  a s te a d i ly  sh r in k in g  

c o re  of r e s i s t a n c e .  In  m o s t 'S o u th e rn  and  b o r d e r  sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s ,  

o u r  c i t iz e n s  h av e  c o n s c ie n tio u s ly  c o n fro n te d  th e  p ro b le m s  of 

d e s e g re g a tio n , and  h a v e  co m e  in to  v o lu n ta ry  c o m p lia n c e  th ro u g h  

th e  e f fo r ts  of th o se  who re c o g n iz e  th e i r  r e s p o n s ib i l i t ie s  u n d e r  th e  

law .

- 5 -

IV . SEG R EG A TIO N  IN F A C T

A lm o st 50 p e r c e n t  of a l l  of o u r  p u b lic  e le m e n ta ry  and  

s e c o n d a ry  s tu d e n ts  a t te n d  sc h o o ls  w h ich  a r e  c o n c e n tra te d  in  th e  

in d u s t r ia l  m e tro p o li ta n  a r e a s  of th e  3 M id d le -A tla n tic  s t a te s ,  th e  

5 n o r th e rn  m id w e s te rn  s ta te s  and  th e  3 P a c if ic  c o a s t  s t a te s .

R a c ia l d is c r im in a t io n  i s  p r e v a le n t  in  o u r  in d u s t r ia l  m e t r o ­

p o lita n  a r e a s .  In  t e r m s  of n a tio n a l im p a c t,  th e  e d u c a tio n a l s itu a tio n  

in  th e  n o r th , th e  m id w e s t and  th e  w e s t  r e q u i r e  im m e d ia te  and  

m a s s iv e  a tte n tio n .

S e g re g a tio n  and  d is c r im in a t io n  in  a r e a s  o u ts id e  th e  so u th  

a r e  g e n e ra l ly  de fa c to  p ro b le m s  s te m m in g  f r o m  h o u sin g  p a t te r n s  and 

d e n ia l of a d eq u a te  fun d s and  a tte n tio n  to  g h e tto  sc h o o ls .  B ut th e



r e s u l t  i s  ju s t  a s  u n s a t is f a c to ry  a s  th e  r e s u l t s  of th e  de ju r e  

s e g re g a tio n ..

We w ill s t a r t  a su b s ta n t ia l  p ro g ra m  in  th o se  d i s t r i c t s  

w h e re  sc h o o l d is c r im in a t io n  e x is ts  b e c a u s e  of r a c ia l  p a t te r n s  in  

h o u s in g . T h is  A d m in is tr a t io n  w ill i n s i s t  on n o n -d is c r im in a tio n , 

th e  d e s e g re g a tio n  of f a c u l t ie s  and  sc h o o l a c t iv i t ie s ,  and  th e  

e q u a liz a tio n  of e x p e n d itu re s  to  in s u r e  eq u a l e d u c a tio n a l o p p o rtu n ity .

- 6 -

V. NEW  PRO C ED U R ES

In  l a s t  y e a r 's  la n d m a rk  G re e n  c a s e ,  th e  S u p re m e  C o u r t no ted : 

" T h e re  i s  no u n iv e r s a l  a n s w e r  to  th e  co m p le x  p ro b le m s  of d e s e g r e ­

g a tio n ; th e r e  is  o b v io u sly  no one p lan  th a t  w ill do th e  jo b  in  e v e ry  c a s e .  

T he m a t te r  m u s t  be a s s e s s e d  in  l ig h t  of th e  c i r c u m s ta n c e s  p r e s e n t  

and  th e  o p tio n s a v a ila b le  in  e a c h  in s ta n c e .  " A s r e c e n t ly  a s  th is  p a s t  

M ay, in  M o n tg o m ery  v. C a r r , th e  C o u r t a ls o  n o te d  th a t  " in  th is  f ie ld  

th e  w ay  m u s t a lw ay s be le f t  open f o r  e x p e r im e n ta tio n . "

A c c o rd in g ly , i t  i s  n o t o u r  p u rp o se  h e r e  to  la y  down a s in g le  

a r b i t r a r y  d a te  by  w h ich  th e  d e s e g re g a tio n  p r o c e s s  shou ld  be co m p le te d  

in  a l l  d i s t r i c t s ,  o r  to  la y  down, a s in g le , a r b i t r a r y  s y s te m  by  w h ich  i t  

shou ld  be a c h ie v e d .



- 7 -

A p o lic y  re q u ir in g  a l l  sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s ,  r e g a r d le s s  of 

th e  d if f ic u lt ie s  th e y  f a c e ,  to  c o m p le te  d e s e g re g a t io n  by  th e  sa m e  

t e r m in a l  d a te  i s  too  r ig id  to be e i th e r  w o rk a b le  o r  e q u ita b le . T h is  

i s  r e f le c te d  in  th e  h is to r y  of th e  " g u id e lin e s . "

A f te r  p a s sa g e  of th e  1964 C iv il R ig h ts  A c t, an  HEW  p o licy  

s ta te m e n t  f i r s t  in te r p r e te d  th e  A c t to  r e q u i r e  a f f i rm a t iv e  s te p s  to 

end r a c ia l  d is c r im in a t io n  in  a l l  d i s t r i c t s  w ith in  one y e a r  of th e  A c t 's  

e f fe c tiv e  d a te . W hen th is  d e a d lin e  w as n o t a c h ie v e d , a  new  d ea d lin e  

w as s e t  f o r  1967. W hen th is  in  tu r n  w as n o t m e t,  th e  d e a d lin e  w as 

m o v ed  to th e  1968 sc h o o l y e a r ,  o r  a t  th e  l a t e s t  1969. T h is , to o , w as 

l a t e r  m o d ifie d , a d m in is t r a t iv e ly ,  to  p ro v id e  a  1970 d e a d lin e  fo r  

d i s t r i c t s  w ith  a  m a jo r i ty  N eg ro  p o p u la tio n , o r  f o r  th o se  in  w h ich  new  

c o n s tru c tio n  n e c e s s a r y  fo r  d e s e g re g a t io n  w as  sc h e d u le d  f o r  e a r ly  

c o m p le tio n .

O u r p o lic y  in  th is  a r e a  w ill b e  a s  d e fin ed  in  th e  l a t e s t  

S u p re m e  C o u r t and  C ir c u i t  C o u r t d e c is io n s :  th a t  sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s  

n o t now  in  c o m p lia n c e  a r e  r e q u i r e d  to  c o m p le te  th e  p r o c e s s  of 

d e s e g re g a tio n  " a t  th e  e a r l i e s t  p r a c t ic a b le  d a te " ;  th a t  " th e  t im e  fo r  

m e r e  'd e lib e ra te ,  sp e e d ' h a s  ru n  o u t" ; and , in  th e  w o rd s  of G re e n , 

th a t  " th e  b u rd e n  on a  sc h o o l b o a rd  to d ay  i s  to  co m e  fo rw a rd  w ith  a 

p lan  th a t  p r o m is e s  r e a l i s t i c a l l y  to  w o rk , and  p r o m is e s  r e a l i s t i c a l ly  

to w o rk  now . "



In  o r d e r  to  be a c c e p ta b le , su c h  a  p lan  m u s t  e n s u re  

c o m p le te  c o m p lia n c e  w ith  th e  C iv il R ig h ts  A c t of 1964 and  th e  

C o n s titu tio n a l m a n d a te .

In  g e n e ra l ,  su c h  a  p la n  m u s t  p ro v id e  f o r  fu ll  c o m p lia n c e  

n o w - - th a t  i s ,  th e  " te r m in a l  d a te "  m u s t  be th e  1969-70 sc h o o l y e a r .  

In  so m e  d i s t r i c t s  th e r e  m a y  be sound  r e a s o n s  f o r  so m e  l im ite d  

d e la y . In  c o n s id e r in g  w h e th e r  and  how  m u ch  a d d itio n a l t im e  is  

ju s t i f ie d ,  w e w ill ta k e  in to  a c c o u n t on ly  bona f id e  e d u c a tio n a l and 

a d m in is t r a t iv e  p ro b le m s . E x a m p le s  of su c h  p ro b le m s  w ould  be 

s e r io u s  sh o r ta g e s  of n e c e s s a r y  p h y s ic a l f a c i l i t i e s ,  f in a n c ia l  

r e s o u r c e s  o r  fa c u lty . A d d itio n a l t im e  w ill b e  a llo w e d  o n ly  w h e re  

th o se  r e q u e s tin g  i t  s u s ta in  th e  h eav y  fa c tu a l  b u rd e n  of p ro v in g  th a t  

c o m p lia n c e  w ith  th e  1969-70 t im e  sc h e d u le  ca n n o t be a c h ie v e d ; 

w h e re  ad d itio n a l t im e  i s  a llo w ed , i t  w ill  be  th e  m in im u m  show n to 

be n e c e s s a r y .

In a c c o rd a n c e  w ith  r e c e n t  d e c is io n s  w h ich  p la c e  s t r i c t  

l im ita t io n s  on " f re e d o m  of c h o ic e , " i f  " f re e d o m  of c h o ic e "  i s  u se d  

in  th e  p lan , th e  sc h o o l d i s t r i c t  m u s t  d e m o n s tr a te ,  on  th e  b a s is  of 

i t s  r e c o r d ,  th a t  th is  i s  n o t a  su b te rfu g e  fo r  m a in ta in in g  a  dual 

sy s te m , b u t r a th e r  th a t  th e  p lan  a s  a  w hole  g en u in e ly  p ro m is e s  to 

a c h ie v e  a  c o m p le te  end  to  r a c ia l  d is c r im in a t io n  a t  th e  e a r l i e s t  

p r a c t ic a b le  d a te . O th e rw ise , th e  u s e  of " f re e d o m  of c h o ic e "  in  su c h  

a  p lan  i s  n o t a c c e p ta b le .



.  9 -

F o r  lo c a l  and  f e d e ra l  a u th o r i t ie s  a l ik e , sc h o o l d e s e g re g a t io n  

p o s e s  b o th  e d u c a tio n a l and  law  e n fo rc e m e n t p ro b le m s . T o the  

e x te n t p r a c t ic a b le ,  on  th e  f e d e r a l  le v e l  th e  law  e n fo rc e m e n t a s p e c ts  

w ill  be h an d led  b y  th e  D e p a r tm e n t of J u s t ic e  in  ju d ic ia l  p ro c e e d in g s  

a ffo rd in g  due p r o c e s s  o f law , an d  th e  e d u c a tio n a l a s p e c ts  w il l  be 

a d m in is te r e d  b y  HEW . B e c a u se  th e y  a r e  so  c lo s e ly  in te rw o v e n , 

th e s e  a s p e c ts  can n o t b e  e n t i r e ly  s e p a ra te d .  We in te n d  to  u se  th e  

a d m in is t r a t iv e  m a c h in e ry  of HEW in  ta n d e m  w ith  th e  s te p p e d -u p  

e n fo rc e m e n t a c t iv i t ie s  of J u s t i c e ,  and  to  d ra w  on HEW  fo r  m o re  

a s s is ta n c e  b y  p ro fe s s io n a l  e d u c a to r s  a s  p ro v id e d  fo r  u n d e r  T it le  IV 

of th e  1964 A ct. T h is  p ro c e d u re  h a s  th e s e  p r in c ip a l  a im s:

- - T o  m in im iz e  th e  n u m b e r  of c a s e s  in  w h ich  i t  b e c o m e s  

n e c e s s a r y  to  em p lo y  th e  p a r t i c u la r  r e m e d y  of a  cu to ff of f e d e r a l  

fu n d s , r e c o g n iz in g  th a t  th e  b u rd e n  of th is  cu to ff f a l l s  n e a r ly  a lw ay s  

on th o se  th e  A c t w as in te n d e d  to  h e lp ; th e  c h i ld re n  of th e  p o o r  and  

th e  b la c k .

- -T o  e n s u re ,  to  th e  g r e a t e s t  e x te n t p o s s ib le , th a t  e d u c a tio n a l 

q^ h t y  is^ m a in ta in e d  w h ile  d e s e g re g a t io n  is  a c h ie v e d  and  b u r e a u c r a t ic  

d is ru p tio n  of th e  e d u c a tio n a l p r o c e s s  i s  avo id ed .

T he D iv is io n  of E q u a l E d u c a tio n a l  O p p o r tu n itie s  in  the  

O ffice  of E d u c a tio n  h a s  a l r e a d y  show n th a t  i t s  p r o g ra m  of ad v ice  and



- 10

a s s is ta n c e  to  lo c a l  sc h o o l d i s t r i c t s  ca n  be m o s t  h e lp fu l in  so lv in g  

th e  e d u c a tio n a l p ro b le m s  of th e  d e s e g re g a tio n  p r o c e s s .  We in te n d  

to  expand  o u r  c o o p e ra tio n  w ith  lo c a l  d i s t r i c t s  to m a k e  c e r ta in  th a t  

th e  d e s e g re g a t io n  p lan s  d e v is e d  a r e  e d u c a tio n a lly  sound , a s  w e ll as 

le g a l ly  a d e q u a te .

We a r e  co n v in ced  th a t  d e s e g re g a tio n  w ill b e s t  b e  a c h ie v e d  in  

so m e  c a s e s  th ro u g h  a s e le c t iv e  in fu s io n  of f e d e r a l  fun d s fo r  su c h  

n eed s  a s  sch o o l c o n s tru c tio n , t e a c h e r  s u b s id ie s  and  re m e d ia l  

ed u ca tio n . HEW is  lau n ch in g  a  s tu d y  of th e  n e e d s , th e  c o s ts ,  and  

th e  w ay s th e  f e d e r a l  g o v e rn m e n t can  m o s t  a p p ro p r ia te ly  s h a re  th e  

b u rd e n  of a s y s te m  of f in a n c ia l  a id s  and  in c e n tiv e s  d e s ig n e d  to  h e lp  

s e c u re  fu ll and  p ro m p t c o m p lia n c e . W hen th is  s tu d y  i s  co m p le ted , 

w e in te n d  to re c o m m e n d  th e  n e c e s s a r y  le g is la t io n .

We a r e  c o m m itte d  to  end ing  r a c ia l  d is c r im in a t io n  in  the  

n a tio n 's  sc h o o ls , c a r ry in g  ou t th e  m a p d a te  of th e  C o n s titu tio n  and  

th e  C o n g re s s .

We a r e  c o m m itte d  to p ro v id in g  in c r e a s e d  a s s is ta n c e  by  

p ro fe s s io n a l  e d u c a to r s ,  and  to  en co u rag in g  g r e a t e r  in v o lv e m e n t by  

lo c a l  le a d e r s  in  e a c h  co m m u n ity .

We a r e  c o m m itte d  to  m a in ta in in g  q u a lity  p u b lic  ed u ca tio n , 

re c o g n iz in g  th a t  i f  d e s e g re g a te d  sc h o o ls  f a i l  to  e d u c a te , th ey  fa i l  

in  th e i r  p r im a ry  p u rp o se . .



We a r e  d e te rm in e d  th a t  th e  la w  of th e  la n d  w ill b e  u p h e ld ; 

and  th a t  th e  f e d e r a l  r o le  in  u p ho ld ing  th a t  law , and  in  p ro v id in g  

eq u a l and  c o n s ta n tly  im p ro v in g  e d u c a tio n a l o p p o r tu n it ie s  f o r  a l l ,  

w ill  b e  f i rm ly  e x e r c is e d  w ith  an  ev en  h an d .

- 11 -



T H E  N E W  Y O R K  T IM E S . F R ID A Y. SE P T E M B E R  19. IS

Stennis Linked to Desegregation Delay
Bv JACK ROSENTHAL nevertheless to
special tp T h . New York T im e  i ^ ^ ^ 5 6  douole embarrassment to

TTr* oTTTXT̂ -r̂ xT c-  ̂ 10 ,tne Administration —  m the
WASHINGTON, Sept. 18 ![,joj-th because it already is the

A reporter, who until last;(.gj.„g(. gj repeated criticism for 
month was an assistant to-(j^g Mississippi desegregation 
Senator John C. Stennis, I jjjg
Democrat of Missnssippi, hasig^y^g {],g appearance of aid- 
charged that the Nixon Ad-|jgg 2 Senator Sten-
ministration s abrupt tnrn-'gjj'j gj^pj^gg 
around on Mississippi school; TThree Administration offi- 
desegregation \v̂ as forced by-gj^ig responded strongly to in­
pressure from the Senator. jquiries on the subject today.

The reporter is Charles L. Ziegler, Presidential
Overby, since the end ofjprgss secretary, said, “The rea- 
August a W ashington corres-ijg^ jgj. (- 6̂ action in Mississippi 
pondent for the Jackson (Miss.) jg the reason that w as given by
Daily News. He asserted in a 
copyrighted story that Senator 
Stennis threatened to abandon 
his critical role as principal 
defender of the Administra­
tion’s hotly controversial mili­
tary authorization bill unless de 
-segretaion w as slowed.

According to sources close
to  the Senator, Mr. StenJ^Qt because of any outside in- 
nis w rote the President a letter:ri„„„,,^ ^
delivered to the summer White 
House in San Clemente, Calif.

Secretary Finch. That is the 
only reason for the delay.”

Mr. Finch, Secretary of Health, 
Education and Welfare, and 
Attorney General John N. 
Mitchell affirmed in separate 
statements that desegregation  
decisions in this and other cases 
were made on the merits and

flucnce.
Senator Stennis could not be 

reached for com ment today be­
cause he w as on the floor of 
the Senate as it voted on 
amendments to the military 
authorization measure.

In his absence, a spokesman 
said the Senator “has made it

Aug. 16,
The threat implicit in the 

letter w as that, in Sen­
ator Sennis's absence, the 
floor manager’s role would go 
to the next-ranking Democrat.
Senator Stuart Symmgton^
Missouri, an m portant c r i t i c , c i n v e r s a t i o n s  with the 
of military spending. I President”

Administration officials to-| i,p

such a letter ad ri j. ihighest officials in the country, 
but  ̂ stoutly insisted that the ,^p ppp .̂-^ppr phnm
decision to delay desegre­
gation w as in no way based 
on outside influence.

Even so, the reports of a 
Stennis-pressured policy rever-

including the President, about 
the school situation in the 
country. Talking to myself, 1 
don’t think he’s ever laid down

threatened to walk out on any 
duty he has as a Senator,” the 
spokesman said.

Another source close to the 
Senator seconded this view. 
“The Senator more likely said, 
'I think there’s going 'to  be 
trouble with the opening of the 
schools down there and I’m 
going to have to go down and 
be with my people.’ ”

According to two accounts, 
the Senator and other members 
of the Mississippi Congressional 
delegations, sought to slow  
desegregation through the sum­
mer. Then, according to Mr. 
Overby, come the letter to the 
President.

Three days after the Stennis 
letter w as reportedly delivered. 
Secretary Finch wrote to the 
United States District Court in 
Jackson, Miss., asking that im­
minent desegregation of 222 
schools in 30 districts be post­
poned until Dec. 1. The Depart­
ment of Justice joined in the 
request, which was granted.

The Federal action ignited a 
court-room attack by the 
N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and 
Educational Fund, Inc,, and a 
rebellion among civil rights 
law’yers in the Justice Depart­
ment.

Last week the unusual Gov­
ernment-initiated delay was as­
sailed also by the United States 
Commission on Civil Rights.

The Administration has de­
fended the request for delay by 
arguing that more time was 
necessary to prepare desegre­
gation plans that would avoid

any sort of ultimatum orichaos and confusion



FINCH ffl MIDDLE 
ON SCHOOL M E

Continued From Page 1, Col. 8

in office, w as to order a 
scheduled cut-off of Federal 
funds to five segregated South­
ern school districts, but with 
a vital amendment giving them 
60. days to negotiate an agree­
m ent and get it back.

The amendment meant a 
slight, but perhaps significant, 
change in policy. Under Mr. 
Cohen, a final cut-off of funds 
meant that an affected district 
lost its m oney and could not 
get it back, retroactively, even 
if it repented and produced an 
afcceptable desegregation plan 
later.

Mr. Finch’s amendment in­
troduced retroactivity, and with  
it some hope of relief for South­
ern school officials who often 
have to  tread the line between  
segregationist parents and a 
Federal bureaucracy demanding 
progress.

Mr Finch said today that 
he had cleared his action with 
President Nixon before an­
nouncing it yesterday. “He 
backed my judgment on the 
matter,” Mr. Finch said.

Some civil rights _ leaders 
pounced on the decision as 
evidence of a coming slowdown 
in enforcing Title VI of the 
Civil Rights Act of 1964, which 
bans discrimination in any Fed­
erally assisted program.

The Leadership Conference 
on Civil Rights, which includes 
respresentatives of several civil 
rights organizations, said the 
decision would stimulate new  
violation’s of the law and in­
dicated that the Nixon Admin­
istration w as ready t o /  coddle 
foot-dragging school districts.

Attacked by Wilkins 
A statem ent by the confer­

ence said: “During the Presi­
dential campaign. Senator Strom 
Thurmond [Republican of South 
Carolina] advised Southern 
school districts to  drag their 
feet, to  disregard the law. The 
suspicion arises that he is now  
being paid off.”

Roy W ilkins, executive direc­
tor of the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored 
People, issued a statement sug­
gesting that Mr. Finch’s deci­
sion w as a concession to Mr 
Nixon’s Southern supporters 
and added;

“The districts in question do 
not need another 60 days since 
they have been dodging com­
pliance with the law for nmre 
than 14 years. The N.A.A.C.P. 
will do everything it can to  
have the Finch position reversed 
and to  prevent it from setting a 
precedent.”

Jack Greenberg, director 
counsel, o f the N.A.A.C.P. Legal 
Defense and Educational Fund, 
Inc., called Mr. Finch’s mo-ve 
“disastrous.” He said it would 
“harden the resolve of school 
officials to  continue their ef­
forts to  evade the law.”

Paul Anthony, executive di­
rector of the Southern Regional 
Council in Atlanta, said of the 
decision that he “certainly can­
not view  it  w ith much enthu­
siasm.” . ,

Senator Thurmond, the one­
time Dixiecrat, issued a state­
ment saying he w as “en­
couraged” by the action.

M ost of the Congressmen rep­
resenting the affected school 
districts could not be reached 
for comment, but their aides 
all took the same attitude.

“It’s not so bad as it seems 
at first glance,” said one. “After 
all, w e got another 60 days.” 

Target of Pressure 
Representative Jamie L. 

Whitten, Democrat of M issis­
sippi, in whose district tw o of 
the school districts lie, said: 

“W ithout knowing w hat their 
purpose is, in m y opinion, any  
final decision to withhold the 
funds would go counter to  the 
intent of the Congress.”

Mr. Finch said he had had 
to buck pressure from a  num­
ber of Southern Congressmen 
who had asked for a simple ex­
tension of time before cutting 
off funds.

Sources close to Mr. Finch’s 
department said that influential 
Southern Congressmen had 
visted one of Mr. Nixon’s 
\Vhite House aides and had ob­
tained assurance that the Ad­
ministration would grant such 
an extension, with no strings.

The sources said that Mr. 
Finch, who apparently had not 
been consulted at that point, 
had to override the aide in im­
posing his decision to place the 
money in escrow.

Senator Jacob K. Javits, Re­
publican of New York, sup­
ported Mr. Finch’s decision, but 
urged him not to falter in en­
forcement of the 1964 law.

Mr. Javits, in a letter to Mr. 
Finch, said he believed that the 
Secretary was implementing the 
"vigorous” enforcement that 
had been started by his pred­
ecessor. He urged him to con­
tinue such enforcement and 
asked that Mr. Finch notify him 
at once if he contemplated any 
change in policy.

At least one civil rights leader 
w as not jipset. Clarence Mitch­
ell, Washington director of the 
N.A.A.C.P. and chief lobbyist 
for the leadership Conference 
on Civil Rights, said his feelings 
were “neutral.”

He said he saw nothing 
wrong with placing the funds in 
trust for 60 days, but he said 
Mr. Finch’s statement seemed 
to  "duck responsibility.”

; JO___________ C



IFINGSSCHOOIAIM 
HELD COMPROMISE

Delay in Segregation Penalty 
Is Seen as Middle Course

By ROY REED
Special to The New York Tlim'M

WASHINGTON, Jan. 30 —  
Robert H. Finch, Secretary of 
Health, Education and W el­
fare, appears to have staked 
out a middle course in his first 
decision on enforcement o f the 
school desegregation guide­
lines.

He also has apparently 're­
sisted Southern pressures for 
a dramatic easing of enforce­
ment, but given in enough to  
bring tentative expressions of 
approval from Southern politi­
cians.

This w as the picture that 
emerged from reactions of ob­
servers in and out of Gov­
ernment and from a piecing to­
gether of details of the events 
that preceded yesterday’s de­
cision.

Steering a middle course 
meant relaxing the rules laid 
down by his predecessor, Wil­
bur J. Cohen, and that brought 
statements of concern and pro­
test today from civil rights 
leaders.

i source close to the De­
partment o f Health, Education 
and Welfare said Mr. Finch 
had to beat down the influ­
ence of a White House aide 
to keep from giving the South­
erners more ground.

His first major civil rights 
action, which plunged him into 
controversy after eight days 

Continued on Page 20, Column I

“STEtlA  CONGO: TOIT OUGHT TO BS
IN MOVIES. LOVE JIM.” ADVT.



Rowland Evans and, Robi

Finch Pressured into Retreating 
On School Desegregation Guidelines
THE IMMINENT surren­

der of R obert Finch, Secre­
tary of H ealth, Education  
and W elfare (HEW), on 
school desegregation guide­
lines com es after m onths of 
vicious backstage struggling  
and pressure from  the 
W hite House and Southern  
Republicans.

Finch  had been  standing  
alm ost a lone against the 
rest of the Adm inistration, 
including at least one HEW  
official—conservative Rob­
ert Mardian, the Depart­
m ents General Counsel now, 
Mardlan’s influ en ce is  on 
the rise.

The effec t of F inch’s re­
treat—over passionate oppo­
sition  from  his own Depart­
m ent’s civil rights officials 
—w ill be repeal o f HEW’s  
power to  im pose deadlines 
on school desegregation, 
m ainly in  Southern school 
districts.

' Thus, w hen the new  
'-'^guidelines take effect.

Southern school districts 
'  w ill be able to sta ll desegre- 

k  gation beyond the present 
■^ ^deadlines of Septem ber 1969 

in  som e cases and Septem ­
ber 1970 in  others without 
losing Federal school funds.

This fund cutoff authority  
is  the Federal G overnm ent’s  
ultim ate w eapon to enforce 
desegregation. W ithout it, 
som e Southern school dis­
tricts w ill continue separate 
public schools for black and 
w hite w ell beyond the pres­
ep t deadlines and perhaps 
indefin itely.

THAT IS ONLY the im ­
m ediate e ffec t of the guide­
lines change. More d ifficu lt 
is  its effect on Southern  
school districts that have 
agreed in  the past or are in 
process of agreeing to ac-

PlXieso byWohf

lO O m iT 'ff f/s m 'r i.
s m r R o c K m

i/oi/c/ijorR ou,.

Evans Novak

cept the HEW guidelines 
and desegregate.

dramatic case is  a te le­
phone call to the HEW’s 
civ il rights division on June 
24 from the School Board in 
Austin, Tex. A ustin has 
dragged its h eels on  deseg­
regation for years. But last 
month, under pressure from  
HEW, the entire school 
board sat in  all-day session  
w ith  HEW officials here to  
devise a desegregation plan. 
A lso present w ere staff 
aides of Republican Sen. 
John Tower of Texas and  
Rep. Jake Pickle, A ustin’s 
D em ocratic Congressman.

On returning to Austin, 
the School Board w restled  
for three w eeks with a new  
plan and finally  adopted one 
that even  included some 
pupil bussing to assure ra­
cial balance in primary and 
secondary schools.

That June 24 call, how­
ever, notified HEW that the 
School Board had heard  
from  Tower that a  “major 
change’’ in the guidelines 
was Impending. Therefore, [ 
the Board would stand p a t | 
until the change was an­
nounced and then “reap-1 
praise” its plans. That shat­
tered the A ustin m odel I 
which HEW officials had 
hoped would pave the way 
for a desegregation break­
through in  Texas, starting  
with San Antonio and Lub­
bock.

Furthermore, w hen the  
new  guidelines are an­
nounced, HEW w ill either  
agree to backsliding in de­
segregation plans already 
accepted in scores of school 
districts or risk a revolution. 
These districts, naturally, 
w ill refuse to be penalized  
by their agreem ent to deseg­
regate before the guidelines 
were changed.

ACTUALLY, the decision  
to change was made several 
w eeks ago and was to be an­
nounced before Finch left  
on his recent vacation (from 
which he returned last Sun­
day night). But turm oil in­
side HEW delayed that an­
nouncem ent, and civil rights

officials there are still fight­
ing.

A t th is writing, however, 
there is little  chance of stop­
ping the new  guidelines. 
The pressures are too strong  
from  Southern Republicans, 
from  Attorney G eneral John 
M itchell’s Justice Depart­
m ent (which strongly favors 
the relaxation), and from  
the Republican National 
Com m ittee (where they have 
the b lessing  of the chair­
man, Rep. Rogers Morton of 
Maryland).

The pressures have been  
Intense. One Republican, 
Rep. Fletcher Thompson of 
A tlanta, Ga., fla tly  warned 
the W hite House that some 
Southern Republicans could 
not support President Nix­
on’s tax b ill unless HEW  
slow ed down desegregation. 
In Thom pson’s own district, 
a new  school was recently  
ordered closed on grounds 
that it was specifically  lo­
cated in a Negro neighbor­
hood to avoid sending Negro 
students to w hite schools.

Perhaps more important, 
the Finch retreat fits  the 
basic Southern political 
strategy that elected  Mr. 
Nixon. Ever since he took  
office, the South has been  
dem anding fu lfillm ent of 
cam paign p ledges to ease 
desegregation. Only Finch  
and HEW’s civil rights divi­
sion stood in the way. Now  
Pinch, too, has yielded.



' L :j< f

Need for Review Halts 
School Funds Cutoffs

Chlcaso Dally News Service

In its first move on th e  tick­
lish  topic of school desegrega­
tion, the N ixon Adm inistration  
has decided to keep  Federal 
funds flow ing, at lea st tem po­
rarily, to  several em battled  
Southern school districts.

H ealth, Education and W el­
fare Secretary R obert H. 
Finch has concluded that re ­
prieves should be granted to 
districts w here fund cutoffs 
had been  im m inent.
', The extra tim e w ill be used  
to perm it Finch and h is staff 
to conduct the case-by-case re 
view s they  have prom ised in  
dealing w ith d istricts whose  
desegration  pace has been  
challenged by HEW. \

Finch’s decision  repress,nts 
at least a sm all victory fo r  
Southern Republicans, inclutj- 
ing Sen. Strom  Thurm ond  
South Carolina, who haw 
been urging a  fresh  look at' 

[[pending desegregation  dls- 
[[ putes. I
J One W hite H ouse source' 

said that the new  PEW  Secre-[ 
tary fe lt  the im pending cutoff 
deadlines had been  se t by de­
parting Dem ocrats “ju st to 
em barrass th e  new  Adm inis­
tration.”

A t least six  Southern school 
system s, and perhaps more, 
are b elieved  included in  
Finch’s decision to defer final ‘j 
cutoffs.

Rep. C harles Raper Jonas 
(R-N.C.) reported on Friday 
that th e  W hite H ouse congres­
sional liaison  o ffice had in­
form ed him  Thursday that 
Martin County, N.C., would be 
granted a 60-day stay. The cut­
o ff o f  funds w as scheduled  
next W ednesday.

The M artin County case has 
taken on considerable sym ­
bolic significance, because de­
spite four years of noisy con­
troversy, not a sing le school

district in  North Carolina has 
y et had its  Federal funds ter­
m inated for insu ffic ient deseg­
regation.

In  the cases o f  five other 
Southern districts, notification  
of fin a l funds cu toffs has been  
sen t to  the H ouse Education  
and Labor Com m ittee and the  
Senate Labor and Public W el­
fare Com m ittee. The cu toffs  
take e ffec t 30 days after notifi­
cation o f  the Com m ittees.

F inch  aides w ere busy F ri­
day checking out the details 
on Martin County and the five  
others. They are A bbeville  
County School D istrict No. 60, 
Anderson County D istrict No, 
<  and B arnw ell County D is­
trict No. 45, all in  South Caro­
lina, and the W ater V alley and 
South P anola D istr icts in M is­
sissippi.



} o  [



Finch Halts 5 Areas  ̂School Aid 
But Reopens Desegregation Talks

Johnson Adm inistration’s de­
segregation guidelines. Mr. 
N ixon left som e uncertainty in 
his wake.

Finch issued a statem ent yes­
terday that did little  to  dispel 
the uncertainty. He noted that 
“when all the alternatives have 
been exhausted as . . .  in these  

iinstances the law  m ust in  the

By P eter M ilius'
W ashington Post S ta f l W riter

Secretary of Health, Educa­
tion and W elfare Robert H. 
Finch cam e through a welter  
o f conflicting pressures and 
advice yesterday and cut off 
Federal funds to five South­
ern school d istricts that have 
refused  to desegregate.

B ut he softened  the blow by 
prom ising the d istricts they  
w ould get the m oney back if 
th ey  cam e up with “acceptable 
(desegregation) p lans” within  
60 days, and by sending out 
specia l Federal team s to nego­
tia te  further with each dis­
trict.

Finch  said he was making 
the concessions in these cases 
—the first to com e up under 
the new  Republican A dm inis­
tration—only “because ob­
v iously  I have not had an op­
portunity to carefu lly  estab­
lish  and review  the facts.”

T he cu toffs w ere ordered  
last m onth by Finch’s prede­
cessor, W ilbur J. Cohen, to 
take e ffec t today. Cohen is­
sued  the order after the usual 
sequence of lengthy negotia­
tions w ith  the offending dis­
tricts, form al hearings and re­
view s.

The five d istricts are Martin 
County in  North Carolina, 
A bbeville and B arnw ell coun­
tie s  in  South Carolina and 
W ater V alley and South Pan­
ola in M ississippi.

Martin County is the first 
N orth Caroiina d istrict to  have 
funds cut o ff since passage of 
the governing 1964 Civil Rights 
Act.

P resident N ixon m ade sev­
eral statem ents during last 
fa ll’s cam paign suggesting that 
Ihe w ould review  som e o f the

But he also harked back to  
the P resident’s cam paign state­
m ents as “the proper construc­
tion” of the law, and said he 
plans “to develop a broad 
policy encouraging negotia­
tion.”

The Adm inistration was un­
der considerable p r e s s u r e  
from  Southern m em bers of 
Congress to rescind C ohen’s  
order and delay the cutoffs.

Rep. Charles R. Jonas (R- 
N.C.) called  the W hite House 
on behalf o f  M artin County 
last week. He said yesterday  
th,-1 he was told a delay would  
be granted. Stories to that 
effec t appeared in  the press 
last weekend.

F inch’s aides said yesterday, 
however, th at he was not con­
su lted  w hen Jonas w as prom­
ised  re lie f last week. A n Ad­
m inistration source said  that 
“Finch has been  up late the  
past few  n ights on th is thing. 
H e’s been  busting h is buttons 
to com e up w ith  som ething  
that’s equitable.”

Sen. Strom  Thurm ond (R- 
S.C.) issued  a statem ent last 
night saying he was “encour­
aged” by F inch’s settlem ent 
o f the five cases. The Sena­
tor, who led  Mr. Nixon’s sup­
porters in  the South during 
the cam paign, said the settle­
m ent “assures th e  Am erican  
people that th e  poUcies o f th is

Adm inistratioa on  school de­
segregation guidelines w ill be 
consistent w i t h  President 
N ixon’s statem ents during the 
cam paign.”

In another developm ent yes­
terday, Jerris Leonard, Mr. 
N ixon’s nom inee to run the 
J u s t i c e  Departm ent’s Civil 
R ights Division, said the De­
partm ent w ill need  more law­
yers to handle its  growing civil 
rights caseload.

President Johnson asked for 
more law yers in  his budget.

Leonard assured the Senate 
Judiciary Com m ittee he would 
vigorously enforce the civil 
rights laws on the books.



Finch Bars School Aid To 5 Southern Distri(
By the Associated Press

Secretary of Health, Educa­
tion and Welfare Robert H. 
Finch, saying “all of the alter­
natives have been exhausted,” 
has cut off federal school aid 
funds to five Southern school 
districts for noncompliance with 
desegregation laws.

But he gave the districts 60 
days to comply with provisions 
of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and 
said he hoped the funds could 
soon be restored retroactively. 
Finch said he is sending nego. 
tiating teams into the districts to 
help develop “workable and ef­
fective alternatives within the 
law.”

The decision to withhold thJ 
funds came yesterday—-as a rei 
suit of action taken by Wilbur H 
Cohen, Johnson Administratioi 
HEW secretary—because thi 
schools failed to m eet a deadlin 
for desegregation plans.

It was the first such actioi 
taken by the Nixon administra­
tion, which Finch said opposes 
efforts to force racial integra­
tion in schools by threatening to 
cut off federal funds. Instead, he 
said, the policy will be to stress 
negotiations with local school 
districts, plus “flexibility and 
fairness.”

Finch said formulation of his 
own policy came too late to halt

the action but he hopes the funds 
can be restored.

The secretary said his enforce­
ment of the law will be “consist­
ent with the interpretation the 
President repeatedly expressed 
in the cam paign,” and referred 
to a Nixon statem ent that feder­
al funds should not be used “for 
the purpose of integration in

positive ways—busing and the 
like.”

A source in HEW’s Office of 
Civil Rights said action to with­
hold federal funds was filed 
when “freedom of choice” plans 
adopted by the five South­
ern school system s failed to inte­
grate s e p a r a t e  schools for 
Negroes and white students.

The five system s involvl 
are the Water Valley anS 
South Panola school districts in i  
Water Valley and Batesville, 
Miss.; Abbeville School District 
No. 60 and Barnwell School D is­
trict No. 45 in those two South 
Carolina communities, and the 
Martin County School District in 
Williamston, N.C.



TH E NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, AUGUST 5, 1966.

BLACKPOWERlDEAExcerpts From Paper on Which the ‘Black Power Philosophy Is Based
LONG IN PLANNING' - - - - - ^  - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -Sped*! to The New York Time*

-------------------- I CHICAGO, A u g .i—Following
Continued From Page 1, CoU 8 ^  excerpts /rom a position ® ' paper, w ritten  by members of

the Student Nonviolent Coordi-paper says. “The same principle 
operates for the [civil rights] 
movement as it  does for base­
ball: a mystique must be creat­
ed-whereby Negroes cah identi­
fy with the movement.”

'the members who prepared 
the paper also said they expec­
ted to be accused of being “ra- 
«.st” but were prepared to give 
up white financial support be­
cause they felt such support 
Would “entwine” them “in the 
fihtacles of the white power 
complex that controls this coun­
try.”
' Because it was compiled by a 

Cpmmittee with at least some 
divergent views, the paper is 
alternately conciliatory and 
aingry toward white.s, but all 
df- those who joined in writing

noting Committee, that serves 
as the basis for the organiza­
tion's ^^black power*’ philosophy:

The myth that the Negro 
is somehow incapable of lib­
erating himself, is lazy, etc., 
came out of the American 
experience. In the books that 
children read, whites are al­
ways “good” (good symbols 
are white), blacks are “evil” 
or seen as savages in movies, 
their language Is referred to 
as a “dialect,” and black 
people in this country are 
supposedly descended from  
sa v a g e.

Any white person who 
comes into the movement has 
these concepts in his mind 
about black people if only

It-concluded that whites should] subconsciously. He cannot es- 
have a t best only a  minor rolel cap? them because the who^e 
in civil rights activity " ’ ’
political organization among 
Negroes.

Although the student commit­
tee is not a  mass membership 
organization and, thus, is the 
.sjnallest of the major' civil 
rights organization-s, it has the 
largest force of full-time or­
ganizers in the movement. Its 
approximately 135 members are 
all full-time staff workers, 
many of them with four to six 
y .ar.s in the movement and with 
\yldespread influence in both the 
ipovoment and in Negro corri- 
munities where they have 
worked.

Started Trends in Past
In the past, major policy 

.shifts within the student com- 
n\ittee have started trends 
throughout the movement, 
y 'Ihe organization was, 

example, the first to send civil 
rights “missionaries” into 
Southern communities to live 
vHth Negro residents. This poli­
cy has since become standard 
operating procedure for the Con 
gress of Racial Equality and 
for the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther 
King Jr.’s Southern Christian 
leadership Conference.

The “position paper” indicates 
that the policy shift that led 
to the “black power” philosophy 
came as a  result of internal 
discussion within the student 
committee over the role of white 
workers in the organizatiort.

Out of this, there developed 
among student committee mem­
bers the feeling that they could 
organize Negroes more easily 
if they had an all-Negro or­
ganizing staff and appealed to 
Negroes to band themselves into 
all-black political and economic 
blocs.

Mem!>er8hip Persuaded
Using their position paper to 

popularize their views, the 
“black consciousness” advocates 
succeeded in persuading the full 
membership to adopt a formal 
policy of excluding whites from 
policy-making and organization­
al roles with the committee.

The formal vote came at a 
meeting near Nashville, Tenn., 
in May. It was the same meet­
ing at which James Forman re­
signed as executive secretary of 
the student committee and John 
Lewis, the organization’s chair­
man, was ousted in favor of 
Stokely Carmichael, who a 
month later popularized the 
“black power” chant during the 
civil rights march through 
Mississippi.

In a recent interview, Mr. 
T^ewis said the views contained 
in the “position paper” were 
advanced at the meeting by 
Mr. Carmichael. Bill Ware, who 
head.s the committee’s organiza­
tional drive in Atlanta’s slums, 
nnd several other committee 
members.

Among those who opposed 
the views set forth in the posi­
tion paper, according to Mr. 
Lewis, was Charles Sherrod, 
who in 1961 became one of the 
student committee's staff mem­
bers.

Withdrew After Vote
Mr. Sherrod, vVho divides his 

time between the civil rights 
movement and the Union Theo­
logical Seminary in New York, 
where he is a student, had 
planned to bring > several white 
seminary students into south­
western Georgia this summer 
on a voter registration project.

When the student committee 
voted to exclude white workers, 
Mr. Lewi.s said, Mr. Sherrod 
withdrew from active participa­
tion in the student committee 
and is now carrying on his 
voter registration project with­
out committee approval or sup­
port. Others within the student 
committee oppose the black 
power philosophy, Mr. I.ewls 
said, but he declined to name 
them.

Mr. Lewis .said, however, that 
Mr. Forman embraced the black 
power philosophy and the ex­
clusion of white organizers from 
the student committee, and thus 
insured the popularity of the 
views expressed in the position 
paper.

“Jim Forman wasn’t  de­
feated for re-election,” Mr. 
Lewis said, “he just decided to 
.«:tep into the background. He is 
still the most influential person 
In Snick (the student commit­
tee). He can tell them to do 
something, and they will do it. 
Or he can tell them not to do 
.something, and they won’t  do 
it.”

Coalition Sought
ATI^ANTA, Aug. 4 (A P )—A 

coalition of the Student Non­
violent Coordinating Committee 
and the separatist Black Mus­
lims would be welcome, 
spokesman for the student com­
mittee said today.

“We want to end the police 
control of the ghettos around 
the country, and wfe believe this 
would be an effective way to  do 
it.” said Bill Mahoney, public 
relations director of the or­
ganization.

Mr. Mahoney said Stokely 
Carmichael planned to seek 
meetings with Black Muslim 
leaders to further the cause of 
“black power.”

“We want to explore the 
possibilities of getting together 
with the Black Muslims to work 
together for the black commu­
nity,” Mr. Mahoney said.

society has geared his sub- 
corj*sious in that direction.

Miisii 4jnerica coming from 
Mississipt-j has a chance to 
represent all of America, but 
a black person from either 
Mississippi or New York will 
never represent America. So 
that white people coming in­
to the movement cannot re­
late to the black experience, 
cannot relate to the word 
“black,” cannot relate to the 
“nitty gritty,” cannot relate 
to the experience that 
brought such a word into be­
ing, cannot relate to chit­
terlings, hog’s head cheese, 
pig feet, hamhocks, and can­
not relate to slavery, because 
these things are not a part 
of their experience. They also 
cannot relate to ^he IMack 
religious experience, nor >

' the black church unless, of 
course, this church has taken 
on white manifestations. 

Stereotype Reinforced
Negroes in this country 

have never been allowed to 
organize themselves because 
of white interference. As a 
result of this, the stereotype 
has been reinforced that 
blacks cannot organize them­
selves. The white psychology 
that blacks have to be 
watched, also reinforces this 
stereotype. Blacks, in fact, 
feel intimidated by the pres­
ence of whites, because of 
their knowledge of the power 
that whites have over their 
lives. One white person can 
come into a meeting of black 
people and change the com­
plexion of that meeting, 
whereas one black person 
would not change the com­
plexion of that meeting 
unle.ss he was ari obvious 
Uncle Tom. People would im­
mediately start talking about 
“brotherhood,” “love,” etc; 
race would not be discussed.

If people must express 
themselves freely, there has 
to be a climate in which they 
can do this. If blacks feel 
intimidated by whites, then 
they are not liable to vent 
the rage that they feel about 
whites -in the presence of 
whites—especially not the 
black people whom w e are 
trying to organize, i.e., the 
broad masses of bl^ck peo­
ple. A climate has to be cre­
ated whereby blacks can 
express' themselves. The rea­
son that whites must be ex­
cluded Is not that one is 
anti-white, but because the 
efforts that one is trying to 
achieve cannot succeed be­
cause whites have an intimi­
dating effect. Offtimes the in­
timidating effect is in direct 
proportion to the amount of 
degradation that black peo­
ple have suffered at the 
hands of white people.

Role in Movement
It must be offered that 

white people who desire 
change in this country should 
go where that problem (of 
racism) is m ost manifest. 
The problem is not in ,the 
black community. The white 
people should go into white 
communities where the 
whites have created power 
for the express [purpose] of 
denying blacks human dig­
nity and self-determination. 
Whites who come into the 
black community with ideas 
of change seem to want to 
absolve the power structure 
of its  responsibility of what 
it is doing, and saying that 
change can come only 
through black unity, which 
is only the worst kind of 
paternalism. This is not to 
say that whites have not 
had an important role in the 
movement. In the case of 
Mississippi, their role was ' 
very key in that they helped 
give blacks the right to or­
ganize, but that role is  now 
over, and it should be.

People now have the right 
to  picket, the right to give 
out leaflets, tlje right to vote, 
the right to demonstrate, the 
right to print.

These things which revolve 
around the right to organize 
have been accomplished main­
ly because of the entrance of 
white people into Mississippi, , 
in the summer of ’64. Since 
these goals have now been 
accomplished, their (whites’) 
role in the movement has now 
ended. What does it mean if 
black people, once having the 
right to organize, are not al­
lowed to organize them­
selves? It means that blacks’ 
ideas about inferiority are 
being reinforced. Shouldn’t 
people be able to organize 
themselves? Blacks should be 
given this right. Further 
(white participation) means 
in the eyes of the black com­
munity that whites are the 
“brains” behind the move­
ment and blacks cannot func­
tion without whites. This only 
serves to perpetuate existing 
attitudes wiUiin the existing 
society, i.e.. blacks are 
“dumb,” “unable to take care 
of business," etc. Whites are 
“smart,” the “brains” behind 
everything.

How do blacks relate to 
other blacks as such? How 
do we react to Willie Mays 
as against Mickey Mantle? 
What is our response to Mays 
hitting a home run against 
Mantle performing the same 
deed? One has to come to

The New York Times (by George Tames)

THE THEME IS BLACK POWER: Stokely Carmichael, shown a t a meeting in Farm- 
ville, Va., has been described by observers of Negro nationaiism as a new Malcolm X.

Black Power Prophet
Stokely Carmichael

Man
in the 
News

Special to The New York Times

At l a n t a , Aug. 4—stoke­
ly Carmichael was 11 

years old when his family 
moved from Port of Spain in 
his native Trinidad to Har­
lem in 1952. Something of the 
West Indies can still be seen 
in him. His fine-cut face is 
friendly and he carries hjs tall 
frame with a slump-shoul­

dered grace sug­
g e s t in g  th a t  h e  
does not take him­
self seriously. But 
A m e r i c a  h a s  
shaped the public 

Stokely Carmichael as some­
thing quite different.

“In Trinidad,” wrote Robert 
Penn Warren, the novelist, 
after interviewing Mr. Car­
michael in 1964, “some 96 
per cent of the population 
had been Negroes; all im­
mediate authority — police, 
teachers, minister^ civil serv­
ants—all the storekeepers 
and entrepreneurs in general 
were Negros.”

“The 4 per cent white pop­
ulation lived in ‘mansions’.” 
he continued, “but then many 
Negroes lived in ‘mansions’ 
too, and the question of ex­
ploitation of the black by the 
white had not occurred to 
the boy. In America ail was 
different. Immediate author­
ity was white, ’ and the store­
keeper was white.”

Fourteen years of accomo­
dating to white authority in 
this country has molded him 
into the kind of Negro leader 
who could become the chief 
architect of “black power.” 

As the new chairman of the 
Student Nonviolent Coordi­
nating Committee, he has so 
successfully called attention 
to the growing spirit of black 
consciousness among Ameri­
can Negroes that some have 
begun to describe him as a 
new Malcolm X.

A  New Philosophy 
He is said to have played 

a leading role in the prepara­
tion* of a position paper on 
the new black philosophy, 
which was used to reverse the 
committee’s policy on whites.

Mr. Carmichael was born in 
Port of Spain June 21, 1941 
to Adolphus and Lynette Car­
michael. He became an Amer­
ican citizen by derivation 
after both parents had been 
naturalized. His mother and 
two younger sisters still live 
in the East Bronx. Mrs. Car­
michael is a stewardess for a 
steamship line. The father 
died in 1962.

Mr. Carmichael’s father was 
a carpenter who moonlighted 
as a taxi driver in New York. 
Seemingly attracted by the 
white middle class, the father 
m oved'his family from Har­
lem to an old Italian and 
Jewish neighborhood in the 
East Bronx, where they were 
the only Negroes.

Young Stokely divided his 
friend.ships between the 
whites of the East Bronx and 
the Negroes he had known in 
Harlem. He went through a 
period of being ashamed of 
being a Negro.

In 1956, he became one of 
about 50 Negroes in the 
Bronx High School of Science. 
It was there that he discov­
ered that his intellectual 
background had been inade­
quate. He began to  read, 
especially Marx, and to asso­

ciate with young Socialists.
He learned about white 

liberals through his friends of 
the upper set a t Bronx Sci­
ence. He told Mr. Warren of 
being invited to a party at 
the swank apartment of a 
white friend and of being in­
troduced to the boy’s mother.

"Well,' his mother had a  
group of ladies there, and it 
was like I hit it off right 
away,”i Mi*. Carmichael told 
the novelist. “She said: ‘Oh, 
I ’ve heard so much about 
you, you’ve got such a sense 
of humor, Jimmy is talking 
about you, you’re such a 
goodilooking boy, what 
teachers you have . . and 
on and on. Finally, when I 
was leaving, the d(x>r was 
just about closed, his mother 
turned to the other ladies 
and; said, 'Oh, yes, we let 
.limjny hang around with 
Negroes.’ I didn’t  like that.”

White Liberal Assailed
One of his first targets 

when he became chairman of 
the student committee in 
May was white liberals. 
“Liberalism Is an extension 
of paternalism,” he said. 
Most .whites have now left 
the student committee.

As a  teen-ager, he was, at 
^£st, opposed to the student 
^ -in s  in-the South that her- 
atoed a new stage in the civil 
rights movement in 1960. 
Then he met some young­
sters who were involved in 
them. He joined a sit-in in 
Virginia and from then on 
was solidly in the movement.

Mr. Carmichael went to 
Howard University, from 
which ‘ he was graduated in 
1964 with a degree in phi­
losophy. A t Howard, he drift­
ed away from his intellectual 
fascination with Marxism and 
phmged into direct action.

He joined the Nonviolent 
Action Group, an affiliate of 
the; hewly formed studeat 
committee. He went on a  
freedom ride to Mississippi in 
1961 and spent 49 days in the 
Mississippi state penitentary. 
By June of this year, he had 
already been jailed 27 times.

He helped to organize the 
first "Black Panther” politi­
cal party in Mississippi, based 
on 1,600 Negroes who regis­
tered to vote for the first time.
' Ini the South, his speech 

lost some of its  Caribbean- 
New York clip and become al­
m ost'a  drawl. He learned to 
say “He don’t” and “he have” 
to improve communication 
with field hands. He has prac­
tically abandoned city dress 
and adopted overalls and blue 
jeans.  ̂ '

During the last few  months, 
he has become more militant 
in this public utterances. 
While preaching black pride 
and black power, he has be­
come increasingly cool toward 
white.s.

‘Black Panther’ Party
He recently addressed a 

racially mixed audience here 
and, \rith several whites of 
long acquaintance in the 
room, declared that he had 
never known a  white person 
he could trust.

A  young white man who 
had considered himself Mr. 
Carmichael's friend rose from 
the audience.

“Not one, Stokely?” he 
asked.

Mr. Carmichael looked di­
rectly into his eyes and re­
plied, “No—not one.*'

the conclusion that it 'is be­
cause of black participation 
in baseball. Negroes still 
identify with the Dodgers 
because of Jackie Robinson’s 
efforts with the Dodgers. 
Negroes would instinctively 
champion all-black teams if 
they opposed all-white or pre­
dominantly white teams. The 
same principle operates for 
the movement as it does for 
baseball: a  mystique must be 
created whereby Negroes can 
identify with the movement.

Thus an all-black project is 
needed in order for the peo­
ple to free themselves. This 
has to exist from the begin­
ning. This relates to what can 
be called “coalition politics.” 
There is no doubt in our 
minds that some whites are 
just as disgusted with this 
system as we are. But it is 
meaningless to talk about 
coalition if there is no one to 
align ourselves with, becau.se 
of the lack of organization in 
the white communities. There 
can be no talk of “hooking 
up” unless black people or­
ganize blacks and white peo­
ple organize whites. I f  these

conditions are met then per­
haps at some later date—and 
if w e are going in the same 
direction— talks about ex­
change of personnel, coali­
tion, and other meaningful 
alliances can be discussed.

In the beginning of the 
movement, we had fallen into 
a trap whereby w e thought 
that our problems revolved 
around the right to eat at 
certain lunch counters or the 
right to vote, or to organize 
our communities. We have 
seen, however, that the prob­
lem Is much deeper. The 
problem of this country, as 
w e had seen it, concerned all 
blacks and all whites (and 
therefore) if decisions were 
left to the young people, then 
solutions would be arrived at. 
But this negates the history 
of black people and whites. 
We have, dealt stringently 
with the problem of “Uncle 
Tom,” but we have not yet 
gotten around to Simon 
L«gree. We must ask our­
selves who is the real villain? 
Uncle Tom or Simon Degree? 
Everybody knows Uncle Tom 
but who knows Simon Degree ?

So what w e have now (in 
S.N.C.C.) is a closed society. 
A clique. Black people cannot 
relate to S.N.C.C., because of 
its unrealistic, nonracial at­
mosphere; denying their ex­
periences of America as a  
racist society. In contrast, 
S.C.L.C. [the Rev. Dr. Martin 
Luther King Jr.’s Southern 
Christian Leadership Confer­
ence] has a staff that at 
least maintains a black fa­
cade. The front office is vir- 
tuaUy all-black, but nobody 
accuses S.C.L.C. of being 
racist.

If we are to proceed to­
ward true liberation, we must 
cut ourselves off from white 
people. We must form our 
own institutions, credit unions, 
co-ops, political parties, write 
our own histories.

To proceed further, let us 
make some comparisons be­
tween the Black Movement 
of the (early) 1900’s and the 
movement of the 1960’s— the 
N.A.A.C.P. [the National As­
sociation for the Advance­
ment of Colored People] with  
S.N.C.C. Whites subverted the 
Niagara movement [the fore­
runner of the N.A.A.C.P.] 
which, at the outset, was an 
all-black movement. The name 
of the new organization was 
also very revealing, in that it 
pre-supposed blacks have to 
be advanced to the level of 
whites. We are now aware 
that^he N.A.A.C.P. has grown 
reactionary, is controlled br 
the black power structure it) 
self, and stands as one of th^ 
main roadblocks to blad

ing of the blues to us who 
are manifestations of the 
songs themselves ?

It m ust also be pointed out 
that on whatever level of con­
tact that blacks and whites 
come together, that meeting 
or confrontation is not on 
the level of the blacks but al­
w ays on the level of the 
whites. This only means that 
our everyday contact with 
whites is a reinforcement of 
the myth of white supremacy. 
Whites are the ones who 
m ust try to raise themselves 
to our humanistic level. We 
are not, after all, the ones 
who are responsible for a 
genocidal w ar in Vietnam; 
w e are not the ones who are 
responsible for neocolonialism  
in Africa and Latin America; 
we are not the ones who held 
a people in animalistic bond­
age over 400 years. We reject 
the American dream as de­
fined by white people and 
must work to construct an 
American reality defined by 
Afro-Americans.

One of the criticisms of 
white militants and radicals 
is that when we view the 
masses of white people we 
view the over-all reality of 
America, we view the ra­
cism, the bigotry, and the 
distortion of personality, we 
view man’s inhumanity to 
man; we view in reality 180 
million racists. The sensitive 
white intellectual and radical 
who is fighting to bring about 
change is conscious of this 
fact, but does not have the 
courage to admit this. When 
he admits this reality, then 
he must also admit his in­
volvement because he is 
part of the collective white 
America. It is  only to the 
extent that he recognizes this 
that he will be able to change, 
this reality.

Another concern is how 
does the white radical view  
the black community and how 
does he view the poor white 
community in terms of organ­
izing. So far, we have found 
that m ost white radicals'have 
sought to escape the horrible 
reality of America by going 
into the black community and 
attempting to organize black 
people while neglecting the 
organization of their own peo­
ple’s racist communities. How 
can one clean up someone 
else’s yard when one’s  own 
yard is untidy ? Again w e feel 
that S.N.C.C. and the civil 
rights movement in general is 
in many aspects similar to 
the anticolpnial situations in 
the African and Asian coun­
tries. We have the whites in 
the movement corresponding 
to the white civil servants and 
missionaries in the colonial 
countries who have worked 
with the colonial people for a  
long period of time and have 
developed a paternalistic atti­
tude toward them. The reality  
of the colonial people taking 
over their own lives and con­
trolling their own destiny

be faced.
These views should not be 

^ u a ted  with qutside influ-

freedom. S.N.C.C., by allowt Haying to
ing the whites to remain in and letting this
the organization, can have itj, growth and
efforts subverted in the sa m e \ 
manner, i.e., through having \  
them play important roles 
such as community organizers, 
etc. Indigenous leadership 
cannot be built with whites 
in the positions they now  
hold.

These facts do ' not mean 
that whites cannot help. They 
can participate on a volun­
tary basis. We can contract 
work out to them, but in no 
w ay can they participate on 
a policy-making level.

The charge may be made 
that we are “racists,” but 
whites who are sensitive to 

, our problems will realize that 
we must determine our own 
destiny.

To Find a Solution
In an attempt to find a 

solution to our dilemma, w e  
propose that our organization 
(S.N.C.C.) should be black- 
staffed, black-controlled and 
black-financed. We do not 
want to  fall into a  similar 
dilemma that other civil rights 
organizations have fallen. If  
we continue to  rely upon 
white financial support we 
will find ourselves entwined 
in the tentacles of the white 
power complex that controls 
this country. It is also im­
portant that a black organi­
zation (devoid of cultism) be 
projected to our people so 
that it can be demonstrated 
that such organizations are 
viable.

More and more we see 
black people in this country 
being used as a tool of the 
white liberal establishment.
Liberal w hites have hot be­
gun to address themselves to  
the real problem of black 
people in this country; w it­
ness their bewilderment, fear 
and anxiety when nationalism  
is mentioned epneeming black 
people. An analysis of their 
(white liberal) reaction to 
the word alone (nationalism) 
reveals a very meaningful at­
titude of whites of any ideo­
logical persuasion toward 
blacks in this country. It 
means previous solutions to 
black problems in this coun­
try have been made in the 
interests of those whites deal­
ing with these problems and 
not in the best interests of 
black people in this country.
Whites can only subvert our 
true search and struggle for 
self-determination, self-iden­
tification, and liberation in 
this country. Re-evaluation of 
the white and black roles 
must NOW take place so that 
whites no longer designate 
roles that black people play 
but rather black people de­
fine white people’s roles.

Too long have w e allowed 
white people to interpret the 
importance and meaning of 
the cultural aspects of our 
society. We have allowed them 
to tell us what was good 
about our Afro-American mu­
sic, art and literature. How 
many black critics do we 
have on the “jazz” scene?
How can a white person who 
is  not a  part of the black 
psyche (except in the oppres­
sor’s role) interpret the mean-

ence or outside agitation but 
should be viewed as the nat­
ural process of growth and 
development within a  move­
ment; so that the move by the 
black m ilitants and S.N.C.C. 
in this direction should be 
viewed as a turn toward self- 
determination.

I t  Is very ironic and cu­
rious how aware whites in 
this country can champion 
anticolonialism in other coun­
tries in Africa, Asia, and 
Latin America, but when 
black people move toward 
similai' goals of self-determin­
ation in this country they are 
viewed as racists and anti­
white by these same pro­
gressive whites. In proceeding 
further, it can be said that 
this attitude derives from the 
overall point of view of the 
white psyche as it concerns 
the black people. This attitude 
stems from the era of the 
slave revolts when every white 
man was a potential deputy 
or sheriff or guardian of the 
state. Because when black 
people got together am oi^  
themselves to work out their 
problems, it became a threat 
to white people, because such 
meetings were potential slave 
revolts.

It can be maintained that 
this attitude or way of think­
ing has perpetuated itself to 
this current period and that 
it is part of the psyche of 
white people in this country 
whatever their political per­
suasion might be. It is part 
of the white fear-guilt com­
plex resulting' from the slave 
revolts. There have been ex­
amples of whites who stated  
that they can deal with black 
fellows on an individual basis 
but become threatened or 
menaced by the presence of 
groups of blacks. It can be

maintained that this attitude 
is held by the majority of 
progressive whites in this 
country.

A thorough re-examinatlon 
must be made by black people 
concerning the contributions 
that we have made in shaping 
this country. If this re-exam­
ination and re-evaluation is 
not made, and black people 
are not given their proper due 
and respect, then the antag­
onisms and contradictions are 
going to become more and 
more glaring, more -and more 
intense until a national ex­
plosion may result.

When people attem pt to 
move from these conclusions 
it would be faulty reasoning 
to  say they are ordered by  
racism, because, i>i this coun­
try and in the West, racism  
has functioned has a  type of 
white nationalism when deal-' 
ing with black people. We 
all know the habit that this 
has created throughout the 
world and particularly among 
nonwhite people in this coun­
try.

Therefore any re-evaluation 
that we m ust make will, for 
the most part, deal witli iden­
tification. Who are black peo­
ple, what are black people; 
what is their relationship to 
America and the world?

It must be repeated that 
the whole m yth of “Negro 
citizenship,” perpetuated by 
the white elite, has confused 
the thinking of radical and 
progressive blacks and w hites 
in this country. The broad 
m asses of black people react 
to American society in the 
sam e manner as colonial peo­
ples react to the W est 
Africa, and Latin America, 
and had the same relationship 
—that of the colonized to­
ward the .colonizer^



BLUKTOWERTIiffi' 
LONG IN PLANNING

S.N.C.C. Dissidents Wrote 
Document Last Winter

Excerpts from S.N.C.C. position 
paper are on Page 10.

B y GENE EOBEKXS
Special to The New York Times

CHICAGO, Aug. 4 — A  posi­
tion paper, written last winter 
by dissident members of the 
Student Nonviolent Coordinat­
ing Committee and still consid-

ed confidential, 'shows that 
the organization’s new “black 
power’’ philosophy was the pro­
duct of months of planning.

The document is the first de­
tailed explanation of the think­
ing behind the “black power” 
concept to become available to 
the public.

It was used by the dissidents 
to reverse the student commit­
tee’s policy on the role of whites 
in the civil rights movement.

I f  we are to proceed toward 
liberation, we must cut our­
selves off from the white peo­
ple,” the document says. “We 
must form our own institutions, 
credit unions, co-ops, political 
parties, write our own histo­
ries.”

“Negroes would Instinctively 
champion all-black teams if 
they opposed all-white or pre­
dominantly white teams,” the
Continued on Page 10, Column 1



# t ) £ ; e q u i e s i

iHlartin Hutfjer Ikinq

T U ESDA Y , APRIL 9, 1968 
10:30 A. M.

Slirurzrr (Eljurrij
2:00 P. M.

(EampuB of fHorrliouBp (EoUpgp
ATLANTA, GEORGIA



Marttn IGutIjfjpr 2Ctn0 3r.
1929 - 1968

M a r t in  L u t h e r  K in o  J r . is like the great Yggdrasil tree, 
“whose roots,” a poet said, “are deep in earth but in whose upper 
branches the stars of heaven are glowing and astir.”

His roots went deeply into the inferno of slavery, this black 
baby born January LI, 1929, to Alberta Williams King and Martin 
Luther King Sr. Now the roots have grown to those upper 
branches, and he is indeed among the stars of heaven, this beautiful 
man, husband, father, pastor, leader.

He is free and he is home, and the world has come to his home 
to honor him and hopefully, to repent the sins against him and all 
humanity.

Martin Luther King came of a deeply religious family tradi­
tion. His great grandfather was a slave exhorter. His maternal 
grandfather, the Rev. Adam Daniel Williams, was the second pastor 
of Ebenezer Baptist Church where for eight years, Dr. King and his 
father were co-pastors.

'I'his lineage which permeated his life was an enormous influ­
ence on him and what he would ultimately become.

His father, born at the turn of the century in Stockbridge, 
Georgia, came to Atlanta in 1916. In 1925, Martin Luther King 
Sr. married Alberta Williams. They were bles.sed with a daughter 
and two sons. The youngest son is the Reverend Alfred Daniel 
Williams King of Louisville, Kentucky, who went to Memphis, Ten- 
ne.s.see, one infamous day “to help my brother.” The daughter is 
Christine King Farris of Atlanta, who went to a home that night 
to comfort her brother’s wife. The other son was Martin Luther 
King, Jr.

Reared in a home of love, understanding, and compassion, 
young Martin was to find 501 .'\uburn Avenue a buffer against 
the rampant injustices of the “sick .society" for which he would 
become the physician.



A serious student, Martin Luther King was an early admissions 
student at Morehouse College in Atlanta, from which he graduated 
with a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1948.

His great “wrestling inside with the problem of a vocation" 
must have been prophetic of the man\ agonizing hours which 
would eventually characterize his life.

Having felt the stings of “man’s inhumanity to man,” Martin 
Luther King believed law .would be his sphere for combating injus­
tices. The ministry as he saw it was not socially relevant; however, 
at Morehouse, in the brilliant Dr. Benjamin E. Mays, he saw the 
ideal of what he wanted a minister to be. In his junior year, he 
gave himself to the ministry.

At Crozer Theological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania, 
Martin Luther King was further stimulated but still his quest for a 
method to end social evil continued. Through courses at the Uni­
versity of Pennsylvania, deep, serious reading, and provocative lec­
tures, he began to find answers which would crystallize his thinking 
and give him the philosophy by which he would “redeem the soul 
of America.” Because of the color of his skin, his life was threatened 
at this institution, but with the aplomb that would be typical of his 
response to later threats, he disarmed his attacker.

He was the first Negro to be elected president qf Crozer’s 
student body, and this began what would become a serFes of firsts 
for this son whose roots were in slavert'.

With a partially satisfied, but still fermenting mind, he matric­
ulated at Boston University, at the time the center of personalism, 
the philosophical posture which he had adopted. Studying under 
tw'o of the greatest exponents of his philosophy, Martin King was 
to find this theory' an enormously sustaining force in the future.

In Boston, he met Coretta Scott, an equally concerned and 
talented New England Conservatory student from the South. On 
June 18, 1953, at her Marion, Alabama home she became Mrs. 
Martin Luther King, Jr. She was later to realize her highest 
dreams, not in concertizing, but in singing the songs of freecTom 
and being her husband’s disciple from “Montgomery to Mont­
gomery.”

This happy marriage brought into life four children; Yolanda 
Denise, born November 17, 1955; Martin Luther HI, bom October 
23, 1957; Dexter Scott, bom January 30, 1961; and Bernice Al- 
bertine, bom March 28, 1963.

The Ph.D. degree was awarded Martin Luther King in 1955, 
and again there was a great “wresthng inside.” Sensitive to the 
needs of his native South, he decided to return to the land from 
whence he had sprung, and preach a “socially relevant and intel­
lectually responsible” gospel. He accepted the “call” to Dexter 
.Wenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, and began his 
pastorate September 1, 1954.

The cradle of the Confederacy was a seething cauldron of 
racial injustice, and this grandson of a founder of the Atlanta 
Branch N.-kACP was asked to assume the presidency of the Mont­
gomery Branch NAACP. Again the wrestle.

Finally, he answered negatively, but on December 1, 1955, 
the refusal of Mrs. Rosa Parks to give up her seat to a white man 
on a Montgomery'bus made the young, emdite minister answer 
affirmatively when asked to chair the newly formed Montgomery 
Improvement .Association.

Mrs. Parks’ arrest for violation of the system of racial segrega­
tion set off a new .American Revolution. Daring to do what was 
right, Ralph and Juanita Abernathy stood up with Martin and 
Coretta King when there were nothing but “valleys of despair,” and 
their loyalty has never known the midnight.

Now, the myriad religious and philosophical forces which had 
shaped his life would be put to the test and this selfless, compassion­
ate man would “forget himself into immortality.”

“Christian love can bring brotherhood on earth. There is an 
element of God in every man,” said he after his home was bombed 
in Montgomery. This new attack on America’s social system gave 
every day application to the teachings of Jesus, and captured the 
conscience of the. world.

On April 4, 1968, an assassin took the earthly life of Martin 
Luther King, Jr.

Profound, but unpretentious; gentle, but valiant; Baptist, but 
ecumenical; loving justice, but hating injustice; the deep roots of 
this Great Spirit resolved the agonizing wrestling and gave all 
mankind new hope for a bright tomorrow.

It is, now, for us, the living to dedicate and rededicate our 
lives to the Cause which Martin Luther King so nobly advanced.

He H ad a Dream.



The Leadership Of 

M ARTIN LUTHER KING JR.

1955-56

1957

1958

1959

1960

1961

1962

1963

1964

1965

1966

1967

1968

Montgomery Bus Boycott

Founding of the Southern Christian Leader­
ship Conference (SCLC)

Beginning of massive South-wide voter regis­
tration

Nonviolent education programs; school integr­
ation drives

Founding of the Student Nonviolent Coordin­
ating Committee; the sit-in movement

Freedom Rides; the Albany Movement —  A l­
bany, Georgia

Establishment of SCLC Citizenship Education 
Program and SCLC Operation Breadbasket

The Birmingham Movement; The March on 
Washington

The Nobel Prize for Peace; the Civil Rights 
Act of 1964

The Selma-to-Montgomery March; The Voting 
Rights Act of 1965

The Chicago Movement; the March Against, 
Fear in Mississippi

The war in Vietnam and the call for peace; 
the Cleveland Movement;

The Poor People’s Campaign; Memphis

i l p t t u i n a l  ^ p r m r p s  

martin ICntlyrr 2Ctu0 Ir. 

1H29 - 19BH

I. Ebenezer Baptist C hurch ....................Family and Faith

II. Memorial M arch ............. Commitment and Movement

III. The Morehouse College C am pus........ Knowledge and
Wisdom

IV. Interm ent..................................“Free at last, free at last!
Thank God Almighty, I’m 

free at last!”

Atlanta. Ciirnrgta 

April 9. 19HB





Ill iiartttt IGutIjfr 2Cttt5 Ir.
The Campus of Morehouse College 

2:00 P. M.

The Reverend Ralph D avid Abernathy, Officiating

PRELUDE ..................................  Improvisations on Negro Spirituals
Improvisations on "IPe Shall Overcome^^

PROCESSIONAL —  "Cortege” ...................................................Dupre
HYMN — "O God, Our Help In  Ages Past” ...................Isaac Watts
PRAYER .........................................................  Dr. Gardner C. Taylor

President, Progressive National Baptist Convention
OLD TESTAMENT SCRIPTURE...........Rabbi Abraham Heschel

Professor, Jewish Theological Seminary of America
SPIRITUAL —  '‘Balm in Gilead'^....................................... Traditional

Morehouse College Glee Club
NEW TESTAMENT SCRIPTURE .. The Reverend Fra:^lin C. Frye

President, National Council of Churches
SPIRITUAL —  “Ain’t Got Time to Die” ........................ Traditional

Ebenezer Baptist Church Choir
TRIBUTES:

THE HONORABLE IVAN ALLEN, JR.
Mayor, City of Atlanta

MR. ROBERT J. COLLIER
Chairman, Board of Deacons, Ebenezer Baptist Church 

MOST REVEREND JOHN J. WRIGHT
Bishop of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania

MRS. ROSA PARKS
“Mother” of Montgomery Movement 

THE REVEREND J. E. LOWERY
Chairman, Board of Directors, Southern Christian 

Leadership Conference 
THE REVEREND ANDREW J. YOUNG

Executive Vice President, Southern Christian 
Leadership Conference

SO hO  —  “precious Lord, Take M y Hand” ...........Thomas A. Dorsey
Miss Mahalia Jackson

EULOGY .........................................................  Dr. Benjamin E. Mays
President Emeritus, Morehouse College

HYMN — “The Morehouse College Hymn” ...........J. O. B. Mozeley
“WE SHALL OVERCOME”

BENEDICTION................................................. Bishop W. R. Wilkes
Presiding Bishop, Third Episcopal District, 

African Methodist Episcopal Church
RECESSIONAL —  “Largo” from “New World Symphony” Dvorak



THE DREAMS AND INSPIRATION 
OF MARTIN LUTHER KING JR.

History has thrust upon our generation an indescribably important 
destiny— to complete a process of democratization which our nation 
has too long developed too slowly. How we deal with with this crucial 
situation will determine our moral health as individuals, our cultural 
health as a region, our political health as a nation, and our prestige 
as a leader of the free world."

—  1958

Although 1 cannot pay the fine, I  will willingly accept the alternative 
which you provide, and that I will do without malice.”

— Statement to an Alabama judge, 1958

It may get me crucified. I  may even die. But I  want it said even if I  
die in the struggle that ‘He died to make men free’ ”.

—  1962

“The question is not whether we will be extremist but what kind of 
extremists will we be. Will we be extremists for hate or will we be 
extremists for the preservation of injustice-or will we be extremists 
for the cause of fustice? ;

— Letter from a Birmingham Jail 
April, 1963

“/  have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a 
nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but the 
content of their character."

— The March on Washington, 
August 28, 1963

“.Some of you have knives, and /  ask you to put them up. Some of 
you have arms, and I ask you to put them up. Get the weapon of 
nonviolence, the breastplate of righteousness, the armor of truth and 
just keep marching.”

— 1964

“Cowardice asks the question, ‘Is it safe?' Expediency asks the ques­
tion, ‘Is it politic?’ Vanity asks the question, ‘Is it popular?’ But con­
science asks the question, ‘Is it right?’ And there comes a time when 
one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, 
but he must take it because conscience tells him that it is right.”

— On Taking a position against 
the war in Vietnam, 1967

“Poor people’s lives are disrupted and dislocated every day. We want 
to put a stop to this. Poverty, racism and discrimination cause families 
to be kept apart, men to become desperate, women to live in fear, and 
children to starve,”

— On the Poor People’s Campaign, 1968

“Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. 
But I ’m not concerned about that now. I  just want to do God’s will 

. . I ’ve looked over and I ’ve seen the promised land. I  may not get 
there with you, but I want you to know tonight that we as a people 
will get to the promised land.”

— April 3, 1968



Arttuf faUfararprs:
1. Mr. Milton Cornelius

2. Mr. Jethro English

3. Mr. Arthur Henderson

4. Mr. Howard Dowdy

5. Reverend C. K. Steele

6. Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth

7. Reverend Jesse Jackson

8. Reverend Fred C. Bennette

“I Tried to Love and Serve Humanity”

“ I f  a n y  o f  you are around when I have to meet my day, I 
don’t want a long funeral. And if you get somebody to deliver the
eulogy, tell him not to talk too long......... Tell them not to mention
that I have a Nobel Peace Prize. That isn’t important. Tell them 
not to mention that I have three or four hundred other awards. 
That’s not important. Tell them not to mention where I went to 
school. I’d like somebody to mention that day, that ‘Martin Luther 
King Jr. tried to give his life serving others.’ I’d like for somebody 
to say that day, that ‘Martin Luther King Jr. tried to love some­
body.’ I want you to say that day that I tried to be right on the 
war question. I want \ou to be able to say that day, that I did 
try to feed the hungry. And I want you to be able to say that day 
that I did try in my life to clothe those who were naked. I want 
you to say on that day, that I did try, in my life, to visit those who 
were in prison. I want you to say that I tried to love and serve 
humanity.”

—  M a r t in  L u t h e r  K in g  J r . 

Ebenezer Baptist Church 
.\tlanta, Georgia 
Sunday, February 4, 1968



(Hn #ur IFrtPttlia
In this hour of sadness, we wish to acknowledge with 

deepest gratitude the great outpouring of sympathy and 

warm consolation we have received from our friends through­

out the world. You have lifted our hearts, and with your 

help and the immortal guiding spirit of our son, husband, 

father, brother, martyred leader —  M a r t in  L u t h e r  K in g  

Jr- -— fVe Shall Overcome.

T h e  F a m ily  of  M a r t in  L u t h e r  K in g  J r .

Funeral Under the Direction of:
HANLEY BELL STREET FUNERAL HOME 

MARCELLOUS THORNTON FUNERAL HOME 
Atlanta, Georgia



Address by Dr. Kennefh B. Clark, Professor of Psychology, City College 
of New York, in Acceptance of 46th Spingarn Medal, at NAACP 52nd 
Annual Con.vention, Tindley Temple Methodist Church, Philadelphia, 
Pa ., July 16, 1961, 2 :30  p.m.

THE NEGRO INTELLECTUAL IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICA

Any discussion of Intellectuals in America involves problems and difficulties. A basic difficulty stems from the traditional 
and pervasive antl-intellectualism which appears to characterize the American culture. At best, the intellectual in America 
is merely tolerated or mildly riduculed; and at worst considered suspect or dangerous. So far he has not been systematically 
vilified  or persecuted in America. The place of the intellectual in American culture has been determined by the dominant 
practical and pragmatic imperatives which have characterized American life .

Another significant factor which contributes to the tenuousness of the status of the intellectual in American life is, paradox­
ica lly , the success of the American experiment of mass education and mass communication. One of the consequences of this 
demonstration of the validity of the democratic idea is the fact that the standards of taste, value and significance have become 
captives of the commercial market and are determined by the judgment of the man in the street. A pragmatic approach to 
standards of value, consistent with a superficial concept of democracy, has resulted in voting, counting, poll-taking and 
profits being the ultimate arbiters of worth. One of the unfinished tasks of our society — probably a task which must be clearly 
identified, defined and justified by intellectuals — is the task of helping our society to differentiate between democratic 
philosophy, goals and methods and the necessity for preserving stable standards of excellence. Literalistic egalitarianism, 
appropriate and relevant to problems of political and social life , cannot be permitted to invade and dominate the crucial areas 
of the intellect, aesthetics and ethics.

These and other considerations make any public discussion of the intellectual explicitly and implicitly awkward and 
apologetic. In our culture the very term "intellectual" appears to be a threatening term. It may even be considered a snobbish 
term; and it certainly could be Interpreted as an egocentric term. This term like others has been abused, distorted and carica­
tured. The danger of this term becoming a disreputable one is Increased by the fact that it has been used as a basis for self- 
identification and self-congratulation by the pompus, the empty, the lazy, the effete diletante and the stuffed shirts. It has 
also been used as a mask for the moral and ethical equivocators and opportunists. In recent times it has become a screen behind 
which the verbal liberal hides when called to the confrontation that is consistent action.

But these abuses do not destroy the necessity for a functional definition of the term intellectual nor an attempt to determine 
the role of those individuals who meet the requirements of this definition. The first requirement of an intellectual is an obvious 
one. Not only must he be intelligent but he must respect intelligence. He cannot apologize for or compromise with the basic 
imperatives and difficulties Involved in a life devoted to the creative use of human Intelligence. An intellectual Isa  person 
who is compelled to think. He cannot stop thinking even when the consequences of his thoughts would be painful and lead him 
to unpopular conclusions. Not only is an intellectual required to think but by some perverse set of forces he is compelled to 
think crit ica lly . He cannot accept prefabricated opinions. He cannot accept opinions and ideas merely because they come from 
authorities, prestige figures, vested Interests, established institutions, sentiments or loyalties. His primary if not exclusive 
loyalti must be the quest for truth — a truth uncontaminated, as far as possible, by the distortions of the human ego and its 
pretensions. In short, the intellectual is caught in the imperatives of the Socratic observation that "the unexamined life is not 
worth liv ing ," To examine life critically and creatively requires courage, clarity, discipline and compassion.

The intellectual demonstrates his courage by assuming the risk involved in the search for uncontaminated truth. He must 
risk the ridicule and repudiation of the masses. He must risk the attacks of the vested interest and controllers of power who fear 
the possibility that truth might be inimical to the maintenance of their own power with justice. The intellectual must call his 
shots as he sees them. The ultimate courage required of the intellectual is that he has the courage to face the essential aloneness 
and alienation which is his fate.

The clarity of the intellectual is in the first instance Indicated by his awareness of the limitations of his role. He demon­
strates that he has a socially useful perspective by the evidence that he has a realistic perspective of self. One cannot under­
stand or help others if he is confused about his own strengths and his own weaknesses. The clarity of the intellectual is also 
reflected by the clarity of his values. The quest for truth and justice would be meaningless without some guiding framework 
of accepted and acceptable values. These terms — truth and justice — have no meaning Independent of a value system. It 
would seem that if the intellectual is to be creatively effective and constructive in our culture his contributions must be



consistent with the Judaic-Christian axiom of the inherent worth and dignity of the individual human being. This is a limitation 
on his freedom of quest but it is an imperative one. Without it the intellectual would flounder in the swamp of sophfstry and 
moral nihilism.

The discipline of the intellectual involves primarily that training, control and effort required to make the mind a creative 
instrument rather than a mere mirror or repository. This type of discipline is not easy. In every Intellectual there must be, 
therefore, something of the ascetic if not the masochist. This discipline is required for production, for clarity in communication, 
coherence, the gathering and evaluation of evidence and the determination of the appropriate, relevant and logical conclusions. 
But the discipline of the Intellectual is not only the discipline of his mind it is a discipline of the total person. The most difficult 
aspect of discipline to obtain is that which involves the control of one's own ego, one's biases, one's personal desires and the 
understandable and illusive personal wish for happiness and comfort. Related to this type of self-discipline is the discipline 
required to control the arrogance of excessive and deblliatlng guilt or evasive and transparent humility. With this type of 
discipline it is possible to move toward that balance and perspective essential for forthright, direct and creative approach to the 
problems of life .

The compassion of the intellectual is part of that broader perspective which is essential for understanding the universality of 
the human predicament. It is essential to the understanding of the inextrlcabillty of human frailty and strength, tragedy and 
comedy, reality and wish, rigidity and resilience and pathos. This compassion is based upon empathy — the ability to see in one 
man all men; and in all men the self. The compassion of the intellectual should not be confused with sentimentality however. 
Creative compassion does not free one of the demands of courage. Intellectual and moral clarity or discipline. The Intellectual's 
role demands that his compassion provide substance and motivation to his commitment to think, to communicate and to act 
forthrightly i n the quest for truth and for justice which are essential to the dignity and humanity of each individual.

So far nothing has been said about the Negro intellectual specifically. It is clear, however, that one cannot discuss the 
role of the intellectual generally without discussing the role and problems of the Negro Intellectual. One of the characteristics 
of the intellectual is that he cannot be limited by color, nationality, creed or any of the other arbitrary distinctions among men.
In the case of the Negro intellectual in contemporary America his demands are the demands of the Intellectual only more so.
This is the hard reality of being a Negro in America. Racism requires that the Negro bears the burdens and the trials and tribu­
lations borne by others plus an additional handicap. This extra burden which America so far has insisted upon placing upon an 
individual because of his color will either toughen a critical small proportion of Negroes and demand of them the strength 
necessary to save America or it will destroy America.

There are Increasing signs that white Intellectuals in America are finding it more and more difficult to meet the severe 
standards required of the truly creative Intellectual. Some have been silenced and intimidated. Some have been even more 
effectively silenced through being seduced by the Lorelei goals of success and status. Some have tried to continue the posture 
and verbalization of intellectuals without the required courage, integrity and Independence. Some have become apologists for 
the status quo under the guise of super patriotism, intellectual sophistry, obscurantism, moral relativism, gradualism, moderation, 
pessimism and cynicism. Some have become captives of one set of Ideologies or another, changing the color of their thought to 
fit the changing postures of their ideological Gods. And some have just given up in despair.

The ultimate irony of contemporary America is the fact that it might be imperative for the Negro to assume the decisive and 
difficult role of the critical intellectual if America is to be saved. If this role is inescapable for him and if he can assume it , 
it is precisely because the Negro has been excluded from full acceptance and participation in the apparent benefits and advant­
ages of the American culture. From one perspective the rejection of a ll Negroes, without regard to Intellectual potential or 
class distinctions, is an example of America's racist honesty. This is indeed democratic racism since all Negroes have been kept 
marginal and made aliens within their own land. It so happens that marginallty and alienation are required for that detached, 
penetrating and realistic understanding of the forces operative in a culture. Those who are a part of. Involved in and seduced by, 
a given culture understandably will have difficulty in seeing and critically appraising the major stresses, strains and forces which 
reflect either the capacity for growth or the stagnation and decadence of the culture.

In spite of racial exclusion, rejection and stigma the Negro in America Isan American. In spite of the present fashionable 
cult of Africanism, he is not an African. Nor is he a Moslem — no matter how attractive this escapist appeal might be to the 
excluded and the rejected. In spite of his protest and his just and Insistent demands for unqualified equality as an American 
citizen, be is forced to recognize that his destiny is one with the destiny of America. If America does not survive, he cannot 
survive. He must therefore pray that there is still time within which the dangers inherent in wishful thinking, pompous bombast, 
outmoded status posturing, moral emptiness, hypocrisy and equivocation can be corrected or ameliorated before they become fatal.

-  2 -



If the Negro can provide through the creative use of some of its trained intelligence the necessary corrective to these destructive 
aspects of our society then his 300 years of suffering would not have been in vain. The urgent role of the Negro Intellectual is 
to seek these correctives.

If the Negro is to help America regain its soul, as a necessary condition to its survival, he can do so only under certain 
highly specific terms. The Negro Intellectual must start from certain unquestioned premises; namely, the equality of man, the 
inhumanity of injustice, the right of every human being to contribute to the society of which he is a part the maximum of which 
he is capable and his freedom to do so without being restricted by the Irrelevance of race or color. These are elementary demands 
and imperatives of the complexity of our times. These imperatives are no longer arguable. The Negro Intellectual can no longer 
afford to expend any significant proportion of his Intellectual and emotional energies into the sphere of mere protest. He can no 
longer afford to waste his efforts in urgent pleas for acceptance of his humanity. We, the nation and the world are beyond the 
point of compromise on these imperatives of democracy. We cannot partake in the moral hypocrisy and equivocation of gradualism, 
tokenism and moderation. We cannot settle for the crumbs of justice. To do so would not only be intolerable to the Intellect and 
deep emotions of the Negro, but what is probably more Important, it would decrease markedly the chances of survival of western 
civilization. For the American Negro to compromise at this juncture of American and world history would make him an accessory 
to the disintegration of his own nation.

The task confronting the Intelligent American Negro today is the awesome task of liberating white Americans from the moral 
corrosion of racism, rigidity, and wishful thinking so that our nation w ill have the strength to meet the terrifying challenges 
which must be faced and met. In demanding his rights and responsibilities, unqualified and uncompromised, the Negro affirms 
the Inherent validity of the dignity of man. He revitalizes the western European concept of the validity of man himself and he 
asserts that the democratic idea is so powerful and so contagious that it cannot be restricted to a given group of men, a given 
color, a given nation or a given region of the world. This is the meaning behind the freedom riders, the sit-ins, the quiet 
persistent demand for political equality and the other examples of the Negro's impatience with moral equivocation and 
procrastination.

As he seeks to interpret the more profound meaning of these indications of the emerging new and more effective image of 
the Negro, the Negro Intellectual cannot become ensnared in or accept uncritically the over simplifications or the strategic 
semantics of such terms as "love for the oppressor" or the frenetic hatred of the black supremacist. Neither of these positions — 
in spite of the fact that one seems acceptable to the tender conscience of many whites and the other seems terribly threatening 
to their guilt and fear — is compatible with the psychological realities or the social imperatives of the Negro's status and role 
in contemporary America. Nor can the Negro Intellectual of today retreat to the conciliatory opportunism of Booker T.
Washington or the quasi-snobbishness of early DuBols.

The Negro must be free to criticize existing Negro leadership. Paradoxically the strength and success of the NAACP are 
reflected in the increasing critical appraisals of its philosophy and operations. Largely through the activities of the NAACP we 
are now secure enough and our morale is high enough to be self-critical. I have no doubt that the NAACP is strong enough and 
adaptive enough to profit from these criticisms and become even more effective. The criticism of the Negro Intellectual must 
meet the test of constructiveness, and must be geared to attempts to make the Negro organizations and leaders more adaptive and 
effective instruments of positive change. Like E. Franklin Frazier, he must be free to criticize the moral erosion and spiritual 
emptiness in his own group; even if occasionally his impatience and Identification seem to result in Intemperance and lack of 
compassion.

To fulfill his peculiar role, the Negro Intellectual must clearly differentiate his role from the equally important role of 
others. He cannot confuse his role with that of the politician or the mass leader. He cannot hope to be successful by imitating 
or adopting their techniques or their slogans. He certainly cannot appeal to the man in the street through the uncritical use of 
slogans, emotional phrases, and other devices which have been found effective in arousing the emotions and allegiances of the 
crowd. On the contrary he is obligated to scrutinize the ideology, the motivation and the methods of the popular leaders. He 
must Interpret them and repudiate or accept them when the evidence so demands. The Negro Intellectual would reduce his 
effectiveness if he sought to compete with other more competent and more suited in temperament and background for the status of 
a popular leader. His role is to Interpret, supplement and given substance to the work of these leaders. He must content himself 
with the limited role of speaking to a minority at any given point in history. This, however, does not mean that the Negro 
Intellectual can use this required division of labor as an excuse for his personal lack of social action. The danger and imperatives 
of our times require that thought and responsible action merge into a single pattern of commitment.

The compassionate, sensitive, but always uncompromising, interpretations of the human and ethical implications of American 
racism found in the writings of James Baldwin stamp him as an outstanding example of the new, positive and dynamic use of the

- 3  -



intellectual power of the Negro in the attempt to save America. Another example of this newer Negro is found in Ralph 
Ellison. His tortuously honest explorations of the meaning of suffering and the Negro experience in America as assets in the 
resolution of the universal problem of identity has given the discussion of the American race problem the additional dimension 
of depth. As a demonstration of the fact that intellectual creativity, courage and power are not restricted to males, we have 
the example of Lorraine Hansberry. She demonstrated her capacity to portray the universals of warmth, conflict, humor and 
pathos through the Negro family without at any time obscuring the fundc„mentaI problem of racial justice. Jacob Lawrence is 
an example of the fact that the responsibility of the intellectual need not be fulhlled only by the written or spoken word.
His paintings are penetrating, incisive and at times bitterly honest portrayals of man's cruelty, desperation, hope and resilience

The responsibility of the Negro intellectual to America can be fulfilled by individuals in practically any line of work.
The Negro physician who insists only upon the highest standards of excellence and ethics as he serves his fellow men; the 
Negro lawyer who disciplines himself to present the cogent and relevant arguments for social justice; the Negro teacher who 
involves herself completely in the paramount task of eliciting from each child the highest potential that is within him; the 
Negro worker who brings to his tasks the insatiable need for perfection; the Negro mother and father who place nothing above 
the need to transmit to their children an inviolable sense of their own worth and dignity as human beings — are examples of 
the creative use of human intelligence. Each of these refutes the nuclear and self-fulfilling lie of American racism; namely, 
the lie of inferiority of the Negro.

To the extent that the Negro succeeds in freeing America from the shackles of trying to keep the Negro in an inferior 
position is the extent to which the Negro w ill help America escape from the deadening mediocrity which now seems to ensnare 
it . It should now be clear that the Negro intellectual cannot acquiesce to the acceptance of the limited goals of racial 
integration. For him racial integration in America must mean more than the right of the Negro to share equally in the moral 
emptiness, hypocrisy, conformity and despair which characterize so much of American life . To be truly meaningful, integration 
must provide the Negro with the opportunity, the right and the obligation to contribute to our society a resurgence of ethical 
substance, moral strength and general integrity. Specifically the Negro can contribute to our society an ability to face and 
accept the fulness of life and the ability to dare the depths of love and enjoyment and even suffering and pain unafraid. In an 
integrated society the Negro can help to free our society from the tantalizing frustration that is its worship of materialism.
The Negro can help our society to accept the totality that is man with minimum conflict, shame, guilt or apology.

It is the fate of the Negro intellectual that he has no choice but to accept the challenge of trying to help America survive. 
He must exchange the dubious luxury of the life of quiet acquiescence and desperation for the freedom and risks involved in 
thinking, communicating and reinforcing those ideas which are essential to America's survival. This is his commitment and 
obligation to himself, to his race, to his nation and to his world. In the contemporary world these are indistinguishable.

- 4  -



t

Ẑ -

*?rv--':



For more than 300 years the Religious Society of Friends 
(Quakers) has been deeply concerned about human freedom. 
Quaker demonstrations in the seventeenth century for the right 
of peaceful association, for the freedom of all men to worship 
according to their consciences and against the injustices of 
tyranny brought them into conflict with the established order. 
Some, like George Fox, were led by conscience to practice civil 
disobedience as a witness to the supremacy of God’s commands 
over the dictates of men. Many were imprisoned. Their actions 
seemed disruptive, their demands unreasonable. But today many 
of the freedoms for which they stood are bulwarks of our society.

Reforms are by their very nature often “unwise” and 
“untimely” because they are the birthpangs of change. Many 
people of good will have resisted reform until their consciences 
overwhelmed what appeared to be their interests.

From Birmingham jail, where he was imprisoned as a par- 
tieipant in nonviolent demonstrations against segregation, Martin 
Luther King, Jr. has written the letter which follows. It was a 
response to a public statement of concern and caution issued by 
eight white religious leaders. The letter speaks powerfully of one 
of the great freedoms— freedom from racial discrimination— which 
is rooted in our religious faith and which our nation has stood 
for in principle but has not yet established in practice. It is an 
eloquent expression of the nonviolent approach to the restructur­
ing of our social order.

There is today an urgent need for honest, mature communi­
cation between Americans who, though they differ in color, seek 
relationships among all men which reflect a common belief in a 
God of love. In furtherance of such communication, the American 
Friends Service Committee publishes this letter from Martin 
Luther King, Jr. and the public statement which occasioned it.

( k d ? y L ,
C o l in  W. B ell  

Executive Secretary, 
American Friends Service Committee 

May, 1963



Bishop C. C .  J .  C a r p e n t e r  
Bishop J o s e p h  A . D u r i c k  
Rabbi M i l t o n  L. G r a f m a n  
Bishop P a u l  H a r d i n  
Bishop N o l a n  B. H a r m o n  
The Rev. G e o r g e  M .  M u r r a y  
The Rev. E d w a r d  V. R a m a g e  
The Rev. E a r l  S t a l l i n g s

M a r t in  L u t h e r  K in g , J r . 
Birmingham City Jail 

April 16, 1963

M y dear Fellow Clergymen,

While confined here in the Birming­
ham City Jail, I came across your 
recent statement calling our present 
activities “unwise and untimely.” Sel­
dom, it ever, do I pause to answer 
criticism of my work and ideas. If I 
sought to answer all of the criticisms 
that cross my desk, my secretaries 
would be engaged in little else in the 
course of the day and I would have 
no time for constructive work. But 
since I feel that you are men of gen­
uine goodwill and your criticisms are 
sincerely set forth, I would like to 
answer your statement in what I hope 
will be patient and reasonable terms.

I think I should give the reason for 
my being in Birmingham, since you 
have been influenced by the argument 
of “outsiders coming in.” I have the 
honor of serving as president of the 
Southern Christian Leadership Con­
ference, an organization operating in 
every Southern state with headquarters 
in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some 
eighty-five affiliate organizations all 
across the South— one being the A la­
bama Christian Movement for Human 
Rights. Whenever necessary and possi­
ble we share staff, educational, and 
financial resources with our affiliates. 
Several months ago our local affiliate 
here in Birmingham invited us to be 
on call to engage in a nonviolent direct 
action program if such were deemed

necessary. We readily consented and 
when the hour came we lived up to our 
promises. So I am here, along with 
several members of my staff, because 
we were invited here. I am here be­
cause I have basic organizational ties 
here. Beyond this, 1 am in Birming­
ham because injustice is here. Just as 
the eighth century prophets left their 
little villages and carried their “thus 
saith the Lord” far beyond the bound­
aries of their home town, and just as 
the Apostle Paul left his little village 
of Tarsus and carried the gospel of 
Jesus Christ to practically every hamlet 
and city of the Graeco-Roman world, 
I too am compelled to carry the gospel 
of freedom beyond my particular home 
town. Like Paul, I must constantly 
respond to the Macedonian call for aid.

Moreover, I am cognizant of the 
interrelatedness of all communities and 
states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta 
and not be concerned about what hap­
pens in Birmingham. Injustice any­
where is a threat to justice everywhere. 
We are caught in an inescapable net­
work of mutuality tied in a single 
garment of destiny. Whatever affects 
one directly affects all indirectly. Never 
again can we afford to live with the 
narrow, provincial “outside agitator” 
idea. Anyone who lives inside the 
United States can never be considered 
an outsider anywhere in this country.



You deplore the demonstrations that 
are presently taking place in Birming­
ham. But 1 am sorry that your state­
ment did not express a similar concern 
for the conditions that brought the 
demonstrations into being. 1 am sure 
that each of you would want to go 
beyond the superficial social analyst 
who looks merely at effects, and does 
not grapple with underlying causes. I 
would not hesitate to say that it is 
unfortunate that so-called demonstra­
tions are taking place in Birmingham  
at this time, but I would say in more 
emphatic terms that it is even more 
unfortunate that the white power struc­
ture of this city left the Negro commu­
nity with no other alternative.

In any nonviolent campaign there 
are four basic steps: (1 )  collection of 
the facts to determine whether injus­
tices are alive; (2 )  negotiation; (3 )  
self-purification; and (4 )  direct action. 
We have gone through all of these 
steps in Birmingham. There can be no 
gainsaying of the fact that racial injus­
tice engulfs this community. Birming­
ham is probably the most thoroughly 
segregated city in the United States. 
Its ugly record of police brutality is 
known in every section of this country. 
Its unjust treatment of Negroes in the 
courts is a notorious reality. There 
have been more unsolved bombings of 
Negro homes and churches in Birming­
ham than any city in this nation. These 
are the hard, brutal, and unbelievable 
facts. On the basis of these conditions 
Negro leaders sought to negotiate with 
the city fathers. But the political 
leaders consistently refused to engage 
in good faith negotiation.

Then came the opportunity last Sep­
tember to talk with some of the leaders 
of the economic community. In these 
negotiating sessions certain promises 
were made by the merchants— such as 
the promise to remove the humiliating 
racial signs from the stores. On the

basis of these promises Rev. Shuttles- 
worth and the leaders of the Alabama 
Christian Movement for Human Rights 
agreed to call a moratorium on any type 
of demonstrations. As the weeks and 
months unfolded we realized that we 
were the victims of a broken promise. 
The signs remained. As in so many 
experiences of the past we were con­
fronted with blasted hopes, and the 
dark shadow of a deep disappointment 
settled upon us. So we had no alterna­
tive except that of preparing for direct 
action^^whereby we would present our 
very bodies as a means of laying our 
case before the conscience of the local 
and national community. We were not 
unmindful of the difficulties involved. 
So we decided to go through a process 
of self-purification. We started having 
workshops on nonviolence and re­
peatedly asked ourselves the questions, 
“Are you able to accept blows without 
retaliating?” “Are you able to endure 
the ordeals of jail?”

We decided to set our direct action 
program around the Easter season, 
realizing that with the exception of 
Christmas, this was the largest shop­
ping period of the year. Knowing that 
a strong economic withdrawal program 
would be the by-product of direct 
action, we felt that this was the best 
time to bring pressure on the mer­
chants for the needed changes. Then 
it occurred to us that the March elec­
tion was ahead, and so we speedily 
decided to postpone action until after 
election day. When we discovered that 
Mr. Connor was in the run-off, we 
decided again to postpone action so 
that the demonstrations could not be 
used to cloud the issues. At this time 
we agreed to begin our nonviolent 
witness the day after the run-off.

This reveals that we did not move 
irresponsibly into direct action. We 
too wanted to see Mr. Connor de­
feated; so we went through postpone­



ment after postponement to aid in this 
community need. After this we felt 
that direct action could be delayed no 
longer.

You may well ask, “Why direct 
action? Why sit-ins, marches, etc.? 
Isn’t negotiation a better path?” You 
are exactly right in your call for 
negotiation. Indeed, this is the purpose 
of direct action. Nonviolent direct ac­
tion seeks to create such a crisis and 
establish such creative tension that a 
community that has constantly re­
fused to negotiate is forced to confront 
the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the 
issue that it can no longer be ignored. 
I just referred to the creation of ten­
sion as a part of the work of the non­
violent resister. This may sound rather 
shocking. But I must confess that I 
am not afraid of the word tension. I 
have earnestly worked and preached 
against violent tension, but there is a 
type of constructive nonviolent ten­
sion that is necessary for growth. Just 
as Socrates felt that it was necessary to 
create a tension in the mind so that 
individuals could rise from the bond­
age of myths and half-truths to the 
unfettered realm of creative analysis 
and objective appraisal, we must see 
the need of having nonviolent gadflies 
to create the kind of tension in society 
that will help men rise from the dark 
depths of prejudice and racism to the 
majestic heights of understanding and 
brotherhood. So the purpose of the 
direct action is to create a situation so 
crisis-packed that it will inevitably open 
the door to negotiation. We, therefore, 
concur with you in your call for nego­
tiation. Too long has our beloved 
Southland been bogged down in the 
tragic attempt to live in monologue 
rather than dialogue.

One of the basic points in your 
statement is that our acts arc untimely. 
Some have asked, “Why didn’t you 
give the new administration time to

act?” The only answer that I can give 
to this inquiry is that the new admini­
stration must be prodded about as 
much as the outgoing one before it 
acts. We will be sadly mistaken if we 
feel that the election of Mr. Boutwell 
will bring the millennium to Birming­
ham. While Mr. Boutwell is much 
more articulate and gentle than Mr. 
Connor, they are both segregationists 
dedicated to the task of maintaining 
the status quo. The hope I see in Mr. 
Boutwell is that he will be reasonable 
enough to see the futility of massive 
resistance to desegregation. But he will 
not see this without pressure from the 
devotees of civil rights. My friends, I 
must say to you that we have not made 
a single gain in civil rights without 
determined legal and nonviolent pres­
sure. History is the long and tragic 
story of the fact that privileged groups 
seldom give up their privileges volun­
tarily. Individuals may see the moral 
light and voluntarily give up their un­
just posture; but as Reinhold Niebuhr 
has reminded us, groups are more 
immoral than individuals.

We know through painful experi­
ence that freedom is never voluntarily 
given by the oppressor; it must be 
demanded by the oppressed. Frankly I 
have never yet engaged in a direct 
action movement that was “well 
timed,” according to the timetable of 
those who have not suffered unduly 
from the disease of segregation. For 
years now I have heard the word 
“Wait!” It rings in the ear of every 
Negro with a piercing familiarity. This 
“wait” has almost always meant “nev­
er.” It has been a tranquilizing thalid­
omide, relieving the emotional stress 
for a moment, only to give birth to an 
ill-formed infant of frustration. We 
must come to see with the distin­
guished jurist of yesterday that “justice 
too long delayed is justice denied.” 
We have waited for more than three



hundred and forty years for our con­
stitutional and God-given rights. The 
nations of Asia and Africa are moving 
with jet-like speed toward the goal of 
political independence, and we still 
creep at horse and buggy pace toward 
the gaining of a cup of coffee at a 
lunch counter.
, I guess it is easy for those who have 
never felt the stinging darts of segre­
gation to say wait. But when you have 
seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers 
and fathers at will and drown your 
sisters and brothers at whim; when you 
have seen hate filled policemen curse, 
kick, brutalize, and even kill your 
black brothers and sisters with impu­
nity; when you see the vast majority 
of your twenty million Negro brothers 
smothering in an air-tight cage of 
poverty in the midst of an affluent 
society; when you suddenly find your 
tongue twisted and your speech stam­
mering as you seek to explain to your 
six-year-old daughter why she can’t 
go to the public amusement park that 
has just been advertised on television, 
and see tears welling up in her little 
eyes when she is told that Funtown is 
closed to colored children, and see the 
depressing clouds of inferiority begin 
to form in her little mental sky, and 
see her begin to distort her little per­
sonality by unconsciously developing 
a bitterness toward white people; when 
you have to concoct an answer for a 
five-year-old son asking in agonizing 
pathos: “Daddy, why do white people 
treat colored people so mean?”; when 
you take a cross country drive and find 
it necessary to sleep night after night in 
the uncomfortable corners of your 
automobile because no motel will ac­
cept you; when you are humiliated day 
in and day out by nagging signs read­
ing “white” men and “colored”; when 
your first name becomes “nigger” and 
your middle name becomes “boy” 
(however old you are) and your last

name becomes “John,” and when your 
wife and mother are never given the re­
spected title “M rs.” ; when you are 
harried by day and haunted by night 
by the fact that you are a Negro, living 
constantly at tip-toe stance never quite 
knowing what to expect next, and 
plagued with inner fears and outer 
resentments; when you are forever 
fighting a degenerating sense of “no- 
bodiness”;— then you will understand 
why we find it difficult to wait. There 
comes a time when the cup of endur­
ance runs over, and men are no longer 
willing to be plunged into an abyss of 
injustice where they experience the 
bleakness of corroding despair. I hope, 
sirs, you can understand our legitimate 
and unavoidable impatience.

You express a great deal of anxiety 
over our willingness to break laws. 
This is certainly a legitimate concern. 
Since we so diligently urge people to 
obey the Supreme Court’s decision of 
1954 outlawing segregation in the 
public schools, it is rather strange and 
paradoxical to find us consciously 
breaking laws. One may well ask, 
“How can you advocate breaking some 
laws and obeying others?” The answer 
is found in the fact that there are two 
types of laws: There are just laws and 
there are unjust laws. I would be the 
first to advocate obeying just laws. 
One has not only a legal but moral 
responsibility to obey just laws. Con­
versely, one has a moral responsibility 
to disobey unjust laws. I would agree 
with Saint Augustine that “An unjust 
law is no law at all.”

N ow what is the difference between 
the two? H ow does one determine 
when a law is just or unjust? A  just 
law is a man-made code that squares 
with the moral law or the law of God. 
A n unjust law is a code that is out of 
harmony with the moral law. To put 
it in the terms of Saint Thomas 
Aquinas, an unjust law is a human law



that is not rooted in eternal and natural 
law. Any law that uplifts human per­
sonality is just. Any law that degrades 
human personality is unjust. All seg­
regation statutes are unjust because 
segregation distorts the soul and dam­
ages the personality. It gives the seg- 
regator a false sense of superiority and 
the segregated a false sense of inferi­
ority. To use the words of Martin 
Buber, the great Jewish philosopher, 
segregation substitutes an “I-it” rela­
tionship for the “I-thou” relationship, 
and ends up relegating persons to the 
status of things. So segregation is 
not only politically, economically, and 
sociologically unsound, but it is moral­
ly wrong and sinful. Paul Tillich has 
said that sin is separation. Isn’t segre­
gation an existential expression of 
man’s tragic separation, an expression 
of his awful estrangement, his terrible 
sinfulness? So I can urge men to obey 
the 1954 decision of the Supreme 
Court because it is morally right, and 
I can urge them to disobey segregation 
ordinances because they are morally 
wrong.

Let us turn to a more concrete 
example of just and unjust laws. An 
unjust law is a code that a majority 
inflicts on a minority that is not bind­
ing on itself. This is difference made 
legal. On the other hand a just law is 
a code that a majority compels a 
minority to follow that it is willing 
to follow itself. This is sameness made 
legal.

Let me give another explanation. An 
unjust law is a code inflicted upon a 
minority which that minority had no 
part in enacting or creating because 
they did not have the unhampered 
right to vote. Who can say the legisla­
ture of Alabama which set up the 
segregation laws was democratically 
elected? Throughout the state of Ala­
bama all types of conniving methods 
are used to prevent Negroes from be­

coming registered voters and there are 
some counties without a single Negro 
registered to vote despite the fact that 
the Negro constitutes a majority of the 
population. Can any law set up in 
such a state be considered democrati­
cally structured?

These are just a few examples of 
unjust and just laws. There are some 
instances when a law is just on its face 
but unjust in its application. For in­
stance, I was arrested Friday on a 
charge of parading without a permit. 
N ow there is nothing wrong with an 
ordinance which requires a permit for 
a parade, but when the ordinance is 
used to preserve segregation and to 
deny citizens the First Amendment 
privilege of peaceful assembly and 
peaceful protest, then it becomes 
unjust.

I hope you can see the distinction I 
am trying to point out. In no sense do 
I advocate evading or defying the law 
as the rabid segregationist would do. 
This would lead to anarchy. One who 
breaks an unjust law must do it openly, 
lovingly (not hatefully as the white 
mothers did in New Orleans when they 
were seen on television screaming 
“nigger, nigger, nigger”) and with a 
willingness to accept the penalty. I 
submit that an individual who breaks 
a law that conscience tells him is un­
just, and willingly accepts the penalty 
by staying in jail to arouse the con­
science of the community over its 
injustice, is in reality expressing the 
very highest respect for law.

Of course there is nothing new 
about this kind of civil disobedience. 
It was seen sublimely in the refusal of 
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego to 
obey the laws of Nebuchadnezzar be­
cause a higher moral law was involved. 
It was practiced superbly by the early 
Christians who were willing to face 
hungry lions and the excruciating pain 
of chopping blocks, before submitting



to certain unjust laws of the Roman 
Empire. To a degree academic free­
dom is a reality today because Socrates 
practiced civil disobedience.

We can never forget that everything 
Hitler did in Germany was “legal” 
and everything the Hungarian freedom  
fighters did in Hungary was “illegal.” 
It was “illegal” to aid and comfort a 
Jew in Hitler’s Germany. But I am 
sure that, if I had lived in Germany 
during that time, I would have aided 
and comforted my Jewish brothers 
even though it was illegal. If I lived 
in a communist country today where 
certain principles dear to the Christian 
faith are suppressed, I believe I would 
openly advocate disobeying these anti- 
religious laws.

I must make two honest confessions 
to you, my Christian and Jewish 
brothers. First I must confess that 
over the last few years I have been 
gravely disappointed with the white 
moderate. I have almost reached the 
regrettable conclusion that the Negroes’ 
great stumbling block in the stride 
toward freedom is not the White Citi­
zens’ “Counciler” or the Ku Klux 
Klanner, but the white moderate who 
is more devoted to “order” than to 
justice; who prefers a negative peace 
which is the absence of tension to a 
positive peace which is the presence of 
justice; who constantly says “I agree 
with you in the goal you seek, but I 
can’t agree with your methods of direct 
action” ; who paternalistically feels that 
he can set the time-table for another 
man’s freedom; who lives by the myth 
of time and who constantly advises the 
Negro to wait until a “more convenient 
season.” Shallow understanding from 
people of good will is more frustrating 
than absolute misunderstanding from  
people of ill will. Lukewarm accept­
ance is much more bewildering than 
outright rejection.

I had hoped that the white moderate

8

would understand that law and order 
exist for the purpose of establishing 
justice, and that when they fail to do 
this they become the dangerously struc­
tured dams that block the flow of 
social progress. I had hoped that the 
white moderate would understand that 
the present tension in the South is 
merely a necessary phase of the transi­
tion from an obnoxious negative peace, 
where the Negro passively accepted 
his unjust plight, to a substance-filled 
positive peace, where all men will re­
spect the dignity and worth of human 
personality. Actually, we who engage 
in nonviolent direct action are not the 
creators of tension. We merely bring 
to the surface the hidden tension that 
is already alive. We bring it out in 
the open where it can be seen and 
dealt with. Like a boil that can never 
be cured as long as it is covered up 
but must be opened with all its pus­
flowing ugliness to the natural medi­
cines of air and light, injustice must 
likewise be exposed, with all of the 
tension its exposing creates, to the 
light of human conscience and the air 
of national opinion before it can be 
cured.

In your statement you asserted that 
our actions, even though peaceful, 
must be condemned because they pre­
cipitate violence. But can this asser­
tion be logically made? Isn’t this like 
condemning the robbed man because 
his possession of money precipitated 
the evil act of robbery? Isn’t this like 
condemning Socrates because his un­
swerving commitment to truth and his 
philosophical delvings precipitated the 
misguided popular mind to make him 
drink the hemlock? Isn’t this like con­
demning Jesus because His unique God 
consciousness and never-ceasing devo­
tion to His will precipitated the evil act 
of crucifixion? We must come to see, 
as federal courts have consistently 
affirmed, that it is immoral to urge



an individual to withdraw his efforts 
to gain his basic constitutional rights 
because the quest precipitates violence. 
Society must protect the robbed and 
punish the robber.

I had also hoped that the white mod­
erate would reject the myth of time. I 
received a letter this morning from a 
white brother in Texas which said: 
“All Christians know that the colored 
people will receive equal rights even­
tually, but is it possible that you are 
in too great of a religious hurry? It has 
taken Christianity almost 2000  years 
to accomplish what it has. The teach­
ings of Christ take time to come to 
earth.” All that is said here grows out 
of a tragic misconception of time. It is 
the strangely irrational notion that 
there is something in the very flow of 
time that will inevitably cure all ills. 
Actually time is neutral. It can be used 
either destructively or constructively. I 
am coming to feel that the people of 
ill will have used time much more ef­
fectively than the people of good will. 
We will have to repent in this genera­
tion not merely for the vitriolic words 
and actions of the bad people, but for 
the appalling silence of the good 
people. We must come to see that 
human progress never rolls in on 
wheels of inevitability. It comes 
through the tireless efforts and persist­
ent work of men willing to be co­
workers with God, and without this 
hard work time itself becomes an ally 
of the forces of social stagnation.

We must use time creatively, and 
forever realize that the time is always 
ripe to do right. Now is the time to 
make real the promise of democracy, 
and transform our pending national 
elegy into a creative psalm of brother­
hood. Now is the time to lift our na­
tional policy from the quicksand of 
racial injustice to the solid rock of 
human dignity.

You spoke of our activity in Bir­

mingham as extreme. At first I was 
rather disappointed that fellow clergy­
men would see my nonviolent efforts as 
those of the extremist. I started think­
ing about the fact that I stand in the 
middle of two opposing forces in the 
Negro community. One is a force of 
complacency made up of Negroes who, 
as a result of long years of oppression, 
have been so completely drained of self- 
respect and a sense of “somebodiness” 
that they have adjusted to segregation, 
and of a few Negroes in the middle class 
who, because of a degree of academic 
and economic security, and because at 
points they profit by segregation, have 
unconsciously become insensitive to 
the problems of the masses. The other 
force is one of bitterness and hatred 
and comes perilously close to advocat­
ing violence. It is expressed in the 
various black nationalist groups that 
are springing up over the nation, the 
largest and best known being Elijah 
Muhammad’s Muslim movement. This 
movement is nourished by the con­
temporary frustration over the contin­
ued existence of racial discrimination. 
It is made up of people who have lost 
faith in America, who have absolutely 
repudiated Christianity, .and who have 
concluded that the white man is an 
incurable “devil.” I have tried to stand 
between these two forces saying that 
we need not follow the “do-nothing- 
ism” of the complacent or the hatred 
and despair of the black nationalist. 
There is the more excellent way of 
love and nonviolent protest. I’m grate­
ful to God that, through the Negro 
church, the dimension of nonviolence 
entered our struggle. If this philosophy 
had not emerged I am convinced that 
by now many streets of the South 
would be flowing with floods of blood. 
And I am further convinced that if our 
white brothers dismiss us as “rabble 
rousers” and “outside agitators”—  
those of us who are working through



the channels of nonviolent direct action 
— and refuse to support our nonviolent 
efforts, millions of Negroes, out of frus­
tration and despair, will seek solace and 
security in black nationalist ideologies, 
a development that will lead inevitably 
to a frightening racial nightmare.

Oppressed people cannot remain 
oppressed forever. The urge for free­
dom will eventually come. This is what 
has happened to the American Negro. 
Something within has reminded him 
of his birthright of freedom; something 
without has reminded him that he can 
gain it. Consciously and unconsciously, 
he has been swept in by what the 
Germans call the Zeitgeist, and with 
his black brothers of Africa, and his 
brown and ypllow brothers of Asia, 
South America, and the Caribbean, he 
is moving with a sense of cosmic 
urgency toward the promised land of 
racial justice. Recognizing this vital 
urge that has engulfed the Negro com­
munity, one should readily understand 
public demonstrations. The Negro has 
many pent-up resentments and latent 
frustrations. He has to get them out. 
So let him march sometime; let him 
have his prayer pilgrimages to the city 
hall; understand why he must have 
sit-ins and freedom rides. If his re­
pressed emotions do not come out in 
these nonviolent ways, they will come 
out in ominous expressions of violence. 
This is not a threat; it is a fact of his­
tory. So 1 have not said to my people, 
“Get rid of your discontent.” But I 
have, tried to say that this normal and 
healthy discontent can be channeled 
through the creative outlet of nonvio­
lent direct action. Now this approach is 
being dismissed as extremist. I must 
admit that I was initially disappointed 
in being so categorized.

But as I continued to think about 
the matter I gradually gained a bit of 
satisfaction from being considered an 
extremist. Was not Jesus an extremist

10

in love? “Love your enemies, bless 
them that curse you, pray for them 
that despitefully use you.” Was not 
Amos an extremist for justice— “Let 
justice roll down- like waters and 
righteousness like a mighty stream.” 
Was not Paul an extremist for the 
gospel of Jesus Christ— “I bear in my 
body the marks of the Lord Jesus.” 
Was not Martin Luther an extremist—  
“Here I stand; I can do none other so 
help me God.” Was not John Bunyan 
an extremist— “I will stay in jail to 
the end of my days before I make a 
butchery of my conscience.” Was not 
Abraham Lincoln an extremist— “This 
nation cannot survive half slave and 
half free.” Was not Thomas Jefferson 
an extremist— “We hold these truths 
to be self evident that all men are 
created equal.” So the question is not 
whether we will be extremist but what 
kind of extremist will we be. Will we 
be extremists for hate or will we be 
extremists for love? Will we be ex­
tremists for the preservation of injus­
tice— or will we be extremists for the 
cause of justice? In that dramatic 
scene on Calvary’s hill three men were 
crucified. We must never forget that 
all three were crucified for the same 
crime— the crime of extremism. Two 
were extremists tor immorality, and thus 
fell below their environment. The 
other, Jesus Christ, was an extremist 
for love, truth, and goodness, and 
thereby rose above His environment. 
So, after all, maybe the South, the 
nation, and the world are in dire need 
of creative extremists.

I had hoped that the white moderate 
would sec this. Maybe I was too op­
timistic. Maybe I expected too much. 
I guess I should have realized that 
few members of a race that has op­
pressed another race can understand 
or appreciate the deep groans and 
passionate yearnings of those that have 
been oppressed, and still fewer have



the vision to see that injustice must be 
rooted out by strong, persistent, and 
determined action. I am thankful, how­
ever, that some of our white brothers 
have grasped the meaning of this 
social revolution and committed them­
selves to it. They are still all too small 
in quantity, but they are big in quality. 
Some like Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, 
Harry Golden, and James Dabbs have 
written about our struggle in eloquent, 
prophetic, and understanding terms. 
Others have marched with us down 
nameless streets of the South. They 
have languished in filthy, roach-infested 
jails, suffering the abuse and brutality 
of angry policemen who see them as 
“dirty nigger lovers.” They, unlike so 
many of their moderate brothers and 
sisters, have recognized the urgency of 
the moment and sensed the need for 
powerful “action” antidotes to combat 
the disease of segregation.

Let me rush on to mention my other 
disappointment. I have been so greatly 
disappointed with the white Church 
and its leadership. Of course there are 
some notable exceptions. I am not 
unmindful of the fact that each of you 
has taken some significant stands on 
this issue. I commend you. Rev. Stal­
lings, for your Christian stand on this 
past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes 
to your worship service on a non-seg- 
regated basis. I commend the Catholic 
leaders of this state for integrating 
Springhill College several years ago.

But despite these notable exceptions 
I must honestly reiterate that I have 
been disappointed with the Church. 
I do not say that as one of those 
negative critics who can always find 
something wrong with the Church. I 
say it as a minister of the gospel, who 
loves the Church; who was nurtured in 
its bosom; who has been sustained by 
its spiritual blessings and who will re­
main true to it as long as the cord of 
life shall lengthen.

I had the strange feeling when I was 
suddenly catapulted into the leader­
ship of the bus protest in Montgomery 
several years ago that we would have 
the support of the white Church. I felt 
that the white ministers, priests, and 
rabbis of the South would be some 
of our strongest allies. Instead, some 
have been outright opponents, refusing 
to understand the freedom movement 
and misrepresenting its leaders; all too 
many others have been more cautious 
than courageous and have remained 
silent behind the anesthetizing security 
of stained glass windows.

In spite of my shattered dreams of 
the past, I came to Birmingham with 
the hope that the white religious lead­
ership of this community would see 
the justice of our cause and, with deep 
moral concern, serve as the channel 
through which our just grievances 
could get to the power structure. I had 
hoped that each of you would under­
stand. But again I have been disap­
pointed.

I have heard numerous religious 
leaders of the South call upon their 
worshippers to comply with a de­
segregation decision because it is the 
law, but I have longed-to hear white 
ministers say follow this decree be­
cause integration is morally right and 
the Negro is your brother. In the 
midst of blatant injustices inflicted 
upon the Negro, I have watched white 
churches stand on the sideline and 
merely mouth pious irrelevancies and 
sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst 
of a mighty struggle to rid our nation 
of racial and economic injustice, I 
have heard so many ministers say, 
“Those are social issues with which the 
Gospel has no real concern,” and 
I have watched so many churches 
commit themselves to a completely 
other-worldly religion which made a 
strange distinction between body and 
soul, the sacred and the secular.

11



So here we are moving toward the 
exit of the twentieth century with a 
religious community largely adjusted 
to the status quo, standing as a tail 
light behind other community agencies 
rather than a headlight leading men to 
higher levels of justice.

I have travelled the length and 
breadth of Alabama, Mississippi, and 
all the other Southern states. On swel­
tering summer days and crisp autumn 
mornings I have looked at her beauti­
ful churches with their spires pointing 
heavenward. I have beheld the impres­
sive outlay of her massive religious 
education buildings. Over and over 
again I have found myself ' asking: 
“Who worships here? Who is their 
God? Where were their voices when 
the lips of Governor Barnett dripped 
with words of interposition and nullifi­
cation? Where were they when Gover­
nor Wallace, gave the clarion call for 
defiance and hatred? Where were their 
voices of support when tired, bruised, 
and weary Negro men and women de­
cided to rise from the dark dungeons 
of complacency to the bright hills of 
creative protest?”

Yes, these questions are still in my 
mind. In deep disappointment, I have 
wept over the laxity of the Church. But 
be assured that my tears have been 
tears of love. There can be no deep 
disappointment where there is not deep 
love. Yes, I love the Church; I love 
her sacred walls. How could I do 
otherwise? I am in the rather unique 
position of being the son, the grandson, 
and the great grandson of preachers. 
Yes, I see the Church as the body of 
Christ. But, oh! How we have blem­
ished and scarred that body through 
social neglect and fear of being non­
conformist.

There was a time when the Church 
was very powerful. It was during that 
period when the early Christians re­
joiced when they were deemed worthy

to suffer for what they believed. In 
those days the Church was not merely 
a thermometer that recorded the ideas 
and principles of popular opinion; it 
was a thermostat that transformed the 
mores of society. Wherever the early 
Christians entered a town the power 
structure got disturbed and immedi­
ately sought to convict them for being 
“disturbers of the peace” and “outside 
agitators.” But they went on with the 
conviction that they were a “colony 
of heaven” and had to obey God 
rather than man. They were small in 
number but big in commitment. They 
were too God-intoxicated to be “astro­
nomically intimidated.” They brought 
an end to such ancient evils as infan­
ticide and gladiatorial contest.

Things are different now. The con­
temporary Church is so often a weak, 
ineffectual voice with an uncertain 
sound. It is so often the arch-supporter 
of the status quo. Far from being dis­
turbed by the presence of the Church, 
the power structure of the average 
community is consoled by the Church’s 
silent and often vocal sanction of 
things as they are.

But the judgment of God is upon the 
Church as never before. If the Church 
of today does not recapture the sacri­
ficial spirit of the early Church, it will 
lose its authentic ring, forfeit the loy­
alty of millions, and be dismissed as 
an irrelevant social club with no mean­
ing for the twentieth century. I am 
meeting young people every day 
whose disappointment with the Church 
has risen to outright disgust.

Maybe again I have been too opti­
mistic. Is organized religion too inextric­
ably bound to the status quo to save 
our nation and the world? Maybe I 
must turn my faith to the inner spir­
itual Church, the church within the 
Church, as the true ecclesia and the 
hope of the world. But again I am 
thankful to God that some noble souls



from the ranks of organized religion 
have broken loose from the paralyzing 
chains of conformity and joined us as 
active partners in the struggle for 
freedom. They have left their secure 
congregations and walked the streets 
of Albany, Georgia, with us. They 
have gone through the highways of the 
South on torturous rides for freedom. 
Yes, they have gone to jail with us. 
Some have been kicked out of their 
churches and lost the support of their 
bishops and fellow ministers. But they 
have gone with the faith that right 
defeated is stronger than evil trium­
phant. These men have been the 
leaven in the lump of the race. Their 
witness has been the spiritual salt that 
has preserved the true meaning of the 
Gospel in these troubled times. They 
have carved a tunnel of hope through 
the dark mountain of disappointment.

I hope the Church as a whole will 
meet the challenge of this decisive 
hour. But even if the Church does not 
come to the aid of justice, I have no 
despair about the future. I have no 
fear about the outcome of our struggle 
in Birmingham, even if our motives 
are presently misunderstood. We will 
reach the goal of freedom in Birming­
ham and all over the nation, because 
the goal of America is freedom. 
Abused and scorned though we may 
be, our destiny is tied up with the 
destiny of America. Before the pil­
grims landed at Plymouth, we were 
here. Before the pen of Jefferson 
etched across the pages of history the 
majestic words of the Declaration of 
Independence, we were here. For more 
than two centuries our foreparents 
labored in this country without wages; 
they made cotton “king”; and they built 
the homes of their masters in the midst 
of brutal injustice and shameful humil­
iation— and yet out of a bottomless 
vitality they continued to thrive and 
develop. If the inexpressible cruelties

of slavery could not stop us, the op­
position we now face will surely fail. 
We will win our freedom because the 
sacred heritage of our nation and the 
eternal will of God are embodied in 
our echoing demands.

I must close now. But before closing 
I am impelled to mention one other 
point in your statement that troubled 
me profoundly. You warmly com ­
mended the Birmingham police force 
for keeping “order” and “preventing 
violence.” I don’t believe you would 
have so warmly commended the police 
force if you had seen its angry violent 
dogs literally biting six unarmed, non­
violent Negroes. I don’t believe you 
would so quickly commend the police­
men if you would observe their ugly 
and inhuman treatment of Negroes 
here in the city jail; if you would watch 
them push and curse old Negro women 
and young Negro girls; if you would 
see them slap and kick old Negro men 
and young Negro boys; if you will 
observe them, as they did on two oc­
casions, refuse to give us food because 
we wanted to sing our grace together. 
I’m sorry that I can’t join you in your 
praise for the police department.

It is true that they have been rather 
disciplined in their public handling of 
the demonstrators. In this sense they 
have been rather publicly “nonvio­
lent.” But for what purpose? To pre­
serve the evil system of segregation. 
Over the last few years I have con­
sistently preached that nonviolence 
demands that the means we use must 
be as pure as the ends we seek. So I 
have tried to make it clear that it is 
wrong to use immoral means to attain 
moral ends. But now I must affirm 
that it is just as wrong, or even moreso, 
to use moral means to preserve im­
moral ends. Maybe Mr. Connor and 
his policemen have been rather pub­
licly nonviolent, as Chief Prichett was 
in Albany, Georgia, but they have used 

13



the moral means of nonviolence to 
maintain the immoral end of flagrant 
racial injustice. T. S. Eliot has said 
that there is no greater treason than 
to do the right deed for the wrong 
reason.

I wish you had commended the 
Negro sit-inners and demonstrators of 
Birmingham for their sublime courage, 
their willingness to suffer, and their 
amazing discipline in the midst of the 
most inhuman provocation. One day 
the South will recognize its real heroes. 
They will be the James Merediths, 
courageously and with a majestic sense 
of purpose, facing jeering and hostile 
mobs and the agonizing loneliness that 
characterizes the life of the pioneer. 
They will be old, oppressed, battered 
Negro women,, symbolized in a sev­
enty-two year old woman of Mont­
gomery, Alabama, who rose up with 
a sense of dignity and with her people 
decided not' to ride the segregated 
buses, and responded to one who in­
quired about her tiredness with ungram­
matical profundity: “M y feets is tired, 
but my soul is rested.” They will be 
young high school and college students, 
young ministers of the gospel and a 
host of the elders, courageously and 
nonviolently sitting in at lunch coun­
ters and willingly going to jail for 
conscience sake. One day the South 
will know that when these disinherited 
children of God sat down at lunch 
counters they were in reality standing 
up for the best in the American dream 
and the m ost sacred values in our Judeo- 
Christian heritage, and thus carrying 
our whole nation back to great wells of

democracy which were dug deep by the 
founding fathers in the formulation of 
the Constitution and the Declaration 
of Independence.

Never before have I written a letter 
this long (or should I say a book?). 
I’m afraid that it is much too long to 
take your precious time. I can assure 
you that it would have been much 
shorter if I had been writing from a 
comfortable desk, but what else is 
there to do when you are alone for 
days in the dull monotony of a narrow 
jail cell other than write long letters, 
think strange thoughts, and pray long 
prayers?

If I have said anything in this letter 
that is an overstatement of the truth and 
is indicative of an unreasonable impa­
tience, I beg you to forgive me. If I have 
said anything in this letter that is an un­
derstatement of the truth and is indica­
tive of my having a patience that makes 
me patient with anything less than 
brotherhood, I beg God to forgive me.

I hope this letter finds you strong in 
the faith. I also hope that circum­
stances will soon make it possible for 
me to meet each of you, not as an inte- 
grationist or a civil rights leader, but 
as a fellow clergyman and a Christian 
brother. Let us all hope that the dark 
clouds of racial prejudice will soon 
pass away and the deep fog of mis­
understanding will be lifted from our 
fear-drenched communities and in 
some not too distant tomorrow the 
radiant stars of love and brotherhood 
will shine over our great nation with 
all of their scintillating beauty.

Yours for the cause of
Peace and Brotherhood

M a r t in  L u t h e r  K in g , J r .



hollowing* is a verbatim copy oj the public statement directed 
to Martin Luther King, Jr., by eight Alabama clergymen, which 
occasioned his reply.

April 12, 1963
We the undersigned clergymen iire among ihose who. in January, issued 

“An Appeal for Law and Order and Common Sense," in dealing with racial 
problems in Alabama. We expressed understanding that honest convictions in 
racial matters could properly be pursued in the courts, but urged that decisions 
of those courts should in the meantime be peacefully obeyed.

Since that time there had been some evidence of increased forbearance and 
a willingness to face facts. Responsible citizens have undertaken to work on 
various problems which cause racial friction and unrest. In Birmingham, recent 
public events have given indication that we all have opportunity for a new 
constructive and realistic approach to racial problems.

However, we are now confronted by a series of demonstrations by some of 
our Negro citizens, directed and led in part by  ̂outsiders. We recognize the 
natural impatience of people who feel that their hopes are slow in being realized. 
But we are convinced that these demonstrations are unwise and untimely.

We agree rather with certain local Negro leadership which has called for 
honest and open negotiation of racial issues in our area. And we believe this 
kind of facing of issues can best be accomplished by citizens of our own 
metropolitan area, white and Negro, meeting with their knowledge and experi­
ence of the local situation. All of us need to face that responsibility and find 
proper channels for its accomplishment.

Just as we formerly pointed out that “hatred and violence have no sanction 
in our religious and political traditions," we also point out that such actions 
as incite to hatred and violence, however technically peaceful those actions may 
be, have not contributed to the resolution of our local problems. We do not 
believe that these days of new hope are days when extreme measures are 
justified in Birmingham.

We commend the community as a whole, and the local news media and law 
enforcement officials in particular, on the calm manner in which these demon­
strations have been handled. We urge the public to continue to show restraint 
should the demonstrations continue, and the law enforcement officials to remain 
calm and continue to protect our city from violence.

We further strongly urge our own Negro community to withdraw support 
from these demonstrations, and to unite locally in working peacefully for a 
better Birmingham. When rights are consistently denied, a cause should be 
pressed in the courts and in negotiations among local leaders, and not in the 
streets. We appeal to both our white and Negro citizenry to observe the 
principles of law and order and common sense.

Signed by:

C. C. J. C arpenter, D.D., LL.D., Bishop of Alabama
Joseph A. D urick, D.D., Auxiliary Bishop, Diocese of Mobile-Birmingham 
Rabbi M ilton L. G rafman, Temple Emanu-EI, Birmingham, Alabama 
Bishop Paul Hardin, Bishop of the Alabama-West Florida Conference of the 

Methodist Church
Bishop Nolan B. Harmon, Bishop of the North Alabama Conference of the 

Methodist Church
G eorge M. M urray, D.D., LL.D., Bishop Coadjutor, Episcopal Diocese of 

Alabama.
Edward V. Ramace, Moderator, Synod of the Alabama Presbyterian Church 

in the United States
Earl Stallings, Pastor, First Baptist Church, Birmingham, Alabama



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i i '4



Came from All Over 
To March Again for King

By ACHSAH NESMITH
They had a hard time getting the wagon in 

through the crowd to accept its burden, and a 
hard time getting the people to move so the 
body could be brought from the church, but 
finally, at 12:30 p.m., the mule-drawn wagon 
with its casket covered in white carnations and 
Easter lilies moved out.

Black men in black suits carrying black hats 
and mopping their brows with clean white 
handerchiefs, people in African dress, nuns in 
heavy shoes, their scrubbed cheeks pink from 
the sun, bearded boys and mini-skirted girls, 
senators and governors and priests, old women 
and young men and children.

First, the officials and celebrities — Gov. 
Nelson Rockefeller of New York early, shaking 
hands as he walked, Sammy Davis in orange 
glasses, weeping, Eartha Kitt red-eyed, Floyd 
Patterson with hands being outstretched to him

quickly from the crowd. Then as the crowd al­
most closed off the line of march Sen. Robert 
Kennedy and his wife Ethel came through, the 
senator’s arms held back, accepting the hands 
thrust at him but looking sad and shaken and 
unwilling to do that. “I touched him and he’s 
shaking like a leaf,” a Negro man near the 
front commented.

Other dignitaries and celebrities passed and 
gradually the ordinary people stopped looking 
and started marching. Past Wheat Street Bap­
tist Church and the black-draped Southern Chris­
tian Leadership Conference, past the Yeah-Man 
Beer and Wine Store. And then they began to 
really march instead of just walk, past the 
Royal Theater with ‘‘Day of the Evil Gun,” on 
the marquee.

Ralph Bunche, undersecretary General of 

Continued on Page 15, Column 3



10 m d
Attending
Funeral
Hie following widely-known 

I personalities were among per- 
I sons who were in Atlanta Tues- 
I day for the funeral of Dr. Mar- 
I tin Luther King Jr.;

Mrs. J(rfm F. Kennedy and 
I Mrs. Medgar Evers.

GOVERNMENT-Vice Presi 
dent Hubert Humphrey; Atty. 
Gen. Ramsey Clark; Labor Sec­
retary Wijiard Wirtz; Housing 
Secret«7 ' Robert Weaver; Su­
preme Court Justice Thurgood 
Marshall: Assistant Secretary of 
State Nicholas Katzenbach; Sen 
Robert F. Kennedy, D-N.Y.; Sen 
E d w a r d  Kennedy, D.-Mass. 
New York Mayor John Lindsay 
Sargent Shriver, U.S. Ambassa­
dor to France; Undersecretary 
General Ralph Bunche of the 
United Nations; Secretary of 
State G. Izzardi of Puerto Rico; 
Sen. Eugene McCarthy, D.-Minn.

Gov. Nelwn Rockefeller of 
New York; Gov. George Rom­
ney of Michigan; Gov. Otto 
Kerner of Dlinois; Gov. Ronald 
Reagan of California; Mayor 
Jerome P. Cavanagh of Detroit; 
Mayor Ivan Allen of Atlanta; 
Rep. John Conyers, D. Mich.

Rep. Fletcher Thompson, R.- 
Ga.; Rep. Paul Findley, R.-Ill.; 
Rep. John R. Dellenbeck, R.- 
Ore.; Rep. Marvin L. Esch, R.- 
Mich.; Rep. Charles E. Goodell,
R.-N.Y.; Rep. Margaret Heck­
ler, R.-Mass.; Rep James Har­
vey R-Mich.; Rep. Seymour Hal- 
pem, R.-N.Y.; Rep. F. Bradford 
Morse, R.-Mass.; Rep. Fred 
Schwengel, R.-Iowa.

Rep. Richard S. Schweiker,
R.-Pa.; Rep. Ogden Reid, R.-
N.Y.; R ^ . Donald W. Riegel 
Jr., R.-Mich.; Rep. Robert Taft 
Jr., R.-Ohio; Rep. Charles W. 
Whalen Jr., R.-Ohio; Rep. Clark 
MacGregor, R.-Minn.; Rep. Phil- 
hp E. Ruppe, R.-Mich.; Milwau­
kee Mayor Henry Maier.

The Rev. James Groppi, mil­
itant Milwaukee clergyman; 
Erwin France, administrative 
assistant to Chicago Mayor 
Richard Daley; Walter E. Wash­
ington, mayor of Washington,
D.C.; John Doar, former Justice 
Department civil rights special­
ist; Bill Moyers, former Johnson 
press secretary; Carl Stokes, 
mayor of Cleveland.

Richard Hatcher, mayor of 
Gary, Ind.; Gov. Harold Levan- 
der, of Minnesota; Gov. Ray­
mond Shafer of Pennsylvania; 
Mayor Joseph Alioto of San 
Francisco; New York C i t y  
Council President Frank O’Con­
nor; Sen. Jacob Javits of New 
York; Sen. Walter Mondale of 
Minnesota; Sen. Clifford Case 
of New Jersey; Sen. Edward 
Brooke of Massachusetts and 
Memphis City Council Chair­
man Downing Pryor.

DIPLOMATS -  Angier Biddle 
Duke, chief of protocol, U.S, 
State Department; Arthur J. 
Goldberg, U.S. ambassador to 
the United Nations; Roy Jenk­
ins," British chancellor of the 
exchequer; Sir Patrick Dean, 
British ambassador to t h e  
United States; Dr, Guillermo 
Sevilla-Sacasa, ambassador of 
Nicaragua; Dr. Ozuomba Am- 
badiwe, s p e c i a l  ambassador 
from Biafra; Dr. George J. 
T o m e h ,  Syrian ambassador; 
Rashad Z u r a d; the Arab 
League’s New York representa­
tive; Achkar Marof, ambassa­
dor from Guinea; Burudi Nab- 
wera, ambassador from Kenya; 
T a i b i Benhima, ambassador 
from Morocco.

Endalkachew Makonnen, am­
bassador from Ethiopia; Arne 
Gunneng, ambassador f r o m  
Norway; Sir John Carter, am­
bassador from Guyana; Eger- 
1 0 n Richardson, ambassador 
from Jamaica; B. Jung, ambas­
sador from India; Ebenezer 
Moses D e b r a h, ambassador 
from Ghana; Dr. Ousmane S, 
Diop, ambassador from Sene­
gal; Christian Xanthopoulos- 
P a l m a s ,  ambassador f r o m  
Greece.

Carl W. A. Schurmann, am­
bassador from the Netherlands; 
Torben R o n n e, ambassador 
from D e n m a r k ;  A. Edgar 
Ritchie, ambassador from Can­
ada; John K. Waller, ambassa­
dor from Australia; S. Edward 
Peal, ambassador from Libe­
ria; Adamou Mayaki, ambassa­
dor from Niger; Boukar Abdoul, 
ambassador from Chad.

Rupiah B. Banda, ambassador 
from Zambia; Ahmed Moham- 
ed Adan. ambassador from So­
malia; Chief Michael Lukum- 
buzya, ambassador from Tan­
zania; Hubert de Besche, am­
bassador from Sweden; Frank 
Corner, ambassador from New 
Zealand, and Dr, Jose E. Im­
perial, Charge de Affairs, Phil­
ippines,

CIVIL RIGHTS LEADERS-
James Foreman, Charles Evers, 
the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, Ho- 
sea Williams, the Rev. Andrew 
Young, Bayard Rustin and 
Floyd McKissick,

ENTERTAINERS - H a r r y
Belafonte, Nancy Wilson, Ear­
ths Kitt, Mahalia Jackson, Ben 
Gazarra, Marlon Brando, Billy 
Daniels, Jimmy Brown, Sammy 
Davis Jr., Leontyne Price, Bill 
Cosby, Sidney Poitier, Peter 
Lawford, Godfrey Cambridge, 
Nipsey Russell, Alan King, Are­
tha Franklin, Diana Ross and 
the Supremes, Paul Newman, 
Dick Gregory and Dizzy Gil­
lespie,

OTHERS — Brauilo Alonzo, 
esident of the National Edu- 
ition Association; National 
WCA President Mrs, Rober’ 
ayton; McGeorge B u n d y ,  
lairman of the Ford Founda- 
in; Walter Reulher, president 

United Auto Workers; Whit- 
>y Young of National Urban 
eague, and former Vice Presi- 
>nt Richard M. Nixon.



ney Came From All Over 
o March Again for King

Continued from Page 1

United Nations, marched
'ith old-man steps, dropping 

Imt at Big Bethel to a car, 
"but the crowd marched in 
the warm April sun, some in 
tennis shoes carrying their pat­
ent pumps in the hands, some 
in well worn walking shoes, 
some in the shiny Sunday best 
shoes.

As they turned and marched 
past the old Auditorium they 
tightened and became a mighty 
surge, and as they reached the 
crest of the hill at Georgia State 
College they began to sing, their 
voices ragged from their dry 
lips, and still panting a little 
from the climb — mostly they 
didn’t sing uphill. And as they 
reached the bridge there were 
no watchers on the side, just 
marchers for a moment, surging 
forward singing “We will march 
with King Some Da-a-a-ay.”

It was there, just past the 
bridges on Courtland, that the 
motorcade, surrounded by mo­
torcycle policemen, caught up 
with the crowd and moved 
through toward the mule-drawn 
wagon, Mrs. King and the chil­
dren, and in the next car Dr. 
King’s father, his broad shoul­
ders hunched over, his graying 
head bowed, the driver gently 
patting his shoulder.

Past black-draped old Central 
Presbyterian they went, and as 
they marched in front of the 
gold-domed State Capitol, its 
flag at half-mast by order of 
Secretary of State Ben Fortson, 
their voices swelled in “Swing 
Low, Sweet Chariot,” and they 
turned past the black-draped 
City Hall, circled behind the 
Courthouse, where a Red Cross 
lady gave stragglers ice water. 
They sang “America” as they 
reached the welcome shade cast 
by the side of the old court­
house building. Some were bare­
foot, walking gingerly on the 
hot pavement.

Mrs. King g o t  o u t  and 
marched with them for several 
blocks, behind the three bright 
flags, (United States, United 
Nations and Christian! and the 
mule-drawn green wagon.

An old man in white paint- 
slattercd overalls stood silent, 
his arms hanging limply by his 
sides. A baby in a pink blanket 
lay asleep, its little hand up as 
if in salute. A heavy-set Negro 
woman beside you says “I was 
with the movement in Mont­
gomery. I walked then till he 
said ride. I fee! like I was part 
of him, or he was part of me. 
Whatsoever he said do, I was 
right there. He gave my spirit 
courage. I’ll walk to the end 
with him, all the way.”

Mrs. Amelia Scott, 50, added 
that she came in with three 
busloads f r o m  Montgomery, 
Ala. “We got here at 4 a.m. 
and got kind of lost so we didn’t 
get to the church until about 
7,” she said. But she had stood 
in the hot sun and waited till 
the march began, and she had 
marched, seeming untired as 
the crowd joined in “Glory, 
Glory Hallelujah.”

Nearby a Negro school teach­
er from Detroit marched alone 
explaining she shook Dr. King’s 
hand once. “It doesn’t seem 
like a hard march,” she said 
as she walked up the long hill 
toward Morris Brown College. 
“Perhaps it’s the cause. Maybe 
this will go further than the 
United States, maybe it will 
help when America and Hanoi 
sit down at the table.”

As they surged up the hill 
under the bridge with the sign 
“Lights on for Dr. King” their 
voices rose in “We are Climb­
ing Jacob’s Ladder,” matching 
the beat of their footsteps as 
they climbed to “higher, high­
er.” And they were a single 
voice and body as they moved 
down that hill, thousands of 
them.

Two small Negro Cub Scouts 
stood saluting long after the 
casket had passed. As they 
wound around the corner onto 
Ashby Street many coats were 
pff, but many sweating men 
still wore their coats, oblivious- 
to their comfort.

Beside you walks a womai 
who lived two blocks from Dr' 
King, her powerful voice risin^ 
strong and beautiful from her 
full bosom in “We Shall Over­
come’’—all the sadness of 
h u n d  r ed . years grief p  4be 
sound? the pain of' a neighbor 
lost, of a friend gone, but some­
thing more.

“’ITiat hurt me so bad when I 
heard he was shot. 1 was sew­
ing and I just couldn’t do an­
other thing and then they told 
me he was dead. He was such 
a wonderful man. It was so bad, 
our leader had to leave us like 
that. We’re going to have to| 
take a man out of the South 
walk with the colored man now 
so it won’t make it so hard. 
Somebody like Mayor Allen oi 
Ralph McGill. A good whiti 
man,” Mrs. Bertha Hill said.

She removed her glasses am 
wiped her eyes, and she didn’ 
put them back on, but dabbei 
at them several times along thi 
way as the crowd marched u; 
Fair Street to Dr. King's co 
lege, but ber voice rose power! 
ful and sweet and full of grie 
as she walked. “Black and whitj 
together, we shall overcome,

Ray Charles, the Albany, Ga 
native who gained intemation 
fame as a jazz composer an| 
performer, walked the enti 
route. Other mourners helpi 
guide Charles, who is blind.

And the mules turned into tl 
campus, and the plain maho] 
any casket came to rest 
boys watched from old ced; 
and blooming dogwood limbi 
and the marchers took off the] 
shoes and rubbed their tired fej 
on the cool grass. A p r i e 
shared water from a canta 
with strangers on the sidewa| 
and white women and bla- 
men stood quietly in line 
drink from a common hose 
the edge of the campus. A 
gro teen-ager shyly offered 
share her raincoat spread on t| 
grass with a white reporti 
White and black they sat do- 
together, on the grass of

campus he walked as a student 
beneath the budding _ ancient 
elms many had walked a life­
time und^r and some had never 
seen before.

ITie body of the man who had 
led so many marches had led 
its final march.



Bob H a rre ll

Something Good 
FromTAll the Bad

Jerry Byington came out of the kitchen 
of Central Presbyterian Church, stood on the 
loading dock Monday and said, “We’re going 
to have to stop accepting food. I bet we could teed 1,000 right 
now.” By breakfast Tuesday morning. Central had fed over
1,000 persons from out of state who had come to attend the 
funeral of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

The action of Central Presbyterian is just one of many 
examples of community, congregational and personal involve­
ment as Atlanta responds in brotherhood to the tragedy of 
the races.

Dr. Randolph Taylor, pastor of Central, and his wife 
manned phones in separate offices while four women in a 
larger room handled paper work and tried to keep up with 
their phones. During a brief lull of ringing phones Dr. Taylor 
said, “The Southern Christian Leadership Conference contacted 
us and asked it we would help with the anticipated crush of 
out-of-town people. Of course, we would.”

>i(
THE OUTPOURING of concern, food and plain hard 

work was evident:
After staying up all of Monday night Assistant Pastor 

Z. N. Holler left for a tew hours at home.
Mrs. Taylor said, “Now we have to get all of these chickens 

cooked that were sent over by the Playboy Club.”
Ann Leach was trying to keep up with who had donated 

what food. It was arriving too fast, from commercial firms 
and from private homes.

The Rev. Pete Peterson drove up in an enclosed truck 
that was packed to its roof with mattresses.

Mrs. Jerry Byington looked at the mattress and at the 
three flights of stairs to the gym where they had to be carried.

Mrs. George Bryan left the registration desk to help carry 
supplies into Central’s kitchen.

*  ♦ *
DR. TAYLOR said, “We have been getting calls from pri­

vate homes, white homes, homes in the northeast section ask­
ing if they can help by taking in out-of-town people here for 
the funeral.”

Earlier Mrs. Taylor had received a call from a woman 
who had described herself as a “heathen” because she didn’t 
belong to any church. The woman had requested that even 
though a heathen she wanted to help. .Mrs. Taylor informed 
the woman that she wasn’t acting like a heathen and she 
certainly could help.

Dr. Taylor looked out the office window at the mourning 
black draped on City Hall and said, “The response of just 
our little community here is gratifying.” He was talking about 
Central, The Shrine of the Immaculate Conception and Trinity 
Methodist Church, all within a block of each other, and the 
willingness of each to work day and night to provide food and 
rest for thousands.
' - '■■■ * '  ♦' ’“ 'V'" r ' ”~'

I LOOKED in Central's cafeteria. There sat a lone man, 
an early arrival for the funeral. He had a red rose in his 
lapel. I introduced myself and N. H. Harris of Montgomery 
asked me to sit down and talk.

He rubbed his gray hair as he talked: “I was there when 
it all started in Montgomery. He was all we had . . . and 
he’s gone.” He talked about “the exodus” in 1916, explaining, 
“That was before your time. That was when we left the farms 
and started to come to the cities. I stevedored for 16 years 
and worked for the railroad over 30 years.”

We would have talked longer but a white family came 
into the cafeteria and asked Mr. Harris if he was ready to 
go. The woman explained to him, “You will be our guest 
while you stay in Atlari’̂ .”

They left Central Presbyterian Church and walked to the 
late-model car. Then they drove away, the white family and 
the 90-year-old Mr. Harris. And I thought of what Mr. Harris 
had told me: “Something good has to come out of all this bad.”



AN INDi;P£MD'-^?:'i’ NE\<,’Sr'.\I>£R SATLTi ; d AY, APRIL 6, 19KS

MfiTlh-,. Lm^ 3r  E];sig jTo
To eaci! gciiDration of m ankind is given one. or 

tv/o I'-ii'-? spirits, touched hy some d iv in itj, v.ho sec 
visions and drc.ira dreams. Com mitted io some­
th ing  outside them sdves and beyond tiie orbit of 
o rd inary  lives, they  serve th eir foliow-nieii as the 
m overs and leaders of .-meiai cirange. I")!'. JIartin  
L u ther King Jr. was one of these, a inan whn.-io 
ex trao rd inary  g if's  vc.;\- cm.; n itted  to litiniRnity. 
1‘erhaps his trn.gic dcaii. wa.-- t;;e niccri.', requisite 
to m ake real Um iiurpo.m of lii.s life.

An cportlo of nonviolence, B j'. Xing was, nover- 
tholes.s, .=. m iiitan t activist. He thought of non­
violence not as inera abstention from  strife  but as 
a vital mode of action. “Vve need an alternative to 
rio ts  and to tim id  supplication,” he once said. "iSfon- 
violence is our most po ten t weapon.” There was 
som ething a t once m ystical and pragm atic about 
Ins conception of nonviolence. In that great and 
moving le tte r  l;e wrote from  the Birm ingham  jail, 
Dr. King s r id : ' “Ju st as Socrates felt U\at it was 
necessary to create a tension in the m ind-so that 
individuals could ri.se from  the bondage of m yths 
and haif-lruUi.s to the imLetlcived realm  of ci'eative 
analycsis and objective appraisal, we m ust see the 
need  of having nonviolent gadflies to create the 
kind of tension in society that will help m en rise 
from  the dark  depths of prejudice and racism  to 
the m ajestic heiglsts of under.-tanding and bro ther­
hood.”

He was a pacific m an but an i.mpalicnt one; and 
hi.s im patience was the m ark  of his liiUiianity. He 
burned  w ith indignation at the indignities and 
hum iliations and injustice." th.at were the common 
lot of Negroes in the South and at the  frustra tions 
and inequalities and poverty that were th e ir  portion 
in  the North. And he knew that “we have not m ade 
a singic gain in civil rights w ithout determ ined 
legal and nonviolent pressure. History i.s the long 
and tragic story of the fact th a t privileged groups 
seldom give I'p tlioir privileges voluntarily . . . We 
know through pairflul experience that freedom  i.s 
never voluntarily  given by the oppressor; it m ust 
be dem anded by the oppressed.”

And he added to this a b itte r, painful tru th — a

th f  ihior IIj his l : i '\  .i-iui,' sri’iu oppnrl 
ih'ir N ri^h i m:-! th-

:i h.P

i ir ily  III 
■ir irhirh 

sliiiid tip I hn

triiUi no less apposite today th-an-whea lie u ttered  
it five years ago: “For years now 1 liavo h-:ard tim 
word 'W ait:' It rln.g.s in the  car of every Negro wiilt 
a piercing fam iliarity. This hvait’ has almost alway- 
m eant ‘never.’ ”

Yet, somehow, impatience and indignation wore 
m arried  in this m an to gentleness and compassion. 
Hate wa.s altogether alien to him. The dream  he 
dream ed em braced his while as well a.i hi.s block 
brother.s. F or ho recognized th at “ th-e Negro no eds 
tiie white man to free him  from  Ids fear.s. Th.e 
white m an needs the Negro to free, him from  his 
guilt. A doctrine of black suprem acy is as evil as 
a doctrine of white suprem acy.”

Ills dream , so stirringly  recited at the  Lincoln 
M emorial at the  tim e of tiie g rea t March on War.h- 
ington of 13G.3, was the oldest and noblo.st of m an's 
dream s—the dream  of universal . brotherheori 
among the children of God. “I refuse,” he said 
tlien, “ to accept the idea that man is moj'e flotsam  
and jetsam  in the river of life \vhich surrounds 
him. I refuse to accept the  view th a t m ankind is .so 
tragically  bound to the  starless midni.ght of racism 
and w ar th a t the brigh t daybreak of peace an.d 
brotherhood can never become a rcalily .”

So he has been struck  down by I'ic very bigotry 
he sought to exorcise— and before the dream  could 
become a reality. If the  dream  em braced both w hits 
and black, th e  grief and bereavem ent are shared 
by them  as 'w ell. It is m eet th a t  there should be 
m ourning in the land. The fl-ags belong at half-staff 
for the loss of a great Am erican. The schools ought 
to bo closed on th e  day of his fu rcrril in rem em ­
brance of one who so loved little  chdldren tliat he 
p v e  his life to se.t them  free.

But th e  joining of hands in shared sorrow m ust 
bo nnaro than  ceremoni.a!, m ore than  m om entary. 
The only true  trib u te  to M artin L u ther King, lover 
of life and  lover of m ankind, is a renew ed dedica­
tion to his dream . He belongs now to all of us. The 
rich legacy he leaves can bo enjoyed only as it is 
shared by all men alike. T’ce legacy lies in  his faith  
th a t “unconditional love will have the final woid 
in reality .”

T he  only v:ny i re ern really tichicve freedom  
13 to somrhote conquer the fecr ot death. For if 
c man ha3 tint di.icovered .sotnething tha t he teill 
din for, he im 't  fit to live.

Deep dmen in our non-vioh'nt creed it the con- 
viciion that tlu'rr am  some thinqs so dear, some 
thhiys so pmciniis. some things so eternrtlly trii-, 
that they an: :e-'r;h d \ in y  for.

. le d  if rr rnnr hapfe'ps to Im he years njd. a.s I 
happ 'n to hr. ^nnin enm" truth .Unnds hrfore

ti'c/ifs to live a little  longer and he is n jreid  hi.s 
hom e leill get bom bed, or he i.s efraid that he trill 
lose his job , or he is a fraid that he trill gel ,<hot 
. . . he. tnay go on and live un til hc’.t oO, and tiie 
cessation o f breathing in his Vie is.rttrrtdy the hr- 
Intm l announcem ent o f lui earlier death o f the 
sio'rit.

M an dies irhen he refu.irs to stand up  for that 
tvhieh is right. man dies n-he.n hr rrfii.srs to 
tahe r. stand for th.at tehieh is true. So tea are 
going to st'iiid up  right, h em  . . . h'King the ivortd 
hnoie irr am  determ ined  to he free.

—Dr. M artin Lui i e f  King J r. in a Ikfi.o spoc.'.h, ,



Nov. n^. 1% '2- ' ^

LETTEK FROM A  REGION IN MY MIND
59

Take up the White M an’s burden— 
Ye dare not scoop to less—
Nor call'too loud on Freedom 
To cloak your weariness;
By all ye cry or whisper,
By all ye leave or do,
The silent, sullen peoples 
Shall weigh your Gods and you.

— K ip lin g .

Down at the cross where my Saviour died, 
Down where for cleansing from sin I cried. 
There to my heart was the blood applied, 
Singing glorv to His name!

— H v m n .

the inflection of their voices. Like the 
strangers on the Avenue, they became, 
in the twinkling of an eye, unutterably 
different and fantastically p r e s e n t. Ow­
ing to the way I had been raised, the 
abrupt discomfort that all this aroused 
in me and the fact that I  had no idea 
what mv- voice or my mind or my body 
was likely to do next caused me to con­
sider myself one of the most depraved 
people on earth. Matters were not 
helped by the fact that these holy girls 
seemed rather to enjoy my terrified

I UNDERWENT, during the sum- lapses, our grim, guilty, tormented ex- 
mer that I became fourteen, a pro- periraents, which were at once as chill 
longed religious crisis. I use the word and joyless as the Russian steppes and 

“religions” in the common, 
and arbitrary, sense,, mean­
ing that I then discovered 
God, His saints and angels, 
and His blazing. Hell. And 
since I had been born in 
a Christian nation, I accept­
ed this Deity as the only 
one. I supposed Him to 
exist only within the walls of 
a church—in fact, of o u r  
church—and I also supposed 
that God. and safety were 
synonymous. The word 
“safety” brings us to the real 
meaning of the. word “re­
ligious” as we use it. There­
fore, to state it in another, 
more accurate way, I be­
came, during, my fourteenth 
year, for the first time in my- 
life, afraid—afraid of the evil 
within me and afraid of the 
evil without. What I saw 
around me that summer in 
Harlem was what I had al­
ways seen; nothing had 
changed. But now, without 
any warning, the whores and pimps and hotter, by far, than all the fires of Hell, 
racketeers on the Avenue had become Yet there was something deeper than 
a personal menace. It had not before these changes, and less definable, that 
occurred to me that I could become frightened me. It was real in both the 
one of- them, but now I realized that boys and the girls, but it was, somehow, 
we had been produced by the same cir- more vivid in the boys. In the case of the 
cumstances. Many of my comrades girls, one watched them turning into ma- 
were clearly headed for the Avenue, trons before they had become women, 
and my father said that I was headed They began to manifest a curious and 
that way, too. My friends began to drink really rather terrifying single-minded- 
and smoke, and embarked—at first avid, ness. It is hard to say exactly how this 
then groaning—on their sexual careers, was conveyed: something implacable in 
Girls, only slightly older than I was, the set of the lips, something farseeing 
who sang in the choir or taught Sunday (seeing whatf ) in the eyes, some new 
school, the children of holy parents, un- and crushing determination in the walk, 
derwent, before my eyes, their incredi- something peremptory in the voice, 
ble metamorphosis, of which the most They did not tease us, the boys, any 
bewildering aspect was not their bud- more; they reprimanded us sharply, say- 
dii>g breasts or their rounding behinds ing, “You better be thinking about your 
but something deeper and more subtle, soul!” For the girls also saw the evi- 
in their eyes, their heat, their odor, and dence on the Avenue, knew what the

price would be, for them, of one mis­
step, knew that they had to be protected 
and that we were the only protection 
there was. They understood that they 
must act as God’s decoys, saving the 
souls of the boys for Jesus and binding 
the bodies of the boys in marriage. For 
this was the beginning of our burning 
time, and “It is better,” said St. Paul— 
who elsewhere, with a most unusual and 
stunning exactness, described himself as 
a “wretched man”—“ to marrv than to 
burn.” And I began to feel in the boys 
a curious, wary, bewildered despair, as 
though they were now settling in for the 
long, hard winter of life. I did not know 

then what it was that I was 
reacting to; I put it to my- 

■ self that they were letting 
themselves go. In the same 
way that the girls were des­
tined to gain as much weight 
as their mothers, the boys, it 
was clear, would rise no high­
er than their fathers. School 
began to reveal itself, there­
fore, as a child’s game that 
one could not win, and boys 
dropped our of school and 
went to work. My father 
wanted me to do the same. I 
refused, even though I no 
longer had any illusions about 
what an education could do 
for me; I had already en­
countered too many coliege- 
graduate handym-en. ^ ly  
friends were now “down- 
town,” busy, as they put it, 
‘̂ iT^ting the~man.'" They 
began to care less about the 
way they looked, the way 
they dressed, the things they 
did; presently, one found 

them in twos and threes and fours, in a 
hallway, sharing a jug of wine or a bot­
tle of whiskey, talking, cursing, fighting, 
sometimes weeping: lost, and unable to 
say what it was that oppressed them, ex­
cept that they knew it was “the man”— 
the white man. And there seemed to be. 
no way whatever to remove this cloudi 
that stood between them and the sun, 
between them and love and life and 

_ power, between them and whatever it̂  
was that they wanted. One did not have 
to be very bright to realize how little one 
could do to change one’s situation; one 
did not have to be abnormally sensitive 
to be worn down to a cutting edge by 
the incessant and gratuitous humiliation 
and danger one encountered every 
working day, all day long. The humilia­
tion did not apply merely to working 
days, or workers; I was thirteen and was



60

crossing Fifth Avenue on my way to the 
Forty-second Street library, and the cop 
in the middle of the street muttered as I 
passed him, “Why don’t you niggers 
stay uptown where you belong? ” When 
I was ten, and didn’t look, certainly, any 
older, two policemen amused them­
selves with me by frisking me, mak­
ing comic (and terrifying) speculations 
concerning my ancestry and probable 
sexual prowess, and, for good measure, 
leaving me flat on my back in one of 
Harlem’s empty lots. Just before and 
then during the Second World War, 
many of my friends fled into the serv­
ice, all to be changed there, and rarely 
for the better, many to be ruined, and 
many to die. Others fled to other states 
and cities—that is, to other ghettos. 
Some went on wine or whiskey or the 
needle, and are still on it. And others, 
like me, fled into the church.

For the wages of sin were visible ev­
erywhere, in every wine-stained and 
urine-splashed hallway, in every clang­
ing ambulance bell, in every scar on the

faces of the pimps and their whores, in 
every helpless, newborn baby being 
brought into this danger, in every knife 
and pistol fight on the Avenue, and in 
every disastrous bulletin: a cousin, moth­
er of six, suddenly gone mad, the chil­
dren parcelled out here and there; an in­
destructible aunt rewarded for years of 
hard labor by a slow, agonizing death 
in a terrible small room; someone’s bright 
son blown into eternity by his own hand; 
another turned robber and carried off to 
jail. It was a summer of dreadful specu­
lations and discoveries, of which these 
were not the worst. Crime became real, 
for e.xample—for the first time— not as 
a possibility but as th e  possibility. One 
would never defeat one’s circumstances 
by working and saving one’s pennies; 
one would never, by working, acquire 
that many pennies, and, besides, the so­
cial treatment accorded even the most 
successful Negroes proved that one 
needed, in order to be free, something 
more than a bank account. One needed 
a handle, a lever, a means of inspiring

‘I  hate to have to say, sir, tha t you  are not quite every th ing  
John  K . \1 .  y icC a ffery  has led  m e  to ex-pect.”

fear. It was absolutely clear that the po­
lice would whip you and take you in as 
long as they could get away with it, and 
that everyone else—hou.sewives,'tajaI~ 
drivers, elevator boys, dishwashers, bar­
tenders, lawyers, judges, doctors, and 
grocers—would never, by the operation 
of any generous human feeling, cease to 
use you as an outlet for his frustrations 
and hostilities. Neither civilized reason 
nor Christian love would cause any of 
those people to treat you as they presum­
ably wanted to be treated; dnlv the fear 
of your power to retaliate wniilrl i-anee 
them to do that, nr to seem to do it, 
which was (and is) good enough. There 
appears to be a vast amount of confusion 
on this point, but I do not know many 
Negroes who are eager to be “accepted” 
by white people, still less to be loved by 
them; they, the blacks, simply don’t 
wish to be beaten over the head hv the 
whites every instant of our hriei pas- 
sage on this planer. White people in this 
country will have quite enough to do in 
learning how to accept and love them­
selves and each other, and when they 
have achieved this—which will not be 
tomorrow and may very well be never— 
the Negro problem will no longer exist.

People more advantageously placed 
than we in Harlem were, and are, will 
no doubt find the psychology and the 
view of human nature sketched above 
dismal and shocking in the extreme. But 
the Negro’s experience of the white 
worldj cannot possibly rre-ifp in him rmy 
respect for the standards hv which, the 
white world claims to live. His own'con- 
dition is overwhelming proof that white 
people do not live by these standards. 
Negro servants have been smuggling 
odds and ends out of white homes for 
generations, and white people have been 
delighted to have them do it, because it 
has assuaged a dim guilt and testified to 
the intrinsic superiority of white people. 
Even the most doltish and servile Negro 
could scarcely fail to be impressed by the 
disparity between his situation and that 
of the people for whom he. worked; 
Negroes who were neither doltish nor 
servile did not feel that they were doing 
anything wrong when they robbed 
white people. In spite of the Puritan- 
Yankee equation of virtue with well­
being, Negroes had excellent reasons 
for doubting that money was made or 
kept by any very striking adherence to 
the Christian virtues; it certainly did not 
work that way for black Christians. In 
any case, white people, who had robbed 
black people of their liberty and who 
profited by this theft every hour that 
they lived, had no moral p-round on 
which to stand. They had the judges.



62

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the juries, the shotguns, the law—in a 
word, power. But it was a criminal pow­
er, to be feared but not respected, and 
to be outwitted in any way whatever. 
And those virtues preached but not 
practiced by the white world were mere­
ly another means of holding Negroes in 
subjection.

It turned out, then, that summer, 
that the moral barriers that I had sup­
posed to exist between me and the dan­
gers of a criminal career were so tenuous 
as to be nearly nonexistent. I certainly 
could not discover any principled reason 
for not becoming a criminal, and it is not 
my poor. God-fearing parents who are 
to be indicted for the lack but this so­
ciety. I was icily determined—more de­
termined, really, than I then knew— 
never to make mv peace with the ghetto 
but to die and ^ 'to  Hell before i  would~ 
let any white man spit on me, before I 
would accept my “place” in this repub­
lic. T did nor inread to allow the white 
people of this country to tell me who L 
was, and limit me that way, and polish 
me off that way. .And vet, of course, at 
the same time, I w a s  being spat on and 
defined and descnbed and limited, and 
could have been polished off with no ef­
fort whatever. Every Negro boy—in 
my situation during those years, at 
least—who reaches this point realizes, at 
once, profoundly, because he wants to 
live, that he stands in great peril and 
must find, with speed, a “thing,” a gim­
mick, to lift him out, to start him on his 
way. A n d  i t  d o e s  n o t  m a t t e r  w h a t  th e  
g im m ic k  is. It was this last realization 
that terrified me and—since it revealed 
that the door opened on so many dan­
gers—helped to hurl me into the church. 
.And, by an unforeseeable paradox, it 
was my career in the church that turned 
out, precisely, to be my gimmick.

For when I tried to assess my capabil­
ities, I realized that I had almost none. 
In order to achieve the life I wanted,
I had been dealt, it seemed to me, the 
worst possible hand. I could not be­
come a prizefighter—many of us tried 
but very few succeeded. I could not 
sing. I could not dance. I had been well 
conditioned by the world in which I 
grew up, so I did not yet dare take the 
idea of becoming a writer seriously. The 
only other possibility seemed to involve 
my becoming one of the sordid people on 
the Avenue, who were not really as sor­
did as I then imagined but who fright­
ened me terribly, both because I did not 

ant to live that life and because of 
what they made me feel. Everything 
inflamed me, and that was bad enough, 
but I myself had also become a source of 
fire and temptation. I had been far too



65

well raised, alas, to suppose that any of 
the extremely explicit overtures made to 
me that summer, sometimes by boys and 
girls but also, more alarmingly, by older 
men and women, had anything to do 
with my attractiveness. On the con­
trary, since the Harlem idea of seduction
is, to put it mildly, blunt, whatever these 
people saw in me merely confirmed my 
sense of my depravity.

It is certainly sad that the awakening 
of one’s senses should lead to such a mei> 
ciless judgment of oneself—to say noth­
ing of the time and anguish one spends 
in the effort to arrive at any other—but 
it is also inevitable that a literal attempt 
to mortify the flesh should be made 
among black people like those with 
whom I grew up. Negroes in this coun­
try—and (Negroes do not, strictly or 
legally speaking, exist in any other-j-are 
ttught really to despise themselves from 
the moment their eyes open on the 
world. This world is white and they are 
black. White people holH rhe pmvi-r̂  
which means that they are superior to 
blacks (intrinsically, that is: God de­
creed it so), and the world has innumer­
able ways of making this difference 
known and felt and feared. Long before 
the Negro child perceives this difference, 
and even longer befbre he understands
it, he has begun to react to it, he has be­
gun to be controlled by it. Every effort 
made by the child’s elders to prepare him 
for a fate from which they cannot pro­
tect him causes him secretly, in terror, to 
begin to await, without knowing that he 
is doing so, his mysterious and inexorable 
punishment. He must be “good” not 
only in order to please his parents and 
not only to avoid being punished by 
them; behind their authority stands an­
other. nameless and impersonal, infinite- 
ly harder to please, and bottomlesslv 
cruel. And this filters into the child’s 
consciousness through his parents’ tone 
of voice as he is being exhorted, pun­
ished, or loved; in the sudden, un­
controllable note of fear heard in his 
mother’s or his father’s voice when 
he has strayed beyond some particular 
boundary. He does not know what 
the boundary is, and he can get no 
explanation of it, which is frightening 
enough, but the fear he hears in the 
voices of his elders is more frightening 
still. The fear that I heard in mv fa­
ther’s voice, for example, when he real­
ized that I really b e l ie v e d  I could do 
anything a white boy could do, and had 
every intention of proving it, was not at 
all like the fear I heard when one of us 
was ill or had fallen down the stairs or 
strayed too far from the house. It was 
another fear, a fear that the child, in



66

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gons/wasjiutting himselt in the path of 
destruction. A child cannot, thank 
Heaven, know how vast and how merci­
less is the nature of power, with what 
unbelievable cruelty people treat each 
other. He reacts to the fear in his par­
ents’ voices because his parents hold up 
the world for him and he has no protec­
tion without them. I defended myself, 
as I imagined, against the fear my father 
made me feel by remembering that he 
was very old-fashioned. Also, I prided 
myself on the fact that I already knew 
how to outwit him. To defend oneself 
against a fear is simply to insure that one 
will, one day, be conquered by it; fears 
mu.sr he faced. As for one’s wits, it is 
just not true that one can live by them— 
not, that is, if one wishes really to live. 
That summer, in any case, all the fears 
with which I had grown up, and which 
were now a part of me and controlled 
my vision of the world, rose up like a 
wall between the world and me, and 
drove me into the church.

As I look back, everything I did 
seems curiously deliberate, though it cer­
tainly did not seem deliberate then. For 
example, I did not join the church of 
which my father was a member and in 
which he preached.- -My best friend in 
school, who attended-a different church, 
had already “surrendered his life to the 
Lord,” and he was very anxious about 
my soul’s salvation. (I wasn’t, but any 
human attention was better than none.) 
One Saturday afternoon, he took me to 
his church. There were no services that 
day, and the church was empty, except 
for some women cleaning and some oth­
er women praying. My friend took me 
into the back room to meet his pastor—3. 
woman. There she sat, in her robes, 
smiling, an extremely proud and hand­
some woman, with Africa, Europe, and 
the America of the American Indian 
blended in her face. She was perhaps 
forty-five or fifty at this time, and in our 
world she was a very celebrated woman. 
My friend was about to introduce me 
when she looked at me and smiled and 
said, “Whose little boy are youf ” Now 
this, unbelievably, was precisely the 
phrase used by pimps and racketeers on 
the Avenue when they suggested, both 
humorously and intensely, that I “hang 
out” with them. Perhaps part of the ter­
ror they had caused me to feel came 
from the fact that I unquestionably 
wanted to be s o m e b o d y 's  little boy. I 
was so frightened, and at the mercy of 
so many conundrums, that inevitably, 
that summer, s o m e o n e  would have tak­
en me over; one doesn’t, in Harlem, 
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block. It was my good luck—per­
haps—that I found myself in the church 
racket instead of some other, and sur­
rendered to a spiritual seduction long 
before I came to any carnal knowledge. 
For when the pastor asked me, with that 
marvellous smile, “Whose little boy are 
you? ’’ my heart replied at once, “Why, 
yours.”

The summer wore on, and things-got 
worse. I became more guilty and more 
frightened, and kept all this bottled, up 
inside me, and naturally, inescapably, 
one night, when this woman had fin­
ished preaching, everything came roar­
ing, screaming, crying, out, and I fell 
to the ground before the altar. It was 
the strangest sensation I have ever had

my life—up to that time, or since. I 
had not known that it was going to hap­
pen, or that it. could happen.. One mo­
ment I was on my feet, singing and 
clapping and, at the same time, work­
ing out in my head the plot of a play I 
was working on then; the next moment, 
with no transition, no sensation of fall­
ing, I was on my back, with the lights 
beating down into my face and all the 
vertical saints above me. I did not know 
what I was doing down so low, or 
how I had got there. And the anguish 
that filled me cannot be described. It 
moved in me like one of those floods that 
devastate counties, tearing everything 
down, tearing children from their par­
ents and lovers from each other, and 
making everything an unrecognizable 
waste. All I really remember is the 
pain, the unspeakable pain; it was as 
though I were yelling up to Heav&n
and "Heaven wrmM nnf henr mp-. And 
if Heaven would not hear me, if love 
could not descend from Heaven—to 
wash me, to make me clean—then utter 
disaster was my portion. Yes, it does 
indeed mean something—something- 
unspeakable— to be born, in a white 
country, an Anglo-Teutonic. antisexual 
country, black, j ou very soon, without 
knowing it, give up all hope of commu­
nion. Black peopleT^mainivTIook Hnmm 
or look up but do not look at each other, 
not at you, and white people, mainly, 
lo ^  away. And the universe is simply a 
sounding drum; there is no wav, no way 
whatever, so it seemed then and has 
sometimes seemed since, tn^et through 
a life, to love voiir ^
your friends, or voiir mother 
or to he Inved, The universe, which is 
not merely the stars and the moon and 
the planets, flowers, grass, and trees, but 
o th e r  p eop le^ hĵ s evolved no terms for 
your existence  ̂ has made no room J or 
you, and if love will not swing wide the 
gates, no other power will or can. And if



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one despairs—as who has not?—of hu­
man love, God’s love alone is left. But 
God—and I felt this even then, so long 
ago, on that tremendous floor, unwill­
ingly—is white. .And if His love was so 
great, and if He loved all His children, 
why were we, the blacks, cast down 
so far? W hyrin spite of all I said there­
after, I found no answer on the floor— 
not t h a t  answer, anyway—and I was on 
the floor all night. Over me, to bring me 
“through,” the saints sang and rejoiced 
and prayed. And in the morning, when 
they raised me, they told me that I was 
“saved.”

Well, indeed I was, in a way, for I 
was utterly drained and exhausted, and 
released, for the first time, from all my 
guilty torment. I was aware then only of 
my relief. For many years, I could not 
ask myself why human relief had to be 
achieved in a fashion at once so pagan, 
and so desperate—in a fashion at once 
so unspeakably old and so unutterably 
new. .And by the time I was”able to'ask 
myself this question, I was also able to 
see that the principles governing the rites 
and customs of the churches in which I 
grew up did not differ from the princi­
ples governing the rites and customs of 
other churches, white. The principles 
were Blindness. Lonelin-̂ f, nr'  ̂
the first principle necessarily and active­
ly cultivated in order to deny the two 
others. I would love to believe that the 
principles were Faith, Hope, and Chari­
ty, but this is clearly not so for most 
Christians, or for what we call the 
Christian world.

I was saved. But at the same time, out 
of a deep, adolescent cunning I do not 
pretend to understand, I realized im­
mediately that I could not remain in the 
church merely as another worshipper. I 
would have to give myself something to 
do, in order not to be too bored and 
find myself among all the wretched un­
saved of the Avenue. And I don’t doubt 
that I also intended to best my father on 
his own ground. .Anyway, very shortly 
after I joined the church, I became a 
preacher—a Young Minister—and I 
remained in the pulpit for more than 
three years. My youth quickly made me 
a much bigger drawing card than my 
father. I pushed this advantage ruth- 
lessly, for it was the most effective means jG  
I had found of breaking his hold over T  
me. That was the most frightening time 
of my life, and quite the most dishonest, 
and the resulting hysteria lent great pas­
sion to my sermons— for a while. I rel­
ished the attention and the relative im­
munity from punishment that my new 
status gave me, and I relished, above all, 
the sudden right to privacy. It had to be



72

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recognized, after all, that I was still 
a schoolboy, with my schoolwork to do, 
and I was also e.itpected to- prepare at 
least one sermon a week. During what 
we may call my heyday, I preached 
much more often than that. This meant 
that there were hours and even whole 
days when I could not be interrupted— 
not even by my father. I had immobi­
lized him. It took rather more time for 
me to realize that I had also immobilized 
myself, and had escaped from nothing 
whatever.

The church was very exciting. It took 
a long time for me to disengage myself 
from this excitement, and on the blind­
est, most visceral level, I never really 
have, and never will. There is no music 
like that music, no drama like the drama 
of the saints rejoicing, the sinners moan­
ing, the tambourines racing, and all 
those voices coming together and crying 
holy unto the Lord. There is still, for 
me, no pathos quite like the patitos of
those multicolored, worn, somehow tri­
umphant and transfigured fares, speak­
ing from the depths of a visihle '-ngiH-. 
continuing despair r̂ f the orr,nrW:i: of 
the Lord. I have never seen anything to 
equal the fire and excitement that some­
times, without warning, fill a church, 
causing the church, as Leadbelly and so 
many others have testified, to “rock.” 
Nothing that has happened to me since 
equals the power and the glory that I 
sometimes felt when, in the middle of a 
sermon, I knew that I was somehow, by 
some miracle, really carrying,, as they 
said, “the Word”—when the church 
and I were one. Their pain and their joy 
were mine, and mine were theirs—they 
surrendered their pain and joy to me, 
I surrendered mine to them—and their 
cries of “Amen!” and “Hallelujah!” 
and “Yes, Lord!” and “Praise His 
name!” and “Preach it, brother!” sus­
tained and whipped on my solos until we 
all became equal, wringing wet, singing



and dancing, in anguish and rejoicing, 
at the foot of the altar. It was, for a 
long time, in spite of—or, not incon­
ceivably, because of—the shabbiness of 
my motives, my only sustenance, my 
meat and drink. I rushed home from 
school, to the church, to the altar, to be 
alone there, to commune with Jesus, my 
dearest Friend, who would never fail 
me, who knew all the secrets of my 
heart. Perhaps He did, but I didn’t, 
and the bargain we struck, actually, 
down there at the foot of the cross, 
was that He would never let me find 
out.

He failed his bargain. He was a much 
better Man than I took Him for. It hap­
pened, as things do, imperceptibly, in 
many ways at once. I date it—the slow 
crumbling of my faith, the pulverization 
of my fortress—from the time, about a 
year after I had begun to preach, when 
I began to read again. I justified this de­
sire by the fact that I was still in school, 
and I began, fatally, with Dostoevski. 
By this time, I was in a high school that 
was predominantly Jewish. This meant 
that I was surrounded by people who 
were, by definition, beyond any hope of 
salvation, who laughed at the tracts and 
leaflets I brought to school, and who 
pointed out that the Gospels had been 
written long after the death of Christ. 
This might not have been so distressing 
if it had not forced me to read the tracts 
and leaflets myself, for they were in­
deed, unless one believed their message 
already, impossible to believe. I remem­
ber feeling dimly that there was a kind 
of blackmail in it. People, I felt, ought 
to love the Lord b eca u se  they loved 
Him, and not because they were afraid 
of going to Hell. I was forced, reluc­
tantly, to realize that the Bible itself had 
been written by men, and translated by 
men out of languages I could not read, 
and I was already, without quite admit­
ting it to myself, terribly involved with 
the effort of putting words on paper. Of 
course, I had the rebuttal ready: These 
men had all been operating under divine 
inspiration. H a d  theyf A l l  of them? 
And I also knew by now, alas, far more 
about divine inspiration than I dared 
admit, for I knew how I worked my­
self up into my own visions, and how 
frequently—indeed, incessantly—the 
visions God granted to me differed from 
the visions He granted to my father. I 
did not understand the dreams I had at 
night, but I knew that they were not 
holy. For that matter, I knew that my 
waking hours were far from holy. I 
spent most of my rime in a state of re­
pentance for things I had vividly desired 
to do but had not done. The fact that

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I was dealing with Jews brought the 
whole question of color, which I had 
been desperately avoiding, into the ter­
rified center of my mind. I realized 
that the Bible had been written by white 
men. I knew that, according to many 
Christians, I was a descendant of Ham, 
who had been cursed, and that I was 
therefore predestined to be a slave. This 
had nothing to do with anything I was, 
or contained, or could become; my fate 
had been sealed forever, from the be­
ginning of time. And it seemed, indeed, 
when one looked out over Christen­
dom, that this was what Christendom 
effectively believed. It was certainly the 
way it behaved. I remembered the Ital­
ian priests and bishops blessing Italian 
boys who were on their way to Ethiopia.

Again, the Jewish boys in high school 
were troubling because I could find no 
point of connection between them 
and the Jewish pawnbrokers and land­
lords and grocery-store owners in Har­
lem. I knew that these people were 
Jews—God knows I was told it often 
enough— but I thought of them only as 
white. Jews, as such, until I got to high 
school, were all incarcerated in the Old 
Testament, and their names were Abra­
ham, Moses, Daniel, Ezekiel, and Job, 
and Shadrach, Meshach, and xAbednego. 
It was bewildering to find them so many 
miles and centuries out of Egypt, and so 
far from rhe f ie r y  fnr,n<»rp. My best 
friend in high school was a Jew. He 
came to our house once, and afterward 
my father asked, as he asked about ev­
eryone, “Is he a Christian? ”—by which 
he meant “Is he saved? ” I really do not 
know whether my answer came out of 
innocence or venom, but I said, coldly, 
“No. He’s Jewish.” My father slammed 
me across the face with his great palm, 
and in that moment everything flooded 
back—all the hatred and all the fear, 
and the depth of a merciless resolve to 
kill my father rather than allow my 
father to IrilLme—and I knew that aU 
those sermons and tears and all that 
repentance and rejoicing had changed 
nothing. I wondered if I was expected 
to be glad that a friend of mine, or any­
one, was to be tormented forever in 
Hell, and I also thought, suddenly, of 
the Jews in another Christian nation, 
Germany. They were not so far from 
the fiery furnace after all, and my best 
friend might have been one of them. I 
told my father, “He’s a better Christian 
than you are,” and walked out of the 
house. The battle between us was in 
the open, but that was all right; it was 
almost a relief. A more deadly struggle 
had begun.

Being in the pulpit was like being in



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the theatre; I was behind the scenes and 
knew how the illusion was worked. I 
knew the other ministers and knew the 
quality of their lives. And I don’t mean 
to suggest by this the “Elmer Gantry” 
sort of hypocrisy concerning sensuality; 
it was a deeper, deadlier  ̂ and more
subtle hypocrisy than that, and a little 
honest sensuality, or a lot, would have 
been like water in an extremely bit­
ter desert. I knew how to work on a 
congregation until the last dime was 
surrendered—it was not very hard to 
do—and I knew where the money 
for- “the Lord’s work” went. I knew, 
though I did not wish to know it, that 
I had no respect fnc_the 
\^om  I worked. I could not have 
sSd it then, but" I also knew that if I 
continued I would soon have no re­
spect for myself. And the fact that I 
was “the young Brother Baldwin” 
increased my value with those same 
pimps and racketeers who had helped 
to stampede me into the church in the 
first place. They still saw the little boy 
they intended to take over. They were 
waiting for me to come to my senses 
and realize that I was in a very lucra­
tive business. They knew that I did 
not yet realize this, and also that I 
had nnr vet begun m ■'iifppr-t 
my own needs, c o m in g  u f  ( rhev_were 
very patient), could drive me. They 
themselves did know the score, and 
they knew that the odds were in their 
favor. And, really, I knew it, too. I 
was even lonelier and more vulnerable 
than I had been before. And the 
blood of the Lamb had not cleansed me 
in any way whatever. I was just as 
M ĉk as I had been the day that I was 
born. Therefore, when I faced a con­
gregation, it began to take all the 
strength I had not to stammer, not to 
curse, not to tell them to throw away 
their Bibles and get off their knees and 
go home and organize, for e.xample, 
a rent strike. When I watched all the 
children, their copper, brown, and beige 
faces staring up at me as I taught 
Sunday school, I felt that I was com­
mitting a crime in talking about the 
gentle Jesus, ig t&Jlipg them to reconcile 
themselves to their misery on earth in 
order to gain the crown ot eternal life. 
Were only Negroes to gain this crown? 
Was Heaven, then, to be merely anoth­
er ghetto? Perhaps I might have been 
able to reconcile myself even to this if 
I had been able to believe that there 
was any loving-kindness to he found 

in the haven 1 represented. But I had 
been in the pulpit too long and I had 
seen too many monstrous things. I don’t 
refer merely to the glaring fact that



80

the minister eventually acquires houses 
and Cadillacs while the faithful con­
tinue to scrub floors and drop their 
dimes and quarters and dollars into the 
plate. I really mean that there was 
no love in the church. It was a mask

The transfiguring power of the Holy 
Ghost ended when the service ended, 
and salvation stopped at the church 
door. When we were told to love ev­
erybody, I had thought that that meant 
e v e r y b o d y . But no. It applied only to 
those who believed as we Hid—awl it

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for hatred and self-hatred rlocpoiV

did not anniv to white people at all.
I was told by a minister, for example, 
that I should never, on any public con­
veyance, under any circumstances, rise 
and give my seat to a white woman. 
White men never rose for Negro wom­
en. Well, that was true enough, in the 
main—I saw his point. But what was 
the point, the purpose, of m y  salvation 
f it did not permit me to behave with 
love toward others, no matter how they 
behaved toward mef What others did 
was their responsibility, for which they 
would answer when the judgment 
trumpet sounded. But what I  did was 
m y  responsibility, and I would have to 
answer, too— unless, of course, there 
was also in Heaven a special dispensa­
tion for the benighted black, who was 
not to be judged in the same way as 
other human beings, or angels. It prob­
ably occurred to me around this time 
that the vision people hold of the worlrL 

JC U C O ftiE  i s T i i f  -T r e t l e r t i o 'n , with pre­
dictable wishful distortions, of the 
World m which they live. And this did 
not apply only to Negroes, who were 
no more “simple” or “spontaneous” or 
“Christian” than anybody else—who 
were merely more oppressed. In the 
same way that we, for white people, 
were the descendants of Ham, and 
were cursed forever, white people were, 
for us, the descendants of Cain. And 
the passion with which we loved the 
Lord was a measure of how deeply we 
feared and distrusted and, in the end, 
hated almost all strangers, always, and 
avoided and despised ourselves.

But I cannot leave it at that; there 
is more to it than that. In spite of ev- 
ejything, there was in the life I fled 
a zesTand a joy and a canacitv fnr_fag- 

and s u r v i v i n g G H s a s tp r  t h a t  a r e  v & rv

moving and very rare-.  ̂ Perhaps
were, all of us—pimps, whores, racket­
eers, church members, and children— 
bound together by the nature of our 
oppression, the specific and peculiar 
complex of risks we had to run; if 
so, within these limits we sometimes 
achieved jwifh each other a freedom



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that was close to love. I remember,
anyway, church suppers and outings, 
and, later, after I left the church, rent “ 
and waistline parties where rage and/ 
sorrow sat in the darkness and did noil, 
stir, and we ate and drank and talked j 
and laughed and danced and forgot 
all about “the man.” We had the j  
liquor, the chicken, the music, and each 
other, and had no need to pretend to 
be what we were not. This is the free­
dom that one hears in some gospel 
songs, for example, and in jazz. In all 
jazz, and especially in the blues, there 
is something tart and ironiCj
tative and White Amer­
icans seem to feel that happy songs are 
h a f f y  and sad songs are sad^ and that, 
God help us, is exactly the way most 
white .Americans sing them—sounding, 
in both cases, so helplessly, defenseless-_ 
ly fatuous that one dare not speculate! 
on the temperature of the deep freeze! 
from which issue their brave and sexless 
little voices. Only people who have been 
“down the line,” as the song puts it, 
know what this music is about. I think 
it was Big Bill Broonzy who used to 
sing “I Feel So Good,” a really joyful 
song about a man who is on his 
way to the railroad station to meet his 
girl. She’s coming home. It is the sing­
er’s incredibly moving exuberance that 
makes one realize how leaden the time 
must have been while she was gone. 
There is no guarantee that she will 
stay this time, either, as the singer clear­
ly knows, and, in fact, she has not yet 
actually arrived. Tonight, or tomorrow, 
or within the next five minutes, he may 
very well be singing “Lonesome in My 
Bedroom,” or insisting, “Ain’t we, 
ain’t we, going to make it all right? 
Well, if we don’t today, we will to­
morrow night.” White Americans do 
not understand the depthfj out of 
such an ironic tenifritv but they
suspect that the force is sensual, and



85

they are terrified of »tf̂ nsu.n]iry do 
not any longer ur|dfT-'=̂ t̂ r>d ir̂ JTht  ̂word 
-“sensual’* is not intended to bring 
to mind quivering dusky maidens or 
priapic black studs. I am referring to 
something much simpler and much less 
fanciful. To be sensual, I think, is to 
respect and rejoice in the force of life.
of life itself, and to he ''n ill
ihat one dons, from the effort of loving 
to the breaking of bread. It will be a 
great day for America, incidentally, 
when we begin to eat bread again, 
instead of the blasphemous and taste­
less foam rubber that we have sub­
stituted for it. And I am not being 
frivolous now, either. Spniething very 
sinister happens to the people of a 
country when they begin to distrust 
their own reactions as

here, and become as joyless as they 
have become. It is this individual un­
certainty on the part of white Amer­
ican men and women, this inability to 
renew themselves at the fountain of
t îeir own that makes the dis­
cussion, let alone elucidation, of any 
conundrum—that is, any reality—so 
supremely difficult. The person who 
distrusts himself has no touchstone for 
reality— for this touchstone can be only 
oneself. Such a person interposes be­
tween himself and reality nothing less 
than a labyrinth of attitudes, x̂ \nd these 
attitudes, furthermore, though the per­
son is usually unaware of it (is unaware 
of so much!), are historical and public 
attitudes. They do not relate to the 
present any more than they relate to 
the person. Therefore, whateverjwhite 
people do not know about Npgmf g _ea- 
\^ais. precisely and inex^nhlYi whirr 
they do not know about thrmnrlrTn 

White Christians have also forgotten 
several elementary' historical details. 
They have forgotten that the religion 
that is now identified with their virtue 
and their power—“God is on our side,” 
says Dr. Verwoerd—came out of a 
rocky piece of ground in what is now 
known as the Middle East before col­
or was invented, and that in order 
for the Christian church to be estab­
lished, Christ had to be put to death, 
by Rome, and that the real architect 
of the Christian church was not the 
disreputable, sun-baked Hebrew who 
gave it his name but the mercilessly 
fanatical and self-righteous St. Paul. 
The energy that was buried with the 
rise of the Christian nations must come 
back into the world; nothing can pre­
vent it. Many of us, I think, both long 
to see this happen and are terrified of 
it, for though this transformation con-

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87

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Cooking with Vegetables

By James A . Beard
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Asparagus and Cognac Soap
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Sa lt, pepper 
1 tbsp. grated onion
1 cup heavy cream
2 oz. cognac 
4 slices bread, diced 
6 tbsp. butter 
1 clove garlic

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Serves 4-6.

Green G iant
Good things from the garden

s) Gteen Cunt Comptor

poses a necessity for great change. But 
in order to deal with the untapped and 
dormant force of the previously sub­
jugated, in order to survive as a human, 
moving, moral weight in the world, 
America and all the Western nations 
will be forced to reexamine themselves 
and release themselves from many 
things that are now taken to be sacred, 
and to discard nearly all the assump­
tions that have been used to justify their 
lives and their anguish and their crimes 
so long.

‘‘The white man’s Heaven,” sings 
a.. Black Muslim minister, “is the black 
man’s Hell.” One may object— pos­
sibly— that this puts the matter some­
what too simply, but the song is true, 
and it has been true for as long as white 
men have ruled the world. The Afri­
cans put it another way: W hen the 
white man came to Africa, the white 
man had the Bible and the African had 
the land, but now it is the white man 
who is being, reluctantly and bloodily, 
separated from the land, and the Afri­
can who is still attempting to digefst or 
to vomit up the Bible. The struggle, 
therefore, that now begins in the world 
is extremely complex, involving the his­
torical role of Christianity in the realm 
of power— that is. politics— and in the 
realm of morals. In the realm of pow­
er, Christianity has operated with an 
unmitigated arrogance and cruelty—  
necessarily, since a religion ordinarily 
imposes on those who have discovered 
the true faith the spiritual duty of lib­
erating the infidels. This particular true 
faith, moreover, is more deeply con­
cerned about the soul than it is about 
the body, to which fact the flesh (and 
the corpses) of countless infidels bears 
witness. It goes without saying, then, 
that whoever questions the authority of 
the true faith also contests the right of 
the nations that hold this faith to rule 
over him— contests, in short, their title 
to his land. T he spreading of the Gospel, 
regardless of the motives or the in­
tegrity or the heroism of some of the 
missionaries, was an absolutely indis­
pensable justification for the pjonM'ng 
of the flag. Priests and nuns and school­
teachers helped to protect and sanctify 
the power that was so ruthlessly being 
used by people who were indeed seek­
ing a city, but not one in the heavens, 
and one to be made, very definitely, hy 
captive hands. The Christian church 
itself— again, as distinguished from some 
of its ministers— sanctified and rejoiced 
in the conquests of the flag, and en­
couraged, if it did not formulate, the be­
lief that conquest, with the resulting 
lelative well-being of the Western popu-

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lations, was proof of the favnr of Hod. 
God had'come a long way from the 
desert—but then so had Allah, though 
in a very different direction. God, go­
ing north, and rising on the wings of 
power, had become white, and Allah, 
out of power, and on the dark side of 
Heaven, had become—for all practical 
purposes, anyway—black. Thus, in the 
realm of morals the role of Christianity 
has been, at best, ambivalent. Even 
leaving out of account the remarkable 
arrogance that assumed that the ways 
and morals of others were inferior to 
those of Christians, and that they there­
fore had every right, and could use 
any means, to change them, the_rn]lj- 
sion between cultures—and the schizo­
phrenia in the mind of Christendom— 
had rendered the domain of morals as
chartless as the sen n n r ^  as
treacherous as th  ̂ It is not
too much to say that whoever wishes 
to become a truly moral human being 
(and let us not ask whether or not this 
is possible; I think we must b e liev e  that 
it is possible) must first divorce himself 
from ail the prohibitions, crimes, and
hvpocriae<i of rb** '~'hriiriin ~ i‘fF-h If 
the concept of God has any validity or 
any use, it can only be to make us larg­
er, freer, and more loving. If God 
cannot do this, then it is time we got rid 
of Him.

I HAD heard a great deal, long be­
fore I finally met him, of the Honor­

able Elijah Muhammad, and of the Na­
tion of Islam movement, of which he is 
the leader. I paid very little attention to 
what I heard, because the burden of his 
message did not strike me as being very 
original; I had been hearing variations 
of it all my life. I sometimes found my­
self in Harlem on Saturday nights, and 
I stood in the crowds, at 125th Street 
and Seventh Avenue, and listened to 
the Muslim speakers. But I had heard 
hundreds of such speeches—or so it 
seemed to me at first. Anyway, I have 
long had a very definite tendency to 
tune out the moment I come anywhere 
near either a pulpit or a soapbox. What 
these men were saying about white peo­
ple I had often heard before. And I 
dismissed the Nation of Islam’s demand 
for a separate black economy in Amer­
ica, which I had also heard before, as 
willful, and even mischievous, nonsense. 
Then two things caused me to begin to 
listen to the speeches, and one was the 
behavior of the police. After all, I had
seen men dragged from their platforms 
on this very corner for saying less viru­
lent things, and I had seen many crowds 
dispersed by policemen, with clubs or



90
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on horseback. But the policemen were 
doing nothing now. Obviously, this was 
not because they had become more hu­
man but because they were under orders 
and because they were afraid. And in­
deed they were, and I was delighted 
to see it. There they stood, in twos 
and threes and fours, in their Cub Scout 
uniforms and with their Cub Scout 
faces, totally unprepared, as is the way 
with American he-men, for anything 
that could not be settled with a club or 
a fist or a gun. I might have pitied them 
if I had not found myself in their hands 
so often and discovered, through ugly 
experience, what they were like when 
th e y  held the power and what they were 
like when yo u  held the power. The be­
havior of the crowd, its silent intensity, 
was the other thing that forced me 
to reassess the speakers and their mes­
sage. I sometimes think, with despair, 
that .Americans will swallow whole any 
political speech whatever—we’ve been 
doing very little else, tJiese last, bad 
ears—so it may not mean anything 

to say that this sense of integrity, after 
what Harlem, especially, has been 
through in the way of demagogues, was 
a very startling change. Still, the speak­
ers had an air of utter dedication, and 
the people looked toward them with 
a kind of intelligence of hope on their 
faces—not as though they were being 
consoled or drugged but as though they 
were being jolted.

Power was the subject of the speeches 
I heard. We were ofiFered, as Nation 
of Islam doctrine, historical and divine 
proof that all white people are cursed, 
and are devils, and are about to be 
brought down. This has been revealed 
by Allah Himself to His prophet, the 
Honorable Elijah Muhammad. The 
white man’s rule will be ended forever 
in ten or fifteen years (and it must be 
conceded that all present signs would 
seem to bear witness to the accuracy of 
the prophet’s statement). The crowd 
seemed to swallow this theology with no 
effort— âll crowds do swallow theology 
this way, I gather, in both sides of Jeru­
salem, in Istanbul, and in Rome—and, 
as theology goes, it was no more indi­
gestible than the more familiar brand 
asserting that there is a curse on the 
sons of Ham. No more, and no less, and 
it had been designed for the same pur­
pose; namely, the sanctification of pow- 
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theology, for one did not need to prove 
to a Harlem audience that all white men 
were devils. They were merely glad to 
have, at last, divine corroboration of 
their experience, to hear—and it was a 
tremendous thing to hear—that they



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had been lied to for all these years and 
generations, and that their captivity was 
ending, for God was black. W hy were 
they hearing it now, since this was not 
the first time it had been saidr I had 
heard it many times, from various 
prophets, during all the years that I was 
growing up. Elijah Muhammad himself 
has now been carrying the same message 
for more than thirty years; he is not an 
overnight sensation, and we owe his 
ministry, I am told, to the fact that 
when he was a child of six or so, his 
father was lynched before his eyes. (So 

_much for states’ rights.) And now, sud­
denly, people who have never before 
been able to hear this message hear it, 
and believe it, and are changed. Elijah 
Muhammad has been able to do what 
generations of welfare workers and 
committees and resolurions and reports 
and housing projects and playgrounds 
have failed to do: to heal and redeem 
drunkards and junkies, to convert peo­
ple who have come out of prison and to 
keep them out, to make men chaste and 
women virtuous, and to invest both the 
male and the female with a pride and 
a serenity that hang about them like an 
unfailing light. He has done all these 
things, which our Christian church has 
spectacularly failed to do. H ow has 
Elijah managed it.̂

W ell, in a way— and I  have no wish 
to minimize his peculiar role and his 
peculiar achievement— it is not he who 
has done it but time. Tim e catches up. 
with kingdoms and crushes them, g e ts ! 
its teeth into doctrines and rends them; i 
time reveals the foundations on which \ 
any kingdom rests, and eats at those 
foundations, and it destroys doctrines by | 
proving them to be untrue. In those 
days, not so very long ago, when the 
priests of that church which stands in 
Rome gave God’s blessing to Italian 
boys being sent out to ravage a defense­
less black country— which until that 
event, incidentally, had not considered 
itself to be black— it was not possible to 
believe in a black God. T o  entertain 
such a belief would have been to enter­
tain madness. But time has passed, and 
in that time the Christian world has re­
vealed itself as morally bankrupt and 
politically unstable. The Tunisians were 
quite right in 1956— and it was a very 
significant moment in Western (and 
African) history— when they countered 
the French justification for remaining in 
North Africa with the question “Are the 
French ready for self-government?” 
Again, the terms “civilized” and 
“Christian” begin to have a very strange 
ring, particularly in the ears of those 
who have been judged to be neither



95

civilized nor Christian, when a,Christian 
nation surrenders to a foul and violent 
orgy, as Germany did during the Third 
Reich. For the crime of their ancestry, 
millions of people in the middle of the 
twentieth century, and in the heart of 
Europe— God’s citadel— were sent to a 
death so calculated, so hideous, and so 
prolonged that no age before this en­
lightened one had been able to imagine 
it, much less achieve and record it. Fur- 
thermore, those beneath the Western 
heel, unlike those within the W est, are 
aware that Germany’s current role in 
Europe is to act as a bulwark against the 
“uncivilized” hordes, and since power is 
what the powerless want, they under­
stand, very well what we of the W est 
want to keep, and are not deluded by 
our talk of a freedom that we ha ve never 
been willinp- to share with i-hpin From  
my own point of view, the fact of the 
Third Reich alone makes obsolete for­
ever any question of Christian superior­
ity, except in technological terms. W hite 
people were, and are, astounded by the 
holocaust in Germany. They did not 
know that they could act that way. But 
I very much doubt whether black people 
ŵere astounded— at least, in the same 
fvay. For my part, the fate of the Jews, 
and the world’s indifference to it, 
frightened me very much. I could not 
but feel, in those sorrowful years, that 
this human indifference, concerning 
which I knew so much already, would 
be mv nortion on the day that the 
United States decided l-o Trmrffpr _i>g 
N egroes systematicallYGnstead of little 
by little and catch^s-catch-can. I was, 
of course, authoritatively assured that 
what had happened to the Jews in Ger­
many could not happen to the Negroes 
in America, but I  thought, bleakly, that 
the German Jews had probably believed 
similar counsellors, and, again, I could 
not share the white man’s vision of him­
self for the very good reason that white 
men in America do not behave toward 
black men the way they behave toward 
each other. W hen a white man faces a 
black man, especially if the black man is 
helpless, terrible things are f
know. 1 have been carried into preSinct 
basements often enough, and I have seen 
and heard and endured the secrets of 
desperate white men and women, which 
they knew were safe with me, because 
even i f f  should speak, no one would be­
lieve me. And they would not believe 
me precisely because they would know 
that what I said was true.

The treatment accorded the Negro 
during the Second W orld W ar marks, 
for me, a turning point in the Negro’s 
relation to America. T o  put it briefly.

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and somewhat too simply, a certain hope 
d ie d ^ certain respect for white Ameri- , 
cans faded. One began to aitv them. 
or to hate them. You must put yourself 
in the skin of a man who is wearing the 
uniform of his country, is a candidate 
for death in its defense, and who is called 
a “nigger” by his comrades-in-arms and 
his officers; who is almost always given 
the hardest, ugliest, most menial work 
to do; who knows that the white G .I. 
has informed the Europeans that he is 
subhuman (so much for the American 
male’s sexual security); who does not 
dance at the U .S .O . the night white sol- ■
diets dance there, and does not drink in 
the same bars white soldiers drink in; and 
who watches German prisoners of war 
being treated by Americans with more 
human dignity-than-he has ever received 
at their hands.' And who, at the same 
time, as a human beiny. is far freer in a 
strange land than he has ever been at 
home. Home! The very word begins to 
have a despairing and diabolical ring.
You must consider what happens to this 
citizen, after all he has endured, when 
he returns— home: search, in his- shoes, 
for-a-job, for a pkee-todive;;ride, in his 
skin, on segregated buses;~see,- with his 
eyes, the" signs saying, “W hite”  and 
“Colored,” and especially the signs that 
say “W hite Ladies” and “Colored 
W omen-" look into the eyes of his wife; 
look into the eyes of hirson;-listen, with 
his ears, to political speeches. North and 
South; imagine yourself- being-told to 
“waftri’''Aind"afl'thisis'happenmg in the 
richest and freest country.in„the. world,, 
and in the middle of the twentieth cen­
tury. T h e subtle and deadly change of 
heart that might occur in you would be 
involved with the realization that a civ­
ilization is not destroyed by wicked peo­
ple; it is not neces.sarv that penplp 
wicked but only that they be spineless. I 
and two Negro acquaintances, all of us 
well past thirty, and looking it, were 
in the bar of Chicago’s O ’Hare Airport



98

e Englishmen

M ost of them. And it’s been that way 
for years. To be blunt about it 

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several months ago, and the bartender 
refused to serve us, because, he said, we 
looked too young. It took a vast amount 
of patience not to strangle him, and 
great insistence and some luck to get the 
manager, who defended his bartender 
on the ground that he was “ new” and 
had not yet, presumably, learned how to 
distinguish between a Negro boy of 
twenty and a Negro “boy” of thirty- 
seven. W ell, we were served, finally, 
of course, but by this time no amount of 
Scotch would have helped us. The bar 
was very crowded, and our altercation 
had been extremely noisy; not one cus­
tomer in the bar had done anything to 
help us. W hen it was over, and the three 
of us stood at the bar trembling with 
rage and frustration, and drinking—  
and trapped, now, in the airport, for we 
had deliberately come early in order to 
have a few drinks and to eat— a young 
white man standing near us asked if we 
were students. I suppose he thought that 
this was the only possible explanation for 
our putting up a fight. I told him that he 
hadn’t wanted to talk to us earlier and 
we didn’t want to talk to him now. The  
reply visibly hurt his feelings, and this, 
in turn, caused me to despise him. But 
when one of us, a Korean W ar veteran, 
told this young man that the fight we 
had been having in the bar had been 
his fight, too, the young man said, “I 
lost my conscience a long time ago,” and 
turned and walked out. I know that one 
would rather not think so, but this 
young man is typical. So, on the basis of 
the evidence, had everyone else in the 
bar lost his conscience. A  few years ago, 
I would have hated these people with 
all my heart. N ow I pitied thfir i, pitied 
them in order not to riespis- And
this is not the happiest way to feel toward 
one’s countrymen.

But, in the end, it is the threat of uni­
versal extinction hanging over all-the  
w orld today that changes, totally and 
forever, the nature of renlirv and brings 
irtto'Hevastating question the true mean­
ing of man’s history. W e human beings 
now have the power to exterminate our­
selves; this seems to be the entire sum of 
our achievement. W e have taken this 
journey and arrived at this place in 
God’s name. This, then, is the best that 
God (the white G od) can do. If that is 
so, then it is time to replace Him— re­
place Him with what? And this void, 
this despair, this torment is felt every­
where in the W est, from the streets of 
Stockholm to the churches of New Or­
leans and the sidewalks of Harlem.

God is black. A ll black men belong to 
Islam; they have been chosen. And Is­
lam shall rule the world. The dream.



100

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the sentiment is old; only the color is 
new. And it is this dream, this sweet 
possibility, that thousands of oppressed 
black men and women in this country 
now carry away with them after the 
Muslim minister has spoken, through 
the dark, noisome ghetto streets, into the 
hovels where so many have perished. 
T h e white God has not delivered them:
perhaps the black (..nH will

W hile I was in Chicago last summer, 
the Honorable Elijah Muhammad in­
vited me to have dinner at his home. 
This is a stately mansion on Chicago’s 
South Side, and it is the headquarters of 
the Nation of Islam movement. I had 
not gone to Chicago to meet Elijah M u­
hammad— he was not in my thoughts at 
all— but the moment I received the in­
vitation, it occurred to me that I  ought 
to have expected it. In a way, I  owe 
the invitation to the incredible, abysmal, 
and really cowardly ohtiisenpi;g nf nrhi'tg 
liberals^  Whether in private debate or 
in public, any attempt I  made to . ex­
plain how the Black Muslim movement 
came about, and how it has achieved 
such force, was met with a blankness 
that revealed the little connection that 
the liberals’ attitudes have with their 
perceptions or their lives, or even their 
knowledge— revealed, in fact, that 
they could deal with the Negro as a sym... 
bol or a victim but had no sense of him as
a  man. W hen Malcolm X , who is con­
sidered the movement’s second-in-com­
mand, and heir apparent, points out that 
the cry of “violence” was not raised, for 
example, when the Israelis fought to re­
gain Israel, and, indeed, is raised only 
when black men indicate that they will 
fight for their rights, he is speaking the 
truth. T h e conquests of England, every 
single one of them bloody, are part of 
what Americans have in mind when 
they speak of England’s glory. In the 
United States, violence and heroism have 
been made synonymous except when it 
comes to blacks, and the only way to de­
feat Malcolm’s point is to concede it and 
then ask oneself why this is so. Malcolm’s 
statement is not answered by references 
to the triumphs of the N .A .A .C .P ., the 
more particularly since very few liberals 
have any notion of how long, how cost­
ly, and how heartbreaking a task it is to 
gather the evidence that one can carry 
into court, or how long such court bat­
tles take. Neither is it answered by ref­
erences to the student sit-in movement, 
if only because not all Negroes are stu­
dents and not all of them live in the 
South. I, in any case, certainly refuse to 
be put in the position of denying the 
truth of M alcolm’s statements simply 
because I disagree with his conclusions,



102

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or in order to pacify the liberal con­
science. Things are as bad as the Mus­
lims say they are— in fact, they are 
worse, and the Muslims do not help 
matters— but there is no reason that 
black men shoulTbe expected to be inore
patient, more forbearing, more farsee- 
ing than whites: indeed, quite the con-
trary_The real reason that non-violence 
fs considered to be a virtue in Negroes—
I am not speaking now of its tactical 
value, another matter altogether— is that 
white men do not want their lives, their 
self-image, or their property threatened. 
One wishes they would say so more 
often. At the end of a television program 
on which Malcolm X  and I both ap­
peared, Malcolm was stopped by a white 
member of the audience who said, “I 
have a thousand dollars and an acre of 
land. W hat’s going to happen to me.r”
I admired the directness of the man’s 
question, but I didn’t hear Malcolm’s 
reply, because I was trying to explain to 
someone else that the situation of the 
Irish a hundred years ago and the situa­
tion of the Negro today cannot very 
usefully be compared. Negroes were 
brought here in chains long before the 
Irish ever thought of leaving Ireland; 
what manner of consolation is it to be 
told that emigrants arriving here— vol­
untarily— long after you did have risen 
far above you? In the hall, as I  was 
waiting for the elevator, someone shook 
my hand and said, “Goodbye; M r. 
James Baldwin. W e’ll soon be address­
ing you as Mr. James X .” .And I 
thought, for an awful moment. My 
God, if this goes on much longer, you 
probably wiU. Elijah Muhammad had 
seen this show, I think, or another one, 
and he had been told about me. There­
fore, late on a hot Sunday afternoon, I . 
presented myself at his door.

I was frightened, because I had, in 
effect, been summoned into a royal pres­
ence. I was frightened for another rea­
son, too. I knew the tension in me be­
tween love and power, between pain
and rap-e, and the curious, the grinding 
way I remained extended between these 
poks— perpetually attempting to choose 
the better rather than the worse. But 
this choice was a choice in terms of a per­
sonal, a private better (I  was, after all, a 
w riter); what was its relevance in terms 
of a social worse? Here was the South 
Side— a million in captivity— stretching 
from this doorstep as far as the eye could 
see. And they didn’t even read; depressed 
populations don’t have the time or ener­
gy to spare. The affluent populations, 
which should have been their help, didn’t, 
as far as could be discovered, read, ei­
ther— they merely bought books and de-



105

voured them, but not in order to learn: 
in order to learn new attitudes. Also, I 
knew that once I had entered the house, 
I couldn’t smoke or drink, and I felt 
guilty about the cigarettes in my pocket, 
as I had felt years ago when my friend 
first took me into his church. I was half 
an hour late, having got lost on the way 
here, and I felt as deserving of a scold­
ing as a schoolboy.

T h e young man who came to the 
door— he was about thirty, perhaps, 
with a handsome, smiling face— didn’t 
seem to find my lateness offensive, and 
led me into a large room. O n one side 
of the room sat half a dozen women, all 
in white; they were much occupied with 
a beautiful baby, who seemed to belong 
to the youngest of the women. On the 
other side of the room sat seven or eight 
men, young, dressed in dark suits, very 
much at ease, and very imposing. The  
sunlight came into the room with the 
peacefulness one remembers from rooms 
in one’s early childhood— a sunlight en­
countered later only in one’s dreams. I 
remember being astounded by the quiet­
ness, the ease, the peace, the taste. I was 
introduced, they greeted me with a 
genuine cordiality and respect— and the 
respect increased my fright, for it meant 
that they e.vpected something of me that 
I knew in my heart, for their sakes, I 
could not give— and we sat down. Eli­
jah Muhammad was not in the room. 
Conversation was slow, but not as stiff 
as I had feared it would be. They kept 
it going, for I simply did not know 
which subjects I could acceptably bring 
up. They knew more about me, and had 
read more of what I had written, than 
I had expected, and I wondered what 
they made of it all, what they took my 
usefulness to be. T h e women were car­
rying on their own conversation, in low  
tones; I gathered that they were not 
expected to take part in male conversa­
tions. A  few women kept coming in and 
out of the room, apparently making 
preparations for dinner. W e, the men, 
did not plunge deeply into any subject, 
for, clearly, we were all waiting for the 
appearance of Elijah. Presently, the 
men, one by one, left the room and re­
turned. T h en  I was asked if I would like 
to wash, and I, too, walked down the 
hall to the bathroom. Shortly after I 
came back, we stood up, and Elijah en­
tered.

I do not know what I had expected 
to see. I  had read some of his speeches, 
and had heard fragments of others on 
the radio and on television, so I associ­
ated him with ferocity. But, no— the 
man who came into the room was small 
and slender, really very delicately put

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together, with a thin face, large, warm 
eyes, and a most winning smile. Some­
thing came into the room with him— his 
disciples’ joy at seeing him, his joy at 
seeing them. It was the kind of encoun- 
.ter one watches with a smile simply be­
cause it is so rare that people enjoy one 
another. He teased the women, like a 
father, with no hint of that ugly and 
unctuous flirtatiousness I knew so well 
from other churches, and they responded 
like that, with great freedom and yet 
from a great and loving distance. He 
had seen me when he came into the 
room, I knew, though he had not looked 
my way. I had the feeling, as he talked 
and laughed with the others, whom I 
could only think of as his children, that 
he was sizing me up, deciding some­
thing. Now he turned toward me, to 
welcome me, with that marvellous 
smile, and carried me back nearly twen­
ty-four years, to that moment when the 
pastor had smiled at me and said, 
“Whose little boy are your” I  did not 
respond now as I had responded then, 
because there ace some things (not 
many, alas.b) that one cannot do twice. 
But I knew, what he made me feel, how 
I was drawn toward his peculiar au­
thority, how his smile promised to take 
the burden of my life off my shoulders. 
Take your burdens to the Lord and 
Leave them there. Xhe central quality in 
Elijah’s face is pain, and his smUe is a 
witness to it^^palrTso old and deep and 
black that it becomes personal and par­
ticular only when he smiles. One won­
ders what he would sound like if he 
could sing. He turned to me, with that 
smile, and said something like “I ’ve got 
a lot to say to you, but we’ll wait until 
we %\tdown'' And I laughed. He made 
me think of my father and me as we 
might have been if we had been friends.

In the dining room, there were two 
long tables; the men sat at one and the 
women at the other. Elijah was at the 
head of our table, and I was seated at 
his left. I can scarcely remember what 
we ate, except that it was plentiful, sane, 
and simple^—so sane and simple that it 
made me feel e.xtremely decadent, and 
I think that I drank, therefore, two 
glasses of milk. Elijah mentioned hav­
ing seen me on television and said that 
it seemed to him that I was not yet 
brainwashed and was trying to become 
myself. He said this in a curiously un­
nerving way, his eyes looking into mine 
and one hand half hiding his lips, as 
though he were trying to conceal bad 
teeth. But his teeth were not bad. Then  
I remembered hearing that he had spent 
time in prison. I suppose that I would 
like to become myself, whatever that



108

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may mean, but I knew that Elijah’s 
meaning and mine were not the same. I said yes, I was trying to be me, but I did not know how to say more tjian 
that, and so I waited.

W henever Elijah spoke, a kind of 
chorus arose from the table, saying “Yes, 
that’s right.” This began to set my 
teeth on edge. And Elijah himself had 
a further, unnerving habit, which was 
to ricochet his questions and comments 
off someone else on their way to you. 
Now , turning to the man on his right, 
he began to speak of the white devils 
with whom I had last appeared on T V :  
W hat had they made him (m e) feel? I could not answer this and was not 
absolutely certain that I was expected 
to. T h e people referred to had cer­
tainly made me feel exasperated and 
useless, but I did not think of them as 
devils. Elijah went on about the crimes 
of white people, to this endless chorus 
of “Yes, that’s right.” Someone at the 
table said, “T h e white man sure is a 
devil. He proves that by his own ac­
tions.” I looked around. It was a very 
young man who had said this, scarcely 
more than a boy— very dark and sober, 
very bitter. Elijah began to speak of 
the Christian religion, of Christians, in 
this same soft, joking way. I began to 
see that Elijah’s power came from his 
single-mindedriess.. There is nothing
calculated about him; he means every 
word he says. T h e real reason, accord­
ing to Elijah, that I failed to realize 
that the white man was a devil was that 
I had been too long exposed to white 
teaching and had never received true 
instruction. “T h e so-called American 
Negro” is the only reason Allah has 
permitted the United States to endure 
so long; the white man’s time was up 
in 1913, but it is the will of Allah that 
this lost black nation, the black men of 
this country, be redeemed from their 
white masters and returned to the true 
faith, which is Islam. Until this is 
done— and it will be accomplished very 
soon— the total destruction of the white 
man is being delayed. Elijah’s mission 
is to return “the so-called Negro” to



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Islam, to separate the chosen of Allah 
from this doomed nation. Furthermore, 
the white man knows his history, knows 
himself to be a devil, and knows that 
his time is running out, and all his tech­
nology, psychology, science, and “trick- 
nology” are being expended in the ef­
fort to prevent black men from hearing 
the truth. This truth is that at the very 
beginning of time there was not one 
white face to be found in all the uni­
verse. Black men ruled the earth and 
the black man was perfect. This is the 
truth concerning the era that white men 
now refer to as prehistoric. They want 
black men to believe that they, like 
white men, once lived in caves and 
swung from trees and ate their meat 
raw and did not have the power of 
speech. But this is not true. Black men 
were never in such a condition. Allah 
allowed the Devil, through his scientists, 
to carry on infernal experiments, which 
resulted, finally, in the creation of the 
devil known as the white man, and 
later, even more disastrously, in the cre­
ation of the white woman. And it was 
decreed that these monstrous creatures 
should rule the earth for a certain num­
ber o f  years—-I forget how many thou­
sand, but, in any case, their rule now  
is ending, and Allah, who had never 
approved of the creation of the white 
man in the first place (w ho knows 
him, in fact, to be not a man at all 
but a devil), is anxious to restore the 
rule of peace that the rise of the white 
man totally destroyed. There is thus, 
by definition, no virtue in white people, 
and since they are another creation en­
tirely and can no more, by breeding, 
become black than a cat, by breeding, 
can become a horse, -there is no hope 
for them.

There is nothing new in this merci­
less formulation except the explicitness 
of its symbols and the candor of its ha­
tred. Its emotional tone is as familiar 
to me as my own skin; it is but anoth­
er way of saying that sinners shall be 
bound in Rail a thousand yearr. JChat
s in n e r s  h a ve__always,__for—American
Negroes, been white is a truth we 
needn’t labor, and every American 
Te^o, therefore, risks having the gates

of paranoia close on him. In a society 
that is entirely hostile, and, by its nature, 
seems determined to cut you down—  
that has cut down so many in the past 
and cuts down so many every day— it 
begins to. be almost impossible .to-dfs- 
tinguish a real f r o m  a fanrigd—frri'iirv. 
One can very quickly cease to attempt 
this distinction, and, what is worse, one 
usually ceases to attempt it without real- . 
izing that one has done so. All door-



THE NEW YORKER 111

men, for example, and all policemen 
have by now, for me, become exactly 
the same, and my style with them, is 
designed simply to intimidate them be­
fore they can intimidate me. N o doubt 
I am guilty of some injustice here, but 
it is irreducible, since I cannot risk as­
suming that the humanity of these peo­
ple is more real to them than their 
uniforms. Most Negroes cannot risk as- 
suming that the humanity ot white~p^- 
ply is more real to them than tneir cntTir. 
And this leads, imperceptibly but in­
evitably, to a state of mind in which, 
having long ago learned to expect the 
worst, one finds it very easy to believe 
the worst. T h e brutality with which 

p-roes are treated in this i-iNegr ountry
simply rannn t he overstated, however 
unwilling white men may be to hear 
%. In the beginning— and neither can 
this be overstated— a~Negro just can­
not believe that white people are treat­
ing him as they do; he does not know 
w hat he has Hnnp fn merit-it And when 
he realizes that the treatment accorded 
him has nothing to do with anything 
he has done, that the attempt of white 
people to destroy him— for that- is what 
it is— is utterly gratuitoas. it is not hard 
for him to think of white pe-^ple ac rlcilo  
For the horrors of the American N e­
gro’s life there has been almost nr. lan­
guage. T h e privacy of his experience, 
which is only beginning to be recog­
nized in language, and which is denied 
or ignored in official and popular 
speech— hence the Negro idiom— lends 
credibility to any system that pretends 
to clarify it. And, in fact, the truth 
about the black man, as a historical en­
tity and as a human being, has been 
hidden from him, deliberately and cruel­
ly; the power of the white werlH ri 
threatened whenever a hlark man re­
fuses to accept the white world’s defini­
tions. So evert-attempt is m.-iHe to eiit 
that black man down— not only was 
made yesterday but is made today. W ho, 
then, is to say with authority where the 
root of so much anguish and evil lies? 
W hy, then, is it not possible that all 
things began with the black man and 
that he was perfect— especially since 
this is precisely the claim that white peo­
ple have put forward for themselves all 
these years? Furthermore, it is now  
absolutely clear that white people are 
a minority in the world— so severe a 
minority that they now look rather more 
like an invention— and that they can­
not possibly hope to rule it anv longer. 
If this is so, why is it not also possible 
that they achieved their original dom­
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112

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of Heaven, and not, as they claim, by 
Heaven’s will? And if th is  is so, then 
the sword they have used so long against 
others can now, without mercy, be used 
against them. Heavenly witnesses are a 
tricky lot, to be used by whoever is clos­
est to Heaven at the time. And legend 
and theology, which are designed to 
sanctify our fears, crimes, and aspira­
tions, also reveal them for what they 
are.

I said, at last, in answer to some other 
ricocheted question, “I left the church 
twenty years ago and I haven’t joined 
anything since.” It was my way of say­
ing that I did not intend to join their 
movement, either.

“And what are you now?” Elijah 
asked.

I was in something of a bind, for I 
really could not say—could not allow 
myself to be stampeded into saying— 
that I was a Christian. “I? Now? 
Nothing.” This was not enough. “I’m 
a writer. I like doing things alone.” I 
heard myself saying this. Elijah smiled 
at me. “I don’t, anyway,” I said, final­
ly, “think about it a great deal.”

Elijah said, to his right, “I think he 
ought to think about it a ll the deal,” and 
with this the table agreed. B ut there was 
nothing malicious or condemnatory in 
it. I  had the, stifling feeling that t h e y  
knew T belonged to them hut knew that 
I did not know it vet, that I remained 
unready, and that they were' simply 
waiting, patiently, and with assurance, 
for me to discover the truth for myself. 
For where else, after all, could I go? I 
was black, and therefore a part of Islam, 
and would be saved from the holocaust 
awaiting the white world whether I 
would or no. My weak, deluded scruples 
could avail nothing against the iron 
word of the prophet.

I felt that I was back in my father’s 
house—as, indeed, in a way, I was-r- 
and I told Elijah that I  did not care if 
white and black people married, and 
that I had many white friends. I would 
have no choice, if it came to it, but to 
perish with them, for (I said to myself, 
but not to Elijah), “I love a few people 
and they love me and some of them are 
white, and isn’t love more important 
than color? ”

Elijah looked at me with great kind­
ness and affection, great pity, as though 
he were reading my heart, and indicated, 
skeptically, that I m i g h t  have white 
friends, or think I did, and they m i g h t  
be trying to be decent—now—but their 
time was up. It was almost as though he 
were saying, “They had their chance, 
man, and they goofed! ”

.And I looked around the table. I cer-

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115

tainly had no evidence to give them that 
would outweigh Elijah’s authority or 
the evidence of their own lives or the 
reality of the streets outside. Y cs, I knew 
two or three people, white, whom I 
would trust with mv life, and T knew a 
few others, white, who were struggling 
as hard as they knew how , and with 
p-reat effort and sweat and risk, to mMlrc 
the wtndd more human.-But how could 
I say this? One cannot argue with any­
one’s experience or decision or belief. All 
my evidence would be thrown out of 
court as irrelevant to the main body of 
the case, for I could cite only exceptions. 
T h e South Side proved the justice of 
the indictment; the state of the world 
proved the justice of the indictment. Ev­
erything else, stretching back through­
out recorded time, was merely a history 
of those exceptions who had tried to 
change the world and had failed. W as 
this true? they failed? How much 
depended on the point of view! For it 
would seem that a certain category of 
exceptions never failed to make the 
world worse-— that category, precisely, 
for whom power is more real than love. 
And yet power is real, and many things, 
including, very often, love, cannot be 
achieved without it. In the eeriest way 
possible, I suddenly had a glimpse of 
what white people must go through at a 
dinner table when they are trying to 
prove that Negroes are not subhuman. 
I had almost said, after all, “W ell, take 
my friend Mary,” and very nearly de­
scended to a catalogue of those virtues 
that gave Mary the right to be alive. 
And in what hope? That Elijah and the 
others would nod their heads solemnly 
and say, at last, “W ell, she’s all right—  
but the others!”

And I looked again at the young faces 
around the table, and looked back at 
Elijah, who was saying that no people in 
history had ever been respected who had



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not owned their land. And the table 
said, “Yes, that’s right.” I could not 
deny the truth of this statement. For 
everyone else has, is, a nation, with a 
specific location and a flag-—even, these 
days, the Jew. It is only “ the so-called 
American Negro” who remains trapped, 
disinherited, and despised, in a nation 
that has kept him in bondage for nearly 
four hundred years and is still unable to 
recognize him as a human being. And 
the Black Muslims, along, with many 
people who are not Muslims, no longer 
wish for a recognition' so grudging and 
(should it ever be achieved) so tardy. 
Again, it cannot be denied that this point 
of view is abundantly justified by Amer­
ican Negro history. It is calling indeed. 
to have stood so long, hat in hand, wait­
ing for Americans to grow up enoup-h to 
realize that you do not threaren them 
On the other hand, how is the American 
Negro now to form liimself into a sepa­
rate nation? For this— and not only 
from the Muslim point of view— would 
seem to be his only hope of not perishing 
in the American backwater and being 
entirely and forever forgotten, as though 
he had never existed at all and his travail 
had been fornothing.

Elijah’s intensity and the bitter isola­
tion and disaffection of these young 
men and the despair of the-streets-out- 
side had caused me to glimpse dimly 
what may now seem to be a fantasy, al­
though, in an age so fantastical, I would 
hesitate to say precisely what a fantasy 
is. Let us say that the Muslims were to 
achieve the possession of the six or seven 
states that they claim are owed to Ne­
groes by the United States as “ back 
payment” for slave labor. Clearly, the 
U  nited States would never surrender this 
territory, on any terms whatever, unless 
it found it impossible, for whatever.rea­
son, to hold it— unless, that is, the Unit­
ed States were to be reduced as a world 
power, e.xactly the way, and at the same 
degree of speed, that England has been 
forced to relinquish her Empire. (It  is 
simply not true—rand the state of her ex­
colonies proves this— that England “al­
ways meant to go.” ) If  the states were 
Sotithern states— and the Muslims seem 
to favor this— then the borders of a hos­
tile Larin America would be raised, in 
effect, to, say, Maryland. O f the Amer­
ican borders on the sea, one would face 
toward a powerless Europe and the oth­
er toward an untrustworthy and non­
white East, and on the North, after 
Canada, there would be only Alaska, 
which is a Russian border. The effect 
of this would be that the white people of 
the United States and Canada would 
find themselves marooned on a hostile

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continent, with the rest of the white 
world probably unwilling and certainly 
unable to come to their aid. All this is 
not, to my mind, the most imminent of 
possibilities, but if  I were a Muslim, this 
is the possibility that I would find myself 
holding in the center of my mind, and 
driving toward. And if I were a Mus­
lim, I would not hesitate to utilize— or, 
indeed, to exacerbate— the social and 
spiritual discontent that reigns here, for, 
at the very worst, I would merely have 
contributed to the destruction of a house 
I hated, and it would not matter if I 
perished, too. One has been perishing 
here so long!

And what were they thinking around 
the table? “I ’ve come,” said Elijah, “ to 
give you something which can never be 
taken away from you.” How solemn 
the table became then, and how great a 
light rose in the dark faces! This is the 
message that has spread through streets 
and tenements and prisons, through the 
narcotics wards,, and past the filth and 
sadism of mental hospitals; to a people 
from whom everything, has been taken 
away, including, most crucially, their 
sense of their own worth. People cannot 
live without this sense; they will do any­
thing whatever to regain it. This is why 
the most dangerous creation of any so­
ciety IS that man who has nothing to
lose. Y ou do not iieed ten such men—  
one will do. And Elijah, I should imag­
ine, has had nothing to lose since the 
day he saw his father’s blood rush out—  
rush down, and splash, so the legend has 
it, down through the leaves of a tree, 
on him. But neither did the other men 
around the table have anything to lose. 
“ Return to your true religion,” Elijah 
has written. “T h row  off the chains of 
the slavemaster, the devil, and return 
to the fold. Stop drinking his alcohol, 
using his dope— protect your women—  
and forsake the filthy swine.” I remem­
bered my buddies of years ago, in the 
hallways, with their wine and their 
whiskey and their tears; in hallways 
still, frozen on the needle; and my 
brother saying to me once,- “If Harlem 
didn’t have so many churches and 
junkies, there’d be blood flowing in the 
streets.” Protect your women: a diffi­
cult thing to do in a civilization sexu­
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masculinity depends on a denial of the 
masculinity of the blacks. Protect your 
women: in a civilization that emascu­
lates the male and abuses the female, 
and in which, moreover, the male is 
forced to depend on the female’s bread­
winning power. Protect your women: 
in the teeth of the white man’s boast 
“W e figure we’re doing you folks a fa-

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vor by pumping some white blood into 
your kids,” and while facing the South­
ern shotgun and the Northern billy. 
Years ago, we used to say, “Yes, I ’m 
black, goddammit, and I ’m beauti­
fu l!”— in defiance, into the void. But 
now— now— African kings and heroes 
have come into the world, out of the 
past, the past that can now be put to the 
uses of power. And black has become a 
beautiful color— not because it is loved 
-but because it is feared. And this urgen-
c”y on the part of American Negroes is 
not to be foxgotten! As they watch 
black men el.sewhere rise, th** pvr,iT,i'cf. 
held out! at last, that they may walk the 
earth with the nirh^riry "rith—which
white men walk, protected by the power 
that white men shall have no longer, is 
enough, and more than enniin-.h,.n\emp- 
tV prisons and pull nod dmim . from 
Heaven. It has happened before, many 
times, before color was invented, and 
the hope of Heaven has always been a 
metaphor for the achievement of this 
particular state of grace. T h e  song says, 
“I know my robe’s going to fit me well. 
I  tried it on at the gates of Hell.”

It was time to leave, and we stood in 
thelarge living room, saying good night, 
with everything curiously and heavily 
unresolved. I could not help feeling that 
I had failed a test, in-their eyes and in 
my own, or that I had failed to heed a 
warning. Elijah.and I shoothands, and 
he asked me w h erel was-going; W here- 
ever it was, I would be- driven- there—- 
“.because, when we—.invite -someone 
here,” he said, “we take the responsibil­
ity of protecting him from the white 
devils until he gets wherever it is he’s 
going..’.’-1-was, in fact; going fd have a 
-drink with-.several white devils on the 
other side of town. I cmifess that for a 
fraction of a second I hesitated to give 
the address— the kind of address-that in 
Chicago, as in all American cities, iden­
tified itself as a white address by virtue 
of its location. BuL-L-did—give-it;-and 
Elijah and I walked out onto the steps, 
and one of the young men vanished to 
get the car. It was very strange to stand 
with Elijah for those few moments, fac­
ing those vivid, violent, so problematical 
streets. I felt very close to him, and 
really wished to be able to love and 
honor him as a ^ tn ess. -an ally, and a 
father. I felt that I knew something of
his pain and his fury, and, yes, even
his beauty; Yet precisely became of the
reality and the nature of those slxsets----
because ot what he conreived â i—his 
responsibility and what I took—ter-fae 

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THE NEW YORKER 121

American blue— and Elijah and I  shook 
' hands and said good night once more. 

He walked into his mansion and shut 
the door.

T h e driver and I started on our way 
through dark, murmuring— and, at this 
hour, strangely beautiful— Chicago, 
along the lake. W e returned to the dis­
cussion of the land. H ow were we—  
Negroes— to get this land? I asked this 
of the dark boy who had said earlier, 
at the table, that the white man’s actions 
proved him to be a devil. He spoke to 
me first of the Muslim temples that were 
being built, or were about to be built, in 
various parts of the United States, of the 
strength of the Muslim following, and 
of the amount of money that is annually 
at the disposal of Negroes— something 
like twenty billion dollars. “T h at alone 
shows you how strong we are,” he said. 
But, I persisted, cautiously, and in 
somewhat different terms, this twenty 
billion dollars, or whatever it is, de­
pends on the total economy of the Unit­
ed States. W hat happens when the 
Negro is no longer a part of this econ­
omy? Leaving aside the fact that in 
order for this to happen the economy 
of the United States will itself have had 
to undergo radical and certainly dis­
astrous changes, the American Negro’s 
spending power will obviously no long­
er be the same. O n what, then, will 
the economy of this separate nation be 
based? T h e boy gave me a rather 
strange look. I said hurriedly, “I ’m not 
saying it can t be done— I just want to 
know how it’s to be done.” I was think­
ing, In order for this to happen, your 
entire frame of reference will have to 
change, and you will be forced to sur­
render many things that you now scarce­
ly know you have. I didn’t feel that 
the things I had in mind, such as the 
pseudo-elegant heap of tin in which 
we were riding, had any very great

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value. But life would be very different 
without them, and I wondered if he 
had thought of this.

How can one, however, dream  of 
power m any other terms than in the 
symbols of power r The boy could see 
that freedom depended on the possession 
of land; he was, persuaded that, in one 
way or another, Negroes must achieve 
this possession. In the meantime, he 
could walk the streets and fear nothing, 
because there were millions like him, 
coming soon, now, to power. He was 
held together, in short, by a dream—  
though it is just as well to remember 
that some dreams come true— and was 
united with his “brothers” on the basis 
of their color. Perhaps one cannot ask 
for more. People always seem to band 
together according to a principle that has 
nothing to do with love, a principle that 
releases them from personal responsibil­
ity- -

Yet I cowId-hav-e.hQ^d that the Mus­
lim movemfejtf had treefn^ble to inculcate 
in the demofalized, N e ^ o  population a 
truer and more indivs^al sense of its 
own worth, so that Negroes in the 
Northern ghettos could begin, in con­
crete terms, and at whatever price, to 
change their situation. But in order 
to change a situation, one has first to see 
it for what. it- is: in the present case, to 
accept the fact, whatever one does with 
it~fher^fter,- that-the Negro has been
formed by this nation, for better or f or 
worse, and does not belonn to any 
other— not to Africa, and certainly not 
JoJdam . T h e paradox— and a fearful 
paradox it is— is that the American 
Negro can hat e no future anywhere, on

lo accept his past. T o  accept one’s past—  
one’s history— is not the same thing as 
drowning in it; it is learning- how to use 
it. An invented past can never he used: it 
cracks and crumbles under the pressures 
of life like day in a season of drought. 
How can the American Negro’s past be
used; T h e unprecedented price de­
manded— and at this embattled hour of 
the world’s history— is the transcend­
ence of the realities of color, of nations, 
and of altars.

“Anyway,” the boy said suddenly, 
after a very long silence, “ things w on ’t 
ever again be the way they used tojbe. I 
know that."

And so we arrived in enemy territory, 
and they set me down at the enemy’s 
door.

N O one seems to know where the 
Nation of Islam gets its money. 

A vast amount, of course, is contributed 
by Negroes, but there are rumors to the

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127

‘< m M  AN AUTOMOBILE!̂ ^

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Here at last is a machine that 
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effect that people like the Birchites and 
certain Texas oil millionaires look with 
favor on the movement. I have no way 
of knowing whether there is any truth 
to the rumors, though since these peo­
ple make such a point of keeping the 
races separate, I wouldn’t be surprised 
if for this smoke there was some fire. 
In any case, during a recent Muslim 
rally, George Lincoln Rockwell,- the 
chief of the American Nazi party, made 
a point of contributing about twenty 
dollars to the cause, and he and M al­
colm X  decided that, racially speaking, 
anyway, they were in complete agree­
ment. T h e glorification of one race. 
and the- consequent debasement-of-an­
other— or others— always has been and 
always will be a recipe for murder. 
There is no way around this. I f  one 
is permitted to treat any group of people 
with special disfavor because of their 
race or the color of their, skin, there is 
no limit to what one w ilt force them to 
endure, and, since the entire race .has 
been mysteriously indicted, no reason 
not to attempt to destroy it root and 
branch. This is precisely what the Nazis 
attempted. Their only originality lay 
in the means they used. It is scarcely 
worthwhile to attempt remembering 
how many times the sun has looked 
down on the slaughter of the innocents. 
I am very much concerned that Ameri­
can Negroes achieve their freedom here 
in the United States. But I am also 
concerned for their dip-nitv. for the 
health ot their souls, and mnsf nppng/-

SINCE 1791 
TIMEPIECES OF

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any attempt that N eg'-'̂ <“= rnoy ■v.-Ur-
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them. 1 think I know— we see it around 
us every day— the spiritual wasteland 
to which that road leads. It is so simple 
a fact and one that is so hard, apparent­
ly, to grasp: Whoever debases others is 
debasing himselj. That is not. a mysti­
cal statement but a most realistic one, 
which is proved by the eyes of any Ala­
bama sheriff— and I  would not like to 
see Negroes ever arrive at so wretched 
a condition.

Now , it is extremely unlikely that 
Negroes will ever rise to power in the 
United htates, because they are only 
approximately a ninth of this nation. 
T h ey are not in the position of the 
Africans, who are attempting to reclaim 
their land and break the colonial yoke 
and recover from the colonial experi­
ence. T h e Negro situation is dangerous 
in a different wav, both for the Nesrro

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128

YEARS 
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Muslims react to this fact by refer­
ring to the Negro as “ the so-called 
American Negro” and substituting for 
the names inherited from slavery the 
letter “X .” It is a fact that every 
American Negro bears a name that 
originally belonged to the white man 
whose chattel he was. I am called 
Baldwin because I was either sold by 
my African tribe or kidnapped out of 
it into the hands of a white Christian 
named Baldwin, who forced me to 
kneel at the foot of the cross. I am, 
then, both visibly and legally the de
scendant of slaves in a white, Protestant 
country, and this is what it m e a n ^ o 
be an American Negro, this is who he
is’— a kidnapped pagan, who was sold
like an animal and treated like _one, 
who was once defined by the Ameri- 

~ Constitution as "tnree-ritths” ~oT a
man, and who, according to the Dred
Scott decision, had no rights that a 
w hite man knunrl f" i-nop-i-f And
today, a hundred years after his tech­
nical emancipation, he remains— with 
the possible exception of the American 
Indian— the most despised creature in 
his country. N ow , there is simply no 
possibility of a real change in the Ne­
gro’s situation without the most radical 
and far-reaching changes in the Ameri- 
can political and social structure. And 
it is clear that white Americans are not 
simply unwilling to effect these changes: 
they are, in the main, so slothful h a v e  
they become, unable even to envision
them. It must be added that the Negro 
himself no longer believes in the good
faith oLwhite Americans— if, indeed, 

has discovered, and on an international
level, is that power to intimidate which 
he has always had privately but hitherto 
could manipulate only privately— for, 
private ends often, for limited ends al­
ways. And therefore when the coun­
try speaks of a “new” Negro, which it 
has been .doing every hour on the hour 
for decades, it is not really referring 
to a change in the Negro, which, in any 
case, it is quite incapable of assessing, but 
only to a new difficulty in keeping him 
in his place, to the fact that it encoun- 
ters him ( again! again! ) barring yet
another door to its spiritual and social

Lease. This is probably, hard and odd 
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important things; hence the torment 
and necessity of love— and this is the
enormous contribution that the N egro 
has made to this otherwise shapeless and 
undiscovered country. Consequently, 
vvhite Americans are in nothing more

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130

MONTOYA’S 
TOWN HALL 
TRIUMPH!

deluded than in supposing that Negroes 
could ever have imagined that ^yhh° 
ŷ p l e  would ‘Vive” them anvthincr. It 
js rare -indeed that people give. Most 
people guard and keep; they suppose 
that it is they themselves and what they 
identify with themselves that thfey are 
guarding and keeping, whereas what 
they are actually guarding and keeping 
is their system of reality and what they

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assume themselves to be. One can give 
hotKing whatever without giving one­
self— that is to say, risking oneself. If 
one cannot risk oneself, then one is 
simply incapable of giving. And, after 
all, one can give freedom only by set
tilippsomeone free. This, in the case 
o f the Negro, the Amerir^r. rppnhiiV 
has never become suffirientlv mature 
to do. W hite Americans have contented 
themselves with gestures that are now 
described as “ tokenism.” For hard ex­
ample, white Americans congratulate 
themselves on the 1954 Supreme Court 
decision outlawing segregation in the 
schools; they suppose, in spite of the 
mountain of evidence that has since ac­
cumulated to the contrary, that this 
was proof of a change of heart— or, as 
they like to say, progress. Perhaps. It 
all depends on how one reads the word 
“progress.” Most of the Negroes I know 
do not believe that this immense-con­
cession would ever have been made if 
it had not been for the competition of 
the Cold W ar, and the fact that Africa 
was clearly liberating herself and there­
fore had, for politicaL-reasons,- to be 
wooed by the descendants o fjie r  for­
mer masters. Had it been a matter, of 
love or iiistice. the 1 954 deritinn  iwmlH 
surely h ^ e  occurred saoBefr- were it 
not for the realities of pny'‘‘r
difficult era, it might very well not have
orriirrerl ve t This seems a a  e.xtremely 
harsh way of stating the case— ungrate­
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supports this way of stating it is not 
easily refuted. I myself do not think 
that it can be refuted at all. In any 
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including black Amencans, really he  ̂
lieve. T h e word “independence” ’in 
Africa and the word “integration” here 
are almost equally meaningless; that is, 
Europe has not yet left Africa, and black

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132

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men here are not yet free. And both of 
these last statements are undeniable 
facts, related facts, containing the grav­
est implications for us all. T h e Negroes 
of this country may never he able to
rise to power, but they are very well
placed indeed to precipitate chaos and
ring down the curtain on the American
dream.

This has everything to do, of course, 
with the nature of that dream and with 
the fact that we Americans, of whatever 
color, do not dare examine it and are far 
from having made it a reality. There are 
too many things we do not wish to know 
about ourselves. People are not, for 
example, terribly anxious i-f- hp pgngl 
(equal, after all, to what and to 
whom? ) but they love the idea of hpino- 
superior. And this human truth has an 
especially grinding force here, where 
identity is almost impossible to achieve 
and people are perpetually attempting to 
find their feet on the shifting sands of 
status. (Consider the history of labor in 
a country in which, spiritually speaking, 
there are no workers, only candidates 
for “the hand of the boss’s daughter.) 
Furthermore,' I  have" met only a very 
few people— and most bf these were not 
Americans— who had any real desire to 
be free. Freedom is hard to bear. It can 
be objected that I am speaking of polit­
ical freedom in spiritual terms, but the 
political institutions of any nation are 
always menaced and are ultimately con­
trolled by the spiritual state of that na­
tion. W e are controlled here bv—our 
confusion, far more than we know, and 
tfe  American dream has thpr5o£&-be- 
come something much more Hnsely rj:- 
se'mbling a nightma a ^ n  the_pm ate. 
domestic, aridinternatinpai levels. Pri- 
vately, we cannot stand our lives and 
dare not examine thein: domestically, 
we take no responsihilitv fo r land no-
pnrie in 1 what i ^ s  on in 0'"' onuntry.; 
and, internationally, for many 
orpeople. we are an unmitigated disas- 

Jer- Whoever doubts this last statement 
has only to open his ears, his heart, his 
mind, to the testimony of— for exam­
ple— any Cuban peasant or any Spanish 
poet, and ask himself what /le would 
feel about us if he were the victim of our 
performance in pre-Castro Cuba or in 
Spain. W e defend our curious role in 
Spain by referring to the Russian men­
ace and the necessity of protecting the 
free world. It has not occurred to us 
that we have simply been mesmerized 
by Russia, and that the only real advan­
tage Russia has in what we think of as a 
struggle between the East and the W est 
is the moral history of the Western 
world. Russia’s secret weapon is the be-

N O V E M D E R  1 7 , 19 G2
FO R T H E

A D V A N C E D  C O L L E C T O R

E X H I B I T I O N  

and S A L E  of

R A R E

I L L U M I N A T I O N S

OF THE
XIII, XIV, X V  

CENTURIES

Through December 1

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THE NEW YORKER 133

wilderment and despair and hunger of 
millions of people of whose existence we 
are scarcely aware. T h e Russian Com­
munists are not in the least concerned 
about these people. But our ignorance 
and indecision have had the effect, if not 
of delivering them into Russian hands, 
of plunging them very deeply in the 
Russian shadow, for which effect— and 
it is hard to blame them— the most ar­
ticulate among them, and the most op­
pressed as well, distrust us all the more. 
Our power and «ur fear of change help 
bind these people to their misery and be­
wilderment, and insofar as they find this 
state intolerable we are intolerably men­
aced. For if they find their state intol­
erable, but are too heavily oppressed to 
change it, they are simply pawns in the 
hands of larger powers, which, in such a 
context, are always unscrupulous, and 
w hen, eventually, they do change their 
situation— as in Cuba— we are men­
aced more than ever, by the vacuum 
that succeeds all violent upheavals. W e  
should certainly know by now that it is 
one thing to overthrow a dictator or re­
pel an invader and quite another thing 
really to achieve a revolution. T im e and 
time and time again, the people discover 
that they have merely betrayed them­
selves into the hands of yet another 
Pharaoh, who, since he was necessary 
to put the broken country together, will 
not let them go. Perhaps, people being 
the conundrums that they are, and hav­
ing so little desire to shoulder the burden 
of their lives, this is what will always 
happen.. But at the bottom of my heart 
I do not believe this. I think that people 
can be better than that, and I know that 
people can be better than they are. J 
are capable of bearing a great hurdea. 
(>nce w e discover that the burden k_reaU 
itv and arrive where reahtvTs. Anyway, 

jthe point here is that we are living in an 
iage of revolution, whether we will or 
ijno, and that America is the only W est- 
'L-rn nation with both the power and, as

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I I hope to suggest, the experience that 
I may help to make these revolutions .real 
and minimize the human damage ./A n y  
attempt we make to oppose these out­
bursts of energy is tantamount to sign­
ing our death warrant.

Behind what we think of as the Rus- 
I sian menace lies what we do not wish to 

face, and what white Americans do not 
face when they regard a Negro: real 

I ity— the fact that life is tragic. Life is 
tragic simply because the earth turns 

I and the sun inexorably rises and sets, 
and one day, for each of us, the sun will 
go down for the last, last time. Perhaps 
the whole root of our trouble, the hu­
man trouble, is that we will sacrifice all 

I the beauty , of our lives, will imprison 
ourselves in totems, taboos, crosses, 
blood sacrifices, steeples, mosques, races, 
armies, flags, nations, in. ord^ 
the fact of death, which is the only fact 

I w ehave. It seems to me that one ought 
I to rejoice in the jact of death— ought to 
decide, indeed, to earn one’s death hv 
confronting with passion the conun­
drum of life. Une is re.sp(msihle to life: 
It is the small beacon in tb.af terrify 
darkness from which we come and to 
wnicn we shall return. One must nego- 
tiate this passage as nobly as possible, for 
the sake of those who are coming after 

I us. But white Americans do not believe 
in death, and this is why the darkness of 
my skin so intimidates them. And this is 
also why the presence of the Negro in 
this country can bring about its destruc­
tion. It is the responsibility of free m en 

I to trust and to celebrate what is con- 
[ stant— birth, struggle, and death are 
I constant, and so is love, though we may 
I not always think so—^and to-annrehend 
1 the nature of chanve. to be able and 
willinp- to rhano-p. I speak of change 
not on the surface but in the depths—  
change in the sense of renewal. But re­
newal becomes impossible if one supposes 
things to be constant that are not- 
safety, for example, or money, or pow­
er. One clings then to chimeras, by 
which one can only be betrayed, and the 

I entire hope— the' entire possibility— of 
freedom disappears. . \ nd by destruc­
tion I mean precisely the abdication by 
Americans of any effort really to 

t be free. T lie. Negro ran precipitate this 
abdication because w hite Americans 

I have never, in all their long history, 
been able to look on him as a man like 

I them.selves. This point need not be 
labored; it is proved over and over again 
by the Negro’s continuing position here, 
and his indescribable struggle to defeat 
the stratagems that white .-Americans 

I have used, and use, to deny him his hu- 
I manity. America could have used in

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137

other ways the energy that both groups 
have expended in this conflict. America, 
of all the W estern nations, has been best 
placed to prove the uselessness and the 
obsolescence of the concept of color. But 
it has not dared to accept this opportuni­
ty, or even to conceive of it as an opgor 
tunity. W hite Americans have thought 
of it as their shame, and have envied 
those more civilized and elegant Euro­
pean nations that were untroubled by 
the presence of black men on their 
shores, 1 his is because white Americans 
have .supposed “Europe” and “civiliza­
tion” to be synonyms— which they are 
not— and have been distrustful of other 
standards and other sources of vitality, 
especially those produced in America it­
self, and have attempted to behave in all 
matters as though what was east for Eu­
rope was also east for them. W hat it 
comes to is that if we, who can scarcely 
be considered a white nation, persist in 
thinking of ourselves as one, we'^coh- 
demn onrsplves. with the truly wfiite 
nations, to sterility and decay, whereas 
if we could accept ourselves as we are, 
we might bring new life to the W estern 
acflievements, and transform them. T h e  
price of this transformation is the uncon­
ditional freedom of the Negro; it is not 
too much to say that he, who has been 
so long rejected, must now be embraced, 
and at no matter what psychic or social 
risk. He is the key figure in his country, 
and the American future is precisely as 
bright or as dark as his. And the Negro 
recognizes this, in a negative way. 
Hence the question: D o I really want to 
be integrated into a burning house f 

W hite Americans find it as difficult 
as white people elsewhere do to divest 
themselves ot the notion that they are 
in possession of some intrinsic value that 
black people need, nr w ant And this 
assumption— which, for example, makes 
the solution to the Negro problem de­
pend on the speed with which Negroes 
accept and adopt white standards— is 
revealed in all kinds of striking ways, 
from Bobby Kennedy’s assurance that 
a Negro can become President in for­
ty years to the unfortunate tone of 
warm congratulation with which so 
many liberals address their Negro 
equals. It is the Negro, of course, who 
is presumed to have become equal— an 
achievement that not only proves the 
comforting fact that perseverance has 
no color but also overwhelmingly cor- 
raborates the white m an’s sense of his, 
own value, Alas, this value can scarce­
ly be corroborated in any other way; 
there is certainly little en- îigh in 
white man’s public nr privarp Kfc tbaf 
one should desire to imitate. W hite men.

2^/ipe/i6-
White Shoulders

Most Precious
■ Great Lady

Baroness



138

Have you tasted 
the sherry

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Spartan in winter. Sun and air steal 
away thousands of gallons right 
through the white-oak barrel staves. 
But the sherries that remain 
and are blended with other 
aged stocks from our cellars 
. . . you should taste them!

Widmer makes sherries 
from native New York State 
grapes, which are stinted on 
sugar and enriched in taste 
by a v igo rous climate.
Their natural character is 
deepened by long aging.
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at the bottom of their hearts, know 
this. Therefore, a vast amount of the 
energy that goes into what we call the 
Negro problem is produced by the white 
man’s profound desire not to be judged
hv those who are not white, not to be 
seen as he is. and at the same time a vast 
amount of the white anguish is rooted in 
die white m an’s equally profniind-need 
to be seen as he iSjjghe released from the 
ty ranny  of his mirror. All of us know, 
whether or not we are able to admit it, 
that mirrors can only lie, that death by 
drowning is all that awaits one there. It 
is for this reason that love is so desper­
ately gniighf and SO cunniiip-lv avoided. 
Love takes off the masks that we fear 
we cannot live without and-kaew^we  
cannot live within. I use the word 
“love” here not merely in the personal 
sense but as a state of being, or a state of 
grace,-^not in the infantile American 
sense of being made happy but in the 
tough and universal sense of quest .aad

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daring and growth. And I submit, then, 
that the racial tensions that menace 
Americans today have little to do with 
real antipathy— on the contrary, in­
deed— and are involved only symboli­
cally with color. These tensions are root- 
ed in the very same depths as those from 
whirh lov° or murder. The
white man’s unadmitted— and appar- 
ently^ t T h im , unspeakable— private 
f^rsantfiSngingsare proieomd onto.rhe 
Negro. T h e only wav he can he released 
from the Negro’s tyrannical nov'ter.aiver 
him is to consent, in effert, to hemme 
l l̂aolr himcrlf^ to become a parr of that 
■suffering and dancing country that he 
now watches wistfully from the heights 
of his lonely power and, armed with 
spiritual traveller’s checks. visirs_snr- 
reptitiouslv after dark—H ow can one re­
spect, let alone adopt, the values of a 
people who do not, on any level what­
ever, live the way they say they do, or 
the way they say they should? I cannot 
accept the proposition that the four- 
hundred-year travail of the American 
Negro should,result merely in his attain­
ment of the present level of rhe .Ameri- 
c~an cmhvatinn. far from convinced 
that being released from the African
witch doctor was worthwhile if T am 
now— in order to support morol 
contradictions and the spiritinl iridilwnf 
my life— expected tnheronu' d r p p n r l r T T t  

oh the Amencan psyrhiatrist. It is a 
bargaffTTrefuse. T he only thing white 
people have that black nennle nerd,..or 
should want, is powen—and no one 
holds power foreyen  W hite people can 
001. in the generality, be taken as mod­
e ls ^  how to live. Kather, the white man
is himself in sore need of new standards.

CONNIE FRANCIS 
NEEDS NO 

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aon ana place him once again in fruit­
ful communion with the depths of his 
own hging. And I repeat: The-price-sf 
the liberation of the white people is the 
liberation of the blacks— the total libera- 
tion. in the cities, in the townc^ hefnre 
the law, and in the minri W hy, for ex­
ample— especially knowing the family 
as 1 do— 1 should want to marry your 
sister is a great mystery to me. tint your 
sister and i  have every right to marry if 
we wish to, and no one has the right 
to stop us. If she cannot raise me to her 
level, perhaps I can raise her to mine.

In short, we, the black and the white, 
deeply need each other here if we 
are really to become a nation:—if we are 
really, that is, to achieve our identity, 
our maturity, as men and wotnen. T o  
create one nation has proved to be a 
hideously difficult task; there is certainly 
no need now to create two, one black 
and one white. But white men with far 
more political power than that possessed 
by the Nation of Islam movement have 
been advocating exactly this, in effect, 
for generations. If this sentiment is hon­
ored when it falls from the lips of Sena­
tor Byrd, then there is no reason it 
should not be honored when it falls 
from the lips of Malcolm X . And any 
Congressional committee wishing to in­
vestigate the latter must also be will­
ing to investigate the former. They  
are expressing exactly the same senti­
ments and represent exactly the same 
danger. There is absolutely no reason to 
suppose that white people are better 
equipped to frame the laws by which I 
am to be governed than I  am. It is en­
tirely unacceptable that I should have 
no voice in the political affairs of my 
own country, for Tam  not a ward of 
America; I am one of the first .-Ameri­
cans to arrive on these shores.

This past, the Negro’s past, of rope, 
fire, torture, castration; infanticide, 
rape; death and humiliation; fear by day 
and night, fear as deep as the marrow of 
the bone; doubt that he was worthy of 
life, since everyone around him denied 
it; sorrow for his women, for his kinfolk,/ 
[for his children, who needed his protec-1 
tion, and whom he could not protect; 
rage, hatred, and murder, hatred for 
white men so deep that it often turned 
against him and his own, and made all 
love, all trust, all joy impossible— this 
past, this endless struggle to achieve and 
reveal and confirm a human identity, 
human authority, yet contains, for all its 
horror, something very beautiful. I do 
not mean to be sentimental about suffer­
ing— enough is certainly as good as a 
feast— but people who cannot suffer can

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THE NEW YORKER 141

never grow up, can never discover who 
‘"they are. That man who is forced each 
day to snatch his manhood, his identity. 
out of the fire of human cruelty that 
rages to destroy it knows, if he survives 
his effort, and even if he does not survive
it, something about himself and human 
life that no school on earth— and, in- 
deed, no church-—can teach. He achieves 
his own authority, and that is unshak­
able. This is because, in order to save his 
life, he is forced to look beneath appe.ar- 
ances, to  take nothing f n r  g r a n re r l tO 

hear the meaning behind the words. If 
one IS continually surviving the worst 
that life can bring, one eventually ceases 
to be controlled by a fear of what life can 
bring; whatever it brings must be borne. 
And at this level of experience one’s bit­
terness begins to be palatable, and hatred 
becomes too heavy a sack to carry. The  
apprehension of life here so briefly and 
inadequately sketched has been the ex­
perience of generations of Negroes, and 
it helps to explain how they have en­
dured and how they have been able to 
produce children of kindergarten age 
who can walk through mobs to get to 
school. It demands jrreaf force and 
great cunning continually to assault the 
mighty and indifferent fortress of white 
supremacy, as iNegroes in i-hig muntrY 
have done so long. It demands great 
spiritual resilience not to rhe hai-̂ r 
whose foot is on your neck_and an even 
greater miracle of perception ind rhir 
ifft not lo l-etirh ynhr r-hi14 tn ho*,. Xhe 
Negro boys and girls who are facing 
mobs today come out of a long line of 
improbable aristocrats— the only genu­
ine aristocrats this country has produced. 
I say “this country” because their frame 
of reference was totally American. 
They were hewing out of the mniinrain 
of white supremacy the stone of their 
individuality. 1 have great respect for 
that unsung army of black men and 
women who trudged down back lanes 
and entered back doors, saying “Yes, 
sir” and “No, M a’am” in order to ac­
quire a new roof for the schoolhouse, 
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142 NOVEMBER 17 , 19^,2

MINDING OUR 
OWN BUSINESS
BACKSTAGE AT BUSINESS WEEK

-SohstHM
For collectors of felicitous similes, we 
have a new one: rare as a salesman’s
call on management.” We thought of it 
when we saw a new McGraw-Hill study 
among buyers of industrial lubricants 
revealing that oil industry salesmen 
were calling le ss  a n d  le ss  on the real buy­
ing powers—management. In fact, 54 % 
of the top executives interviewed n ever  
saw an oil company salesman last year. 
Yet these men regularly make decisions 
on what to buy and where to buy it.

If salesmen can’t see them, how do 
they get the facts on lubricants— and 
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the pertinent, problem-solving adver­
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BUSINESS
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beds for the dormitories, more dormi­
tories. T hey did not like saying “ Yes, 
sir” and “No, M a’am,” but the country 
was in no hurry to educate Negroes, 
these black men and women knew that 
the job had to be done, and they put 
their pride in their pockets in order to 
do it. It is very hard to believe that they 
were in any way inferior to the white 
men and women who opened those back 
doors. It is very hard to believe that 
those men and women, raising their 
children, eating their greens, crying 
their curses, weeping their tears, singing 
their songs, making their love, as the sun 
rose, as the sun set, were in any way in­
ferior to the white men and women who 
crept over to share these splendors after 
the sun went down. But we must avoid 
the European error; we must not sup­
pose that, because the situation, the ways, 
the perceptions of black people so radi­
cally differed from those of whites, they 
were racially superior. I am proud of 
these people not because of their color 
but because of their intelligence and 
their spiritual force and ''hr''- 
T h e country should he proud of them, 
too, but, alas, not many people in this 
country even know of their existence. 
And the reason for this ignorance is 
that a knowledge of the role these peo­
ple played— and play— in American 
life would reveal more about America 
to Americans than Americans wish to 
know.

X,bl».-A mcrir-in Npgrn h-v- fhn 2 '^ *  
advantage of havinp- n ey f- hpliWprI tKo. 
collection of mvth.s to which whitp 
A m encans cling: that their ancestors 
w ere all freedom-loving hf*ro°°, 
they were born in the preatrst ""imtry 
the world has ever seen, or that Ameri­
cans are invincible in battle and wise in 
peace, that A m encans have always Hpnlf 
honorably with Mexicans and Indians 
a^d all other neighbors or inferiors, that 
American men are the world’s most di­
rect and virile, that Ampn'--in Vi'nm"n 
are pure. Negroes know far more about 
white Americans than that; it can almost 
be said, in fact, that they know about 
white Americans what parents— or, 
anyway, mothers— know about their 
children, and that they very often re­
gard white Americans that way. And 
perhaps this attitude, held in spite of 
what they know and have endured, 
helps to explain why N egroes, on the 
whole, and until lately, have 
themselves to feel so little hatrexl. The  
tendency has really been, insofar as this 
was possible, to dismiss white people as 
the slightly mad victims of their own 
brainwa.shinp-. One watched the lives 
they led. One could not be fooled about

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THE NEW YORKER 143

that; one watched the things they did 
and the excuses that they gave them­
selves, and if a white man was really in 
’trouble, deep trouble, it was to the 
Negro’s door that he came. And one 
lelt that it one had had that white man’s 
worldly advantages, one would never 
have become as bewildered and as joy­
less and as thoughtlessly cruel as he. The  
Negro came to the white man for a roof 
or for five dollars or for a letter to the 
judge; the white man came to the Negro 
for love. But he was not often able to 
give what he came seeking. T h e price 
was too high; he had too much to lose. 
And the Negro knew this, too. W hen 
one knows this about a man, it is impos- 
sible for one to hate him, hut unless he 

'heromes a man— becomes equal— it is
a Iso impossible tor one to love him. U lti­
mately, one tends to avoid him, for the 
universal characteristic of children is 
to assume that they have a monopoly 
on trouble, and therefore a monopoly on 
you. (Ask any Negro what he knows 
about the white people with whom he 
works. And then ask the white people 
with whom he works what they know 
about/hw.)

How can the American Negro past 
be used? It is entirely possible_that this 
dishonored past will rise up soon to 
smite all of us. There are some wars, for 
example (if anyone on the globe is 
still mad enough to go to war) that 
the American Negro will not support, 
however many of his people may 
be coerced— and there is a limit to the 
number of people any government can 
put in prison, and a rigid limit indeed to 
the practicality of such a course. A bill 
is coming in that I fear America is not 
prepared to pay. “The problem of the 
twentieth century,” wrote W . E. B. 
Du Bois around sixty years ago, “is the 
problem of the color line.” A  fearful 
and delicate problem, which compro­
mises, when it does not corrupt, all 
the American efforts to build a better 
world— here, there, or anywhere. It is 
for this reason that everything, white 
Americans think they believe in m.ust 
now be reexamined. W hat one would 
not like to see again is the consolidation 
of peoples on the basis of their color. 
But as long as we in the W est place on 
color the value that we do, we make it 
impossible for the great unwashed to 
consolidate themselves according to any 
other principle. Color is not a human 
or a personal reality; it is a political real­
ity. But this is a distinction so extremely 
hard to make that the W est has not been 
able to make it yet. And at the center 
of this dreadful storm, this vast confu­
sion, stand the black people of this na-

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What he buys today, women all over America will 
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something e.xtra. To me, high quality means 
Kuppenheimer. I think it would pay every man who 
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to 100.00 (ptus tax) 
imported from France

tion, who must now share the fate of n 
nation that has never accepted them, to
which they were brought in chains. 
W eil, if this is so, one has no choice but 
to do all in one’s power to change that 
fate, and at no matter what risk— evic­
tion, imprisonment, torture, death. For 
the sake of one’s children, in order to 
minimize the bill that they must pay, one 
must be careful not to take rp fng-p  in  rm.r  
delusion— and the value placed on the 
^olor of the skin is always and every­
where and forever a delusion. I know 
that what I am asking is impossible. But 
in our time, as in every time, the impos­
sible is the least that one can demand—  
and one is, after all, emboldened by the 
spectacle of human history in general, 
and American Negro history in particu­
lar, for it testifies to nothing less than the 
perpetual achievement of the impossible.

W hen I was very young, and was 
dealing with my buddies in those wine- 
and urine-stained hallways, something 
in me wondered. W hat will haffen  
to all that beauty: For black people,
though I am aware that some of us, 
black and white, do not know it yet, are 
very beautiful. And when I sat at 
Elijah’s table and watched the babv, the 
women, and the men, and we talked 
about God’s— or Allah’s— vengeance, I 
wondered, when that vengeance was 
achieved, W hat will haf fen to all that 
beauty then: I could also see that the 
intransigence and ignorance of the white 
world might make that vengeance in­
evitable— a vengeance that does not 
really depend on, and cannot really be 
executed by, any person or organization, 
and that cannot be prevented by any 
police force or army: historical venge­
ance, a cosmic vengeance, based on the 
law that we recognize when we say, 
“W hatever goes up must come down.” 
And here we are, at the center of the 
arc, trapped in the gaudiest, most valu­
able, and most improbable water wheel 
the world has ever seen. Everything 
now, we must assume, is in our hands; 
we have no right to assume otherwise. 
LLwe— and now I mean the relatively 
conscious whites and the re1arive]v__cnn- 
scious blacks, who must, like lovers.-in- 
sist on, or create, the consciousness of 
the others— da not falter in our duty 

be able, hnniifiil that "rrmay i
are, rii i iid ihi i n, iiil iiitihiivi utt^iIikI 
ac h fg y g ^ r n u n tr y j  a p d rhancre rhe_lii.<;- 
tuiy of the Wurldl If we do not now  
dare everything, the fulfillment of that 
prophecy, re-created from the Bible in 
song by a slave, is upon us: God gave 
Noah the rainbow sign., No more wa­
ter, the fire next time!

— J a m e s  B a l d w i n

C h a i n s  a b o u n d

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T H E  NEW  YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, OCTOBER H, 1966.

Crisis
and
mm

No one can any longer doubt or ignore the depth of crisis which today confronts Negro 
Americans struggling to enjoy full and equal citizenship in their native land. The year's 
events have piled confusion and uncertainty on underlying racial prejudices in the major­
ity population. The consequence has been intensified resistance to change at a time when 
the need for change is greatest. We consider it imperative, therefore, to make crystal 
clear to Americans of every origin and of every degree commitment to justice the 
principles upon which the civil rights movement rests.

There is nothing new about these principles. What is new are the conditions 
which compel us to re-state them—not the least of which is their abandonment by some 
individuals and groups whose positions are nevertheless frequently interpreted as repre­
senting the civil rights movement.

I. W e are committed to the attainment of racial Justice by the democratic process.
The force of law and its fulfillment in the courts, legislative halls and implementing 
agencies, the appeal to conscience, and the exercise of the rights of peaceful assembly 
and petition are the instrumentalities of our choice. We propose to win genuine part­
nership for all our people in the United States, within the framework of this nation's 
constitution.

II. W e repudiate any strategies of violence, reprisal or vigilantism, and we con­
demn both rioting and the demogoguery that feeds it, for these are the final resort of 
despair, and we have not yielded to despair. Defense of one's family, home and self 
against attack is not an issue; it is a basic American principle and must not be perverted 
into a cover for aggressive violence.

III. W e are committed to integration, by which we mean an end to every barrier 
which segregation and other forms of discrimination have raised against the enjoyment 
by Negro Americans of their human and constitutional rights. We believe that a sense of 
personal worth and a pride in race are vital to integration in a pluralistic society, but we 
believe that these are best nurtured by success in achieving equality. We reject the way 
of separatism, either moral or spatial.

IV. As we are committed to the goal of integration into every aspect of the 
national life, we are equally committed to the common responsibility of all Americans, 
both white and black, for bringing integration to pass. We not only welcome, we urge, 
the full cooperation of white Americans in what must be a joint endeavor if it is to pros­
per. It should go without saying, that, in seeking full equality for Negroes, we cannot 
and will not deny it to others who join our fight.

The reaffirmation of these principles must do more than simply distinguish between 
those who accept them and those who, for one reason or another, no longer choose 
to operate under them. For us, these principles are inextricably joined with obligations 
to which we have consistently devoted our meagre resources and our energies. We call 
upon the nation as a whole to assume the same obligations; its failure to do so will not 
only extend and perhaps complete the sabotage of ourefforts,butwi!lultimately under­
mine domestic security and United States leadership In the world of nations.

It is not condoning riots to cry out against the conditions in the Negro ghettos 
which render some Negroes susceptible to the emotional gratification of pillage, looting 
and destruction. It is not condoning riots, but demanding the means to end them, that 
compels us to note the steady worsening of the average Negro's lot in the face of unprec­
edented general prosperity. It is not turning our backs on the need for education to note 
that the average Negro college graduate can expect a lifetime's earnings no greater than 
those of a white high school graduate. It is not an abdication of responsibility, but an 
affirmation of it, to say that society cannot perpetuate discrimination against Negroes 
and then blame the victims or their leaders for the outbursts of those who have been 
made desperate.

It is an obligation of the whole of American society to take the massive actions 
which alone can turn the downward tide of Negro economic status with its concomitant 
growth of frustration and bitterness. It is the special obligation of those who can see more 
clearly and feel more keenly than the rest to assume their own leadership burden and to 
spare no effort to bring their fellows to an equal comprehension. It is the obligation, 
in particular, of the mass media to moderate their obsession with sensation and conflict 
and to help create a climate of genuine knowledge and understanding in which perspec­
tive is restored.

The near-total absence of this perspective is reflected in the survey figures show­
ing declines in public sentiment favoring civil rights. Has the nation forgotten, for 
example, that for every Negro youth who throws a brick, there are a hundred thousand 

suffering the same disadavantages who do 
not? That for every Negro who tosses a 
Molotov cocktail, there are a thousand 
fighting and dying on the battlefields of 
Vietnam? It is a cruel and bitter abuse to 
judge the worth of these larger numbers, 
the overwhelming preponderance of the 
Negro population, by the misdeeds of a 
few.

We cannot ignore the signs of a retreat by white America from the national com­
mitment to racial justice. The inadequacies of enforcement of this commitment, which 
has been hammered out over long years of judicial, legislative and administrative pro­
nouncement, have-been a scandal; yet we have seen the United States Senate scuttling 
enforcement of antidiscrimination law and refusing to act on legislation to protect 
Negroes against racist assault. We have seen the appeal of bigotry elevated to a major 
political instrument, with votes being sought and won across the nation, by exploiting the 
so-called "white backlash." We have seen sometime friends pulling back in full retreat 
and yielding to the battlefield scavengers ground which could have been held if it had 
been fought for.

This trend can be disastrous to the nation's, as well as the Negro's, welfare If it 
is not checked, if our forces are not rallied and if the hard, demanding job of building 
lasting public support is not pressed forward now. It can be worse than disastrous for the 
generation of younger Americans, white as well as black, who would then indeed face 
a future without viable idealism. Thousands of them have been personally involved in the 
civil rights movement over the last few years, many in situations involving hazardous 
confrontations. They are needed now more than ever before, in work which, while 
seeming more routine and less adventurous, is in many ways harder and more vital. They 
can be effectively drawn to these new tasks only if they have assurance that the adult 
world is solidly engaged to the same purpose.

Ninety years ago, this nation permitted the democratic promise of Emancipation 
to wither and die before a rampant reaction which conde^ segregation,
disfranchisement, peonage and death. Then, as now, t’*'® voices of temporary v-Hpraiism
sounded Llijt iiii«yTmm[ il. ‘ iVi iiVi rr-n ----- capacity of the freedmen for ruti
citizensfeipTTb'en, as now, the South capitalized on Northern weariness with the "race 

and was enabled to shut off the hope of freedom. But the "race problem" 
l '̂mained, and today we are paying for yesterday's default.

vVe are determined that this history shall not repeat itself and we call upon all our 
countrymen, black and white, of all faiths and origins, to move with us.
DOROTHY HEIGHT Prts.N»tion»l Council of Negro Women

A. PHILIP RANDOLPH Pre erhood of Sleeping Cv Pi

BAYARD RUSTIN Dir<Klof. a . Philip Randolph /nil.iole

ROY WILKINS Pxec.OiVecfor.N'at'/Ass'nfoftfteAdvancementofCoteferfPeop/e

WHITNEY M. YOUNG, Jr. eceC-.OiVector, MaCfonat Urban league

AMOS T. HALL £*ec. Sec'j'Conference of Cram/Maiferji Ptince HaU Mtsom of Ai

HOBSON R. REYNOLDS Cranef txilted Ruler, Improved Sef)tvolent and Pretectl

R E P R I N T E D  BY

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN, INC.
1346 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.  Washington, D. C.  20036



63

ANNALj' OF POLITICO
JU5TICE

l- iO M E TH IN G  H A 5 GONE TEKR.IBLY VRONG IN A M E R IC A

A m e r i c a n  democracy has survived 
r \  largely because it is a patch- 

work system. If one patch fades 
or is cut or burned out, another can 
usually be put in its place without much 
difficidty, and although the new piece 
may not fit exactly or may not carry 
out the surrounding pattern fully, no 
one seems to notice for long, because 
the complexity of the over-all design 
conceals changes in it. This is never 
more apparent than when the greatest 
change of all occurs—during the trans­
fer of power over the executive branch 
of the government from one party to 
another. That the United States has 
peaceably, even placidly, undergone 
such a change seventeen times since 
1789 marks it as a nation that believes 
in the rule of law. And that the process 
has been conducted each time with de­
cency and purpose, even if sometimes 
none too cordially, marks the society as 
one that trusts itself. But part of the ex­
planation for what may appear to be an 
extraordinary kind of public adaptabil­
ity is that, despite the bitterness of any 
contest for tlie Presidency and the ex­
pectations which always accompany the 
transfer of authority from one Presi­
dent to another, not many patches in 
the quilt are actually clianged. When 
Richard M. Nixon was sworn in as 
the nation’s thirty-seventh President, 
he at once took command of the im­
mense federal establishment, with 2,- 
705,009 civilian employees and 3,489,- 
922 people in the military services. Of 
nearly three million civilian jobs, how­
ever, fewer than three thousand were 
subject to change at his order, and of 
these perhaps three hundred were 
of enough significance to constitute a 
change where it counts—in determin- 
ing policy. Although a couple of hun­
dred vigorous policymakers may sound 
like a lot, a couple of million bureau­
crats, vigorous or not, is a lot more, 
for most of them instinctively and ada­
mantly resist a n y  change—up, down, 
or sidewaj's. While discussing the prob­
lems that would face General Eisen­
hower when he took over the Presi­
dency, Harry Truman rem arked, 
“He’ll sit there, and he’ll say, ‘Do this! 
Do tliatl’ And nothing will happen. 
Poor Ike—it won’t be a bit like the 
Army. He’ll find it very frustrating.” 
Nor is this sort of frustration confined 
to a military man taking civil com­
mand. At the end of President Ken­

nedy’s second year in office, he was 
asked what had been his greatest sur­
prise during his Presidency, and he re­
plied unhesitatingly that it had been the 
gaping difference between the ease in 
giving an order and the difficulty in 
getting it carried out.

Of course, the two major political 
parties do not spend upward of fifty 
million dollars every four years just 
for the fun of it. The party that’s 
out of power is determined to change 
the country’s direction, and if it wins it 
usually does, though in a far slower 
and more arduous manner than antici­
pated. Once the power has symbolically 
changed hands, the reality of that 
change gradually appears in the way 
that issues—particularly the issues aired 
during the campaign—are dealt with. 
During the last Presidential campaign, 
the two principal issues were the Viet­
nam war and law and order. The first 
was not really discussed, because it had 
already been discussed to the point of 
national exhaustion, and because once 
President Johnson announced a limita­
tion on the bombing of North Vietnam 
and his retirement, negotiations began 
on a peace settlement, which permitted 
all the candidates to gratefully set the 
issue of the war to one side, on the 
ground that imprecise and ill-informed 
remarks could only harm the prospects 
for a final peace. Law and order, 
on the other hand, was discussed to a 
fare-thee-well. A precipitous rise in 
the crime rate and the accompanying 
fear of crime, which had become so 
infectious that President Johnson de­
scribed it as “a public malady,” pro­
vided a ready opportunity for dema­
goguery. It was not lost. George C. 
Wallace’s entire campaign was based 
on the issue, and so was a large part of 
Richard M. Nixon’s. By the time the 
election was over, the contention had 
created in some people more fear about 
the fear of crime than about crime

itself, because they interpreted the fer­
vent cry for law and order, without an 
equally fervent cry for justice, as her­
alding a move toward repression and 
tyranny. In their view, once the pebple ' 
were sufficiently aroused over the 
tlireat of being engulfed by criminality 
and public disorders, they might be per­
suaded to set aside their own Constitu­
tional safeguards as the only way to 
preserve society, and thereby utterly 
destroy it.

ON the night of August 8, 1968, 
Nixon rose before the delegates 

to the Republican National Conven­
tion, in Miami, and accepted their 
nomination to be the Party’s candidate 
for President. His acceptance speech, 
which was heard by a radio-and-tele- 
vision audience estimated at better than 
sixty million people, was described be­
forehand by the nominee as “the most 
important speech of my life.” When it 
was delivered, it seemed at first to be a 
rather uninspired example of the usual 
political fare, with the standard prom­
ises of peace with freedom, military 
strength to protect the nation’s security, 
preservation of individual and local 
rights, and vigorous action to combat 
crime. But as the campaign unfolded, 
it became clear that the speech had 
contained one element that indeed 
made it the most important speech of 
his life, since it may well have won him 
the Presidency. Although the accept­
ance speeches of Presidential nominees 
not infrequently stretch the truth to 
meet political expediency, it is uncom­
mon for them to contain outright lies, 
which can boomerang with disastrous 
consequences. Instead of lying to voters, 
it is far more effective to simply mis­
lead them through inflammatory dis­
tortions that suggest how the problems 
they are most concerned about can be 
easily resolved. In this case, the prob­
lem was crime, and the candidate’s 
solution was to say, “If we are to 
restore order and respect for law in this 
country, there’s one place we’re going 
to begin: We’re going to have a new 
Attorney General of the United States 
of America.” The promise was ques­
tionable on several grounds. First, the 
task of controlling crime, both Consti­
tutionally and historically, is primarily 
the responsibility not of the federal 
government but of the states, which 
guard their police powers more jealous-



64

ly than any others. Second, it suggested utmost to personalize this issue, Clark, “So many people want me to be only 
that a single official. Attorney General a man most of the electorate had the chief law-enforcement officer in 
Ramsey Clark, was to blame for the scarcely heard of before the campaign, the United States,” he explained, 
rising crime rate. Third, it implied that was doing his utmost to depersonalize “They fail to recognize that, for in- 
the candidate was displaying notable it. Consistently tliroughout his term of stance, I head the P'ederal Bureau of 
courage and wisdom by promising to office, he refused to popularize the causes Prisons. And if I don't speak for re­
replace Clark, whereas, of course, all he believed in by popularizing himself, habilitation as the head of the Federal 
members of the incumbent Cabinet As a result, most of his programs were Bureau of Prisons, then who will? 
were expected to be replaced if Nixon generally unknown and he was gen- They fail to recognize that I have 
won. And, finally, it could have politi- erally misunderstood. “In the area of the responsibility for enforcement of 
cally useful results only if the voters initiating new policies and carrying out the civil-rights laws—a responsibility, 
could be trusted to be ignorant of the his federal responsibility, Ramsey can’t F might add, I cherish. I think it’s es- 
foregoing facts and if they could be kept be faulted,” Fred M. Vinson, Jr., who sential to the future of this nation that 
ignorant through Election Day. In any was Assistant Attorney General in we vigorously enforce those laws. And 
event, the promise brought a great roar charge of the Criminal Division under this creates animosity. In a sense, you 
of approval from the audience in Con- him, remarked shortly before the two might say that the job of the Attorney 
vention Hall, and in all likelihood it men left office. “But in the area of General isn’t one where you’re likely 
brought Nixon a good deal of approba- getting liis message across he has not to make friends.” Although there was 
tion from many of the millions who been successful. That’s been the prob- much truth to Clark’s explanation, 
were watching and listening at home, lem for a long, long time.” Clark him- some of his closest associates and ad- 
The approach had been tested during self once discussed the subject briefly on mirers have pointed out that it didn’t 
the Republican primaries the previous the “Today” show, and traced his prob- go far enough, since Attorney General 
spring; it had drawn a surprising re- lem back to the nature of his duties. Robert F. Kennedy was equally con-
sponse there, and it seemed cer­
tain to be even more effective 
in the Presidential campaign 
against a Democratic opponent. 
To a large extent, the approach 
became the core of Republican 
strategy. As Mary McGrory 
observed in a column written 
shortly after the election, “At 
every rally, just before the bal­
loons fell down and the candi­
date shot up his arms in his 
double-V sign, Ni.xon would as­
sure his audience that respect for 
the law would begin at approxi­
mately the moment that the na­
tion’s chief law-enforcement of­
ficer quit the Department of 
Justice.” And every audience, 
other reporters noted, clapped 
its hands, stomped its feet, whis­
tled, and went hoarse shouting 
its delight.

Apparently, Nixon himself 
did not enjoy his attacks on the 
Attorney General. “Ramsey 
Clark is really a fine fellow,” he 
said to his closest associates dur­
ing the campaign. “And he’s 
done a good job.” In the view 
of one of the candidate’s top ad­
visers, the candidate had felt 
compelled to use this “simplistic 
approach” to stir up the voters. 
But in the view of a former offi­
cial of the Eisenhower Admin­
istration that e.xplaaation did not 
go deep enough. “Whenever 
Dick finds himself in trouble, he 
always personalizes an issue,” he 
explained. “ In this case, crime 
was the issue and Clark was the 
person.”

While Nixon was doing his

“Oh, there you are! I  made us this big thing 
of IVlartinis, and I  waited and waited, and 
got to thinking you might not really need 
your half, so I  drank your half, and then I  
got to thinking it was silly not to drink my 

half, so I  drank that, too, you slob.”

cerned about and devoted to 
the causes of criminal rehabili­
tation and civil rights and yet 
had managed to create a repu­
tation as an exceedingly tough 
Attorney General. One offi­
cial who worked under both 
Kennedy and Clark has said 
he feels that Clark was the 
strongest and most able At­
torney General in history but 
that he failed to come across 
that way because, wholly un­
like anyone in the post before 
him, he was so deeply con­
vinced the Department of Jus­
tice should be above politics 
that he refused to engage in 
them, even to the extent of de­
fending himself by publicizing 
his record.

Although it is impossible to 
determine exactly when Clark 
got pinned with the tag “soft 
on crime,” several of his col­
leagues trace it back to a 
speech he delivered after the 
riots following the assassina­
tion of Dr. Martin Luther 
King, Jr., in which he de­
manded that the “loose talk of 
shooting looters. ..  must stop.” 
It may have been the first time 
in the history of the United 
States that a high government 
official publicly expressed the 
belief that one man’s life was 
more important than another 
man’s property. Clark’s ad­
visers unanimously urged him 
not to deliver the speech, or 
begged him to at least tone it 
down by stating that it was all 
right, say, to shoot someone



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66

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who was about to put a torch to a bed­
ridden old woman’s house but not all 
right to shoot a youngster who was 
stealing a pair of shoes from a store’s 
window display. Clark refused. “When 
everyone high and low kept saying that 
looters should be shot on sight, as May­
or Daley urged, I felt that a voice from 
someone in a high position h a d  to be 
raised on the opposite side—no matter 
what effect it might have on him—to 
speak out for human life,” he explained 
later. The speech was delivered at the 
University of North Carolina, before 
a large and predictably unsympathetic 
assemblage of state trial judges— men 
whose experience with hoodlums and 
thieves, day in and day out, had tended 
to make them as hardboiled as the 
toughest cop. “The need is to train ade­
quate numbers of police to prevent riots 
and looting altogether,” the Attor­
ney General told them at the outset. 
“Where prevention fails, looters must 
be arrested, not shot. The first need in 
a civil disorder is to restore order. To say 
that when the looting starts the shoot­
ing starts means either that shooting is 
preferable to arrest or that there are not 
enough police present to arrest. By defi­
nition, adequate police manpower, ade­
quately deployed, could prevent looting 
on any large scale from ever occurring. 
This failing, it is the clear and unques­
tioned duty of police to arrest looters, 
like all other law violators; arrest them 
immediately and present them for a 
speedy trial.” The argument seemed 
persuasive, and many in the audience 
listened intently as he went on, “A 
reverence for life is the sure way of 
reducing violent death. There are few 
acts more likely to cause guerrilla war­
fare in our cities and division and hatred 
among our people than to encourage 
police to shoot looters or other persons 
caught committing property crimes. 
How many dead twelve-year-old boys 
will it take for us to learn this simple 
lesson.i Far from being effective, shoot­
ing looters divides, angers, embitters, 
drives to violence. I t creates the very 
problems its advocates claim it their 
purpose to avoid.”

While this speech—or, at least, the 
“Don’t Shoot Looters” headlines it 
produced—angered many people who 
feared that t h e i r  homes and property 
would be next, some observers have felt 
that in the long run it was not nearly 
as damaging to Clark’s reputation as 
his work on behalf of civil rights. One 
person inclined to this view is War­
ren Christopher, the Deputy Attorney 
General under Clark. “Ramsey sees 
this country as having enormous re­
sponsibility to Negroes, to the poor, to



69

tlie voting, and he sees an enormous 
need to extend to them sympathy, un­
derstanding, help,” Christopher ex­
plained while he was still in office. “Of 
course, in the suburbs this at worst is 
anathema and at best is simply not 
shared.” As it happened, Christopher 
added, suburbanites were the most re­
sponsive of all voters to political appeals 
for law and order, although the)' were 
also the least threatened by crime. 
Then he went on to describe an inci­
dent that he felt best demonstrated the 
effect of Clark’s approach on the pub­
lic mind. This one occurred in the 
spring of 1968, when a crowd of an­
gry Negroes from Resurrection City 
(which had been put up in the capital 
as a result of Clark’s personal inter­
cession with the President) marched on 
tlie Department of Justice to demand 
a fairer share of society’s benefits. Some 
Cabinet officers would have summoned 
the police to disperse such a crowd, and 
certainly few of them would ever have 
faced it in person. Clark did, however, 
and stood on the stage of the Great 
Hall, the Department’s main auditori­
um, and heard them out. “Finally, one 
woman came up to him and started 
screaming and shaking a fist in his face, 
and Ramsey stood there and took it,” 
Christopher said. “Of course, it took 
courage and decency to behave as 
he did, but the public watching the 
encounter on television that night 
got the impression that he didn’t re­
spond because' he was afraid to. T h e y  
wouldn’t have taken it, and, after all, 
h e  was the Attorney General of the 
United States. If they had seen him as 
I have— resistijig fantastic pressures 
from Congress, from the military, and 
from the White House, and still never 
losing that infinite calm of his even in 
the worst crises—they would have 
known that he was tougher than the 
toughest of them. But Ramsey never 
would play it to the galleries.”

One important reason for Clark’s 
low standing with the public lay in his 
refusal to cater to the press. Many gov- 
enimcnt officials—both high and low, 
elected and appointed—spend a good 
part of their time cooking up situations 
that will create headlines and “news” 
stories about themselves and their 
work. According to one Assistant At- 
torne)' General who worked with 
Clark for several years, “The media 
people have been very, very bad, be­
cause his philosophy is so quiet. They 
would much rather report the violent 
attacks than the soft response.” Shortly 
after Dr. King’s death, Clark appeared 
on A.B.C.’s television program “Issues 
and Answers.” There were two net-

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work correspondents on hand to inter­
view him, and one of them, Bob Clark, 
started out the program by saying, 
“d in's is a rather jittery capital today, 
as I am sure you know, with the ar'riva-l 
of the first units of the Poor People’s 
March,” .and went on to talk about the 
likelihood that violence would break 
out. Finally, the Attorney General said, 
“ I really hate to talk so much about 
violence .at the beginning of a very 
hopeful campaign. The poor people 
have an awfully important message for 
the country, and we have to hope that 
they will have a good opportunity to 
communicate it.” That point was soon 
lost as the interviewer continued to talk 
about the threat of violence and tried 
to lead the Attorney General to say 
whether he “would respond with mass 
arrests” in order to “prevent any dis­
ruption of the government.” The At­
torney Gener.al would not be led. “It is 
an unhappy time to be talking about 
mass arrests, right at the beginning of a 
march that we can all be hopeful 
about,” he said mildly. The first cor­
respondent having failed, Irv Chap- 
m.an, the second, took over and said 
that “some of the Negroes seem to be 
all ready to accept the fear that you are 
all preparing concentration camps for 
them, to arrest them en masse.” That 
was too much for Clark. “There are no 
concentration camps in this country,” 
he said firmly. “There are no plans to 
prepare any concentration camps in this 
country. No concentration camps are 
needed in this country.” Having hailed 
to get an inflammatory statement that 
would make a headline .about tbe show 
for the next day’s papers. Chapman 
yielded to his colleague, who asked 
whether there were platis to use “more 
tear gas or curfews or arrests.” The 
Attorney General sat forward and, with 
a note of impatience in his voice, said, 
“To dwell now on the riot potential 
and on law-enforcement capabilities and 
on the use of gas and mass arrests is to 
miss the major point, and that is that 
we have problems in this country that 
must be resolved, that one of them is 
the immense, the difficult plight of the 
poor in America today—and that it has 
to be addressed, and addressed coura­
geously, by all of our people. We hope 
we will get some communication out of 
this opportunit)' that presents itself 
now.”

Even when matters seemed to merit 
publicity, Clark was often hesitant to 
provide it. On one occ.asion, he was in 
Los Angeles to deliver a speech and 
afterward an old friend, Edwin Guth- 
man, who had been .Attorney General 
Kenned)’s press officer and was now



national-affairs editor of tlie Los An­
geles T im e s ,  did his best to get a strong 
statement out of Clark about his eff'orts 
to counter organized crime. Guthman 
knew that in this area Clark had been 
remarkably effective— f̂ar more in 
couple of years, in fact, than all his 
predecessors over the previous deC' 
ade. Guthman also knew Clark well 
enough to realize that he would have 
to get any substance for a story that 
would justify headlines by the most in 
direct means. He kept pressing, but 
Clark politely avoided making any di' 
rect response. The Attorney General 
later remarked to an aide who had been 
present that he was well aware of what 
Guthman had in mind— “Clark the 
crimebuster,” he said with a smile—but 
felt that a story of that kind might be 
misleading. “Organized crime is oitlv 
one part of'the general crime problem, 
and by no means the biggest P'̂ ti't,” he 
explained. “If I concentrated on play 
ing it up, the public might get to think 
that everything was well in hand. It 
wouldn’t lielp to give them the chance 
to ignore the more important crime 
problems they have to face.”

That was one of the few times a 
newspaperman went out of In's way to 
try and do Clark a favor. Some news­
papermen went to great lengths to 
do the opposite. Not long after Clark 
was confirmed as Attorney General, 
on March 2, 1967, he accepted an 
invitation to speak before a meeting 
of the N.A.A.C.P.’s Legal Defense 
and Educational Fund, Inc., in New 
York. Always a close man with a 
dollar, especially if it belonged to the 
government, Clark decided to .cut 
down on expenses by not taking along 
his newly appointed press aide. Cliff 
Sessions, who had formerly been a 
reporter with United Press Internation­
al. After the speech, Clark held a press 
conference, and after that his hosts 
brought a man up to him and said that 
he was a friend of theirs and would like 
to join Clark for the taxi ride to La- 
Guardia x\irport. “Ramsey didn’t know 
it, but the man happened to be Sidney 
E. Zion, of the T im e s ,  and he wanted 
an interview,” one of Sessions’ assistants 
said not long ago. “If Sessions had been 
along, he would have refused, because 
he wouldn’t have allowed one reporter 
an exclusive interview right after a 
press conference. Anyway, during the 
ride Zion introduced himself and pro­
ceeded with an interview. He asked 
about the crime wave that was sweep­
ing the country, and Ramsey answered 
that there was no crime wave as such, 
since a wave periodically recedes but 
crime didn’t—it just kept increas- Write for“The Look” ,colorful style booklet.GGG Clothes,12 E.14 St.,Dept.O,NewYork10003.



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ing.” The following day, May 19th, the 
'F h iu 's  ran an article by '/ion under 
the lieadline “Clark Says Rise in Crime 
Is Small.” The first paragraph read, 
“Attorney General Ramsey Clark said 
ye.sterday that he did not believe there 
was a crime wave in the nation. ‘The 
level of crime has risen a little hit,’ Mr. 
Clark said, ‘hut there is no wave of 
crime in the country.’ ” A couple of 
<la)'s later, the Washington E v e n i n g  
& tnr published a lead editorial entitled 
“Crime— What’s That?,” quoting the 
Zion story and charging that “our At- 
t(trney General, in all deference, is 
talking through his hat.” Sessions had 
tried to persuade Clark to respond to 
the T im e s  piece the day it appeared, 
without success, and now he tried to 
perstiade him to respond to the S t a r s  
attack, again without success. The S ta r  
repeated its attack several times and 
ran a particularly vicious cartoon about 
the Attorney General, and then the 
issue was raised in Congress. At that 
point, Clark agreed to respond, but in a 
typically quiet way—by replying to a 
letter from Congressman Emanuel 
Celler, the chairman of the House Ju­
diciary Committee and a good friend, 
who had written asking for clarificat'on 
of his views on the subject. Clark wrote 
back and described what he had .said 
to Zion in the taxi, and added, “Con­
siderably more than half my time, in­
deed more than lialf the resources of 
this entire Department, are devoted to 
crime reduction. I deeply regret that 
the public might be led to believe that 
I do not think crime is a probl. ra. It is 
a grave national problem.” Of course, 
few people read tlie C o n g r e s s io n a l  
R e c o r d ,  where the letter was printed, 
but several million people read sub­
sequent attacks, in the S ta r  and else­
where, that continued to misquote him.

One dut}’ that falls to any Attorney 
Genera! is to describe the problems that 
confront the Department of Justice 
and what it is doing to solve them 
before groups of people who have 
law-enforcement responsibilities or in­
terests—policemen, district attorneys, 
judges, corrections officers, bar associ­
ations, and a large variety of private 
organizations. Clark found the duty 
distasteful, because he did not care for 
even this dim sort of limelight. But he 
also realized the value of getting his 
message across, so he accepted the 
more important invitations tliat could 
be fitted into his schedule, which usual­
ly involved working twelve to fourteen 
hours a day six days a week. Giving 
such speeches was especially burden­
some for Clark since he insisted on 
writing them himself if he had any



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time available. More often than not, 
tile only time available was the time 
spent in an airplane, away from tele­
phones and secretaries, en route to 
an engagement. As a result, he rarely 
had a prepared text to give reporters, 
let alone that meat for the journalistic 
grinder, the press release. “One of 
the best speeches Ramsey ever gave 
was to a group of police chiefs in St. 
Louis in early 1968,” one aide has re­
called. “The audience was deeply im­
pressed by it, but, as usual, he had no 
mimeographed text and no release. A 
lot of reporters were on hand at the 
start, but when they learned that, they 
simply walked out, to a man.”

All of Clark’s closest associates were 
frustrated and some were embittered 
by what they saw as his failure to put 
himself—and thereby the programs 
tliat he and all of them were working 
to make effective—across to the public. 
But it probably was not so much a fail­
ure as it was a personal resolution of 
one of the most difficult problems fac­
ing men iit public life—how far one 
should go in playing politics to accom­
plish one’s ends. Clark resolved it by 
deciding that in his job the best way to 
serve what he called “the mission of 
justice” was by not playing politics at 
all. It was not because he didn’t know 
the game. Having been raised in a po­
litical family, he had heard little else 
during his youth as his father, Tom 
Clark, rose through Texas politics, 
the dirtiest and toughest kind of poli­
tics north of the Rio Grande, to serve 
as Attorney General in the Truman 
Administration and finally as a Jus­
tice of the Supreme Court. That back­
ground offered young Clark a rare op­
portunity to learn the rules of political 
life, from the lowest gut-fighting to the 
loftiest pursuit of justice. Nor was there 
any doubt about his ability to absorb the 
lessons. After his discharge from the 
Marine Corps in 1946, at the age of 
nineteen, he managed to get a B.A. in 
less than two years, from the Univer­
sity of Texas, and both an M.A. in his­
tory and a law degree in another year 
and a half, from the University of Chi­
cago—a total of something under three 
and a half years for the lot. “Everyone 
around here—and there are people in 
the Department who have brilliant 
scholastic and work backgrounds— 
stands in awe of Ramsey’s ability to 
take a law case or a legal problem and 
sort it out,” a colleague and friend ob­
served while they were both still in of­
fice. “All in all, I think the most im­
portant thing that happened to Ramsey 
is that he got out of Texas early 
enough to get a fair perspective on the



81

world. The second most important 
tiling is that he took his law degree and 
his’ Master’s in history at tlic same time, 
wliich gave him an unusual chance to 
balance the often harsh needs of the 
law with the long-range needs of man. 
Ramsey’s sense of where histor)' should 
lead him was worked out long ago, 
and that’s why the attacks on him now 
don’t seem to bother him. I ’ve never 
seen him upset b)' even the most vicious 
attacks.”

To this man and others who knew 
Clark well, his background and experi­
ence made him uniquel)- qualified to be 
Attorne)- General. Besides what he 
learned from his father (who has called 
him “a block off the old chip” ), Clark 
learned a good deal by spending half 
a dozen years in the Department of 
Justice before he reached the top. 
Early in 1961, Attorney General Ken­
nedy took him out of a prosperous 
private law practice in Dallas and made 
him one of his Assistant Attorne)'S Gen­
eral—the one in charge of the Lands 
Division. Before then, few people had 
considered that post a heady oppor­
tunity, but Clark applied himself to it 
diligentl)' and acquired a reputation for 
efficiency, organizational grasp, and 
economy. The upshot was that in 1962 
he was sent out to head the federal 
civilian forces that were present during 
the riots attending the integration of the 
University of Mississippi when James 
Meredith was enrolled there as a stu­
dent; in 1963 Clark was sent to Bir­
mingham and other parts of the South 
to oversee the desegregation of public 
schools and colleges; and in 1965 he 
was put in command of the federal 
forces at Selma and at Watts. At the 
beginning of 1965, he had been pro­
moted to Deputy Attorney General, 
the second-ranking post in the Depart­
ment and one of greater influence and 
responsibility than the similar post in 
most of the other departments. In Oc­
tober, 1966, he became Acting At­
torney General when Nicholas deB. 
Katzenbach left tlie Attorne)' Gen­
eralship, and the following March 
President Johnson appointed him At­
torney General.

Standing six feet three inches tall 
and weighing a hundred and seventy 
pounds, Clark made a rather frail­
looking chief law-enforcement officer 
of the count!-)'. A retiring man, with a 
soft drawl and a mild manner that was 
made to seem even milder b)' the de­
ceptive!)' innocent look in his wide-set 
eyes under dark sandy hair, he often 
appeared even t'ounger than he was— 
forty-one when he left office—and 
far from being a man used to com-

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niand. “TJiere's simply no side to 
Ramsey,” a close friend remarked not 
long ago. “If yon didn’t know who he 
was and saw him in a roomful of people, 
you’d never ask, ‘Who is t h a t } ^  ” In­
deed, Clark often seemed to go out of 
his way not to impress anyone. While 
in office, he ins sted on travelling tourist 
class—ostensibly to save the govern­
ment money but perhaps also to preserve 
his anonymity. His insistence on this 
point often caused some inconvenience. 
“We’d be on our way to or from the 
West Coast, witli ten hours’ work to 
do in five, and there we’d be, crammed 
in with some fat guy who would snore 
lialf the way and talk the other half,” 
Sessions recalled not long ago. “Still, 
Ramsey absolutely refused to use the 
prerogatives of his office. He was 
almost never recognized—at least, not 
before the Republicans began roasting 
him. But one day we arrived at O ’Hare 
Airport, in Chicago, to pick up our 
tickets before a flight and the clerk 
recognized his name. He insisted on 
putting us aboard before the other 
passengers. Ramsey didn’t want to take 
any advantage, but the clerk forced it. 
Then when we were airborne, one of 
the stewardesses came up to Ramsey 
and asked who he was. She said he 
must be a movie star or somebody. He 
fumbled around and finally said that 
he was Attorney General. She said, 
‘Oh,’ and went off. Half an hour later, 
she came back and asked what he was 
Attorney General of. He fumbled 
around some more and then told her of 
the United States. She said, ‘Oh,’ and 
went off again. When she came back, 
she said, ‘You know, I checked with 
the pilot and the co-pilot and the other 
stewardesses, and none of them had 
ever heard of you.’ I believe Ramsey 
was actually pleased.”

ON September 29, 1968, Nixon de­
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speech on crime—a half-hour radio 
address over a national hookup. Al­
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times, it was actually adroitly fash­
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that crime control was the job of the 
federal government. “Some have said 
that we are a sick society,” Nixon told 
his radio audience. “We’re sick, all 
right, but not in the way they mean. 
We are s ic k  of what lias been allowed 
to go on in this nation for too long. 
Under the stewardship of the present 
Administration, crime and violence . . . 
have increased ten times faster than 
population.” He went on to list, cate- 
gor}’ by categorj', the rise in the crime 
rate under the Democrats—an over-



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all rise of eighty-eight per cent. He did 
not mention that in the nineteen-fifties, 
during most of which the Eisenhower- 
Nixon Administration was in power, 
the rise had been ninety-eight per cent. 
“Now, by way of excuse, the present 
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poverty,” he continued. “But poverty is 
only one contributing factor. . . . The 
truth is that we will reduce crime and 
violence when we enforce our laws— 
when we make it less profitable, and a 
lot more risky, to break our laws. One 
lesson has not been lost on the criminal 
community. Today only one in every 
eight crimes results in conviction and 
punishment. Today an arrest is made 
in only one in every five burglaries. 
Today an arrest is made in less than a 
third of reported robberies. Today it is 
comparatively safe to break the law. 
Today all across the land guilty men 
walk free from hundreds of court­
rooms. Something has gone terribly 
wrong in America.” Of course, the 
main thing that had gone wrong was 
that many local police forces were too 
inept, untrained, undermanned, or cor­
rupt to do their job. Despite these 
drawbacks, Nixon neglected to say, the 
police were able to solve a large major­
ity of the kinds of crimes that people 
were most worried about—eighty-eight 
per cent of all murders, sixty-nine per 
cent of all serious assaults, and sixty- 
one per cent of all rapes.

Although many criminologists and 
statisticians accept tlie figures Nixon 
cited as being reasonably sound, some 
of them believe that the 
F.B.I.’s reports of a 
rise in the nation’s 
over-all crime rate are 
wholly unreliable. To 
support this contention, 
they point out that 
althoLigli nearly four 
million serious crimes 
were reported last year, 
probably an equal or 
greater number were 
committed but not reported. Since no 
one has the essential figures to base 
computations on—that is, the total 
number of crimes committed, unreport­
ed as well as reported, in past }’ears— 
no one can say with certainty whether 
there has actually been an increase, let 
alone what it amounts to. In addition, 
they say, part of the apparent rise may 
well be the result of an increase in vic­
tims’ willingness to report crimes that 
until recently were rarely brought to 
the attention of the police—particularly 
crimes committed in high-crime areas 
like slums, where the residents feared 
and mistrusted the police and preferred

to accej>t criminal depredations as 
merely another unfortunate fact of life. 
And there has also been an increased 
willingness on the part of law-enforce­
ment officials to keep more complete 
records. In the past, they were often 
reluctant to, because they feared that 
full disclosure might call attention to 
the kind of job they were doing; now, 
however, they are free to tell the 
worst, since the public has become con­
vinced that the nation is in the grip of 
criminal forces that are beyond any 
normal police control. It has been sug­
gested that some of our law-enforce­
ment agencies’ current preoccupation 
with statistics may be politically moti­
vated, for the more crimes that are 
reported the more alarmed the public 
becomes, and the more alarmed the 
public becomes the more money legisla­
tures are likely to vote for police de­
partments.

Still, the widespread conviction that 
crime in this country is soaring un­
controllably has brought many people 
to the point where they live in ter­
ror. During the Presidential campaign, 
crime statistics were used by Nixon to 
frighten people into voting for him. And 
they were used by Wallace and others 
on the far right to create the kind of 
public mood in which a crackdown on 
a ll disruptive elements at home might 
someday be acceptable. But an analysis 
of the most reliable crime data demon­
strates that much of the fear Nixon 
played on had no basis in reality. For 
example, of the four million serious 

crimes reported  in 
1968 only twelve per 
cent, or less than five 
hundred thousand of 
them, were the kind of 
crimes that the average 
citizen feared most— 
that is, violent or po­
tentially violent crimes. 
In other words, one- 

C d  quarter of one per cent 
of the two hundred 

million people in the country could ex­
pect to be the victims of such crimes in 
any given year. Although half a mil­
lion crimes of this nature are too many, 
they are not enough to scare an entire 
nation out of its wits. By far the great­
est number of all crimes reported were 
committed by slum-dwellers upon 
slum-dwellers. For a resident of the 
black slums of Chicago, for instance, 
the chance of being physically as­
saulted, on the basis of reported 
crimes, was one in seventy-seven, 
whereas for the white resident of a 
nearby suburb the chance was one in 
ten thousand. Nixon did not campaign



87

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in the slums, but he campaigned inten­
sive!)' in the suburbs, where he re­
peatedly cited figures about the crime 
rate to suggest that audiences there 
were most threatened by it, rather than 
to ask them to help provide some meas­
ure of security for those who had none, 
'riiis omission led Clark to say, “The 
most ironic and profound tragedy 
tlireatened by tlie prevailing fear of 
violent crime is that those who suffer 
least would deprive those wlio suffer 
most of the very programs that would 
attack the underlying causes of crime. 
Thus it is with fear, which crushes 
hope and opportunity.”

Toward the end of Nixon’s radio 
speech on crime, he got to his main point. 
“Now, what is the responsibility of the 
Administration of which Hubert Hum­
phrey is a part?” he asked. “Well, it’s 
time for an accounting. Its responsibil­
ity is large. It has failed. It has failed 
in energy, failed in will, failed in pur­
pose. The Attorney' General, Mr. 
Ramsey Clark, has the primary re­
sponsibility in this area. Just listen to 
him. ‘The level of crime,’ he said last 
)'car, ‘has risen a little bit, but there is 
no wave of crime in this country.’. . . 
Is It any wonder that criminals in 
America are not losing much sleep over 
the efforts of the Department of Jus­
tice? Is it any wonder that the old 
saying ‘Crime does not pay’ is being 
laughed at by criminals?”

Clark felt compelled to respond, not 
because he was stung by these and ear­
lier charges and hoped to refute them 
by placing his record before the public 
but because he believed that am'one 
who played upon the voters’ deepest 
fears when, above all, they needed 
realistic evaluation should not be Presi­
dent. The only way to demonstrate 
this, as Clark saw it, was to point 
out the candidate’s misrepresentations 
and to show what they meant and what 
they could lead to. In other word.s, he 
had to become political at last. The op- 
portunit)' aro.se a couple of weeks lat­
er, when he delivered the main address 
before a meeting of the Women’s Na­
tional Press Club, in the capital. “Poli­
ticians can lead or follow,” he told his 
audience, which contained many of the 
leading journalists, male as well as fe­
male, in the Washington press corps. 
“They can appeal to the best in peo­
ple or to the worst. They can divide, 
brutalize, and mislead, or they can 
unite, humanize, and give confidence. 
The great need of this moment is for 
unity, humanity, and truth.” Moving 
on to the main issue of the campaign, 
he asked, “What of crime? How is 
it controlled and reduced?” and an-

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swered, “Not by exhortations to ‘law 
and order,’ which may mean many 
things hut to most today signify foixe, 
order as an end in itself, repressiveness. 
It nurtures fear by conjuring terrible 
crimes. It fires anger by implying au- 
tlioritarian power. It divides black from 
white, young from old, rich from poor, 
educated from ignorant. It speaks of 
tlte horror of the criminal act, over­
looking the greater tragedy: the innate 
capability of our people to commit 
crime. It somehow calls for force to 
prevent the act of crime while ignoring 
the heart prepared to commit it. Be­
sides dividing, the demagogic phrase 
misleads or leads not at all. . . .  It states 
an end with the implication that it 
should be reached by any means.” 
Having addressed himself to the cam­
paign issue, the Attorney General 
turned to the campaigner who had 
raised it. “If Mr. Nixon wants to serve 
tlie public interest, he will state his 
views on crime control rather than 
misstate mine,” he said. Then he con­
tinued, “One reason Mr. Nixon resorts 
to trigger words and misstatements on 
the crime issue is that he doesn’t know 
enough about the subject, for all his 
coaching, to talk at length on the 
merits. Another is that he finds it his 
style of politics to appeal to fear and 
hatred and emotionalism— the worst in 
us— rather than to build constructively 
with confidence, good will, and reason. 
We are a ll concerned about crime. 
Differences on the issues are the nu­
triment of the political process. It is 
on these differences the public should 
judge. We must state positions on the 
issues clearly, not fabricate false issues. 
But the public never sees the issues 
when Mr. Nixon speaks. Can a man 
who deliberately misleads be trusted to 
lead? ”

Clark reminded his listeners that the 
Republican candidate had charged the 
Administration with not having “much 
of a sense of urgency about the nar­
cotics problem,” and proceeded to say 
that the amount of opium and its de­
rivatives seized by federal authorities in 
1968 was a hundred and fifty per cent 
greater than the amount seized in 
1967, and was an all-time high; that 
the amount of marijuana seized in 
1968 was a hundred and sixty per cent 
greater than the amount seized in 
1967, and was another all-time high; 
that new methods of treating addicts 
were being experimented with iinder 
the Narcotics Addiction Rehabilitation 
Act of 1966, which the Johnson Ad­
ministration had drafted and sponsored; 
and that the new Bureau of Narcotics 
and Dangerous Drugs, which was set



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90

Because 
unpacking is 
a pain in your 
vacation.
The Ventura Hangaway, from our deluxe 

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Holds 16 dresses within easy reach. See the 
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For free “ Tips on Packing,” write Ventura, 
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So high in fashion. . .  so light in weight.

up earl}’ in 1968 on Clark’s personal 
initiative, had doubled the government’s 
enforcement power, educational ef­
forts, and research capacity in the field. 
In refuting Nixon’s charge that the 
Johnson Administration had done little 
to stem “a prodigious growth in or­
ganized crime,” Clark said that in 
1960—the last year of the Administra­
tion that Nixon served as Vice-Presi­
dent—nineteen members of criminal 
syndicates had been indicted by the Jus­
tice Department’s Organized Crime 
and Racketeering Section, compared to 
a record high of eleven hundred and 
sixty-six in 1968. Nixon, he went on, 
liad said nothing about the Depart­
ment’s Strike Forces (a combination of 
key federal agencies cooperating with 
local law-enforcement divisions to con­
centrate on organized-crime operations 
in specific localities, an innovation that 
Clark had put into effect a couple of 
years earlier with extraordinary suc­
cess); nor had he mentioned that half 
of all the known members of La Cosa 
Nostra who had been convicted in fed­
eral prosecutions since 1955 had been 
convicted under Clark’s direction— that 
is, eleven years equalled in two. “Was 
his voice heard when I pleaded time 
and again with the Congress for sev­
enty-five additional specialists to in­
crease our Strike Force capability and 
got none.^” Clark asked. “While the 
Department of Justice fought through 
the years for gun control, did Mr. Nix­
on speak out? Guns are the principal 
weapon of the criminal. They are used 
in sixty-three per cent of all murders, 
twenty-five per cent of all violent 
crimes. When a major effort was made 
to secure meaningful controls follow­
ing the assassinations of Dr. King and 
Senator Kennedy and the matter hung 
in the balance before the United States 
Senate—who was silent? Who was 
asked to help and gave none? Richard 
Nixon.”

'  I 'H IS time, Clark’s speech was 
widely reported. By failing to fill 

in the record as the attacks on Clark 
were made and remade, the press itself 
had finally forced him to respond, 
thereby creating a story that was sensa­
tional enough to be reported. In this 
case, the failure of the press cannot be 
ascribed to the popular conception of 
harried reporters rushing to meet dead­
lines. Onl}' at times of extreme crisis— 
during the riots following the assassina­
tion of Dr. King, for instance—was 
there an\' kind of “Front Page” activi­
ty in the Department of Justice press 
room. More often, that room was oc­
cupied by a few idle figures lolling



93

about with their feet on the desks. 
About the only event that galvanized 
them into anytliing resembling action 
was the arrival of a release from the 
Public Information Office next door. 
Most of the reporters assigned to the 
Department seemed to consider that 
their task was not to look into the facts 
around and behind such releases but 
merely to rewrite parts of them, always 
being careful to cut out any of the im­
plicit praise that publicity-minded press 
aides included in their handouts. The 
public tiius informed and protected, the 
reporters considered their job done. Of 
coui'se, there were also some diligent 
and capable members of the press corps 
at work there from time to time, but 
in the end few newspaper readers had 
any notion of what the Department of 
Justice’s responsibilities were or how its 
staff and the Attorney General went 
about meeting them.

The Department of Justice, whose 
administration became a major issue in 
the last Presidential campaign, is one of 
the smallest of the twelve Cabinet-level 
departments in the federal government, 
with about thirty-five thousand em­
ployees (nearly half of whom are in 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation) 
and a budget of five hundred and fifty- 
five million dollars (about two-fifths of 
which goes to the F.B.I.). While 
Health, Education, and Welfare lias 
three times the staff and fifty times the 
money, the Justice Department’s re­
sponsibilities today are staggering in 
their importance, variety, number, and 
complexit)-. A decade or so ago, the 
Department was known mainly as the 
agency that prosecuted violations of 
the Internal Revenue Code, instituted 
occasional anti-trust suits, kept an eye 
on subversives, and tracked down Pub­
lic Enemies No. 1 through No. 10. 
Since then, it has been given, or has 
taken on, a number of duties that have 
put it at the center of domestic con­
troversy— the handling of racial dis­
cord, mass protests, riots, and draft re­
sistance, along -with an ever-increasing 
involvement in the problems of crime. 
To deal with these concerns and a 
dizzying array of more routine matters, 
the Department is divided into two hun­
dred and eight separate units. There are 
five major offices (the Offices of the 
Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney 
General, and the Solicitor General, 
along with the Office of Legal Counsel 
and the Office of Public Information) ; 
eight divisions (the Criminal Divi­
sion, the Civil Rights Division, the 
Antitrust Division, the Civil Divi­
sion, the Tax Division, the Land and 
Natural Resources Division, the In-

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96

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and more equitable nation. And, 
twelfth, lie is responsible for assuring 
that at the same time the law is en­
forced justice is served.

The Department’s specific responsi­
bility for securing law and order—or, 
to put it in the sequence intended by 
those who used it most frequently dur­
ing the Presidential campaign, order 
and law— is a limited one. It is limited 
primarily because the Constitution re­
serves t)ie police power to the states, 
which, of course, are most directly 
afflicted by violations of their laws and 
most able to respond quickly, and sec­
ondarily because the federal govern­
ment has only a small fraction of the 
manpower tltat is required to combat 
crime nationally. For instance, there 
are more local policemen in Los An­
geles County than there are F.B.I. 
agents in the entire country. There are 
almost seven times as many deputy 
sheriff's in that county as there are 
Deputy United States Marshals in the 
country. And there are twice as many 
probation officers in that county as there 
are federal probation officers in the 
country. Taking California as a whole, 
half again as many convicts are in cus­
tody tliere as are held in all federal 
prisons. Limited as the federal role is, 
however, it can be critically significant. 
For one thing, it provides a model for 
every lesser jurisdiction, and the federal 
government’s over-all approach to the 
violence and discord of the time will 
probably determine whether or not the 
nation’s traditional freedoms are pre­
served.

The task of enforcing federal laws 
is divided among various parts of the 
Department of Justice. The most ac­
tive of them, of course, is the Criminal 
Division, which supervises the enforce­
ment of all federal criminal statutes 
except a few that are assigned by law. 
to other agencies. More than sixty- 
five thousand federal crimes were re­
ported last year, roughly half of which 
the division prosecuted in federal courts. 
The cases ranged from bank robbery 
and kidnapping to violations of the 
White Slave Traffic Act and of the 
Migratory Bird Treaty Act. Except 
for the investigations conducted by the 
Strike P'orces and trial work resulting 
from these, which the Criminal Divi­
sion itself directs, much of the division’s 
work load— more than thirty thousand 
court cases a year—is handled by 
United States Attorneys in the field, 
with supervision, advice, and, when 
needed, manpower from the Washing­
ton office. Not only are the ninety- 
three field offices closer to the crimes 
committed but they also are better



99

staffed, with nearly nine hundred at­
torneys in all. Even so, considering the 
case load and special duties of the 
Criminal Division, its task is prodigious. 
To perform it, the division, under As­
sistant Attorney General Vinson, had a 
staff of two hundred and ninety-three, 
a hundred and seventy-six of whom 
were lawyers, and a budget, for 1968, 
of $3,907,000. Clark had asked for 
$4,725,000, which was approved by 
the Bureau of the Budget, tlic Presi­
dent’s watchdog over all government 
expenditures, but Congress reduced it 
by $818,000. R epresentative John 
Rooney, a Democrat from Brooklyn 
and chairman of the House appropria­
tions subcommittee that determines the 
Department of Justice’s annual budget, 
had long scoffed at what the Depart­
ment claimed it needed to fight crime, 
and demanded -that the appropriation 
be cut by that amount. (At the same 
time, he was happy to grant all of the 
F.B.I.’s request for $219,670,000 as 
well as the Internal Security Divi­
sion’s request for $2,518,000, even 
though the latter had so little to do tliat 
Clark and Katzenbach wanted to dis­
band it, but couldn’t because of politi­
cal resistance on the Hill.) The Senate 
restored half the cut in the Criminal 
Division’s budget, but Rooney got the 
addition thrown out in conference. Be­
cause of salary increases required by 
statute, the reduction meant that the 
division’s resources were held at what 
they had been the year before, which 
compelled Clark to do without seventy- 
five additional men he had planned to 
add to the Strike Forces. According to 
a member of the division, “Nothing 
makes Rooney scream louder than the 
depredations wrought by criminals, un­
less it is our attempt to do something 
about them.”

Of all the Criminal Division’s opera­
tions, the Strike Forces have been the 
most successful. In January, 1967, 
Clark dispatched the first Strike Force, 
which consisted of a team of attorneys 
and investigators from ke)' federal 
agencies moving in a closely coiirdinat- 
ed manner with state and local agents 
to investigate, carry out raids, provide 
evidence for a grand jury, and conduct 
the prosecution of organized-crime op­
erations in a single area—in tliis case, 
Buffalo. The purpose was to superim­
pose federal action on local law en­
forcement in order to find and prose­
cute members of crime rings and tlien 
to leave local authorities in control. 
The program worked so well in Buf­
falo that by the end of Clark’s term in 
office other Strike Forces had been 
sent into Detroit, Brooklyn, Philadel-

Spend
a winter vacation 

in gaol.
A winter vacation in Williamsburg 

begins in 1969 and ends in 1769.
You'll arrive with all the problems 

that seem to be a part of our world.
Then Williamsburg will work a 

subtle magic.
The architecture, the arts and crafts 

-even the public gaol (jail) with stocks 
and pillory - will work together to take 
you back to the eighteenth century.

Back where you can relax, 
reflect and quietly gain peace 
of mind.

Come to Williamsburg 
during this leisurely time of 
year and spend some time 
in gaol.

It will set you free.

Where to stay: W illiamsburg Inn, from $25 double; its Colonial Houses, from $16 
double. The Lodge, from $16 double. The Motor House, $19-$21 double. For in ­
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Enterprise 6805; W estchester County, Enterprise 7301; Essex County, WX 6805.



100

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Any Better?
Yes. Because it’s there, you know 
this handsome side chair is a 
faithful reproduction of the Queen 
Anne original in the Brush- 
Everard House in Williamsburg.
The Hallmark tells you that the mahogany 
is carefully chosen and then hand-crafted and 
hand-rubbed to a mellow patina.
The Williamsburg Hallmark is reserved for those products that are 
crafted by one of the 17 licensed manufacturers of home furnishings and 
furniture.
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phia, Chicago, Miami, and Newark, 
and ultimately resulted in indictments 
of close to two hundred racketeers, 
including some top members of La 
Cosa Nostra. “The Strike Forces were 
Ramsey’s idea, but he rarely gets credit 
for them,” Vinson remarked toward 
the end of 1968. “His fight against 
organized crime has been extremely 
effective. His approach has been investi­
gation, indictments, and prosecution— 
not press hoopla. But, unfortunately, the 
absence of hoopla has made it more dif­
ficult to do the job. Congress is happy 
to give us new duties, but it doesn’t 
want to pay for them.” When asked 
how he felt about Nixon’s charge that 
Clark had been remiss in the fight 
against organized crime, Vinson smiled. 
“Of course, that couldn’t be further 
from the truth,” he said. “Ramsey has 
been the most effective organized-crime 
buster in liistory. But the attack could 
have a beneficial effect. By generat­
ing all that publicity about organized 
crime, the Nixon Administration may 
pry more money out of Congress for 
the Department than we did.”

T N  Nixon’s campaign radio speech on 
crime, he asserted that “Congress 

has passed carefully considered and 
carefully drawn legislation authorizing 
wiretapping, with full Constitutional 
safeguards, for the investigation of seri­
ous crimes,” that “three previous U.S. 
Attorneys General not only outlined 
the need but also sponsored legislation 
to authorize wiretapping,” and that 
“ s t il l the present Attorney General op­
poses it.” It was true that Clark, with 
the full support of the President, re­
fused to enforce the wiretapping-and- 
bugging measure that had been enacted 
the previous summer as part of the 
Omnibus Crime Control and Safe 
Streets Act of 1968—on the grounds 
that it was probably un-Constitutional, 
that it was certainly an invasion of pri­
vacy, and that no one had ever proved 
it would be effective. It was also true 
that his three predecessors had advo­
cated the use of electrical and electron­
ic surveillance. But it was not true that 
the law contained “full Constitutional 
safeguards,” and it was extremely 
doubtful whether the earlier Attorneys 
General would have publicly supported 
any measure that lacked them. More­
over, it was unlikely that any of them 
would have backed the use of wire­
tapping and bugging against just about 
anyone in the country, as permitted by 
the current law. Robert Kennedy was 
away from the Senate, campaigning for 
the Presidency, when the wiretapping 
section of the Crime Bill came up for



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102

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a vote, but he announced that had he 
been present he would have voted to 
strike that section entirely. His reit- 
son, like the reason given by other op­
ponents of the measure, was that it was 
anything but carefully considered and 
carefully drawn. For instance, it per­
mitted the President, on liis own initia­
tive and without any safeguards what­
ever, to order secret surveillance of any 
person or group that in his opin­
ion posed a threat to “ the structure 
or existence of the government”—a 
phrase that could be interpreted to in­
clude war protesters, civil-rights dem­
onstrators, participants in a national 
labor dispute, and members of right- 
wing and left-wing movements. The 
law also permitted the Attorney Gen­
eral, United States Attorneys, Assist­
ant United States Attorneys, state 
attorneys general, and local district at­
torneys to tap or bug anyone who had 
committed, was committing, or was 
about to commit a crime punishable by 
a year or more in jail, as long as a 
judge in their jurisdiction approved the 
request. And the law further permitted 
all the foregoing public officials to tap 
or bug for forty-eight hours without a 
judge’s permission if they decided that 
an “emergency” existed; the definition 
of the word was left up to them. The 
principal authors of the legislation— 
Senator John L. McClellan, an arch­
conservative Democrat from Arkan­
sas, and Senator Roman L. Hruska, 
an arch-conservative Republican from 
Nebraska—contended that it would 
provide an invaluable weapon in the 
war against crime, particularly organ­
ized crime. Most of their support came 
from policemen and prosecutors, who 
are invariably eager to have any new 
method to lielp them perform their 
duties. The opponents of the law— 
mainly leaders of bar associations, law 
professors, civil-libertarians, and mem­
bers of Congress who feared that 
the new law constituted a long step 
toward a police state—contended that 
the crimes people were most concerned 
about were street crimes, and that 
muggers, rapists, and holdup men were 
unlikely to discuss their intentions be­
forehand or their accomplishments aft­
erward over the telephone. As for use 
of the law against organized criminals, 
it was pointed out that the first time it 
proved effective gangsters would de­
vise other means of communicating 
with each other. That would leave the 
police and prosecutors with a lot of 
equipment and no one to listen in on— 
except perhaps their political enemies, 
likely subjects for blackmail, or anyone 
whose activities promised an earful. P'i-



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nally, the opposition said, although the 
federal government might be expected 
to employ such devices with some re­
straint, there was no assurance that 
state and local authorities woidd be at 
all circumspect; in fact, an unscrupu­
lous district attorney and an unscrupu­
lous judge could certainly harass, and 
possibly even control, an entire town 
or city through secret surveillance.

In the State of the Union Message 
of 1967, President Johnson told a joint 
session of Congress, “We should pro­
tect what Justice Brandeis 
called the ‘right most valued 
by civilized men’— the right 
to privacy. We should out­
law all wiretapping—public 
and private—wherever and 
whenever it occurs, except 
when the security of this na­
tion itself is at stake, and only 
then with the strictest gov­
ernmental safeguards.” At­
torney General Clark accept­
ed even that use reluctantly. “Nothing 
so mocks privacy as the wiretap and 
electronic surveillance,” he testified be­
fore a congressional committee that was 
considering the passage of such a meas­
ure. “They are incompatible with a free 
society.” If he was the only Attorney 
General to oppose wiretapping except 
in matters of national security, he was 
also the only one to take strict pre­
cautions to see that it was not abused in 
the name of preserving the Union. At­
torney General Kennedy, for example, 
accepted F.B.I. requests for permission 
to use taps and bugs in national-security 
cases without question. “The assistant 
director of the bureau would come in 
and hand Bob a slip of paper asking for 
such permission, and usually he’d sign it 
without even looking at the name of the 
person to be tapped or bugged,” one of 
Kennedy’s associates in tile Justice De­
partment said not long ago. “Half the 
time, we didn’t even have a record of 
it on file, so we had no idea of who 
was under surveillance for what.” 
Clark, on the other hand, insisted tliat 
the F.B.I. provide him with a descrip­
tion of each person to be tapped or 
bugged, a detailed explanation of the 
reasons for suspicion, and information 
about what the bureau expected to find 
out. He was the only Attorney Gen­
eral known to have turned down the 
bureau, as he did whenever he found its 
explanations too flimsy or tlie safe­
guards against involving innocent peo­
ple too loose.

Clark was deeply suspicious about 
both the usefulness of this kind of snoop­
ing and the motives of the people who 
wanted to use it. “It’s rather ironic

that the very men who insist upon our 
using wiretapping have refused to give 
us the manpower that we’ve requested 
for two years—seventy-five specialists 
to supplement our Strike Forces in the 
organized-crime field,” he said. “If .we 
iiad those seventy-five specialists, we 
could have three to four more Strike 
Forces going constantly over the United 
States. And they could secure more in­
dictments and more successful prosecu­
tions than by devoting the same man­
power to tap or bug. It takes two to 

six men to man a single wire­
tap or bug.” For this reason, 
Clark believed that such sur­
veillance was wastefully inef­
ficient as a law-enforcement 
device, and that none of its 
advocates had ever made the 
kind of case for its use that 
would “meet the heavy bur­
den of proof our values re­
quire” before such widespread 
intrusions of privacy were 

allowed. Asked if he also felt that the 
supporters of a law like this had a taste 
for sneakiness, he replied, “I do in­
deed.” Above all, though, he was most 
concerned about the creation of what 
he called “a tradition of surreptitious­
ness by law enforcement.” In discussing 
the possibility or, he feared, the likeli­
hood of this coming about, he explained, 
“If we create today traditions of spying 
on people, the time may not be far 
distant wheti a person can hardly speak 
his mind to any otlier person without 
being afraid that the police or some­
one else will hear what he says and 
therefore know what he thinks. Be­
cause of the size of our numbers and 
the denseness of our urban society, it 
will be difficult enough in the future 
for us to secure some little sense of pri­
vacy and individual integrity. We can 
trap ourselves, we can become the cap­
tives of our technology, and we can 
change the meaning of man as an in­
dividual.”

Ma n y  observers believe that by far 
the greatest contribution the De­

partment of Justice can make in the 
endless struggle to control crime in this 
country is through the assistance and 
advice it provides to local law-enforce­
ment agencies, which must deal with 
about ninety-five per cent of all the 
crime that is committed. One of the 
ironies of Clark’s career as Attorney 
General was that although his reputa­
tion as a crime-fighter was very low 
with the man in the street, it was very 
high witli the man in police head­
quarters. For example, Quinn Tamm, 
head of the International Association of



109

Chiel:s of Police, said that Clark had 
“done more to lielp local law enforce­
ment than any other Attorney Gen­
eral.” Many local law-enforcement 
officials agreed. Donald D. Pomerleau, 
the police commissioner of Baltimore, 
stated that Clark had provided more 
“enlightened leadership” and greater 
“sensitivity to the problems of law en­
forcement” than any of his predeces­
sors. Bernard L. Garmire, the chief of 
police in Tucson, said that Clark had 
contributed more to “improving the 
calibre of police officers than any other 
Attorney General in history.” One 
reason for his standing with heads of 
police departments was that he got to 
know more than a hundred of them 
around the country on a first-name 
basis, and in the process he also got to 
know their problems at first hand. 
When he went out on the road to make a 
speech or attend a meeting, he usually 
stopped by to see the local police chief. 
Herbert Jenkins, the chief of police in 
Atlanta, has recalled being astonished 
to get a telephone call from Washing­
ton one day late in 1967 informing him 
that Attorney General Clark was to 
be in Atlanta in a couple of days and 
would like to meet with him. “I ’d been 
chief here for twenty years, and in 
that time every Attorney General had 
been here at one time or another, but 
none of them had ever talked to me,” 
he said later. “Ramsey came over to the 
police department and spent several 
hours asking my opinion of this and 
that. He talked to my staff, to men on 
the beat, to people working in the 
slums. It had a big effect on us. And 
by listening to us he got us to listen to 
him.”

When men like Jenkins listened, 
they discovered that Clark was keenly 
aware of their problems, and, of course 
they were gratified when he told them, 
as he often did, that the policeman was 
“ the man in the middle” and that be­
cause of his place in a society torn by 
social upheaval he was “the most im­
portant man in America today.” And 
they were obviously pleased by his con­
stant appeals for higher salaries and 
greater prestige for all law-enforce­
ment personnel. To attract and keep 
the best men available, Clark recom­
mended that the average salary cur­
rently paid—in cities of half a million 
population or more, it ran from sixty- 
six hundred dollars for rookie patrol­
men to a top of seventy-six hundred 
dollars, whatever the length of serv­
ice—should be increased to a degree 
that no one else had ever dared sug­
gest. He proposed that patrolmen in 
similar-sized cities start out at ten thou-

dHimCCm
$  g o c e f f i s e

f U U  K n C U H l O U )  

» U J 0UR3ViU)
r a i f i e n i i "

says

PRESIDENT, CASWELL-MASSEY CO. LTD.

“W e're probably the sm allest m en's toiletry maker in the 
country. And $3000 represents a sizeable chunk of our ad­
vertising budget. But we're so enthusiaH ic about our Persian Leather Cologne, 
w e felt it w as w orth shooting the w'orks on- this ad. Persian Leather finds its 
inspiration in the lore of falconry. In the 7th and 8th centuries B.C., Persian  
falconers covered their right hands in  m agnificent leather gauntlets, tanned w ith  
curiously fragrant substances.
These same arom atics have found their w ay  into our -Persian Leather fragrance 
w hich  has taken us years to perfect. In .fact, Persian Leather is  only the ninth  
man's cologne C asw ell-M assey has introduced during the last 217 years. (Our 
first, Number 6, w as a favorite of George W ashington in 1752 and is still one of 
our b est sellers!) Persian Leather is  as unlike the more fam iliar English and Rus­
sian Leather types as kidskin is from cow hide. Suave. W orldly. Exotic even, its 
deep toned fragrance burnished by hand in our workroom s. As you  know, w e  
are probably the only peop le in A m erica w ho still blend our toiletries by hand  
(using as m any as 350 different ingredients!), freeze filter, and seal and bottle  
them by hand.
At present I can offer you Persian Leather in a choice of Cologne, uniquely 
soothing After Shave Lotion and powerful, long lasting Toilet Water. Prices for 
Cologne and for After Shave run: 3 oz. $4; 8 oz. $8.75; 16 oz. $16. Toilet Waters 
are: 4 oz. $10; 8 oz. $18.75; 16 oz. $36. These last two bottles are truly collectors 
items, being ground glass stoppered, sealed with kidskin, a dollop of wax and 
beribboned in the 18th century manner.
C asw ell-M assey Persian Leather can be found in  better stores around the coun­
try. I'll send you the nam e of one near you  if  you ’ll oblige m e by m ailing the 
coupon below .

S a  c 3
a) U £ w c
£ g" S •-§ 
O i  “  3  3

-l-g
b H a  N IS' P.

w
2  K u  m "f

Please let m e know  if you  saw  this ad for Cas­
w ell-M assey Persian Leather. Otherw ise, I m ay  
have som e explaining to do t a  our Treasurer!.



FROM THE
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and other fine stores: Georg Jensen, New York ; Marshall Field, Chicago; Shreve, Crump 
& Low, Boston; E. W . Parker, M adison, W ise .; J. E. Ca ldw ell, Ph iladelphia ; Gump's, 
San Francisco; Bromberg's, B irm ingham ; Chas. W . W arren, D etro it; Hall's, Kansas 
C ity ; B. D . Howes, Los Angeles; J. B. Hudson, M inneapolis; Colem an Ad ler, New 
O rleans. Created by the tim e-honored craftsmen of Randahl Silversm iths, 144 W . 
B'-itannia S t , Taunton, Mass.

Canadian <̂ eese &̂ <̂ oslings
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Handsome pair in Am erican hardpaste 
porcela in in natural co lor, seven and one half 
inches, $350. the pair. Send for Gift Catalogue
Mass, Residents add3% tax (or if delivered 
in Mass.) Please add $3. for shipping.

Boylston at Arlington, Boston, Mass. 02116 (617) 267-9100

sand dollars a ) êar and go up to a top 
of fifteen thousand dollars. Noncom­
missioned officers, he went on, should 
be paid from fifteen thousand to twenty 
thousand dollars, officers and division 
heads from twenty thousand to tldrty j 
thousand dollars, and chiefs and ad­
ministrative directors from thirt)  ̂ thou­
sand to fifty thousand dollars. Although 
the pay scale undoubtedly seemed wild­
ly inflated even to many of the police­
men who heard him propose it, Clark 
argued that the money would be well 
spent on men who were properly quali­
fied for their jobs. “We must recognize 
how important professionalization of 
police is,’’ he told a meeting of police 
chiefs late in 1968, and went on to 
define professionalization as meaning 
college-trained patrolmen, college- 
trained officers who had proved their 
proficiency on the job, and specialists 
with advanced degrees in criminology, 
police science, public administration, 
law, medicine, psychology, and soci- 
ology. “Americans pay less than twelve 
dollars and fifty cents [per capita a 
year], on the average, for all police 
services,” he told his audience. “Surely 
we are willing, even anxious, to pay 
more.”

A few months earlier, the federal 
government had shown that it was pre­
pared to pay more for improved serv­
ices when Congress passed a bill setting 
up a Law Enforcement Assistance Ad­
ministration, which was empowered to 
help local police departments, courts, 
and correctional systems upgrade them­
selves. The bill, which grew out of a 
project devised by Attorney General 
Katzenbach and implemented by At-* 
torney General Clark, provided that 
the L.E.A.A., under the supervision of 
the Department of Justice, could spend 
a hundred million dollars in fiscal 1969 
and three hundred million dollars a 
year in fiscal 1970, 1971, and 1972 
in grants to states that set up approved 
programs for recruiting, training, and 
paying policemen; for modernizing 
their equipment and reorganizing their 
departments; for developing advanced 
rehabilitation techniques and other 
means of easing the return of convicts 
to society; for bringing their court 
systems up to date; for setting up 
crime-prevention programs in schools, 
colleges, and welfare agencies; for 
making loans to policemen who want­
ed to start or complete college studies; 
and for conducting research in all areas 
of law enforcement. Although the 
L.E.A.A.’s approach to the problem of 
crime in the United States was gener­
ally considered the most enlightened 
and most promising one ever devel-



"This may be
the most important speech 

given in our time/'*
It happened on  M arch 4, 1969 in the Kresge 
A uditorium  at M.I.T, before an audience o f stu­
dents and faculty concerned about the m ilitari­
zation  o f  A m erican science.

T he speaker was G eorge W ald, N ob el Prize 
winner, Harvard biologist, and popular teacher. 
W hat did he say that drew a standing ovation, 
that had such a rousing effect on all o f Am erica? 
H is entire speech is now  available on a Caedm on  
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Listen for yourself as one o f the w orld’s great­
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“Is there a future for m an on earth?” Facing  
a governm ent in quest o f m ore and more de­
structive devices, G eorge W ald declares that sci­
ence m ust stop participating in w ork that w ill 
ultim ately destroy civilization. H e explains the 
uneasiness o f  the younger generation, a feeling  
shared by all responsible people.

For all such people, this is must listening.

’"Editor Charles L. W hipple, The Boston Globe

OTHER RECORDINGS FROM CAEDMON

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Dem ocracy in Am erica
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In T he  M a tte r  o f 
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112 NOVEMDER 8 , 19 G 9

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Susan G ail...I saw you this afternoon 
at Proof of tlK Pudding

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oped, some participants in the stiHiggle 
to enact it were deeply concerned about 
a couple of changes that were made in 
the Administration’s original proposal 
as it passed through Congress. One was 
that the fifty million dollars originally 
requested by the White House for the 
first year was doubled, with most of the 
addition being earmarked not for up­
grading law-enforcement agencies but 
for increasing their ability to control 
riots and organized crime. This led 
critics to suspect that mone)  ̂ vitally 
needed for modernizing the country’s 
antiquated law-enforcement machinery 
would instead be used to buy tear gas, 
Mace, armaments, and wiretapping 
equipment. Even worse, they held, was 
a successful move led by Republican 
members of Congress, with the active 
support of former Vice-President Nix­
on, who was then campaigning in the 
primary contests, to require that all 
federal grants be given directly to states 
that developed generally approved pro­
grams, rather than, as the original 
measure stipulated, to localities with 
specifically approved programs. This 
amendment— known as the block-grant 
amendment—created a precedent that 
threatened to ultimately deny the fed­
eral government the right to say how its 
money was to he spent. Further, since 
state legislatures were still controlled by 
rural interests, despite the Supreme 
Court’s redistricting orders, a large part 
of the government’s money, it was 
charged, would be likely to end up not 
in the crime-ridden cities it had been 
intended for but in relatively placid 
towns and villages, and not for the pur­
poses originally set down but for what­
ever local authorities felt would most 
enhance their law-enforcement prac­
tices. Many small-town police officers, 
it was suggested, might be somewhat 
less interested in going to college to 
study criminology or in boning up on 
the latest tcclmological developments in 
police science than in getting pay raises, 
purchasing new prowl cars and fancy 
uniforms, and laying in supplies of the 
latest weaponry. In Clark’s view, the 
last eventuality was the most danger­
ous if it occurred before tlie police were 
professionalized. “The law could he a 
disaster,” he said, and went on to ex­
plain, “The way it’s written, even 
funds that aren’t specifically set aside 
for riot control could end up being 
spent to stockpile arms for use during 
riots or demonstrations. It’s another 
potential, and an enormous one, for 
repression. If the police have all that 
elaborate armament and are as un­
trained and undisciplined as man}’ of 
our policemen arc toda}̂ , the}" ma}" be



T H E NEW YORKER 113

inclined to use it in riot situations. After 
all, that’s what they will be given it for. 
And if they do, tin's country will be in 
the gravest danger. There will be a 
bloodbath, and that can only lead to 
repression and more bloodshed and 
more repression.” Clark’s fear of this 
outcome was far deeper than he ever 
expressed publicly. “T h e worst way to 
preserve peace is by cracking down, but 
that’s exactly what a lot of people want 
done,” he has said in private. “Take 
the situation down at South Carolina 
State College, in Orangeburg. In 
February, 1968, students there demon­
strated against a segregated bowling al­
ley. T h ey were just kids, and there 
was no need for the use of maximum 
force. In fact, there probably wasn’t 
any need for force at all. Before we 
could move in and take action against 
the bowling alley for violating the civil- 
rights laws, the, cops— a bunch of big, 
burly state troopers who far out­
weighed and outnumbered the young­
sters— waded in and began shooting. 
W hen it was all over, three kids were 
dead and nearly thirty more were 
wounded. The black people down there 
are so embittered that it will be years 
before they get over it, if they ever do. 
Next time, they’ll probably come 
armed.” Asked whether he thought 
events of this nature could produce a 
revolution if there were enough of 
them, he thought for a minute, then 
answered, “I  never used to believe that 
this country could become so divided. 
But I do now .”

OF all the forms of crime that are 
on the increase in the United 

States, one of the most alarming is the 
illegal use of narcotics. There are 
around sixty-three thousand known ad­
dicts in the country (half of them in 
N ew  York City) and possibly an equal 
number who are unknown. Whatever 
their number, they contribute a dis­
proportionate amount to the crime rate. 
In fact, some experts attribute three- 
fourths of all the serious crimes com­
mitted in N ew  York and Washington 
to addicts— a figure that, many be­
lieve, may also apply to other large 
cities. The illegal use of narcotics in 
this country fell off gradually from 
1900, when the number of addicts was 
estimated to be two hundred and fifty 
thousand in a total population of only 
seventy-six million, until 1960, but 
then it rose sharply. Between 1960 
and 1968, arrests for all crimes rose by 
a little under eleven per cent, but ar­
rests for violations of the drug-and- 
narcotic laws rose by nearly a hundred 
and sixty-five per cent. The increase

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114

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was not, as many people have imag­
ined, confined to the dispirited inhabit­
ant of the black slum. W hile narcotics 
violations were limited almost entirely 
to that class ten years ago, drug use has 
more and more afflicted middle-class 
suburban residents, until today the ratio 
is half and half between blacks and 
whites. Most of today’s addicts are 
young. T h e rise among the young in 
all categories of crime between 1960 
and 1968 was sixty-four per cent, but 
their arrests for possessing and selling 
narcotics went up by a staggering sev­
en hundred and seventy-four per cent. 
Am ong all age groups, close to ninety 
per cent of those arrested for violating 
the laws on addictive drugs had crimi­
nal records, and seventeen per cent of 
them were armed, presumably to en­
able them to commit other crimes to 
support their habit. It is an exceed­
ingly expensive one. A heroin addict— ■ 
the principal user involved— needs be­
tween fifty and sixty dollars a day to 
keep himself supplied. Since an addict 
is rarely able to liold down an ordinary 
job, let alone a job paying that kind of 
money, he must steal money or else 
merchandise that can easily be convert­
ed into money. As a rule, stolen goods 
bring about ten per cent of their value 
in cash, so, theoretically, the country’s 
sixty-three thousand known addicts 
must steal three and a half million dol­
lars a day in cash or thirty-five million 
dollars a day in mercliandise, or a com­
bination of the tw'o, in order to sur­
vive. In trying to raise funds, the ad­
dict most often relies on muggings, 
holdups, or burglaries, and in the course 
of committing tliem he not infrequent­
ly assaults or murders his victims. Since 
crimes of this kind— the kind that 
friglttens the ordinal*)' citizen most—  
constitute only twelve per cent of all 
crimes reported in the country, and 
since many, perhaps most, of them are 
the work of addicts, it is clear that con­
trol of the illegal use of narcotics and 
the rehabilitation of those addicted to 
them would greatly reduce the crime 
rate on this level and also immeasur­
ably alleviate the public anxiety.

Although the narcotics addict, like 
an\- other offender, must finally be 
dealt with by changing the conditions 
that drive him to such a desperate 
course, right now the problem is so 
acute that it can be met only by get­
ting him off the street. In the past, 
that was often difficult to do because 
the federal authority to take that step 
was legally fragmented. Until last )'ear, 
the federal government divided re­
sponsibility in this field between the 
Bureau of Narcotics, a part of the

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117

T^reasury Department, and the Bureau 
of Drug Abuse Control, a part of 
Health, Education, and W'elfare. For 
a long time, it was believed that most 
users of LSD were otherwise law- 
abiding youngsters out for a hallucina­
tory thrill, but it was finally learned 
that some forty per cent of them liad 
also been committing <ithcr crimes. And 
it was found by federal agents from 
the Bureau of Drug Abuse Control, 
which had jurisdiction over LSD, 
that nine out of ten of Us possessors 
also possessed marijuana, but that drug 
came under the jurisdiction of the Bu­
reau of Narcotics. Absurd as this con­
flict was, and critical as the need for 
effective government action to control 
drug abuse had become, no one did 
much about it until Clark recommend­
ed that the two agencies be combined 
in a single Bureau of Narcotics and 
Dangerous Drugs, with a staff e,\- 
panded by fifty per cent, and tliat the 
new agency be set up not in Treasury 
or H .E .W . hut in the Department of 
Justice, where it obviously belonged. 
Few  changes in government are easier 
tlian creating a new agency, and few  
changes in government are harder than 
disbanding an old one. Although the 
staffs and the programs of the two bit 
reaus were expected to be largely re 
tained under Clark’s proposal, it met 
with the kind of fierce opposition that 
comes from entrenched bureaucrats 
who know the rules and dearly love 
tliem as they are. Nor are members of 
Congress, who cling to their rules with 
some devotion, much more open to 
change. In this case, though, the need 
for amalgamation was so overwhelm­
ingly clear that et^n a Congress as de­
liberately sluggish as the Ninetieth 
was forced to accept it. ^Ht was one of 
the most important changes ever made 
in the Department,” Vinson said after 
the new bureau was set up. “It will 
have an immense impact. But, of 
course, hardly anyone knew it was all 
Ramsey’s doing, so somebody else will 
get all the credit for its success.”

T h e r e  are few better measures 
of the concern a societt' has for 

its individual members and its own 
well-being than the way it handles 
criminals,” Attorney General Clark 
told a conference of the American Cor­
rectional Association in the summer of 
1967. “ No element is less deserving, 
easier to forget, and more difficult to 
work with. T h e histoiy of penology is 
one of the saddest chapters in the story 
of man. Here, self-inflicted, is an in­
credible amount of human misery.” 
Misery, he added, was the lot not only |

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C O N V E N T IO N  & V ISITO R S B U R E A U
Dept. N Y-2, Fox Plaza, San Francisco 94102



118

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of the prisoners themselves but of the 
victims of the crimes tliat had sent 
them to prison, the victims of the crimes 
they would commit when they got out, 
and finally society as a whole. “ Intel­
ligence and self-interest tell us to­
day that we must work diligentl)' and 
effectively with those who commit 
crime,” Clark went on. “W e must re­
habilitate as many as have the capacity 
for rehabilitation. The question is not 
whether to be tough or tolerant. The  
question is what is effective.” He 
pointed out that the tough, eye-for-an- 
eye solution might work if people who 
committed crimes were sent to prison 
and kept there for good. But since 
ninety-five per cent of them were re­
turned sooner or later to society, that 
method was bound to be tougher on it 
than on them. And the tougher a pris­
on system was the tougher would be 
the convicts who emerged from it, 
many of whom went there as first of­
fenders— confused youngsters without 
criminal natures, or those with no more 
than a mild grudge against society. The  
first were almost certain to fall in with 
hardened criminals, the teachers in 
these giant crime schools, and to come 
out educated and confirmed in the 
ways of the criminal life. And the sec­
ond were almost certain to emerge 
with an implacable hatred toward the 
society that had sent them there. As 
Clark put it, “ Many prisoners, finally 
overcome by man’s inhumanity to 
man, put aside forever all compassion, 
to rely ever after on cunning.”

W hether the threat of imprisonment 
is a deterrent to crime has long been 
debated, but there can be no debate 
about whether the fact of imprison­
ment serves that purpose, for it clearly 
does the opposite. Three-fourths of all 
prisoners convicted of committing felo­
nies were previously convicted of com­
mitting misdemeanors, usually in their 
youth. Half of them will go on to com­
mit other felonies when they leave pris­
on, and, in fact, will be responsible for 
four out of five serious crimes that are 
reported. These statistics have led Clark 
to conclude, “ Corrections is a key, a 
very major part of our total opportunity 
to reduce crime. If we cut the rate of 
recidivism in half— and science tells us 
we can— a major part of our crime 
will be eliminated.” Not much of it 
had been eliminated up to that time, he 
added, because until Congress passed 
the act setting up the Law Enforce­
ment Assistance Administration there 
had been “ no major national invest­
ment in corrections research.” The  
little that had been carried out, liow- 
ever, had demonstrated that recidivism

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THE NEW YORKER 119

was clearly one element in the crime 
rate that could be controlled, particu­
larly among the young.

Each year, two million people pass 
through the nation’s two hundred and 
fifty major prisons and reformatories 
(only twenty-eight of which are fed­
eral establishments), a third of a mil­
lion of them being in residence at 
any given time. Although only a twen­
tieth of the total number of prisoners 
I'emain prisoners for life or die behind 
bars, until recently almost nothing was 
done to prepare the rest of them for 
their return to the outside world. Be­
fore the L .E .A .A . was established, the 
United States spent one and a tenth 
billion dollars on all its prisons— or 
about one-tenth of one per cent of the 
gross national product. Moreover, of 
that billion plus, ninety-five per cent 
went to pa)’ for custody and only five 
per cent for reforming— or, as some 
call it, “ coddling”— criminals. Shortly 
after Clark became- Acting Attorney 
General in 1966, he reported that 
thirt)’ state prisons for adults had no 
vocational training whatever; that only 
five states had halfway houses (small 
centers that aim, and have been highly 
successful, at serving as decompression 
chambers for prisoners who are re­
entering society); that twelve states 
had no probation services for adults 
who committed misdemeanors (usual­
ly the first kind of crime anyone com­
m its), seven states had only the barest 
form of probation services, and the rest 
were almost universally understaffed by 
unqualified workers. Nearly half of all 
state probation and parole officers took 
care of a hundred cases at a time, or 
twice the recommended maximum. As 
for the nation’s thirty-one hundred 
local jails, through which an unre­
corded number of people pass each 
year, they were, and are, far worse. 
“These jails have extremely limited, if 
any, diagnostic and treatment pro­
grams,” Myrl Alexander, director of 
the Federal Bureau of Prisons, said not 
long ago. “ Personnel are untrained, 
and most jails serve only as human 
warehouses and crime factories— places 
where impressionable younger offend­
ers may learn the ways of crime. And 
no .significant improvements in local 
jails have taken place in nearly a cen­
tury.” Still, if jails have no work 
or study programs, no recreation, no 
separation of prisoners by age or crim­
inal history, at least their inmates do 
not ordinarily stay in them for long.

( Prisons, on the other hand, constitute 
home for criminals for many months 
or years, and even the boy or man who 
enters one of them with some measure

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of hope and determination and courage 
usually is forced bj' conditions to give 
up. Once he has, he is inclined to for­
get what the outside world is like. And 
when he returns to it, he is almost al­
ways utterly unprepared psychological­
ly, socially, and financially to cope with 
freedom. “Traditionally, inmates are 
still returned to society on the day of 
release with little more than a suit of 
clothes, a bus ticket, and a few dol­
lars,” Alexander pointed out. “The  
majority have no families to whom  
they can turn for assistance and no job 
or job prospect.” Indeed, it is surprising 
that only half of them soon commit 
other crimes.

Society’s self-destructive way of 
treating those who have offended it 
remained the rule until Robert Ken­
nedy took office as Attorney General. 
“ W ithin thirty days, there was a cre­
scendo of interest in this bureau that 
we’d never seen before,” Alexander 
said while serving under Clark. “Be­
fore two months were out, we had got 
four halfway houses that we’d been 
begging for fruitlessly for j-ears. Ken­
nedy got us a hundred thousand dollars 
for each of those and another hundred 
thousand for research on the best wa)' 
to run them. Research was, and still is, 
one of our primary needs, because we 
know shamefully little about offenders 
individual!)’, what group they should 
be put in with for maximum residts, 
and what are the best techniques for 
each group. In fact, we 
know very little that is 
useful about whole spe­
cialized groups of of­
fenders.” W hen K atz- 
enbach took over the 
Department, it turned 
out that he was as con­
cerned about rehabilita­
tion as Kennedy, espe­
cially study-and-work 
programs during im­
prisonment. Katzenbach had been a 
prisoner of war for two and a half 
years in Germany, and he had studied 
so assiduousl)’ during that period that 
when the war ended and he returned 
to Princeton, where he had spent two 
years before entering the service, he 
was able to pass his final exams al­
most at once. “T hen Ramsey took 
over, and things really got moving,” 
Alexander went on. “ He can’t think 
of crime without thinking of correc­
tions, especially )’outh and t’oung- 
adult corrections. He wants to move 
tlie system out of its medieval wa)'S and 
get rid of all the crippling old m) ths, 
the shibboleths, the public’s indiffer­
ence, and the urge toward puritanical

revenge. Because of his approach, some 
of tile old attitudes are d)ing out. In 
fact, it’s downright amazing how  
things have changed in less than a dec­
ade. Many of us on the lower levels—  
the professionals, that is— have wanted’ 
to make these changes for many )'ears, 
but the impetus had to come from the 
top. It finally did.”

T h e over-all change in emphasis 
from punishment to rehabilitation has 
taken a number of forms in the most 
advanced federal institutions. One of 
the most important departures— at least 
judged by its effect in cutting down the 
rate at which ex-convicts become con­
victs again— is that from hopeless 
drudger)' on a rock-pile or ditch-digging 
squad to specialized schooling and job 
training suited to current labor-market 
needs. Belief in the new approach has 
become so strong among penal officials 
in federal prisons that all inmates ex­
cept those who are physically disabled 
are required to put in a full day at ei­
ther a work or a work-study project. 
In the past, about the best vocational 
training a prison inmate could hope for 
was learning to make mailbags or 
license plates. Since the only manu­
facturers of m a ilb a g s  and license 
plates happened to be prisons, the ex­
perience did not go a long way toward 
preparing anyone for a job outside. 
Today, however, prisoners are taught 
such skills as linotype and printing- 
press operations, electronic-cable assem­

bling, aircraft welding, 
and c o m p u te r  pro­
gramming. T hey are 
also taught everything 
from how to read and 
write to advanced col­
lege subjects. O nce they 
are released after this 
intensive training, the)' 
can have rea so n a b le  
expectations of getting 
jobs that pa)' from five 

hundred to seven hundred dollars a 
month, compared to perhaps half that 
much as unskilled laborers, which was 
the most the)' could hope to earn, 
honestl)', before.

Under the Federal Rehabilitation 
Act of 1965, which was drafted by 
the Department of Justice, prison of­
ficials were given far wider latitude 
than ever before in devising new meth­
ods for preparing inmates to reenter 
the outside world. Most notably, prison 
officials were given the power to com­
mit or transfer adult prisoners to “resi­
dential community treatment centers,” 
or halfway houses; to grant prisoners 
unescorted leave for up to thirty days 
for such purposes as visiting seriously



123

ill or dying relatives, attending funer­
als, or going to talk with prospective 
employers and to look for somewhere 
to live when they were finally released; 
and to allow inmates to spend their 
days working or studying in neighbor­
ing communities. A  few months after 
the act was signed, on September 10, 
1965, several hundred federal prisoners 
had regular jobs outside the walls and 
others were attending colleges and uni­
versities. Under this system, about five 
thousand federal prisoners have earned 
better than four million dollars while 
incarcerated, which has taken hun­
dreds of their dependents off relief 
rolls. Some industries in areas where 
there are severe manpower shortages 
have set up training programs in nearby 
prisons, so that inmates will get a head 
start on their work-release participation 
and will be 'fully qualified when the 
time comes for parole. T o  help locate 
industries with manpower needs, Clark 
set up a pilot project in Atlanta, in 
1967, to collect and collate information 
about job opportunities in that area; 
then prison training could be coordinat­
ed with business needs. All in all, the 
training program has been so successful 
that Alexander expects some seventy 
per cent of the federal-prison population 
to be trahied outside government insti­
tutions by 1979. T h e in-prison training 
and work programs liave also been 
highly successful and highly rewarding, 
both for the prisoners, who are allowed 
to send their earnings home or to put 
them aside for later use, and for the 
government, which sells the products 
they make. Last year, Federal Prison 
Industries, Inc., a government cor­
poration that runs forty-eight prison 
manufacturing plants, producing ev­
erything from office furniture to elec­
tronic assemblies for the space program, 
had gross sales of fifty-five million dol­
lars and was able to turn over a five- 
million-dollar profit to the Treasury. 
The federal model has been imitated 
fairly widely by the states, twenty- 
seven of which now have similar pro­
grams.

O f all the crime committed in this 
countr)% the largest proportion commit­
ted by a single age group is committed 
by fifteen-year-olds, and the greatest 
need of all is for rehabilitating these 
and other young offenders. “Since 
1960, adult crime has either main­
tained a level or declined slightly,” 
Clark told a meeting of the nation’s , 
governors at the W hite House early 
in 1968. “ Not so juvenile crime, . . .  It 
has risen far more rapidly than th e ' 
population growth— up fifty-eight per 
cent in seven years. Prevention o f ,

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(lelinquenc)' among juveniles in the 
long run is the most important thing 
we can do. This is where all of our 
growth in crime is.” Last year, more 
than lialf of those in federal prisons 
were under the age of thirty, and more 
than a third were under the age of 
twenty-five. This brought the average 
age of federal prisoners down to twen- 
ty-eight, the lowest in history. At the 
same time, the kinds of crime they were 
locked up for were becoming more and 
more serious; for instance, twice as 
many people were convicted in federal 
courts of bank robbery in 1968 as in 
any other peak year. And, of course, 
the earlier a person embarks on a life of 
crime the more crime he will commit 
during that life. A t the W hite House 
conference, Clark told his audience, 
“ Perhaps the most important statistic in 
law enforcement is this: Eighty per 
cent, roughly, of all convictions for seri­
ous crimes are of people who were con­
victed, usually as a kid, for a misde­
meanor. W e spotted them then. W e  
knew their potential. They contribute 
most of the crime. W hy haven’t we 
tried to do more about it?”

T h e most promising attempt so far 
to do more about it began on Decem ­
ber 9, 1968, when Attorney General 
Clark officially dedicated the Robert F. 
Kennedy Youth Center, in M organ­
town, W est Virginia. T h e facility, 
which is set in a deep natural amphithe­
atre and looks like the campus of a 
small, fairly well-endowed college, is 
planned to house three hundred and 
fifty youngsters, ranging in age from 
sixteen to nineteen. T h e inmates are a 
cross-section of youthful prisoners in 
other federal institutions, so that the 
success or failure of the center can be 
measured by comparing its rate of re­
cidivism with that of federal youth in­
stitutions elsewhere in the country. Like 
other youthful prison inmates, those in 
the center show the same general in­
telligence distribution as non-delinquent 
youngsters across the country but are 
about five years behind them in edu­
cational background and much further 
behind in work skills. T h e educational 
program runs from basic reading and 
writing through high-school studies, 
and additional courses are provided at 
W est Virginia University, nearby, for 
those who can handle the work. At the 
same time that the boys are brought up 
to or beyond the level of seniors in high 
school, they are given basic job training 
in four general fields— technical serv­
ices, graphic arts, electricity-electronics, 
and areospace— and then get intensive 
training in areas that they show special

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THE NEW YORKER 125

aptitude for. W hile the boys are being 
schooled in vocational and academic 
skills, trained counsellors concentrate on 
guiding them away from their old gang 
habits to more socially acceptable ways 
of gaining some measure of status. And 
as tlicy do, they are rewarded with 
better quarters, more personal freedom, 
and even a form of earnings. In short, 
the center constitutes a small society 
that is designed to give youngsters the 
chance they ignored or were denied in 
the big society outside.

“If we know anything, we know 
that corrections can rehabilitate,” Clark 
said at the dedication of the center. 
“W e know the younger the offender 
the better his and society’s chance. Let 
us begin with the young.” It was a 
beginning full of promise, for earlier, 
less elaborate experiments along this 
line, principally several conducted by 
the California Youth Authority, had 
shown that -criminal relapses among 
youngsters could be cut in half. But 
the beginning also promised to be cost­
ly, in view of the expense of the plant 
itself, its upkeep, and the unusually 
high ratio of trained staff to inmates. 
O f course, in the long run the outlay 
would be infinitesimal compared to the 
cost of keeping hardened criminals be­
hind bars on and off for most of their 
lives. T hen , too, there was the cost in 
money and suffering that their crimes 
would result in if they were repeatedly 
sent hack to society in no better shape 
than prisojicrs have been in the past. If 
the experiment at the Kennedy Center 
proves successful, the federal govern­
ment will undoubtedly duplicate it else­
where. But that will take years, and in 
the end will affect only a relative hand­
ful of the country’s criminals. Senator 
Edward M . Kennedy, who was present 
at the dedication ceremony, brought 
up this point when he said of the 
center, “ Its lessons are meant to be 
learned and applied in every state and 
community. It succeeds as a model only 
if it is copied. It fails if it remains 
unique.”

L
D u r i n g  the 196S Presidential 

primaries and the Presidential 
campaign, Nixon, building upon earlier 
attacks against “ the Warren Court’ 
from the extreme right wing, re­
peatedly charged that the Supreme 
Court was guilty of “seriously ham­
stringing the peace forces.” T h e Court 
has no means of defending itself against 
such charges, since if it is to be effective 
it has to stand above all partisanship. 
Once again Clark felt that someone in 
a high position had to speak out against

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126

Did you 
Garfinckel 

today?

^si

Waterford makes 
it crystal clear

Washington, D. C. 20004

what he regarded as demagoguery, and 
once again he chose the occasion pre­
sented hv the meeting of the W om en’s 
National Press Club to do it. “W hen  
M r. Nixon attacks the Supreme, Court, 
he may appeal to the fleeting prejudices 
of a majority, but he assaults our great- 

champion of those who suffer 
most,” Clark said. “ He undermines 
our confidence in our system. He at­
tacks the one branch of government 
that has moved unfalteringly toward 
equal justice under law .”

Since becoming Deputy Attorney 
General, Clark had been deeply in­
volved in a campaign to help all courts 
move closer toward the ideal of equal 
justice. One result was tlte opportunity 
for state and local governments to up­
grade their courts through grants pro­
vided by the Law Enforcement Assist­
ance Administration. Another was a 
adical improvement in the operations 

of the District of Columbia Court of 
Genera] Sessions, which handles almost 
all felony arraignments and all mis­
demeanor cases in the District. Unlike 
most federal courts, which display little 
of the frantic hubbub common to state 
and local criminal courts. General Ses­
sions, which is under federal jurisdic­
tion, was as depressing a place as the 
worst big-city criminal court in the 
land. Although it was directed by 
judges appointed by the President and 
served by United States iVttorneys as 
prosecutors, its docket was so crowded 
that delays of a year or more were not 
uncommon, and the building itself had 
been so neglected that it struck nearly 
anyone who entered it with the chill of 
despair. Because of the rather grubby 
nature of its work, the court had long 
been a stepchild in the federal family. 
Finally, the Johnson Administration, 
prompted by the Department of Jus­
tice, instituted sweeping reforms, in­
cluding the addition of more judges, 
more United States and Assistant 
United States Attorneys, more court 
aides, more probation officers, and a 
complete refurbishing of the building 
itself.

T h e improvements had a striking 
effect, not just on the defendants who 
passed through the court but on the 
states that used the new approach as a 
model. Their greatest need was for re­
ducing court delays, for, as all law-en­
forcement experts agree, whatever de­
terrent effect punishment may have is 
utterly lost if a long time passes be 
tween the commission of a crime and 
the punishment for it. Clark hoped that 
another effect of the change would be 
to demonstrate to policemen, prosecu­
tors, judges, and corrections officers

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129

how dependent on each other they 
were. “If the police effectively appre­
hend persons charged with crime but 
prosecution is lax, little good is done,” 
he told a meeting of the Criminal Law  
Section of the American Bar Associa­
tion. “If  prosecution is firm and effec­
tive but courts cause long delays, little 
good is done. If police, prosecutors, and 
courts are all models of efficiency but 
correctional efforts fail to rehabilitate, 
the treadmill has only speeded up.” In  
private, Clark has expressed regret that 
the two groups most strcmgly opposed 
to modern rehabilitatiim methods are the 
two groups that stand to benefit most 
from them in the long run— policemen 
and prosecutors. Although shortsight­
ed, their opposition is not difficult to 
understand. “If  a policeman risks his 
life to arrest somebody and then the 
guy is let off on probation or after serv­
ing a brief seiitence, the cop is bound 
to get sore at whoever let him out,” 
Clark explained. “ And the same ap­
plies to prosecutors, who sometimes 
have to try the same defendant over 
and over.” (According to another high 
official in the Department of Justice, the 
law-enforcement official who has been 
the most determined opponent of pro­
bation or parole, at least for certain de­
fendants, is J. Edgar Hoover. “ Any­
one who was sent to prison for doing 
something against the F .B .I. or who 
was personally arrested b)’ Hoover him­
self, which used to happen quite often, 
has no chance of getting out before 
he’s served his full sentence,” this man 
said. “ It doesn’t matter if he’s the 
most model prisoner that was ever in 
the place. Hoover puts pressure on pa­
role boards in these cases, and they al- 
wa)'s go along with him. O f course, 
that means the reform of criminals is 
set back, because if the inmate himself 
sees that exemplary behavior gets him 
nowhere, other inmates see it, too.” )

As Attorne)' General, Clark worked 
to transform the Department’s age-old 
approach of “ the fiint)'-e)’ed prosecu 
tor” into one that more closely re' 
sembled what he called a ministry of 
justice, in which the objective would 
be not the stern application of the law  
to some but the fair application of it to 
all. And in such a ministry, he held, 
fairness would mean fairness to de­
fendants across the board, on the part 
of policemen, prosecutors, judges, 
and prison officials. Throughout the 
history of the United States, the rights 
guaranteed by the Constitution have 
been unalienable only to those who 
were wealthy or astute enough to 
hire counsel to assert them. T h e rest 
the great majority of criminal defend-

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ants— have been mostly tlte poor, the 
ignorant, the unwary. In a sickening 
number of cases— five thousand lynch- 
ings of Negroes in the half century pre­
ceding the Second W orld W ar, for ex­
ample— ‘‘justice” has been the sum­
mary will of the mob. And in a far 
greater number of cases those who had 
no rights because they didn’t know they 
were supposed to have them were sum­
marily dispatched to jail or prison with­
out a chance to defend themselves, let 
alone a chance to have someone else 
defend them.

In a series of decisions beginning 
in the late nineteen-fifties— the M al­
lory, Escobedo, Gideon, W ade, and 
Miranda decisions particularly— the 
Supreme Court laid down new rules 
to compel police, prosecutors, and low­
er courts to give poor and ignorant 
defendants the same protection against 
violations of their Constitutional rights 
that well-to-do defendants with enough 
sense to hire lawyers had possessed 
all along. Efforts to implement the 
Court’s decisions within the Depart­
ment of Justice were not pressed with 
any vigor until Robert Kennedy took 
office, in 1961. His interest in the 
subject seems to have grown out of 
another interest— poverty, especially 
as it affected crime. Law-enforce­
ment officials had long been aware 
that most crime was committed by 
the poor upon the poor, but as the 
crime rate began to rise precipitous­
ly during the fifties, the middle and 
upper classes began to be increas­
ingly affected by and afraid of it. 
T h at meant, of course, that it was 
on the way to becoming a political is­
sue. T o  find out what effect poverty 
had on crime, Attorney General K en­
nedy set up a Committee on Poverty 
and the Administration of P'ederal 
Criminal Justice, which came to be 
known as the Allen Committee, after 
its chairman, Francis A . Allen, a pro­
fessor of law at the University of Chi­
cago. Early in 1963, the committee 
submitted its report, which demonstrat­
ed that the effects of poverty on crime 
were far greater than anyone had sus­
pected, and which recommended, 
among otJier things, that the govern­
ment revise its bail system, since it ef­
fectively violated the Constitution by 
keeping people in jail for long periods 
before trial if they were too poor to 
post bond; that paid counsel be pro­
vided for the needy in all criminal 
cases; and that an Office of Criminal 
Justice be established within the D e­
partment of Justice to see that all ac­
tions of the federal government in ; 
criminal matters were conducted fairly.

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THE NEW YORKER 131

On March 8, 1963, President Ken­
nedy sent Congress a bill incorporating 
the Allen Committee’s recommenda­
tion that paid counsel be provided for 
needy defendants in federal criminal 
p ro ceed in g s— fo rtu ito u s timing, it 
turned out, because ten days later the 
Supreme Court handed down its de­
cision in Gideon v. W ainwright, which 
stipulated that all criminal defendants 
in state courts had to be given the help 
of counsel if they asked for it and were 
unable to pay the price. These events 
prompted Congress to pass the Crimi­
nal Justice Act of 1964, which accom­
plished a large part of what the Allen 
Committee had recommended. Robert 
Kennedy’s final act as Attorney Gen­
eral was to announce— on August 10, 
1964, in a speech before the Criminal 
Law Section of the American Bar As­
sociation— the formation of an Office of 
Criminal Justice under the Deputy At­
torney General. “W e intend that this 
office will deal with the whole spectrum 
of the criminal process, from arrest to 
rehabilitation,” he said. “W e intend 
that it will deal with social problems 
that affect the criminal process, such 
as narcotics, or juvenile delinquency, 
or the right of privacy. W e want it to 
be a voice inside the Department and 
a forum outside the Department. 
Perhaps above all, it is our hope that 
this Office of Criminal Justice will 
be only the first step in dealing with 
what I believe is one of the most ag­
gravating problems of criminal law: 
the wide— and widening— gulf be­
tween law-enforcement officials on the 
one side and other legal figures con­
cerned with protecting the rights of the 
individual on the other.”

W hen Katzenbach took over as At­
torney General, Clark became his dep­
uty, and when the time came to pre­
sent the budget request for the new  
office before Congressman Rooney, 
Clark was chosen to make the case for 
it. “ Rooney thought it was a lot of 
foolishness,” Clark said later. “ W e  
asked for a hundred thousand dollars, 
but were lucky to get fifty-five thou­
sand.” Because Rooney continued to 
think that the approach was foolish­
ness, the Office of Criminal Justice has 
never had enough money or staff to do 
the job it was set up for. Even so, the 
office’s accomplishments have been out 
of all proportion to its size. One of its 
first assignments was to prepare a syl­
labus of subjects it might look into. 
This was later used by the President’s 
Commission on Law Enforcement and 
Administration of Justice, more com­
monly known as the Crime Commis­
sion. By the time the commission was

Reynolds asks—
How green 

are the valleys?

Not green at all for investors 
forced to sell near the bottom of 
any sharp dip in the market.

Very green indeed for investors 
who find themselves buying at ex­
actly the same time.

This is the two-edged, peak-and- 
valley sword that can drive any 
broker in the business out of his 
mind. Not to mention any investor.

Which is why that sword cuts a 
particularly wide swathe here at 
Reynolds.

Because we’re dedicated to a 
twin philosophy of overall “money 
management” aimed at protecting 
our customers from being forced 
to sell when prices are low on the 
one hand—and trying to see that 
they’re in a cash position to buy

when prices are depressed on the 
other.

W hat’s more, we go a step 
further.

We combine fundamental and 
technical analysis in reaching any 
decisions about market movement 
as a w hole—or any individual 
stocks you may want to ask us 
about.

We don’t say that you should 
open an account with Reynolds 
tomorrow.

We do say that if you’d like to 
deal with a broker that wants you 
to make money, you might find a 
talk with a Reynolds Account Ex­
ecutive unusually provocative.

Like a green thumb.

I might drop in for a talk with a Reynolds Account Executive, yes. 
But in the meantime, please mail me your latest “Model Portfolio” 
for investing about $50,000.
My primary objective is □  Income □  Income and Growth □  Just 
plain growth, period.

City Zip

Telephone

Reyfiolds & Co.
t y  MEMBERS NEW YORK STOCK EXCHANGE

5 OTHER LEADING EXCHANGES

1 2 0  BROADW AY, NEW YORK, N. Y. 1 0 0 0 5  • OFFICES COAST TO COAST



132

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announced, on July 26, 1965, the O f­
fice of Criminal Justice had prepared 
an extensive agenda. The pertinence 
of this document prompted the com­
mission to choose as its director the head 
of the office that liad compiled it, James 
Vorenberg, who had formerly been a 
professor at the Harvard Law School. 
In setting out to study the nation’s 
system of criminal justice, almost the 
first thing the commission discewered 
was that there was no system. ‘‘They 
found that there was such a wide­
spread and deep fragmentation of au­
thority among the various agencies 
responsible for the administration of 
justice that no systemic approach was 
possible,” Daniel J. Freed, who was 
director of the Office of Criminal Jus­
tice under Attorney General Clark, 
said shortly before leaving that post. 
“ P'or instance, a judge looks at the ad­
ministration of justice one way. A cor­
rections officer looks at it in a different 
way. And a policeman looks at it in a 
still different way. There is no authori­
ty— except, perhaps, the implicit moral 
authority of the Attorney General and 
the Chief Justice of the Supreme 
Court— to give them a cohesive over­
view. T h at’s what we try to do. A l­
though we have no operational authori­
ty whatever, our job is to find ways of 
bringing about coordination in the fed­
eral system and in the District of Co­
lumbia by helping the agencies that have 
such power to use it effectively.”

Am ong the most successful projects 
worked on by tlte Office of Criminal 
Justice were the Law Enforcement As­
sistance Act of 1965, a seven-million- 
dollar pilot project that led to the 
creation of the thrce-hundred-million- 
dollar-a-}’ear Law Enforcement As­
sistance Administration in 1968; the 
so-called “ fair-trial, free-press guide­
lines,” which amount to ground rules 
that allow the press to give the public a 
fair idea of what is luippening to de­
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135

poor in this country are no longer will­
ing to accept poverty/’ Clark added. 
“ Nor are they willing to accept the in­
justice that has always accompanied it. 
Events no longer give us a choice about 
having or not having true criminal jus­
tice. ^Vithout it, we won’t survive.”

T h e  nineteen-sixties have been a 
decade of protest— against pover­

ty, against the denial of civil and hu­
man rights, against military service and 
the Vietnam war, and against politics- 
as-usual. Much of the protest has been 
directed at the federal government and 
has involved the use and abuse of its 
property. W hen this has happened, 
federal authorities have had to decide 
what the government’s response should 
be, and these decisions have been up 
to the Attorney General. One of the 
most difficult of the decisions was 
whether a permit should be given for 
tile participants m the Poor People’s 
Campaign to enter "Washington in 
May, 1968, and take up residence there 
in Resurrection City. President John­
son, mindful of the scandal that fol­
lowed General Douglas MacArthur’s 
violent routing of the Bonus Marchers 
from their tents and shacks on Anacos- 
tia P'lats in 1932, and perhaps fearful 
that federal troops would have to be 
called in again to disperse the poor—  
this time the black poor— preferred to 
have the affair prohibited altogether. 
However, Clark was convinced that 
the protest not only was valid but was 
guaranteed by the Constitutional rights 
of assembly and free speech. He was 
also convinced that if the protesters 
were not given a legal and orderly 
means of expressing their grievances 
they would resort to illegal and dis­
orderly means, which would bring on 
what the President feared most. Ac­
cordingly, the Attorney General and 
other Department of Justice officials 
met time and again with the leaders 
of the march to work out arrange­
ments that would be satisfactory to 
both sides. After several weeks of nego­
tiations (including the weeks during 
which the marchers slowly made their 
way from Alabama to the capital), 
agreement was finally reached on a 
I'oute and time for the arrival, a place 
for Resurrection City, conditions for its 
construction and operation, and a fixed 
period for its occupation. Dr. King had 
been scheduled to lead the march, 
which he hoped would generate support 
for an open-housing law. Before the 
marchers reached W ashington, he was 
assassinated, riots swept through more 
than a hundred cities across the coun­
try, including a particularly violent one

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in W ashington, and Congress passed 
the Civil Rights Act of 1968, which 
included the open-housing provision 
Dr. King had asked for. Although the 
pressing specific reason for the march 
had been removed, Dr. K ing’s suc­
cessor as head of the campaign, Dr. 
Ralph Abernathy, apparently felt that 
it was too late to call it off, and pro­
ceeded as planned. By the time the 
marchers reached the capital, the tem­
per of its residents, both black and 
white, was near the breaking point, and 
it took daily and sometimes hourly ne­
gotiations between the Department of 
Justice and the leaders of the march to 
keep the situation under control. “Dr. 
King’s means, as always, had been 
purely non-violent, but after his death 
some really violent-tempered militants 
moved into the march and into Resur­
rection City,” one of Clark’s aides said 
afterward. “ It was clear that they 
hoped to provoke a confrontation that 
would create a violent, and preferably 
televised, response by federal authori­
ties. All the elements of disaster were 
present, but Ramsey averted it by pa­
tiently talking with Abernathy, who 
didn’t want violence any more than he 
did, and finding ways to meet those 
parts of the militants’ demands which 
were legitimate. That way, he slowly 
siphoned off the rage, and kept the 
peace.” Nevertheless, Clark was widely 
criticized from both sides— by Negroes 
because he had been too firm and by 
whites because lie had been too soft.

Much the same reaction attended 
his conduct in enforcing the Selective 
Service laws. If circumstances permit­
ted, Clark kept cases that seemed to 
constitute violations of the 
law within the Selective 
Service machinery as .long 
as he could, chiefly be­
cause he felt that many of 
those who refused to reg­
ister for the draft or who 
burned their cards and re­
sisted induction were sin­
cere young people who 
could be better dealt with through bu­
reaucratic channels— at least at the be­
ginning, when there was still time to 
persuade them to change their course—  
than through arrest, trial, and impris­
onment. At the same time, he did not 
hesitate to resort to the latter means 
when the former failed. Although he 
was as vigorous in this respect as any 
other Attorney General, and prosecut­
ed over fifteen hundred draft cases in 
federal courts during 1968 alone, once 
again he was persistently attacked by 
people on the right for doing nothing.

And he was attacked with equal Vehe­
mence by people on the left when he 
did something— most of all when he 
prosecuted Dr. Benjamin Spock and* 
four others for allegedly “counselling, 
aiding, and abetting” young men to 
evade the draft. “W e got a terrific 
amount of flak after that indictment,” 
Vinson, who, as head of the Crimi­
nal Division, was responsible for prose­
cuting the case, said afterward. “The 
question facing us was: Do we go 
after speech or do we go after con­
duct? There was far more pressure 
on us to haul into court some of the 
liairy, foulmoutlied kids who so 
art)used the public during the march 
on the Pentagon than there was to 
prosecute someone like Dr. Spock, who 
had proceeded on his course with great 
dignity. But Ramsey knew that the 
legal problem was conduct, not speech. 
And since Dr. Spock had violated the 
law in our view by his conduct— inten- 
tionall}', as lie made very clear— the 
onl}' proper course was to prosecute 
him. A political-minded Attorney Gen­
eral, on the other hand, might well 
have left him alone and dragged the 
offensive kind of draft protester into 
court. T h at’s one way government re­
pression could start.” Many who sup­
port Clark on other grounds still attack 
liim for the way he chose to prosecute 
the five men— on conspiracy charges 
ratJier than on charges that they had 
committed specific acts in violation of 
specific laws. For his own part, Clark 
said recently, “I have always had grave 
doubts about conspiracy charges in a 
legal sense, and I have doubts about the 
Spock case. But, at the time, the essence 

of all the events leading 
up to the march on the 
Pentagon in d ic a te d  a 
common course of action 
in which these individuals
were primary participants. 
One could believe that 
Spock was morally right—  
as I may have, in fact—■ 
and still believe that the 

laws had to be enforced. As the na­
tion’s chief law-enforcement officer, I 
had the duty to prosecute Spock and the 
others when, in my judgment, the facts 
showed a violation of the law. If you 
don’t enforce the law, it becomes 
shapeless.” As with all the other cases 
that Clark filed as Attorney General, 
he did not discuss this one beforehand 
with the President.

Another way government repression 
could start, Clark believed, was by for­
bidding the exercise of legitimate dis­
sent on the ground that it might pro-



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ducc violence. Once again, when the 
march on the Pentagon was an- 
noimced in October, 1967, the Presi­
dent was opposed, and so, it appeared, 
were most members of Congress and a 
large majority of the public. But once 
again Clark was convinced that the 
project was entirely Constitutional and 
that it would be better to find some 
legal way for it to occur peacefully 
than to stifle it. ‘‘W e had endless talks 
with the leaders of the march before­
hand,” he recalled later. “W e not only 
found a legal way for them to carry 
out their aims—-including their aim of 
getting arrested by forcibly trespassing 
on government property— but we also 
learned what they were planning every 
step of the way. That made it possible 
for us to plan our response calmly and 
carefully, which is extremely impor­
tant, since in a crisis one is likely to act 
too rashly when the unexpected occurs. 
Rashness can only mean trouble, and 
in a time like this one, trouble can be 
the spark that sets off an explosion.”

On October 6, 1966, three days 
after Clark became Acting Attorney 
General, he testified before a House 
subcommittee in opposition to a bill pro­
viding that anyone who crossed a state 
line with intent “ to incite a riot, or to 
organize, promote, encourage, or carry 
on a riot, or to commit any act of vio­
lence in furtherance of a riot, or to aid 
and abet any person in inciting a riot 
or committing any act of violence in 
furtherance of a riot . . . shall be fined 
not more than $10,000 or imprisoned 
not more than five years, or both.” 
Clark opposed the measure on several 
grounds. T o  begin with, he testified, it 
seemed to be a clear violation of the 
First Amendment guarantees of the 
rights of free speech, peaceful assem­
bly, and travel. Second, riot control 
was a job for local police, since local 
riots constituted local crimes, and local 
crimes were the Constitutional respon­
sibility of local authorities. x*\nd, third, 
it would be exceedingly unfortunate if 
the public was misled into believing 
that any such law could prevent riots. 
x-Vbove all, though, the part (ff the bill 
that most concerned Clark and others 
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defined a riot as “a public disturbance 
involving acts of violence by assem­
blages of three or more persons.” As 
he pointed out, this provision made 
large, peaceful demonstrations virtually 
impossible, since most of them were or­
ganized and participated in by out-of­
staters, who would be liable to punish­
ment if three or more people on hand 
created a disturbance— including such 
people as local right-wingers, who

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141

could attack law-abiding out-of-state 
demonstrators and thereby make their 
targets, but not themselves, subject to 
federal imprisonment and fines, or, bu' 
that matter, such people as the police, 
who could accomplish the same pur­
pose by creating a riot, as thev have in 
the past. In any event, the bill kicked 
around in Congress for a year and 
a half, and then, following the riots 
after Dr. King’s death, Congress passed 
it as a rider to the Civil Rights Act 
of 1968.

In the course of the week or so 
that the riots lasted during the spring 
of 1968, Clark remained on duty 
around the clock at the Justice D e­
partment— either in his office on the 
fifth floor, in the command center 
down the hall, or in a small room 
above his office where there was a cot, 
a desk, a television set, a telephone, 
and an Exercycle. Getting by on a 
couple of liours’ sleep a day, he spent 
most of his time receiving and evalu­
ating reports from around the country. 
Tile national authority over civil dis­
order has traditionally been asserted, 
with extreme reluctance, only when lo­
cal authorities concede that they are ut­
terly unable to maintain control, and it 
was the Attorney General’s delicate 
task to determine when that point had 
been reached. W hen the point was 
reached, it was his responsibility to rec­
ommend to the President, who had to 
approve the decision, that federal troops 
be moved into the troubled area at 
once. One of the most severely afflicted 
cities that spring was Chicago, where a 
large part of t)ie business section w'as 
burned down. Accordingly, Clark was 
not at all surprised to get a telephone 
call from Chicago urging that federal 
troops be dispatched there immediately, 
but he was very much surprised that 
the call came not frcmi the mayor or 
the governor, one or the other of whom 
was required bt' law to make the re­
quest, but from the United States At­
torney for the Northern District of Il­
linois, Thomas Foran. xA.ccording to 
the Attorney General’s aides, Clark was 
the calmest man in the Department 
throughout the crisis, but this was one 
time he allowed himself to display im­
patience. He said that since Foran 
was in no position to know what 
was happenhig elsewhere in the coun­
try, he was in no position to make a 
judgment about whether the President 
could spare federal troops just then; 
that such a request had to come from 
the mayor or the governor; and that 
before it could be granted, evidence 
had to be supplied that local forces 
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142 N O V E M B E R  8, J 9G 9

tB,
M

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• • •

t^obodV' ] \ o

c a t ' t "  .

with the Chicago Police IDepartment? ” 
Clark demanded. Foran offered no 
answer to tliat, or to the other points, 
so the conversation was terminated. 
Clark was more than impatient when 
he later learned that Foran had called 
him from Mayor Richard J. Daley’s 
office, with Daley at his side. Although 
a United States Attorney is theoretical­
ly responsible to the Attorney General, 
he is in practice more likely to respond 
to the person who recommended him 
for his job— usually the most powerful 
politician from his party in the state. In 
this case, Mayor Daley was that poli­
tician, and he was apparently trying to 
use a federal officer to provide federal 
intervention so that he would not have 
to admit publicly that he was unable to 
maintain control in his own cit}'. After 
the riots were over, Clark let Foran 
know how he felt about what had hap­
pened, but, as later events were to dem­
onstrate, Foran’s loyalty to Daley was 
unaffected.

W hen the anti-war demonstrators 
threatened to descend on Chicago dur­
ing the Democratic National Conven­
tion that August, Daley again turned 
to the federal government for help—  
this time directly to the President, to 
whom he appealed for a strong fed- 

ral presence in the form of Army 
troops. The President c o n v e n e d  an 
atlvisory group consisting of top W hite 
House, Pentagon, and other senior of­
ficials to consider the matter. All but 
one of those on hand voted to approve 
Daley’s appeal. The one holdout was 
the Attorney General, who believed 
that the response was far too large for 
the threat, which, he suspected, had 
been magnified out of all proportion by 
Daley. Once the President decided to 
send troops to Chicago, tlie matter was 
largely out of Clark’s hands. But he 
sent Deputy Attorney General Christo­
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assessing the need for the actual use of 
the troops and of convincing Daley that 
the best way to assure a peaceful Con­
vention was by offering the demon­
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Daley was infuriated by the move. He 
reluctantly agreed to see Christopher a 
couple of times during the two weeks he 
was there, but adamantlt' refused to so 
much as talk with the demonstration 
leaders. Instead, he angrily attacked 
Christopher, Clark, and the entire De 
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“outside agitators,” who, he declared, 
were out to nun the Convention and 
the city, too.

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THE NEW YORKER 143

gan to change their minds. Having ob­
served Daley’s grim inflexibility at firs't 
hand, and having heard his expressions 
of determination that there would be no 
repetition of the spring riots (whicli 
Daley attributed to Clark’s success in 
persuading the Chicago police chief not 
to “shoot to kill arsonists and shoot to 
maim looters,” as Daley wanted), the 
local crowd of young dissenters circu­
lated a warning through their under­
ground press that out-of-towners should 
take him seriously. “The cops will 
riot,” came the message from Clii- 
cago. “The word has gone down—  
‘Brutality be dam ned!’ ” But the New  
York contingent, which was to supply 
most of the demonstrators, continued 
to take the whole matter lightly. A 
team of reporters from the London 
Sunday Times later reported:

Nothing daunted, the New York Yip- 
pies continued < to pile on the politics of 
the put-on—much of it seemingly calcu­
lated to offend Daley’s sexual puritanism. 
The list of Yippie projects, by no means 
exhaustive, included ten thousand nude 
bodies floating in protest in Lake Michi­
gan; the mobilization of Yippie “hookers” 
to seduce delegates and slip LSD into 
their drinks; a squad of 230 “hyper-po­
tent” hippie males assigned to the task of 
seducing the wives and daughters of dele­
gates; releasing greased pigs in the Loop 
area; a mass stall-in of beat-up automo­
biles on the expressways; the insertion 
of LSD into the city’s water supply; Yip- 
pies dressed in black pajamas to dispense 
liandfuls of rice to the citizenry; and the 
infiltration of the right-wing with crew- 
cut Yippies who, at an opportune psy­
chological moment, would exclaim, “You 
know, these Yippies have something to 
say.”

Daley took all this quite seriously, 
and so, it seems, did representatives 
of the F .B .L , the Secret Service, and 
the Chicago Police Department. Daley 
placed an around-the-clock guard 
on the city’s water supply; he also 
ordered the city’s twelve thousand po­
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they numbered at the most around 
ten thousand. O f these, all but two 
or three hundred were peacefully in­
clined, and their principal weapons 
were vituperation and obscenity. O f­
ficials in the Department of Justice who 
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144

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tcrs were convinced that Chicago could 
asily liave accommodated a hundred 

thousand demonstrators without seri­
ous consequences if arrangements had 
been handled with circumspection.

Reports brought back from Chicago 
by a contingent of observers that Clark 
liad sent there to watch events before 
and during the Convention convinced 
the same officials that the police had 
indeed rioted, as was charged in a sub­
sequent report by Daniel Walker, head 

f a study team for the National Com­
mission on the Causes and Prevention 

f Violence. O f course, Mayor Daley 
denied all the charges, and polls showed 
that some two-thirds of the public ap­
plauded the behavior of the Chicago 
police. That finding astonished even 
some of the most cynical appraisers 

f the public mind, because it meant 
that, for the first time in the na­
tion’s history, a large majority of its 
citizens supported the right of the po­
lice to beat hundreds of unarmed and 
unresisting men, women, and chil­
dren into insensibility. ‘T)ick Daley 
opened another gate to tyranny in this 
country,” one high official in the D e­
partment of Justice said later. “ If it 
is left open by a failure to punisli—  
L'learlv and thoroughly— those who 
committed the acts of terror and in­
timidation, then any mayor or gover­
nor in tlie country can take the law 
uito his own hands and get away with

After the Chicago police riot, At­
torney General Clark found himself 
under intense and growing pressure to 
act. The demands were not that he 
call the police or the mayor who loosed 
them to an accounting but that he 
prosecute the demonstrators under the 
I 968 anti-riot law. Much of the pres­
sure came from members of Congress 
who had assured their c<mstituents that 
the law would prevent riots and were 
now expected to explain what had 
gone wrong. Some of the pressure 
came from Daley, who hoped to ab­
solve himself by persuading the govern­
ment to condemn otliers. But most 
the pressure came from the President, 
who in some measure had been driven 
from office by demonstrators like the 
ones in Chicago. After Clark’s legal 
staff assured him that no grounds ex­
isted for federal prosecution of the dem­
onstrators, he refused all demands for 
it. Instead, lie resorted to a Reconstruc­
tion statute, enacted in 1866, that made 
it a federal offense for any policeman to 
deprive any citizen of his civil rights by 
infiicting summary punishment on him 
without due process of law, and in­
structed United States Attorney P'oran

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147

to initiate proceedings under it against 
jiine policemen— the ones who ap- 
lieared to have inflicted the most hnital 
summar)' juinislunent. T o  see that his" 
orders were carried out, Clark sent a 
couple of Department aides to Chicago 
to keep an eye on things. Foran duly 
proceeded as ordered, and submitted th 
evidence to the Federal District Court 
for the Northern District of Illinois for 
consideration by a grand jury. As it 
happened, the judge who convened the 
grand jury was the chief judge of the 
court, William J. Campbell, who is 
said to be very close to Mayor Daley. 
Although grand juries, especially feder­
al grand juries, are supposed to be 
wholly free of outside influence as they 
deliberate, they are actually quite sus­
ceptible to the influence of the presiding 
judge, if he cares to exert it. According 
to inside reports. Judge Campbell cared 
to very much. He ordered that a daily 
transcript of the jury’s proceedings—  
with nothing left off the record— be 
prepared and delivered to his chambers 
each day, and he frequently summoned 
the jurors before him to deliver instruc­
tions on what they should consider and 
in what light they should consider it. 
(W hen the W alker Report was re­
leased, Judge Campbell angrily at­
tacked its timing as an attempt to in­
fluence his grand jury, as he put it, and 
added that the grand jury might want 
to investigate the matter for possible 
contempt-of-court action.)

In the capital, a few liberals in Con­
gress urged Clark to press the case to 
a conclusion before the election— or, at 
least, before the inauguration of a new 
President, who might appoint a new  
Attorney General with different ideas 
about justice. Since both the judge and 
the prosecutor were in a position to 
guide the grand jury, Clark was large­
ly helpless, and the case was still pend­
ing when he left office. Shortly before 
he did, he was asked if he had changed 
his mind about not prosecuting the 
demonstrators. “N o,” he answered 
firmly. “And if the new Administra­
tion does prosecute them, that will be a 
clear signal that a crackdown is on the 
way.”

OF all the duties that have been 
given to the Department of Jus­

tice, perhaps the most politically explo­
sive is that of redressing the wrongs 
that have been the common lot of 
Negroes in this country, particularly 
in the South, by protecting and assert­
ing their civil rights. That task is up to 
tlie Civil Rights Division, which was 
established by the Civil Rights Act of 
1957. At the outset, the division’s

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authority was limited to enforcing the 
little-used Reconstruction statutes al­
ready on the books. The Civil RigJits 
Act of 1960 broadened that authority, 
by making obstruction of school inte­
gration a federal crime and by setting 
up a system of federal referees to set­
tle voter-registration disputes. Then  
came the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 
which empowered the Attorney Gen­
eral to initiate suits against discrimina­
tion and segregation in public facili­
ties, public schools and colleges, and 
places of employment 5 allowed him to 
intervene in private suits seeking relief 
from the denial of equal protection of 
the law because of race, color, religion, 
or national origin; and provided for 
the termination of federal funding for 
any state or local program under which 
such discrimination was practiced. The  
federal-referee system set up by the 
1960 act for voter-registration disputes 
proved inadequate, and this led to the 
Voting Rights Act of 1965, which pro­
hibited the use of literacy tests and oth­
er such devices as criteria for registra­
tion or voting; it also provided that the 
Attorney General could appoint federal 
voting examiners to register voters in 
counties where existing practices de­
prived Negroes of a chance to vote, that 
he could appoint election observers to 
make sure that voting procedures were 
conducted fairly, and that he could take 
civil and criminal actions against any 
person or an)’ organization that violated 
the law. Finally, the Jury Selection and 
Service Act of 1968 prohibited racial 
discrimination in picking federal juries, 
and the Civil Rights Act of 1968 pro­
hibited discrimination in most housing 
in the United States. During Clark’s 
last year in office, the Civil Rights Divi­
sion was expected to carry out these im­
mense responsibilities with a hundred 
and six law)’ers and a hundred and 
eleven clerks, working on a budget of 
two and a half million dollars— or 
enough manpower and money to do a 
respectable job in one of the larger 
states. After Congress passed the open­
housing act, Clark asked Congress for 
enough money to hire fifty-five addi­
tional employees to handle the huge 
work load that was expected to descend 
on the division when the law went into 
effect, on January 1, 1969. Congress­
man Rooney turned him down.

W hen the century-long denial of 
civil rights to Negroes results in civil 
riots, as it has more and more in re­
cent )'ears, it is up to the division to find 
out whether there were violations of the 
civil-rights laws during the riots and 
whether the public, the police, and the 
courts observed the legal proprieties in

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THE NEW YORKER 149

the aftermath, when the urge for 
venge was strong. All this is done witK 
the hope that in the long run the suC' 
cess of the division’s efforts will help 
to make desperate outbursts a thing 
of the past, but the immediate job 
of heading them off before they start 
has more and more become the 
sponsibility of a fairly new part of the 
Department of Justice— the Comm  
nity Relations Service. This was set 
up by the Civil Rights A ct of 1964 
“to provide assistance to communi­
ties and persons therein in resolving 
disputes, disagreements, or difficulties 
relating to discriminatory practices 
based on race, color, or national ori­
gin . . . whenever, in its judgment, 
peaceful relations among the citizens 
of the community are threatened.” 
The kind of “community” in which 
such assistance is most urgently needed 
was described by a resident of the 
W atts section of Los Angeles after the 
riots there in 1965. “W e suffer most 
of the crime, vice, disease, ignorance, 
poverty, hopelessness, and misery of the 
whole city,” he said. “Every advan­
tage and opportunity, like all leader­
ship and power, is absentee. Our land­
lords don’t live here. Store managers 
and clerks and others who work here 
drive back and forth from their homes. 
Even politicians and preachers are ab­
sentee. They don’t live in our part of 
town. W hen the sun goes down, there 
ain’t nobody here but us and the 
police.”

Although the conservative forces in 
this country created and maintained 
conditions in places like W atts, the 
liberal forces, by promising too much 
and delivering too little, altered those 
conditions just enough to make revolt 
against them inevitable. It has long 
been standard liberal dogma to argue 
that the only way to control crime, in­
cluding the crime of rioting, is to 
change the circumstances of poverty, 
ignorance, and lack of opportunity that 
produce it. But people who are in­
volved most directly argue that while 
this has to be the long-range goal 
of the nation, the problem of crime, 
particularly the crime of rioting, can’t 
wait. Clark has often made this point, 
and on one occasion when he did, in a 
speech to the W om en’s Forum oji 
National Security, early in 1968, he 
went on to describe briefly what life 
for a youngster in a slum was like. “In 
a nation where only three and a half 
per cent are unemployed . . . one-fourth 
of the Negro boys and one-third of the 
Negro girls cannot find jobs, and for 
many who do there is low pay and lit­
tle chance to advance,” he said. “The

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poor, young Negro lives in physical and 
psychological loneliness. He is cut ofif 
from his chance. Fulfillment, the flow­
er of freedom, is denied him. A small 
disadvantaged and segregated minority 
in a mighty and prosperous nation, he 
is frustrated and angry.” Since that 
frustration and anger, multiplied sev­
eral million times, was threatening to 
hurst out at any moment, Clark said, 
he was convinced, especially by what 
he had learned from the experience of 
the Community Relations Service, that 
the only way to stop this from hap­
pening was by immediate action that 
produced immediate results.

Almost the first thing that the staff 
of the C.R.S. learned was that prac­
tically no one outside the country’s 
slums had any idea of what went on 
inside them. Nor, they found, had any­
one even begun to devise realistic ways 
of dealing with the barbed tangle of 
problems that beset them. Roger W . 
Wilkins, a young Negro lawyer who 
had been with the service since its in­
ception and was its director for three 
years, recently described how, after a 
flurry of riots in 1964, he and his staff 
had gone into various black slums 
around the country. “ W e talked to 
mayors and found that generally they 
just didn’t know anybody in the slums 
except the ceremonial leaders— the 
black m in is te r s , black businessmen, 
black politicians. W hite leaders had al­
most no contact at all with the real 
leaders, the indigenous militant leaders. 
W e found that these men who were 
totally unknown to the white powers 
were a considerable power in their own 
right. It was clear to us that if anyone 
coidd get things done, they were the 
men. So we tried to bridge the gap be­
tween white mayors and these black 
leaders, and to find the real issues, the 
real problems, the real friction, and 
then look for real solutions.” At the 
start, the C.R.S. concentrated on small 
towns in the South where the issues 
seemed manageable, and it also con­
centrated as much on the white side of 
the tracks as on the black side. But 
when Wilkins took over, in late 1965, 
he .shifted the focus to large cities, in 
both the South and the North, where 
the most explosive problems were, and 
he also gave the program a strong black 
emphasis. “ I built up a cadre of black 
men, whom I hired away from various 
povert)’ programs, social agencies, po­
lice departments, and the Civil Rights 
Division,” he explained. “T h ey’re the 
heart of this organization. These guys 
are tough— really tough. T h ey’re not 
easy to handle, and, believe me, they’re 
nobody to tangle with. Anyway, they

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THE NEW YORKER 151

go ifito the slums and get to know the 
people who count. It doesn’t take long 
to find out wliat’s going on once you’re 
sensitized to this sort of thing. W hen 
they’ve learned what the main prob­
lems are, they try to lay down lines of 
communication between the real slum 
leaders and the white power structure. 
If  necessary, the man in the field can 
call on us for any additional help, such 
as turning on aid for a specific program 
from one of the federal agencies, if 
that’s in order. But the important thing 
is not for the man in the field or the 
people here to solve the problems. His 
job, and our job, is to help the people 
in the black community find a way to 
solve them on their own.”

T h e C.R.S. operated in about a hun­
dred and twenty-five cities during 
1968, and Wilkins spoke of one Mid­
western city (anonymous because of a 
“confidentiality clause” in the law that 
set up the C .R .S.) as offering a par- 
ticidarly good example of the sort of 
work that was done. T h e C.R.S. repre­
sentative who was sent to the city found 
that it was almost hopelessly divided. 
The slum section was split up into 
groups, following various leaders who 
had various, and often conflicting, aims. 
And the mayor and other white leaders 
persisted in dealing with ceremonial 
black leaders, and refused even to talk 
with the black militants who ran things. 
The C.R.S. man first met with the 
mayor and finally persuaded him to get 
together with the militants to see if 
anything at all could be agreed upon, 
and then he met with the militants and 
persuaded them to join together in a 
single group to pursue the aims they 
had in common. After that, he looked 
into the operations of a contract-com­
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up by the city to assure equal-employ­
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marily to continue segregation and the 
lack of opportunity. Through the may­
or, who was beginning to realize that 
if he didn’t take action soon he would 
end up with a rebellion on his hands, 
the C.R.S. operator managed to reor­
ganize the committee to make it serve 
the purpose it had been set up for; 
then it was expanded to undertake a 
program of recruiting workers from 
slum schools, with the participation of 
militant leaders as well as traditional 
civil-rights groups, and of urging pri­
vate employers, with or without city 
contracts, to hire more Negroes. Next, 
lie turned to a citywide committee 
made up of businessmen, industrialists, 
and civil-rights workers who had been 
getting together only when a crisis was

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152

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at hand, and persuaded them to liire a 
full-time professional director and to 
set up offices in the slum to conduct job 
interviews in. (T h at effort proved so 
successful that the committee became a 
continuing operation and soon branched 
out to see wliat it could do to improve 
slum education, liousing, and relations 
with the police.) During most of the 
C.R.S. man’s sta)' in the city, the at­
mosphere was comparative!)' calm, un­
til the arrest of a black man by a white 
policeman under disputed circumstances 
set off' a week-long riot. Ordinarily, 
the Communitv Relations Service feels 
that it cannot accomplish much in riot 
situations, since most people are too 
carried away to listen to pleas for 
constructive action. In this case, how­
ever, the C.R.S. representative had 
established enough contacts and created 
enough confidence in himself on all 
sides that he was finall)'’ able to get the 
militants and the city leaders together. 
He convinced the former that they had 
to include moderate Negroes in any 
group of spokesmen if they wanted city 
officials to take it seriously, and before 
long a coalition of militant and moder­
ate adults, along with a sprinkling of 
teen-agers, was formed. He also con­
vinced them that they had to present 
their grievances specifically and clearly. 
In the end, the coalition drew up 
a twelve-point outline of what they 
wanted, and when it was given to the 
mayor and the city council eight of the 
points were accepted immediately and 
most of the others were approved short­
ly afterward. That was enough to calm 
tempers, and the riot subsided. “The  
coalition now has a broad enough base 
to be truly representative, and it has 
had enough success to prove that it’s 
needed,” Wilkins said not long ago. 
“The feeling today is that this city has 
made a start toward working out its 
problems peacefully.”

As Wilkins sees it, successes of this 
nature are vital if constant outbreaks 
of violence, and perhaps even a civil 
war, are to be averted. “It could 
come— far more quickly and easih' than 
most people realize,” he said. “The  
racial problem today can be described 
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fear becomes much stronger, the only 
possible outcome is white repression of 
blacks on a broad scale. T o  show how 
it could start, and end, take what 
might happen if another civil-rights 
leader like Dr. King were assassinated. 
Sa)’ that afterward twenty black mili­
tants got together and decided to take 
revenge. Sav that they divided up into 
groups of four in five different cities, 
and that each of them vowed to kill

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*• »
one policeman at the same hour on<a 
given night. Sav that ten of them suc­
ceeded, five of tliem wounded their 
targets, and five of them missed. The  
conspiracy would be announced the 
next morning on the ‘Today’ show. 
By the time W alter Cronkite came on 
that evening, this would be a different 
country.”

In evaluating such a development 
while he was still the Attorney Gen­
eral, Clark said he believed that the 
country the United States would then 
most resemble was the Republic of 
South Africa. W hat was ultimately 
needed to avoid that outcome, he also 
believed, was time and the determina­
tion to use it to make visible improve­
ments on every block in every slum in 
the country. “W hether we have the 
time needed will depend more on the 
policeman than on anyone else,” he told 
the W om en’s Forum a couple (if weeks 
after state troopers fired into a group of 
students at South Carolina State Col­
lege. “This is why he is the most im­
portant American in 1968. He works 
in a highly flammable environment. A 
spark can cause an explosion. . . .  If he 
overacts, he can cause a riot. If he un­
deracts, he can permit a riot. He is a 
man on a tightrope. . . . Police-commu­
nity relations is the most important 
law-enforcement problem of today and 
the )ears ahead. Every officer must be a 
community-relations expert. He must 
serve tlie public, and the public must 
respect, support, and compensate him 
for the vital role he plays. Open com­
munications with the entire community 
must be developed. He must reach the 
unreachables. He must know the man 
whose name nobody knows. . . .  In the 
final analysis, police-community rela­
tions measures the difference between 
an authoritarian government executing 
its will by force and fear and a free so­
ciety protecting the lives, tlie property, 
and the liberty of its citizens through 
public service.”

It seemed like a hopelessly tall order, 
but Clark and those who worked 
with him were convinced that it could 
and had to be filled. In various 
speeches, Clark often observed that the 
worst kind of lawlessness was police 
lawlessness, because it left no one to 
enforce the laws. According to Deputy 
Attorney General Christopher, Clark’s 
attempts to remold police departments 
and police tlu’nking, thereby making 
them capable of handling civil disorder 
and keeping federal forces out of it, 
was possibly the most important pro­
gram he undertook while in office. 
“The question always is whether you 
move in w'itli force or get rid of the

THE NEW YORKER 153

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154 NOVEMBER 8» I 9 G 9

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grounds for the disorder,” Christopher 
said. ‘‘W henever Ramsey saw a boiling 
kettle, he didn’t turn up the gas under 
it by sending in federal troops but in­
stead he tried to let off steam in various 
ways. Usually, he sent in some men 
to look things over— maybe me, maybe 
Wilkins, maybe both of us. For in­
stance, I ’ve been on the scene of just 
about every major riot since Watts. 
W e’ve found that there’s a quiet way 
to settle things more often than one 
might imagine. W e ordered the inte­
gration of a beer parlor near a Negro 
campus down South and stopped trou­
ble that was on its way to being ex­
plosive.” W hen disorder couldn’t be 
averted and local police seemed in dan­
ger of being overwhelmed, he went on, 
there was invariably a clamor for use 
of the greatest possible force— federal 
force in the form of Army troops. 
“T h e pressure for this has been un­
believable,” Christopher said. “It has 
been so strong and so unrelenting that 
the President and the- Attorney Gen­
eral liave had to resist it as a pure act 
of will. They knew that if they gave 
in, our Constitutional system would 
soon end.”

Clark was asked privately, while he 
was still Attorney General, about this 
situation, and he said, “Actually, the 
police have by far the best opportunity 
to stop riots before they get out of 
hand, because the police are on the 
scene and can move at once. The  
Army, by contrast, always insists on 
not doing anything until it is attacked. 
It insists on having overwhelming 
force before responding to an attack. 
And it insists on reconnoitring the 
field thoroughly to determine what its 
response should be. These factors mean 
that it would always he too late, be­
cause usually being half an hour late in 
a riot is being too late. And if it was 
too late, it would undoubtedly act with 
maximum force to make up for it. In 
the end, there would only be more 
bloodshed.” Despite these drawbacks, 
he continued, most of “the dynam­
ics of the time” called for federal in̂  
tervention during riots. “Local police 
chiefs want the Army because their men 
hate and fear riot duty,” he explained. 
“ Mayors want the Army because it 
relieves them of direct responsibility. 
Governors want the Army because it 
takes the political responsibility out of 
their hands. Negroes want the Army 
because soldiers are far less antago­
nistic and far less likely to be itchy- 
fingered than Guardsmen or local po­
lice. And the Army wants the Army 
because it gives them something to do 
Right now, they’re over there in the

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I’entagon, in a special division they re­
cently set up with an appropriation of 
twelve million dollars, playing at train­
ing troops for riot duty. W hat we could 
do with that money in the Community 
Relations Service! ”

O f the pressure on President John­
son to use federal troops in local disor­
ders, Clark said, “ It has been incredibly 
strong, not just on the part of the 
groups I ’ve mentioned but on the part 
of his advisers. Very few people, espe­
cially tliose closest to him, oppose tlie 
pre-positioning of troops in and around 
our cities. They say it’s the only solu­
tion. But I ’m dead set against it, and so 
is President Johnson. W hat we must do 
instead is expand, train, and pay better 
salaries to the police forces around the 
country. Otherwise, those who are put­
ting on the pressure will win, and half 
a million men will be brought back 
from Vietnam and trained in riot con­
trol— that is, to be a federal police 
force. T h at’s what w e’ve never had, 
and wliat w e’ve always said we didn’t 
want. It has the potential for the worst 
kind of disaster, because there’s no tell­
ing which way a monolithic military- 
police organization might go. Presi­
dent Johnson has stood up to the pres­
sure all along, but a new President 
might not be able or willing to.”

The Attorney Genera] expressed this 
view a few months after riots had en­
gulfed more than a hundred cities and 
the fear of an uprising was especially 
strong. W hen he was asked what might 
happen if troops were garrisoned in and 
around the nation’s largest cities and a 
President refused to use them in a par­
ticularly bloody riot out of fear that 
their participation would only make it 
bloodier, Clark put a hand over his 
eyes for a moment. Finally, he nodded, 
as if facing something reluctantly, and 
lowered his hand. “ It is quite possible 
that the commanding generals wotdd 
get together and take over,” he said. 
“ O f course, like putting the troops there 
in the first place, it would all be done 
in the name of saving the country.”

— R ichard  H arris 
{T h is  is the first of a series of articles.)

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OFF BROAD'W'AY

T h e  late Joe Orton’s two one- 
acters that opened and most un­
fortunately closed last week un­

der the title “Crimes of Passion” may 
not have been as wonderful as that 
comic masterpiece “ Loot,” of last year, 
but they were very funny all the same. 
T o  describe these murderous farces as 
high comedies (or even high farces) of 
British lowlife isn’t quite right, for 
satire and sympathy and passion run 
deep in them. On the other hand, the 
lines are chiselled and polished, and are 
meant to be delivered with poker-faced 
decorum. Much of the humor depends 
on the incongruity between the respect­
able conversation and the characters 
who make it and the situations they 
are in. “You lead a more interesting 
life than I do,” says a moronic, slut­
tish ex-whore in “T h e Ruffian on the 
Stair” to the criminal Irish truck driv­
er she lives with, when he tells her 
that he is off to meet a contact in “ the 
toilet at King’s Cross.” The “ruffian” 
is an effeminate Cockney hairdresser 
who invades the apartment of the tart 
and the truck driver on the false pre­
text of renting a room from them. His

brother, who was also his partner and 
lover, has recently been knocked down 
and killed by a truck— he thinks de­
liberately— and he is bereft and for­
lorn. He wanted to commit suicide, 
but his Catholic upbringing made that 
impossible, so he has had to figure out 
something else. And the something 
else is what brings him to this particu­
lar flat. W ithout in any way diminish­
ing the comic mood, M r. Orton made 
the boy’s love and grief as strong as 
any other element in the play. As for 
the other elements, they are all mad or 
menacing or satiric, and Catholicism 
and the Irish are the targets of much 
of the satire— no jolly ridicule here; 
Mr. Orton means business. W hen the 
boy describes his former living arrange­
ments with his brother to the detestable 
driver, the driver gasps, “There is no 
word in the Irish language for what 
you are doing!” T h e actors, all three 
of them Americans, were believable in 
their British-riffrafF parts. Sasha von 
Scherler, blowsy and blank-eyed, was 
the dumb, frightened tart to the life; 
David Birney, who was so good as 
the boy in “Summertree,” was proper­

ly cunning and volatile as the hair­
dresser; and Richard A. Dysart played 
the stupid, pompous, evil truck driver 
with subtlety and power.

“The Erpingham Camp,” the sec­
ond play, was a muclt broa’der and 
wilder farce, though just as deadly in 
intent. Again, the characters— thirteen 
of them this time, counting the walk- 
ons— come in a variety of sexes. The  
setting is a British holiday camp run by 
a fatuous soul named M r. Erpingham 
and his snappy, heel-clicking staff. T lie  
action is bedlam (organized bedlam) 
pouring forth in scenes that are some­
times as brief as blackouts, and it deals 
with the terrible consequences of al­
lowing a staff lackey, Chief Redcoat 
Riley— another blossom from the Quid 
Sod— to take over as director of enter­
tainment after the sudden death, by 
poisoning, of the man engaged for the 
job. These consequences run.from open 
revolt by the paying guests to Erping- 
ham’s death and funeral service, and 
the ruckus never lets up for a sec­
ond. This time, Mr. Dysart was Erp­
ingham, Mr. Birney (at first in trou­
sers, jacket, and shirt that were a 
symphony of teeth-paining stripes, and 
later in a mini-leopardskin) was a 
young rowdy who was the leader of 
the revolt, and Miss von Scherler was 
a self-preening, lower-middle-class ma­
tron. They were just as good as they 
were in the first play. John Tillinger 
gave a funny performance as the fawn­
ing, ambitious Redcoat Riley, ever 
ready with the blarney when the op­
portunity presented itself. I also en­
joyed and laughed at Bette Henritze 
(blond wig, tutu, chewing gum, and a 
concertina), as a willing, if somewhat 
shopworn, member of the entertain­
ment staff'; Tom  Lacy, as the camp’s 
resident padre, recently sprung after a 
molesting charge; Lynn Milgrim, as a 
pregnant screamer; T om  Tarpey, as 
the matron’s husband; and James Ca­
hill, as another staff member. Here, 
too, almost all the actors were Ameri­
can, and they made acceptable Britons. 
Mr. Tillinger, who is English, played 
the Irishman Riley, and he was better 
than acceptable. Michael Kahn was the 
director, and the sets and costumes 
were designed by William Ritman and 
Jane Greenwood, respectively.

— E d i t h  O l i v e r

“I'he clear responsibility of our na­
tional leaders, political, financial and cor­
porate, is to prescribe predatory practices 
without impeding progress,” M r. Miller 
declared.— T he I f  all S ti'cei Journal.

With an ugly leer.



N«. P ’̂ l% 2_

LETTEH FR.OM A  HEGION IN MY MIND
T a k e  up the W h ite  M a n ’s burden—
Ve't!Yv».;^not stoop to  less—
N o r call too loud on Freedom  
T o  cloak your w eariness;
By all ye cry or w hisper,
By all ye leave or do,
T h e  silent, sullen peoples 
Shall weigh your G ods and you.

— Kipling.

D ow n at the cross w here my Saviour died, 
D ow n w here fo r cleansing from  sin I cried, 
T h e re  to my h ea rt w as the blood applied, 
Singing glorv to H is name!

— Hymn.

I  U N D E R W E N T , during the sum­
mer that I became fourteen, a pro­
longed religious crisis. I use the word 

“ religious” in the common, 
and arbitrary, sense, mean­
ing that I then discovered 
God, His saints and angels, 
and His blazing Hell. And 
since I had been born in 
a Christian nation, I accept­
ed this Deity as the only 
one. I supposed Him to 
exist only within the walls of 
a church— in fact, of our 
church— and I also supposed 
that God and safety were 
synonym ous. T h e  word  
“safety” brings us to the real 
meaning of the word “ re­
ligious” as we use it. There­
fore, to state it in another, 
more accurate way, I be­
came, during my fourteenth 
year, for the first time in my 
life, afraid— afraid of the evil 
within me and afraid of the 
evil without. W hat I saw 
around me that summer in 
Harlem was what I had al­
ways seen; n oth in g had 
changed. But now, without 
any warning, the whores and pimps and 
racketeers on the Avenue had become 
a personal menace. It had not before 
occurred to me that I could become 
one of them, hut now I realized that 
we had been produced by the same cir­
cumstances. Many of my comrades 
were clearly headed for the Avenue, 
and my father said that I was headed 
that way, too. M y friends began to drink 
and smoke, and embarked— at first avid, 
then groaning— on their sexual careers. 
Girls, only slightly older than I was, 
who sang in the choir or taught Sunday 
school, the children of holy parents, un­
derwent, before my eyes, their incredi­
ble metamorphosis, of which the'most 
bewildering aspect was not their bud­
ding breasts or their rounding behinds 
but something deeper and more subtle, 
in their eyes, their heat, their odor, and

the inflection of their voices. Like the 
strangers on the Avenue, they became, 
in the twinkling of an eye, unutterably 
different and fantastically fresent. O w ­
ing to the way I had been raised, the 
abrupt discomfort that all this aroused 
in me and the fact that I had no idea 
what mv voice or my mind or my body 
was likely to do next caused me to con­
sider myself one of the most depraved 
people on earth. M atters were not 
helped by the fact that these holy girls 
seemed rather to enjoy my terrified 
lapses, our grim, guilty, tormented ex­
periments, which were at once as chill 
and joyless as the Russian steppes and

hotter, by far, than all the fires of Hell.
Yet there was something deeper than 

these changes, and less definable, that 
frightened me. It was real in both the 
boys and the girls, but it was, somehow, 
more vivid in the boys. In the case of the 
girls, one watched them turning into ma­
trons before they had become women. 
T hey began to manifest a curious and 
really rather terrifying single-minded­
ness. It is hard to say exactly how this 
was conveyed: something implacable in 
the set of the lips, something farseeing 
(seeing what: ) in the eyes, some new 
and crushing determination in the walk, 
something peremptory in the voice. 
They did not tease us, the boys, any 
more; they reprimanded us sharply, say­
ing, “You better be thinking about your 
soul!” For the girls also saw the evi­
dence on the Avenue, knew what the

price would be, for them, of one mis­
step, knew that they had to be protected 
and that we were the only protection 
there was. T hey understood that they 
must act as God’s decoys, saving the 
souls of the boys for Jesus and binding 
the bodies of the boys in marriage. For 
this was the beginning of our burning 
time, and “It is better,” said St. Paul—  
who elsewhere, with a most unusual and 
stunning exactness, described himself as 
a “ wretched man”— “ to marry than to 
burn.” And I began to feel in the boys 
a curious, wary, bewildered despair, as 
though they were now settling in for the 
long, hard winter of life. I did not know 

then what it was that I was 
reacting to; I put it to my­
self that they were letting 
themselves go. In the same 
way that the girls were des­
tined to gain as much weight 
as their mothers, the boys, it 
was clear, would rise no high­
er than their fathers. School 
began to reveal itself, there­
fore, as a child’s game that 
one could not win, and boys 
dropped out of school and 
went to work. M y father 
wanted me to do the same. I 
refused, even though I no 
longer had any illusions about 
what an education could do 
for me; I had already en­
countered too many college- 
graduate handym en. ^M_v 
friends were now “ down­
town,” busy, as they put it, 
‘*ffglTting tiiT man.” They  
began to care less about the 
way they looketl, the way 
they dressed, the things they 
did; presently, one found 

them in twos and threes and fours, in a 
hallway, sharing a jug of wine or a bot­
tle of whiskey, talking, cursing, fighting, 
sometimes weeping: lost, and unable to 
say what it was that oppressed them, ex­
cept that they knew it was “ the man”—  
the white man. And there seemed to be 
no way whatever to remove this cloud 
that stood between them and the sun, 
between them and love and life and 

_ power, between them and whatever it 
was that they w’anted. One did not have 
to be very bright to realize how little one 
could do to change one’s situation; one 
did not have to be abnormally sensitive 
to be worn down to a cutting edge by 
the incessant and gratuitous humiliation 
and danger one encountered every 
working day, all day long. The humilia­
tion did not apply merely to working 
days, or workers; I was thirteen and was



60

crossing Avenue on my way to the 
Fortj'-second Street library, and the cop 
in the middle of the street muttered as I 
passed him, “W hy don’t you niggers 
stay uptown where you belong? ” W hen  
I was ten, and didn’t look, certainly, any 
older, two policemen amused them­
selves with me by frisking me, mak­
ing comic (and terrifying) speculations 
concerning my ancestry and probable 
sexual prowess, and, for good measure, 
leaving me flat on my back in one of 
Harlem’s empty lots. Just before and 
then during the Second W orld W ar, 
many of my friends fled into the serv­
ice, all to be changed there, and rarely 
for the better, many to be ruined, and 
many to die. Others fled to other states 
and cities— that is, to other ghettos. 
Some went on wine or whiskey or the 
needle, and are still on it. And others, 
like me, fled into the church.

For the wages of sin were visible ev­
erywhere, in every wine-stained and 
urine-splashed hallway, in every clang­
ing ambulance bell, in every scar on the

faces of the pimps and their whores, in 
every helpless, newborn baby being 
brought into this danger, in every knife 
and pistol fight on the Avenue, and in 
every disastrous bulletin: a cousin, moth­
er of six, suddenly gone mad, the chil­
dren parcelled out here and there; an in­
destructible aunt rewarded for years of 
hard labor by a slow, agonizing death 
in a terrible small room; someone’s bright 
son blown into eternity by his own hand; 
another turned robber and carried off to 
jail. It was a summer of dreadful specu­
lations and discoveries, of which these 
were not the worst. Crime became real, 
for example— for the first time— not as 
n possibility but as the possibility. One 
would never defeat one’s circumstances 
by working and saving one’s pennies; 
one would never, by working, acquire 
that many pennies, and, besides, the so­
cial treatment accorded even the most 
successful Negroes proved that one 
needed, in order to be free, something 
more than a bank account. One needed 
a handle, a lever, a means of inspiring

“ 7 hate to have to say  ̂sir, that you are not quite everything 
John K. M . Mi'Cajfery has led me to exfectP

fear. It was absolutely clear that the po­
lice would whip you and take you in as 
long as they could get away with it, and 
that everyone else— hou.«/'‘-*'ives, taxi- 
drivers, elevator boys, dishwashers', bar­
tenders, lawyers, judges, doctors, and 
grocers— would never, by the operation 
of any generous human feeling, cease to 
use you as an outlet for his frustrations 
and hostilities. Neither civilized reason 
nor Christian love would cause any of 
those people to treat you as they presum­
ably wanted to be treated; (̂ nlv the fear 
of your power to rpt-a1intp_.wnn]d r a i is e 
them to do that, or to seem to do it, 
which was (and is) good enough. There 
appears to be a vast amount of confusion 
on this point, but I do not know many 
Negroes who are eager to be “accepted” 
by white people, still less to be loved by 
them; they, the blacksTsnnply don’t 
wish to be beaten over the head the 
whites every in st^ t of onr hri^f pas- 
sage on this planei. W hite people in this 
country will have quite enough to do in 
learning how to accept and love them­
selves and each other, and when they 
have achieved this— which will not be 
tomorrow and may very well be never—  
the Negro problem will no longer exist.

People more advantageously placed 
than we in Harlem were, and are, will 
no doubt find the psychology and the 
view of human nature sketched above 
dismal and shocking in the extreme. But 
the Negro’s experience of the white

respect for the standards by which, the 
white world claims to live. His own con­
dition is overwhelming proof that white 
people do not live by these standards. 
Negro servants have been smuggling 
odds and ends out of white homes for 
generations, and white people have been 
delighted to have them do it, because it 
has assuaged a dim guilt and testified to 
the intrinsic superiority of white people. 
Even the most doltish and servile Negro 
could scarcely fail to be impressed by the 
disparity between his situation and that 
of the people for whom he worked; 
Negroes who were neither doltish nor 
servile did not feel that they were doing 
anything wrong when they robbed 
white people. In spite of the Puritan- 
Yankee equation of virtue with well­
being, Negroes had excellent reasons 
for doubting that money was made or 
kept by any very striking adherence to 
the Christian virtues; it certainly did not 
work that way for black Christians. In 
any case, white people, who had robbed 
black people of their liberty and who 
profited by this theft every hour that 
they lived, had no moral ground on 
which to stand. T hey had the judges,



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the juries, the shotguns, the law— in a 
word, power. But it was a criminal pow ­
er, to be feared hut not respected, and 
to be outwitted in any way whatever. •' 
And those virtues preached E)ut not 
practiced by the white world were mere­
ly another means of holding Negroes in 
subjection.

It turned out, then, that summer, 
that the moral barriers that I had sup­
posed to exist between me and the dan­
gers of a criminal career were so tenuous 
as to be nearly nonexistent. I certainly 
could not discover any principled reason 
for not becoming a criminal, and it is not 
my poor. God-fearing parents who are 
to be indicted for the lack but this so­
ciety. I was icily determined— more de­
termined, really, than I then knew—  
never to make my peace witli the ghetto 
buFTo die and'girto'M'ell before! would”'  
let any white man spit on me, before I 
would accept my “place” in this repub­
lic. I did not intend to allow the white 
people of this country to tell me who L 
was, and limit me that way, and polish 
me off that way. And vet, of course, at 
the same time, I being spat on and 
defined and described and limited, and 
could have been polished off with no ef­
fort whatever. Every Negro boy— in 
my situation during those years, at 
least— who reaches this point realizes, at 
once, profoundly, because he wants to 
live, that he stands in great peril and 
must find, with speed, a “thing,” a gim­
mick, to lift him out, to start him on his 
way. A n d it does not m atter what the 
gimmick is. It was this last realization 
that terrified me and— since it revealed 
that the door opened on so many dan­
gers— helped to hurl me into the church. 
And, by an unforeseeable paradox, it 
was my career in the church that turned 
out, precisely, to be my gimmick.

For when I tried to assess my capabil­
ities, I realized that I had almost none. 
In order to achieve the life I wanted,
I had been dealt, it seemed to me, the 
worst possible hand. I could not be­
come a prizefighter— many of us tried 
but very few succeeded. I could not 
sing. I could not dance. I had been well 
conditioned by the world in which I 
grew up, so I did not yet dare take the 
idea of becoming a writer seriously. The  
only other possibility seemed to involve 
my becoming one of the sordid people on 
the Avenue, who were not really as sor­
did as I then imagined but who fright­
ened me terribly, both because I did not 
want to live that life and because of 
what they made me feel. Everything 
inflamed me, and tliat was bad enough, 
but I myself had also become a source of 
fire and temptation. I had been far too



65

well raised, alas, to suppose that any of 
the extremely explicit overtures made to 
me that summer, sometimes by boys and 
girls but also, more alarmingly, by older 
men and women, had anything to do 
with my attractiveness. O n the con­
trary, since the Harlem idea of seduction
is, to put it mildly, blunt, whatever these 
people saw in me merely confirmed my 
sense of my depravity.

It is certainly sad that the awakening 
of one’s senses should lead to such a mej> 
ciless judgment of oneself— to say noth­
ing of the time and anguish one spends 
in the effort to arrive at any other— but 
it is also inevitable that a literal attempt 
to mortify the flesh should be made 
among black people like those with 
whom I grew up. Negroes in this coun­
try— and ̂ Negroes do not, strictly or 
leg âllv speaking, exist in any other-j-are 
taught really to despise themselves from 
ffiFHhomentTheir eyes open on the 
world. This world is white and they are 
black. W hite people hold the pnw&r. 
which means that they are superior to 
blacks (intrinsically, that is: God de­
creed it s o ) , and the world has innumer­
able ways of making this difference 
known and felt and feared. Long before 
the Negro child perceives this difference, 
and even longer before he understands
it, he has begun to react to it, he has be­
gun to be controlled by it. Every effort 
made by the child’s elders to prepare him 
for a fate from which they cannot pro­
tect him causes him secretly, in terror, to 
begin to await, without knowing that he 
is doing so, his mysterious and inexorable 
punishment. He must be “good” not 
only in order to please his parents and 
not only to avoid being punished by 
them; behind their authority stands an­
other, nameless and impersonal, infinite- 
ly harder to please, and bottomlessly 
~cruel. And this filters into the child’s 
consciousness through his parents’ tone 
of voice as he is being exhorted, pun­
ished, or loved; in the sudden, un­
controllable note of fear heard in his 
mother’s or his father’s voice when 
he has strayed beyond some particular 
boundary. He does not know what 
the boundary is, and he can get no 
explanation of it, which is frightening 
enough, but the fear he hears in the 
voices of his elders is more frightening 
still. T h e fear that I heard in my fa­
ther’s voice, for example, when he real­
ized that I really believed I could do 
anything a white boy could do, and had 
every intention of proving it, was not at 
all like the fear I heard when one of us 
was ill or had fallen down the stairs or 
strayed too far from the house. It was 
another fear, a fear that the child, in

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66

.challenging the white world’s assump­
tion s7~wai[Juttm g]HiSel^^  
destruction! A  child cannot, thank 
Heaven, know how vast and how merci­
less is the nature of power, with what 
unbelievable cruelty people treat each 
other. He reacts to the fear in his par­
ents’ voices because his parents hold up 
die world for him and he has no protec­
tion without them. I defended myself, 
as I imagined, against the fear my father 
made me feel by remembering that he 
was very old-fashioned. Also, I prided 
myself on the fact that I already knew  
how to outwit him. T o  defend oneself 
against a fear is simply to insure that one 
will, one day, be conquered by it; fears 
must be faced. As for one’s wits, it is 
just not true that one can live by them—  
not, that is, if one wishes really to live. 
T h at summer, in any case, all the fears 
with which I had grown up, and which 
were now a part of me and controlled 
my vision of the world, rose up like a 
wall between the world and me, and 
drove me into the church.

As I look back, everything I did 
seems curiously deliberate, though it cer­
tainly did not seem deliberate then. For 
example, I did not join the church of 
which my father was a member and in 
which he preached. M y best friend in 
school, who attended a different church, 
had already “surrendered his life to the 
Lord,” and he was very anxious about 
my soul’s salvation. (I  wasn’t, but any 
human attention was better than none.) 
One Saturday afternoon, he took me to 
his church. There were no services that 
day, and the church was empty, except 
for some women cleaning and some oth­
er women praying. M y friend took me 
into the back room to meet his pastor— a 
woman. There she sat, in her robes, 
smiling, an extremely proud and hand­
some woman, with Africa, Europe, and 
the America of the American Indian 
blended in her face. She was perhaps 
forty-five or fifty at this time, and in our 
world she was a very celebrated woman. 
M y friend was about to introduce me 
when she looked at me and smiled and 
said, “W hose little boy are you?” N ow  
this, unbelievably, was precisely the 
phrase used by pimps and racketeers on 
the Avenue when they suggested, both 
humorously and intensely, that I “hang 
out” with them. Perhaps part of the ter­
ror they had caused me to feel came 
from the fact that I unquestionably 
wanted to be somebody^s little boy. I 
was so frightened, and at the mercy of 
so many conundrums, that inevitably, 
that summer, someojic would have tak­
en me over; one doesn’t, in Harlem, 
long remain standing on any auction



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block. It was m y  good luck— per­
haps— that I found myself in the church 
racket instead of some other, and sur- 
endered to a spiritual seduction long  ̂

before I came to any carnal knowledge. 
For when the pastor asked me, with that 
marvellous smile, “W hose little boy are 

r ” my heart replied at once, “W hy, 
yours.”

The summer wore on, and things got 
worse. I became more guilty and more 
frightened, and kept all this bottled up 
inside me, and naturally, inescapably, 
one night, when this woman had fin­
ished preaching, everything came roar­
ing, screaming, crying out, and I fell 
to the ground before the altar. It was 
the strangest sensation I have ever had 
in my life— up to that time, or since. I 
had not known that it was going to hap­
pen, or that it could happen. One mo­
ment I was on my feet, singing and 
clapping and, at the same time, work­
ing out in my head the plot of a play I 
was working on then; the next moment, 
with no transition, no sensation of fall­
ing, I was on my back, with the lights 
beating down into my face and all the 
vertical saints above me. I did not know 
what I was doing down so low , or 
how I had got there. And the anguish 
that filled me cannot be described. It 
moved in me like one of those floods that 
devastate counties, tearing everything 
down, tearing children from their par­
ents and lovers from each other, and 
making everything an unrecognizable 
waste. All I really remember is the 
pain, the unspeakable pain; it was as 
though I were yelling up to Heav&n 

me. And
if Heaven would not hear me, if love 
could not descend from H ea v en ~ to  
wash me, to make me clean— then utter 
disaster was my portion. Yes, it does 
indeed mean something^—something 
unspeakable— to be horn, in a white
country, an Anglo-Teutonic, antisexual 
country, black, j you very soon, without 
knowing it, give up all hope of commu­
nion. Black ̂ Seo^le.maTnT^^ HoWn 
or look up but do not look at each other, 
not at you, and white people, mainly, 
lohk away. And the universe is simply a 
sounding drum; there is no wav, no way 
whatever, so it seemed then and has 
sometimes seemed since, to^getjhxDugh 
a life, to hwe vour rhiIHrpn ,-ĉ r
your friends, or innfher anLLiâ Ti-er. 
nr tfi he InveT T h e universe, which is 
not merely the stars and the moon and 
the planets, flowers, grass, and trees, but 
other people^ ĥ  evolved no terms for 
your exisnuTce. has made no room J or 
y o i^ n d  if love will not sw'ing wide the 
gates, no other power will or can. And if



69

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one despairs— as wlio has not?— of hu­
man love, God’s love alone is left. But 
God— and I felt this even then, so long 
ago, on that tremendous floor, unwill­
ingly— is white. And if His love was so 
great, and if He loved all His children, 
why were we, the blacks, cast down
so far? W liyTT^spite of all I said there­
after, I found no answer on the floor—  
not that answer, anyway— and I was on 
the floor all night. Over me, to bring me 

through,” the saints sang and rejoiced 
nd prayed. And in the morning, when 

they raised me, they told me that I was 
‘saved.”

W ell, indeed I was, in a way, for I 
was utterly drained and exhausted, and 
released, for the first time, from all my 
guilty torment. I was aware then only of 
my relief. For many years, I could not 
ask myself w hy human relief had tp be 
achieved in a fashion aj  once so pagan,-
and so desperate— in a fashion at once 
so unspeakably old and so unutterably 
new. And by the time I warkble toUik 
myself this question, I was also able to 
see that the principles governing the rites 
and customs of the churches in which I 
grew up did not differ from the princi­
ples governing the rites and customs of 
other churches, white. T h e principles 
were Blindness. Loneliness.ju id 3feror , 
the first principle necessarily and active­
ly cultivated in order to deny the two 
others. I would love to believe that the 
principles were Faith, Hope, and Chari­
ty, but this is clearly not so for most 
Christians, or for what we call the 
Christian world.

I was saved. But at the same time, out 
of a deep, adolescent cunning I do not 
pretend to understand, I realized im­
mediately tliat I could not remain in the 
church merely as another worshipper. I 
would have to give myself something to 
do, in order not to be too bored and 
find myself among all tlie wretched un­
saved of the Avenue. And I don’t doubt 
that I also intended to best my father on 
his own ground. Anyway, very shortly 
after I joined the church, I became a 
preacher— a Young Minister— and I 
remained in the pulpit for more than 
three years. M y youth quickly made me 
a much bigger drawing card than my 
father. I pushed this advantage ruth­
lessly, for it was the most effective means 
I had found of breaking his hold over 
me. T hat was the most frightening time 
of my life, and quite the most dishonest, 
and the resulting hysteria lent great pas­
sion to my sermons— for a while. I rel­
ished the attention and the relative im­
munity from punishment that my new  
status gave me, and I relished, above all, 
the sudden right to privacy. It had to be



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recognized, after all, that I was still 
a schoolboy, with my schoolwork to do, 
and I was also expected to prepare at 
least one sermon a week. During what 
we may call my heyday, I preached, 
much more often than that. This meant 
that there were hours and even whole 
days when I could not be interrupted—  
not even by my father. I had immobi­
lized him. It took rather more time for 
me to realize that I had also immobilized 
myself, and had escaped from nothing 
whatever.

T h e church was very exciting. It took 
a long time for me to disengage myself 
from this excitement, and on the blind­
est, most visceral level, I never really 
have, and never will. There is no music 
like that music, no drama like the dram_a 
of the saints rejoiricuy. the sinners moan­
ing, tlie tambourines racing, and all 
those voices coming together and crying 
holy unto the Lord. There is still, for 
me, no pathos quite like the pathos of
those multicolored worn, somehow tri- 
umphant and transfigured fares, speak­
ing from the depths of 9 yisihlf, trmgibL, 
continuing despair nf thp of
the Lord. I have never seen anything to 
equal the fire and excitement that some­
times, without warning, fill a church, 
causing the church, as Leadbelly and so 
many others have testified, to “ rock.” 
Nothing that has happened to me since 
equals the power and the glory that I 
sometimes felt when, in the middle of a 
sermon, I knew that I was somehow, by 
some miracle, really carrying, as they 
said, “the W ord”— when the church 
and I were one. Their pain and their joy 
were mine, and mine were theirs— they 
surrendered their pain and joy to me, 
I surrendered mine to them— and their 
cries of “A m en !” and “ Hallelujah!” 
and “Yes, L ord!” and “Praise His 
nam e!” and “ Preach it, brother!” sus­
tained and whipped on my solos until we 
all became equal, wringing wet, singing



and dancing, in anguish and rejoicing, 
at the foot of the altar. It was, for a 
long time, in spite of— or, not incon­
ceivably, because of— the shabbiness of 
my motives, my only sustenance, my 
meat and drink. I rushed home from 
school, to the church, to the altar, to be 
alone there, to commune with Jesus, my 
dearest Friend, who would never fail 
me, who knew all the secrets of my 
heart. Perhaps He did, but I didn’t, 
and the bargain we struck, actually, 
down there at the foot of the cross, 
was that He would never let me find 
out.

He failed his bargain. He was a much 
better Man than I took Him for. It hap­
pened, as things do, imperceptibly, in 
many ways at once. I date it— the slow 
crumbling of my faith, the pulverization 
of my fortress— from the time, about a 
year after-I had begun to preach, when 
I  began to read again. I justified this de­
sire by the fact that I was still in school, 
and I began, fatally, with Dostoevski. 
By this time, I was in a high school that 
was predominantly Jewish. This meant 
that I was surrounded by people who 
were, by definition, beyond any hope of 
salvation, who laughed at the tracts and 
leaflets I brought to school, and who 
pointed out that the Gospels had been 
written long after the death of Christ. 
This might not have been so distressing 
if it had not forced me to read the tracts 
and leaflets myself, for they were in­
deed, unless one believed their message 
already, impossible to believe. I remem­
ber feeling dimly that there was a kind 
of blackmail in it. People, I felt, ought 
to love the Lord because they loved 
Him, and not because they were afraid 
of going to Hell. I was forced, reluc­
tantly, to realize that the Bible itself had 
been written by men, and translated by 
men out of languages I could not read, 
and I was already, without quite admit­
ting it to myself, terribly involved with 
the effort of putting words on paper. O f  
course, I had the rebuttal ready: These 
men had all been operating under divine 
inspiration. H ad  they.? A ll  of them? 
And I also knew by now, alas, far more 
about divine inspiration than I dared 
admit, for I knew how I worked my­
self up into my own visions, and how 
frequently— indeed, incessantly— the
visions God granted to me differed from 
the visions He granted to my father. I 
did not understand the dreams I had at 
night, but I knew that they were not 
holy. For that matter, I knew that my 
waking hours were far from holy. I 
spent most of my time in a state of re­
pentance for things I had vividly desired 
to do but had not done. The fact that

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I was dealing with Jews brought the 
whole question of color, which I had 
been desperately avoiding, into the ter­
rified center of my mind. I realized 
that the Bible had been written by white 
men. I knew that, according to m an y' 
Christians, I was a descendant of Ham, 
who had been cursed, and that I was 
therefore predestined to be a slave. This 
had nothing to do with anything I was, 
or contained, or could become; my fate 
had been sealed forever, from the be­
ginning of time. And it seemed, indeed, 
when one looked out over Christen­
dom, that this was what Christendom 
effectively believed. It was certainly the 
way it behaved. I remembered the Ital­
ian priests and bishops blessing Italian 
boys who were on their way to Ethiopia.

Again, the Jewish boys in high school 
were troubling because I could find no 
point of connection between them 
and the Jewish pawnbrokers and land­
lords and grocery-store owners in Har­
lem. I knew that these people were 
Jews— God knows I was told it often 
enough— but I thought of them only as 
white. Jews, as such, until I got to high 
school, were all incarcerated in the Old 
Testament, and their names were Abra­
ham, Moses, Daniel, Ezekiel, and Job, 
and Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego. 
It was bewildering to find them so many 
rnjles and centuries out of Egypt, and so 
far from rlu- fiery fiirjia'rp M y best 
friend in high school was a Jew. He 
came to our house once, and afterward 
my father asked, as he asked about ev­
eryone, ‘‘Is he a Christian? ”— by which 
he meant “ Is he saved? ” I really do not 
know whether my answer came out of 
innocence or venom, but I said, coldly, 
“ No. H e’s Jewish.” M y father slammed 
me across the face with his great palm, 
and in that moment everything flooded 
back— all the hatred and all the fear, 
and the depth of a merciless resolve to 
kill my father rather than allow my 
father j gJdlLme— and I knew that all 
those sermons and tears and all that 
repentance and rejoicing had changed 
nothing. I wondered if I was expected 
to be glad that a friend of mine, or any­
one, was to be tormented forever in 
Hell, and I also thought, suddenly, of 
the Jews in another Christian nation, 
Germany. T h ey were not so far from 
the fiery furnace after all, and my best 
friend might have been one of them. I 
told my father, “ H e’s a better Christian 
than you are,” and walked out of the 
house. T h e battle between us was in 
the open, but that was all right; it was 
almost a relief. A  more deadly struggle 
had begun.

Being in the pulpit was like being in



77

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On the label, black-letter characters spell­
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White of whites. Ih e  champagne was made 
entirely of white Chardonnay. Chosen, he 
knew, by epluchage. Assurance that only the 
finest were pressed. Rare achievement.

Above the glass, lips smiled expectantly. 
A hand lifted it in mid-air, where it spark­
led, lucent in the beam from a seventeen- 
pointed chandelier.

“To happiness” said a voice. And was echo­
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the theatre; I was behind the scenes and 
knew how the illusion was worked. I 
knew the other ministers and knew the 
quality of their lives. And I don’t mean 
to suggest by this the “Elmer Gantry” 
sort of hypocrisy concerning sensuality; 
it was a deeper, deadlier, and more
subtle hypocrisy than that, and a little 
honest sensuality, or a krt, would have 
been like water in an extremely bit­
ter desert. I knew how to work on a 
congregation until the last dime was 
surrendered— it was not very hard to 
do— and I knew where the money 
for “ the Lord’s work” went. I  knew, 
though I  did not wish to know it, that 
I had no respect for the people_witli 
whom I w orked. I could not have 
said it then, but I also knew that if I 
continued I would soon have no re­
spect for myself. And the fact that I  
was “the young Brother Baldwin” 
increased ;ny value with those same 
pimps and racketeers who had helped 
to stampede me into the church in the 
first place. T hey still saw the little boy 
they intended to take over. T h ey were 
waiting for me to come to my senses 
and realize that I was in a very lucra­
tive business. They knew that I did 
not yet realize this, and also that I  
had not vet beg un m 
my own needs, com im  u f  fthRy w ere 
very patient), could drive me. They  
themselves did know the score, and 
they knew that the odds were in their 
favor. And, really, I knew it, too. I 
was even lonelier and more vulnerable 
than I had been before. And the 
blood of the Lamb had not cleansed me 
in any way whatever. I was just as 
black as I had been the day that I was 
born. Therefore, when I faced a con­
gregation, it began to take all the 
strengtii I had not to stammer, not to 
curse, not to tell them to tlirow away 
their Bibles and get off their knees and 
go home and organize, for example, 
a rent strike. W hen I watched all the 
children, their copper, brown, and beige 
faces staring up at me as I  taught 
Sunday school, I felt that I was com­
mitting a crime in talking about the 
gentle Jesus, in tdlinn them to reconcile 
themselves to their misery on earth in 
order to gain the crown of eternal life. 
W ere only Negroes to gain this crown? 
W as Heaven, then, to be merely anoth­
er ghetto? Perhaps I  might have been 
able to reconcile myself even to this if 
I had been able to believe that there
was any lovmg-kmdness to he found 
m the haven 1 represented. But I had 
been in the pulpit too long and I had 
seen too many monstrous tilings. I don’t 
refer merely to the glaring fact that



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80

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the minister eventually acquires houses 
and Cadillacs while the faithful con­
tinue to scrub floors and drop their 
dimes and quarters and dollars into the 
plate. I really mean that there was 
no love in the church. It was a mask 
forJiatred and gelf-h;u-i-pr| anH
T h e transfiguring power of the Holy 
Ghost ended when the service ended, 
and salvation stopped at the church 
door. W hen we were told to love ev­
erybody, I had thought that that meant 
everybody. But no. It applied only to 
those who believed as we did_-rmfl it 
did not apply to white people at all.
I was told by a minister, for example, 
that I should never, on any public con­
veyance, under any circumstances, rise 
and give my seat to a white woman. 
W hite men never rose for Negro wom ­
en. W ell, that was true enough, in the 
main— I saw his point. But what was 
the point, the purpose, of m y salvation 
if it did not permit me to behave with 
love toward others, no matter how they 
behaved toward me.? W hat others did 
was their responsibility, for which they 
would answer when the judgment 
trumpet sounded. But what 7 did was 
my responsibility, and I would have to 
answer, too— unless, of course, there 
was also in Heaven a special dispensa­
tion for the benighted black, who was 
not to be judged in the same way as 
other human beings, or angels. It prob­
ably occurred to me around this time 
that the vision people hold of the world_  

_ta.jCO«re iChiit a retlertian, with pre­
dictable wishful distortions, of the 
vvbrld m which they live. And this did 
not apply only to Negroes, who were 
no more “simple” or “spontaneous” or 
“Christian” than anybody else— who 
were merely more oppressed. In the 
same way that we, for white people, 
were the descendants of Ham, and 
were cursed forever, white people were, 
for us, the descendants of Cain. And  
the passion with which we loved the 
Lord was a measure of how deeply we 
feared and distrusted and, in the end, 
hated almost all strangers, always, and 
avoided and despised ourselves.

But I cannot leave it at that; there 
is more to it than that. In spite of ev- 
y^'thing, there was in the life I fled 
a z e sf  and a jo'y and a capacity for_fac- 
ing and surviving disaster that arp...v£jy  
moving and very rare^ Perhaps we 
were, all of us— pimps, whores, racket­
eers, church members, and children—  
bound together by the nature of our 
oppression, the specific and peculiar 
complex of risks we had to run; if 
so, within these limits we sometimes 
achieved .with each other a freedom



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that w as close to love. I remember, 
anyway, church suppers and outings, 
and, later, after I left the church, rent 
and waistline parties where rage a n d ) 
sorrow sat in the darkness and did n o / 
stir, and we ate and drank and talked | 
and laughed and danced and forgot f 
all about “the man.” W e had th e ) 
liquor, the chicken, the music, and each 
other, and had no need to pretend to 
be what we were not. This is the free­
dom that one hears in some gospel 
songs, for example, and in jazz. In all 
jazz, and especially in the blues, there 
is something tart and ironic, amh.'i-i'- 
tativp and doiihie-pdfrud- W hite Am er­
icans seem to feel that happy songs are 
haffy  and sad songs are sad, and that, 
God help us, is exactly tlie way most 
white Americans sing them— sounding, 
in both cases, so helplessly, defenseless- 
ly fatuous that one dare not speculate 
on the temperature of the deep freeze 
from which issue their brave and sexless 
little voices. O nly people who have been 
“down the line,” as the song puts it, 
know what this music is about. I think 
it was Big Bill Broonzy who used to 
sing “I Feel So G ood,” a really joyful 
song about a man who is on his 
way to the railroad station to meet his 
girl. She’s coming home. It is the sing­
er’s incredibly moving exuberance that 
makes one realize how leaden the time 
must have been while she was gone. 
There is no guarantee that she will 
stay this time, either, as the singer clear­
ly knows, and, in fact, she has not yet 
actually arrived. Tonight, or tomorrow, 
or within the next five minutes, he may 
very well be singing “ Lonesome in My 
Bedroom,” or insisting, “Ain’t we, 
ain’t we, going to make it all right.'’ 
W ell, if we don’t today, we will to­
morrow night.” W hite Americans ylo 
not understand
such an ironic tenacity-cotaes. but they 
suspect that the force is sen.suah and

95
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85

t)ic:v arc terrified of F;L-nsiin]itV 'wvl- do 
not any lonp-er undi'vstnnd it„Thr word 
“sensual” is not intended to bring 
to mind quivering dusky maidens or 
priapic black studs. I am referring to 
something much simpler and much less 
fanciful. T o  be sensual, I think, is to 
respect and rejoice in the force of life. 
of life itself, and to he f tr u '-nf in ̂ 11 
.fhat one doiis. from the effort of loving 
to the breaking of bread. It will be a 
great day for America, incidentally, 
when we begin to eat bread again, 
instead of the blasphemous and taste­
less foam rubber that we have sub­
stituted for it. And I am not being 
frivolous now, either. very
sinister liappens to the people of a 
country w hen tiiey begin to distrust 
their own reactions as d<-<-ply ng_̂ thpy 
ĉ ) here, and become as joyless as they 
have become. It is this individual un- 
certaint)’ oiv the part of white Amer­
ican men and women, this inability to
renew tiiemselves at the fountain of

tliat makes the dis­
cussion, let alone elucidation, of any 
conundrum— that is, any reality— so 
supremely difficult. T h e person who 
distrusts himself has no touchstone for 
reality— for this touchstone can be only 
oneself. Such a person interposes be­
tween himself and reality nothing less 
than a labyrinth of attitudes. And these 
attitudes, furthermore, though the per­
son is usually unaware of it (is unaware 
of so much! ) , are historical and public 
attitudes. They do not relate to the 
present any more than they relate to 
the person. Therefore, w hatever^hitc  
people do not know about Negror-d _i:g- 
veals, precisely and inevorahly, _whfl-r 
t h e y d o j 2 2 LJyi2^LJlbf2Mi—tliemselre s.

W hite Christians have also forgotten 
several elementary historical details. 
They have forgotten that the religion 
that is now identified with their virtue 
and their power— “God is on our side,” 
says Dr. Verwoerd— came out of a 
rocky piece of ground in what is now 
known as the Middle East before col­
or was invented, and that in order 
for the Christian church to be estab­
lished, Christ had to be put to death, 
by Rome, and that the real architect 
of the Christian church was not the 
disreputable, sun-baked Hebrew who 
gave it his name but the mercilessly 
fanatical and self-righteous St. Paul. 
T h e energy that was buried with the 
rise of tlie Christian nations must come 
back into the world; nothing can pre­
vent it. Many of us, I think, both long 
to see this happen and are terrified of 
it, f()r_Jliougli this transformation con- 
tains the hc^e Of liberation, it also im-

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86

B ig  Vegetable M an  
from  the North
“Brrrrr,” if you’ll pardon the expression. 
Winter is in the air up in the Green 
Giant Land of Minnesota. That big 
boy of ours is now wearing his winter- 
weight leaves—fur-lined, you know. And 
he’s up to his eyeballs in his trusty 
muffler. His nose gets cold.

So what does the Green Giant do 
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Along about now he’s catching up 
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— that’s a pretty good trick.

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Green G ian t
Good things from the garden



87

Cooking with Vegetables
By James A. Beard

See what elegant dishes you can whip 
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Mexican Langouste Stew
1 12-oz. can G reen G iant 
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1 6V2-OZ. can lobster m eat 

^WlCOni’̂ a  o*” y'2- It), lobster in pieces
2 tbsp. bu tter
1 cup cream  
Salt, pepper

Combine Mexicorn®, lobster and but­
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Salt and pepper to taste. Heat thor­
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Asparagus and Cognac Soup
2 lOV^-oz. cans G reen Giant 
Brand cut asparagus 
Salt, pepper 
1 tbsp. grated onion
1 cup heavy cream
2 oz. cognac 
4 slices bread, diced 
6 tbsp. butter 
1 clove garlic

Put asparagus, together with liquid, 
through a blender or fine sieve. Pour 
asparagus mixture into saucepan; 
season with salt and pepper. Heat to 
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Serves 4-6.

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poses a necessity for great change. But 
in order to deal with the untapped and 
dormant force of the previously sub­
jugated, in order to survive as a human, 
moving, moral weight in the world, 
America and all the W estern nations 
will be forced to reexamine themselves 
and release themselves from many 
things that are now taken to be sacred, 
and to discard nearly all the assump­
tions that have been used to justify their 
lives and their anguish and their crimes 
so long.

‘‘The white man’s Heaven,” sings 
a Black Muslim minister, “is the black 
man’s H ell.” One may object— pos­
sibly— that this puts the matter some­
what too simply, but the song is true, 
and it has been true for as long as white 
men have ruled the world. T h e Afri­
cans put it another way: W hen the 
white man came to Africa, the white 
man had the Bible and the African had 
the land, but now it is the white man 
who is being, reluctantly and bloodily, 
separated from the land, and the Afri­
can who is still attempting to digest or 
to vomit up the Bible. T h e struggle, 
therefore, that now begins in the world 
is extremely complex, involving the his­
torical role of Christianity in the realm 
of ̂ ower— that is, politics— and in the 
realm of morals. In the realm of pow­
er, Christianity has operated with an 
unmitigated arrogance and cruelty—  
necessarily, since a religion ordinarily 
imposes on those who have discovered 
the true faith the spiritual duty of lib­
erating the infidels. This particular true 
faith, moreover, is more deeply con­
cerned about the soul than it is about 
the body, to which fact the flesh (and 
the corpses) of countless infidels bears 
witness. It goes without saying, then, 
that whoever questions the authority of 
the true faith also contests the right of 
the nations that hold this faith to rule 
over him— contests, in short, their title 
to his land. T he spreading of the Gospel, 
regardless of the motives or the in­
tegrity or the heroism of some of the 
missionaries, was an absolutely indis­
pensable justification for the 
of the flag. Priests and nuns and school­
teachers helped to protect and sanctify 
the power that was so ruthlessly being 
used by people who were indeed seek­
ing a city, but not one in the lieavens, 
and one to be made, very definitely, by 
captive hands. T h e Christian church

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itselt— again, as distinguished from some 
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lations, w as proof of the 
God had come a long way from the 
desert— but then so had Allah, though 
in a very different direction. God, go­
ing north, and rising on the wings of 
power, had become white, and Allah, 
out of power, and on the dark side of 
Heaven, had become— for all practical 
purposes, anyway— black. Thus, in the 
realm of morals the role of Christianity 
has been, at best, ambivalent. Even 
leaving out of account the remarkable 
arrogance that assumed that the ways 
and morals of others were inferior to 
those of Christians, and that they there­
fore had every right, and could use 
any means, to change them, the rnllj- 
sion between cultures— and the schizo­
phrenia in the mind of Christendom—  
had rendered the domain of morals as 
chartless as the sea once was—ajiA as 
treacherous as the sea stiU-is. It is not 
too much to say that whoever wishes 
to become a truly moral human being 
(and let us not ask whether or not this 
is possible; I think we must believe that 
it is possible) must first divorce himself 
from all the prohibitions, crimes, and
hypocrisies of tJi e A - l h r i s t i a iT - T iT rr r rh . If  
the concept of God has any validity or 
any use, it can only be to make us larg­
er, freer, and more loving. If  God 
cannot do this, then it is time we got rid 
of Him.

I H A D  heard a great deal, long be­
fore I finally met him, of the Honor­

able Elijah Muhammad, and of the Na­
tion of Islam movement, of which he is 
the leader. I  paid very little attention to 
what I heard, because the burden of his 
message did not strike me as being very 
original; I had been hearing variations 
of it all my life. I sometimes found my­
self in Harlem on Saturday nights, and 
I stood in the crowds, at 12Sth Street 
and Seventh Avenue, and listened to 
the Muslim speakers. But I had heard 
hundreds of such speeches— or so it 
seemed to me at first. Anyway, I have 
long had a very definite tendency to 
tune out the moment I come anywhere 
near either a pulpit or a soapbox. W hat 
these men were saying about white peo­
ple I had often heard before. And I 
dismissed the Nation of Islam’s demand 
for a separate black economy in Amer­
ica, which I had also heard before, as 
willful, and even mischievous, nonsense. 
Then two things caused me to begin to 
listen to the speeches, and one was the 
behavior of the police. After all, I had 
seen men dragged from their platforms 
on this very corner for saying less viru­
lent things, and I had seen many crowds 
dispersed by policemen, with clubs or



89

( x m a

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on horseback. But the policemen were 
doing nothing now. Obviously, this was 
not because they had become more hu­
man but because they were under orders 
and because they were afraid. And in­
deed they were, and I was delighted 
to see it. There they stood, in twos 
and threes and fours, in their Cub Scout 
uniforms and with their Cub Scout 
faces, totally unprepared, as is the way 
with American he-men, for anything 
that could not be settled with a club or 
a fist or a gun. I might have pitied them 
if I had not found myself in their hands 
so often and discovered, through ugly 
experience, what they were like when 
they held the power and what they were 
like when you held the power. T h e be­
havior of the crowd, its silent intensity, 
was the other thing that forced me 
to reassess the speakers and their mes­
sage. I sometimes think, with despair, 
that Americans will swallow whole any 
political speech whatever— w e’ve been 
doing very little else, these last, bad 
years— so it may not mean anything 
to say that this sense of integrity, after 
what Harlem, especially, has been 
through in the way of demagogues, was 
a very startling change. Still, the speak­
ers had an air of utter dedication, and 
the people looked toward them with 
a kind of intelligence of hope on their 
faces— not as though they were being 
consoled or drugged but as though they 
were being jolted.

Power was the subject of the speeches 
I heard. W e were offered, as Nation 
of Islam doctrine, historical and divine 
proof that all white people are cursed, 
and are devils, and are about to be 
brought down. This has been revealed 
by Allah Himself to His prophet, the 
Honorable Elijah Muhammad. The  
white man’s rule will be ended forever 
in ten or fifteen years (and it must be 
conceded that all present signs would 
seem to bear witness to the accuracy of 
the prophet’s statement). T h e crowd 
seemed to swallow this theology with no 
effort— all crowds do swallow theology 
this way, I gather, in both sides of Jeru­
salem, in Istanbul, and in Rome— and, 
as theology goes, it was no more indi­
gestible than the more familiar brand 
asserting that there is a curse on the 
sons of Ham. N o more, and no less, and 
it had been designed for the same pur­
pose; namely, the sanctification of pow- 
er. But very little time was spent on 
theology, for one did not need to prove 
to a Harlem audience that all white men 
were devils. They were merely glad to 
have, at last, divine corroboration of 
their experience, to hear— and it was a 
tremendous thing to hear— that they



91

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had been lied to for all these years and 
generations, and that their captivity was 
ending, for God was black. W hy were 
they hearing it novy, since this was not 
the first time it had been said.? I had 
heard it many times, from various 
prophets, during all the years that I was 
growing up. Elijah Muhammad himself 
has now been carrying the same message 
for more than thirty years; he is not an 
overnight sensation, and we owe his 
ministry, I am told, to the fact that 
when he was a child of six or so, his 
father was lynched before his eyes. (So 

_miich for states’ rights.) And now, sud­
denly, people who Jiave never before 
been able to hear this message hear it, 
and believe it, and are changed. Elijah 
Muhammad has been able to do what 
generations of welfare workers and 
committees and resolutions and reports 
and housing projects and playgrounds 
have failed to do: to heal and redeem 
drunkards and junkies, to convert peo­
ple who have come out of prison and to 
keep them out, to make men chaste and 
women virtuous, and to invest both the 
male and the female with a pride and 
a serenity that hang about them like an 
unfailing light. He has done all these 
things, which our Christian church has 
spectacularly failed to do. H ow has 
Elijah managed it.?

W ell, in a way— and I have no wish 
to minimize his peculiar role and his 
peculiar achievement— it is not he who 
has done it but time. Tim e catches up, 
with kingdoms and crushes them, gets I 
its teeth into doctrines and rends them; j 
time reveals the foundations on which \ 
any kingdom rests, and eats at those 
foundations, and it destroys doctrines by | 
proving them to be untrue. In those 
days, not so very long ago, when the 
priests of that church which stands in 
Rome gave God’s blessing to Italian 
boys being sent out to ravage a defense­
less black country— which until that 
event, incidentally, had not considered 
itself to be black— it was not possible to 
believe in a black God. T o  entertain 
such a belief would have been to enter­
tain madness. But time has passed, and 
in that time the Christian world has re­
vealed itself as morally bankrupt and 
politically unstable. T h e Tunisians were 
quite right in 1956— and it was a very 
significant moment in W estern (and 
African) history— when they countered 
the French justification for remaining in 
North Africa with the question “Are the 
French ready for self-government?” 
Again, the terms “civilized” and 

Christian” begin to have a very strange 
ring, particularly in the ears of those 
who have been judged to be neither



95

civilized nor Christian, w hen a Christian 
nation surrenders to a foul and violent 
orgy, as Germany did during the Third  
Reich. For the crime of their ancestry, 
millions of people in the middle of the 
twentieth century, and in the heart of 
Europe— God’s citadel— were sent to a 
death so calculated, so hideous, and so 
prolonged that no age before this en­
lightened one had been able to imagine 
it, much less achieve and record it. Fur­
thermore, those beneath the W estern 
heel, unlike those within the W est, are 
aware that Germany’s current role in 
Europe is to act as a bulwark against the 
“uncivilized” hordes, and since power is 
w hat the powerles<> w_a_nt. they under­
stand very well what we of the W est 
want to keep, and are not deluded by 
our talk of a freedom that we have n ever 
been willing to sh-̂ '̂̂  From
my awn point of view, the fact of the 
Third Reich alone makes obsolete for­
ever any question of Cliristian superior­
ity, except in technological terms. W hite 
people were, and are, astounded by the 
holocaust in Germany. T h ey did not 
know that they could act that way. But 
I very much doubt whether black people 
were astounded— at least, in the same 
{vay. For my part, the fate of the Jews, 
and the world’s indifference to it, 
frightened me very much. I could not 
but feel, in those sorrowful years, that 
this human indifference, concerning 
which I knew so much already, would 
be mv portion on the day that the 
United Stares derided m mnrHpr—iVc 
N egroes^^Sem atiodiyjnstead of little 
by little and catcli^s-catch-can. I was, 
of course, authoritatively assured that 
what had happened to the Jews in Ger­
many could not happen to the Negroes 
in America, but I thought, bleakly, that 
the German Jews had probably believed 
similar counsellors, and, again, I could 
not share the white man’s vision of him­
self for the very good reason that white 
men in America do not behave toward 
black men the way they behave toward 
each other. W hen a white man faces a 
black man, especially if the black man is 
Tielpless, terrible things I
know. I have been carried into prebnct 
basements often enough, and I have seen 
and heard and endured the secrets of 
desperate white men and women, which 
they knew were safe with me, because 
even if I should speak, no one would be­
lieve me. And they would not believe 
me precisely because they would know 
that what I said was true.

T h e treatment accorded the Negro 
during the Second W orld W ar marks, 
for me, a turning point in the Negro’s 
relation to America. T o  put it briefly.

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and somewhat too simply, a certain hope 
d ie d ^  certain respect for white Ameri­
cans faded. One began to pity them. 
or toJiatejiiem . You must put yourself 
in the skin of a man who is wearing the 
uniform of his country, is a candidate , 
for death in its defense, and who is called 
a “nigger” by his comrades-in-arms and 
his officers; who is almost always given 
the hardest, ugliest, most menial work 
to do; who knows that the white G .I. 
has informed the Europeans that he is 
subhuman (so much for the American 
male’s sexual security); who does not 
dance at the U .S .O . the night white sol- 
diers dance there, and does not drink in ^  
the same bars white soldiers drink in; and 
who watches German prisoners of war 
being treated by Americans with more 
human dignity than he has ever received 
at their hands. And who, at the same 
time, as a human being, is fa r  fre e r  in n 
strange land than he has ever been at 
home. H om e!  T h e very word begins to 
have a despairing and diabolical ring.
You must consider what happens to this 
citizen, after all he has endured, when 
he returns— home; search, in his shoes, 
for a job, for a place to live; ride, in his 
skin, on segregated buses; see, with his 
eyes, the signs saying “W hite” and 
“Colored,” and especially the signs that 
say “W hite Ladies” and “Colored 
W om en-"  look into the eyes of his wife; 
look into the eyes of his son; listen, with 
his ears, to political speeches. North and 
South; imagine yourself being told to 
“wait.” And all this is happening in the 
richest and freest country in the world, 
and in the middle of the twentieth cen­
tury. The subtle and deadly change of 
heart that might occur in you would be 
involved with the realization that a civ­
ilization is not destroyed by wicked peo­
ple; it is not necessary that people h.* 
wicked but only that they be spineless. I 
and two Negro acquaintances, all of us 
well past thirty, and looking it, were 
in the bar of Chicago’s O ’Hare Airport



97

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several months ago, and the bartender 
refused to serve us, because, he said, we 
looked too young. It took a vast amount 
of patience not to strangle him, and 
great insistence and some luck to get the 
manager, who defended his bartender 
on the ground that he was “new” and 
had not yet, presumably, learned how to 
distinguish between a Negro boy of 
twenty and a Negro “boy” of thirty- 
seven. W ell, we were served, finally, 
of course, but by this time no amount of 
Scotch would have helped us. T h e bar 
was very crowded, and our altercation 
had been extremely noisy; not one cus­
tomer in the bar had done anything to 
help us. W hen it was over, and the three 
of us stood at the bar trembling with 
rage and frustration, and drinking—  
and trapped, now, in the airport, for we 
had deliberately come early in order to 
have a few drinks and to eat— a young 
white man standing near us asked if we 
were students. I suppose he thought that 
this was the only possible explanation for 
our putting up a fight. I told him that he 
hadn’t wanted to talk to us earlier and 
we didn’t want to talk to him now. The  
reply visibly hurt his feelings, and this, 
in turn, caused me to despise him. But 
when one of us, a Korean W ar veteran, 
told this young man that the fight we 
had been having in the bar had been 
his fight, too, the young man said, “I 
lost my conscience a long time ago,” and 
turned and walked out. I know that one 
would rather not think so, but this 
young man is typical. So, on the basis of 
the evidence, had everyone else in the 
bar lost his conscience. A  few years ago,
I would have hated these people with 
all my heart. N jw  I pitied them̂  pined 
them in order no*' tlw-m And
this is not the happiest way to feel toward 
one’s countrymen.

But, in the end, it is the threat of uni­
versal extinction hanging nyer nll_thp 
w orld today that changes, totally and 
forercr, the nature of reality and brings 
irrto'devastating question the true mean­
ing of man’s history. W e human beings 
now have the power to exterminate our­
selves; this seems to be the entire sum of 
our achievement. W e have taken this 
journey and arrived at this place in 
God’s name. This, then, is the best that 
God (the white G od) can do. If that is 
so, then it is time to replace Him— re­
place Him with what? And this void, 
this despair, this torment is felt every­
where in the W est, from the streets of 
Stockholm to the churches of New  Or­
leans and the sidewalks of Harlem.

God is black. A ll black men belong to 
Islam; they have been chosen. And Is­
lam shall rule the world. T h e dream,



99

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the sentiment is old; only the color is 
new. And it is this dream, this sweet 
possibility, that thousands of oppressed 
black men and women in this country 
now carry away with them after the 
Muslim minister has spoken, through 
the dark, noisome ghetto streets, into the 
hovels where so many have perished. 
The white God has not delivered them:
perhaps the black (-inrl wilJ

While I  was in Chicago last summer, 
the Honorable Elijah Muhammad in­
vited me to have dinner at his home. 
This is a stately mansion on Chicago’s 
South Side, and it is the headquarters of 
the Nation of Islam movement. I had 
not gone to Chicago to meet Elijah M u­
hammad— he was not in my thoughts at 
all— but the moment I  received the in­
vitation, it occurred to me that I  ought 
to have expected it. In  a way, I  owe 
the invitation to the incredible. abv.smal. 
and really cowardly obtiisenesg nf white 
liberals ^  W hether in private debate or 
in public, any attempt I made to ex­
plain how the Black Muslim movement 
came about, and liow it has achieved 
such force, was met with a blankness 
that revealed the little connection that 
the liberals’ attitudes have with their 
perceptions or their lives, or even their 
knowledge— revealed, in fact, that 
they could deal with the Nepro as a sym-, 
bol or a victim but had no sense nf him as

M man. W hen Malcolm X, who is con­
sidered the movement’s second-in-com­
mand, and heir apparent, points out that 
the cry of “violence” was not raised, for 
example, when the Israelis fought to re­
gain Israel, and, indeed, is raised only 
when black men indicate that they will 
fight for their rights, he is speaking the 
truth. The conquests of England, every 
single one of them bloody, are part of 
what Americans have in mind when 
they speak of England’s glory. In the 
United States, violence and heroism have 
been made synonymous except when it 
comes to blacks, and the only way to de­
feat Malcolm’s point is to concede it and 
then ask oneself why this is so. Malcolm’s 
statement is not answered by references 
to the triumphs of the N.A.A.C.P., the 
more particularly since very few liberals 
have any notion of how long, how cost­
ly, and how heartbreaking a task it is to 
gather the evidence tliat one can carry 
into court, or how long such court bat­
tles take. Neither is it answered by ref­
erences to the student sit-in movement, 
if only because not all Negroes are stu­
dents and not all of them live in the 
South. I, in any case, certainly refuse to 
be put in the position of denying the 
truth of Malcolm’s statements simply 
because I disagree with his conclusions,



101

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or in order to pacify the liberal con­
science. Things are as bad as the Mus­
lims say they are—in fact, they are 
worse, and the Muslims do not help 
matters— but there is no reason that 
black men shoulTbe expected to be more
patient, more forbearing, more farsee- 
ing than whites: indeed, quite the con-
tra i^  The real reason that non-violence 
is considered to be a virtue in Negroes— 
I am not speaking now of its tactical 
value, another matter altogether—is that 
white men do not want their lives, their 
self-image, or their property threatened. 
One wishes they would say so more 
often. At the end of a television program 
on which Malcolm X and I both ap­
peared, Malcolm was stopped by a white 
member of the audience who said, ‘‘I 
have a thousand dollars and an acre of 
land. What’s going to happen to me? ” 
1 admired the directness of the man’s 
question, but I didn’t hear Malcolm’s 
reply, because I was trying to explain to 
someone else that the situation of the 
Irish a hundred years ago and the situa­
tion of the Negro today cannot very 
usefully be compared. Negroes were 
brought here in chains long before the 
Irish ever thought of leaving Ireland; 
what manner of consolation is it to be 
told that emigrants arriving here— vol­
untarily—long after you did have risen 
far above you? In the hall, as I was 
waiting for the elevator, someone shook 
my hand and said, “Goodbye, Mr. 
James Baldwin. We’ll soon be address­
ing you as Mr. James X.” And I 
thought, for an awful moment. My 
God, if this goes on much longer, you 
probably will. Elijah Muhammad had 
seen this show, I think, or another one, 
and he had been told about me. There­
fore, late on a hot Sunday afternoon, I 
presented myself ,at his door.

I was frightened, because I had, in 
effect, been summoned into a royal pres­
ence. I was frightened for another rea­
son, too. I knew the tension in me be­
tween love and power, between pain
and rage, and the curious, the grinding 
way I remained extended between thpse_ 
pol^—perpetually attempting to choose 
the better rather than the worse. But 
this choice was a choice in terms of a per­
sonal, a private better (I was, after all, a 
writer); what was its relevance in terms 
of a social worse? Here was the South 
Side—a million in captivity—stretching 
from this doorstep as far as the eye could 
see. And they didn’t even read; depressed 
populations don’t have the time or ener­
gy to spare. The affluent populations, 
which should have been their help, didn’t, 
as far as could be discovered, read, ei­
ther—they merely bt)ught books and de-



105

voured them, but not in order to learn: 
in order to learn new attitudes. Also, I 
knew that once I had entered the house, 
I coiddn’t smoke or drink, and I felt 
guilty about the cigarettes in iny pocket, 
as I had felt years ago when rny friend 
first took me into his church. I was half 
an hour late, having got lost on the way 
here, and I felt as deserving of a scold­
ing as a schoolboy.

The young man who came to the 
door—he was about thirty, perhaps, 
with a handsome, smiling face— didn’t 
seem to find iny lateness offensive, and 
led me into a large room. On one side 
of the room sat half a dozen women, all 
in white; they were much occupied with 
a beautiful baby, who seemed to belong 
to the youngest of the women. On the 
other side of the room sat seven or eight 
men, young, dressed in dark suits, very 
much at ease, and very imposing. The 
sunlight came into the room with the 
peacefulness one remembers from rooms 
in one’s early childhood—a sunlight en­
countered later only in one’s dreams. I 
remember being astounded by the quiet­
ness, the ease, the peace, the taste. I was 
introduced, they greeted me with a 
genuine cordialit}' and respect—and the 
respect increased my fright, for it meant 
that they expected something of me that 
I knew in my heart, for their sakes, I 
could not give—and we sat down. Eli­
jah Muhammad was not in the room. 
Conversation was slow, but not as stiff 
as I had feared it would be. They kept 
it going, for I simply did not know 
which subjects I could acceptably bring 
up. They knew more about me, and had 
read more of what I had written, than 
I had expected, and I wondered what 
they made of it all, what they took my 
usefulness to be. The women were car­
rying on their own conversation, in low 
tones; I gathered that they were not 
expected to take part in male conversa­
tions. A few women kept coming in and 
out of the room, apparently making 
preparations for dinner. We, the men, 
did not plunge deeply into any subject, 
for, clearly, we were all waiting for the 
appearance of Elijah. Presently, the 
men, one by one, left the room and re­
turned. Then I was asked if I would like 
to wash, and I, too, walked down the 
hall to the bathroom. Shortly after I 
came back, we stood up, and Elijah en­
tered.

I do not know what I had expected 
to see. I had read some of his speeches, 
and had heard fragments of others on 
the radio and on television, so I associ­
ated him with ferocity. But, no— the 
man who came into the room was small 
and slender, really very delicately put

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106

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together, with a thin face, large, warm 
eyes, and a most winning smile. Some­
thing came into the room with him— his 
disciples’ joy at seeing him, his joy at 
seeing them. It was the kind of encoun- 
.ter one watches with a smile simply be­
cause it is so rare that people enjoy one 
another. He teased the women, like a 
father, with no hint of that ugly and 
unctuous flirtatiousness I knew so well 
from other churches, and they responded 
like that, with great freedom and yet 
from a great and loving distance. He 
had seen me when he came into the 
room, I knew, though he had not looked 
my way. I had the feeling, as he talked 
and laughed with the others, whom I 
could only think of as his children, that 
he was .sizing me up, deciding some­
thing. Now he turned toward me, to 
welcome me, with that marvellous 
smile, and carried me back nearly twen­
ty-four years, to that moment when the 
pastor had smiled at me and said, 
“Whose little boy are you?” I did not 
respond now as I had responded then, 
because there are some things (not 
many, alas! ) that one cannot do twice. 
But I knew what he made me feel, how 
I was drawn toward his peculiar au­
thority, how his smile promised to take 
the burden of my life off my shoulders. 
I ' a k e  y o u r  b u r d e n s  to  th e  L ^o rd  a n d  
l e a v e  t h e m  th e r e . 'JThecentral quality in 
Elijah’s face is pain, and his snnTe is a 
witn^s to it̂ ===̂ atfrso old and deep and 
black that it becomes personal and par­
ticular only when he smiles. One won­
ders what he would sound like if he 
could sing. He turned to me, with that 
smile, and said something like “I ’ve got 
a lot to say to you ,, but we’ll wait until 
we sit d o w n P  And I laughed. He made 
me think of my father and me as we 
might have been if we had been friends.

In the dining room, there were two 
long tables; the men sat at one and the 
women at the other. Elijah was at the 
head of our table, and I was seated at 
his left. I can scarcely remember what 
we ate, except that it was plentiful, sane, 
and simple-—so sane and simple that it 
made me feel extremely decadent, and 
I think that I drank, therefore, two 
glasses of milk. Elijah mentioned hav­
ing seen me on television and said that 
it seemed to him that I was not yet 
brainwashed and was trying to become 
myself. He said this in a curknisly un­
nerving way, his eyes looking into mine 
and one hand half hiding his lips, as 
though he were trying to conceal bad 
teeth. But his teeth were not bad. Then 
I remembered hearing that he had spent 
time in prison. I suppose that I w o u ld  
like to become myself, whatever that



107

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108

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may mean, but I knew that Elijah’s 
meaning and mine were not the same. 
I said yes, I  was trying to be me, but 
I did not know how to say more than 
that, and so I waited.

Whenever Elijah spoke, a kind of 
chorus arose from the table, saying “Yes, 
that’s right.” This began to set my 
teeth on edge. And Elijah himself had 
a further, unnerving habit, which was 
to ricochet his questions and comments 
off someone else on their way to you. 
Now, turning to the man on his right, 
he began to speak of the white devils 
with whom I had last appeared on TV ; 
W hat had they made him (me) feel? 
I could not answer this and was not 
absolutely certain that I was expected 
to. The people referred to had cer­
tainly made me feel exasperated and 
useless, but I did not think of them as 
devils. Elijah went on about the crimes 
of white people, to this endless chorus 
of “Yes, that’s right.” Someone at the 
table said, “The white man sure is a 
devil. He proves that by his own ac­
tions.” I looked around. I t was a very 
young man who had said this, scarcely 
more than a boy— very dark and sober, 
very bitter. Elijah began to speak of 
the Christian religion, of Christians, in 
this same soft, joking way. I began to 
see that Elijah’s power came from his 
single-mindedness. There is nothing 
calculatedTbout him; he means every 
word he says. The real reason, accord­
ing to Elijah, that I failed to realize 
that the white man was a devil was that 
I  had been too long exposed to white 
teaching and had never received true 
instruction. “The so-called American 
Negro” is the only reason Allah has 
permitted the United States to endure 
so long; the white man’s time was up 
in 1913, but it is the will of Allah that 
this lost black nation, the black men of 
this country, be redeemed from their 
white masters and returned to the true 
faith, which is Islam. Until this is 
done— and it will be accomplished very 
soon— the total destruction of the white 
man is being delayed. Elijah’s mission 
is to return “the so-called Negro” to



109

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Islam, to separate the chosen of Allah 
from this doomed nation. F'urthermore, 
the white man knows his history, knows 
himself to be a devil, and knows that 
his time is running out, and all his tech­
nology, psychology, science, and “trick- 
nology” are being expended in the ef­
fort to prevent black men from hearing 
the truth. This truth is that at the very 
beginning of time there was not one 
white face to be found in all the uni­
verse. Black men ruled the earth and 
the black man was perfect. This is the 
truth concerning the era that white men 
now refer to as prehistoric. They want 
black men to believe that they, like 
white men, once lived in caves and 
swung from trees and ate their meat 
raw and did not have the power of 
speech. But this is not true. Black men 
were never in such a condition. Allah 
allowed the Devil, through his scientists, 
to carry on infernal experiments, which 
resulted, finally, in the creation of the 
devil known as the white man, and 
later, even more disastrously, in the cre­
ation of the white woman. And it was 
decreed that these monstrous creatures 
should rule the earth for a certain num­
ber of years— I forget how many thou­
sand, but, in any case, their rule now 
is ending, and Allah, who had never 
approved of the creation of the white 
man in the first place (who knows 
him, in fact, to be not a man at all 
but a devil), is anxious to restore the 
rule of peace that the rise of the white 
man totally destroyed. There is thus, 
by definition, no virtue in white people, 
and since they are another creation en­
tirely and can no more, by breeding, 
become black than a cat, by breeding, 
can become a horse, there is no hope 
for them.

There is nothing new in this merci­
less formulation except the explicitness 
of its symbols and the candor of its ha­
tred. Its emotional tone is as familiar 
to me as my ow n skin; it is but anoth­
er way of saying that sinners shall be 
bound in Hell a thousand jv-w.f. .^h-at 

_shmcrs_Jia3te—always,—for—America n 
Negroes, been white is a truth we 
needn^t labor, and every Amenran 
Negro, therefore, risks having the gates 
of paranoia close on him. In a society 
that is entirely hostile, and, by its nature, 
seems determined to cut you down—  
that has cut down so many in the past 
and cuts down so many every day— it 
begins to be almost impossible jm-dis- 
tinguish a real frtM-n a famiû 4--TTrpirv. 
Q necan  very quickly cease to attempt 
this distinction, and, what is worse, one 
usually ceases to attempt it without real­
izing that one has dojie so. All door-



TH E NEW  YORKER 111

men, for example, and all policemen 
have by now, for me, become exactly 
the same, and my style with them is 
designed simply to intimidate them be­
fore they can intimidate me. No doubt 
I am guilty of some injustice here, but 
it is irreducible, since I cannot risk as­
suming that the humanity of these peo­
ple is more real to them than their 
uniforms. Most Negroes cannot risk as- 
suming that the humanity ot wlute peo­
ple is more real to them than their color. 
And this leads, imperceptibly but in­
evitably, to a state of mind in which, 
having long ago learned to expect tlie 
worst, one finds it very easy to believe 
the worst. The brutality with wliidr
Negroes are treated in_this country
simply cannot he overstated, however
unwilling white men may be to hear 
lit. In the beginning—and neither can 
this be overstated—a Negro just can­
not b e l ie v e  that white people are treat­
ing him as the}' do; he does not know 
what he has Hone to  m e rit it. And when 
he realizes that the treatment accorded 
liim has nothing to do with anything 
he has done, that the attempt of white 
people to destroy him—for that is what 
it is—is utterly p-ratuitous. it is not hard 
for him to think o f w h ite  pcopjc ac ficiolc 
to r  tire horrors of the American Ne­
gro’s life there has been almost no laai- 
guage. The privacy of his experience, 
which is only beginning to be recog­
nized in language, and which is denied 
or ignored in official and popular 
speech—hence the Negro idiom—lends 
credibility to any system that pretends 
to clarify it. And, in fact, the truth 
about the black man, as a historical en­
tity and as a human being, h a s  been 
hidden from him, deliberately and cruel-

threatened whenever a black man re­
fuses to accept the white world’s definl- 
tionsi bo every at: 
that black man n—not only was 
made yesterday but is made today. Who, 
then, is to say with authority where the 
root of so much anguish and evil lies.̂  
Why, then, is it not possible that all 
things began with the black man and 
tliat he was perfect— especially since 
this is precisely the claim that white peo­
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these years? Furthermore, it is now 
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a minority in the world—so severe a 
minority that they now look rather more 
like an invention—and that they can­
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112

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of Heaven, and not, as they claim, by 
Heaven’s will? .And if th is  is so, then 
tlie sword they have used so long against 
Jthers can now, without mercy, be used 

against them. Heavenly witnesses are a 
tricky lot, to be used by whoever is clos­
est to Heaven at the time. And legend 
and theology, which are designed to 
sanctify our fears, crimes, and aspira­
tions, also reveal them for what they

I said, at last, in answer to some other 
ricocheted question, “I left the church 
twenty years ago and I haven’t joined 
anything since.” It was my way of say­
ing that I did not intend to join their 
movement, either.

“And what are you now?” Elijah 
asked.

I was in something of a bind, for I 
really could not say— could not allow 
myself to be stampeded into saying— 
that I was a Christian. “I? Now? 
Nothing.” This was not enough. “I ’m 
a writer. I like doing things alone.” I 
heard myself saying this. Elijah smiled 
at me. “I don’t, anyway,” I said, final­
ly, “think about it a great deal.”

Elijah said, to his right, “I think he 
ought to think about it a ll the deal,” and 
with this the table agreed. But there was 
nothing malicious or condemnatory in 
it. I had the stifling feeling that t h e y  
knew T belonged to them hut knew that 
I did not know it yet, that I remained 
unready, and that they were' simply 
waiting, patiently, and with assurance, 
for me to discover the truth for myself. 
For where else, after all, could I go? I 
was black, and therefore a part of Islam, 
and would be saved from the holocaust 
awaiting the white world whether I 
would or no. My weak, deluded scruples 
coidd avail nothing against the iron 
word of the prophet.

I felt that I was back in my father’s 
house—as, indeed, in a way, I was— 
and I told Elijali that I  did not care if 
white and black people married, and 
that I had many white friends. I would 
have no choice, if it came to it, but to 
perish with them, for (I said to myself, 
but not to Elijah), “I love a few people 
and they love me and some of them are 
wliite, and isn’t love more important 
than color? ”

Elijah looked at me with great kind­
ness and affection, great pity, as though 
he were reading my heart, and indicated, 
skeptically, that I m i g h t  have white 
friends, or think I did, and they m i g h t  
be trying to be decent— now—but their 
time was up. It was almost as though he 
were saying, “They had their chance, 
man, and they goofed! ”

.And I looked around the table. I cer-

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tainly had no evidence to give them that 
would outweigh Elijah’s authorit)' or 
the evidence of their own lives or the 
reality of the streets outside. Yes, I knevy 
two or three people, wliite, whom I 
would trust with mv life, and T knew a 
few others, white, who were struggling 
as hard as they knew liow. and aaitli 
preat effort and sweat and risk, to make

I say this? One cannot argue with any­
one’s experience or decision or belief. All 
my evidence would be thrown out of 
court as irrelevant to the main body of 
the case, for I could cite only exceptions. 
The South Side proved the justice of 
the indictment; the state of the world 
proved the justice of the indictment. Ev­
erything else, stretching back through­
out recorded time, was merely a history 
of those exceptions who had tried to 
change the world and had failed. Was 
this true ? H a d  they failed ? How much 
depended on the point of view! For it 
would seem that a certain category of 
exceptions never failed to make tlte 
world worse—that category, precisely, 
for whom power is more real than love. 
And yet power is real, and many things, 
including, very often, love, cannot be 
achieved without it. In the eeriest way 
possible, I suddenl)' had a glimpse of 
what white people must go through at a 
dinner table when they are trying to 
prove that Negroes are not subhuman. 
I had almost said, after all, “Well, take 
my friend Mary,” and very nearly de­
scended to a catalogue of those virtues 
that gave Mary the right to be alive. 
And in what hope? That Elijah and the 
others would nod their heads solemnly 
and sa)', at last, “Well, s h e 's  all right— 
but the o t h e r s ! "

And I looked again at tile young faces 
around the table, and looked back at 
Elijah, who was saying that no people in 
history had ever been respected who had



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not owned their land. And the table 
said, “Yes, that’s right.” I could not 
deny the truth of this statement. For 
veryone else has, ir, a nation, with a 

specific location and a flag— even, these 
days, the Jew. It is only “the so-called 
American Negro” who remains trapped, 
disinherited, and despised, in a nation 
that has kept him in bondage for nearly 
four hundred years and is still unable to 
recognize him as a human being. And 
the Black Muslims, along with many 
people who are not Muslims, no longer 
wish for a recognition so grudging and 
(should it ever be achieved) so tardy. 
Again, it cannot be denied tliat this point 
of view is abundantly justified by Amer- 

1 Negro history. It is ^-ailing indeed 
to have stood so lon<>-. hat in hand wait-

; for Americans to grow ugh to
realize that you do not threnten tbuM-n
On the other hand, how is the American 
Negro now to form himself into a sepa­
rate nation: For this— and not only
from tile Muslim point of view— would 
seem to be his only liope of not perishing 
in the American backwater and being 
entirely and forever forgotten, as though 
he had never existed at all and his travail 
had been for nothing.

Elijah’s intensity and the bitter isola­
tion and disaffection of these young 
men and the despair of the streets out­
side had caused me to glimpse dimly 
what may now seem to be a fantasy, al­
though, in an age so fantastical, I would 
hesitate to say precisely what a fantasy 
is. Let us say that the Muslims were to 
achieve the possession of the six or seven 
states that they claim are owed to Ne­
groes by the United States as “back 
payment” for slave labor. Clearly, the 
United States would never surrender this 
territory, on any terms whatever, unless 
it found it impossible, for whatever rea­
son, to hold it— unless, that is, the Unit­
ed States were to be reduced as a world 
power, exactly the way, and at tlte same 
degree of speed, that England has been 
forced to relinquish her Empire. (I t is 
simply not true— and the state of lier ex­
colonies proves this— that England “al­
ways meant to go.” ) If the states were 
Southern states— and the Muslims seem 
to favor this— then the borders of a hos­
tile Latin America would be raised, in 
effect, to, say, xMaryland. Of the Amer­
ican borders on the sea, one would face 
toward a powerless Europe and the oth­
er toward an untrustworthy and non­
white East, and on the North, after 
Canada, there would be only Alaska, 
which is a Russian border. The effect 
of this would be tliat the wliite people of 
the United States and Canada would 
find themselves marooned on a hostile

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Good news. Bill. I'm leading a group for a 3- I, ah . 
week tour of South America. Want to come?

We’ ll see Panama, Peru, Brazil, Uruguay and 
Argentina —  have a ball. Everyone's invited.

Well, I . . . We’ ll go on March 12th. South America is great 
. . .  it has everything. Come on along. Bill.

Yes Jayne, South America is fun. Sorry, I can’t 
go with you. Don’t cry, I am going before you 
on February 12th and everyone’s invited with 
me, too. (Besides, my name Jose, not Bill.)

What better way to travel —  than in a group conducted by 
someone who really knows how to travel and have fun?

Therefore we (Braniff and Eastern) have persuaded the 
charming Miss Jayne Meadows (really Mrs. Steve Allen in dis­
guise) and that world-famous expert on Latin American 
affairs, Senor Jose (Bill Dana) Jimenez, to lead two tours to 
South America. Assuredly the most exciting development in 
travel since Balboa invented the South American tour in 1513!

Bill Dana’s tour will be three weeks, from February 12th to 
March 3rd; Miss Meadow’s tour will be from March 12th to 
31st. (Note that we have given South America a few days to 
recuperate between tours.) You may go on both of them, but 
we recommend that you choose one.

The tours will begin in New York on luxurious Braniff El 
Dorado Super Jets (in cooperation with Eastern Air Lines). Or 
you may join the group in Miami, where mere Miami bound

passengers leave, reluctantly. Then yo u ’ll depart for 2 bright 
days in Panama, 5 more in Peru (with an excursion to Cuzco 
and Machu Picchu), a great glorious week in Brazil (Sao 
Paulo, Brasilia, Rio), a day of splendor in Uruguay, and 4 
more golden days in Argentina. (We have a brochure that 
gives all the details. Send for it today.)

Now for the summary. You’ll find the countries we men­
tioned are spectacular —  in history, scenery, wonders, won­
derful people, resorts, food, shopping, night-life, beaches etc. 
Miss Meadows, born in China, has traveled all over the world. 
We cannot conceive of a more perfect tour guide. (The quali­
fications of Sr. Jimenez-Dana need hardly be elaborated.) Of 
South America, Miss Meadows says: "Marvelous place! Can’t 
wait to go.” Of Braniff and Eastern, Sr. Jimenez says: "They 
are him dandy."

Did we mention our brochure? Send for it today.

BRANIFF
AIRWAYS

Please send detailed information on the Bill Dana and Jayne 
Meadows tours of South America In 1963. 1 am interested In 
traveling with □  Bill Dana on February 12, O  Jayne Meadows on 
March 12. (Please check one)

NAMF ____________________________________________

ADORESŜ ____________ _________________________________________________

CITY________________________________ — STATE------------------------

Mail to “ Tour Dept.” , Braniff International Airways, Exchange 
Park, Dallas, Texas. NY-11

EASTERN 
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continent, with the rest of the white 
world probably unwilling and certainly 
unable to come to their aid. All this is 
not, to my mind, the most imminent of 
possibilities, but if I were a Muslim, this 
is the possibility that I would find myself 
holding in the center of my mind, and 
driving toward. And if I were a Mus­
lim, I would not hesitate to utilize—or, 
indeed, to exacerbate—the social and 
spiritual discontent that reigns here, for, 
at the very worst, I would merely have 
contributed to the destruction of a house 
I hated, and it would not matter if I 
perished, too. One has been perishing 
here so long!

And what were they thinking around 
the table? “I ’ve come,” said Elijah, “to 
give you something which can never be 
taken away from you.” How solemn 
the table became then, and how great a 
liglu rose in the dark faces! This is the 
message that has spread through streets 
and tenements and prisons, through the 
narcotics wards, and past the filth and 
sadism of mental hospitals to a people 
from wJiom everything has been taken 
away, including, most crucially, their 
sense of their own worth. People cannot 
live without this sense; they will do any­
thing whatever to regain it. This is why 
the most dangerous creation of any so- 
ciTty IS that man who has nothing to 
losê  You do not need ten such men— 
one will do. And Elijah, I should imag­
ine, has had nothing to lose since the 
day he saw his father’s blood rush out— 
rush down, and splash, so the legend has 
it, down through the leaves of a tree, 
on him. But neither did the other men 
around the table have anything to lose. 
“Return to your true religion,” Elijah 
has written. “Throw off the chains of 
the slavemaster, the devil, and return 
to the fold. Stop drinking his alcohol, 
using his dope—protect your women— 
and forsake the filthy swine.” I remem­
bered my buddies of years ago, in the 
hallways, with their wine and their 
whiskey and their tears; in hallways 
still, frozen on the needle; and my 
brother saying to me once, “If Harlem 
didn’t have so many churches and 
junkies, there’d be blood flowing in the 
streets.” P r o t e c t  y o u r  w o m e n :  a diffi­
cult tiling to do in a civilization sexu­
ally so pathetic that the white man’s 
masculinity depends on a denial of the 
masculinity of the blacks. P r o t e c t  y o u r  
w o m e n :  in a civilization that emascu­
lates the male and abuses the female, 
and in wliich, moreover, the male is 
forced to depend on the female’s bread­
winning power. P r o te c t  y o u r  w o m e n :  
in the teeth of the white man’s boast 
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120 NOVEMBER. I 7 ,  19 <b2

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or by pumping some white blood into 
your kids,” and while facing the South­
ern shotgun and the Northern billy. 
Years ago, we used to say, “ iVi, I ’m 
black, goddammit, and I ’m beauti­
ful!”—in defiance, into the void. But 
now—now—African kings and heroes 
have come into the world, out of the 
past, the past that can now be put to the 
uses of power. And black has b e c o m e  a 
beautiful color—not because it is loved 
but because it is feared. And this urgen­
cy on the part of American Negroes is 
f la t  to  h e  jo r .g o t te n !  As they watch 
black men pls«>wh<Mv 
held oiit^at last, thatthey may walk the
earth with the ;inrhnrity.. with win'rdi 
wTiTtn^n walk, protected by tlie powe
that white men shall have no longer, is 

h. and more t-linn cnnnffh.j. iMvip-
t)' prisons and pull 
"Heaven. It has happened before, many 
times, before color was invented, and 
the hope of Heaven has always been a 
metaphor for the achievement of this 
particular state of grace. The song says, 
“ I know my robe’s going to fit me well. 
I tried it on at the gates of Hell.”

[t was time to leave, and we stood in 
the large living room, saying good night, 
with everything curiouslv and heavily 
unresolved. I could not help feeling that 
I had failed a test, in their eyes and in 
my own, or that I had failed to heed a 
warning. Elijali and I shook hands, and 
he asked me where I was going. Where- 
ever it was, I would be driven tliere— 
“because, when we invite someone 
here,” he said, “we take tlie responsibil­
ity of protecting him from the white 
devils until he gets wherever it is he’s 
going.” I was, in fact, going to have a 
drink with several white devils on the 
otlier side of town. I confess that for a 
fraction of a second I hesitated to give 
the address—tlie kind of address that in 
Chicago, as in all American cities, iden­
tified itself as a white addressd"))’ virtue 
of its location. But I did give it, and 
Elijah and I walked out onto the steps, 
and one of the young men vanished to 
get the car. It was very strange to stand 
with Elijah for those few moments, fac­
ing those vivid, violent, so problematical 
streets. I felt very close to him, and 
really wished to be able to love and 
hoTorTnm as a witness, an ally, and.a 
father. I felt that I knew something of
his pain and ins fury, and, yes, even 
his beauty. Yet precisely 
reality and the nature of

Iv̂  as -his
responsibility and what I tfv̂ k + » 
mine— we would always he -itrang r y ' 
and possibly, one day, enemies. The car 
amved— a gleaming, metallic, grossly

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TH E NEW  YORKER 121

American blue—and Elijah and I shook 
hands and said good night once more. 
He walked into his mansion and shut 
the door.

The driver and I started on our way 
through dark, murmuring—and, at this 
hour, strangely beautiful—Chicago, 
along the lake. We returned to the dis­
cussion of the land. How were we— 
Negroes—to get this land? I asked this 
of the dark boy who had said earlier, 
at the table, that the white man’s actions 
proved him to be a devil. He spoke to 
me first of the Muslim temples that were 
being built, or were about to be built, in 
various parts of the United States, of the 
strength of the Muslim following, and 
of the amount of money that is annually 
at the disposal of Negroes—something 
like twenty billion dollars. “That alone 
shows you how strong we are,” he said. 
But, I persisted, cautiously, and in 
somewhat different terms, this twenty 
billion dollars, or whatever it is, de­
pends on the total economy of the Unit­
ed States. What happens when the 
Negro is no longer a part of this econ­
omy? Leaving aside the fact that in 
order for this to happen the economy 
of the United States will itself have had 
to undergo radical and certainly dis­
astrous changes, the American Negro’s 
spending power will obviously no long­
er be the same. On what, then, will 
the economy of this separate nation be 
based? The boy gave me a rather 
strange look. I said hurriedly, “I ’m not 
saying it c a r i t  be done—I just want to 
know h o v j  it’s to be done.” I was think­
ing, In order for this to happen, your 
entire frame of reference will have to 
change, and you will be forced to sur­
render many things that you now scarce­
ly know you have. I didn’t feel that 
the things I had in mind, such as the 
pseudo-elegant heap of tin in which 
we were riding, had any very great

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122

Your 23-day South African adventure with SAR 
(by train and SARBUS Tour) takes you to gold 
and diamond mines, by cable car up Table 
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Garden Route to Indian Ocean resorts. You'll 
watch Bantu dances, and photograph wild ani­
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value. But life would be very different 
without them, and I wondered if he 
had thought of this.

H o w can one, however, dream of 
power in any other terms than in the 
symbols of power? Tlie boy could see 
that freedom depended on the possession 
of land; he was,persuaded that, in one 
way or another, Negroes must achieve 
this possession. In the meantime, he 
could walk the streets and fear nothing, 
because there were millions like him, 
coming soon, now, to power. He was 
held together, in short, by a dream— 
though it is just as well to remember 
that some dreams come true—and was 
united with his “brothers” on the basis 
of their color. Perhaps one cannot ask 
for more. People always seem to band 
together according to a principle that has 
nothing to do with love, a principle that 
releases them from personal responsibil-
ity- hr

Yet I coijitd have hoped that the Mus­
lim movemghf had been'jtble to inculcate 
in the demoi'alized N e^o population a 
truer and more individual sense of its 
own worth, so that Negroes in the 
Northern ghettos coidd begin, in con­
crete terms, and at whatever price, to 
change their situation. But in order 
to change a situation one has first to see 
it for what it is: in the present case, to 
accept the fact, whatever one does with 
it~fl)?r^ter, that the Negro has been,.1,̂  lig o  UCCJI
formed by this nation, for better or foi- 
worse, and does not belonp- to any 
other—not to Africa, and certainly not 
ttuJsiam. The paradox—and a fearful 
paradox it is—is that the American 
Negro can hat e no future anywhere, on 
any continent, as long as he fg m-nin’lltpr,-
to) accept his past. 'I'o accept one’s past— 
ojic’s history—is not the same thing as 
drowning in it; it is learning how to use 
it. An invented past can never he used; it 
cracks and crumbles under the pressures 
of life like clay in a season of drought. 
How can the American Negro’s past he
usedf The unprecedented price de­
manded—and at this embattled hour of 
the world’s history—is the transcend­
ence of tlie realities of color, of nations, 
and of altars.

“Anyway,” the boy said suddenly, 
after a very long .silence, “things won’t 
ever again be the way they used to.be. I 
know t h a t .”  -t.Y

And so we arrived in enemy territory, 
and they set me down at the enemy’s 
door.

N O one seems to know where the 
Nation of Islam gets its money. 

A vast amount, of course, is contributed 
by Negroes, but there are rumors to the

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127

*<WHAT AN AUTOMOBILE!'^

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new  c h a s s i s ,  b i g ge r ,  s e l f -  
adjusting brakes, independent 
rear suspension, and new body­
work to warm the heart of the 
most jaded driver. It’s a whole 
new concept for most Americans: 
a car that delivers power to more 
than equal any driving situation, 
handling and stability of the 
highest order, brakes that feel 
like they could stop an ava­
lanche, all this without sacrific­
ing interior comfort or a smooth 
ride. Sports cars often make 
pretty stringent demands upon 
their occupants, forcing them to 
endure a coarse ride, drafts, and 
the interior dimensions of a 
phone booth. Not the Corvette. 
Here at last is a machine that 
delivers all the joys and driver 
delights of the *all-out sports 
car it is, with the snug comfort 
and smoothness of a “sports- 
type car” which it sure as heck 
isn’t. What an automobile! . . . 
Chevrolet Division of General 
Motors, Detroit 2, Michigan.

effect that people like the Birchites and 
certain Texas oil millionaires look with 
favor on the movement. I have no way 
of knowing whether there is any truth 
to the rumors, tliougli since these peo­
ple make such a point of keeping the 
races separate, I wouldn’t be surprised 
if for this smoke there was some fire. 
In an)̂  case, during a recent Muslim 
rally, George Lincoln Rockwell, the 
chief of the American Nazi party, made 
a point of contributing about twenty 
dollars to the cause, and he and Mal­
colm X decided that, racially speaking, 
anyway, they were in complete agree­
ment. The glorification of one race 
and the consequent debasement of an­
other—or others—always has been and 
always will be a recipe for murder. 
There is no way around this. If one 
is permitted to treat any group of people 
with special disfavor because of their 
race or the color of their skin, there is 
no limit to what one will force them to 
endure, and, since the entire race,has 
been mysteriously indicted, no reason 
not to attempt to destroy it root and 
branch. This is precisely what the Nazis 
attempted. Their only originality lay 
in the means they used. It is scarcely 
worthwhile to attempt remembering 
how many times the sun has looked 
down on the slaughter of the innocents. 
I am very much concerned that Ameri­
can Negroes achieve their freedom here 
in the United States. But I am also 
concerned for their dignity  ̂ f(u-^hi> 
healtii ot their souls, and n-jugt 
any attempt that Negp’'<-g ~̂»̂ y 
to do to others wb^t Imr- hî nn rimii* 
them. Tthink I know— we see it around 
us every day—the spiritual wasteland 
to which that road leads. It is so simple 
a fact and one that is so hard, apparent­
ly, to grasp: W h o e v e r  d eb a se s  o th e r s  is 
d e b a s in g  h im s e l j . That is not a mysti­
cal statement but a most realistic one, 
which is proved by the eyes of any Ala­
bama sheriff—and I would not like to 
see Negroes ever arrive at so wretched 
a condition.

Now, it is extremely unlikely that 
Negroes will ever rise to power in the 
United btates, because they are only 
approximately a ninth of this nation. 
T hey are not in the position of the 
ATneans, who are attempting to reclaim 
their land and break the colonial yoke 
and recover from the colonial experi­
ence. The Negro situation is dangerous 
in a different wav, both for the Negro 
qua Negro and for the country of 
which he forms so troubled and trou- 
blThg a part. The Am(>nV.nnJN.Wm jg a 
unique has no counterpart
anywhere, and no predecessors. The

SINCE 1791 
TIMEPIECES OF



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Muslims react to this fact by refer­
ring to the Negro as “the so-called 
American Negro” and substituting for 
the names inherited from slavery the 
letter “X.” It is a fact that every 
American Negro bears a name that 
originally belonged to the white man 
whose chattel he was. I am called 
Baldwin because I was either sold by 
my African tribe or kidnapped out of 
it into the hands of a white Christian 
named Baldwin, who forced me to 
kneel at the foot of the cross. I am, 
then, both visibly and legally the de­
scendant of slaves in a white, Protestant
country, and this is what it means' to 

this is who he
is'—a kidnapped pagan, who was sold 
THce~ an animal and treated like ^ne,
who was once defined by the Ameri- 
can Constitution as ^'tliree-hfths” o^a
man, and who, according to the Dred
Scott decision, had no rights that a
whi't-p rppn wng hniinH tn And
today, a hundred years after his tech­
nical emancipation, he remains—with 
the possible exception of the American 
Indian— the most despised creature in 
hi.s countiiv  ̂ Now, there is simply no 
possibility of a real change in the Ne­
gro’s situation without the most radical 
and far-reaching changes in the Ameri- 
can political and social structure. And
it is clear that white Americans are_not 
simply unwilling to effect tbe<;e rhanpips; 
they are, in the main, so slnthfu] have 
they become, unable even to envision 
them. It must be added that the Negro 
himself no longer believes in the good
faith of white Americans—if, indeed,haTZEA fV.c> TsJpn-r/Y
h a s  discovered, and on an international
level, is that power to intimidate which 
lie has always had privately but hitherto 
could manipulate only privately— for 
private ends often, for limited ends al­
ways. And therefore when the coun­
try speaks of a “new” Negro, which it 
has been doing every hour on the hour 
for decades, it is not really referring 
to a change in the Negro, which, in any 
case, it is quite incapable of assessing, but 
only to a new difficulty in keeping him 
in his place, to the fact that it encoun- 
ters him (again! again!) barring yet
another door to its spiritual and social

f ca.se. This is probably, hard and odd 
as it may sound, tlie most important 
thing that one human being can do for 
another—it is certainly o n e  of the most 
important things; hence the torment 
and necessity of love—and this is the
enormous contribution that the Negro 
has made to this otherwise shapeless and 
undiscovered country. Consequently,
white Americans are in nothing more

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deluded than in supposing that Negroes 
could ever have im aginerl t i n t  n diim 
l̂ p le  would “give” th em  a n y th in g  It 
Js-rare-Jndeed that people give. Most 
people guard and keep; they suppose 
that it is they themselves and what they 
identify with themselves that they are 
guarding and keeping, whereas what 
they are actually guarding and keeping 
is their system of reality and what they
assume tliemselves to be. One can give 
nothing whatever without giving one­
self— that is to say, risking oneself. If 
one cannot risk oneself, then one is 
simply incapable of giving. And, after 
all, one can give freedom on ly  hv set­
ting someone free. This, in the case 
of the Negro, the Amerii-nn rppnldir-
has never become sufficiently inatiire 
to do. White Americans have contented 
themselves with gestures that are now 
described as “tokenism.” For hard ex­
ample, white .Americans congratulate 
themselves on the 1954 Supreme Court 
decision outlawing segregation in the 
schools; they suppose, in spite of the 
mountain of evidence that has since ac­
cumulated to the contrai')', that tliis 
was proof of a change of heart— or, as 
they like to say, progress. Perhaps. It 
all depends on how one reads the word 
“progress.” Most of the Negroes I know 
do not believe that this immense con­
cession would ever have been made if 
it had not been for the competition of 
the Cold W ar, and the fact that Africa 
was clearly liberating herself and there­
fore had, for political reasons, to be 
wooed b)' the descendants of her for­
mer masters. Had it been a matter of 
love or justice, the 1 954 derision 'wiiilfl 
siiVelv hawe occurred snoaet-e were it 
not for the realities of power in tLfe 
difficult era, it might very well not have 
nmin-ff] ynt This seeiiis ail extremely 
harsh way of stating the case— ungrate­
ful, as it were— but the evidence tliat 
supports this way of stating it is not 
easily refuted. I myself do not think 
that it can be refuted at all. In any 
event, the sloppy and fatuous natujx-ui 
:;^merican good will car f i ­
lled upon to deal with hnrd prnb1rni7~ 
Tiiese liave been dealt witli  ̂ wlu‘n thf»y
have been dealt with at all̂  ouf nf 
sity— and in politiml anyway,
necessity means concessifuis —m 
or^jer to stav- ĵ;^~tc^. I think this is a 
fact, which it serves no purpose to deny, 
b u t ,  w h e t h e r  i t  is a f e e t  o r  ?iot, th is  is 
w h a t  th e  b la c k  p o fu la t io n s  o f  th e  w o r ld ,  
in c lu d in g  b la c k  A m e r i c a ns^ r e a l ly  be^  
l ie v e . The word “ independence” 'in 
Africa and the word “ integration” here 
are almost equally meaningless; that is, 
Europe has not yet left Africa, and black

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131

In Philadelphia nearly everybody reads The Bulletin

( A  d v e r t i s e m e n t)



132

A R TH U R  F IE D L E R  The d is ting u ish ed  
maestro is in his element! His first stereo 
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men here are not yet free. And both of 
these last statements are undeniable 
facts, related facts, containing the grav­
est implications for us all. The Negroes 
of this country may never be able to 
rise to power, but they are very well 
placed indeed to precipitate chaos and 
ring down the curtain on the American 
dream.

This has everything to do, of course, 
with the nature of that dream and with 
the fact that we Americans, of whatever 
color, do not dare examine it and are far 
from having made it a reality. There are 
too many things we do not wish to know 
about ourselves. People are not, for 
example, terribly anxious to he eg n nl 
(equal, after all, to what and to 
whom? ) but they love the idea of bein g  
superior. And this human truth has an 
especially grinding force here, where 
identity is almost impossible to achieve 
and people are perpetually attempting to 
find their feet on the shifting sands of 
status. (Consider the history of labor in 
a country in which, spiritually speaking, 
there are no workers, only candidates 
for the hand of the boss’s daughter.) 
Furthermore, I have met only a very 
few people—and most of these were not 
Americans—who had any real desire to 
be free. Freedom is hard to bear. It can 
be objected that I am speaking of polit­
ical freedom in spiritual terms, but the 
political institutions of any nation are 
always menaced and are ultimately con­
trolled by the spiritual state of that na­
tion. We are controlled here bv-our 
confusion, far more than we know, and 
the American dream has therefor" b»- 
come something much more closely re­
sembling a nightmare—on the private, 
domestic, and international levels Pri- 
vately, wecannot stand our lives and 
daVe ftot examine them; domestically. 
we take no responsibility for (and .no- 
pnde inl what goes on in our rniintry.: 
and, internationally, for many r”’lh'^n° 
oTpeople, we are an unmitigated disas- 

J£X. Whoever doubts this last statement 
has only to open his ears, his heart, his 
mind, to the testimony of— for exam­
ple—any Cuban peasant or any Spanish 
poet, and ask himself what h e  would 
feel about us if h e  were the victim of our 
performance in pre-Castro Cuba or in 
Spain. We defend our curious role in 
Spain by referring to the Russian men­
ace and the necessity of protecting the 
free world. It has not occurred to us 
tliat we have simply been mesmerized 
by Russia, and that the only real advan­
tage Russia has in what we think of as a 
struggle between the East and the West 
is the moral history of the Western 
world. Russia’s secret weapon is the be-

NOVEMDEM7, 19 62
FO R T H E

A D V A N C E D  C O L L E C T O R

E X H I B I T I O N

and S-A.LE of

R A R E

I L L U M I N A T I O N S

OF THE
XIII, XIV, X V  

CENTURIES

Through December 1

Mortimer Brandt
11 East 57 St., New York

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THE NEW YORKER 133

wiideiment and despair and hunger of Bollinger proudly presents the magnificent Bollinger Brut 1955
millions of people of vehose existence we 
are scarcely aware. The Russian Com­
munists are not in the least concerned 
about these people. But our ignorance 
and indecision have had the effect, if not 
of delivering them into Russian hands, 
of plunging them very deeply in the 
Russian shadow, for which effect— and 
it is hard to blame them— the most ar­
ticulate among them, and the most op­
pressed as well, distrust us all the more.
O ur power and our fear of change help 
hind these people to their misery and be­
wilderment, and insofar as they find this 
state intolerable we are intolerably men­
aced. P'or if they find their state intol­
erable, but are too heavily oppressed to 
change it, they are simply pawns in the 
hands of larger powers, which, in such a 
context, are always unscrupulous, and
V. hen, eventually, they do change their 
situation— as in Cuba— we are men­
aced more than ever, by the vacuum 
that succeeds all violent upheavals. W e 
should certainly know by now that it is 
one thing to overthrow a dictator or re­
pel an invader and quite another thing 
really to achieve a revolution. Time and 
time and time again, the people discover 
that they have merely betrayed them­
selves into the hands of yet another 
Pharaoh, who, since he was necessary 
to put the broken country together, will 
not let them go. Perhaps, people being 
the conundrums that they are, and-hav­
ing so little desire to shoulder the burden 
of their lives, this is what will always 
h:i])])en. But at the bottom of my heart 
I do not believe this. I think that people 
can be better than that, and I know that 
people can be better than they are. Wle-- 
are capable of hearing a great burden, 
once we discover that the b u rd e n  is-re,al- 
ity and arrive where realitvJs. Anyway,
Ithe point here is that we are living in an 
f-tge of revolution, whether we will or 
|no, and that America is the only West- 
\ 'rn  nation with both the power and, as

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134

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I hope to suggest, the experience that 
may help to make these revolutions real
and minimize the human damage.yMn}- 
attempt we make to oppose these out­
bursts of energy is tantamount to sign­
ing our death warrant.

Behind what we think of as the Rus­
sian menace lies what we do not wish to 
face, and what white Americans do not 
face when they regard a Negro: real­
ity—the fact that life is tragic. Life is 
tragic simply because the earth turns 
and the sun inexorably rises and sets, 
and one day, for each of us, the sun will 
go down for the last, last time. Perhaps 
the whole root of our trouble, the hu­
man trouble, is that we will sacrifice all 
the beauty of our lives, will imprison 
oui'selves in totems, taboos, crosses, 
blood sacrifices, steeples, mosques, races, 
armies, fiags, nations, in orde 
the fact of death, which is the only fact 
we have. It seems to me that one ought 
to rejoice in the \ a c t  of death—ought to 
decide, indeed, to e a r n  one’s death hv 
confronting with passion the comin- 
drum of Ifte. (_jTTe is responsible to  life: 
L  is the small beacon in that terrifyin 
darkness from which we come and to 
which we sUall return. One must nego- 
tiate this passage as nobly as possible, for 
the sake of those who arc coming after 
us. But white Americans do not believ 
in death, and this is why the darkness oi 
my skin so intimidates them. And this is 
also why the presence of the Negro in 
this country can bring about its destruc­
tion. It is the responsibility of free men 
to trust and to celebi'ate what is con­
stant—birth, struggle, and death ai'e 
constant, and so is love, though we may 
imt alwaA S tliink so—̂ and to-apprehend 
the nature of change, to he able and 
willing to change. I speak of change 
not on the surface but in the depths— 
change in the sense of renewal. But i\ 
newal becomes impossible if one supposes 
things to be constant that are not- 
safety, for example, or money, or pow­
er. One clings tlien to chimeras, by 
wliich one can only be betrayed, and the 
entire hope—the entire possibility—of 
freedom disappears. And by destruc- 
tion I mean precisely the abdication by 
Americans of any effort really to 
be free. TUc-Negro can precipitate this 
abdication bemuse white Americans 
have never, in all their long history, 
been able to look on him as a man like 
themselves. Tiiis point need not be 
labored; it is proved over and over again 
by the Negro’s continuing position here, 
and his indesci'ibable struggle to defeat 
the stratagems that white Americans 
have used, and use, to den\' him his hu­
manity. America could have used

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137

other ways the energy that both groups 
have expended in this conflict. America, 
of all the Western nations, has been best 
placed to prove the uselessness and the 
obsolescence of the concept of color. But 
it has not dared to accept this opportuni 
ty, or even to conceive of it as an oppor- 
tunity. White Americans have thought 
(if it as their shame, and have envied 
those more civilized and elegant Euro­
pean nations that were untroubled hv 
the presence of black men on their 
shores. ̂ 1 'hl^is because white Americans 
have .supposed “Europe” and “civiliza­
tion” to be synonyms—which they are 
not—and have been distrustful of other 
standards and other sources of vitality, 
especially those produced in America it­
self, and have attempted to behave in all 
matters as though what was east for Eu­
rope was also east for them. W lm jy  
comes to is that if we, who can scarcely 
be considered a white nation, persist in 
thinking of ourselves as one, we con- 
demn ourselves, with the truly white 
nations, to sterility and decay, whereas 
if we could accept ourselves m  i 
we might bring new life to the Western 
achievements, and transform them. Xhe 
price of this transformation is the uncon­
ditional freedom of the Negro; it is not 

- too much to say that he, who has been 
so long rejected, must now be embraced, 
and at no matter what psychic or social 
risk. He is the, key figure in his country, 
and the American future is precisely as 
bright or as dark as his. And the Negro 
recognizes this, in a negative way. 
Hence the question: Do I really w a n t  to 
be integrated into a burning house?

W hite Americans find it as difficult 
as white people elsewhere do to divest 
themselves ot the notion that they are 
in possession of some intrinsic value that 
black people need , or want. And this 
assumption—which, for example, makes 
the solution to the Negro problem de­
pend on the speed with which Negroes 
accept and adopt white standards—is 
revealed in all kinds of striking ways, 
from Bobby Kennedy’s assurance that 
a Negro can become President in for­
ty years to the unfortunate tone of 
warm congratulation with which so 
many liberals address their Negro 
equals. It is the Negro, of course, who 
is presumed to have become equal—an 
achievement that not only proves the 
comforting fact that perseverance has 
no color but also overwhelmingly cor­
roborates tlie white man’s sense of his.
own ^ lue. Alas, thisvalue can scarce­
ly be corroborated in any other way; 
there is certainly little enousffi—in—the 
white man’s pubbV nr prbrat-p life that 
one should desire to imitate. White men.

^ C L t p p ^ e x l

White Shoulders
Most Precious

© Great Lady;
Baroness



138

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at the bottom of their hearts, know 
this. Therefore, a vast amount of the 
energy that goes into wliat we call the 
Negro problem is produced by the white 
man’s profound des^, not to be judged 
by those who are not white, not to be 
seen as he is. and at the same time a vast 
amount of the white anguish is rooted in

tohe se e n  ilshe iL'tahe n-h-ased from the 
tyranny of his mirror. All of us know, 
whether or not we are able to admit it, 
that mirrors can only lie, that death by 
drowning is all that awaits one there. It 
is for this reason that love is so desper- 
audy sought and so cunninFlv avoided. 
Love takes off the masks that we fear 
we cannot live without andJoww- we 
cannot live within. I use the word 
‘T)ve” here not merely in the personal 
sense but as a state of being, nr a state of 
gracej^no t in the infantile American 
sense of being made happy but in the 
tough and universal sense of quest ao-d
daring and growth. And I submit, then, 
that the racial tensions that menace 
Americans today have little to do with 
real antipathy—on the contrary, in­
deed—and are involved only symboli­
cally with color. These tensions are root­
ed in the very same deptlis as those from 
which Ifiv- springs, or murder. The 
white man’s iinadmitUid— and appar­
ently, to him, unspeakable— private 
f^ rs  antHnnglrrgs are projected ontrethe 
Negro. The only wav he can he released 
from the Negro’s tyrannical power-over 
him is to consent, in effect, to become 
black himself, to become a part of that 
suffering and dancing country that he 
now watches wistfully from the heights 
of his lonely power and, armed with 
spiritual traveller’s checks, visits—siir- 

■ can one re­
spect, let alone adopt, the values of a 
people who do not, on any level what­
ever, live the wa)' they say they do, or 
the way they say they should? I cannot 
accept the proposition that the four- 
hundred-year travail of the American 
Negro should result merely in his attain­
ment of the present level of the Auneri- 
can civilization, lam  far from convinced
that being released from the African 
witch doctor was worthwhile if T am 

order to support *'1'"*
tons a

mv life——expected to her.nme depoFHleTTt 
on the American psychiatrist. It is a 
bargain Trefuse. T he only thing white 
people have~that h ln c k  p e o p le  neerl n r  

should v^nt, is power-—and no one 
holds power forever. White people can­
not, in the generality, be ttikeiT as mod- 
els of how to live. Kather, the white man 
is himself in sore need of new standards,

CONNIE FRANCIS 
NEEDS NO 

TRANSLATION
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Spanish & Latin American
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b y  A r ia d n e  E x c lu s iv e s  
131 S o u th  W a b a s h  A v e n u e  

C h ic a g o  3

which will release Iiim from his confu- 
sion and place him once again in fruit­
ful communion with the depths of his 
own being. And I repeat: Thr prir-e of 
the liberation of tlie white people is the 
liberation of the blacks—the total libera­
tion. in the cities, in tin- towns before 
the law, and in the mind. Why, for ex- 
ample—especially knowing: tbe family 
as 1 do— 1 should - jvn n t to marry your 
sister is a great mystery to me. lint your 
sister and 1 have ever)’ right to marry if 
we wish to, and no one has the right 
to stop ns. If she cannot raise me to her 
level, perhaps I can rai.se her to mine.

In short, we, the black and the white, 
deeply need each other here if we 
are really to become a nation:—if we are 
really, that is, to achieve our identity, 
our maturity, as men and women. To 
create one nation has proved to hi 
hideously difficult task; there is certainly 
no need now to create two, one black 
and one white. But white men with far 
more political power than that possessed 
by the Nation of Lslam movement have 
been advocating exactly this, in effect, 
for generations. If this sentiment is hon­
ored when it falls from the lips of Sena­
tor Byrd, then there is no reason it 
should not be honored when it falls 
from the lips of Malcolm X. And any 
Congressional committee wishing to in­
vestigate the latter must also he will­
ing to investigate the former. They 
are expressing exactly the same senti­
ments and represent exactly the same 
danger. There is absolutely no reason to 
suppose that white people are better 
equipped to frame the laws by which I 
am to be governed than I am. It is en­
tirely unacceptable that I should have 
no voice in the political affairs of my 
own country, for I am not a ward of 
America; I am one of the first .Ameri­
cans to arrive on these shores.

This past, the Negro’s past, of rope,' 
fire, torture, castration, infanticide, 
rape; death and humiliation; fear by day 
and night, fear as deep as the marrow of 
the bone; doubt that he was worthy of/ 
life, since everyone around him denied 
it; sorrow for his women, for his kinfolk, 
for his children, who needed his protec-, 
tion, and whom he could not protect;! 
rage, hatred, and murder, hatred for 
white men so deep that it often turned 
against him and his own, and made all 
love, all trust, all joy impossible—this 
past, this endless struggle to achieve and 
reveal and confirm a human identity, 
human authority, yet contains, for all its 
horror, something very beautiful. I do 
not mean to be sentimental about suffer­
ing—enough is certainly as good as a 
feast—but people who cannot suffer can

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TH E NEW  YORKER 141

never prow up, can never discover who 
They are. T liat man wlio is fo'rced eac)i 
day U) snatch liis manhood, his identity, 
out of the fire of human cruelty that 
rap-es to destroy it knows, if he survives 
liis effort, and even if he does not survive
it. something about himself and human 
life that no school on earth— and, in- 
deed, no c h u i T l i— ran teach. He achieves 
Ins own authority, and that is unshak­
able. This is because, in order to save iiis 
life, he is forced to look beneath appear­
ances, to take nothing h 'r gi-nntî H to 
liear the meaning heltind the words. If 
one IS continually^rviving the worst 
that life can bring, one eventually ceases 
to be controlled by a fear of what life can 
bring; whatever it brings must be borne. 
And at this level of experience one’s bit­
terness begins to be palatable, and hatred 
becomes too heavy a sack to carry. The 
apprehension of life here so briefly and 
inadequately sketched has been the ex­
perience of generations of Negroes, and 
it lielps to explain how tliey have en­
dured and how they have been able to 
produce children of kindergarten age 
who can walk through mobs to get to 
school. I t  demands ^reat force and 
great cunning continually to assault the 
mighty and indifferent fortress of white 
supremacy, as Negroes in this rnimta-v 
have done so long. It demands great 
spiritual resilience not to hate tlw hatpr 
whose foot is on v(tiir nerk_and an even 
greater miracle of perceptinn and char
ifg~rrOt to  rp a rh  y o u r  rlii'lrl to  T h e
Negro boys and girls who are facing 
mobs today come out of a long line of 
improbable aristocrats— the only genu­
ine aristocrats this country has produced. 
I say “tin's country” because their frame 
of reference was totally American. 
They were hewing out of the mountain
ul  white supremacy the stone of their 
individuality. I have great respect for 
that l in in g  army of black men and 
women who trudged down back lanes 
and entered back doors, saying “Yes, 
sir” and “No, M a’am” in order to ac­
quire a new roof for the sclioolliouse, 
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142
NOVEMDER.1 7 , 19

MINDING OUR 
OWN BUSINESS
B A C K STA G E AT B U SIN ESS W EEK

S ih ld  S o h itH M
For collectors o f felicitous sim iles, we  
have a new one: “A s rare as a salesm an’s 
call on m anagem ent.” W e thought o f it  
w hen w e saw a new  M cG raw-H ill s tudy  
am ong buyers o f industrial lubricants 
revealing th a t oil industry salesm en  
were calling less and less on the real b uy­
ing pow ers—m anagem ent. In fact, 54 % 
o f the top  executives interview ed never 
saw  an oil com pany salesm an last year. 
Y et these m en regularly m ake decisions 
on w hat to  buy and where to  b uy it.

I f  salesm en can’t  see them , how  do  
th ey  g et the facts on  lubricants—and  
other products and services? Through  
a d v ertis in g — ‘ ‘s i le n t ’ ’ sa lesm en —like  
th e  pertinent, problem -solving adver­
tisem ents th ey  see in B u s in e s s  W e e k .

W ith  a circulation o f  over 400,000  
m a n a g e m e n t su b sc r ib e r s . B u s i n e s s  
W e e k  is used by  m en w ho are in  a 
position  to  respond quickly to advertis­
in g — m en who control, in itiate or ap ­
prove m any o f the purchases o f  the coun-
tr y ’slargestcorporations.T hat’sw h your  
advertisers, bless ’em , keep B u s in e s s  
W e e k  the leader o f  all general, general- 
business and new s m agazines in  pages 
o f business and industrial a d v e r t is in g -  
year after year.

beds for the dormitories, more dormi­
tories. They did not like saying “Yes, 
sir” and “No, M a’am,” but the country 
was in no hurry to educate Negroes, 
these black men and women knew that 
the job had to be done, and they put 
their pride in their pockets in order to 
do it. I t is very hard to believe that they 
were in any way inferior to the white 
men and women who opened those back 
doors. It is very hard to believe that 
those men and women, raising their 
children, eating their greens, ciying 
their curses, weeping their tears, singing 
tlieir songs, making their love, as the sun 
rose, as the sun set, were in any way in­
ferior to the white men and women who 
crept over to share these splendors after 
the sun went down. But we must avoid 
the European error; we must not sup­
pose that, because the situation, the ways, 
the perceptions of black people so radi­
cally differed from those of whites, they 
were racially superior. I am proud of 
tliese people not because of their color 
but because of their intelligence and 
their spiritual force and otudr-bea+ity, 
The country should be proud of them
too, but, alas, not many people in this 
country even know of their existence. 
And the reason for this ignorance is 
that a knowledge of the role these peo­
ple played— and play— in American 
life would reveal more about America 
to Americans than Americans wish to 
know.

T.ht̂ m e r .k:an gr—It
advantage of having never heKpirprl 
collection of myths to which whit 
Americans cling: that their ancestors

ifld all other neighbors or inferiors, that
American men are the world’s most di­
rect and virile, that AnImnncan—women

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are pure. Negroes know far more about 
white Americans than that; it can almost 
be said, in fact, that they know about 
white Americans what parents— or, 
anyway, mothers— know about their 
children, and that they very often re­
gard white Americans that way. And 
perhaps this attitude, held in spite of 
what they know and have endured, 
helps to explain whj' Negroes, on the 
whole, and until lateTvThave a l lo w e d 
thernselves to feeFso little hatred. The 
tendency has really been, insofar as this 
was possible, to dismiss white people as 
the slightly mad victims of their own 
brainwashing. One watched the lives 
they led. One could not be fooled about

^ lll WASHINGTON, D.C.

were all freedom-loving heroes, thaî  
they were born in the greatest 
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cahs are invincible in battle and wise in 
p^ce, that Americans have always dealt 
1Tdnor?rMy witlTMexicans and Indians

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IT TH E NEW  YORKER 143

that; one watched the things they did 
and the excuses that they gave them- 
seTves^lind if a white man was really in 
\rouble, deep trouble, it was to tlje 
Negroes door that he came. And one 
le lt that if on^ had had that white man’s 
worldly advantages, one would never 
have become as bewildered and as joy­
less and as thoughtlessly cruel as he. The 
Negro came to the white man for a roof 
or for five dollars or for a letter to the 
judge; the white man came to the Negro 
for love. But he was not often able to 
give what he came seeking. The price 
was too high; he had too much to lose. 
And the Negro knew this, too. When 
one knows this about a man, it is impns- 
sible for one to hate hhn^ but unless he 
Fecomes a- man^becom es equal— it is 
a Iso impossible tor one to love him. U lti­
mately, one tends to avoid him, for the 
universal characteristic of children is 
to assume that they have a monopoly 
on trouble, and therefore a monopoly on 
you. (Ask any Negro what he knows 
about the white people with whom lie 
works. And then ask the white people 
with whom he works what they know 
about him.)

How can the American Negro past 
be used.i’ I t  is entirely possible that this 
dishonored past will rise up soon to 
smite all of us. There are some wars, for 
example (if anyone on the globe is 
still mad enough to go to war) that 
tlie American Negro will not support, 
liowever many of his people may 
be coerced— and there is a limit to the 
number of people any government can 
put in prison, and a rigid limit indeed to 
the practicality of such a course. A bill 
is coming in that I fear America is not 
prepared to pay. “The problem of the 
twentieth century,” wrote W . E. B. 
Du Bois around sixty years ago, “ is the 
problem of the color line.” A fearful 
and delicate problem, which compro­
mises, when it does not corrupt, all 
the American efforts to build a better 
world— here, there, or anywhere. I t is 
for this reason that everything white 
Americans think they believe in must 
now be reexamined. W hat one would 
not like to see again is tlie consolidation 
of peoples on the basis of their color. 
But as long as we in the West place on 
color the value that we do, we make it 
impossible for the great unwashed to 
consolidate themselves according to any 
other principle. Color is not a human 
or a personal reality; it is a political real­
ity. But this is a distinction so extremely 
hard to make that the West has not been 
able to make it yet. And at the center 
of this dreadful storm, this vast confu­
sion, stand the black people of this na-

THE 
BUYER

What he l)\iys today, women all over America will 
wear next season. Wliat kind of clothes does he huy 
for himself’? “ Knppeulieimer, of course,” he answers. 
‘‘I think high-quality clothes do much more for a man 
than they do for a woman, especially it he’s anxious 
to get ahead. They give him confidence, assurance- 
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Kuppenheimer. 1 think it would pay every man who 
has pride in his appearance to huy Kuppenheimer.” 

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T H E  K :h i



144

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tion, who must now share tlie fafi- iif :i 
nation that has never accepted them, to 
whicli they were brought in chains. 
Well, if tins is so, one has no choice but 
to do all in one’s power to change that 
fate, and at no matter what risk— evic­
tion, imprisonment, torture, death. For 
the sake of one’s children, in order to 
minimize the bill that they must pay, one 
must be careful not to take refuge in nary 
delusion— and the value placed on the 
,color of the skin is always and every­
where and forever a delusion. I know 
that what I am asking is impossible. But 
in our time, as in every time, the impos­
sible is the least that one can demand—  
and one is, after all, emboldened by the 
spectacle of human history in general, 
and American Negro history in particu­
lar, for it testifies to nothing less than the 
perpetual achievement of the impossible.

When I was very young, and was 
dealing with my buddies in those wine- 
and urine-stained hallways, something 
in me wondered. W hat will haffen  
to all that beauty i. For black people, 
though I am aware that some of us, 
black and white, do not know it yet, are 
very beautiful. And when I sat at 
Elijah’s table and watched the baby, the 
women, and the men, and we talked 
about God’s— or Allah’s— vengeance, I 
wondered, when that vengeance was 
achieved, W hat tvill haffen to all that 
beauty then} I could also see that the 
intransigence and ignorance of the white 
world might make that vengeance in­
evitable— a vengeance that does not 
really depend on, and cannot really be 
executed hy, any person or organization, 
and that cannot be prevented by any 
police force or army: historical venge­
ance, a cosmic vengeance, based on the 
law that we recognize when we say, 
“W hatever goes up must come down.” 
And here we are, at the center of the 
arc, trapped in the gaudiest, most valu­
able, and most improbable water wheel 
the world has ever seen. Everything 
now, we must assume, is in our hands; 
we have no right to assume otherwise. 
If ..we— and now I mean the relatively 
conscious whites and the relatively m n- 
scious blacks, who must, like lovers, in­
sist on, or create, the consciousness of 
the others— do. not f a l t ^  in our duty 
now, we may he able, hanfif"! 
are, to end the r.Trial niodnarKm-pimrl 
acJiieve~outiniu.i.rtry.,-and chanp-e theJii.s- 
toiy of the Worldl If we do not now 
dare everything, the fulfillment of that 
prophecy, re-created from the Bible in 
song by a slave, is upon us: God gave 
Noah the rainbow sign^ No more wa~ 
ter^ the fire next time!

— J a m e s  B . a l d w i n

C h a i n s  a b o u n d

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I  BERMUD





ProDonents o f court-ordered school 
busing could in no circum stances have 
found pleasure in th e  report last spring 
of a s tudy indicating th a t busing is 
reinforcing segregation in o u r big c it­
ies. But their distress w as aggravated 
by the fact th a t  the  study came from  
a  renowned champion o f integration. 
Dr. Jam es S. Coleman, a  sociologist 
whose am bitious 1966 report on  the 
beneficial effects of school integra­
tion had  done valuable service f w  the 
probusing forces.

In his new, more limited study. Dr. 
Coleman concluded, on th e  basis of 
“prelim inary results," th a t “the im­
pact of desegregation, in  these large 
cities, on  whites’ moving o u t of the  
central city  is g reat”—  and leads to  a 
larger regional p a tte rn  of “resegre­
gation” betw een city  and suburb.

When, in June, an  interview  w ith 
Dr. Coleman appeared in The National 
Observer under the headline “A 
Scholar W ho In ^ ire d  I t  Says . . . 
Busing Backfired,” the  friends of bus­
ing counterattacked in strength. The 
N-A.A.C.P.’s Roy W ilkins expressed 
concern th a t  Dr. Coleman w as being 
“used” to  “d raw  th e  Negro aw ay 
from the courts.” Kenneth Clark, a 
New York S tate Regent, said Dr. Cole­
m an's new w ork abetted  efforts to  cir­
cum vent th e  1954 Brown decisicm. 
Thomas Pettigrew  of Harvard pointed 
o u t that there had in fact been no c ity ­
wide court-ordered busing in America’s 
20 biggest cities during the years 
covered, 1968 to  1973.

Dr. Coleman conceded th a t he had 
overstated  his findings somewhat, 
and  in the  in terest of sorting o u t his 
present views. The Times assigned 
W alter Goodman, assistan t ediix>r of 
The Times’s  Sunday A rts and Leisure 
Section and  au thor o f  num erous a r­
ticles about education, to interview  
him. Goodman visited Dr. Coleman in 
his apartm ent in the  Hyde Park 
neighborhood of Chicago, w ithin 
walking distance of his office a t  the 
University of Chicago. Goodman de­
scribes him as a  th ickset man, with 
the look of a  form er athlete. A t the 
age o f 49, his face appears too  young 
for the fringe of white h a ir  th a t re ­
mains to  him. He chain-smoked full- 
sized cigars during the interview , p au s­
ing often in conversation to  relight 
and get his thoughts in order.

IMTEGRATIOM,
YES;

BUSING,
NO

A leading authority on race 
and schools contends: The policies we’re 
carrying out are going to make integration 

much more difficult to attain.’

achievement. One of the  resources 
th a t w e examined was th e  social com­
position of schools. W e found th a t 
children from disadvantaged back­
grounds did som ew hat better in 
schools th a t were predom inantly mid­
dle-class than  in  schools th a t  were 
homogeneously lower class.

You w e re  n o t  n ecessa rily  ta lk in g  
a b o u t b la ck  a n d  w h i te  then?

No, the f»incipal 
factor had to  d o  w ith  
the educaticHial level 
of the children’s par­
ents and o ther re­
sources in their homes.
That is, if th e  disad­
vantaged child w ent to 
school w ith children 
from better-educated 
backgrounds, he did 
somewhat better in 
scho<4. I t w as the so­
cial class background
of his schoolm ates --------------------
th a t seemed to  m ake the difference.

Ja m es S . C o lem an

I t  h a d  co n sid era b le  im p a c t

At the school-board level, a t  the 
s ta te  levd , and in court, our report 
was used to  show th a t equal educa­
tional <9 p<»tunity either w as aug­
m ented by  school integration, or re­
quired school integration.

W ere  th o se  fa ir  co ttc lu sio n s fro m  
th e  report?

The first is a  fair 
conclusion. I don’t  
think the second, 
stronger point is a 
fair conclusion. If the 
report had found th a t 
a black child simply 
could not get an  equal 
education unless he 
was in  a  m ajority 
middle - class white 
school, th a t would be 
a very strong argu­
m ent th a t equal edu- 
cational opportunity 

can be provided only th a t  way. But 
th a t isn 't w hat our report found.

G O O r a tm i:  Could you relate the 
fa m o u s  C o lem an  R e p o r t o f  1966 to  th e  
so m e w h a t  notorious Coleman R ep o rt  
o f  1975?

C O U M A N : The Civil Rights Act 
of 1964 required th a t  the  Commis­
sioner of Education carry  ou t a  sur­
vey on the lack of equality of educa­
tional opportunities by reason of race, 
national origin, religion, and I  w as su­
pervisor of th a t survey. W e attem pted 
to  answOT the question of how the 
differing distribution of resources in 
schools a ttended by  blacks and 
sd iools a ttended by  w hites affected 
children’s  achievement, and  w hat 
kinds of redistribution of resources 
would help to  equalize educational

S o  a  low er-c lass  c h ild  w o u ld  d o  as  
w e ll in  a  m idd le-c lass  b la ck  sch o o l as  
in  a  m idd le-c lass  w h i te  school?  A n d  
b e tte r  in  a  m id d le-c la ss  b la ck  schoo l 
th a n  in  a  low er-c lass  w h i te  school?

Yes —  although there really  were 
not th a t m any middle-class black 
schools so th a t we could m ake a  com ­
parison. The relevance of this to  
school integration is fairly  clear, since 
a high proportion of blacks come 
from disadvantaged backgrounds. If 
they  are to  receive the kind of educa­
tional resource th a t comes from being 
w ith middle-class schoolmates, it m ust 
be prim arily through racial integra­
tion. That was the implication of our 
1965-66 research.

cial to  disadvantaged children on  the 
other. The firs t is the business of the 
courts; the second is n o t

We’ll b e  g e tt in g  b a c k  to  th a t— b u t  
f ir s t, h a s  s u b se q u e n t ev id e n c e  borne  
o u t y o u r  1966 conclusions?

The subsequent evidence has been 
inconclusive. In m any of the  school 
system s th a t have undergone desegre­
gation, one cannot find any  beneficial 
effect on achievem ent Now, I  don’t 
know th e  reason fo r ttiat. I t  could be 
th a t  it’s  been a  rd a tiv e ly  short term  
th a t these children have been in  de­
segregated settings. I t  could be th a t 
integration carried  out through some 
kind of affirm ative action is  in  some 
fashion different from o th er school in­
tegration. It could be th a t th e  later 
research was sim ply better-controlled 
than  ours.

A f te r  y o u r  1966 r e p o r t  y o u  w ere  
q u o te d  a s  sa y in g  th a t  in teg ra tio n  
c o u ld  red u ce  th e  g a p  b e tw e e n  b la ck  
a n d  w h i te  c h ild ren  b y  30 p e r  ce n t.  
W h a t’s  y o u r  o p in io n  n ow ?  D o in te ­
g ra te d  sch o o ls  im p ro v e  th e  a ch ie v e ­
m e n t  o f  th e  p o o rer  s tu d e n ts , o r  d o n ’t  
they?

In view o f subsequent studies, th a t 
30 per cent figure, if ever I used it. 
was an  overestim ate. Some of the  stud­
ies do show some positive effects—not 
strong effects, bu t positive effects. I 
th ink  the sum  to tal o f evidence sug­
gests th a t school integration does, on 
the average, benefit disadvantaged 
children. The benefit is no t very huge, 
not nearly as great as the effects of 
the child’s  own hom e background.

Then y o u r  rep o rt d id  n o t  imply th a t 
equal V o c a t io n a l  o p p o r tu n ity  p o s i­
t iv e ly  requ ires  racial in tegra tion .

No. Nevertheless, the  courts, to 
some degree, w ent on  to  use the a r­
gum ent th a t equal educational oppor­
tunity  could be [wovided only by in­
tegrated schools. My own feeling is 
th a t the report is a  legitim ate basis 
fo r legislatures, school boards, school 
superintendents and so  on to  act to  
increase school integratitm  insofar as 
they  can—^but not th e  courts. I t seems 
to me there’s  a  distinction betw een 
th e  constitutional issue o f equal pro­
tection under the  law  on the one 
hand and the issue of w hat’s benefi­

You’ve b e e n  ta lk in g  o n ly  a b o u t  
sch o o l achievement. A re n ’t  there o th­
e r desirable e ffe c ts  o f  integration?

Basically, there a re  tw o kinds of 
things th a t a re  im portant and  on 
which, again, there  aren’t  condusive 
results. One is the child’s  feeling about 
himself, his feeling of self-esteem o r 
sense of being in control of things 
th a t affect him in some way. The 
o ther has to  do  w ith  interracial a tti­
tudes, w hite children’s fed in g s  about 
blacks and vice versa. O ur w ork 
showed some positive effects <rf in te­
grated  schools on th e  ffrst o f these; 
the  second, we really didn’t  eiounine 
in very  m uch detaU. Subsequent find­
ings vary  considerably. Some studies 
show th a t in the  firs t y ear o r  so a fte r 
in t^ ra t io n , interracial a ttitudes get 
m m e negative. Others don’t  show that. 
My own feeling is th a t  it  depmids very 
m uch upon tiie initial expectation of 
the community. I suspect in m any 
Southern cities where ^  expectation 
was really very bad, a ttitudes got bet­
ter. Some research in N orthern places, 
Boston, for example, found th a t  inter­
racial attitudes got worse.

P a rtly  a s  a  consequence o f  y o u r  
1966 s tu d y ,  num bers o f  d istricts began 
to  in te g ra te  th e ir  sch o o ls  th ro u g h  th e  
u se  o f  b u s in g — which brings us to 
y o u r  n e w  study.



The second study was carried out as 
p a rt of a larger study I’m  doing with 
Sara Kelly for the  Urban Institute, to 
examine trends over the  past 10 years 
with regard to American education.

W h a t is  th e  U rban In stitu te ?

It’s a  nonprofit institu te  in W ash­
ington funded partly by Govern­
m ent contracts, partly  by foundation 
grants. They’re doing a report for the 
Bicentennial on the s ta te  of the nation, 
1976. Nathan Glazer is doing the over­
all report. There’s a section on poverty, 
crime, one on housing, one on tran s­
portation and one on city  finance. 
Mine is the education section.

A n d  th is  n e w  s tu d y  is  a  p a r t o f  th a t  
section?

Yes. I w anted to  examine the trends 
in segregation over w hatever years we 
could get d a ta  for, and try  to  say 
something about th e  processes th a t 
a re  affecting integration o r segrega­
tion. W e examined whether those cities 
th a t had experienced some desegrega­
tion  during  the period o f 1968-73 lost 
m ore w hites than  cities th a t  did not 
experience desegregation. Now, the 
desegregation in our largest cities dur­
ing these years was not great, and I 
was incorrect in the  prelim inary report 
in calling it "massive desegregation.”

S in ce  y o u  n o w  c o n ced e  th a t "m a s­
s iv e ” d eseg reg a tio n  d id n ’t  ta k e  p lace  
in  th e  y e a rs  y o u  s tu d ie d , co u ld n ’t  th e  
m o v e m e n t  o f  w h ite s  a w a y  fro m  th e  
cities th a t  y o u  fo u n d  b e  a ttr ib u ta b le  to  
fa m ilia r  b ig -c ity  ills ra th e r  th a n  to  
schoo l desegrega tion?  Y o u r  report, in  
fa c t, sh o w s  th a t  m id d le-s ized  c ities  
d id n 't  exp er ie n ce  m u ch  w h i te  flig h t.

One could conclude that, except for 
the tac t th a t in those large cities that 
didn’t  desegregate, there was much 
less increase in the loss of whites over 
this period than  in cities th a t did de­
segregate. Eleven cities out of the  first 
19 experienced little o r  no desegrega­
tion a t ail betw een 1968 and 1973. 
Based on the w hite loss th a t occurred 
in these 11 cities in 1968-69, they would 
have been expected to  lose 15 per cent 
of w hite students betw een 1969 and 
1973; their actual loss was 18 per cent, 
only slightly greater than expected. 
Eight cities experienced some desegre­
gation; some of those experienced large 
desegregation, others not so large.

Compulsory busing, 
Coleman says, is a 
restriction of rights. 
We should be expan­
ding people’s rights, 
not restricting them.

Those eight cities, based on their losses 
in 1968-69, before desegregation oc­
curred, would have been expected to 
lose only 7 per cent of w hite students 
between 1969 and 1973; they  actually 
lost 26 per cent, nearly four times what 
would have been expected.

really tell w hat’s  going to  happen in 
the  North. But one of the things th a t’s 
clear from  the Southern da ta  is th a t as 
the  proportion of blacks goes up, the 
greater the  loss of whites. In other 
words, it’s not ju st the ra te  of desegre­
gation; it’s also the actual proportion 
of blacks in the system.

So y o u r  d a ta  co n v in c e  y o u  th a t  th e  
m o re  b la cks  in  a  schoo l, th e  fe w e r  
whites y o u ’re g o in g  to  h a v e  in th e  
sch o o l i f  th e y  c a n  g e t  aw ay .

Yes. In some of the large Southern 
cities —  i.e. Memphis and A tlan ta — 
which did experience extensive de­
segregation in these years, you can 
see it very clearly.

Your da ta  o n  deseg reg a tio n  h a v e  to  
d o  m a in ly  w i th  S o u th e rn  c ities . Y o u  
d o n ’t  h a v e  s im ila r  da ta  fo r  th e  large  
N o rth e rn  cities.

No, there had not been substantial 
desegregation in the largest Northern 
cities by 1973.

B u t  you have y o u r  susp ic ion .

My suspicion is th a t resegregation 
wilt occur m ore in the North than  in 
the South, because there are more 
suburbs available for people to  move 
to. In Montgomery, Ala., for example, 
there was no place for whites to  go. 
since the surrounding areas bad just 
as m any blacks as the city  itself. But 
let’s consider San Francisco. The pro­
portion of blacks is low in San Fran­
cisco, but there was extensive de­
segregation in 1971, and considerable 
toss of whites. Well, perhaps you can’t 
say th a t the ensuing loss of whites 
w as a consequence of this, bu t the 
city  experienced a  considerably great­
er loss of white students than it had 
in the  preceding years.

There are several variables that 
distinguish Northern cities from South­
ern cities. The fact th a t the  suburbs 
are more easily available in Northern 
cities suggests th a t Northern cities 
may react n>ore. On the o ther hand, 
the fact that racial prejudice is less 
deeply ingrained in the North suggests 
th a t they will react less. So you can’t

T h a t m a y  be c lear  fo r  S o u th e rn  
c ities , b u t  a t  th e  r is k  o f  b e in g  repeti­
tious , d o  y o u  h a v e  th a t k in d  o f  e v i­
d en ce  fo r  N o r th e rn  c ities?

Yes, th is effect shows up in North­
ern cities as well as Southern. Detroit 
will be an  interesting case next year. 
In Detroit’s schools there are now 75 
per cent blacks and 25 per cent whites. 
The issue in D etroit is w hether all 
schools m ust be 75-25 or whether half 
the schools m ust be 50-50 and half of 
them  all black. Now all the evidence 
th a t I’ve seen, not only from  this 
research but from  o ther w ork as well, 
shows th a t the  higher the  proportion 
black the greater the  loss of whites. So 
th a t in a  city  like Detroit, my guess is 
there will be an enorm ous loss of 
whites if the courts decide th a t every 
school must be 75 per cent black.

integration. But I’m discouraged and 
worried about situations such as in 
Detroit. I th ink the kind o f policies 
th a t ought to be pursued are not those 
th a t tend to  make a black central city, 
but those th a t stem  the flow of whites. 
The policies we’re carrying out are 
going to m ake integration in the fu­
ture  much more difficult to  attain .

W h a t are  th o se  policies? Busing?

Yes. Let me put i t  th is way. If it 
were constitutionally required th a t 
there  be w ithin a  school d istrict 
roughly the same racial composition 
in every school, then  I would say w e 
have to find some way of living w ith 
that, some w ay o f keeping whites from 
leaving. But if th a t’s not constitution­
ally  required—and in my view, it  is 
not—then my argum ent is th a t we 
really need to  look a t the consequences 
of such a goal. The consequences are 
to  push whites into the suburbs. And 
once whites are  pushed out, then  we 
get a  black school system in the cen­
tra l city  w ith black s taff and admini: 
tration, a white school system  in the 
suburbs with w hite staff and adminis­
tra tion—and a se t of entrenched inter­
ests on both sides th a t are not going 
to  give up their students for integra­
tion.

T h o se  w h o  can  a ffo rd  it  w ill m o v e  
to  th e  suburbs.

Yes. An alternative to  individuals 
fleeing m ay be extreme conflict, such 
as we see in Boston.

But i f  in  B o s to n  o r  D e tro it, low er-  
c lass w h ite  c h ild ren  rem a in in g  in the 
city w e re  f in a lly  to  in te g ra te  w ith  
low er-c lass  b la c k  ch ild ren , y o u r  1966 
study in d ica tes  th a t th e re ’d  be no  
b e n e fi t  a n y w a y .

No benefit in any sense as far as 
we know. And one of the  things th a t’s 
clear with regard to  school integration 
is th a t the  higher people’s  income the 
more likely they are to  escape it.

Y o u  are sa y in g  th a t schoo l in tegra ­
tio n  isn ’t  w o rk in g  in  o u r  b ig g est c ities. 
Y e t  y o u  w e re  a  g re a t p ro p o n e n t o f  
in teg ra tio n  fo r  m a n y  years.

And I still am a great p r t^ n e n t  of

T h en  w h a t  should the c o u rts  do?

Here’s  the legal argum ent the courts 
are following, and my argum ent as to  
w hat ought to  be the legal position. 
Following some cases in the  South, the 
court has found, and correctly found, 
th a t Northern school d istricts such as 
Detroit have engaged in actions, some­
times intentionally, th a t have strength­
ened segregation in the system  by 
gerrym andering school districts or by 
the way new school buildings are 
located o r by  a  variety  of o ther tech­
niques. Now, when th a t is the  case, 
then  the court correctly finds th a t the 
school system  has violated the 14th 
Amendment concerning equal protec­
tion; black children have not been 
equally protected because they’ve been 
system atically excluded from attend­
ing certain schools. The argum ent is 
—and I agree w ith it—th at this is no 
different in principle from the dual 
school system s in the South. Now, 
where I disagree is w ith the remedy 
th a t is then imposed. The legal prece­
dent beginning w ith the Denver case 
is th a t once (C o n tin u ed  o n  P age 42)

‘Social planners have 
to take into account 
people’s reactions to 
their plans, especial­
ly in matters of 
school integration.’

The New Y o rk  Times! Magazine/August 24,1975



CONSPIRACY TO THE LEFT OF US!
B y  M a r k  H a r r i s

As tim e passes h istory flattens, as if photo­
graphed with a telescopic lens. U nrelated events 
seem to  merge. A netw ork of connection extending 
from the Texas School Book Depository in 1963 to  
the W atergate in 1972 gains plausibility daily; 
persons and agencies appear and reappear, as if 
the  two crim es were of the  same order, comm itted 
by the sam e hands and w hitew ashed by the sam e 
confederates —  John Connally, riding in the 1961 
Lincoln convertible w ith John F. Kennedy, signaled 
to the  window above (Connally was later indicted 
for bribery a fte r sw itching party  affiliation from 
Dem ocrat to  Republican), brought down the gunfire, 
and w as eventually found innocent by a commis­
sion including Chief Justice W arren, who w as ap­
pointed to  the  Supreme Court by President Eisen­
hower on the recom mendation of then-Vice 
President Nixon, thus paving the way for Nixon’s 
victory over the  W arren forces in California, his 
subsequent winning of the Presidency prior to 
W atergate, and his eventual appointm ent of Gerald 
Ford to  the  Presidency. Ford, then  Representative 
from Michigan, was a m e m b e r  o f  th e  W a rren  C o m ­
m issio n !

a
A conference called “Conspiracy in America” a t

U.C.L.A. was held upon the occasion of the first 
anniversary of the killing of six m embers of the  
Symbionese Liberation Army associated w ith Pa­
tricia H earst of good family. Several hundred peo­
ple attended. Most o t them were college students 
or of student age; m any were of good families, and 
their political direction w as clearly left.

The conspiracy conference was one of several re ­
cently assembled, and it  promised, in California 
and elsewhere, “ follow-up meetings . . . attem pting 
to mobilize a national m ovement against the devel­
oping Police S tate” in America. “From Dallas to 
W atergate: Official Violence and Cover-up—
A Campaign for Democratic Freedoms Conference. 
Films. Panels. W orkshops on Assassinations. Intel­
ligence. Com m unity/Labor Repression.”

The first person I m et was a  young black man 
a t  a table in the  corridor collecting signatures^ for 
a petition in his own defense. He had been accused 
of m urdering a policeman. Since he seemed to  me 
so sweet and gentle, I could not believe he had 
comm itted m urder, and I signed his petition. Inside 
the auditorium , I w as soon swept up by orators 
and visual dem onstrations emphasizing the theme 
that Lee Harvey Oswald (if he was involved at 
all) w as only one of several conspirators in the 
m urder of John Kennedy. The proof seemed to lie 
in the fact th a t various documents showed a  dis­
crepancy in Oswald’s  height. One speaker said that 
“the W arren Report gave” Oswald’s height as 5 
feet 10 inches. I knew Oswald w asn’t  that tall and 
I thought that, if the W arren Report were that 
wrong, perhaps we were onto something, a fte r all. 
Afterward, 1 noticed in the  W arren Report that 
Oswald’s height was given (estim ated) a t 5 feet 
10 inches, indeed, but not by th e  au thors of the 
report: rather by a steam fitter named Howard 
L. Brennan, who had been w atching the Presidential

M ark H arris, n o v e lis t a n d  e ssa y is t, is a  p ro fesso r  
o f E ng lish  a t  th e  U n iv e rs ity  o f  P ittsburgh .

But most of us are 
threatened less by conspira­

tors than by the defects 
of education that let 
their theories flourish.

m otorcade roll by somewhere on Elm Street, and 
who “prom ptly told a policeman th a t he had seen 
a slender man, about 5 feet 10 inches, in his early 
30’s, take  deliberate aim from a  sixth-floor com er 
window. . . . ”

M any of the documents o r speeches upholding 
conspiracy theory are the results of people’s having 
read badly or hastily, consciously or otherwise. 
Brennan, who was not the W arren Report, had 
guessed wrong as to  'ooth inches and years. In a 
poor reading, conspiracy theorists had failed to  dis­
tinguish betw een the au thors of the book and a 
character in it.

The continuing conference on conspiracy is a 
form of education. For th a t reason, a fter all,
U.C.L.A. houses it. If such a conference is not the 
ideal definition of education it m ay be transitional 
to  one th a t is better. I ts  appeal on the left is di­
rected  to  s tudents sincerely devoted, a s  fa r  as 
they  know, to  justice and equality. Since they 
often a re  students they  are in the  process of learn­
ing, and a  g reat deal of their credulity  m ay turn  
to  skepticism even as the  proceedings advance.

The better-prepared the student, the  sooner his 
or her skepticism  asserts  or m anifests itself, for 
the  language and mode of the  theorists, w hether 
left o r right, constantly  exposes itself to  its own 
vacancies. In Los Angeles I m et students a t  th e  
luncheon interm ission whose belief in conspiracy 
theory had already dwindled som ew hat during the 
morning.

But m any of them  are not wholly educated, 
or have not y e t achieved a  level of intellectual 
skepticism and, for this and o ther reasons, they are 
willing believers. Often, the  young m an w  wom an 
of the  left feels excluded, angry, desperate, unable 
to participate in th e  decisions of life as he o r  she 
feels entitled to  do, still student, still imderling, still 
boy, still girl, still challenged in taverns to  prove 
bis m ajority, still undergraduate, still g r a d ^  by 
someone else, cheated, unfairly denied the things 
he thinks he ought to  have, including the right 
to  decide the course of the world. Can it be possi­
ble th a t the  world of au thority  is so blind it  can­
not perceive his value?

The world itself is a  conspiracy to  ignore him, 
defam e him, pu t him down. Obviously, “they” think 
him worthless. Under certa in  circum stances, if he 
becomes too troublesom e (tells too  m any tru ths 
about their rotten system), they will punish him, 
fram e him, kill him, dupe him, put a  gun in  his 
hand, give him a  perch to  shoot from, and leave 
him to  his fate.

Whom did Lee Harvey Oswald shoot, a fte r all, 
but a rich Harvard son of Establishment? Some 
part of the  left theorist finds identity  w ith  Oswald, 
who floundered, tried Russia, floundered, returned, 
sought exile again and for a m oment was the one- 
man office of the  New Orleans Chapter of the Fair 
Play for Cuba Committee. And yet to  identify too 
directly w ith the doomed Oswald is to  exclude

oneself from  the possibilities of th e  future. The 
paradox is enraging, and when one’s situation 
begins to become clear one struggles w ith  supreme 
energy against any self-revelation which will vault 
one from  certa in ty  to doubt: A t the  U.C.L.A. con­
spiracy conference I w as struck  by the volume of 
laughter th a t  greeted the sarcastic speculation th a t 
Fidel Castro (hero) m ay have been in league w ith 
the Dallas Police Departm ent (villain); or, again, 
th a t an  action of the  left on a particu lar occasion 
could have resem bled an  action of the  U.S. Marines.

The police, according to  this ca st of mind, are, 
at the  comm and of the  Establishm ent, ou t to  m urder 
the young. Such theorists can accept this because 
a t the base of belief m ust lie th e  disposition to 
believe, and m any of th e  persons gathered in the  
name of th e  exposure of conspiracy seem to  possess 
their own personal causes, complaints, fears and 
m ental struggles, which they  seek to  submerge in 
the  abstract, and so dissolve.

□
I asked the proprietor of the  Birch Society’s 

American Opinion Book Store in North Hollywood 
if his shop carried information on conspiracy. He 
replied, “We go t inform ation on conspiracy like 
you’ll never believe.” True. I count a t least 22 
American Opinion bookstores in Southern Cali­
fornia, and I understand th a t  m ore th an  400 exist 
throughout the  nation. They serve as the principal 
gathering places for conspiracy theorists of the  

• right, and as centers for the  distribution of their 
bask: books, films and tapes. Of the stores I have 
been in, each one looks like the others, perhaps 
because they  c a n y  identical stock.

Theorists of the right, unlike those of the  left, 
support their local police while tending to  believe 
th a t the F ederal police, o r m ilitary force, is “pre­
paring th e  w ay for the  end of th e  United States 
as a  nation.” In “Henry Kissinger Soviet Agent,” 
a  book of the  right, we are  told th a t  “Kissinger 
and his intellectual colleagues w an t international 
order, which would consist of W orld Government 
in a  World of Disarm ament.” This is bad. I t is “a 
surrender of nationhood.”

The right theorist believes th a t  Kennedy was 
killed by Communists. A pamphlet, "The Killers: 
Assassination to  Order,” tells us th a t  alm ost every 
death of a  political person during th e  las t 25 years 
was “p a rt of a  deadly operation m anaged w ith 
g reat skill by the International Communist Con­
spiracy.” The caption of a  [diotograph showing 
Ruby shooting Oswald a t  th e  Dallas jail explains, 
“Communist assassin Lee Harvey Oswald was si­
lenced by  Jack  Ruby, a  Castroite who died in 1966 
from ‘cancer.’ Ruby was certain  th a t the disease 
had been induced. In June, 1968, Senator Robert 
Kennedy w as m urdered by Sirhan Sirhan, a  Com­
m unist trained in assassination a t  the  Qataneh 
camp outside Damascus.”

Alan Stang, In ^mother pamphlet, “A rthur 
Bremer: The Communist Plot to  Kill George W al­
lace,” asserts  th a t “ th e  a ttem pt to  kill Governor 
George C. W allace was a  conspiracy . . .  a  C o m ­
m u n is t  conspiracy. It could well involve agents of 
Communist China. And th e  Central Intelligence 
Agency rrright have had som ething to  do w ith  it. 
Here a re  the  facts. Jitdge for yourself.” Bremer 
was no “lone fanatic,”  w rites Stang, providing 
m any statistics relating to  Bremer’s life. Stang 
claims to  have ’ gone into the underground for the 
facts,” although the facts  afqiear to  be nothing 
more than  w h at one m ay obtain from public record 
and the newspapers, as (C o n tin u e d  o n  Page 49)



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THE NEW YORK TIMES 
MAGAZINE

B u s i n g ,  N o
C o n tin u e d  fr o m  P age  11

th a t kind of unconstitutional 
action has been found, then 
the remedy to  be imposed by 
th e  court is to  create racial 
balance in all the” schools of 
the  system. In o ther words, 
when there is any segregation 
from s ta te  action, then all 
segregation, anyw here in the 
system, m ust be eliminated.

And th a t  requires busing?

The only w ay th a t can be 
achieved is through busing.
In Detroit, for example, the 
school system  has been found 
to  engage in  acts  of segrega­
tion, and the plaintiff is argu­
ing th a t th is requires the 
system  to  desegrate fully, to  
elim inate all traces of segre­
gation. The only w ay that can 
be done is through busing.
Now, I th ink  the appropriate 
■remedy would be to  eliminate 
the segregation th a t results 
from the s ta te  action. In other 
words, elim inate the gerry­
m andering, redraw  school dis­
tric t lines to  increase integra­
tion. That, I think, is an 
appropriate rem edy by  the 
court. That will still leave 
some segregation, which I 
think ought to  be w hittled 
aw ay over tim e by the school 
districts themselves.

H o w  w o u ld  th a t be done?

i t  could be done through 
voluntary busing; it could be 
done as new schools are built 
and as schools are reassigned 
to  different grade levels. It 
would have to  be done with 
the recognition th a t segrega­
tion will never be entirely 
eliminated, and appropriately 
not, since it’s not a  constitu­
tional m atter of equal protec­
tion th a t all segregation must 
be eliminated. Just as it’s not 
the case th a t all segregation 
betw een Irish and Italians 
m ust be eliminated. The goal 
of eliminating all segregation 
is not only not realizable, but 
not desirable; indeed it is im­
proper.

Is th e  com p a riso n  rea lly  a  
good one— b e tw e en  Irish  and  
Ita lia n s  a n d  b la cks  a nd  w h ite s  
in large cities?

Well, it isn’t appropriate in 
th e  sense th a t there are many 
more segregating forces in 
term s of racial discrimination 
and .so on between blacks and 
whites. But if we know any­
thing about ethnic-group res­
idential patterns, the elim ina­
tion of racial prejudice will 
still not lead to  full-scale in­
tegration.

I f  th e  Irish a n d  Ita lia n s  
w a n t to  live  sep a ra te ly , th e y  
can liv e  sep a ra te ly  in  a  sim ilar  
way, w ith  s im ila r  a m en itie s . 
T he  p ro b lem  b e tw e e n  w h ite s  
a n d  b la cks  is  th a t  th e  b la cks  
d o n ’t  l iv e  in  th e  sa m e  w a y  as  
th e  w h ite s . T h e y  liv e  in  a  
m u ch  po o rer  w a y , so  i f  w e ’re  
g o in g  to  resign  o u rse lv e s  to  a  
v e ry  long-range so lu tion , 
aren ’t  w e  c o n d e m n in g  a  lo t  o f  
ch ild ren  to  l ife tim e s  o f  d e ­
priva tion?

If th a t is the issue, not con­
stitutional rights of equal 
protection, then policies 
should be designed to  reduce 
this deprivation. They would 
include not compulsory, but 
voluntary busing. which 
would probably be nearly all 
one-way, from the ghetto 
out. As for present policies, 
if they  can be called that, 
there is no evidence of any 
sort to  suggest that lower- 
class black children a re  be­
ing condemned to  less dep­
rivation by being in a school 
th a t’s 75 per cent black in­
stead of 100 per cent black, 
which is w hat legal precedent 
leads to  in a city like Detroit 
or would lead to  in a  city  like 
Baltimore o r Philadelphia.
I think there  are  tw o addi­
tional directions in which to  
work, one of which has im­
proved enorm ously over the  
past decade and the other of 
which has not improved very 
much a t all. The one th a t has 
improved is the  income of 
some blacks. The m edian in­
comes of young black families 
containing both husband and 
wife are now about the same 
in the North and W est as in­
comes of comparable young 
white families. There has been 
a notable increase of middle- 
class black families. The 
thing th a t has not improved 
as much as it should —  al­
though there are a lot of signs 
of change— is residential dis­
crim ination. There ought to  be 
great attention to  residential 
discrimination, to  the  use of 
zoning laws th a t prevent 
blacks from moving in. There 
ought to  be a great deal of 
penetration of blacks into 
suburbs and not just into all­
black suburbs. In every big 
city except W ashington the 
disparity  between black cen­
tra l cities and white suburbs 
has been increasing.

A re  y o u  su g g e stin g  n o w  
th a t  a ll th e  a t te n tio n  w e ’ve  
g iven  to  th e  schoo ls  has been  

(C o n tin u ed  o n  Page 46 )

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L e t t e r s
A pocketful of lumps

I certainly agree w ith  At 
Mariens (“Macho about pock- 
etbooks," Ju ly  27). After 1 
was mugged a  couple of 
weeks ago, it occurred to 
me th a t pocketbooks are  a 
good advertisem ent to  po­
tential muggers. U n l^ s  they  
are ready to  be forceful or 
violent, muggers prefer to  
purse-snatch rather than 
pocket-pick. As At M ariens 
said, it’s much easier. But 
Mr. Mariens does not touch 
on one very im portant point 
—th at is, the  fact th a t  cloth­
ing m anufacturers do not 
build m any u tilitarian factors 
into wom en’s clothes. Men’s 
suits are specifically made 
w ith concealed and conven­
ient pockets, while wom en’s 
pockets are usually just for 
decoration. Mr. M ariens says 
th at wom en obviously prefer 
pocketbooks to lumpish pock­
ets. But why do th eir pock­
e ts  have to  be lumpy when 
men’s a re  not? If clothing 
m anufacturers and designers 
really se t their minds to  it, I 
th ink they  could come up 
with an answer. If given 
the alternative of well-made 
clothes, styled to  facilitate the 
carrying of necessities, m any 
women would throw  their 
pocketbooks away, or us© 
them only occasionally.

MARY JANE HORTON
New York City

Executive lexicon
w illiam  Safire’s lexicograph­

ic skills (“W hite House-ese” 
Endpaper, Aug. 3) seem to 
have been led a stray  by his 
too long association w ith  the 
Nixon gang of corrupters of 
the English language (as well 
as the  American Government).

The term  "stroke” in the 
Nixon lexicon had little to 
do w ith  the sports m etaphor 
for political power. If any­
thing, “ stroke,” in their 
term s, would have derived 
m ore from  the s treet phrase 
“different strokes for differ­
ent folks,” w ith its obvious 
.sexual connotation.

M erid yth  S en es
W ynnewood, Pa.

William Satire replies:
In W hite House-ese, the 

noun form of “ stroke”—as in 
“Mitchell’s got the  stroke in 
th a t area”— m eans “influ­
ence,” and is synonymous 
w ith “clout.” In America, the 
noun forms of both  "stroke” 
and “clout” w ere popularized 
by sports— golf, tennis and, in 
stroke’s case, crew racing. In 
G reat Britain, the  slang use 
of both words had larcenous 
origins. “Stroke” m eant a

burglary, and “clout”— from 
“cloth,” or the  cloth used to  
cover an  item before stealing 
it— m eant “to  steal.”

Used as a  verb, “to stroke” 
is to persuade o r mollify, as 
one would caress an aroused 
beast. In the Johnson Admin­
istration, W hite House-ese for 
this w as “to  slip him  a  little 
m agnolia talk .” In the Nixon 
years, as today, the  verb form  
of “ stroke” m eans to conscrfe 
or to flatter, usually unctu­
ously.

The suggestion th a t the  
verb form  of “stroke” has a 
sexual connotation as well is 
not farfetched. In Navy 
slang, “ to  stroke around” is 
to  w ander about on the look­
out for company; in hot-roc! 
lingo, “ to stroke” m eans to 
mill the crankshaft for a 
longer plunge.

“Different strokes for dif­
ferent folks” is a valuable 
contribution to this discussion; 
although this m eaning of the 
word is not W hite House-ese, 
it certainly has a  place in the 
vocabulary of diversity.

Meticulous detail
The page of butterflies used 

to  illustrate Paul Showers’s 
article, “Signals from  the but­
terfly” (July 27), represents 
only a fraction of the mon­
um ental w ork of William 
H. Howe, the a rtist and gener­
al editor of _ “The Butterflies 
of North America,” which 
Doubleday will publish this 
fall. Out of a lifetime devoted 
to  the study of Lepidoptera, 
he has spent m ore than  a 
decade rendering in m eticu­
lous detail the  2,093 speci­
m ens th a t will be a principal 
feature  of this book. These 
paintings are a t once works 
of a r t  and superb scientific 
documentation.

F erris C. M ack 
Editorial Director, 

Special In terest Group, 
Doubleday & Company 

New York City

Philosophic technique
Raymond A. Sokolov’s en­

tertaining Endpaper d isserta­
tion on “Chopsticks” (July 
27) neglects the philosophy 
behind correct technique: The 
action of the “movable stick” 
against the  “sta tionary  stick” 
represents the dual principles 
governing the universe—^yang 
and yin, active and passive, 
male and fem ale ..

W estern man, on the other 
hand, has m easured out his 
life w ith coffee spoons, or 
so the poet tells us.

P h y ll is  B. L iebson 
Crested Butte, Colo. ■

C r is p in a  
fo u n d  a  
f r ie n d

One who is helping 
her survive

V^-rispina Aguilar’s case is typical.

Her father works long hours as a share­
cropper despite a chronic pulmonary 
condition that saps his strength. Her 
mother takes in washing whenever she 
can. Until recently, the total income of 
this family of six was about $13.00 a 
month. Small wonder that they were 
forced to subsist on a diet of unpolished 
rice, swamp cabbage, and tiny fish the 
children seine from a nearby river.

Now Crispina enjoys the support of a 
Foster Parent in Tennessee whose con­
tribution of sixteen dollars a month 
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chance for an education, an oppor­
tunity to realize whatever potential she 
has to offer to this world.

How can such a small monthly contri­
bution do so much in the life of Ciis- 
pina’s family? In the underdeveloped 
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Today, more than ever, people like you 
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work. Hundreds of children wait in 
desperate, often shocking, circum­
stances for a Foster Parent to offer 
them a hand toward a decent life.

Please join us if you can. . .  or let us 
send you more details about how PLAN 
is working around the world.

FOSTER PARENTS PLAN, Inc.
Box 403, Warwick, Rhode Island 02886

YES, I would like to know more about becoming a Foster Parent.
Please send me the full facts O

I am ready now to become a Foster Parent to a boy □  girlQ age____
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Please send a photo and case history of the Foster Child. Enclosed is my 
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I can’t become a Foster Parent now. I enclose a gift of .$

ADDRESS- 

CITY_____

In Canada, write 153 St. Clair Ave. West, Toronto, Ontario M4V1P8
PLAN operates in Bolivia. Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Indonesia, Korea, Haiti, Viet 
Nam, and the Philippines. PLAN is registered with the U.S. State Departm ent Advisory 
Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid. All contributions are tax deductible. Foster Parents 
Plan. Inc. is a  non-political, non-profit, non-sectarian, independent relief organization.

The New  Y o rk  T imes M agazine/August 24,1975 41



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C o n tin u ed  fro m  P age 42

in a w a y  m isd irec ted , th a t  w e  
sh o u ld  h a v e  b een  w o rk in g  on  
o th e r  areas a ll along?

Well, I don’t  think it’s been 
wholly misdirected, but I 
think it has led us to  neglect 
questions of residential segre­
gation, which are really 
profound, the strongest re­
maining source of actual 
discrim ination in th is  country. 
If any o ther ethnic group had 
achieved w hat blacks have 
over the past five years, there 
would have been m uch more 
residential movement into 
middle-class areas th a t were 
not homogeneous o f that 
ethnic group. But the  percent­
age of blacks in the  su b u ite  
has not increased. Blacks 
haven’t  been able to  move 
into white suburbs because 
of residential discrimination. 
There a re  indications of 
change; the new towns now 
growing up are  much easier 
to  integrate. For example, 
Columbia, Md„ is much more 
integrated than  anyone ever 
anticipated it  would be— and 
it’s integrated also in the 
sense of having a lot of in ter­
racial families. The increase 
in interracial dating and m ar­
riage around the country is 
very encouraging.

T h a t do es  s e e m  lik e  a  long- 
range hope.

I say interm arriage is ex­
trem ely im portant because it 
creates interested parties, w ith 
a ve'ry fundam ental invest­
m ent in integration. If inte­
gration depends upon attitudes 
of liberal whites, who, 
to  pu t it generously, seldom 
live close to  lower-class 
blacks, it’s a  fairly fragile 
base.

Let me read y o u  a  couple  
o f  c r itic ism s  o f  yo u rse lf. K e n ­

n e th  C lark c r itic ized  y o u  
re ce n tly  a s  b e ing  “. . . p a r t o f  
a n  e x tre m e ly  so p h is tic a te d  
a t te m p t  . . .  to  e va d e  th e  e f ­
fe c ts  o f  th e  1954 B ro w n  
d eseg reg a tio n  d ec is io n ."  A n d  
y o u  re c e n tly  d id  s ig n  an  a f­
f id a v it  on  b eh a lf o f  a  B oston  
gro u p  o p p o sin g  a  co u r t b u sin g  
order.

Yes, but th a t w as not a 
m ilitant group. They were 
using nothing but legal m eans 
for appealing w hat I think 
was a  bad decision—to use 
busing to  elim inate all segre­
gation in the city ra ther than 
just th a t which was caused by 
specific actions of the Boston 
school district.

A re  y o u  c o n cern ed  a b o u t  
h a v in g  y o u r  w o rk  u se d  by  
fo e s  o f  in tegra tion?

Yes, I’m concerned about 
th a t very much. A t the same 
time, it seems to  me there is 
a kind of emperor’s-clothes 
phenomenon among advocates 
of busing; I think it is incor­
rect to  ignore certain  things 
th a t are in fact happening. 
Some people feel that if you 
don’t  ta lk  about them they 
won’t  happen. And the 
vehemence of critics comes 
from their feeling of being 
embattled. If I felt that school 
desegregation hinged on bus­
ing, I’d feel as distressed as 
they do— but I feel th a t bus­
ing hurts school integration. 
Now, it  m ay very well 
be th a t my research re­
sults will be used to  iead in 
directions quite opposite from 
those I’m arguing, in th e  direc­
tion of m etropolitan-area bus­
ing, which takes in suburbs as 
well as central cities. If th a t’s 
so, th a t’s a social choice that 
the American people will 
make—and I think th a t m etro­
politan area wide school inte­
gration is be tte r than  the 
course w e’re following now.

I am also not saying th a t an 
end to  school busing will a l­
together stop the movement 
to the suburbs. It is a move­
m ent th a t preceded desegre­
gation and will no doubt 
continue in any event—but it 
has been accelerated by school 
desegregation. If we blind 
ourselves to  the fact th a t 
whites are  fleeing the central 
cities, we’re going to  get our­
selves into a situation of black 
cities and w hite suburbs.

You’re saying th a t your 
critics , l ik e  K e n n e th  Clark, 
p re fe r  n o t to  lo o k  a t  u n c o m ­
fo rta b le  data .

That’s right.

On th e  o th e r  hand, y o u  fee l  
th a t  th e  c o u r ts  should n o t he  
u sing  y o u r  s tu d y  or  a n y  su ch  
s tu d y  in  a n y  w a y .

Right. Exactly.

W ell, o n  th a t Dr. C lark  
agrees w i th  yo u . He, too , now 
says th a t  i t's  n o t  appropria te  
fo r  th e  c o u r ts  to  p a y  a tte n tio n  
to  s tu d ie s  like  yours: Y e t  h is  
o w n  s tu d y  o n  th e  in jurious  
e ffe c ts  o f  schoo l seg reg a tio n  
w a s  c ite d  b y  th e  S u p re m e  
C ourt in  i ts  orig inal 1954  
B ro w n  decision .

Let’s look a t  th a t 1954 
decision. It was fundam entally 
a decision th a t it’s not con­
stitutionally correct for a 
s ta te  to  segregate blacks from 
whites on the basis of race. 
But, in addition there were 
justifications, like th e  Clark 
material, th a t looked a t the 
consequences of segregation 
for black children—and were 
really irrelevant to  the  con­
stitutional question. If the 
consequences of segregation 
had been the basis for the 
Court’s decision, then th a t 
decision would have had to  be 
different. It would have said 
not ju st that segregation by 
law was unconstitutional but 
all segregation, w hether it 
arose from individual action 
or whatever, was unconstitu­
tional and should be elim­
inated. Let’s suppose the 1966 
research of mine had come 
out with the opposite con­
clusion—namely, that black 
children did worse in 
predom inantly middle - class 
schools. Should the courts 
have used th a t as an argu­
ment? I cannot envision a 
decision saying th a t segrega­
tion is constitutionally re­
quired because black children 
do better in segregated class­
rooms.

Then th e  c o u r ts  should deal 
only w ith  th e ir  o ne  c o n s ti tu ­
tio n a l issu e  in  th is  area.

That’s right. They are act-



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The New  Y oiIl T im es Magazlne/August 24.1975 47



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T H E
N E W  Y O R K  

T I M E S

mg appropriately when they 
elim inate dual school systems 
and o ther form s of d e  ju re  
segregation. The courts are 
the  only mechanism for that. 
To elim inate de fa c to  segrega­
tion, however, we have to 
lim it ourselves to  other 
means. In general, over the 
past 10 years, there’s come to  
be a feeling th a t any social 
ill can be corrected through 
th e  courts. I don 't th ink th a t’s 
true. There are a lot of social 
ills fo r which we have to  use 
o ther governm ental means. 
Some of those m eans can be 
quite coercive, such as w ith­
holding s ta te  or Federal funds. 
In such cases, it is appropriate 
to  look a t the consequences— 
w hite flight and things like 
that.

Because the n o n jud ic ia l 
G o v e rn m e n t ag en c ies  a re n 't  
la y in g  d o w n  c o n s titu tio n a l  
law , b u t  a re  tr y in g  to  m a k e  
p u b lic  policy?

That’s right.

va c a te s  p ersist?  Is it  th a t  th ere  
is no  o th e r  im m e d ia te  w a y  to  
a tta c k  sch o o l segrega tion?

If one w ants integration 
now, there’s no o ther way tc  
do it—but 1 don’t see any in­
s tan t solutions. The style of 
the sixties and early  seven­
ties among policymakers in 
W ashington, New York or 
elsewhere was to  look for im ­
mediate solutions to  all social 
problems. I t’s tim e we recog­
nized that some problems 
don’t  have imm ediate solu­
tions. W hat’s necessary is to  
work a t approaches th a t m ay 
take time but provide a stable 
solution. Fundam entally, i t’s 
a m atter of finding ways to 
m ake the central city  a ttrac ­
tive for middle-class whites, 
to m ake the suburbs avail­
able to  middle-class blacks 
and to  provide jobs for lower- 
class blacks.

W hat’s wrong with compul­

anyway. Social planners have 
to  take into account people’s 
reactions to  their plans, in 
m atters, such as school inte­
gration especially. Legislatures 
are not going to  institute com­
pulsory busing. Surveys indi­
cate th a t a m ajority of blacks 
as well as whites oppose bus­
ing. It is a solution th a t un­
fortunately puts on school 
integration the burden of a lot 
of things parents don’t  w ant 
—their child going some place 
far away where they don’t 
know w hat’s going on, the 
feeling of loss of control.

Can th in g s  b e  d o n e  w ith in  
in te g ra te d  sch o o ls  to  m a k e  
th e m  m o re  a ttra c tiv e , a n d  h old  
m idd le-c lass  w h ites?

Yes. If an integrated school 
had one and a half times the 
budget of a  nonintegrated 
school and could rem ain open 
from  the tim e parents went

So R o y  W ilk in s  w a s  n o t fa r  
o f f  th e  m a rk  w h e n  h e  charged  
y o u  w i th  d ra w in g  th e  N egro  
away f ro m  th e  co u rts .

I th ink  th a t the suits 
brought by the N.A.A.C.P. 
Legal Defense Fund are per­
fectly appropriate suits. 1 
think the findings of the 
courts are quite correct. But 
the  remedies have been inap­
propriate. I certainly do not 
th ink  th a t d e  fa c to  segrega­
tion is appropriate for court 
action.

‘ If children learn to read faster, if 
they are happy when they come home, 
if they are not physically threat­
ened, parents won’t worry about the 
skin color of their classmates.’

sory busing is th a t it’s  a  re­
striction of rights. We should 
be expanding people’s rights, 
not restricting them.

Do y o u  th in k  fo rc e d  b u sin g  
has ch a n g e d  th e  p u b lic  a t t i ­
tu d e  to w a rd  in te g ra te d  sch o o ls  
in  th e  deca d e  b e tw e e n  y o u r  
f ir s t  rep o rt a n d  y o u r  second?

I think there’s grea te r com­
placency around the country. 
One reason fo r it—m aybe I’m 
an  optim ist— is th a t achieve­
m ents of blacks in a variety 
of areas have been great 
enough in the  past five years 
so th a t there’s not quite the 
fear there once was th a t some­
how blacks could never m ake 
it in competition with whites. 
I think also the reduction of 
separatism  and black national­
ism has led to  a  correspond­
ing reduction in the feeling ot 
urgency fo r full-scale mass 
integration. At the  same time, 
I th ink  it is overlooked that 
racially homogeneous areas, 
such as central cities are  be­
coming, feed separatism  and 
black nationalism.

Do y o u  h a v e  so m e  w a y s  to  
do tha t?

I’d propose th a t each cen­
tral-city child should have an 
entitlem ent from  th e  s ta te  to  
attend  any school in the 
m etropolitan area outside his 
own district —  with per-pupil 
funds going with him. That’s 
a  right no black child has 
now, and i t  would be ex­
trem ely valuable in a place 
like Boston. This would entail 
some restrictions: The pro­
gram  wouldn’t  be subject to  a 
local veto; w hites couldn’t  
move from black schools to  
white schools; the  move 
should not increase racial im­
balances. Also, there would 
have to  be some kind of limit 
on out-of-district children, 
say 20 o r 30 per cent.

Given th e  b itte r  e m o tio n s  
a ro u sed  b y  fo rc e d  busing a nd  
i ts  a p p a re n t consequences in  
so m e  c ities , w h y  d o  i ts  ad-

G e ttin g  th a t  k in d  o f  p ro ­
posa l th ro u g h  s ta te  leg is­
la tu re s  w o u ld n ’t  b e  easy. Are 
leg is la tures  a n d  school boards  
rea lly  l ik e ly  to  a c t  o n  th e ir  
o w n  w ith o u t  p re ssu re  fro m  
th e  courts?

If such a program  can’t 
pass some kind of political 
process, it’s not likely to  stand

to  work until they  got back, 
that would a ttrac t a  lot of 
people. M any schools have 
m ade them selves more a ttrac ­
tive and are holding white 
populations. There’s a school 
down here, a little  b it outside 
Hyde Park, th a t has a racial 
quota, 50 per cent black, 50 
per cent white, and it has 
waiting lists of blacks and 
whites both. If children learn 
to read faster, if the  kids are 
happy when they come home 
from school, if they’re not 
physically threatened, parents 
are not going to  care about 
the skin color of th eir class­
mates. U nfortunately, crime 
in the  schools tends to  be 
associated w ith lower-class 
children—^and, in particular, 
lower-class blacks. Middle- 
class kids get th eir lunch 
money stolen when a school 
integrates, o r th ere’s some 
kind of knife incident o r some­
thing like that. That would be 
much less likely if the inte­
gration were of middle-class 
blacks and middle-class 
whites. If one found lower- 
class children from any two 
ethnic groups being th rust to ­
gether, you’d run into knife 
incidents, too.

en o u g h  fo r  ju s t  m id d le-c la ss  
k id s  to  h e  b ro u g h t to g eth er .

There are other ways in 
which black and w hite chil­
dren can have experiences 
with one another—extensive 
visiting of classroom s, for 
example, spending three weeks 
or six weeks in another 
school. W e need m ore in­
genious devices, bu t we can’t 
use them if the constraint, as 
in Boston, is that every school 
m ust be w ithin 5 per cent of 
the racial composition of the 
city.

Is th ere  a n y  ru le  o f  th u m b , 
as fa r  as p erce n ta g e s  go, fo r  
h o w  m a n y  low er-c lass  b lacks  
can  b e jn  a  w h i te  m id d le-c la ss  
sch o o l b e fo re  bad  th in g s  beg in  
to  happen?

A lot of people have looked 
for “tipping” points when 
“bad things s ta rt to  happen.” 
Generally, the  m ajority sets 
the climate of a school. But 
it m ay be th a t a 35 per cent 
m inority sets th e  climate, 
w hether th a t’s  a middle-class 
minority or a lower-class mi­
nority. To a large degree, it 
depends on the principal. I’ve 
come to  the conclusion th a t 
there are tw o requirem ents 
for a  principal in an integrated 
school. One, he m ust be ex­
trem ely fair; two, he m ust be 
extrem ely tough, and not 
m ake exceptions for anybody. 
It’s im portant to  everybody in 
an integrated situation that 
they feel the  administrative 
s taff is acting fairly with 
regard to  both blacks and 
whites. The only way they 
can act fairly  is for a prin­
cipal to  be very tough, not let 
anybody get away with inci­
dents. I th ink  probably one 
reason integration goes badly 
in those cases.^ where it does 
is th a t m any w hite principals 
and teachers have never been 
near blacks and are afraid of 
blacks and don’t  know how 
to  cope.

But i f  o n e  o f  th e  reasons  
fo r  in te g ra tio n  is to  g iv e  
low er-c lass  b la cks  th e  b en e fit, 
if  th a t’s  th e  w ord , o f  a  m idd le-  
c la ss  e n v iro n m e n t, i t ’s  n o t

W ell, w h ile  p rincipa ls  a re  
g e tt in g  ed u c a te d  a n d  c o u r ts  
k e e p  ord erin g  busing , w h a t  
are  th e  p ro sp ec ts  fo r  in te ­
gra tion?

I am optitnistic. because of 
these o ther processes th a t I 
see going on—the rise  in the 
income of blacks, the begin­
ning of a  breakdow n in hous­
ing segregation, changes in 
the  way blacks are looked at 
by whites, partly  because of 
the  achievements of blacks in 
various w alks of life, the 
increase in interracial dating 
and marriages. I’m optimistic 
about integration, not because 
of the  policies of school inte­
gration we’ve been following, 
but in spite of them . ■



A Dramatic Shift On Integration
By CHARLES PATRICK

Of The Times staff

Bolstered by the eager sup­
port of community leaders, 
Pinellas County school otfl- 
c l a l s  dramatically shifted 
their stance on desegregation 
Friday and agreed to otter the 
federal courts “a better way” 
to integrate St. Petersburg’s 
nine black schools.

The new proposal will be 
based on “clustering” — rath­
er than “pairing” — ghetto

schools w i t h  surrounding 
white schools so that few, if 
any, will have a  black majori­
ty.

It will be drafted by School 
Supt. Thomas B. Southard 
and his staff this weekend, to 
be presented at a meeting of 
the School Board with busi­
ness and civic leaders in 
Clearwater at 7 p.m. Monday, 
and apparently will go to the 
federal court next week as a  
more feasible way of offering

all Pinellas children equal ed­
ucational opportunities.

School Board Chairman 
Jane Manson said she expects 
the board’s joint effort with 
community leaders to produce 
an immediate petition for the 
U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Ap­
peals in New Orleans to con­
sider “clustering,” rather 
than the school “pairings” the 
court has ordered PineUas to 
implement by Aug. 1.

The appellate court current­

ly  is reconsidering “errors 
and inconsistencies” in the Pi­
nellas desegregation order 
and is expected to reach a 
final decision next week.

It was under that pressure 
of time that Pinellas school 
officials assembled a  group of 
28 business, professional and 
civic leaders Friday at the St. 
Petersburg Area Chamber of 
Commerce to explain the 
School Board’s desegregation 
dilemma.

The explanation drew im­
mediate and urgent support 
from municipal officials, St. 
Petersburg and Clearwater 
Chamber of Commerce lead­
ers, representatives of the 
Committee of 100, Community 
Alliance and other groups for 
a new approach to the prob­
lem.

On Friday, nobody knew 
how far the “clustering” pro­
posal will go toward a more 

(See SCHOOLS, 3-B)



Sljje ittiatni MeralJi
Tuesday, July 7, 1970 P a lm  B e a c h  N e w s Section

B

B t f  V . S .  D i s t r i c t  J u d g e  J o e  E a t o n

Desegregation Plan Approved
Only One School Remains 
With 90 Per Cent Blacks

By MARGARET CARROLL and TOM SMITH
Herald staH Writers

WEST PALM BEACH —  A fter 14 years of struggle to  integrate its schools, 
Palm Beach County was told by federal court M onday th a t it has finally produced 
a plan for a unitary school system.

U.S. D istrict Judge Joe Eaton of M iam i signed an order directing the county 
to  im plem ent the plan this September.

The order came as a result of a  1956 lawsuit against the school system by 
W est Palm Beach Negro attorney W illiam Holland, demanding an end to  segre­
gated schools.

Holland reopened his suit last January, contending the School Board had 
failed to  fully integrate as ordered by federal court in 1962.

Judge Eaton’s order w as

—Herald Staff Photo by ROSS PARSONS

L. J. Hanna D rives His Cadillac Down Rosemary Avenue

Rosemary ^Traffic’ Misjudged
T h i r d  o f  a  S e r ie s

By DENNIS D’ANTONIO 
And TOM COLIN

Herald Staff Writers
WEST PALM BEACH —  

D etective John Jamason of 
the d ty  vice squad says there 
are only “five or six” prosti­
tutes working the Rosemary 
Avenue area.

A team of Herald reporters 
observed 10 young girls so­
liciting for prostitution be­
tw een Second and Sixth 
Streets on Rosemary and at 
nearby Seventh and Tama­
rind.

The Afro-American Civic 
Action Unit and several per­
sons familiar with conditions 
in the Rosemary area say at 
least 20 prostitutes are doing 
a wide-open —  and lucrative 
—  business on the blocks.

RECORDS in the city  
clerk’s office show that 15 
different women were arrest­
ed for soliciting on the street 
from July 1969 through May 
1970.

“Just what kind of law en­
forcement are w e getting in 
the blagk community, if po­
lice are so ignorant about 
something as obvious and as

Two Jailed on Prostitution Charojes
Herald Bureau

WEST PALM BEACH —  Two women 
hid behind a bar to avoid arrest for prostitu­
tion early Monday, city police reported, and 
one struck a policeman with her umbrella.

Police said they arrested Ernestine Hele­
na O’Hara, 22, and Ruby Mae Lowe, 23, on a 
charge of loitering for the purpose of prosti­
tution.

Miss O’Hara who listed her address as 
1466 7th St., was also charged with resisting 
arrest. Patrolman David A. Hughes said she 
swore at him and hit him with her umbrella 
when he pulled her from behind a bar in 
W illie’s on the 300 block of Rosemary.

Miss Lowe, who said she lives at 1210 
Palm Beach Lakes Blvd., came from behind, 
the bar willingly when told she was under 
arrest.

Police said both wom en were brought to  
the city jail where they each posted bonds of 
$500 and were released.

Hughes said he w as on routine patrol 
w ith policeman A lex Barret at 1 a.m, Mon­
day.

He said the wom en who were standing 
on the sidewalk, ran into the bar when they  
spotted the approaching marked police car.

Hughes said he recognized both of the 
girls as known prostitutes, and he chased 
them into the saloon where he found them  
hiding behind the bar.

So far this year. M iss Lowe has been ar­
rested at least six  times on prostitution  
charges, according to records in the city  
clerk’s office. M iss O’Hara w as arrested at 
least tw ice this year and five times last year.

•k Sr ir
open as prostitution on Rose­
mary?” asks AACAU Execu­
tive Director Edward Moore.

But Police Inspector W il­
l i  a m Eaton counters, 
“There’s been an awful lot of 
effort directed in the Rose­
mary area the past few  
months. It’s been a problem 
for some time.”

"It’s been a problem the 23

City Commission: 
Surprise, Concern

By DENNIS D*ANTONIO
Herald Slalf Writer

WEST PALM BEACH —  The mayor and city commis­
sioners expressed surprise and concern Monday over the pros­
titution flourishing on Rosemary Avenue.

Commissioner C. Harold Earnest asked City Manager 
Richard Simmons to  give the commission a full report about 
conditions reported by The Herald in a series of articles that 
began Sunday.

“THERE’S NOTHING w e can do in the area of enforce­
ment, but perhaps w e need further laws,” said Earnest, who 
defended elected police Chief William Barnes.

"He’s one of the best police chiefs this town has ever 
•had,”

Earnest speculated that if prostitution is flourishing on 
Rosemary Avenue it’s probably not the police department’s 
fault.

He asked Simmons to  include in his report what action 
the City Commission could take to assist the police in reduc­
ing the level of prostitution in the Rosemary area.

MAYOR FRED 0 . Easley told The Herald, “I didn’t  know  
prostitution on Rosemary was so extensive. I don’t know  
what to say.”

Before The Herald revealed the extent of prostitution on 
the w est side, Easley declined to talk to  a reporter about it.

He turned down a request for an interview last week say­
ing he was unaware of prostitution in the city “and wouldn’t 
be able to contribute anything” to The Herald investigation.

Monday the mayor expressed surprise at the extent to 
which w est side prostitution is flourishing.

“I Just didn’t know,” he said.

COMMISSIONER Frank Foster said, “conditions on 
Rosemary are awful, but we have a duly elected police chief 
and I certainly can’t tell him how to do his job.”

Foster .said he knows prostitutes solicit customers “right 
out in the open” on Rosemary, “It’s been going for a long 
time, and I think it’s within this city’s  power to clean it up.” 
But he said he had no idea how this could be accomplished.

“Maybe putting beat patrolmen down there would help, 
but the police department is short-handed now,” he p id .

years I’ve lived in this city,” 
says Rev. William Hall Jr., 
pastor of Friendship Mission­
ary Baptist Church at 718 
Third St.

LIKE THE AACAU and 
other blacks in W est Palm 
Beach, Rev. Hall looks to  the 
police for more stringent en­
forcement of prostitution 
laws,

“If w e’re going to  obey 
what we call law and order,” 
he says, “the law  ought to do 
something.”

Eaton and Jamason con­
tend they are doing all they 
can. They produce statistics.

Police have made 62 pros­
titution and related arrests 
since the beginning of the 
year, according to Eaton.

He compares that with  
only 10 arrests made during 
the first five months of last 
year.

EATON AND Jamason 
admit they’ve never made a 
case stick against a pimp. 
Virtually all police arrests 
and subsequent convictions 
have been on prostitutes, al­
though the real organizers of 
prostitution are the pimps.

Police have arrested six  
men in recent months on pro­
curing charges but have 
failed to  gain any convic­
tions. The six  are Lionel J. 
Hanna, Ernest McKinney, 
Charles W esley Hales, James 
Jackson, W illiam (Pop) Mc­
Kenzie and Thurston Living­
ston (for renting rooms for 
prostitution.

“It’s difficult to make a 
case without the testimony 
of prostitutes,” Eaton says.

“BUT PROSTITUTES al­
most never testify against 
their men. And the only 
other w ay to  make a convic­
tion stick is to witness a 
whole transaction. But the 
pimps don’t just stand on the 
corner and collect the money 
from their women. Even if 
you see it happen, the pimp 
tells you he’s collecting on an 
old debt.”

OFF THE RECORD, how­

ever, the pimp m ay say a lot 
more. L. J. Hanna, for exam ­
ple, has an open easy rela­
tionship with Jamason. It ex ­
tends to buying each other 
drinks when they m eet in a  
bar, Jamason says.

“But w e’re still on oppo­
site sides of the fence. He’s a 
professional and w on’t 
squawk if he’s arrested fair­
ly,” Jamason says, “and 
that’s what I’m out to do.”

Jamason says Hanna is a 
pimp, but that the problem is 
getting evidence that will 
stand up in court.

Hanna even asked Jama­
son where he could take his

operation to  avtjid the police, 
according to Jamason. Jama­
son says he to lM irn ,““take it 
out of the c o u n ts”

A  Herald r e W tja  watchStl 
recently as Hanna, Jamason 
hnd Det. M. J. ^Jiott sat hi 
Jamason’s office and chewed  

:’;the fat like old friends.

THEY JOKED about Han­
na’s walkie-talkies, which  
had been confiscated in a  re­
cent prostitution raid, includ­
ing girls the state says work 
for him. *

“I sure cou ld |,u se those 
phones,” Hanna said jokingly 
as he slouched casually in a 
chair. They seethed like op­
posing generals taking a cof­
fee break in  the middle o f the 
war.

The M cK enzi*  case four 
w eeks ago is tyifcal. It was 
over in 45 minutes on a di­
rected verdict of acquittal. 
-The reason, acconiing to A s­
sistant County Solicitor Greg 
Sharkey is that no one would  

. testify, at least riot the girls 
the p ro sec u t io n sa id  were 

, working for McKenzie.
Eaton and J«nason are 

critical of judges|who do not 
hand Out maximufa penalties 
when conviction^ are ob­
tained against prostitutes.

The maximumLpenalty is 
$500 and 60 daysfn  jail.

‘IF  WE COULD put them  
in jail enough, th^y wouldn’t

Turn to Page 3B Col. 4

anti-climatic in a w ay be­
cause he had indicated June
26 at a hearing in W est Palm 
Beach that he yvas satisfied  
with the plan.

The new  integration plan;
•  REDRAWS boundaries 

around nearly all of the 
county’s. 60 elementary and
27 secondary schools to  
achieve a better racial bal­
ance. Under the new plan, 
only one school. Lake Shore 
Elementary, w i l l  remain 
more than 90 per cent black.

This contrasts w ith the  
past school year, when the 
county had 10 elementary 
schools, tw o junior highs and 
one high school either all­
black, or w ith less than three 
w hite students.

However, 14 elementary 
schools remain all-white. No 
black students will be en­
rolled at either Lantana Ju­
nior High or Forest Hill High 
schools. At 25 other schools 
Negro students will comprise 
less than 10 per cent of the 
enrollment.

•  CREATES four com­
bined high school campuses 
by pairing eight schools that 
were predominantly black or 
predominantly white: Palm

. Beach,-RooseVelt, in W est 
Palm Beach; Seacrest-Carver 
in Delray Beach. Riviera-Ken- 
hedy in Riviera Beach, and 
Belle Glade-Lake Shore in 
Belle Glade.

Sophomores a t each com­
bined campus w ill spend a 
half day at one school, then 
ride a shuttle-hus to  the 
other school tor the remain­
der of the day.

•  ESTABLISHES faculty  
ratios —  71 per cent white 
and 29 per cent black at ele­
mentary schools, and 82 per 
cent w hite and 18 per cent 
black at junior and senior 
high schools. These figures 
m atch student white-black  
ratios.

•  PERMITS a student to  
transfer from his assigned 
school to  another where his 
race is in the minority. The 
School Board is required to  
.give these students priority 
on space and to provide them  
w ith transportation. Minority 
transfers w ill be permitted 
through September each 
year.

•  SETS UP a bi-racial 
com m ittee of 10 blacks and 
10 w hites to help retain a un­
itary school system . It will 
have responsibility in select­
ing new  school sites, review­
ing the school transportation 
system, and overseeing the

Turn to  Page 2B Col. 8

School-by-School 
Integration Rundown

CHOOL 1969-70 1970-71
Attendanea Attendane*

Per Cent Per Cent
White Black Black White Black Block 

North Coastal Elementary Schools

lake Park 
lincolfi
North Palm Beach

Central Coastal Area

2 .03 603 1 52 20.1
231 19.9 929 231 19.9

0 0.0 399 150 27.3
616 100 168 593 77.9

1 .1 828 1 .1
61 10.5 400 374 S8.3
85 18.2 210 205 49.3
0 0.0 749 80 9.6

105 22.3 365 216 37.1
1178 99.0 100 851 88.2

99 593 85.6

125 20.5 310 335 51.9

656 98.0 127 587 82.2
96 689 86.0

173 641 78.7

South Coastal Area
90 13.3 479 199 29.3.
26 4.8 510 26 4.8
50 1 2.3 192 199 50.8

283 91.9 61 401 86.7
1 0.2 378 1 0.1

126 32.3 397 130 24.6
I 0.2 493 0 0.0

126 17.5 552 126 18.5

341 45.4 385 339 46.8
9 1.4 448 0 0.0

662 98.4 338 513 60.2

938 lOO.O 120 830 87.3 .

Glades Area
102 13.2 518 284 3S.3

682 100.0 77 465 85.7
180 33.8 270 218 44.6

0 336 100.0 54
North Coastal Junior High Schools- - -  1299

10,7 907 108 1 0.6
North Shore Jr,.Sr.
North Technical Education Center students transported from other schools in county.

Central Coastal Junior High Schools
826 213 2Q.8

•qI Jr. 
(on Jr;

358
1277
1073
1496

37.0 218 240 52.4
1277 

0.0 1128 
.8 ‘ 1606

Colfvie 
Jeff. Davis Jr.
Palm Beach Public
Roosevelt Jr.-Sr. 0 1236 100.0 120
Sobol Palm {ECQ 187 20 9.0 187

South Coastal Area Junior High Schools
Boynt

T Jr.-Sr. 
Delray Bch. Jr. 
lake Worth Jr. 
Lantona Jr.

1000
558

64 936
261 31.7 572 261 31.3 ,
824 100.0 295 368 55.5
138 16.3 504 278 35.5
77 6.9 93 4 77 7.6

180 110 1601 180 11.1

Seoerest/Ca 
Beele Glode/Lcke Shore 
Polm Be'ach/fioesevelt 
Kviera Beoeb/Kennedy

South Coastal High Schools
884 40 4.3 >884

1393. 34 2.4 1393
Merged County High Schools

1183 545 31.5
613 782 56.1

786 766 47.4

W il l  M ake D ecision B efore  T oday

Culpepper Unsjure of Seeking Computer Probe
By BOB BURDICK

Herald Stall Writer
WEST PALM BEACH —  

County Commissioner Robert 
Culpepper had not decided 
Monday whether he would 
ask commissioners to  investi­
gate $722,000 worth of com­
puter contracts the county 
has with Data Dynamics Inc., 
Miami.

Culpepper had charged 
that the contracts are “ex­
orbitant in price and p r o ­
vide for a possible duplica­
tion of services.”

HE ALSO noted that the 
county budget for next year 
earmarks an additional $90,-
000 for computer studies. A  
study for the sheriff’s depart­
ment is projected to  cost 
$60,000, and the remaining 
$30,000 would be used for 
continued study of the coun­
ty-wide computer system.

“I’ll make a decision about 
bringing these things up at 
the commission meeting after
1 talk with other commission 
members,” Culpepper said. 
He added that he’d try to 
contact the other for mem­
bers prior to the meeting at 9 
a.m. today.

The four contracts Culpep-

Robert Culpepper 
. . .  'h ig h  p r ic e ’

per objects to  are all comput­
er connected, but lie in two  
different areas.

Two, for $87,000 and $49.- 
000, were approved by the 
commission.

The first, originally dated 
April 1, 1969 and amended, 
on July 1, 1969, provided for 
technical assistance neces­
sary for the establishment of 
a county-wide computer sys­
tem. It cost the county 
$87,000.

DATA DYNAMIC’S sec-

David Reid
. . .  ‘n o  d u p l ic a t io n ’

ond commission-approved 
contract, for $49,000, pro­
vides for the implementation 
of a payroll and personnel 
system  for the county. It has 
not been completed, but the 
firm is on schedule, Dean said.

The other tw o contracts, 
for the tax assessor’s office, 
are not by law required to be 
approved by the County 
Commission.

Instead, Tax A ssessor 
David Reid is empowered to  
approve contracts, subject to

budgetary review by the 
state revenue department. 
Reid said Monday that the 
revenue department had ap- 
prpved both contracts.

The tw o contracts for the 
tax  assessor’s office, totaling  
$585,000, required Data D y­
namics to analyze tax  assess­
ing data and establish a sys­
tem  to  handle data needed in 
assessm ent of property.

SINCE THE great majority 
of the tax assessor's records 
are now kept by hand, estab­
lishment of a new system  re­
quires the restructuring of 
procedures in the assesor’s 
office, Reid said.

Both Reid and Comity Ad­
ministrator Jack Dean denied 
that there was any duplica­
tion of services created by 
the concurrent commission- 
approved and tax assessor’s 
contracts with Data Dynam­
ics.

“It’s like trying to compare 
apples with oranges.” Reid 
said.

“There’s no conflict be­
cause the purposes o f the 
contracts are entirely differ­
ent,” said Dean.

But Culpepper said he still 
isn’t satisfied

Culpepper said that the 
fact all four contracts were 
w ith Data Dynamics “could 
be an accident, but it’s inter­
esting.”

Reid said he chose Data 
Dynamics because he had in­
spected one of the firm’s sys­
tems in operation in Brevard 
County.

“It’s just a coincidence 
that w e chose Data Dynam­
ics and the County Commis­
sion did the same thing,” 
said Reid.

Movie Clock
i :  '.'.“.•J*'' Chain" SIM; "Har Odd Tastes" 10

BOCA RATON — "A Boy Named Char­
ley Brown" 1, 2:45, 4:30, 6:15, 8, 7:45

CAREFREE — "Alrpwt" 12, 2:35, 4:55,7:30, 10:05
COLONY — "Monique" 7, 8:30, 10 
FLORIDA — "Patton" 2, 5:10, 8:25. 
LAKE West Was Won'*

LOEW'S CINEA4A — 'Two Mutes ler Sister Sara" 2, 4, 6, 8, 10

Was Over" 1:35, 3:45, 5:55, 8:05, 10:15.- 
Your Waoon" 1:20*4:05, 6:50, 9:40

"She Devil on Wheels" 10; "P itI s'iSii



i-B  THE MlAMt HEBALD Tues., July 7, 1970 *  ̂ ■ ‘ - ' ' ■

Response Slow to Integration Approval
By GEORGIA MARTINEZ

Delray Beach Bureau Chief
Final acceptance of the county’s school integration plan 

by Federal Court Judge Joe Eaton Monday drew little 
resptmse from School Board members and boaid candidates.

Nearly all persons contacted following the decision hand­
ed down by Judge Eaton said they wanted time to  study the 
ruling and the plan. Some said they were still unclear about 
the provisions of the final plan accepted by the court that 
among other things redraws school boundaries for racial bal­
ance and creates four high schools through the pairing of pre­
dominantly black and white schools.

ATTEMPTS to reach School Superintendent Lloyd Early 
were unsuccessful but newly seated School Board member

and Chairman W alter Dutch said late Monday that although a 
copy of the decision had been delivered to his office he had 
not yet reviewed it.

But Dutch commented that it appeared to be the best 
plan put forth and a plan that w as acceptable and “one w e’re 
going to live with.’’

His predecessor on the board, Dr. A. D. Thorp, who re­
signed his School Board seat recently, expressed a wait and 
see attitude on the workability of the plan, but noted that fi­
nally the county had received a decision that enabled an or­
derly opening of the schools in August.

Board member Robert Johnson said he is looking forward 
to  “putting my best efforts toward implementing the plan in 
fulfilling the pursuit of education for all children.”

THELMA WYMER, also a board member, said she did 
not care to comment since she hadn’t seen the ruling but said 
“I think w e’re sacrificing certain people in certain areas for 
the sociological ideal.”

Another board member Ann McKay said she never saw  
the final plan accepted by Judge Eaton and said she only 
knew of the plan what she read in the newspaper.

“1 feel it’s now an administrative problem,” she said.
The fifth board member Sadie Grable w as reported out of 

town and couldn’t be reached for comment.
Announced candidates for seats on the School Board, 

Paul Thomson, Daniel Hendrix, George Blanck and Robert 
Huckshorn, all reserved comment until they could study the 
plan and the decision.

BLACK CIVIC leader and Delray Carver PTA President 
Alfred Straghn, however, said he didn’t  care for the approved 
plan. Under the plan all-black Carver is to be merged w ith  
predominately-white Seacrest into a dual campus.

“The blacks have been giving and giving.” Straghn said, 
“and this is just another case of giving. The blacks will have 
to  accept it whether they like it or not and plenty don’t like it. 
But it’s not a question of liking it because what can you do. 
We expressed our feeling over and over,” he added. Blacks at 
Carver and the county’s all-black high schools had sought to  
have black schools remain separate but as integrated schools.

Black students at the schools. Carver, Kennedy and Roo­
sevelt, staged boycotts tw o consecutive years in protest to  
previous integration proposals.

Commission to Probe
Perini Pre-Fab

By DENNIS D’ANTONIO
HeriM Stiff Wrltir

WEST PALM BEACH —  
The city Building Commis­
sion will investigate the qual­

ity  of plastic piping being 
used in prefab homes under 
erection on the city’s north­
w est side.

The homes are being erect­

ed by Perini Land Develop­
ment Co. in Palm Beach 
Lakes North subdivision, de­
spite opposition from resi­
dents living in conventionally

Boca City Attorney Quits 
To Return to Private Work
By EVAN tANGBEIN  

Boca Raton Suraau Chief 
BOCA RATON —  City A t­

torney John Ruff quit his job 
Monday, just over a year 
after he assumed the posi­
tion.

“I am terminating my em­
ployment with the city as of 
the end of the current pay 
period,” Ruff curtly told the 

-p ity  Council at a Monday 
morning workshop.

- ;  ■ THE PAY period ends 
i 'Wednesday, and the council 
• Appointed Ruff’s assistant of 

six months, Jerome Skrandel, 
a s acting city attorney,

Ruff later gave The Herald 
!'a  brief statement citing the

reason for his resignation:
“I resigned as city attor­

ney to go back into pVivate 
practice because I think that 
is more compatible with my 
frame of mind and endeavors 
in the practice of law,” Ruff 
said.

His resignation Monday 
did not appear to  be a  great 
shock to city councilmen, al­
though two, Sid Brodhead 
and Emil Danciu, later ex­
pressed disappointment at 
Ruff’s departure.

RUFF ONCE before on 
May 11, also, at a workshop 
session, abruptly resigned, 
rapping “Mickey Mouse 
memorandums” by several

Officials Seek 
Credit Rating 
Boost for City

By EVAN LANGBEIN 
Boca Raton Buroau Chief

BOCA RATON —  Five city  
' officials will attend three 
;iiiays of meetings in New  
"York City beginning W ednes­

day in an attempt to  gain a 
l e t t e r  credit rating for the 
■city.

However, their venture 
jiorth w as strongly attacked 
Jdonday by a city councilman 
•who is not going, Sid Brod- 
le a d .

:; HE TERMED the trip a 
.“'boondoggle” and accused 
•the five of going to  New  
York more in search of a 
-good time than a good rating.
- “It’s  absolutely ridiculous. 
There’s nothing they can ac­
com plish in New York that 
■they couldn’t do pight over 
th e  telephone,” Brodhead 
■charged.

The five attending are 
M ayor Tore Wallin, council- 
■men Robert I. (Pat) Honchell 
land James Foreman, City 
M anager Alan Alford and Fi- 
•nance Director Tom Mullen. 
T hey will attend meetings 
with three different rating 
^agencies.

Wallin said the city is 
seeking to upgrade its rating 
■from a B-A-A to  an A rating. 
He said the improved rating 
•would reduce interest rates 
Tor the city on its bond mar­
ket, t h u s  enhancing the 
bonds’ marketability.

, THE CITY is exploring

ways to improve its market 
for $3.7 million in revenue 
certificates it wants to sell in 
order to finance a new water 
treatment plant.

Wallin said, in addition, 
the city wants to up its rat­
ing for a $6,5 million general 
obligation bond issue the vot­
ers approved in February for 
a secondary sewer plant and 
for beach acquisition.

“If w e can get a better rat­
ing this will mean a consider­
able amount of savings to the 
city,” Wallin said.

Brodhead said that if a 
better rating is desired the 
best thing to do would be to 
invite representatives of the 
rating, agencies from New  
York to Boca Raton.

HE SINGLED out Alford 
for his strongest rebuke. 
Brodhead said Alford is vaca­
tioning this w eek on Long Is­
land, and is using the New  
York meetings as an “excuse 
to  have the public finance his 
travel expense.”

Wallin countered Brod- 
head’s charges claiming that 
the city’s financial consul­
tants, W ainwright and Ram­
sey  Inc., in a letter dated 
June 29, written by the firm’s 
vice-president Harvey Heck­
man in New York, recom­
mended the trip.

Brodhead claimed the trip 
to New York was planned by 
a City O'fficial well before 
June 29, but declined to di­
vulge which official did the 
planning.

o t h e r  department heads 
which were aimed at the ci­
ty ’s legal department.

The council then asked 
Ruff to  reconsider and a 
w eek later held an open 
grievance session attended 
by Ruff and all city depart­
m ent heads.

Ruff told the council he 
would stay on, but sortly 
thereafter he began a month­
long vacation, during which  
time Skrandel took over act­
ing duties of the city attor­
ney. Ruff returned from va­
cation last week.

M ost of the complaints 
aimed at Ruff by city depart­
ment heads in May con­
cerned his request for a 21 
per cent hike in the legal de­
partment’s mid-year budget.

THE COUNCIL approved 
the increase in April w h ich - 
gave Ruff a boost in salary 
from $16,500 annually to  
$20,000 and increased Skran- 
del’s earnings from $12,500 
to $13,500.

Councilmen James - Fore­
man and Robert I. (Pat) 
Honchell, e a c h  attorneys 
voted against Ruff’s request. 
Honchell, e a c h  attorneys, 
has been at odds with Fore­
man and Honchel as well as 
city Finance Director Tom  
Mullen and City manager 
Alan Alford. He indicated 
Monday that friction be­
tw een his office and depart­
ment heads has not abated.

Ruff said he was not being 
harassed, but he added there 
have been a long series of 
“quiet undercurrents!’ around 
city hall aimed at his office.

“NO CITY attorney in re­
cent years here has lasted  
more than one year so I 
guess I ran the usual course,” 
Ruff commented.

Councilmen Brodhead and 
Danciu, following the coun­
cil’s workshop meeting, both 
said they believed Ruff to be 
the finest attorney the. city  
has had in recent years.

“He has saved the city a lot 
of money on condemnation 
proceedings which w e had to  
use before to  hire outside 
counsel,” Brodhead said.

In picking Skrandel to  
temporarily fill in as city  at­
torney, Mayor Tore W allin 
noted, “If you have addition­
al outside help maybe w e do 
not have to look any further 
(for a city attorney.)”

SKRANDEL was directed 
to draw up a list of pending 
legal matters in the city at­
torney’s office and present it 
to the council.

constructed hqmes.
They clainf the prefabs, 

being sold iq[ a $24,000 to  
$30,000 price ^Yange, will de­
value' their homes.

Commissioners Monday 
granted a retiuest by lawyer 
Ronald Sales that plastic pip­
ing used for plumbing in the 
prefabs be evaluated for 
quality.

Sales is representing doz­
ens of homes) in Palm Beach 
Lakes North who are trying 
to halt construction of the 
prefabs.

City Building and Zoning 
Director Joseph Hughes 
noted Monday that plastic 
piping is not specifically per­
mitted in the W est Palm  
Beach buildirig code.

Perini obtained permission 
to  use the piping from the 
city Plumbing Commission, 
Hughes said.

Permission: w as granted 
after the building department 
refused to allow the piping.

Hughes said the Plumbing 
Commission acts as an ap­
peals board and its decision  
to  allow the piping w as legal.

Prefabricated homes intro­
duced into the city by Perini 
gained considerable attention  
J u n e  15 when arsonists 
torched one| of the newly  
erected modulars in an exclu- 
s i v  e black neighborhood 
south of Lake Mangonia.

Black citizens in the neigh­
borhood had protested con­
struction ,of'’the homes on the 
same grouiyas now being 
used by jvhites in Palm 
Beach L a k #  North.

Don t̂ Touch
This sign posted by the boat ram p a t 
Currie Park in W est Palm Beach is

—Herald Staff Photo by ROSS PARSONS

definitely a  sign of the times. This 
sign has been posted to  w arn boaters 
th a t the w ater is safe to  travel on, 
but don’t  fall in.

Integration
Proposal
Approved

minority transfers policy. 
The chairman will be a Negro 
one year, a w h ite the next.

Judge Eaton ordered the 
School Board to give him a 
list o f its nominees to  the bi- 
racial com m ittee by this 
W ednesday. If it can not se­
lect nominees by that time, 
the judge said he w ants a list 
of prospect by Friday (July 
10).

He ordered the bi-racial 
com m ittee to meet and orga­
nize by Aug. 1, and to  submit 
reports tw ice each year, Dec. 
1 and April 1, to  federal 
courts on progress or prob­
lems in maintaining a unitary 
school system .

“Such reports are to be 
made until the court finds 
that the dual system  w ill not 
be or tend to be re-estab­
lished,” Eaton ruled.

The judge further ruled 
that attorney Holland w as 
entitled to $7,500 in “reason, 
able attorney’s tees,” and or­
dered the School Board to  
pay Holland’s fee. Losers in 
court cases normally pay the 
attorney’s fees and court 
costs.

A t the June 26 hearing 
Holland said he w asn’t  satis­
fied with the plan because he 
fe lt it would result in re­
segregation at the elementa­
ry school level. However, he 
said he couldn’t  quarrel w ith  
the plan for pairing high 
schools. Holland had recom­
mended pairing at the ele­
m entary level but this type 
of plan m et w ith vocal resis­
tance from those who favor 
retention of so-called neiglij 
borhood school plans.

St. Lucfie S ta te  A tto rn ey  Handling I t

Zoning Conmiission Probe by Jury Starts Today
Herald Bureau

WEST PALM BEACH —  
The Palm 1 Beach County 
Grand Jury! will confine its 
attention to; the county Zon­

ing Commission today, State 
Attorney Zell Davis said 
Monday.

The Grand Jury is looking 
into a complaint by W est

Zell D avis
. . a n n o u n c e s  p r o b e

Claude K irk
. .  . n a m e s  a t to r n e y

Palm Beach Attorney Waldo 
Carmichael, according to  Da-

THE PROBE is being han­
dled by the office of St. Lucie 
C o u n t y  State Attorney 
Charles Carlton, who w as ap­

pointed to the case by Gov. 
Claude Kirk at the request of 
Davis. Carlton has assigned 
assistant Tony Young to  the 
probe.

Carmichael and Zoning 
Commission Chairman Lee 
Stratton both testified before 
the Grand Jury June 1 in 
connection with the investi­
gation of the Zoning Com­
mission.

As witnesses, both are 
s w o r n  to secrecy. They

Boynton Council Rejects 
Rezoning for Condominium

would not discuss the nature 
of the probe.

Members of the Zoning 
Commission have been ac­
cused of having conflict of 
interest, but they have de­
nied the charges.

ZONING and building de­
partment records show that 
Carmichael has had recent 
dealings w ith the commis­
sion.

In a June 29 letter to com ­
mission member Robert P. 
Levinson, Zoning Director 
James W atson said that since 
the late May posting of a 
performance bond, Carmi­
chael could proceed with a 
conditional land usage, origi­
nally approved by the com­
m ission Dec. 11, 1969.

The land, a pair of parcels 
w est of Benoist Road and 
south of Pioneer Park, total 
about 40 acres.

Zoning Commission ap­
proval w as granted for Car­
michael to “remove rock, 
m.arl, and other earthy mat­
ters” from one parcel of land, 
and to  use the other parcel

for “shellrock mining and 
land development.”

HOWEVER, the com mis­
sion notified Carmichael in 
early May that the condition­
al use would be revoked June 
11, it he will not post the 
performance bond before 
May 25.

Davis said Monday that his 
office did not plan to make 
any presentations to the 
Grand Jury today.

“As far as I know, they’ll 
have only the Zoning Com­
mission from Mr. Carlton’s 
office,” Davis said.

By GEORGINA MARTINEZ 
Delray B^ch Bureau Chief

BOYNTqk BEACH —  The 
City Coungl Monday reject­
ed a zoningJproposal to allow

construction of a 364-unit 
condominium project in the 
southeast section of the city.

The action marked the 
third time recently that the

Going Up
!The first shipments of 
: structural steel for the 
additions to the Palm 

: Beach County Court­
house were unloaded 

; Monday. The addition to 
the Courthouse will in­
clude completely sur­
rounding the present 
building w ith new space.

-Hirsld smi Photo bv ROSS PARSONS

council has denied a request 
to  rezone the single-family 
area for apartments. Their 
action concurred with a Zon­
ing Board recommendation.

THE REQUEST w as de­
nied by a 3-0 vote, w ith Vice 
Mayor Forrest W allace ab­
sent on vacation. Councilman 
Leonard Nylund disqualified 
him self from the voting, say­
ing he had a “certain in­
volvem ent.”

The request for rezoning 
of the 52-acre site, located 
east of Seacrest Blvd., south 
of SE 31st Avenue and W est 
of the Florida East Coast 
railway tracks was made to 
the council by builder Stan­
ley  Tate.

Tate, o f High Point Build­
ers, is also the developer of 
High Point Condominiums in 
the southern section of the 
city.

THE PROPOSED project 
would have comprised 364 
apartment units, all one- 
story quadraplex buildings 
complete with a recreational 
area.

A  half dozen area resi­
dents objected to  the prbject, 
saying they wanted it left for 
the development of single­
family homes.

N e w  B u i l d i n g  

I s  A n n o u n c e d
Herald Bureau

WEST PALM BEACH —  
Former Mayor Eugene Pot­
ter said a firm is considering 
construction of a 25-story of­
fice building on property 
now occupied by Tilly’s res­
taurant at 428 S. Olive.

But Potter, apd attorney 
for the firm, Ronald Sales, 
refused tO' name the company 
or divulge further details of 
its plans.

Potter said the firm is 
about to purchase the lot oc­
cupied by Tilly’s and owned 
by Cordoba Holding Co. of 
W est Palm Beach.

Potter, a trustee in the 
firm, appeared before the 
City Commission Monday to 
ask the city to disclaim a 
public street right-of-way 
which runs through the prop­
erty.

The matter has been 
placed on the agenda for 
next Monday’s commission 
meeting.

Potter described the 25- 
story office building contem­
plated for the property as 
“the tallest and most modern 
building in W est Palm 
Beach.”

Bert Johnson
. . .  r u n s  a g a in

Bert Johnson 
To Run for 
Re-Election

Herald Bureau
WEST PALM BEACH —  

School Board member Robert 
(Bert) Johnson said Monday 
he intends to seek re-election  
to the School Board for a 
third term.

Johnson, a 41-year-old 
W est Palm Beach attorney is 
a Republican and former 
president of the Young Re­
publicans of Palm Beach 
County.

In announcing his candida­
cy Johnson said he w ants to 
continue on the board be­
cause he feels he has the 
time to devote to the job, thei 
experience and the knowl­
edge of eight years on the 
board.

In his bid for re-election 
Johnson will have opposition 
from Daniel Hendrix, a math 
instructor at Palm Beach Ju­
nior College, who has an­
nounced he will run for John­
son’s seat.



Delays Plague 
Court Hearing 
O f URP Suit

St. Pefersburg Times, Safurday, July 11, 1970

Times Bureau
CLEARWATER -  A four- 

day hearing on a lawsuit to 
test Pinellas County’s school 
desegregation plan ended Fri­
day with several delays, a  
star witness who didn’t show 
up and a  plaintiff who 
couldn’t be found to testify.

Gov. Claude Kirk Jr., ex­
pected by many to testify Fri­
day in person, instead was 
granted permission to file a 
brief in support of state regu­
lations and laws against bus­
ing students to achieve racial 
balance in schools.

THE SUIT, brought by Unit­
ed Residents of Pinellas 
(URP), challenges the Pinel­
las County School Board’s 
cross-busing and pairing plan 
that went into effect at five 
Largo area schools last year.

Circuit Judge Charles R. 
Holley wound up the hearing 
by instructing attorneys for 
URP, the School Board and 
interveners to submit briefs 
within 30 days.

Friday’s session was inter­
rupted about three hours 
while attorneys tried to locate 
Standi Small of Largo, URP 
suit plaintiff.

Tom Moore, an attorney 
representing parents who sup­
port the Largo plan, said 
SmaU should testify as party 
to the suit.

MOORE — who said he had 
“some suspicion that Small is 
only a figurehead in the suit” 
— asked an opportunity to 
question the plaintiff, a  Negro 
who joined the suit with his 
son, a student in one of the 
five schools.

After rejecting an attempt 
by URP attorney N. David 
Korones to call URP Presi­
dent Larry Day and name 
him a  plaintiff, HoUey re­
cessed the court to allow time 
to find SmaU.

When SmaU did not appear 
after the recess, HoUey al­
lowed Korones to call URP 
members as parties to the 
class action suit against the 
School Board.

AFTER Mrs. Marie Chapel 
of Largo testified, HoUey — 
now visibly irritated — ruled 
that no more such testimony 
was needed because Moore 
and School Board Atty. John 
Emerson did not chaUenge

the existence of the class of 
residents mentioned in the
suit.

In setting the 30-day dead­
line for briefs, HoUey instruct­
ed attorneys to limit their 
arguments to three points: 
whether the Largo area bus­
ing violates Florida law, vio­
lates the CivU Rights Act of 
1964 or violates the equal 
protection guarantees of the 
U.S. Constitution. St. Petersburg Civic Leaders Hear Turville Explain School Desegregation Plans

Schools From l-B

equitable mixing of St. Pe­
tersburg’s b l a c k  children 
among the white schools. It 
was clear, though, that the 
principle will be applied at all 
grade levels —• elementary, 
junior and senior high — and 
probably wiU resemble the 
controversial plan, introduced 
last faU in five Largo elemen­
tary schools.

The major goal of “clus­
tering” is to distribute black 
students in as many white 
schools as possible, so the 
ratio of whites to blacks wiU 
more nearly reflect the com­
munity’s racial composition.

Under the federal court’s  
order for school “pairings,” 
however, a half-dozen white 
schools would have been over­
whelmed by the influx of a  
black student majority. The 
federal court ordered, for 
example, the combination of 
attendance zones for black 
Glenoak and white Lakewood 
elementary schools, with the 
result that both schools would 
have black majorities.

In contrast, a “clustering” 
of Glenoak with Lakewood 
and one or more white schools 
would result in aU schools 
having a majority of white 
students.

WHILE NO specific propos­
als have been formulated, the 
method of “clustering” ap­
parently will be to combine 
the attendance zones of three 
or more schools, then assign 
all children in the same grade 
level from throughout the new  
combined zone to one school 
in the cluster. First and sec­
ond graders might go to one 
school, third and fourth grad­
ers to another, and fifth and 
sixth graders to another.

School officials had no idea 
Friday how many children 
would have to be bused to 
school imder the “cluster” 
proposal, but acknowledged 
that the more complete dis­
persal of black students 
among white schools would in­
volve more busing.

The number to be bused ap­
parently would exceed the
5,000 children school officials 
had estimated would have to 
be transported under the fed­
eral court’s school “pairing” 
plan.

tern.”
While either alternative will 

require extensive busing, said 
Southard, the problems are 
“not insurmountable,” al­
though they will pose severe 
financial burdens on the 
schools.

WHATEVER proposal is  de­
veloped for School Board con­
sideration at the Monday 
meeting, he said, will attempt 
to “solve the educational 
problems, too,” as well a s  the 
mixing of black and white stu­
dents.

The increased load on the 
county fleet of 150 school 
buses, which now transport
27,000 children daily, might 
require double routes for 
som e vehicles and staggered 
opening and closing hours in 
some schools. Southard said.

St. Petersburg Mayor Don 
Spicer suggested that school 
officials consult city transit 
officials for potential assis­
tance in solving transporta­
tion problems.

face the Aug. 1 deadline for 
desegregation, he said.

Adrian S. Bacon, president 
of the St. Petersburg Cham­
ber, said the entire PineUas 
community has “not much 
tim e for conversation” and 
must prepare immediately to 
“follow the law.”

“THIS COMMUNITV has a
real problem to face, and it’s 
not just the School Board’s 
problem,” said Bacon. “It in­
volves the total county and 
will affect us all. Community 
understanding and coopera­
tion are absolutely neces­
sary.”

Bacon and the other com­
munity leaders pledged that 
they will try to enlist their 
business and civic organiza­
tions in a campaign for public 
acceptance of the “cluster” 
approach.

3-Year-Old Boy 
Is Hit By Car

Stephen Martin, 3, of . 2200 
14th Ave. N, was struck by a  
car near his home about 7 
p.m. Friday.

St. Anthony’s Hospital listed 
him in fair condition.

SOUTHARD warned the 
community leaders, however, 
that “clustering seem s to be 
the only realistic solution to 
provide a reasonable distribu­
tion” of black children, who 
now reside in a  40-block 
square in the St. Petersburg 
core.

Calling the federal court’s  
current “pairing” order “an 
impossible situation,” Sou­
thard said it would result in 
“many instances where the 
black-white ratio in the 
schools would cause a white 
flight (white residents moving 
to other school zones) and the 
ruination of a good sc |go l sys-

SCHOOL BOARD Attorney 
Edward A. Turville told the 
business and civic leaders 
that while there is no question 
that the 5th Circuit Court will 
correct the factual and geo­
graphical errors in its July 1 
desegregation order, the final 
result will be “very similar” 
— with an Aug. 1 deadline for 
eliminating most of St. P e­
tersburg’s black schools. And, 
said Turville, “There is  no 
such thing as a stay order 
these days in school desegre­
gation cases.”

Even if the decision were 
appealed to the U.S. Supreme 
Court, Pinellas would

“AS THIS court order is 
now drawn,” said Turville, 
“it’s going to affect millions 
and millions of dollars of 
property. It you want to pro­
tect all the property in the 
community, you’d better start 
thinking about it.”

Turville’s  implication was 
that the court’s  school “pair­
ing” plan would place a black 
majority in the schools in sev­
eral white neighborhoods and 
cause white residents to flee 
with resulting property value 
depreciation.

Although most discussion of 
the “cluster” approach was 
generalized, the group got 
more specific in discussing 
the fate of all-black Gibbs 
High School, which the court 
has ordered must be closed or 
“paired” with St. Petersburg 
High.

BACON INDICATED that 
he favored conversion of 
Gibbs to a  community-wide 
vocational and t e c h n i c a l  
school, with all black students 
not interested in that cmricu- 
lum to be assigned to the 
city’s five other high schools.

But Clarence Givens, Negio  
leader and member of the 
Community Alliance, advocat­
ed the retention of Gibbs and 
distribution of its 1,000 black 
students through all six  city 
high schools.

Dr. Gilbert Leggett, another 
Negro leader, said the black

community takes great pride 
in Gibbs and the school should 
be retained. He said he 
thought the black community 
would accept dispersal of 
Gibbs students among all city 
high schools.

James B. Sanderlin, attor­
ney for the NAACP Legal De­
fense Fund in the Pinellas de  
segregation suit, did not at­
tend the session, but Friday 
night called results of the dis­
cussion “great.”

“I BTUL HAVE to see the 
proposal, but it sounds like a  
real breakthrough,” said San­
derlin. “It seems that, at last, 
w e’re getting a  good part of 
the community involved in 
working out something mean  
ingful to solve a total commu­
nity problem.”

Sanderlin said he will at­
tend the Monday School 
Board meeting “if invited.” 
The meeting is  scheduled in 
the S c h o o l  Administration 
Building, 1960 E. Druid Road, 
Clearwater.

All School Board members 
— except Dr. Charles Crist 
and William H. Williams — 
attended Friday’s  discussion.



Both parents^ teachers cited

Status, wealtli linked 
i to school achievement

By MIKE BOWLER

Maryland’s  : first statewide 
I public school testing results-in- 
idicate that educational achieve- 
Iment is  directly related to 
.wealth and background of par- 
nets—apd teachers.

The scores on the Iowa Tests 
of B asic Skills, administered 
(last spring rto  250,000 state 
'pupils in grades. 3 , 3, 7 and 9, 
ishow that Montgomery county, 
'which leads the state in every 
possible m easure of wealth and 

ieducational background, also 
shines in  the tests of language 
and m athem atical skills. j

Baltimore, which has the I 
state’s  highest property tax I 
rate, and which slipped to  21st 
of the 24‘ districts in expendi­
tures for each pupil last year, 
is  near the bottom in - t e s t  
scores.

( The testing program w as part 
of the Maryland Accountability 
Act of 1972 and called for a 
school-by-school survey of edu­
cational achievement.

Statewide, Maryland’s sev- 
'entb- and ninth-graders were 
ifound to b e behind national 
norms, while third- and fifth-

graders were at or near the 
norm. ' ’

Officials .attributed-:the de^ 
cline at the upper grade levels 
to a “national phenomenon that 
appears to have begun, in the 
early Sixties, especially in read­
ing and m athem atics.”

But if, Maryland students 
were found to  h e ' slipping in 
junior high, y ears, an appendix! 
to the 5-pound report, submit-j 

See TESTING, AlO, Col. 5 |

rHDin2_

1 School achievement tiecl to states, wedth
T E S T E V G , f r o m A l

ted this week to the Governor 
I  and General Assem bly, indi 
I  cated that Maryland h i^  school 
"  students score above national 
J averages in the Scholastic Apti­

tude Tests, taken voluntarily 
J mostly by coUege4)ound stu- 
I  dents.
I  Besides ’ grade, equiv alent 
I; scores—the raw resiJts of the 
I  Iowa tests—the report includes 
r- Maryland “ expectancy score” 
j for each tested ^ a d e  of each  
I school by instructional area.

The expectancy score is the 
i score the students would be ex- 
i pected to m a k e,, given their 

fionverbal ability; economic 
status and the educational 

, background of their mothers, 
all ^ lie v e d  to be important 
factors in school achievement.

When raw scores on the tests 
are balanced against expected 
scores, econom ically deprived 
schools in Baltimore and else­
where are shown to be perform­
ing reasonably well.

.Above expectations 

Victory Elementary School in 
Fairfield, the poorest school in 
Maryland with a median fam ily 
income of 12,703, according to 
the report, performed above 
expectations in language and 
mathematics in the 5th grade 
and in math in the 3d grade. 

.And a number of economic­

ally. blessed schools in Mont-, high scores in most tests and |w ell as the m ost wel^ucatrf. 
gomery and Baltimore coun-| the highest scores in the state | although not most esrienced.
ties, among the state’s w ealth-ion the seventh-grade languagei Nearly 38 per ce :o fI .the  
iest,-performed below expecta-jtosts. - county’s  teachers hav|iastB‘’s
tions, although their raw scores' Allegany, Howard and Kent degrees or above. Bybntrast, 
were above others in the state'had the h ighest'scores, eight Baltimore’s  averager;25?|er
and at or above national norms, i “ o o ^ s  above national norm s!cent and SomerseteOuntt’s 

Some of the score? already six months above the Mary- is  12. '
bad been released by. individual I'and average, in the thirdgrade Recent studies har shown

that the verbal abfiitjf teMhr 
ers is  one of the m osfnp d^ n t  
factors in student acjv& nent 

Burning Tree B m e n t^ . 
in Montgomery couy is the 
state’s  wealthiest, bad on 1970

counties. Poorer school dis-!'ahguage tests, 
tr ic ts . praised the appearance! Wealthier countiesandteach- 
of the “expected .scores,” call-1 ers’ groups resisted release  
ing them an “equitable basis'of statewide - scores, fearing 
for interpreting statewide test school-by-«chool and teacher-' 
scores,” as Baltimore officials by-teacher comparison and at- '
put it. Stacking the tests for having!census figures, w ith  m edian.

Without drawing conclusions, jonly “limited use.” ifam ily income - of , st under ,
the report presents data on the in fact, the state Education'530,000. (Them edian-the m id- ■ 
incomes and educational f>3Ck- p^pgpinient released the scor-l'"®'poiut.) .No scjiocin Mont- 
grounds not only of parents but g that compari- go®ery. naUon’sea lth iesti

sons are difficult, if not im p o s -  county, had m^edianimily in -^Generally, districts with the 
highest average staff salaries 
in September, 1973, the highest 
administrators’ s ia r ie s ,  the 
highest average years of 
teaching experience and the 
highest percentage of teachers 
with advanced degrees also 
registered the highest, scores 
on the Iowa tests.

This was true even within 
districts. In Baltimore, for ex­
ample, . eight schools that

sible, and Jam es A. Sensen- 
baugh, the state superintendent 
of schools, said he had opposed 
a statewide r ^ r t  from the 
first.

“What’s  wrong with these 
scores,” he said, “ is that they 
are designed on the basis of 
one period in a child’s  life, to  
be u ^  in another period.” 

State officials also em ­
phasized that the scores are 

scored particularly well in j subject to  error and do not 
reading and math also had | measure so-called affective 
high average teaching experi-1 programs of a school—the 
ence and a high percentage of i teaching of discipline and hu- 
teachers with master’s  degrees!m an relations, for example, 
or above. | Nevertheless, the huge report

There were exceptions within I contains a wealth of statistical 
all of the generalities, and data that can be tied into 
these included individual achievement scores. Among the 
schools and entire districts, highlights:
Kent county, in the middle and I » Montgomery county has the

com es of less than f i  figures. 
The median income iSomerset '  
was $5,890. . ; ,

•  ’The state’s sing rem ain- ■ 
ing one-room schoolTylerton " 
Elementary on Smi Island 
Somerset county, rformed 
very poorly in the maematics . 
tests, but Deal Islai School, -■ 
also in Somerset, rforaiW , 
above expectations oidi tes s . , .  .

•  Only in four miopolitM  
counties. Prince Geors, Mo it- ’ 
gomery, Howard al Ar le  - 
Arundel, do fathers h/e m  re 
years of education tin mo h- f 
ers. The poorer the cinty, le 
greater the disparitybetw- m 
mothers’ and fathers’iears of 
education. .

•  Two-thirds of th d a s  is  ■ 
tested in Kent county :orec in: “



FIVE-YEAR STUDY 
O SBUSIRG SCORED

findiiigThat It Causes White 
Exodus Is Disputed

By BARBARA CAMPBELL
. 1\vo leading sociol(^ists in 
(he fields o f race relations and 
tducation yesterday attacked 
i ie  findings of a  long-time de- 
legregation proponent that 
Wurt-ordered busing w as the 
►rime cause of the flight of 
Whites to  the suburbs.
; The sociologists, Dr. Robert 

Green o f Michigan State 
Jniversity and Dr. Thomas F. 
^ettigrew of Harvard Universi- 
y, made the attack at a news 
tonferencB called by the Na- 
lonal Association for the Ad- 
'ancement o f Colored People 
k the Sheraton Hotel, Seven®  
►venue and 56th Street. The 
fadings had been made by 
ir. dames S. ColemSn, a Uni- 
W sii^ of Chicago sociologist, 
Ifter a five-year study of 20 
chool districts around ® e  
ountry.
' Roy Wilkins, executive direc- 
Or o f the N.A.A.C.P., said that 
'oth fhe civil rights movement 
jnd the educational world were 
jstunojed” by Dr. Coleman’s 
Bidiii^, which Dr. Green and 
i .  Pettigreiw termed “prema- 
ire” and unsubstantiated. Mr. 
/ilkinif said he wondered 
‘hethSer Dr. Coleman was being 
hsed** to "draw ® e  Negro 
way from the courts” in ob' 
linirig'ititegrated education. 
’Dr.” Coleman could not be 
Wched by telephone yesterday 
► camment. In the study, 
■hich covered the period be- 
Veen 1968 and 1972, Dr. Cole- 
'an analyzed desegregation 
t o  from 20 of the largest 
ihool districts, including New 
w k„and  Chicago, and com- 
tredTthe information with that 
o m ith e  50 next-largest dis- 
Scts; “Induced integration his 
hdmgs indicated; had ted J o  
|e flight of w hites and rese-

HOTW r, Dr. Coleman <hd 
nd ® a t integration 
Hies studied seemed more 
'able. .  ^ .A ‘Danger of E rror
in  a joint statement Dr. Green 
jd Dr. Pettigrew, bo®  m 
diom have been u s ^  as expert 
itnesses in a num ter of dese- 
mgation cases, criticized Dr. 
bllman for not «-
Contradiction” m his find.mgs 
lat small cities appear^  unaf- 
icted by basing and that lar- 
»r cities expenenced fligh®  
i  white residents as a result

“major fault” of the stu- 
V according to  the tw o socio- 
Igists, is  what they believe 
f Dr. Coleman’s failure to  
gamine o® er possible reasons 
«r the decision of whites to 
cove from the cities into the 
iburbs, such as pollution, 
fime. ® e  movement of indus- 
■V from cities ajnd urban 
iight.

The causes of white flight, 
>r. Green and Dr. Pettigrew 
■id, “are more complex than 
toleman has indicated.” For 
VsUnce, they said, toe greatest 
lumber of whites left cities 
pr toe suburbs between 1950 
fed 1970.

In Detroit between 1965 and 
970, they said, when there 
fas no busing for racial inte- 
iratlon and toe school there 
(rere “the most racially segre­
gated,” the school system lost 
f80,240 white students” to the 
m W bs.

Dr. Coleman’s research, they

maintained, “has not actually 
asked individual white parepts 
who have moved to the suburbs 
why they did so.’’

“The danger of error here 
is great,” they said.

The findings of Dr. Coleman’s 
study, which is being prepared] 
for the Urban Institute in 
Washington and is expected 
to have a strong impact on 
the future of integration, are 
" at best premature,” Dr. Green 
and Dr. Pettigrew said.

They believe, they said, that 
Dr. Coleman is wrong in 
“claiming that the courts 
should not try to desegregate 
schools which have been segre­
gated by ‘individual’ rather 
than ‘official action.’ ”

They disputed what they in­
terpreted from the study as 
Dr. Coleman’s view that deseg­
regation should “flow out of 
the will of the community.” 

“If w e really depended on 
that,” said Dr. Pettigrew, who 
is professor of social psycholo­
gy and sociology at Harvard; 
“w e’d still have slavery.”



Any busing defenders left?

RASPBERRY

By William Raspberry
The Washington Post

W ITH THE RECENT capitulation of 
Prof. James R. Coleman (he of the 

celebrated Coleman Report), hardly anyone 
is left to defend big-scale busing for the pur­
pose of school integration.

It was Coleman, now a sociologist at the 
University of Chicago, whose 1966 study, un­
dertaken for the United States Office of Edu­
cation, provided the rationale for the mas­
sive busing programs of the past 10 years.

A key finding of the Coleman Report 
was that black children in integrated class­
rooms perform better than their counter­
parts in all-black classrooms.

And since he also found that the per­
formance of white children was not dimin­
ished by racial inte­
gration, it was hard 
to resist the conclu­
sion that America 
ought to move as 
quickly as it could to 
see to it that every 
black child had the 
benefit of integrated 
education. And what 
quicker way could 
there be than the 
instant integration 
of massive busing?

Well Dr. Coleman has taken another 
look, and his new conclusion — expressed in 
an April speech before the American Educa­
tional Research Association and in a recent 
interview with the National Observer — is 
that busing is killing integration, not pro-' 
moting it; that America’s largest cities are  
becoming more rigidly segregated as a di­
rect result of busing.

According to Coleman, it is implementa­
tion, not theory, that has gone awry:

"The theory is that children who them­
selves may be undisciplined, coming into 
classrooms that are highly disciplined, 
would take on the characteristics of their 
classmates and be governed by the norms of 
the classrooms, so that the middle-class val­
ues would come to govern the integrated 
classrooms.

“In that situation, both white and black 
children would learn.

“What sometimes happens, however, is 
that characteristics of the lower-class black 
classroom — namely a high degree of disor­
der — come to take over and constitute the 
values and characteristics of the integrated 
school. It’s very much a function of the pro­
portion of lower-class pupils in the class­
room.”

I do wish Coleman had taken the bother 
to explain that “black” and “ lower-class” 
are no more synonymous than are “white” 
and “middle-class.” But then he might also 
have pointed out that in the large cities,

where busing constitutes the largest prob­
lem, the lower-class populations are getting 
bigger and — as the cities themselves- be­
come less white — also blacker. ,

Nor does he believe that metropolitan­
wide busing is the answer.

“I believe it’s not entirely lower-class 
blacks that middle-class whites are fleeing,” 
he said. “They are fleeing a school system 
that they see as too large, as unmanageable, 
as unresponsive, to find a smaller, more re­
sponsive system. If the system is made even 
larger, covering the whole metropolitan 
area, many parents will find ways to escape 
it, either by moving even further out or by 
use of private schools.”

For the big cities, with the big problem, 
Coleman is convinced white flight will con­
tinue, at least among those with the finan­
cial means to flee, unless solutions are de­
vised that can attract the active cooperation 
of middle-class families.

But what, exactly, is it that we’re seek-, 
ing a  solution to? If we had asked ourselves 
that question, and insisted on an honest an­
swer, maybe we wouldn’t  be dealing with 
massive busing now.

Are we seeking a  solution to racial 
segregation generally? Then why pick on the 
schools instead of the neighborhoods, where 
the real segregation is maintained?

Is the problem inadequate education for 
poor children? If so, who could have be­
lieved — Coleman notwithstanding — that 
problem could be solved by transporting 
whole classrooms from one neighborhood to 
another?

Is it unequal distribution of resources 
that we are trying to correct? Then why 
don’t  we go after them instead of going after 
integration?

Busing hasn’t solved anything because 
busing can’t  solve anything except transpdr- 
tation problems. And transportation never 
was the issue.

Coleman believes the courts were badly 
mistaken to rely on his report as the ration­
ale for wide-scale busing — or for anything 
else. For what was a t issue before the courts 
was a question of constitutional rights. Cole­
man’s report formed, at most, a basis for 
changing educational policy.

Coleman himself sees the folly of trying 
to combine the two areas.

“Consider what would have happened if 
the report had said that segregated class­
rooms improved pupil performance,” he 
told the Observer. “Would the courts have 
been justified in ordering busing to create 
racial imbalance?

“Of course not. Courts are taking a very 
precarious path when they make research 
results about the achievement consequences 
of school integration a basis for reorganizing 
a school system. That’s not their function, in 
my view.”

Nor in mine.

Oim-EVEI»NEH/S



Infiux of Population 
Down in Urban Area&
In New Trend, Only 3 oi 8 Biggest 
Districts List Net Gain for ’70 to ’73

By WILLIAM E. FARRELL
The nation’s eight biggest 

metropolitan areas have experi­
enced since 1970 a sharp de­
cline in the rate at which 
people are moving into them, 
a key measure of growth. Sev­
eral demographers say the de­
cline is without precedent since 
the first census in 1790.

Three of the eight areas— San 
Francisco, Boston and Wash­
ington —  have been able to 
maintain small net balances 
o f in-migration over out-migra­
tion: More people moved in 
than left.

But the, five others —  New  
York, Los Angeles, Chicago, 
Philadelphia and Detroit— have 
gone to the minus side. All 
o f  these but Chicago had shown 
migration gains during the 
nineteen-sixties. The turnabout 
in Los Angeles was particularly 
dramatic.

Pro.iections made from the 
new  data, gathered by the Cen­

sus Bureau between 1970 anc 
1973, indicate' that during the 
next 15 years there will be 
a pronounced shift o f income 
away from the Northeast and 
North Central regions of the 
country to  the Southern and 
Western regions. However, this 
study found, per capita incomes 
in the Northeast and North 
Central regions will continue 
to  remain above the national 
average.

The expected shift in income 
along with the slowing growth 
rate in older urban areas will 
make the costs of providing 
essenitial municipal services 
creasingly onerous for wage 
earners, according to some ur- 
banologists. It w ill be, accord­
ing to this view, a bit like 
one person having to keep up 
all the rooms of an aging man­
sion whose inhabitants hav

Continued on Page 17, Column 1

Recent Population Shifts in The Nation's 
Eight Major Metropolitan Areas
Total net in-migration for the eight metropolitan 
areas with populations of over 3-million

1960-70 nTmm 2,408,000 (-1-5.0%)
1970-73 H  —664,000 (—1.2%)

218,000(1.4%)

-305,000 (-1.8%),

/C h iM g ^ []] |)> _ 1 7  000 (-0 .2 % )

-124,000 (—1.6%)

91,000(1.8%) 

-75,000 (—1,3%)

23,000 (0.5%)

BostonN,̂  <(]J] 32,000 (0.9%) 

^15,000(0.4%)

426,000(20.3%)

Th* New York Timts/Juns 14,1975



Rate'of Population Influx Is Declining in the 8 Biggest Urban Areas for First Time Since Census
Continued From Page 1, Col. g f ’' g f O f t h  of rural areas was

--------- ; faster than that of metropolitan
dwindled in number and af-| nation s nonmetro-

ipolitan counties— those with no 
iii«nce . I population center of at least

Precisely why the growth rateiso.oOO persons— gained 4.2 per 
of the major metropolita.i areasjcent population between April, 
has tapered off is still underjlS70, and July, 1973, while 
study. But census and demo-'*hetropolitan counties, which 
graphic experts interviewed re-ji"‘:'“'̂ e 2.9 per
w n tly  offered the foU ow ing^j^r,
theories: jslowing down in the United

?A slowdown in growth was states paralleled a similar re­
inevitable, and it is finally com -1 cent pattern in northwestern 
ing to pass in aging A m e r ic a n :Europe,
metropolitan areas, just as it 
is in Europe.

tJLarge metropolitan areas, 
where big cities, particularly 
during the early arid middle 
20th century, often annexed 
land to meet their growth 
needs, have run out of space 
and the cities are left with 
nothing more to annex.

lA n  "equaling out” is taking 
place with laggard regions like

up to regions like the Northeast 
that have had a protracted pe­
riod of constant growth.

flThe absence of a cohesive 
Federal urban policy is contrib­
uting to the aging of older 
cities because there is no nâ  
tional focus on the problems 
pKuliar to them. New York 
City, with its fiscal crisis, is 
cited in this context.

A ‘Striking Riversal’
In the nineteen-sixties, ac­

cording to Richard L. Forstall, 
a Census Bureau demographic 
expert, the eight major metro­
politan areas together "ah' 
sorbed 2.4 million net in-mi­
grants but, since 1970, in a 
particularly striking reversal of 
trend, they have lost 664,000 
net migrants.”

Over all, Mr. Forstall said, 
the eight areas, which include 
major cities and surrounding 
counties deemed part of the 
central city’s economic and so­
cial patterns, gained 7.9-million 
persons in the nineteen-sixties 
through both migration and na­
tural increase— that is, births.

This increase was nearly one- 
third of the nation’s total gain 
during the decade, according 
to Mr. Forstall, who is chief 
of demographic statistics for 
the Census Bureau’s  Population 
Division.

But census data gathered be-

London’s population growth 
largely ceased in the mid nine­
teen-sixties,” he wrote. “Sever­
al, though not all, of the West 
German metropolitan areas 
have shown little recent 
growth, after 20 years of rapid 
recovery” following World War 
II.

Recent statistics for Amster­
dam, Copenhagen and Stock­
holm, he said, “show a virtual 
halt to population growth in 
the metropolitan area.”

The slowing down of ti 
rowth rate o f heavily url 

areas of the United States sii 
1970 while the nqnurl 
growth rate speeded jM ,

Now, he said in an i^erviev.-,, The new s ’urvey meterial al Government has not enacted 
the era o f annexation, particu-;showing a waning growth rate a national welfare program, 
larly in the .crowded Aortheast-jin the Northeast has raised! In addition, he said, the 
erp United States, is Aver. | questions about whether the Northeast trails other areas of

“Quite simply,” Ife said, "thelEastem Seaboard is "declin- 
space is ail f i l l^  up.” ling.”

According to /M r . Forstall,! According to Prof. George 
the large g a in / made in theiSternlieb, director of the Center 
South during the nineteen-sh-;.,fcj. urban Policy Research at' 
ties a .rate o f  p'ow th that.j^utggrs University, the ques. 
has accelerated in the mneteen-|tion* is „ot so  much one of 

*. ^  ?ae|..^ecline” but one of: “Can the
S d U io L lh j^ la S g e T fa r tehfn^^ gracefully?”
the groivffl patterns of thej Dying Gracefully 
N orthe^t Ahd Midwest. I “Vienna is dying gracefully,

“Wh$t is really amazing is but it has no competition,”
how * e  Northeast remained 
dominint so long,” Dr. Gibson 
Mid. w e’re seeing now
is a f tond of equaling o u t” 

AnpBier possible factor, ac- 
cornpg to  Mr. Forstall, is that 
a gjfowing segment of the popu- 
lat/jh  is picking and choosing 
w /ere it wants to live rather 

#1 letting the job market 
:^tate location.

He sail} that this segmen:
the South bceinnin- to catch! slowing down of thp was probably quite small but

u t .  Vorth».«t growth_rate__of heavily u r ^ l t h a t  it n ^ertheless was larger
i^ y tn a n  in thip past, .when ‘ people 
r/^ jd id n ’t settle in Chicago neces-

tween 1970 and 1973 show  
the over-all gain in the eight 
areas in that period to be 
fewer than 600,000 people.
■ In a study analyzing the nev/ 

data, Mr. Forstall said thait 
smaller metropolitan areas—, 
those with populations betweah 
one and three million people— 
“have also experienced con­
siderable reduction in growth 
since 1970.”

Most of the in-migration in 
such areas has been in retire­
ment centers in the areas of 
Phoenix, A riz ..- Miami-Fort- 
Lauderdale anA/Tampa-St. Pe­
tersburg in Florida,

Gains for Smaller Areas
Metropolitan area#: of less 

than one million population. 
Mr. Forstall said, “have had 
a higher annual net in-migra­
tion rate since 1970 than they 
have had in the nineteen-sixe,! 
ties.

Mr. Forstall said, “a deveji 
ment that stands in contrast 
with practically all preceding 
periods back to 1790.”

“The more rapid growth of 
larger urban concentrations as 
compared to nonmetropolitan 
territory has been one o f the 
most persistent of American 
demographic trends,” he said 

Growth In Capital
Of the eight major metropoli 

tan areas, only the Washington 
area —  one with increasingly 
large numbers of Government 
workers—has grown since 1970 
by as much as 1 per cent 
a year in net migration into 
the city.

The San Francisco area, 
which had 485,000 in-migrants 
during the nineteen-sixties or 
13.9 per cent, showed an in­
crease of only 23,000 in the 
new survey, or 0.5 per cent.

The Boston area, which dur­
ing the nineteen-sixties had 32,- 
000 in-migrants, or 0.9 per cent, 
showed an increase .o f ' 15,000 
cr, 0.4 per cent, in the 1970-73 
study.

‘The near feessation cf 
growth has been especially dra­
matic. for Los Angeles,” Mr, 
Forstall said.

During the nineteen-sixties 
the Los Angeles area had 
net in-migration o>f almost 1.2. 
million people, but from 197C 
through 1973 it had a net out­
migration of 119,000.

The N ew  York metropolitan 
area, which for purposes of 
the census survey included New  
.York City, Nassau and Suffolk 
Counties and portions of New  
Jersey within commuting dis­
tance, had a net decrease of 
in-migrants during 1970-1973 
of 305,000,

For the Chicago area the 
decrease was 124,000: for Phil- 
adelphia. 75,000, and' for De-.. 
tro-it. 114,000.

In discussing possible reasons 
frr the decline, Dr. C?mpbell 
Gibson, chief of the Census 
B'-reau’s Natioral Pooulation 
Estimates and Projection 
Bra-nch, noted that in the p s't  
large cities often annexed ad­
jacent territory, thus adding 
land that often . took decades

settle _ _____
sarily because it was a desir­
able placf to live. Jobs were 
there.”

Professor Stem lieb said in an 
interview, “N ew  York is in 
competition with the rest of 
the country.”

In Mr. Stem lelieb’s view, the 
slowdown in the Northeast has 
been accentuated by a lack 
of Federal policy in the urban 
field.

He also said that while the 
Federal Government asserted it 
had no migration policy its 
investment in subsidized hous­
ing leaned, heavily toward the 
.South and Southwest.

The Northeast, with its heavy 
welfare caseloads, Professor 
Stem lieb said, is also “the v ic­
tim” of the fact that the Feder-

the country in receiving so- 
called “pork barrel” Govern­
ment projects that provide 
many regional jobs.

“When was the last dam 
built in New York City?” he 
said.

Since there has been no na­
tional policy dealing with aging 
metropolises, he said, there is 
confusion at the local level,

“Nobody’s guilty,” Mr. Stern- 
lieb remarked. “Everybody’s 
acting in their own best inter­
ests.’’

A Federal policy is needed, 
he said, because the cumulative 
effect o f piecemeal self-interest 
i t  the local level “can be disas­
trous.”

Thomas Muller of the Rutgers 
urban center recently analyzed 
the fiscal characteristics of 
aging urban areas undergoing 
out-migration.

“The ability of local and state 
governments to provide public 
services can be severely con­
strained by out-migration,” he 
said in a report. “The large New  
York, Pennsylvania or Ohio

urban centers will have a small- “The national trend [in in-,
er working population base to 
pay for capital outlays incurred 
in the past, while the demands 
for services to the elderly, un­
derprivileged and minority low- 
income households will continue 
to increasfe.”

Mr. Muller, who analyzed 
recent census data, said, “The 
number of: municipal workers 
per 1,000 residents is 39 per 
cent higher in declining cities 
compared to those with rising 
populations. Houston has only 
7.2 workers and San Diego 
7.4 workers per 1,000 residents, 
while older cities such as Bos­
ton, New Orleans and Philadel­
phia have almost tw ice as 
many workers.”

He did not include New York 
City in the report.

The Census Bureau’s Regional 
Economic Analysis Division 
made projections of the new  
survey data to  the year 1990. 
It foresaw a continuing trend 
of people and income into the 
South, but the report also said: 

“Despite the tendency for 
per capita incom e in low-in­
come states to grow more rap­
idly than in high-income 
states, the gap remains wide

come] both historical and 
projected, is up strongly,” the 
report said, “and all slates and 
regions share in the gains—  
some more than others. A 
downward relative trend in a 
region, therefore, usually means 
less - than - average percentage 
growth; in only a few  instances 
does it signify an absolute de­
cline in the measure.”

The report envisioned “a pro 
nounced shift of income away 
from the Northeast and North 
Central parts o f the country 
to the Southern and Western 
portions” and added: “The Far 
West and New England are 
exceptions to this generalize 
tion in the sense that they  
move at approximately the na­
tional rate.”

Factories for the South

the South will experience “an

The major reason given for 
the rapid expansion of income 
in the South, according to the 
projection, is manufacturing- 
both continuation of the al­
ready strong Southern textile 
industry and a rapid growth in 
chemicals, machinery, fabricat­
ed metals, paper and printing.

The projection foresees that

expansion in total manufactur­
ing half again as fast ag 'that 
in the nation as a whole.” '

Another impetus for the 
South is expected to come fr/om 
a growing tourist and recrea­
tion industry. “

The population shifts' in 
larger, older metropolitan irUas 
were analyzed recently '. ■by 
Vincent P. Barabba, director 
of the Census Bureau, in a t /lk  
he gave to a panel of ufban 
experts. What little growth Has 
been taking place in these niet- 
ropolitan areas, he said, -I’bfas 
occurred only with the sub­
urban areas.”

“The central cities,” he sqjd, 
“have lost about 2 per |« i i t  
of their populations since 
1970.”

“■When w e look at the .Isiib- 
urbs on a regional basis,” ; Mr. 
Barabba said, “w e find .that 
since 1970 they have accoucited 
for all the growth in the N ^ h  
and the South. Only in ,.;the 
West has there been any ipea- 
surable increase in the central- 
city population.

“So the suburbs continue-to  
be the mainstay of metropoli­
tan growth both regionally and 
nationally, just as they wpre 
durine the nineteen-sixties.”

Census data showed also thatitbfill up with people.

Study Sees More Urban Sprawl, 
Further Decrease in Rural Life

The nation’s recent popula­
tion trends reflect “primarily 
continued urban sprawl on a 
much larger scale than before,” 
rather than the return to rural 
life suggested by some census 
oHicials, the Regional Plan As­
sociation asserted here yester­
day.

The New York-based civic 
research group published a 68- 
page report, financed by the 
Ford Foundation, projecting 
trends that it said could lead 
to a population of 300 million 
in the year 2020.

With such trends, it added, 
almost all Americans would be 
living “in virtually continuous 
urban belts of counties contain­
ing at least 100 persons per 
square mile, the point where a 
rural feeling begins to change 
to urban.”

Dr. John P: Keith, the associa­
tion’s president, declared such 
trends "will be disastrous,” 
even if continued only for the 
next two decades. He urged a 
change in public policies to 
build strong large and small 
downtown centers, providing 
jobs and services, with com­
pact communities for housing 
around them.

U. S. Spending Analyzed 
Changes to keep metropoli­

tan and rural areas distinct, he 
said, are required by the na­
tion’s energy problems. ‘‘Strong 
central cities are needed to 
keep the whole American so­
ciety together,” he aded.

The new report included an 
analysis of present Federal ex­
penditures showing that the 
largest metropolitan areas have 
had far less Federal spending 
for all purposes than the small 
est —  $1,127 a person for 
areas of 2.5 million people 
and more in fiscal 1970, com­
pared to $1,732 in areas under 
250,000.

Metropolitan areas seem 
“needed for a high-technology 
society.” Dr. Keith said indi­
vidual income and white-collar 
jobs generally increased pro­
portionally. They have been 
growing despite urban prob­
lems, he said, but “spreading 
on to much more land per per-

save energy short trips, 
such ■ as by fools, and public
transportation. Vi.

This, it said, tequirad a den 
sity of 10,000 persons- per 
square mile or more. In 1950,
15 per cent of the population 
lived in such areas; in 1970, 
only 10 per, cent. (Manhattan’; 
density is 69,000 per square 
mile.)

At recent average densities, 
the nearly 50 per cent increase 
in population— possibly rising 
to 300 million by the year 2020 
—would make 5.7 per cent of 
the continental United States 
“urban-suburban,” compared 
with 3.3 per cent in 1970,' the 
report said. If density keeps 
shrinking at recent rates, the 
urban-suburban” use could be 

as high as 8 per cent.
Mergers Seen 

Actually, the new study said 
the most “plausible” projec­
tion for “urban-suburban” 
areas in the year 2020 would 
be 265 million people, an in­
crease of 50 million. This 
would be based on last year’s 
birth rate of 1.8 children a 
family and a continuing immi­
gration of 400,000 people a 
year.

But a return to the 1971-72 
birth rate of 2.1 children a 
family—with which children 
merely replace their parents 

-and the same immigration 
would produce 300 million 
population, an “upper limit of 
probable growth,” the report 
said.

Under either projection, the 
association foresaw a virtual 
merger of urban regions in 
the East—from Maine to 
Georgia along the Atlantic 
Seaboard, linking up through 
New-York State and Pennsyl­
vania -with the Middle W est 

far out as Minneapolis-St.

Farther south, it foresaw half 
Of Florida’s counties with den­
sities of over 100 persons a 
square mile. Another almost 
continuous urban strip would 
run along the Gulf of Mexico 
from Alabama to eastern Texas.

In the Far West, a similar 
belt would stretch from Arizona

The report said there had through most of California, with 
been a decrease in the proper- a gap before picking up again 
tion of the nation’s population i in the Northwest all the way up 
living close enough together to'to Seattle.



tHE N E W  Y O R K  TIMES, SATURDAY, JUNE 7, 197S 25

Long-Time Desegregation Proponent Attacks Busing as Harmful
By PAUL DELANEY

Special to The Nevp York Times
CHICAGO, June 6— Dr. James 

! S. Coleman, a sociologist who is 
Ija leading proponent of school de­
li segregation, has attacked court- 
lordered integration, particularly 
I the use of busing, as the prime 
[cause of w hite’s fleeing to  the 
I suburbs and the recent segrega- 
jtion  in big city public school 
I system s.

attacks have shocked 
? civil rights leaders, who 
'that another friend of in- 

P ^tion  is joining other white 
Pferals in a retreat from the 

frinciples of school desegrega- 
lion in the face of mounting 

Iwhite resistance and violence.
Dr. Coleman denied that he 

Iwas retreating. He said that he 
Jfelt even stronger about the 
■need for integration, but was 
Iseriously disturbed by court ac- 
Ition that, although well-in- 
I tended, achieved effects oppo- 
Isite from those desired. He said’ 
Ithat a reassessment of the 
Istrategy for achieving integra- 
Ition was necessary.

“Integration isn’t losing any 
I support, but as I see it, the 
Istrategies are basically produc- 
l in g  .resegregation, unfortunate 
■ strategies that are the out- 
I growth o f court cases,” he said 
I in an interview Tuesday in his 
[o ffice at the University o f Chi- 
[cago.

Stable Approach Urged
“We need an approach that 

[ is  more stable, because if inte- 
[gration is going to  come to 
[e x ist in this country, w e have 
[ to  devise w ays where after two  
[or  three years of integration w e  
[w on’t  end up with resegrega- 
Ition .”

He said that that phenome- 
Inon came about because the 
■courts went beyond the role of 
■merely defining the constitu­
t io n a l  and legal questions and 

attempted to achieve integra- 
Ition, something “best left to  
[the other tw o branches of gov­
ernment.”

Dr. Coleman w as the author 
of a study in 1966 that bears

Associated Press
Dr. Jam es S. Colem an

his name. He w as at Johns 
Hopkins University in Balti­
more at the time. He w ent to  
the University of Chicago tw o  
years ago.

Civil rights leaders used Mr. 
Coleman’s report as ammuni­
tion in the fight against se^ e -  
gated schools. It w as the first 
major study of the effects of 
school integration.

The one finding of the report 
that attracted the attention of 
advocates of integration was 
that the achievement level of 
black pupils in new ly integrat­
ed schools improved slightly 
over that of their peers left be­
hind in segregated classrooms.

But a key item seemingly lost 
in the praise for pupil achieve­
ment in an integrated setting 
w as that the home environ­
ment played the dominant role 
in shaping the early learning 
experience of children.

Some civil rights leaders have 
been disturbed in the last few  
years by w hat they considered 
the defection of some white 
liberals, especially some in the 
academic community. Cited as 
examples were Danile Patrick

Moynihan, who left Harvard 
University to  join the White 
House staff of President, Nixon, 
and David Armor and Christop­
her Jencks, Harvard sociolo­
gists who questioned the posi­
tive effects of integrated educa­
tion.

But the “loss” of Dr. Cole­
man, in view  of the esteem  
in which he w as held as a 
result of his 1966 study, was 
particularly painful for some. 
Nathaniel Jones, legal counsel 
of the National Association for 
the Advancmmement of Co­
lored People, in a telephone 
interview, said “the academic 
sector is just not reliable” as 
a civil rights ally,

Mr, Jones contended that the 
new  position o f Mr. Coleman 
w as representative cf waning 
support of civil rights by W 
ite liberals, and that his criti­
cism of the counts and busing 
would influence other liberals. 
As an example, he cited the 
march by busing advocates in 
Boston last month. He said 
that one of the movement’s 
past major supporters, orga­
nized labor, did not participate 
in the demonstration.

Flight of Whites
Dr. Coleman’s view s are con­

tained in a preliminary report 
on a new study o f the affects 
of integration. The study is 
being prepared for the Urban 
Institute in Washington, and 
it is expected to have a strong 
impact on the future of integra­
tion.

In the study, Dr. Coleman 
analyzed, desegration data from 
the 20 largest school districts 
in the country, including New  
York and Chicago, and com­
pared the information with that 
from the next 50 largest dis 
tricts,

was more hopeful about the 
future of integration than his 
findings might indicate. He said 
that the was; particularly eft- 
couraged by the new  image of 
blacks .projected by television  
through such programs as “The 
Jeffersons” and “Good ..Times.” 
He said that those programs 
had an impact on the accept­
ance ctf blacks by whites and 
the breaking down 'o f racial 
barriers:

Fu rth e r ,  h e  sa id , h e  W a s  en; 
c o u ra g e d  b y  th e  in c re a se  in  
in te r ra c ia l  d a t in g  a n d  m a rr ia g e , 
a  p o s it io n  th a t  m a n y  c iv il 
r ig h t s  a d v o c a te s  a re  re lu c tan t  
to  s ta te  p u b lic ly ,  ■ ’

“No society is going to be 
completely integrated until 
there is widespread interracial 
marriage,” Dr. Coleman said.

In his report and in the inter-, 
view. Dr. Coleman said that 
the nature o f integration had 
changed drastically. When the 
black pupils being integrated 
were well - behaved, well- 
scrubbed, bright middle-class 
youngsters in small numbers, 
whites found integration more 
acceptable.

because it is  not set up t< 
counter every individual action 

“The tools the court had t( 
eji.niinate individual- actiot 
were such blunt and cqercivt 
tools that they were in-pppro 
priate for desirable social ends 
The court doesn’t  have th( 
means to  d o ' that. It doesn' 
have the funds and resource.' 
to provide holding power t< 
make the schools stable. l! 
could institute a policy of de- 
segregation, but only the kind 
of policy with a short life.-ex­
pectancy.”

In the big cities, his prelimi 
nary, findings showed, class dis( 
tinctions more and more played 
the determining -role in inte­
grating the schools. Thus. wKitd 
racism and the fea-r of blacks 
combined with the d isr u p t^  
nature o f  lower-income bla& s 
to  maintain a vicious circle 
each phenomenon feeding. ,bn 
the other, he said. White racism 
put tremendous pressure on the 
black community, and lower-in­
come black youngsters reacted 
with' violent behavior, h e said  ̂

‘Ingrained Attitudes’
....................  “I f  in te g ra t io n  h a d  b ee n  l iin - J
The problem started w henjited to racial integration, . i f  

there was an attempt at mass (there had not been an attempr 
integration, of low er-incom e|to  carry out widespread cIm ! 
blacks with lower-income and intearatiDn, then the fear.'ofj 
middle-class whites or class in-1 incidents would have . bee; 
tegration as opposed to  racial (much, less, and the experieijci 
integration, Dr. Coleman said. I with integration would haw
, r » C n p . ™ n „ C l . . d

“There were tw o componenits I “'There has never been a ca; 
to integration,” he said. ( of lower-class ethnic integrj

“First, there w as the basic tion in the schools, becaui 
constitutional protection th at: schools historically we-fe ethit 
eliminated segregation, based: cally segregated b y '. ethnr 
on state action. North and neighborhoods. Ethnic integrj 
South. Then there was indivi-: tion came as people ■ mpv 
d u i  action manifested in w h ite' from lower class to  midi 
flight. ; class.”

“As long as th e , court dealt He said that because of da  
(with the first component, -seated racism, m iddle-cli

His preliminary findings were] viras O.K. But then it got into (w h ite s -n e v er  wanted tl 
that in the largest systems, the other realm beyond the; children to go to school

protection o f . constitutionalipredominantly lo w er -d  
rights. It attempted to eUmin- - black children, 
ate all facets of segregation,; Therefore, in big cities, w] 
not only that arising from State| parents either, move to scl 
action, but tiiat which arose (districts .w ith , few blacks! 

i from individual action. | send their children to iwif

“induced integration” by court 
action had led to  the flight 
of whites and resegregation. 
On the other hand, integration 
seemed more stable in the 
smaller cities.

Dr. Coleman said that he' “That is where it w ent w rong,' schools.



>sion Kills Black Teen-Ager Hopes
-  -

.  ^ l i b ? .

The New York Times/Tyrone Dukes
Willie Thompson, 19, left Orangeburg, S.C., to seek a 
job here. He has been unsuccessful. Above, he walks 

along East 127th Street, near his Harlem apartment.

By CHARLAYNE HUNTER
Tens of thousands of black 

and Puerto Rican teen-agers 
in New York City are “piling 
up at the bottom” of the reces­
sion. With no jobs and no pros­
pects of jobs, they are abandon­
ing their dreams of education, 
and their belief in the other 
institutions of a civilized socie­
ty, and are slipping back to­
ward the drugs and hustling 
of “the street.”

“I’m up at 5, going places, 
getting rejected,” said one 
South Bronx teen-ager who has 
a small daughter. “I’m not a 
moron, but it feels degrading.” 

“Once they know 1 never 
worked and have no skills— no 
work skills— no job,” said Mig- 
dalia Colon, 20 years old, also 
of the South Bronx. “That’s 
not right. We need a chance.” 

“Best that you can do is 
hang out, get high,” said a 
young black woman. “All that’s 
out there is reefer. Either 
smoke it or sell it, or both.” 

Anger. Frustration. Hopeless- 
he.ss. Such is the picture that 
emerged over the last two 
weeks in interviews with scores 
of black teen-agers in the city’s 
most deprived neighborhoods, 
where unemployment levels for 
the youths are as high—^many 
say— as 60 per cent.

No one is exactly sure Just 
how many that represents, or 
if, indeed, the percentage is 
accurate, since, for one thing, 
the United States Department 
of Labor, which counts teen-

Continued on Page 48, Column 1



"Rdcession Is Killing Hopes and Dreams of Black Teen-Agers',
Continued From Page 1, Col. 7

agers, contends that the sample 
among black teen-agers is “too 
small” to separate from over-all 
figures.

The New York State Employ­
ment Service estim ates that 
there are about 150,000 people 
between the ages of 16 and 
21 who are out of school and 
looking for w ork, with approxi­
m ately 45 to  50 per cent ofj 
that number— or 82,500—black 
and Hispanic. ■

There are about 400,000 
more, officials say, who are 
out of work, out of school 
and not looking, with some 
45 to 50 per cent o f that num­
ber black and Hispanic, offi­
cials say.

Black and Hispanic teen-agers 
find that looking for work is 
itself a full-time occupation, 
costly, but unrewarding.

They say that they are ex­
ploited by both legitimate and 
“fly by night” employment 
agencies, and by prospective 
employers who seek sexual fa­
vors— from young men as well 
as young women.

Many who counted at least 
on summer employment are 
complaining that “you have to 
know somebody” to  get the 
limited number of jobs avail­
able— about 50,000 so far for 
all teen-agers through combined 

Federal and city programs.
Further, many of the teen­

agers are living on their own, 
frequently with fam ilies of 
their own to support. In numer­
ous cases, young wom en with  
babies have rejected marriage 
to  the fathers because, as one 
young woman put it, “they 
don’t have jobs either.”

Little Recreation
Community workers and oth­

ers stress that while jobs are 
paramount, it is going to  be 
even rougher for the thousands 
of unlucky teen-agers “walking 
the beat,” as they say of idle­
ness in the Bronx, without ex­
panded plans for recreational 
programs.

Two students at Harlem Prep, 
waiting their turn to play on 
a Harlem basketball court, said 
recreation w as no substitute 
for jobs.

“I don’t want to be out here 
in the street with no job, you  
can get in trouble,” said Eric 
Griffin, 17, of the Bronx.

“I had no idea it w as going 
to  be this rough said Sylvester 
MacKay, 18, from Jamaica, 
Queens.

For many of the youngsters 
who are still at home, relation­
ships with parents are often 
strained'—on one hand, because 
parents— many of whom have 
only marginal jobs themselves! 
— tend to blame the young 
people for not finding work;{ 
on the other hand, because 
the teen-agers feel betrayed by 
their parents w ho advise them 
that staying in school would 
insure their getting ahead.

Eliud Alicea turned 18 this 
year, which means, among oth­
er things that the Housing Au­
thority raises the rent in his 
parent’s publicrhousing apart­
ment. But he cannot find a 
job, so that while he is the 
cause o f the rent increase, he 
can neither move out or help 
with meeting it.

A dilemma for these young 
people— many of whom are 
high-school dropouts— is that 
they have few, if any, skills. 
But as they look around, they 
see college graduates out of 
work and competing for the

same jobs. Others, applying for 
training programs, are being 
told they have to have exper­
ience to get in.

For some, who have held 
on to  the hope that college 
may mean something to  them 
in the long run, their optimism  
is fading as programs designed 
to give them needed financial 
aid, such as Search for Educa­
tion, Elevation and Knowledge 
(SEEK) and Model Cities, are 
being cut back and terminated.

“They’re piling up at the 
bottom ,” said Royston Nero, 
director of a Harlem Manpower 
Center, as he explained that 
he bad more than 1,500 applica­
tions for 265 summer jobs.

New federally financed pub­
lic-service jobs ^re not benefit­
ing them because thei'r criteria 
is just “out of work for 30 
days,” he continued. And there 
is only a very small,” number 
of even the most-menial jobs.

The responses of the youth 
tend to  be angry, generalized 
denunciations of systems: Ed­
ucation, they say, has failed 
them. Politics, they say, has 
used them, and welfare, tliey 
say, has abused them.

The people who deal with 
young people’s problems feel 
that such a response is likely 
to lead to explosive, spontane­
ous acts that may also lack 
direction.

Societal Conditions Stressed
Probation officers and others 

who deal with youthful offen­
ders generally agree that many 
of the crimes committed by 
them— ^robbery, muggings, bur­
glary— are tied in some way  
to both societal conditions gen­
erally and joblessness specifi­
cally.

“It’s leading to apathy and 
depression, which is more 
harmful than physical abuse,” 
said Dr. James'P. Comer, asso- 
d a te  professor of psychiatry 
at the Yale University Child 
Study Center.

“That’s what happened in 
slavery and that’s what w e’ve 
created again in young blacks 
and Puerto Ricans.”

Some youngsters still come 
to the city from the South, 
under the illusive hope that 
brought the masses of blacks 
here in the first place— “more 
businesses here than down 
there,” as W illie Thompson, 19, 
put it, as he waited in the 
State Employment office in 
Harlem.

What Mr. Thompson left be­
hind in Orangeburg, S.C., early 
this year was a situation in 
which his tw o oldest brothers 
were among many blacks being 
laid off because of industrial 
cutbacks, or one in which work­
ers were making a three-day 
week, or one week on and one 
week off at the local cotton mill.

Mr. Thompson wants to be 
a physical-education teacher, 
but he has to make some mo­
ney to go to school.

Two weeks ago, he heard

of a situation in which a young 
man w ho w as working as a 
shipping clerk was discharged 
because he had had no exper­
ience and w asn’t  dciing the job.

“The employment agency 
sent me because I -had some 
experience. But all of them  
tell you they’ll call you in 
a day’s time. I’m still waiting.” 

Marie Smith, a slightly built 
17-year-old who supports her­
self, spoke of the special prob­
lems of being female as well 
as young and black.

Last month, she paid $30 
to one employment agency on 
14th Street. They sent her to 
Brooklyn, for a job as a seam­
stress in a factory, but the 
employer told her that the 
Bronx w as too far for her to 
commute.

"That w as three hours and 
tw o car fares I wasted because 
the lady didn’t  tell him where 
I lived.”

The next place they sent 
her was an office building 
where they had an opening 
for a coffee server she said. 
“But,” “as soon as he saw  
me, he said, ‘I wouldn’t  hire 
you anyway.’ And I was look­
ing presentable.”

Too Good a Friend 
After wasting $10 on a de­

funct entployment agency. Miss 
Smith decided to give up on 
them. Then, she said: •

“The elevator man once told 
me about a man who needed 
a receptionist in a garage. I 
went down and this big old 
garage w as all but empty, with  
one telephone on the wall.

“He told me to  come in, 
closed the door and locked it 
and began asking me if I knew  
how to cook, take things to  
the laundry. Stuff like that. 
Then be told m e , he’d be a 
good friend. I got out o f there, 
but that man made me cry.” 

George Grant, who is 19 and 
a student at John Jay College, 
had a similar experience at 
a major department store, 
where he said, "the dude in 
charge w asn’t correct.”

“He told me I could get 
the job if I would be his play­
mate,” he said, “I told him— po­
litely, because I wanted the 
jo b ^ th at I had a w ife and 
son. And he told me that was 
all right. He just wanted to  
share me for a w hile.”

Scheryl Underwood, who 
lives in the South Bronx, said 
that the only w ay she could 
go to  college was through Mod­
el Cities and Basic Education 
Opportunity Grants. But, she, 
loo, has been trying to find 
a job because she feels insecure 
relying on government funding.

“Once all the funds stop,” 
she w as saying the other day, 
“that’s the end for me.” She 
paused for a moment, then 

I added:
I “You know, a diploma had ' 
value untH all the blacks and

Puerto Ricans started getting 
them .”

Despite the frequent cynicism  
of young people toward college 
as a ‘“social control,” a w ay  
to  keep people out of the job 
market, the attitude of Eleanor 
Peterson, who bad to  drop out 
of school four years ago be­
cause she w as pregnant, is typi­
cal.

‘T ve been running back and 
forth to m y mother’s house 
and that’s a rut. I’ve been 
running back and forth to w el­
fare and that’s a bigger rut. 
I’m just running around and 
running around.

“Now, I’m planning to go 
into the Army because I know  
that’s income every month. And 
then after I serve m y time,
I can come out and the Army 
can take care of m e for a 
while after I get out. They 
can help me go to  college.”

Many of the young people 
interviewed expressed the feel­
ing that they were coming to 
the end of their patience as 
their optio'ns narrowed.

There is a w idely held belief 
that young people are going 
to start “acting out,” as the 
sociologist and psychiatrist de­
scribe antisocial behavior. One 
young woman in the Bronx, 
indicating a readiness for vio­
lent protest in  the streets, said, 
“I’m ready to get down.”
, For in spite of all of the 
hardship that they know and 
see, they nevertheless, see 
around them success stories 
and roile models— b̂ut not of 
the traditional sort.

Choosing a Career
One young woman said that 

‘■‘even my little brother is say­
ing, I want to grow up to  
be a big-time dope dealer. Then 
he tells you about som e dope 
dealer’s bathroom. 'He had a 
bad house, and he had himself 
a bathroom,’ m y brother told 
me.’S

One young man said that I 
he had been in the streets, [ 
had a Cadillac when he was 
17, but lost it when he almost | 
lo s t his life in a street alterca­
tion. :

“In hustling, there’s this thing 
called an unauthorized zone 
and if you cross it, they will 
kill you. I wanted to get out 
before somebody killed m e or 
I had to  kill somebody. So 
when the dude fired at me 
and hit my friend and said, 
‘Oh, I hit the wrong person,’
I said, ‘Oh no, you didn’t I I 
ieft town, went and stayed  
with my grandmother until 
things blew over. Now I don’t 
want to get back out there, | 
but I may-have to.”

■‘Even the people that’s I 
sca'ted are getting out there | 
now,” said another young man: 
“It’s not about being scared, 
it’s about surviving.”

Probation officers, poiicem enl 
and the young people them-1 
seives say that street hustiers,!

particularly those dealing in 
narcotics, are getting younger.

“The adult dealers are now  
using the young blacks because 
they figure they won’t slap 
those heavy sentences on 
them,” said a probation officer 
in the Bronx.

But it black teen-agers in 
general are having a hard time 
finding jobs, those w ith records 
are having it worse.

“’Their records are not sup­
posed to be held against them  
or even known about,” said 
a probation officer. “But many 
of the personnel people are 
former cops who have connec­
tions down at the Bureau of 
Criminal Identification. They 
may not be able to do a finger­
print check, but they’ll run 
a name check every time.”

Some probation officers argue 
that there is little correlation 
betw een joblessness and crime 
among young offenders, includ­
ing one who attributed much 
of , the antisocial behavior 
among black teen-agers to  “a 
general sense of rage” over 
their conditions.

But even those w ho argue 
that there is a  correlation.

agree that it is the conditions 
out of which many of the 
y9ungsters come that contrib­
utes to  their attitudes.

“It’s true,” said one probation 
officer. “A lot of these kids 
who have committed offenses 
don’t really want to work. They 
com e from backgrounds where 
the value system  is so different 
that their whole life-style is 
not consistent with work.

“They are poorly educated, 
so they drop out of school 
out of boredom. They are poor­
ly, trained and don’t even know  
hd’w  to look for a job, or what 
to wear, or how to talk to 
an interviewer once he gets 
there.”

Nevertheless, they argue, that 
blaming the victim for the fail­
ure of the system s, and institu­
tions is tlie wrong approach.

“The Army w ill not even 
take anyone actively on proba­
tion,” one probation officer 
said. “\Ve have resorted to  tell­
ing them that if the job does; 
not involve bonding, and nobody 
IS going to do a background 
check, then cheat a little bit. 
Don’t  tell them. Otherwise, 
where’s he going to  go?”

Blacks Link Job Woes 
To Employers* Racism

Eartba Warring came 
North to go to Hunter Col­
lege, where she hopes to ma­
jor in sociology—^provided 
she can get the financial 
assistance she .needs. She 
wants to  work eventually 
with retarded kids.

Here in New York, she 
is living with her aunt, who 

'has two children— one of 
whom is hyperactive and re­
quires special schooling.

“My aunt doesn’t complain 
about giving me money to  
get around.” Miss Warring 
explained the other day, 
while doing volunteer work 
in State Senator Carl H. Mc­
Call’s office in Harlem. “But 
I feel I’m a  big burden. I 
want to work so I don’t 
have to depend on her—but 
also to develop a sense of 
independence that will pre­
pare me for being older.”

Despite the fact that she 
has learned typing at a local 
Opportunities Industrializa­
tion Center and has passed 
all required tests, when Miss 
Warring has gone for jobs 
on several occasions, she has 
been turned down.

As she typed Mr. McCall’s  
special Mother’s Day sermon 
— a tribute to the black 
mother— she said she was 
convinced that racism was 
a factor in her job problems.

“Sometimes I know they 
have a job open, but because 
I’m black and female, they 
won’t give it to  me.”

•
Linda Jones—a pseudonym  

—opet had dreams of col­

lege, but somewhere between  
the dream and its realization, 
she got pregnant.

Since that time— four years 
ago— she has bounced from 
training program to training 
program and from job to  
job, and even— as a last re­
sort welfare.

“The programs don’t la-st, 
the jobs don’t pay enough 
and welfare puts you through 
so many changes that de­
grade you and still they don't 
give you enough to live on,” 
she said the other day, her 
voice trailing off briefly.

Now, she finds herself day 
dreaming about the streets, 
instead.

“The kids look up to the 
numbers men,” she said. “My 
mother looks up to the num­
bers men. If she ain’t got 
the rent, she can go to him. 
If they take the numbers 
men off the streets, I think 
mothers would start ripping 
off people.

“But I wonder what I’m 
thinking about when I see 
girls younger than me wear­
ing mink coats. Guys— 15, 
I fr ^ r iv in g  big cars.

“You got to start thinking 
about some alternatives. 
When our kids grow up, 
there aren’t going to be any 
jobs for them, either.

“All these babies coming 
over here from Vietnam. 
They’re not going into no 
poor families, like ours. 
They're going into white 
middle-class families. They’re 
going to get the good educa­
tion and the good jobs.”



StaH PhoJo—Guy Haves
JUDGE GRIFFINS. BELL .



'I've Gotten Tired'
Judge Griffin Bell of 5th C^cuit Resigning 
Rather Than Face More H^avy Caseloads

By MIKE CHRISTENSEN
U. S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Griffin B;- 

Bell announced Friday he is resigning to enter private law 
practice in Atlanta.

Bell, who probably handled more school desegregation 
cases than any other appeals court judge during nearly 15 
years with the 5th Circuit, will leave the bench March 1.

His letter of resignation was submitted to the White 
House Friday by U. S. Chief Justice Warren E. Burger.

“I’ve b^n  doing this a long time, and I’ve gotten 
Ured," Bell explained. “I feel like I’ve served any useful 
purpose I might have on the court.”

The 57-year-old jurist said he would rather quit with­
out a pension than face eight more years of increasingly 

I heavy caseloads before he reaches retirement age.
“We used to have a low volume of cases with a good 

d eli of time for reflection,” Bell said, “Now we have a 
high volume, and you become very weary on a high 

, volume court.”
I Former U. S. District Court Judge Sidney 0 . Smith,

who made the same decision in 1974 and joined an Atlanta 
law firm, called Bell’s resignation “a great loss, particu­
larly because of what he might have been able to do.”

"Judge Bell is a tremendous administrator, a good 
expediter and the sort of person who could find ways of 
easing the heavy caseloads in the courts,” Smith said. 
“With his knowledge and experience he is a tremendous re­
source that is being wasted, thrown away.”

While Bell said he has enjoyed his court service, the 
swelling flood of “routine” criminal cases in the past year, 
more than 40 per cent of them involving drug laws, has 
made him tired.

Bell sat on the 15-judge 5th Circuit Court through 
some of its stormiest civil rights years and helped to map 
out dozens of school desegregation plans in the deep South.

“I’ve been in every federal courthouse in Mississippi at 
one time or another,” he said, smiling.

Although he was never in- , 
volved with the Atlanta school 
desegregation suit, which has 
finally been settled after 16 
years in the courts. Bell is on 
the panel considering a 
metrowide Atlanta school 
case. But that is a case he 
will neither talk about nor fin­
ish.

One of the first federal 
judges who required biracial 
panels to work out local 
school problems. Bell remains I 
a firm believer in this arbi-1 
tration approach. And he ‘ 
hopes it will spill w e r  in to , 
other areas to give the courts f 
a breathing space.

“There’s too great a trend 
to take things to court,” he 
said. “There should be some 
system of arbitration, a way 
to give people an inexpensive, 
quick hearing.”

An Americus native and' 
graduate of the Mercer 
University Law School, Bell 
practiced law in Savannah 
and Rome before joining the 
Atlanta firm of King and 
Spalding in 1953.

He was a managing partner 
of the firm in i960 when he 
served as co-chairman of the 
late John F. Kennedy’s presi­
dential campaign in Georgia.

In October 1961, President 
Kennedy picked Bell for a va­
cant seat on the 5th Circuit' 
Court, based in New Orleans.

Less than a year later, Bell 
faced the toughest judicial 
decision of his career on a 
suit to outlaw the county unit 
voting system in his native 
state.

“I had been counsel to Gov.' 
(Ernest) Vandiver, and he 
was still in the governor’s  of­
fice. I had many friends who 
would suffer some kind of a 
political loss if the county 
unit system went out,” Bell 
recall^ .

But ignoring the political 
repercussions. Bell wrote the i 
court’s opinion against the |

unit system. “It was a very 
hard ^cision ,” he said.

Hard on the heels of the 
county unit system came 
other tough problems. Legis­
lative and congressional reap­
portionment took long days of 
study, and then the sch ool; 
suits started flooding in.

At one point during 1969, 
Bell said he felt like a “re­
gional school superintendent.” 
He was then riding herd on 
the desegregation plans of 30 
Mississippi school d is tr ic ts ,. 
most of. which he’d never  ̂
visited.

That was by no means his 
largest school task. He drew 
one case involving over 80 
different systems.

B ell’s method of dealing 
with school cases was to seek 
compromise, to allow  local 
people time for alternate 
plans and to avoid the mas­
sive jolt of busing. / ‘

He was the author of the 
majority-to-minority school 
transfer concept first estab­
lished in Orange County, Fla., 
and later used in Atlanta.

“The 5th Circuit never went 
too far,” Bell said. “It has 
never ordered a racial bal­
ance in the schools. That is 
not true in some other cir­
cuits.”

Bell’s attitude on schools — 
he has always favored the 
neighborhood school concept 
— was bound to make 
enemies am ong those who 
wanted desegregation stepped 
up.

“His earlier decisions might 
not have been as progressive 
as som e of us would have 
liked,” black Atlanta business­
man Lonnie King said. King 
was one of the architects of 
Atlanta’s school compromise.

King, however, believes 
that ^11 has changed a bit in 
recent years. “As the rule of 
law changed, . he has 
changed.”

Bell is. King concluded, “an 
outstanding jurist.” '

Bell has seen many changes 
in the law during his IS years 
on the bench. He joined the 
5th Circuit when Earl Warren

“A revolution over social 
change was accommodated in 
law and in no small measure 
in the federal courts,” Bell 
put it in his resignation letter. 
“We have moved now to a 
period when the law is in a 
process of necessary adjust­
ment and stabilization.”

One area which Bell feels 
has already largely stabilized 
is the school situation. And 
Atlanta is a case in point.

“I don't think it is fully 
realized that Atlanta now has 
a unitary school system and it 
is an essentially neighborhood 
school system,” Bell said.

“What is needed now is to 
have a public movement to 
let people know, and encour­
age them to join the system,” 
he said.

It was a hint, and the only 
hint, of his feelings about the 
m etow ide school desegrega­
tion case Bell Is now considerr 
ing.

In th e  fall of 1972, Bell 
spoke to the Atlanta Action 
Forum about the city’s school

was still U. S. chief justice 
and he has seen the ^ f t  in 
policy of the Burger court.

“During the Warren years 
we had a refurbishing rf the 
constitutional system and a  
major expansion of what 
equal protection under the 
law meant,” Bell said.

During this “period of insta­
bility,” the law was undergo­
ing constant change. Bell said. 
Now, that period has ended, 
and the Burger court is trying 
to consolidate the changes and 
give them time to filter 
through the nation’s  compli­
cated judicial system..

case and counseled settle­
ment. The following year, a 
group of black Atlantans who 
had filed the metrowide suit 
asked him to disqualify him­
self from their case because 
of his forum appearance and 
comments.

Bell refused.
And now, on the eve of re­

turning to private practice. 
Bell looks forward to being 
able to speak his mind with­
out judicial hinderance.

“You know a judge doesn’t 
have full citizenship, in that 
you’re restricted in what you

can do or what you can say?  
he observed.

One area he wants.to sp e ti  
out on his the country’s fegdl 
and legislative system.

“I think we may have too 
many crimes, and I definitely 
have the view that we have 
too many laws,” he said. In 
12th century England, he 
pointed out, there was such a 
detailed set of laws that the 
whole system finally col­
lapsed under its own weight,

“We may be approaching 
that situation in this country,” 
he said.



IS SCHOOL BUSING 
AT A DEAD END?

T ^ C < 4 L -

Interview With 
Terrel H. Bell,

Commissioner of Education

Curbs on the drive to inte­
grate classrooms by busing 
raise a new set of questions— 
and challenges—for educa­
tion. So says a top official in 
this interview with editors of 
"U. S. News & World Report."

l iM " ' I—

Commissionar Bell tws been in H T c  
since he got out of the Marine Corps Ntll 
Education, he held a variety of posts including a  l
superintendent of public instrjjction. H« hwiieiiin U. S. rniiiiiiiBaiiiiiiji I

Q. M r. Bell, has busing of schoolchildren for racial reasons 
now  reached  a dead  end?

A  At least i t ’s going to b e  lim ited In th e  future. T he new 
education  bill ju st signed by  President F ord  m ay n o t reduce 
busing  already in  operation, b u t I th ink it will ten d  to lim it its 
expansion because it perm its busing only to th e  next nearest 
school.

F u rth e rm o re , I th ink  th ere  will b e  m ore encouragem ent 
now  for th e  streng then ing  of the  neighborhood school ra ther 
th an  for busing—at least at th e  e lem en tary  level. The 
neighborhood-school concept was one of th e  things we lost 
w ith  busing. I hope th a t can b e  resto red  before long.

a  W hy?
A  I t’s m ore difficult to m aintain effective contact with 

p a ren ts  w hen  ch ild ren  are  bused for long distances. The 
longer th e  distance, th e  harder it  becom es. And i t’s my 
opin ion  th a t th e re ’s a trem endous correlation  betw een  
ach iev em en t in  low-income schools and  th e  educational level 
of parents.

T h e  m ost successful com pensatory-education program s 
th a t  w e’ve  funded  w ith federal m oney b ear this out. 
Invariab ly  in  those schools th ere  is a strong participation of 
p a ren ts— encouraging th eir ch ildren and working w ith the 
school on  th e  youngsters’ problem s.

T h a t is why th e  new  education bill has a req u irem en t that 
w e g e t m ore  p a ren t participation in these schools. All school 
d istricts g e tting  federal aid in low-income areas are requ ired  
to set u p  p a ren ts’ advisory councils.

Q  H ow  m uch good can advisory councils do?
A  T hey will n o t solve everything, of course, b u t I think 

th e  very  emphasis on building a home-school partnersh ip  is 
very  im portan t.

O n e  of th e  things w e have to rem em ber is th a t actually the 
p a ren ts  a re  th e  first teachers of th e  children. T hey have a 
g rea t im pact on  vocabulary, upon attitudes, and  on the 
ch ild ’s w hole relationship w ith the school.

Q  H as com pensatory spending on low-incom e schools 
p ro d u ced  th e  results hoped for?

A  W e have experienced  some success. But it  has not b een

dram atic  for the  reason, as I ’ve indicated, that in  m ost cases 
not enough has b een  done to get th e  co-operation of parents. 
In  educating  the ch ildren  of the  disadvantaged, w e’re  simply 
not m easuring  u p  to th e  challenge as well as I’d  like, in term s 
of ach ievem ent in reading  and arithm etic. After all, schools 
have th e  ch ild ren  for about six hours a day, b u t they’re  in  the 
hom e and th e  neighborhood for about 18 hours a day, and 
th ere  is w here  w e m ust have effective contacts.

Q  H ow  do you hope to accom plish this?
A  I w ould hke to see th e  neighborhood school develop a 

new  role as a child-developm ent cen te r, using the school as a 
delivery m echanism  n o t only for working on students’ 
learn ing  problem s b u t for health  care and o ther social 
services in to  th e  ch ild ren’s home.

This would involve paren t-teacher conferences on the 
child’s progress, instead of just sending the youngster hom e 
w ith a rep o r t card. It would m ean  p a ren t volunteers coming 
in and  tu to ring  children  on an  individualized basis w here 
rem edial work is needed.

Q  C an preschool classes do any good?
A  C ertainly the neighborhood elem entary  school ought 

to b e  reaching  out to its fu tu re  custom ers—the toddlers in 
th e  neighborhood— b̂y working through the parents to get 
these ch ild ren  involved in activities th a t will p repare  them  
for k indergarten .

CX D o you favor this approach over preschool nurseries?
A  Yes, I do. I know some advocates say we ought to 

ex tend  th e  beginning  age down to 3, even  if we have to take 
a couple of years off the  o ther end  of the  scale. I don’t 
advocate that. W e ought to try  to reach th e  hom es by 
em phasizing hom e-based preschooling.

If  w e brough t tiny youngsters to classrooms or nurseries, 
they  would only b e  able to spend about two hours a day 
because of short a tten tion  span. And they’d still be spending 
21 or 22 hours a day in a hom e environm ent that often would 
cancel out w hatever they  gained in nursery. I think w e’d  do 
far b e tte r  to g e t started  on a parent-train ing  program , and 
this is one of th e  things we a re  recom m ending.

(continued on next page)

Copyright © 1974, U. S. News & World Report, Inc. 4 1



Q  H o w  w ould  it work?
A  I  h o p e  w e can involve parents in low-incom e areas in a 

tra in in g  p rogram  at the  neighborhood school w here, m aybe 
o ne  n ig h t a w eek, w e can teach  th em  som e of th e  techniques 
th ey  could utilize  in  th e  hom e, tying in  w ith  television 
p rogram s like “Sesame S tree t.”

T h e re  a re  also new  educational toys paren ts can utilize in 
g e ttin g  th e ir  youngsters ready for th e  school years. Schools 
can  o p e ra te  lend ing  libraries of toys, books and  records to 
involve young paren ts  of preschoolers—expose th eir chil­
d re n  to  stim ulating  ideas and  concepts th a t would raise 
a ch iev em en t levels in  low-income schools.

B ut these  a re  aU m easures th a t ex tended  busing m akes 
m o re  difficult, and  this is why I th ink  w e a re  a t th e  threshold 
of a  n ew  e ra  in  our a ttem pts to he lp  ch ild ren  of low-income 
p a re n ts  co m p ete  w ith  m ore-favored students.

Q. W hat is your ow n position on  busing fo r integration?
A  Busing should be  lim ited—som ew hat like it is in  the  

n ew  education  bill. I do not favor massive busing th a t crosses 
h u g e  m etropo litan  areas and  m akes m ore  difficult an 
e ffective w orking relationship b e tw een  schools and  parents.

I do  th in k  w e ought to do all w e can  to  achieve b e tte r  
racia l and  e th n ic  mixes in  th e  com m unity, including not only 
th e  im m ed ia te  area  served by th e  neighborhood school b u t 
th e  surround ing  area  close to th e  neighborhood.

Q. D o  you th ink  in tegration o f public  schools will continue 
to  b e  a big issue in such comm unities?

A  I th in k  so, to  q u ite  an  ex tent, b u t I th ink  those who 
w an t m assive, long-distance busing n e e d  to  look at w hat 
h ap p en s a fte r th e  bus ride: The youngster still goes back to a 
seg reg a ted  neighborhood; he  still spends 18 out of his 24 
hours a day in  th a t segregated  neighborhood.

T h e  w hole  p roblem  runs d eep er th an  th e  schools and 
busing. I  th ink  it runs to zoning ordinances, th e  rehabilita­
tion  of our g rea t u rban  centers, and  th e  restoration  of 
econom ic and  social h ealth  to cities.

As an  educato r. I ’ve felt th a t th e  responsibility for solving 
th e  racial p rob lem  has b een  too heavily p laced  upon  the 
schools and  no t enough on o th er agencies th a t have a 
responsibility , and th a t busing doesn’t get at th e  root cause of 
racia l problem s.

Q. W hat agencies, for example?
A  Those th a t establish zoning req u irem en ts  th at bring  

abou t econom ic segregation, and  those agencies responsible 
for reh ab ilita tin g  neighborhoods by massive renew al efforts 
th a t  a re  going to b e  n eed ed  to get th e  job  done.

Q  W ill big-city schools be getting an  even bigger share of 
th e  federa l spending  from  now on?

A  I th ink  th a t th e  low-incom e schoolchildren are going to 
g e t a g rea te r  share of federal dollars. But th e re ’s also a shift 
o f  m any  of these low-incom e people  in to  th e  suburbs, as 
ev id en ced  in  th e  g rea te r  m etropolitan  W ashington area.

Q  H ow  do you feel about com m unity control o f  schools? 
W o u ld  it enlist m ore citizen participation in th e  schools?

A  Yes— and I th ink  this raises th e  question of how m uch 
local contro l of our schools w e ought to perm it. If you have a 
school system  th e  size of New York or Chicago or Los 
Angeles, w ith  one board  of education for a system  of over a 
m illion ch ildren , you’re  not getting  m uch local control.

S tate  legislatures can help  by assum ing m ore responsibility 
for chang ing  th e  organizational s truc tu re  of school districts. 
Som e States have m ore than  a thousand school units, dating 
back  to  a long-past era, and as a  result m any school units are 
too small. T hey ought to be consolidated. O th er school units 
a re  too large, and  we ought to take a look at e ith e r dividing 
th em  up  or building stronger and m ore-viable subunits.

SCHOOL BUSING AT A DEAD END?
[interview continued from preceding page]

4 2

A re la ted  p roblem  is th at of school finance. W e’re  trying 
w ith  th e  new  federal program s to provide equality of 
opportun ity  by  offering com pensatory education  to the  low- 
incom e, disadvantaged, underachieving  children. Yet it isn’t 
uncom m on w ith in  a S tate for one school district to have 
th re e  tim es as m uch m oney as a neighboring district for 
spending  on its children.

T he  p ro p erty  tax as a m eans of financing schools is 
outm oded  to  some extent. At least i t  needs to be supplem ent­
ed  w ith  a basic form ula th a t closes some of the  gap.

Q  W hat exactly is m eant by  “com m unity control”?
A  W ell, you could approach  this in  different ways. W ithin 

a h uge  city  school system  th e  State legislature has th e  pow er 
to c rea te  4, 5, 6 or 10 autonom ous school districts.

Q, W ith in  one city?
A  T h e re ’s no reason why it couldn’t happen. I ’m  not 

saying th a t is th e  only solution.
A nother would b e  for a b oard  of education, w ith legislative 

perm ission, to  c rea te  subunits w ith  a specific am ount of 
autonom y, as in  New  York City.

Q  H ow  m uch autonom y could  a com m unity w ithin the 
city have w hen  its m oney has to  come out of the  city’s 
general revenues?

A  K eep in  m ind th a t in  m any States p a rt of a school 
system ’s rev en u e  comes as State aid. T he legislature could 
specify how  m uch  of a m andate  to give the com m unity in 
runn ing  schools.

Q  D o you sense, beh ind  such proposals, a growing public 
dissatisfaction w ith  th e  way schools are being m n?

A  Yes, I do. I th ink  th ere  is a restiveness on the p a rt of the  
public. P artly  it’s concern  for th e  achievem ent of the  
ch ild ren  and  partly  a desire for a  larger voice in  policy 
m aking. B ut I d on’t  th ink  th ere  is y e t a general lack of 
confidence w ith  education. W hat w e’re  seeing is p a rt of an 
over-all concern  w ith  th e  way governm ent in general is 
working.

Q. W hat’s going to be th e  F ederal G overnm ent’s policy in 
the  fu tu re  on  aid to  parochial and  private schools?

A  I th ink  th a t th e  em phasis is going to  be  on aid and 
services to students, as in  th e  new  bill th a t President Ford  
has signed. U nder th e  so-called child-benefit theory, disad­
vantaged  students a ttend ing  priva te  schools can participate  
in  some of th e  services offered by  th e  E lem entary  and 
Secondary Education  Act. I th ink  w e’re  going to get m ore 
emphasis upon  this kind  of th ing  than  upon  institutional aid. 

(continued on next news page)

"Busing doesn't get at the root cause of racial problems," says 
Mr. Bell. The burden "has been too heavily placed on schools."

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Q. H ow  do you feel about th e  quality  o f teaching?
A  I th ink  th a t w e are  getting  m ore selectivity in h iring of 

teach e rs  because w e have a g rea te r  supply of teachers than  
w e ’v e  ev e r had  and  can pick from  a large n u m b er of 
applicants. This m eans w e can g e t b etter-quality  teachers 
th an  befo re— if we can find positions for them , w hich is 
difficult.

My feeling  is th a t school districts ought to look at 
opp o rtu n ities  to give incentives to older teachers to  retire . If 
you look a t a typical teacher-salary schedule, you’ll find that 
m aybe  a  beg inn ing  teacher gets $7,500 a  year on the first 
y e a r’s experience, and  a teacher w ith 15 years of experience 
m ay  be  g e ttin g  $15,000 a year. I t m igh t b e  good public 
policy to  offer to  som e teacher who w ould like to re tire  bu t 
co u ld n ’t afford to  an  incentive to take early  re tirem en t, and 
rep lace  a $15,000-a-year teacher w ith a  beginn ing  $7,500-a- 
y ear teacher. T he  incentive could com e by spending  p a rt of 
th e  salary d ifference in  com pensating th e  teacher to take 
early  re tire m en t. This m ight ten d  to accelerate  th e  en try  of 
n e w  teachers into th e  school system.

Now, I d o n ’t w an t to imply that all of our older teachers 
a re  no t capable. M any of th em  are  excellent. But th ere  are 
teach e rs  w ho would like to re tire  early  and  who, because of 
econom ic necessity, have to hang on.

108 BILLIONS A YEAR FOR LEARNING-
Q. W hat is education  costing parents and  taxpayers now?
A  W e p ro jec t th a t w e will spend 108 billion dollars in  the  

A m erican  educational system—State, local and  federal 
sp end ing—in this fiscal year.

A n o th er statistic: About 29 p e r c en t of Am ericans are 
invo lved  in th e  educational en te rp rise—58.6 m illion as 
stu d en ts  and  3.2 m illion as staff. So w e have 61.8 million 
citizens in  th e  U nited  States whose full-tim e occupation, if I 
can  call it  th at, is education.

Q  W hat do  you expect enrollm ents to  be this year in 
e lem en tary  and  high schools and  in h igher education, 
com pared  w ith  last year?

A  This fall w e expect about 50 m illion ch ild ren  to  enroll 
in  e lem en ta ry  schools th rough  th e  eigh th  g rade. This is about 
1.1 m illion few er ch ildren  th an  in th e  fall of ’73. H igh schools 
p robably  will show a slight increase—about 15.6 million 
studen ts, as com pared  to 15.4 m illion last fall. D eg ree ­
seeking  studen ts in  our colleges and  universities a re  ex­
p e c te d  to increase by 111,000—for a  to tal of 8.6 million. The 
rolls of n o n d eg ree  college students should stay th e  sam e as 
last year, w h en  1,1 m illion students reg istered .

Q  Should  teachers be retained sim ply on the basis of 
w h e th e r th ey ’ve done a good job—not given v irtual im m u­
n ity  against dismissal because o f tenure?

A  W ell, I favor accountability in education, b u t I th ink  it 
s ta rts  a t th e  top, w ith  th e  State legislature, th e  Governor, the  
c h ie f  school officer and  the State board  of education—th en  
d ow n to  th e  local school board  and  superin tenden t. After 
th at, you can ju d g e  a teacher’s perform ance.

My a rg u m en t w ith  m ost of th e  accountability laws th at 
h ave  b e e n  passed by State legislatures is that they  aim  
d irec tly  a t teachers. Some of the  very legislatures th a t for 
years have failed to pass a good school-finance form ula and 
failed to  reorganize th eir districts are  th e  ones passing 
accountability  laws aim ed at teachers.

O. W hat do  you th ink  President F o rd ’s a ttitu d e  will be 
tow ard  spending  on education?

A  I ’m  sure  th a t h e  has a strong com m itm ent to education. 
H e  has expressed  this m any tim es in th e  past, and m ade a

4 4

SCHOOL BUSING AT A DEAD END?
[interview continued from page 42}

very  fine sta tem en t about th e  im portance of education w hen 
he  signed th e  new  Act.

B ut I th ink  all aspects of federal spending are  going to 
have to  b e  h e ld  back because of th e  econom ic situation. I 
can ’t p red ic t a large increase in  th e  am oim t of actual 
spending  in  th e  four-year authorization  bill of 25 billion 
dollars th a t th e  P residen t signed. I th ink  w e’re  going to see 
spending  h e ld  to its p resen t annual level o f 6.1 billion dollars, 
a t least u n til th e  econom y is in  b e tte r  shape.

Q. Is this going to be a bad  year financially for m any 
colleges and  universities?

A  T hey’re  going to have a difficult time. Inflation is 
eating  away th e  purchasing pow er of our dollars, and that 
goes for education  dollars as well as o ther dollars.

O ne  of th e  things that ten d  to  am eliorate this is that 
enro llm ents, from  w hat w e can tell this early, are  up  slightly 
from  w hat they  w ere  a year ago.

Q  Should private colleges have federal help?
A  W e ought to continue to em phasize aid to students, and 

th en  give th e  s tuden t th e  option of going to the  college of his 
choice—^private or public. In  th e  Office of E ducation we 
spend about 1.7 billion dollars on  opportunity  grants and 
loans to low-incom e students, and  w e have o ther program s to 
assist such students by providing special guidance and 
counseling.

(X W hen is th e  F ederal G overnm ent going to  provide help  
for m iddle-class students?

A  T h e  p rob lem  is one of p riorities, and  our priority  is in 
th e  low-incom e student. It is possible for a m iddle-incom e 
studen t—a s tu d en t from  m iddle-incom e parents—to get a 
guaran teed  loan a t th e  p resen t tim e if h e  can find a lender.

B ut because o f tigh t m oney, th e  G overnm ent cannot 
subsidize in te res t paym ents in  loans to  students beyond a 
certa in  level of family incom e. If  you raise th e  qualifying 
incom e level for a  subsidy, th en  it’s going to take m ore 
federal dollars. T h a t com petes w ith  aid for the  disadvan­
taged. I’m  hopeful th at w hen th e  econom ic clim ate im ­
proves, w e can  p u t m ore m oney into this program  and help  
th e  m iddle-incom e student.

Q Do guidelines o ften  becom e quotas when p u t into 
effect?

A  T hey  do. And, of course, the  ch ief adm inistrative 
officer in  a n  institu tion  m ust have th e  sand to stand up  to 
th a t problem . B ut h e  also needs a genuine com m itm ent to 
w ork tow ard  th e  goals of m inority  hiring.

HIGHER STANDARDS: "A WELCOME TREND"-
Q  Is discipline a serious problem  in U. S. education?
A  Discipline in our schools and  over-all discipline in  our 

society is a serious problem . W e’ve just got to do m ore in this 
whole area  of teaching values in education—self-discipline 
and self-reliance. This is a big task of bo th  th e  hom e and the 
school.

Q  C ou ldn’t schools set an exam ple hy the way they 
conduct th eir operations and  th e  standards they  dem and?

A  Yes. W e d on’t n eed  th e  hard-fisted and punitive type of 
discipline, b u t an  insistence on standards and a reaching for 
ideals th a t ten d  to reinforce discipline.

I th ink  discipline in  and of itself is p a rt of education, and 
one of th e  g rea t lessons that we have to learn  in life is how to 
m aster and  contro l ourselves so th e  individual does w hat he 
should do, w h e th e r at th e  m om ent he  wants to do it or not.

Q. Are you saying th a t m any schools were letting young­
sters p lay  around?

A  They surely w ere, and I th ink  w e’re  getting  a w elcom e 
tren d  away from  that.

I t  was th a t laxity that caused m uch of the  public concern 
and lack of public support for education. [e n d ]

U. S. N EW S & W O RLD REPORT, Sept. 16, 1974



T H E  N.EV/ Y O R K  T IM E S . W E D N E S DAY, A P R IL  16.J9n__

Panel Says 1 in 10 i,ampuses
■e or Shut in 5 Years

wnpFBT RFt\TftnM> ipv tlieir expanded facililies.iof power shifting away from 
isy KUJAi.i iXhis, combined with infiationithe academic department to-

w M ii t o T a c x w  ,c.r rats : and r e c e s s i o n ,  im s  forced soiiie; ward the central administra- 
BERKLL,:.y, Cain, A 1’®*̂ “';institutions into bankruptcyiUon. 

of educational leaders forecast;j,nci compelled many otliers to | The administrators also 
yesterday that fiaanda! pres- ps-ofessors and hoid|maintaincd in general that
.sum would probably compel salaries. academic, quality was impaired
one of every 10 colleges and| ■■Hiphe- education is in tliel*'’ recent years.’ Lenders of the

Nevertheless, the group is- and < 0  and 60 per cent saying
led a cautiously optimistici^f and faculty qiiaiily, re-
ew of American higher e d u c a J   ̂  ̂ .poctively, were .also impaired.v ie w  u i /M iivi-'L-aa r a i i H n i ia  n a l h  h p rw M .n  ■'v e e u  v e iy ,  w eii.-  la .iu

tion in a period of L “sstmists a?d^ Another .special study— by
saying it foresaw ‘ a .softiH'- Carlson and Margar
landing, not a herd crash.’’jf"^‘̂ -1. ' Cordon of The Carneg
The panel called on tiie s c h o o l s ' t f i s a s t e r  tnat sorne council— gives little com fort to
to  seixe the opportunity t>>at sth!| ,
"replace quantitative growth °*-“ ®rs sci iori.n.  ̂  ̂ i reversal of enrollment trends,
with qualitative improvement." see, instead, a rapid!•;■].,(, study forecasts that the

"The goal should not be just, slowdown of growth and thenjpext decade will .'cc only very 
survival but continuation as 3 relatively stable period [afterisijpht rises in total enrollments 

1985], both of which phasesito ,p,,out 12  million students.' 
can be generally accommodated that, the study proiect.s, 
given sensible action on the; they v.dl! level off and decline; 
part of all parties involved.” ! slightly before rc.surning very!

For all the hardships imposed | modest growth by 1995. 
by the italt in grow th — panicu- The report said that it was
larly for young scholars looking'liealthier for a college to be

a vital force in American socie­
ty ,” said the report, v.-hich was 
released by the Carnegie Foun­
dation for the Advancement 

■ o f Teaching, Among its major 
points are the followiitg:

t'A new  study gives little 
. reason to expect increases in 
■' student eiirollment. It predicts 
. only m odest growth for th  
' next decade ana then 

of slight decline.

for teaching jobs — the ropoi'i 
■said the new .situation had 
created some itnportant oppor- 

decade|tuuities.
Colieges are novr freer, i!

le.ss dependent on teacher cdu 
cation, be in an urban setting, 
be cider, and have either a 
national reputation or a "devot­
ed” specialized constituency.

In general recommendations 
to academic leaders, the report

«IA special surrey of colleec|argued, to provide universal 
administrators suggests that fi-| access to higher educatio:i, to
naiichd problems have .cau.sad|op!:ii their doors wider toisuggested  tl'c-tt they prepare 
widespread confii.ct and shiftsiadults and part-time .studeriis.lunalyses of their institutional 
in campus authority. Many offi-|to  train more teachers for suchjsituations to help create, attit- 
-cials also reported that the quai-jneglerted areas as preschool ;udes receptive to change and
ity of their students, facultyjand remedial instruction ___

' and instructiona) pr(,grama had to increase Ute supply of hcaltl'i 
fallen off in recent years. Kvorlicrs. -

c i f  certain hurdles in educa- 'phe foundation argued that 
lionsi and public policy can'colleges could provide a hikb 
be overcome, the colleges caniicve! of educational services 
operate.well with a inucli sm a!-|— including uiuvensa! access —  
!er portion of the. gross national j ;o the public with less income 
product than they have been jn terms of tJic gross national 
accustomed to. product.

^Special efforts should be «tiiaro nf tna r  w p
made to  prcsc-ivc private col- •
leges ns an important source From I960 to 1972, the share 
o f  educational diver.sity. Large of the G.N.P, going into higher 
im nbers o f such .schools facejediication rose from J.I to 2.2 
extinction now  for the first per cent. But with costly expan- 
time since iho Depre.ssion. |.sion having been paid for and 

m •„ 1 r v  littie further growth expected,I cnod of Imceriainfj j ]-(.porf said colleges could 
The report, titled ".More Thanijget along with as little as 1.4 

’ Survival; Pro.'pect.s For Higheriio l.S ptir cent of the G.N.P. 
Education in a Period of Uncer- ;by the year 2000. 
tainty," was pircpurcd for the' The Carnegie report’s conclu- 
foundation by its Berkeley-|sion,s and recotnmondations are 
based study arm, the Oil aegie jba.scd in part on a number 
Council tor Policy .Studies in]of comniissioned stiidic-,s de- 
Hi,eiicr Kducatior

The council, which is headed j slowdown

develop fie.xibilify in the. use of 
funds and space and in the 
assignm ent of faciiltj'.

Specific reconimcndotio.ns 
were made for dilfcrcnt Itliids 
of school.s in dcali.ng with .the 
pioblems tlidy face, th e  liberal 
arts colleges were urged to 
maintain their separate ch.arac- 
ters as a m.ajor asset. The pvib- 
lic comnnmity col! 
parently the m ost robust insti­
tutions at this time, were, urged 
simply to "do more of wiiat 
they are now doing.” which 
is providing easy access and 
practical insltuction to a wide 
range of students.

The colleges cannot solve 
Iheiv problems alone, the report 
said. It urged changes in p'ablic 
policy ami recommended the 
fcllowing:

*iPro.grant,s .should be devel­
oped t(i in.ike hirhen education 

. . , , , , .accessible to all who w ant it
gned m part to analyze theory ^^^r 2 0 0 0 .
A„..,r,M.n siEach state should devise

by Clark Kerr, .onricr president Tile response oy colleges and 1̂ ,, explicit ovcr-all policy to- 
■ of the ImiversHv of Cahfornm universities was m e a s u r e d ; , private schools, increas­

es .succes.sor to the now-detunctjthrough an elaborate queslioa-|inp student incentive grants to 
Carnegie CL'ninii.̂ Mon on Hsr,ncrinairc returned by the
f.ducation. The report.^^as pre-;idm ts and other officerb ofj‘ i? iireed that the United

of alUype.s. T he ,5 ( ^ 0 5  develop a 'n e w  long-run 
hpoliry lowr.rti the re‘-earch ca- 
• pc'C'fy in it A univershies.

annual mr-et 
tion’s hOrtO.!

be

of the founda*!survey was consiucted by Ly- 
' Cuy. Jn'.an Glenny. (ih-cetcr of t 

I t  o u i k ’s  a  b a .c h d r o p  c '.n u . 'i ' f u r  R e.- a r t i i  a m i  l)c\
of grouiin; lua.’.n'rt—o w n  .oninciU in }Ii;:h-T I-.’iucali
peration -  am.ong aiadcaiic ,u the IT.ivcrsiiy of Cchfornli. j^s^^iv.uas-s of S .n  ITuncis-; 
tc.adcrs over the future of the Berkeley. Lv 3 , x[,p cp .,,n v  ^'irvevi
vrcf Anv'rican systeny of Rittner v.i? survey dmnjtnents the -ublislu ’̂ i' sen irately'
eduealion. Tor l.if time \vide.‘-nrrad ro n n is l poneraled'j-jy jQ'oyTia'sV uiidt’-r th e'title j

^ “itCciiily Confronts the Pn'S-[ 
’ !“yi(lrnt: From lidifice Complexj 
an iio' University without Walls.” j

•in n century. r?PfI mu
-\crsitic.s fm c a period of iitti 
or no ”.i cv.’tli.

Hrv.i-:-' r  tlvm

h\' liie 
students.

;if doMars 
A d n iin i ' '^ l r a tn r

from i:>bO to lO/O. the sehoul.-  ̂ and allocation of money.|
are findini  ̂ jt mcrcasinj^iy diffiyStaiypJes for authority were 
cult to recruit stiiderit.s to occu* also reported, with the bal:ince



3 0

Policewomen Upheld in Attack on Seniority in Layoffs
By ARNOLD H. LUBSACH I
A Federal appeals court de-! 

'■ '̂clared yesterday that Civil | 
S e r v i c e  seniority was not im-l 
S mune from legal challenge by! 

women police officers whoj 
were dismissed in the city’s! 
fiscal crisis. !

Reversing a lower court,! 
which had thrown out a civil- 

■' rights suit by the policewomen, 
^ the United States Court of Ap­

peals for the Second Circuitj 
ruled here that dismissals based 
on seniority could be attacked’

for perpetuating past discrimin­
ation.

In handing down the deci­
sion, the appeals court took 
pains to distinguish yesterday’s 
case from one it decided last 
month when it ruled that a 
“racial quota” could not be 
established to override senior­
ity as the basis for dismissing 
school supervisors.

The women police officers 
had complained that their dis­
missal on the basis of seniority 
constituted sex discrimination 
because discriminatory hiring

practices in the past had pre­
vented them from obtaining the 
necessary seniority.

The decision, written by 
Judge Wilfred Feinberg with 
the concurrence of Chief Judge 
Irving R. Kaufman and Judge 
J. Joseph Smith, said the' wo­
men were entitled to  “construc­
tive seniority back to the date 
when they would have been: 
hired had there been no discri­
mination.”

Judge Feinberg wrote in the 
18-page decision that “con­
structive seniority” could bê  
accepted as a “remedial de­
vice.”

“If a female police officer can 
show that, except for her sex, 
she would have been hired ear­
ly enough to accumulate suffi' 
dent seniority to withstand the 
current layoffs,” he wrote, 
“then her layoff violates [the 
Civil Rights Act] since it is 
based on sexual discrimina­
tion.”

No Special Preference
The judge said that granting 

seniority to “those who had ac­
tually been discriminated 
against” was not a special prel 
erence because of sex, but 
“rather a remedial device well 
within the broad power con­
ferred on the district court, "

Chief Judge Kaufman added 
a concurring four-page opinion 
stressing that the decision did 
not sanction “the use of prefer- 
entail treatment or reverse dis­
crimination.”

“It is important to empha­
size,” he said, “that our holding 
is in no way intended to alter 
or compromise the underlying, 
structure of the seniority sys­
tem established by Section 80 
of the New York Civil Service 
Law.”

He added that “it merely rep­
resents a refusal to allow a 
system intended as a safeguard 
against arbitrariness to become 
a device for perpetuating past 
caprice.”

“The standard w e have es­
tablished,” the chief judge said, 
“restricts relief to those who 
have already demonstrated 
their qualifications for the posi­
tion of police officer and can 
prove that they were improperly 
deprived of their rightful place 
in the seniority hierarchy.”

As an example, he continued.

relief should be available to a 
woman who proves that she 
took the appropriate police ex­
amination and achieved a score 
that would have assured her 
employment if she had been a 
man, but that she was not hired 
at the time “solely because of 
the low quo-ta for women pre­
vailing in the Police Depart­
ment.”

The appeals court ruled that 
"Judge Kevin T. Duffy, who had 
rejected the policewomen’s suit 
in Federal District Court here, 
should “expeditiously deter­
mine” which women would 
have been hired early enough 
to obtain sufficient seniority to 
avoid dismissal if there had not 
been discriminatory hiring 
practices.

The decision did not specify 
what form of relief that Judge 
Duffy should order, although it 
noted that the dismissed police­
women had said that the relief 
might include placing them at 
the top of the Police Depart­
ment’s “recall list.”

“This is a matter, in the first 
instance,” the appeals court 
said, “for the district court, 
with due regard to the necessi­
ty of minimizing disruption in 
the operation of the Police De­
partment.”

Earlier Decision Noted
The appeals court said that 

its sanctioning of “constructive 
seniority” did not contradict its 
decision last month to overturn 
a “racial quota” that another 
district judge had imposed to 
protect the jobs of recently ap­
pointed principals and supervi­
sors in the city’s school system.

The racial quota in the school 
case was rejected as “constitu­
tionally forbidden reverse dis­
crimination” because it was 
“not designed to benefit only 
those affected by the employ­
er’s prior discriminatory con­
duct” and *was intended, in­
stead, to insure that “a speci­
fied quota of blacks and Puerto 
Ricans” would be employed in 
the schools.

The original suit was filed 
by Beraldine L. Acha and Ar­
lene M. Egan for all 371 police­
women who were dismissed 
last June 30 when the city-laid 
off 4,000 police officers for fis­
cal reasons under the system  
of “last hired, first fired.”



Industry in Rural South 
Sets U.S. Pace in Growth

By ROY REED
Special tp The New Yorlt Times

EASLEY, S. C., July 1—The gia] that I hope Columbia never
murals in the middle-aged pub 
lie buildings of the South show  
what the evangels of progress 
had in mind at the turn of the 
eentury.

The focal point of almost 
every mural is a busy urban 
scene with countless tall build­
ings and, right in the middle, 
half a dozen huge smokestacks 
sending dark clouds over all.

That dream was deferred by 
history’s meddling in the 
South’s business. Now that it 
is Dixie’s turn to begin moving 
abreast of the national econ­
omy, large numbers of South­
erners find that they are 
dreaming a different dream.

Practically everybody who 
lives within a day’s drive of 
northern Georgia has seen At­
lanta w ith its new skyscraper 
and mid-day traffic jams. Peo­
ple from the small towns are 
coming back from visits to 
Atlanta telling tales of abuse, 
shattered nerves and poisoned 
air just as they do after a 
[visit to New York.I "I laughingly tell Jimmy 
Carter [the Governor of Geor-

gets to be as big as Atlanta,” 
Gov. John C. W est of South 
Carolina said during a recent 
airplane trip back from New  
York City, where he had led a 
delegation seeking more indus­
try for his state. The plane 
was somewhere over industrial 
New Jersey as he spoke. ,

‘We encourage industries to  
go to the small towns and rural 
areas and avoid the city con­
gestion,” Mr. W est said.

Growth in the Country 
Whether from official policy 

or simple economics, many new  
industries across the South are 
doing just that. The South is 
industrializing faster than any 
other part of the nation, and 
within the region the fastest 
industrial growth is occurring 
in the rural countryside.

Thomas E. Till, in a recent 
study at the University of 
Texas, found that manufactur­
ing jobs increased 43.7 per cent 
in the South’s metropolitan 
areas during the nineteen-six­
ties. But they increased 61 per 
cent in the rural counties 50

Continued on Page 18, Column 2



i n  INORITY LABOR 
SP L IT JN  ISSUES

Parley Reflects Frustration 

and Conflict on Recession

By PAUL DELANEY
Spedai to The New York T l*e8

BALTIMORE, May 20—A pe- 
Iroleum worker from Houston 
and a construction worker 
from Baltimore, both union 
members, found themselves 
opposite sides of basic labor 
issues during a weekend m eet­
ing of minority union workers 

The man from Texas, Willie 
Williams, 53 years old, said 
that while he w as deeply con 
cerned about the recession, “ 
•Sm not a rabble-rouser about 
changing things,”

The man from Baltimore; 
George Jones, a 24-year-old 
carpenter, describes himself as 
"a militant getting more mill 
tant as things get worse.”

The two men were represen 
,tative of a split among minority 
union members that has been 
made sharper by the poor state 
of the economy. Leaders 
the meeting here, sponsored 
by the A. Philip Randolph Insti 
tute, said they were not overly 
disturbed about the conflict 
which they feel will abate as 
the economy improves.

But in workshop sessions and 
S i the lobby,, in corridors, res 
taurants and bars of the Balti' 
more Hilton, the debate went 
on and the split became more 
obvious, reflecting factors such 
a s  age, industry, geographical 
location, length of employment 
and union membership.

Issues of Seniority 
, For example, the petroleum 

'industry In the Southwest has 
not been as hard-hit as the 
fconstruction industry in the 
East. But on an even more 
basic union issue, Mr. Williams 
was concerned about job secur- 
,jty, and he is a, stanch suppot' 
ter’ of the seniority system  
Mr. Jones, who has been em ­
ployed off and on, was bitter 
at the seniority isystem, which 
he contended has been used 
repeatedly against him. Mr. 
Williams conceded that he had 
once felt exactly the w ay Mr. 
Jones did. ,

The conference, which was 
the seventh to be called by 
the local affiliates of the insti­
tute engaged in voter registra­
tion and training minorities for 
jobs, also brought out some 
frustrations over tactics and 
strategy needed to deal with 
unemployment and job discri­
mination.
. ' “This meeting sounds like 
the rhetoric of the nineteen-six­
ties, and I didn’t  come here 
for that,” one participant told 
a small group of listeners in 
the lobby. 1 ,

Further evidence of the trus- 
tration and conflict brought 
about by unemployment that 
has, particularly hurt minorities 
were the attacks by delegates 
and union leaders on civil 
Ughts organizations.

Herbert Hill, labor director 
of the National Association for 
the Advancement of Colored 
People, w as especially singled 
out for attack. Mr. Hill has 
been a longtime critic of orga­
nized labor’s record in equal 
hiring opportunity and of the 
institute’s effectiveness.

Criticism of Hill 
William Pollard, director of 

the Civil Rights Department: 
5f the American Federation of| 
Labor and Congress of Indus­
trial Organizations, said Mr. 
Hill had been irresponsible in 
Bis attacks, and he urged labor 
ram members to join local
S.A.A.C.P. branches, “get elect­
ed to office, go to conventions 
Spd challenge his irresponsibili- 
ty.”

Bayard Rustin, who is pres­
ident of the A. Philip Randolph 
institute, said in an interview  
ihat the debate going on was 
w od for black unionism. .

“I welcome young, impatient 
iieople. They serve a tremen* 
ious function in getting us 
who are older, to see another 
e-ersppctive and to act, he 
remarked.

Mr. Rustin said that as an 
lid line unionist he was pleased 
it  the way the debate on sem- 
>rity was going, with older 
minority union members de- 
’ending the system.

“Just as black Capitalism was 
1 gimmick to not have to deal 
with real economic questions 
iffecting the majority of 
blacks, this effort to  tamper 
with our seniority systeih is 
also a gimmick,” ie said.

Ernest Green, director of re­
cruitment and training for the 
institute, said leaders in the 
black union movement have 
to deal with the problem that 
some of their rank and file 
were /earning much more than 
others.

“That fact does tend to com- 
"U'-ate matters when you’re 

ig to get help and sym- 
ly across the board for 
e in need”, Mr. Green said, 
e Southwest is not as bad 
as the North and East, 

efore union members in the 
thwest are not as distrubed 
say, auto workers in De- 

;. It's a phenomenon tiat 
'e trying to handle.” 
r. Vivian Henderson, pres- 
I t  of Clark College in Allan 
also took note of the frus 
ion in a speech delivered 
irday.
I am very disgusted with 

black community. We've 
our summit conference. 

f the belt can we sit back 
this room 3nd not develop 
rategy. I really don’t under­
let Why we don't go to work 
do rawe than we've done,”

H o n rl ..rc - ,- i  sa if l



Continued From Page I. Col. 7;
miles or more from the nearest 
metropolitan area. The rural 
counties of South Carolina 
gained 91.6 per cent.

Most of the industries in 
the rural places are low-wage 
apparels, lumber and food 
products. Recently, however, 
the rural areas have begun to 
attract hundreds of assembly 
plants for electrical motors and 
other electrical equipment, 
which pay somewhat better 
wages. In some states a few 
high-wage industries, such as 
chemicals and nonelectrical ma- 

lchir«i^, are building in rural 
counties.

Industry moving into the 
small towns and rural areas is 
bringing a new way of living 
to the South. The heirs of dirt 
farmers and mill workers are 
getting a taste of the easy life 
that the well-to-do minority of 
the region has always had.

Partly because of the direc­
tion industrialization is taking, 
the South does not yet have 
many Archie Bunkers. That is, 
the region does not have—and 
may not have for many years— 
a prototypic white urban male 
with a pinched mind who leaves 
his dull job each evening and 
goes home to an aging house 
wedged into a crowded big-city 
block.

Consider Joel M. Ellenburg, 
who, but for the luck of the 
South, might have been a Caro­
lina Bunker.

He Likes His Work
Mr. Ellenburg is a soft-spoken, 

easy-going man who makes his 
living attending machines that 
manufactme textile mill ma­
chinery. He is 32 years old and 
has worked in the same factory 
here since he was 18. He finds 
the work challenging and ap­
pealing. The factory is air-con­
ditioned and sits on 70 acres 
of landscaped rolling hills.

He goes home at night to a 
nearly new one-story brick 
house on the outskirts of Eas­
ley, a town of 12,000 persons 
In the Carolina Piedmont The 
house has three bedrooms, two 
baths and a paneled den.

His yard is about half an 
acre, maybe larger. While 
Archie Bunker drinks beer and 
watches television in Queens, 
Joel Ellenburg digs in his veg­
etable garden or waters the 
trees in front that will some 
day, if he does not prune them, 
obscure his view of the Blue 
Ridge Mountains off to the 
west.

On Saturdays he hunts, fishes 
in his own small boat or takes 
his wife and three daughters to 
a beach cottage on the Atlantic 
Ocean. The ocean is two hours 
away by family car, of which 
the Ellenbtu-gs have two. On 
Sundays the family goes to the 
Golden Greek Baptist Church, 
where he is a deacon and his 
wife is a Sunday school teacher. 
Before every meal at home, one 
of them says aloud a prayer of 
thanks.

A Gratifying Trend
If there is a gap between the 

life styles of Archie Bunker 
and Joel Ellenburg, it is likely 
to grow wider as more South­
erners discover each year that 
they can have the advantages 
of modem industry without the 
offensiveness, as they see it, 
of having to live in a big city.

The trend toward rural 
and small-town industrializa­
tion is gratifying to those 
Southerners who have been 
disturbed by the region’s 
growing urbanization, and by 
the prophecies of those social 
scientists who have said the 
South is bound to become an 
imitation of the urban North­
east.

Some, like Gov. Dale Bump­
ers of Arkansas, \ ose home 
town of Charleston, Ark., has 
1,500 persons, see in mral in­
dustrialization. a chance tc 
slow the urbanizing process.

I would like to reverse the 
trend,” he said in a recent 
interview a t Little Rock.

The same Southerners also 
see in rural industrialization 
a hope, although a thin one at 
the moment, of finally taking 
a decent prosperity to the re­
gion’s last have-nots, the poor 
whites in the remote hollows 
of the southern Appalachians 
and the poor blacks of the 
former cotton belt in the Deep 
South. Multitudes in those 
places have not yet been 
touched by the industrial age 
that is sweeping the old Con-

Alabama
Arkansas
Florida
Georgia
Louisiana
Mississippi

1962 1972
U.S. Average I U.S. Averagel 

$2,3701 $4,478|
1.587

CAPITALINVESTMENT
(In New ond Expanded Industry) (Millionsof 

1962 1972 Dollars)

EMPLOYMENT
(Farm and Manufacturing) (In the 11 Southern 
1950 1972 States)

4.4 million

T)» Kaw Yarli Tlmes/JuJy 2,1273

federacy from Terras to Vir-

sections, those who have been 
touched by it have paid a 
price. Thoughtful Southerners 
have always suspected that 
catching up with the North 
would be costly.

The odors of economic colo­
nialism can still be detected 
all across Dixie. For example, 
in Birmingham, that exploited 
and neglected outpost of 
Northern steel interests, it is 
hard to say which is the more 
polluted, the air or the social 
climate. Both poisons can be 
traced to corporate offices in 
the Northeast.

The major oil companies, 
most of whose top executives 
and large stockholders live in 
the North, took $5.3-billion 
worth of oil and natural gas 
from Louisiana last year. 
Thousands of Louisianians were 
rewarded with good employ­
ment, but hundreds of thou­
sands more were not, and 
Louisiana remains near the 
bottom in the nation’s account­
ing of unemployment, poverty 
and illiteracy.

With all its new industry, 
moreover, the South has not 
kept up with tiie nation in 
workers’ earnings from manu­
facturing. In 1963, the average 
industrial worker in the South 
earned $79.85, or 80 per cent 
of the national average. In 
1973, he is earning $125, but 
that is only 78 per cent of the 
national average. Part of the 
reason for the lag is that the 
industrial jobs available to 
Southerners are often in the 
lowest-paying industries — 
apparel, textiles, lumber and 
food.

Polls have shown that South­
ern workers know their cheap 
labor is being exploited by 
both Northern and home- 
owned companies. In spite of 
that, they continue to resist 
the urgings of the traveling 
representatives of the national 
labor unions.

Little Interest in Unions
Those who still see salvation 

in organized labor are dis­
mayed to find that unions are 
making little headway in the 
South, partly because of the 
lack of interest or outright 
hostility of the workers they 
would like to  organize.

But the SouHiem workers 
who have waited so long for 
the blessings of American pros­
perity do not seem to mind 
very much that their Northern 
brothers and sisters receive 
more money for the same 
work. Some are grateful to 
have any kind of steady work. 
Others point to their compen­
sations outside the factories— 
the warm fishing waters, the 
hunting woods, the ample 
space for growing tomatoes 
and running horses.

The studious among them 
point to the general advan­
tages of industrialization to 
the region, the kind of advan­
tages economists talk about.

In spite of the lower manu­

facturing wages in the South, 
for example, industry has 
helped push the region’s over­
all income to the highest levels 
it has ever had. Per capita in­
come is increasing faster in the 
South than in the rest of the 
nation. With income rising in 
all occupations, white-collar 
as well as blue, the South’s 
over-all per capita income last 
year was 85.2 per cent of the 
national average. That was al­
most 10 per cent more than its 
share in 1960.

While manufacturing employ­
ment sags in the economically 
mature areas of the country, it 
is rising rapidly in the South. 
Annual capital investment of 
industry in the South tripled 
during the last 10 years and 
reached an estimated $6-biIlion 
last year.

Some of the big national 
companies are beginning to- 
move their corporate head­
quarters to Southern cities 
like Atlanta, Houston and Dal­
las. Forty of the businesses in 
Fortune magazine’s directory 
of the nation’s 500 largest cor­
porations are now based in the 
South.

Foreign Money Helps
An increasing share of the 

Southern industrial growth is 
being Inspired by foreign 
money. The Germans and Jap­
anese in particular have in­
vested hundreds of millions of 
dollars in Southern plants and 
are continuing tb look for new 
opportunities.

South Carolina likes to boast 
that it has more German mon­
ey than any country in the 
world outside of Germany.

Although the low-wage in­
dustries stiil predominate, most 
of the states are now tiying 
with some success to lure more 
with some success to lure 
more capital-intensive high- 
wage plants. The result is an 
increasing diversification.

Almost all the Southern 
states have been so successful 

attracting labor-intensive 
industries that they are now 
becoming openly selective in 
those they .invite.

“We are not getting nor are 
we seeking any of the big 
smokestack factories,” Gover­
nor Bumpers said. He confirmed 
what some observers had begun 
to suspect, that his state, along 
with some others in the South, 
is putting less emphasis on in­
dustrial devlopment than it was 
10 years ago.

“People have become more 
aware of their heritage and 
they don’t  want it destroyed,” 
Mr. Bumpers said. “They think 
rapid industrialization would do 
more to destroy it than any­
thing else.”

Moratorium in Florida
In Florida, because of its 

peculiar geography and surg­
ing population, the state gov­
ernment two years ago called 
a moratorium on its search for 
new industry to give the state 
time to plan for a more orderly 
growth.

Monroe Kimbrci, a cautious 
Georgian who is president of

the Federal Reserve Bank of 
Atlanta, was asked whether he 
thought the South was, indeed, 
becoming the new economic 
frontier of the nation, as some 
have suggested.

T think the South has an 
awful lot of potential to do 
that,” he said. “I don’t think 
we’re there. I think it depends 
a great deal at this moment on 
how well we plan for that 
growth.”

Earlier Southerners consid­
ered themselves planners in 
that regard, but the region’s 
development is not tMing 
exactly the path they expected 
Instead of crowding into urban 
industrial districts, much of the 
new industry is speckling the 
Southern countryside with 
plants that tend to look like 
modem school. buildings.

Many sit along rural high­
ways in clearings in the woods 
or in former pastures, miles 
from the nearest town. Others 
perch on the. edges of little

United Press International
Smokestacks are casting 
a  pall over South’s dream 

of industrial progress.

towns like Easley. Most of the 
new rural plants house light, 
low-pollution manufacturing.

One reason that many of the 
new Southern plants are not 
crowded side by side in grimy 
industrial slums is new systems 
of transportation that make it 
easier to disperse. Factories no 
longer must be tied to rail­
roads.- Trucks and airplanes 
have made industry more mo­
bile.

Harder to Organize
Many executives have de­

cided that dispersed plants are 
good business for another rea­
son. Remote, scattered plants 
are harder for unions to organ­
ize.

The factory where Joel Ellen­
burg works, the Saco-Loweil 
Shops, which moved the last 
of its New England textile ma­
chinery manufacturing here in 
1958, is an 11-acre, one-story 
red brick building that sits on 
70 acres bordered by trees. It 
is one mile east of Easley and 
11 miles west of the fast-grow­
ing city of Greenville. Its neigh­
bors are a scattering of service 
stations and small roadside 
stores.

The company provides a soft- 
ball field in back where the 
company team plays from other 
factories. Easter egg hunts are 
held on the grass out front, 
under the dogwood trees.

The-,.,COinp,any sponsors a 
fishing efub, a basketball team,

golf league and bowling 
teams. One year it hired a cir­
cus to play for the plant’s 1,150 
employes and their, families. 
Another year it brought an ice 
show for them.

Why does Saco-Loweil bother 
witli ail that, and witlt spend­
ing large amounts of money to 
make the factory look attrac­
tive?

“Have you noticed that , all 
the workers here are wearing 
clean shirts and clean jeans?” 
Allen F. Barney, director of 
lublic relations, said. “I was 
n a plant in Cleveland recently 

and I noticed that the workers 
were going around in overalls 
that looked as if they had been 
worn about three weeks. They 
were so stiff and dirty you 
could have stood them in a 
comer.

“We believe that if we pro­
vide a good-Iookmg plant and 
attractive working conditions, 
the workers will take more 
pride in their work.”

An Improved ‘Mix’
Southern political leaders are 

pleased by one other aspect of 
the South’s new industrial 
revolution — a better balance 
between high- and low-paying 
industrial jobs., This new and 
improved “mix” means that in 
a few years much of the region 
can look to the same success 
that the more advanced states 
of Florida and Texas have en­
joyed. The average Texas in­
dustrial worker now earns 
$3.62 an hour, only 19 cents 
below the national average.

All 11 Southern states except 
Louisiana, which has attracted 
jmuch capital-intensive industry 
but not much labor-intensive,

The New YorkTimes/BiH Barjey

Joel M. Ellenburg tending machinery a t the Saco-Loweil Shops, a  textile mill one mile from  Easley, S.C., a town of 12,000, where he owns a home

have made extraordinary gains 
in manufacturing jobs in recent 
years.

The manufacturing gains 
have coincided with a sharp 
drop in farm employment. 
While farm jobs declined by 
almost two-thirds since 1950, 
from 3.8 million in 1950 to 1.3 
million last April, the number 
of manufacturing jobs almost 
doubled, from 2.4 million to 
4.5 million.

Many who left the Southern 
farms did not find work in 
Southern factories and migrated 
to the North, the Midwest and 
the West.

More than two million of 
today’s industrial employes in 
the South are in the five low­
est-paying industries — lumber, 
furniture, apparel, food and 
textiles. But while these five 
industries accounted for 51 per 
cent of the South’s manufac­
turing employment in .1962, 
they accounted for only 44.4 
per cent 10 years later.

Higher-Paying Industry
The textile industry that 

moved from New England to 
the Carolina Piedmont before 
1900 has spawned a large num­
ber of more sophisticated—and 
higher-paying — factories, at 
first to make machine parts for 
the textile mills and in recent 
years, building on the skills 
learned there, to turn, out many 
other kinds of increasingly 
complex products, such as in­
dustrial hand trucks and chem­
icals.

Most of .the,.„bigjnaney to fi­
nance the Southern growth hai 
come from places like New York 
and Boston. However, in recent 
years Texas money has begun 
to rival the Eastern money in 
size.

And deposits and assets of 
the banks, savings and loan in­
stitutions and insurance com-.gaid, 
panics of all the Southern states 
are growing rapidly. Home- 
grov/n financial institutions now 
provide most of the capital for 
the region’s small and medium- 
size businesses, according to 
Mr. Kimbrel, the Federal Re­
serve official.

One of the main attractions 
of the South for Northern in­
dustrialists has been the South’s 
traditional attitude against un­
ions. An industrialist moving 
South from St. Louis. Detroit, 
Cleveland or Chicago can easily 
find a place in the South where 
he will not be bothered with 
union work rules, union wage 
scales and continuing negotia­
tion of contracts and grievances. 

Many state governments and 
local police departments in the 
a^uth could be counted on, un­
til recently at least, to be sym­
pathetic to management Be­
yond that, many Southern work- 

have never been friendly to 
unions.

$2.81 Hourly Wage
Some see a connection be­

tween this hostility toward or­
ganized labor and low Southern 
wages. The average hourly wage 
tor a manufacturing worker in 
South Carolina last year was 
$2.81. In Michigan it was $4.94,

.Toel Ellenburg, who earns 
$3.52 an hour at nonunion Saco- 
Loweil, expressed what seemed 
to be a typical attitude among 
Southern nonunion workers.

'Very few people here are 
interested in the union at all,” 
he said. “They feel like we h p e  
better working conditions with­
out it. In a union, you never 
know whether you will have a 
jbb from one week to the next, 
and you have to stay right on 
your job. I move around in 
mine. And I work 12 months 
out of the year.” '

Meaning no strikes? “That’s 
r i^ L ”

The American Federation of 
Labor-Congress of Industrial 
Organizations, which accounts 
for the bulk of the South’s un­
ion membership, signed up 519,- 
000 new members in the 11 
Southern states during the nine­
teen-sixties, bringing its total 
to 1.9 million. But the over-all 
Southern work force expanded]] 
so rapidly during the same 
years that in 1970 the organ­
ization still could claim as mem­
bers only 12 per cent of the 
region’s nonagricultural 
ployes—the same percentage it 
had in 1960.

James Sala, the Atlanta rs’ 
gional director of the A.F.L.- 
C.I.O., said in a  recent inter­
view that he believed Southern 
[workers resisted unions "be­

cause of lack of knowledge of 
what they can do and of the 
rights they have.”

In addition, he said. Southern 
workers are more easily itr- 
timidated than are Northern 
workers and they have been 
“conditioned.”

“You can pick up the paper 
in any Southern town, and 
every time there is a labor 
dispute anywhere, you read 
about it in the paper,” he said. 
“Anything that is detrimental 
to labor is printed. But when a 
contract has been signed, yon 
won’t  read anything about it. 
They’re conditioned to  think 
that where there is a union 
there is strife and trouble.” 

Nevertheless, labor organiz-, 
ers are beginning to get re­
sults in the South, he said. Hiq 
organizers in Georgia, Alabama 
and Florida signed up almost'
50,000 new members during the 
last three years.

Perhaps the South’s toughest 
long-range economic problem is 
how to  get new industry to  
move into areas that have large' 
numbers of poor, untrained 
people without jobs. Industrial 
ists have generally been re­
luctant to risk using labor with 
little or no education, no skills 
and no experience working in 
factories.

Most of the states now have 
policies of encouraging indus­
try  to  move into those areas, 
but not many have been 
successful.

One Company’s Choice
Usually the industry shop­

ping for a  home is like the 
Michelin Tire Corporation, the 
French company, which de­
cided recently to build a  big 
new plant in the United States 
to be nearer its growing Amer­
ican market.

Michelin’s representatives vi­
sited several states and final­
ly settled on South Carolina, 
where a number of possible 
sites were available. Labor was 
important; the company would 
employ about 1,800 persons in 
two plants.

J. Bonner Manley, director of 
the State Development Board, 
tried to persuade the company 
to build in the heavily black, 
country near the coast, where 
the unemployment rate is offi­
cially 5 to 6 per cent but un­
officially, because of work 
force dropouts, probably twice 
that.

Disturbing Move
But, to the consternation of 

textile mill owners in the Pied­
mont, Michelin announced that 
it would move in next to them 
and build at Andenson and 
Greenville — where the unem­
ployment rate is less than 1 per 
cent.

The textile executives are 
disturbed because Michelin al­
most certainly will lure many 
of their workers away with 
higher wages. Tliey also fear 
that Michelin will be an early 
target of the unions and that 
unionism will spread.

Andrev/ V. Peters, Michelin’s 
top executive in the United 
States, sa id 'in  a recent inter­
view in New York that the 
cbmpahy had--choseti the Pied­
mont because it was “iiiter- 
este i in the quality of labor.” 

Mr. Manley said the state 
could not force Michelin or any 
other company to invest where 
it did not wish to. “It’s their 
money and their decision,” he



Black Colleges Ask 
A 25-Year Aid Plan- 
For School Parity
WASHINGTON, Nov. 4 (A?)

—Presidents, of black coilegss 
urged the. Government to d a j ,  
to embark, on a 25«year plan t»  
increase Federai.i»suppors for>: 
the 107i.traditionally black c o l ­
leges and univemities iif 'the .- 
country.

While th e '^ ia c k . collego--mr*,' 
rollment has-mcreased. to  near-, 
ly 200,000,.stadents, tiie presi-a ’ 
dents said iia  a report, thei'gaps> ; 
between the number of bJack?. -  
and whrtes'coilege- graduates i s i  ; 
widening.^; . -t '

The 100 presidents propose*^ 
a “Year-2000 Plan for Parity 
Education” at a  meeting .with.,^- 
F. David Mathews, Secretary, o f e j  
the-Department of-Health, 
cation'and Welfare. . s ' -
. The report, prepared bS^thftSf; 
National Associatioa for Ecpal; 
.Opportunity in Higher Educa-' , 
Hon, said th a t black colleges; 
were qualified and totally com-,, 
mitted to educate children f tn s i ' 
poor families. I,

“They produce attainraaot—-s 
not just opportunity,” therre^-; 
port said. “Without th e- sup­
ports to  convert it into bona;; 
fide achievement,' opportuailyt- 
alone is a fraud.” ' -  t

The presidents urged the 
partment to  increase black rep-; 
resentation on advisory com- • 
mittees and within the depart-; 
ment’s professional staffs and-; 
also to insure participation b y ' 
black in state higher educa-* 
tion commissions. _ r 

Emphasltig th e  need-for the- 
education of more black, p ro-' 
fessionals, the report said th a t, 
blacks comprised only 2  per­
cent of the nation’s physicians 
2.5 percent of the dentistss-Lo ; 
percent of the law yers-and 2- 
percent of PhD. graduates*”;^ --

Cosmos 778 and 779 .d
■ MOSCOW, Nov. 4 (AP)—Tha* 
Soviet Union launched Cosnms- 
778 and 779 into orbit today- 
“to coriitinue the space expiora- ■ 
tion program,” according tt>. 

‘Tass, the official press agency.



d is.lk jlphenoxybenzenedisu lfonate m ix ­
tures. w here th e alkyl r t o u p  is  C i-C „,

-15214

l^-uoa: Sep ieaih er 1!3, i i i o .
H o w a r d  R .  R o b e r t s , 

A c tin g  D irector, B u re a u  o f Foods. 
iF R  D o o .7 5 -2 6 1 6 3  F i le d  9 - 3 0 -7 5 ;8 :4 5  a m ]

Food and Drug Administration
[ D o c k e t  N o . 7 5 N -0 1 9 7 ]

IN VITRO DIAGNOSTIC PRODUCTS FOR 
HUMAN USE

Notice of Request for Data and Information 
To Establish a Product Class Standard 
for Products Intended for Use in Anti- 
rubella Antibody Tests

C orrection
In  P R  Doc. 75-24873, ap p earin g  a t  

page  43045 In the isstie fo r  T h ursday , 
Septem ber 18, 1975, th e second through 
fourth  lines of the n ext to  l a s t  fu ll p a r a ­
g rap h  should read  a s  follow s:

"o n  or before D ecem ber 17, 1975, to 
Food an d  D rug A dm in istration ,"

Food and Drug Administration 
[ D o c k e t  N o. 7 5 N -0 2 H ]

PRIVACY ACT OF 1974 
Notice of Systems of Records

C orrection
In  F R  Doc. 75-22412, ap p earin g  a t  page  

39073 in  the issue fo r W ednesday, A u­
gu st 27, 1975, m ake the follow ing
ch an ges:

1. In  th e f ir st  line o f the fir st  p a r a ­
graph , the word read ing  “ C om m ission” 
should  read  “ C om m issioner".

21 In  the f ir st  colum n m ake th e follow ­
ing ch an ges to  the num bered p a r a ­
g rap h s :

a. P a r a g r a p h  num ber 2. w as in ad v ert­
ently om itted. I t  should  re ad : “ 2. C er­
tified R eto rt O perators.”

b. In  p arag rap h  num ber 5. the word 
read ing  “ C re-en tia l” should  read  “ Cre­
d en tia l” .

c. In  p arag rap h  num ber 6.,- line 2, 
“ F D S "  should  read  “ PD A ” .

d. In  p arag rap h  num ber 11, the ab ­
breviation  “ (SA R P ) ” should  read  
“ (SA R A P ) ” ,

Office of the Secretary 
[ D o c k e t  N o. C C -1 0 ]  

UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN 
Notice of Proposed Ineligibility 

(Debarment)
P u rsu an t to Sections 208 an d  299 of 

F ed era l E xecutive O rder 11246 and 41 
CFR. 5 60-1.26, notice is hereby given 
th a t  R espon den t U niversity  (U niversity  
of Te.xas a t  A ustin) will be given an  op­
portun ity  to  be heard  on the A llegations 
se t fo rth  below. A copy of Executive 
O rder 11246, a  copy of the R egulation  
of tire Office of F ed era l C on tract C om ­
pliance. a  copy of the D ep artm en t’s  P ro­

cedural R ules fo r Proceedings under 
E xeru iive  O rdpr llgA c ru-e nttn^Und.

- ■ . ‘ c;:.-',. : ' .: - c c c i p t
. .  , i .  ‘ 1 . , . i ; . y  i;le  a n
to Li-is notice an d  niuy request 

a  h earin g. T h e  request fo r  h earin g  sh all 
be included a s  a  se p ara te  p arag rap h  of 
the answ er. T h e  answ er sh all ad m it or 
deny specifically  an d  in detail the m a t­
ters se t fo rth  in each  a llegation  of the 
notice un less R espon den t is wiUiout 
knowledge, in  which case  the answ er 
sh all so  state , an d  th e statem en t sh all 
be deem ed a  denial. M a tters alleged  a s 
affirm ative defenses sh all be separate ly  
sta te d  an d  num bered. I f  R espon den t fa i ls  
to file an  answ er, request a  hearing, or 
otherw ise form ally  con test the a lleg a­
tions in  th is notice w itliin  the 14-day 
period  follow ing receipt hereof, the m a t­
ters alleged  herein  are  deem ed adm itted  
an d  R espon den t’s  opportun ity  fo r  h ear­
ing is deem ed waived. T he D irector, O f­
fice for Civil R igh ts, m ay en ter an  order 
declaring R espon den t ineligible for 
aw ard  of F ed era l an d  F ed era lly -assisted  
con tracts or subcontracts, or extensions 
or other m odifications o f ex isting  con­
tra cts, u n til the R espon den t h a s  satisfied  
th e Sec re tary  of L ab o r th a t  it  h a s  e stab ­
lished  an d  will carry  out personnel and 
em ploym ent policies an d  p ractices in 
com pliance with the O rder.

T h e answ er, request fo r h earing, and 
all o ther docum ents p erm itted  to  be su b­
m itted  by Re.s)xindents in  th is proceed­
ing m u st be m ailed  or delivered to  the 
C ivil R igh ts  H earin g  Clerk, D epartm ent 
o f H ealth . E ducation , an d  W elfare. Room  
4519 N orth Building, 330 Independence 
Avenue, S.W ., W ashington, D.C. 20201. 
An original and two copies should  be filed 
and a n  add itional copy should  be m ailed  
or delivered to the attorn ey  in the Office 
o f G eneral C ounsel whose ad d ress is  in ­
d icated  below h is/h er  s ign atu re  hereon.

A l l e g a t io n s

T he G eneral Counsel o f the D ep art­
m en t of H ealth , E ducation , an d  W elfare 
(h ere in afte r ,-“ D ep artm en t” ), ac tin g  on 
behalf of the D epartm ent alleges a s 
fo llow s:

I .  STATEMENT OF JU RISD ICTIO N

1. Dui-ing the F isc a l Y ea r o f Septem ber 
1, 1964, to A ugust 31, 1985, R espondent 
U niversity  w as aw arded F ederal con tract 
m onies fo r educational purposes directly  
from  agencies within the United S ta te s  
G overnm ent.

2. R espondent U niversity  h a s  con­
tinued to receive Federal con tract monies 
from  Septem ber, 1965 to  the present, and 
h as included the stan d ard  equal em ploy­
m en t opportun ities provisions set fo rth  
in Section  202 of Executive O rder 11246 
in all o f its  F ederal con tracts.

3. Su ch  con tracts consist of agree­
m ents, or m odifications thereof, between 
the U niversity  and the corresponding 
F ed era l con tracting  agencies, for the 
funii.shing of supplies or services, includ­
ing research  service, or for the use of 
real or personal property; including 
lease arrangem ents.

4. Section  401 o f th e Executive Oi-dcr 
provides th a t  the S ecretary  of Labor ma.y

NOTICES

d elegate to  an y  E xecutive A gency any

t ’ .-.■ V ■ n-j-'-.-'r. Pui-c-y-r 
au u io m y , the Office lo r  C ivil R igh ts. D e­
p artm en t o f H ealth , E ducation , an d  W el­
fare , is a  com pliance agency w ithin the 
defin ition  of 41 C F R  60 -1 .3 (d ), and  41 
C F R  60-1.6, and is th erefore responsib le 
fo r  enforcing d ie  Executive O rder and 
its  im plem enting R egu lation s with re­
g ard  to  U niversities which a re  Federal 
C ontractors.

5. In  assu m ing  its  ro le  a s  a  com pliance 
agency, the Office, fo r  Civil R igh ts  is em ­
powered by Section  206(b) o f the E xecu­
tive O rder to inve.stigate com p lain ts filed 
by  em ployees o f U niversities which are  
F ed era l C ontractors.

6. 41 C F R  60-1.40(a) (1972) provides 
th a t all F ed era l C on tractors w hose work 
force exceeds 50 em ployees an d  whose 
con tracts exceed $50,000 m u st develop 
an d  subm it a  w ritten  Affirm ative Action 
C om pliance Program .

7. O n M ay 18, 1973, R espon den t U ni­
versity  subm itted  a n  Affirm ative Action 
P rogram  to the Office fo r  Civil R igh ts, ■ 
D ep artm en t o f H ealth , Education , and 
W elfare. T h e  Affirm ative Action C om ­
pliance P rogram  -B'as approved by the 
D ep artm en t of H ealth , E ducation , and 
W elfare on  Ju ly  6,1973.

I I .  APPLICABLE LA-W AND REGULATIONS

T he follow ing app licable  law  an d  re g ­
u lation s provide a  b a sis  fo r the proposed 
enforcem ent ac tio n :

8. Section  202 of Executive O rder 11246 
provides th a t  all Gcvc-m m ent C on trac­
tors sh all include In every G overnm ent 
con tract tiie  stan d ai'd  equal em ploym ent 
opportunity provisions se t fo rth  in  S e c ­
tion  202 of Executive O rder 11246.

9. 41 C F R  60-20.3(b) provides th a t  
F ed era l C on tractors m ust g u aran tee  to. 
“ (e)m p loyees o f both sexes a s  equal op- 
portm iity  to an y  availab le  jo b  th a t  he or 
sh e  is  qualified  to perform , un less sex  is 
a  bona fide occupational qualification .”  
T he regu ia tio a  provides th a t  C on trac­
tors m ust n ot m ake, "atiy  distinction  
based  upon sex  in  em ploym ent opportu­
n ities, -wages, hours, or other conditions 
o f em ploym ent,”  (41 C E B  C 0-20.3(c>), 
an d  th at, “ w age schedules m u st n o t be 
re lated  to or based  on the sex of em ploy­
ees,” (41 C F R  60-20.5( a ) ) .

10. 41 C F R  80-3.H  provides th at, “ d is­
p ara te  t re a tm e n t . . , occurs where m em ­
bers o f a  group protected  by Executive 
O rder 11246, a s  am ended, have been de­
nied the sam e opportun ities for . , . pro­
m otion a s  have been m ade availab le  to 
other employees, . . P u rsu a n t to this 
regulation , “ (n )o  new . , . selection  
stan d ard  can  be im posed uix)ii an  in ­
dividual or c lass of individuals . . . wdio. 
bu t for . . . prior d iscrim ination , would 
have been gran ted  the opportun ity  to 
qualify  under less s trin gen t selection  
stan d ard s  previousiy in fo rce ."  Selection  
s tan d ard s  are  defined a t  41 C P R  60-3.13 
a s  em jiloym ent criteria  “n ot used  un i­
form ly a.s a  basi.s for qualify ing or d is­
qualify ing ap p lica n ts” (for a  po.sition of 
cm pioym ent) (41 C F R  60-3.13).

FEDERAL RSGISIER, V O l. 40, NO. 19T— W EDNESDAY, OCTOBER i, 197



11. 41 CFR 60-3 .16(a) provides th at, 
“ U )h e  use of . . . selection  techniques by 
Contractors as qualification  standards  
for . . . prom otion . . . shall be exam ined  
carefu lly  for possible ind ications of n on-  
com pliance w ith the requirem ents of E x­
ecutive Order 11246, as am ended .”

12. 41 CPR 60-1.32 provides that, 
‘‘( t )h e  sanctions and penaltie.s contained  
in  Subpart D  of the Order m ay be ex ­
ercised . . . aga inst any prim e C ontrac­
tor, Subcontractor or applicant wlio fa ils  
to take all necessary steps to ensure th a t  
n o person intim idates, threatens, coerces 
or discrim inates aga inst any individual 
for th e  purpose of in terfering  w ith  . . . 
any . . .  activ ity  related to the O rd er ,. . . ”

13. 41 CFR 60-1 .7(a ) (3) provides th at  
Federal Contractors m ay be required “to 
keep em ploym ent or other records and  
to  furnish, in the form  requested, . . . 
such In form ation  a s” the Office for Civil 
R igh ts  sh all deem  necessary for the ad ­
m in istration  of the E xecutive Order. 41 
CPR 60-1.43 requires th a t such  C ontrac- 
tor.s provide the Office for Civil R ights  
w ith  access to “books, records, accounts, 
and  oth er m ateria l as m ay be relevant 
to  (a) m atter under investigation  and  
p ertin en t to  com pliance.”

14. 41 CFR 60-1 .24(c) (3) provides that, 
"where any com plaint investigation  . . . 
ind icates a  violation  of the equal op­
portun ity clause and the m atter has not 
been resolved by inform al m eans,” the  
C ontractor sh all be afforded an  oppor­
tu n ity  for a hearing. T he procedures for 
a  form al hearing are se t forth  a t  41 CPR  
60-1.26 (b ).

15. S ection  208(b) of the Executive Or­
der provides tlrat a hearing m ay be held  
before san ction s or penalties m ay be im ­
posed  under E xecutive Order. U nder th is  
section , “ (n )o  order for debarm ent of 
an y  Contractor from  further Govern­
m en t contracts under S ection  209(a) (6) 
sh a ll be m ade w ithout affording the Con­
tractor an  opportunity for a  hearing .”
I I I .  STATEMENT OF MATERIAL FACTS FU R N IS H ­

ING  A BASIS FOR THE IM PO SIT IO N  OF SANC­
T IO N S

16. On or about A ugust 20, 1971, Ms. 
J a n et R ollins Berry, (hereinafter, Ms. 
B err y ), an  A ssistan t Professor in  R e­
spondent’s Art H isto iy  D epartm ent, filed  
a com plaint w ith  th e  Office for Civil 
R igh ts, D epartm ent of H ealth , Educa­
tion , and W elfare, in  w hich  she alleged  
th a t R espondent had d iscrim inated  
aga inst h er on  th e  basis of her sex.

17. T he com plaint was investigated  by 
a review team  from  the D allas Office for 
Civil R igh ts on  or about Septem ber 13 
to  17, 1971, and October 11 to 14, 1971.

18. On or about October 27, 1971, R e­
spondent was notified by th e  Office for  
Civil R ights th a t it  was in  violation  of the  
E xecutive Order and its  im plem enting  
regulations.

19. T he follow ing fac ts reveal a v io la­
tion  o f th e  E xecutive Order and its 
Ms. Berry’s sa la ry :

a. In 1964. Ms. B erry’s adjusted in itia l
-e lery  'v'-s i>'.iDioxiinaioiy lower
dT'.,'. rirw paid to m ale lacuU y m.embfr.s

w ith in  R espondent’s Art H istory D epart­
m ent who were hired a t approxim ately  
th e  sam e tim e as Ms. Berry, and whose 
qualifications were sim ilar to  Ms. Berry’s.

b. Ms. Berry's average salary increase  
was approxim ately one-th ird  less than  
th e  average salary increase awarded to 
m ale teachers w ith in  R espondent’s Art 
H istory D epartm ent.

c. In  1968. R espondent's Art H istory  
D epartm ent paid a  m ale faculty  mem ber 
who did n ot possess a  doctoral degree 
approxim ately $1,000 per year m ore than  
i t  paid Ms. Berry, Said  m ale faculty  
m em ber entered R espondent's Art H is­
tory D epartm ent a t  the sam e tim e as 
Ms. Berry, and h ad  no prior teach ing  
experience.

d. In  or around 1970, R espondent’s Art 
Histoi-y D epartm ent h ired a m ale faculty  
m em ber w'ho possessed n eith er a  doctoral 
degree nor prior teach in g experience, and  
paid h im  approxim ately th e  sam e salary  
as th a t paid to Ms. Berry, who had six  
years o f teach ing experience.

20, R espondent’s policies and practices  
w ith  regard to faculty  prom otion w ith in  
its  A rt H istory D epartm ent h ave been  
vaguely com m unicated, generally  u n ­
w ritten , and unevenly applied to  th e  
detrim ent o f Ms. Berry, as com pared to  
sim ilarly qualified m ales w ith in  th a t  
D epartm ent.

a. R espondent h ired Ms, Berry a t  the  
in itia l rank of instructor, w hile it  h ired  
all m ale em ployees w ith  equivalent de­
grees and sim ilar qualifications a t  Uie 
rank o f a ssistan t professor.

b. In  or around Novem ber, 1970, R e­
spondent’s P resident review'ed Ms. Berry’s 
unanim ous D epartm ental recom m enda­
tion  for prom otion to  th e  rank of asso­
cia te professor w ith  tenure. T he recom ­
m endation  w'as denied because M.s. Berry  
h ad  n ot com pleted  her'd octora l degree. 
R espondent had a t  no tim e prior to  the 
denial issued  a  w ritten  policy, or con ­
sisten tly  conform ed to a n  unw ritten  pol­
icy, th a t w ould support - its  denial to  
prom ote Ms. Berry. Specifically:

1. A m ale w ho h ad  n ot received a  doc­
toral degree w as appointed  as chairm an  
o f R espondent’s Art Histoiw D epartm ent.

ii. Pi-ior to  R espondent P resident’s de­
n ia l of Ms. BeriT’s prom otion, tw o m ale  
facu lty  m em bers who had n ot received  
doctoral degrees h ad  been appointed to  ' 
th e  rank of associate professor or profes­
sor w ith  tenure.

iii. Subsequent to  th e  Februai-y 5, 1971,
Issuance by R espondent’s College of F ine  
A rts of the policy on  facu lty  prom otion  
and com pensation  (hereinafter, “ex ­
pected degree ru le”) , th e  policy w as cited  
in  a  p etition  signed by approxim ately  
for ty -n ine  m em bers of R espondent’s Col­
lege of F ine A rts as a “n ew ” policy. T he  
policy, issued by th e  College D ean, pro­
vided th a t Art H isiorians are "expected  
to  hav’e a  D octor’s D egree as a  prereq­
u isite  for prom otion to  tenure, and that, 
for prom otion  in  salary and rank, they  
would be expected  to publish” and to  
“dem onstrate com petence in  perform ­
ance i'liid.'or c'l'C'.'i::.. - :i'Uy in /n-t
for w hich tin-, ci'c ■.

NOTICES

T he policy did n ot indicate the specific 
rank for w hich the doctoral degree would  
serve as a  prerequisite, where “prom otion  
to  tenure” w as concerned.

iv. R espondent awarded Ms. Berry te n ­
ure on or a ’oout Pebraary 25, 1971.-

V. R espondent P resident’s Novem ber 
18, 1971, “Policy on  F acu lty Prom otion  
and C om pensation”, and Respondent's 
Novem ber 14, 1972, Prom otion  and Com ­
pensation  S ta tem en t contained  in  R e­
spondent’s N ovem ber 14, 1972, Affirma­
tive A ction S ta tem en t do n ot allude to 
tlie  doctoral prerequisite for th e  associate  
professor w ith  tenure rank. T he latter  
docum ent provides tiia t an  ap plican t’s 
source, date and type of degree com prise 
only one factor to  be considered in  th e  
sa lary  and rank review process.

vi. R espondent’s Affirmative Action  
S tatem en t, dated  Novem ber 14,1972, pro­
vides th a t w hen apparent inequities in 
salary or rank are discovered, they shall 
be elim inated  w ith  corrective action.

vii. R espondent’s Affirm ative Action  
C om pliance Program , dated  on or about 
M ay 15, 1973, provides on P age one that 
it  w ill prom ote wom en faculty  member.s 
“on th e  sam e basis and a t a rate equiva­
len t to th a t for m en .”

21. Subsequent to  th e  date Ms. EeriT's 
com plaint v/as filed. R espondent and its 
em ployees h ave d irected num erous re ta l­
iatory actions against Ms. Berry and  
h er husband, w ho was previously em ­
ployed by R espondent.

a. 'When Ms. Berry protested R espond­
en t’s College o f P ine Arts “expected de­
gree rule,” she w as inform ally notified  
by R espondent’s em ployees th a t the Dean  
h ad  ‘certain’ letters on  file aga inst her. 
and th a t h e  probably would use them  if 
necessaiT,' she w as also inform ed th at 
h er husband m igh t lose h is  job,

b. B oth  Mr. and Ms. Berry’s salaries 
were frozen  by R espondent, w ith  the ex ­
ception  o f m andatory across-the-board  
raises. R espondent’s other faculty  m em ­
bers received salary increm ents in addi­
tion  to  th eir  m andatory raises.

c. W hen Ms. Berry requested leave for 
purposes of tak ing law courses, her re­
quest was in itia lly  denied by R espondent. 
R espondent generally  grants faculty  
m em bers w ith  seven  consecutive years of 
em ploym ent an  annual term  of absence. 
R espondent granted Ms. Berry leave only 
after several m onths of u ncertain ty, and  
on ly  shortly in  advance of her leave tenn .

d. T he Chairm an of R espondent’s Art 
H istory D epartm ent, who h ad  previously  
given  strong support to  Ms. B erry’s rec­
om m endation  for prom otion, w as repre­
sen ted  later by R espondent’s Pre.sident as 
having w ithdraw n h is support from  Ms. 
Berry.

e. T he D ean  of R espondent’s College of 
Pine Arts, who h ad  a t one tim e h ighly  
praised Ms, Berry’s teach in g qualifica­
tions, spoke unfavorably of Ms, Berry to  
H.E.W . investigators.

f. B oth  Mr. and Ms. Berry were re­
lieved  o f all their com m ittee responsibll- 
itic.s w i i n u .  Hospoiident'.s Art K .c.;.',' f:.' - 
p a r i i i ' . f n t .

43215

FEDERAL REGISTER, VOL. 40, NO. 191— WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1975



45216 NOTICES

g. M s. B e n y  was n o t assigned by R e­
spondent to  teach  advanced courses.

! ’r. rc -.T - ' f ' . -  ■:■ ■■;' r .- r .h ic i.t
o, >£cs':or lic:-o ■ •■•i.ent'.s A rt II;' -
; U o’.jarl'- .'rri‘, v ' v i  •m :1 ; -.t b c -n  
granted  a salary rucrcm ent lo r  u iree con ­
secutive years. N o assistan t p rofessor was 
paid a low er salary, and, of a ll th ose re­
ceiving an  equivalent salary, none h ad  as 
m uch teach ing experience as Mr. Berry.

22. R espondent has show n a  continued  
refusal to  cooperate or n egotiate w ith  th e  
Office for  Civil R ights in  regard to its  in ­
vestigation  and settlem ent o f  Ms. Berry’s 
com plaint.

a. R espondent’s  President notified  in ­
vestigators on  or about Septem ber 13, 
1971, th a t em ployees’ personnel files 
would n ot be released for investigative  
purposes for privacy reasons, and th a t  
M s. Berry’s file vrould n ot be released  be­
cause i t  m igh t con tain  ‘recom m enda­
tio n s’.

b. W hen R espondent was apprised of 
th e  results o f th e  com plaint investigation, 
i t  refused  to com ply w ith  th e  Office for 
Civil R igh ts’ directive to prom ote Ms. 
Berry and increase her salary.

23. On or" about A,pril 26, 1974, R e­
spondent's A dm inistrators form ally re­
fused  to  provide th e  Office for Civil R ights  
w ith  access to additional data determ ined  
relevant to  Ms. Berry's com plaint.

24. T he D epartm ent has m ade ade­
quate efloi'ts to ach ieve R espondent’s 
voluntary com pliance w'ith regard to  its 
posture o f non-com pliance.

W herefoi-e, fo r  th e  foregoing reasons. 
R espondent has fa iled  to  com ply w ith  
S ections (1 ) , (4 ) , and (5) of th e  Equal 
O pportunity Clause o f its  contract as pre­
scribed by th e  Office o f Federal Contract 
C om pliance R egulations (see 41 CPR 6 0-  
1 .4 (a )) ,  and a.s prescribed by Federal E x­
ecutive Order 11246 (Section  202), and  
w ith  41 CPR P art 60, Sections 60-1 .7(a) 
(3 ) , 1.32, 1.43, 3.11, 3 .1 6 (a ), 20.3 (b) and  
(c ) , and 20 .5 (a ).

W herefore, th e  G eneral Counsel re­
quests th a t the H earing Officer recom ­
m end th a t an  Order.be entered, pursuant 
to 41 CFR. 60-1 .26(b) (2) (vi) :

1. F ind ing th at R espondent fa iled  to 
com ply wdth Executive Order 11246, and  
tlie  ru les, regulations and orders issued  
and prom ulgated thereunder, as W'ell as 
w ith  its Affirmative A ction  Com pliance 
Program ;

2. Finding th a t the D epartm ent has 
been unable to  ach ieve th e  voluntary  
com pliance o f R espondent through in ­
form al m eans;

3. Providing th a t currently-existing  
contracts or subcontracts funded in  
w hole or in  part w'ith Federal funds, be 
cancelled  and term inated; and

4. Providing th a t R espondent sh a ll be 
ineligib le for th e  award o f  any contracts 
or subcontracts or for the extension  or 
other m odification  of any ex isting  con­
tracts funded in  w hole or in  part w ith  
Federal funds u ntil R espondent has sa tis­
fied th e  Secretary o f Labor th a t R e­
spondent ha.s established and will carry  
out personnel and em ploym ent policies in  
com pliance w ith  the provisions of E xecu­
tive Order 11246, and th e  rules, regula­
tions and orders issued thereunder.

(Copy of certificate of service filed as part of rates referred to  sh a ll be determ ined by 
the original document.) t^ e Secretary o f H ealth , E du-ation , and

.. - ...... j-uucauo,i, auu Vveliaie;
J o h n  M .  S t o k e s , 
R eg io n a l A tto rn e y .  

D ated: Septem ber 12, 1975.
C a r o l  B u e h r e n s , 

A ss is ta n t R eg io n a l A tto rn e y , 
O ffice o f th e  G enera l Counsel, 
D e p a r tm e n t o f  H ea lth , E d u ca ­
tio n , a n d  W elfare ,

[ P R  D o c .7 5 -2 6 2 3 5  P U e d  9 -3 0 -7 5 :8 :4 5  a m ]

Office of the Secretary 
INPATIENT HOSPITAL 

Increase Deductible
P u rsu ant to  authority contained  in  

sec tion  1813(b) (2) of th e  Social Secu­
rity A ct (42 U.S.C. 1395e(b) ( 2 ) ) ,  as 
am ended, I  hereby determ ine and a n ­
nounce th a t the dollar am ount w hich  
sh a ll be applicable for th e  inp atien t h os­
p ita l deductible, for purposes of section  
1813(a) o f th e  Act, as am ended, sh a ll be 
$104 in  Uie case of any spell o f illness be­
g inn ing during 1976.

T he annoim ced increase in  the inpa­
tien t deductible will also result in  pro­
portionate changes in  th e  other cost-  
sharing am ounts under th e  hospital in -  
sm 'ance program . Thus, for spells o f ill­
n ess beginning in  1976, th e  daily  
coinsurance for th e  61st through the  
90th  days of hospita liation  (one-fourth  
of the Inpatient hospita l deductible) 
sh a ll be $26; th e  daily coinsurance for 
■the lifetimte reserve days (on e-h a lf of the  
inp atien t hospita l deductible) shall be 
$52; and the daily coinsurance for the  
21st through the 100th days of extended  
care services (one-eightli of the inpa­
tien t hospital deductible) sh all be $13.

T he new' inpatien t hospital deductible 
represents a  13 percent increase over th e  
current deductible. I t  is im portant for  
m e to p o in t out th a t tiiis increase is due 
in  large m easure to th e  continued infla­
tion  in  the h ealth  care industry. S ince  
th e  expiration  of the Econom ic S tab iliza­
tio n  Progi'am controls in  April 1974, h os­
p ita l costs have been increasing 50 per­
cent faster than  the overall co st-o f-  
living.

T iiere follow s a statem ent of the a c ­
tuarial bases em ployed in  arriving a t the  
am ount o f $104 for th e  inpatien t hospi­
ta l deductible for th e  calendar year 1976.

T he law  provides th at, for spells of ill­
n ess beginning in  calendar years after  
1968, th e  inp atien t hospital deductible 
shall be eqtial to $40 m ultiplied by the  
ratio of (1) the current average per diem  
rate for inpatien t hospita l sen 'ices for 
th e  calendar year preceding the year in  
w'hich th e  prom ulgation is m ade (in  th is  
ca.se, 1974) to  (2) th e  current average 
l>er diem  rate for such services for 1966. 
T lie law' further provides that, if the  
am ount so  determ ined is not an  even  
m ultiple of S4, it shall be rounded to the 
nearest m ultiple of $4. porther, it  is pro­
vided th a t the current average per diem

furnished  during Uie year by h ospitals  
who are qualified to  participate in  th e  
program , and for whom  there is an  agree­
m ent to  do so, for individuals who are  
en titled  to benefits as a residt of insured  
status under the O ld-A ge, Survivors, and  
D isability  Insm -ance program  or th e  
R ailroad R etirem ent program .

T he d ata  available to m ake th e  n eces­
sary com putations of th e  cun-ent aver­
age per diem  rates for calendar years 
1966 and 1974 are derived from  individ­
ual inp atien t hospital bills th a t are re ­
corded on a 100 percent basis in  th e  rec­
ords of th e  program . These records show, 
for each  bill, th e  num ber o f inp atien t  
days o f care, .tlie interim  reim bursem ent 
am ount, and th e  interim  cost (the. sum  
o f interim  reim bursem ent, deductible, 
and co in surance).

Each individual bill is  assigned both  
an In itial m onth  and a  term inal m onth , 
as determ ined from  the first day covered  
by th e  bill and th e  la s t day so covered. 
Insofar as the in itia l m onth  and th e  
term inal m onth  fa ll in  th e  sam e calendar  
year, n o  problem s of classification  occur.

Tw'o tabulations are prepared, one  
sum m arizing tlie  bills w ith  each assigned  
to  th e  year in  W'hich the period it covers 
begins, and th e  other sum m arizing the  
sam e bills w ith  each  assigned to the year 
In w hich  th e  period i t  covers ends. T he  
true value w ith  respect to  th e  costs for 
a given year on  an  accurate accrual basis 
should  fa ll betw een th e  am ount o f tota l 
costs show n for bills beginning in  th at  
year and th e  am ount shown for bills end­
ing  in  th a t year.

T he current average per diem  rate for  
inp atien t hospital services for calendar 
year 1966, on th e  basis described, is 
$37.92, w hile th e  corresponding figure for  
calendar year 1974 is $97.93. I t  m ay be 
noted  th a t these averages are based on  
about 30 m illion days of hospitalization  
in  1906 (Iasi 6 m onths of the year) and  
80 m illion  aays of hospitalization  in  1974, 
A ccordingly th e  ratio of the 1974 rate to  
the 1966 rate is 2.583.

In  order to  accurately reflect th e  
change in  the average per diem hospital 
cost under the program , the average in ­
terim  cost (as shown in  the tabulations) 
m ust be adjusted for the effect of final 
cost settlem ents m ade w ith  each  provider 
o f services a fter th e  end of Its fiscal year  
to  adjust the reim bursem ent to th at pro­
vider from  the am ount paid during th a t  
year on  an  interim  ba.=is to  th e  actual 
cost of providing covered services to ben­
eficiaries. To the exten t th a t th e  ratio of 
final cost to interim  cost is different in  
the current year than i t  was in 1966. the  
increase in  average interim  per diem  
costs will n ot coincide w ith  the Increase 
in  actual cost that has ocem red. T he best 
data available indicates th a t th is ad just­
m ent does not change the ratio shown  
above by enough to result in  a  diffei'ent 
deductible for 1976. T he values shown in  
th is report do n o t reflect th is  ad ju st­
m ent for final cost settlem ents. W hen

FEDESA l REGISTER, VOL. 40, NO, 191— W EDNESDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1975



6 T H E  C H R O N IC L E  O F  H IG H E R  E D U C A T I O N

Enrollment Slowdown
It’s sharpest among middle-income families

W ASHINGTON
The slowdown in college enroll­

ment is sharpest among youths from 
middle-income families, a study by 
the U.S. Census Bureau indicates.

That evidence of the impact of 
rising costs of a college education 
itirned up in a survey of American 
families wiih children of college

A'oung families with incomes be­
tween SlO.UOO and SI 5.000, the 
ralio in Which !8-lo-24-ycar-oId chil­
dren were actually enrolled in col­
lege dropped from 43 per cent in 
1970 to 36 per cent in 1973.

The enrollment rates among fami­
lies with higher incomes have 
changed little during the recent years 
of big cost increases. Such families 
have consistently been more likely 
to send their children to college.

The percentage of families with 
incomes above $15,000 which have 
students in college was 56 per cent 
in 1970 and nearly 54 per cent in 
1973, the Census Bureau said.

Among families with incomes 
under $5,000—where the rates were 
low to begin with—the drop-off rate 
was smallest of all.

For families with incomes between

$3,000 and $5,000, the percentage 
with children in college was 19 per 
cent in 1970 and 18 per cent in 
1973.

The Census Bureau said the 
median income of all families with 
youths 18 to 24 in 1973 was 
$11,898, while the median income 
of such families with members en­
rolled in college full-time was 
$14,679.

The survey was reported in one 
of the bureau's current population 
reports, “Characteristics of Ameri­
can Youth: 1974” (Special Studies, 
Series P-23, No. 51).

The U.S. College-Agie Population
(add 000)

1940 > 1950 1960 1970 1975» 1980 r 1985*
14-17 years . . . . .........  9,844 8,444 11,219 15,910 16,923 15,753 14,388
18-21 years . . . . .........  9,699 8,946 9,555 14,705 16,479 17,097 15,431
22-24 years . . .  . .........  6,918 7,129 6,573 9,978 11,118 12,344 12,403

White
14-24-year-oids . .........  23,562 21,556 24,008 35,125 38,016 38,114 35,139
Total population .........  118,629 135,984 160,023 179,491 185,578 192,162 200,548
Per cent of total .......... 19.9% 15.9% 15.0% 19.6% 20.5% 19.8% 17.5%
Black
14-24-year-olds ............  2,898 ’ 2,963 3,072 4,914 5,772 6,179 6,052
Total population .........  13,494 ■ 16,288 19,005 22,787 24,539 26,371 28,304
Per cent of total .........  21.5% ‘ 18.2% 16.2% 21,6% 23.5% 23.4% 21.4%

All races 
14—24-year-oids ............ 26,460 24,519 27 47 40,593 44,520 45,195 42,222
Total population .......... 132,122 152,271 180 671 204,879 213,450 222,769 234,058
Per cent of total .........  20.0% 16.1% 16 1% 19.8% 20.9% 20.3% 18.0%
1. Excludes A laska and Hawaii.
2. Figures are projections.
3. Includes b lacks and other m inorities.

SOURCE: “ Chilfactcristics of American Youth: 1974,”  Bureau o f the Census



‘28 THE N E W  YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1975^

School Integration Gaining in Racine, Wis.; 
Program Viewed as Model for the Nation
By PAUL DELANEY

Specia* to.The New Yorh Times
RACINE, Wis., Oct. 16—The 

two Hochstein children—Steven, 
‘ 9 years old, and Brian, 6— 
meet the yellow school bus 
every morning at 8:30. They 
leave cozy, white suburban 
Harbor View to attend Jeffer­
son Elementary School in the 
city’s black community.

At about the same time, 
Daimon Stevenson, 7, boards 
a bus near his home in a black 
neighborhood of the inner city 
for the long ride to Caddy Vista

in Kansas City, Mo., are under 
a desegregation directive from 
the Department of Health, Edu­
cation and Welfare, while the 
state of Iowa is pressing Des
Moines to desegregate. Andiment has been reluctant to

the moment, Chicago is consid 
ered too tough to tackle be­
cause it would take 
mendous amount of effort and 
resources. The Federal Govern-

some communities, such 
Racine and Minneapolis, have 
taken steps to eliminate segre­
gated schools voluntarily. 

Integration-Related Deaths 
On the other hand, the only 

integration-related deaths 
this school year have occurred 
in the Middle West. A white 
student was shot by a black

Elementary School, described youth at U.S. Grant High School 
b y .h is  mther as being “wayin Oklahoma City, and a court- 
out in the country.” appointed dese^egatiqn spe-

Beyond concern about thedalist in Dayton, Ohio, was 
distance that children have to shot by a man apparently upset

■ travel—about 15 miles eachthat his children were to be 
.^vay—Gwendolyn Hochstein andbused. Both incidents occurred 
Lillie Stevenson said they hadlast nionth.
no qualm with the way desegre- Nevertheless, a pattern seems 
gation of elementary schoolsto be emerging in some places 
has gone, that the long bus rideof seeking peaceful, sincere, 
was “worth it to achieve some-workable and—some say hope- 
thing important, integration of fully—^voluntary solutions to 
the schools.” the problems of dismantling

■ Of Racine’s 15,000 elemen-dual schools. The merger of
tary school pupils, 2,200 arepredominantly black city schools 
being bused—about half ofwith predominantly white sub- 
them white, and half black.urban schools, a solution re- 
There are 29,000 students injected last year by the Supreme 
the city’s school system—one-Court, is being debated as a 
filth of them black. method of achieving more last-

The effort in Racine seems toing desegregation by cutting 
be one of the more successfuloff some of the sanctuaries of 
examples of school integrationwhites fleeing the city, 
in the North to date, officials Here in Wisconsin, a pro. 
say. Desegregation here couldposal before the Legislature 
serve as a model for otherwould merge two Milwaukee 
cities as the drive for Integra-high school districts with two 
tion moves from smaller townssuburban districts. Three super- 
to bigger cities, not only in theintendents in suburban Omaha 
Middle West, but also acrosssaid they favored voluntary 
the country.' rather than mandatory integra-

Some Promise tion and would cooperate in
. .. such a program with the city.

So far, desegregation in the .jj^g school board in Kansas 
Middle West has been spotty,Qjy^ bas authorized its
with some notable a c c o m p l i s h - j g  investigate the pos- 
ments, some repetition of mis-gj),iiity gf a lawsuit or other 
takes made by other communi-jggai effort to consolidate 
ties and some promise for theggbools in the metropolitan 
future. As the evidence points However, some black 
to retrenchment in the Southjgg^g^g regard the move as a 
and a change of heart smongjjgjayjng tactic rather than an 
some liberal proponents evergarnest effort by the board, 
busing, clearly the desegrega- Action Awaitedtion action now is here in the Court Action Awaited 
Middle West. About a dozen cities, mostly

There is a variety of ap-in Ohio, are awaiting court 
proaches, from the use hereorders or other court action, 
and in other cities of magnetin Ohio, the National Associa- 
schools to the establishment oftion for the Advancement of 
“fifth-year centers” forallfifth-Colored People, in a new strat- 
graders in Oklahoma City.egy, is concentrating on the

move and so has the state of 
Illinois. Similarly, blacks 
Chicago have hesitated to file 
suit because of the expense it 
would entail and the anticioated 
level of resistance.

But this southeast Wisconsin 
city of nearly 100,000 on the 
shores of Lake Michigan is 
perhaps a model of how de­
segregation should be accom­
plished

The same factors that re­
sulted in strong resistance in 
other places exist here. There 
has been racial tension. A high 
school and a junior high school 
were closed for three days last 
year after racial fighting broke 
out.

School officials here believe 
that Racine avoided many pit- 
falls that other cities experi­
enced because the school board 
took the initiative and ordered 
a plan drawn up in 1973. Sup­
port came from the school ad­
ministration staff and from a 
citizens committee set up to 
recommend alternative plans, 
according to C. Richard Nelson, 
superintendent of schools.

Involvement of Parents
This attempt to involve 

parents in the process and to 
devise a voluntary plan (al­
though the board did not ac­
cept the plan recommended -by 
the committee) seems to have 
prevented the build-up of sub­
stantial opposition.

Some of the features that 
made desegregation in Racine 
different from that in other 
cities include the following:

^Desegregation was two- 
way, with black children trans­
ferred to suburban schools on 
the outer reaches of the 100- 
square-mile Racine unified 
school district that encom­
passes a third of Racine County, 
while white youngsters were 
sent to eschools in the inner 
city. One-way desegregation of 
black children to white schools 
has been a major concern of 
black parents, and accounts for 
some of their opposition to 
busing. The racial composition

There was some opposition 
to desegregation, however. On 
Oct. 11, a judge dismissed a 
suit challenging the right of 
the board to bus children long 
distances.

There is also evidence of 
some white parents pulling 
their children out of the public 
schools, but it is minimal here, 
in contrast to Oklahoma City.

Referring to the racial strife 
that has disrupted schools in 
Boston, Mr, Nelson said Racine 
residents were determined not 
to “become another Boston,” 
and added, “This was felt even 
by people opposed to busing,”
He attributed the city’s success 
to several factors.

“We had two years to work 
on the plan, to build support 
for it after the board adopted 
desegregation as policy,” he 
said in an interview at the 
Racine Unified School District 
building. He added:

‘When the plan was adopted, 
the community accepted it. But 
the momentum for integration 
was there already. We desegre­
gated high schools and junior. , ____________
high schools in the nineteen-1 '  -- ------------------
sixties, so movement toward dng to desegregate the schools [Kansas City chapter of the 
desegregation of elementary |,,,[t]^gg(. yjgjgggg^ jSouthern Christian Leadership
■—hools was logical. | convinced there is much Conference, said the history of

No Political Football jmore acceptance of integration, school integration efforts since
Racine was one of the few-now,” Mr. English continued, j the Supreme Court’s historic 

cities in the nation to integrate | “ggi-ng parents never thought :decision in 1954 had been one 
slV"eta°t°on'^and°bu^ng‘ a® defiance by the executive
litical football. Historically, | themselves tojand legislative branches of gov-
school officials and other politi-iRelieve it until it actually hap-jernment, “leaving only the 
cal leaders have adopted alpened. Some even expected us I courts to bear the tremendous 
stance of defiance. i[board members] to stop it, toiburden of upholding the Con-

In Kansas City, the school j^jgfy jĵ g ggurts, even go tolstitution.”
S c e t o % h " w ^ / t o m i v e p - * ” ,   ̂ ^  > The latest example, he said,
to desegregate, resulting in ai Impact on News qs a proposal m Congress that
cutoff of about $10-million in Mr. English and other offi-|WO>rld prohibit H.E.W. .from
Federal funds.

After H.E.W. officials re­
jected the Kansas City school 
board’s integration plan last 
summer on the ground that it 
was inadequate, the board pro­
posed a metropolitan desegre­
gation plan and filed a suit 
contending that the Federal 
agency had failed to conduct 
an environmental impact study, 
the first time that contention

The New York Tfmes/Dave Nysfrom
Brian, left, and Steven Hochstein arriving at the Jeffer­
son School in Racine, Wis. They travel about, 15 miles 

________ daily to get to the desegregated school.

cials, such as Freddye Williams, initiating desegregation efforts, 
a member of the Oklahoma C i t y J e m e s  accused the Kansas 
school board, and State Repre-i^**'y. hoard of delaying, action 
sentative Hannah Atkins o fi°"  await pas-
Oklahoma said news of deseg-! *he bill, but he vowed
regation efforts in other parts 5 ̂ hat we 11 go to court and sue 
of the country had an impactl^o 'otegrate.” 
on local efforts to integrate j . other Middle Western 
schools. Youngsters in n e w l y  i hlayton has begun limited 
desegregated schools were rest-1 desegregation under Federal
less during the violence that-Court prodding. Detroit, with an

___  ___  . erupted lat month in Louisville,!enrollment of 247,000—72 per
has been made in a school in-.-Ky., they said, and white par-:cent black—is busing 25,000 
tegration case. ients became more defiant after students.

siiiK m e lae.ai _____  In Oklahoma City, resistance|President Ford said he was op-; Pontiac and Kalamazoo,Mich.,
Tefferson Elementary School I  to desegregation by previous; posed to busing to promote ra-, were desegregated in 1971. 

changed from nearly 90 perischool boards led residents tolcial balance in public schools. lAfter violent resistence, includ- 
cent black to 4 0  per cent black, believe that its schools would! “That kind of talk is un-ing the bombing of school buses 
and the white majority at!never be integrated, according necessary and gives encourage- in Pontiac, officials reported

p e r e i s  still strong resistance,entire state, gyjto Paul English, president of ment to whites that, if they.that whites seemed to be ac-
but there appears to be a grqw-pendmg or planned m u . y pe?^cent. the current school board. When keep on resisting, they’ll turnicepting busing,
mg acceptance even of busingcities as levdand.C m ci o o  p publicithe voters iearned that those! integration around,” Mr. Atkins i Indianapolis appealed a court
by communities where ' t l ’^^Cotonibus Dayton, Akron,, ^  "And that hurts the ef-^order that would bus black
been in effect for tome , gend-cia?s S e  of the eight candi-iprevent the schools from de-lfort of local people who striveichildren to suburban Marion
such as m Pontiac, Mich. ton. a ftn i for the school board in segregating, a conservative ma-|to make it [desegregation] go!County, and Des Moines is he­re IS court-ing in Milwaukee and Indian-|dates tor me scnooi ^ °  ® q„g passed by Iowa to inte-In addition, there is court-ing 
ordered integration, as in Okla-apolis
homa City and Omaha, Officials Then there is Chicago. For, segregation an issue.

last year’s primary made de-ijority was replaced by a more, smoothly.’
moderate group that is attempt-: Ivan .Tames, president of the!grate its schools.



Cooler
Rain  ending tonight, 
low 40 to 45. Variable 
cloudiness and breezy 
tomorrow, high 60 to 64.
Details: B-3. T h e W M i i n ^ o n  S t a r

NIGHT FINAL
Late Stocks 
And Sports

124th Year. No. 49 WASHINGTON, D.C., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 18,1976 Phone. (202) 484-5000 ciS sihed’  ̂ 4s t ^  15 Cents OnN»..,=rd

Are Women Pushing Down College Entrance Test Scores?
By John Mathews

Washington Star Su it Writer

More young women than ever be­
fore are taking college entrance tests 
and that may partly account for the 
decade-long drop in student scores 
that has been worrying the education 
community.

A new study by the American Col­
lege Testing Program, whose tests 
are taken annually by some 1 million

students, found that in 10 years the 
average score for women has drop­
ped more than twice that for men 
and at a higher rate in every subject 
except math.

Figures from the other major col­
lege admission testing program, that 
of the College Entrance Examination 
Board, also show that the scores of 
females have been declining at a 
higher rate than males, but not as 
drastically as the ACT test?.

Women, for example, traditionally 
scored slightly higher than men on 
the verbal part of the college boards. 
In 1972, however, the men took over 
the lead and have kept it since .then. 
Men always have scored consider­
ably higher than women on the math 
tests.

scores of females on the college 
admissions tests.

IRONICALLY, a positive result of 
the women’s movement may have 
resulted, in part, in the worsening

With young women thinking more 
in terms of careers outside the home 
and with traditionally male-domi­
nated occupations opening up to 
them, more women have been aspir­
ing to college and, as a result, more 
have been taking the college en­
trance tests. Fifty-two percent of 
students taking the ACT test current­

ly are women, compared to 45 per­
cent a decade ago, while, for the first 
time, just over half the College 
Board test-takers last year were 
women.

The larger pool of women appli­
cants means that greater numbers of 
lower-achieving women, who in the 
past would not have applied for col­
lege or taken the tests, are now doing 
so. As a result, the average test 
scores for women are going down.

“Nowhere are we suggesting or 
believing that there has been a de­
cline in the over-all ability of fe­
males.” said Richard Ferguson, as­
sistant vice president of ACT for 
research and development. "We are ' 
just finding out there is a greater 
pool of women taking the test. ’̂

THE ACT TEST, using a scale of 1 
to 36, shows that in 10 years the aver­
age composite score for men has 

See TESTS, A-15



TESTS
Continued From A-1

dropped 0.9 points and 
for females, 1.6 points. The 
drop in women’s scores has 
been proportionately great­
er than men in the tests of 
English, social studies and 
natural sciences, but not in 
mathematics.

College board results 
show a drop in the verbal 

' scores of women of 37 
points since 1967, compared 
to 25 points for men. Last 
year, the average verbal 
score for men was 437, six 
points higher than women.

In mathematics, the 
average for men has drop­
ped 19 points since 1967 and 
18 points for women. The 
men are still well ahead in 
math, however, scoring an 
average of 495, which is 46 
points higher than women.

The decline in female 
scores in the college boards 
is not as significant as that 
registered in the ACT 
scores, said Gary Marco of 
Educational Testing Serv­
ice, which is examining the 
test score phenomenon. A 
possible explanation is that 
more women from fhe 
lower-achievement pool 
who want to enter two-year 
colleges because of their, 
occupational courses are 
taking the ACT test than 
college boards.

TEST ANALYSTS’ also 
are trying to determine 
whether more lower-in- 
come students are taking 
the test now than several 
years ago and presumably 
scoring lower. Both ACT 
and the college board say 
the number of minority stu­
dents taking the test has re­
mained virtually unchang­
ed during the past four or 
five years, although their 
proportion is greater now 
than a decade ago.,

Another study by David
E. Wiley and Annegret 
Harn ischfeger of the 
University of Chicago sug­
gests that fewer students 
are taking traditional 
academic courses in high 
school.

Their study, covering 
only the two-year period of 
1970-71 and 1971-72, how 
ever, shows a drop in-en­
rollments in English, histo­
ry, college-preparatory 
math and foreign language 
courses. More work-study 
programs and optional 
courses may be the reason 
for the decline in traditional 
course taking by students.

While much research is 
now going on to explairi the 
test score declines, which 
seem to affect a wide vari­
ety of tests besides college 
entrance exams, analysts 
agree generally that no sin­
gle cause will explain the 
phenomenon. The ACT 
study, for example,'main­
tains that explanations may 
“interact with one another 
. . . One explanation may 
explain the situation in 
some years, but not' in 
others.”



Brimmer Urges Reversal 
On Job Trend by Blacks

By DOUGLAS W. CRAY
Andrew F. Brimmer, a for­

mer member of the Federal 
Reserve’s Board of Gover­
nors, yesterday called for a 
reversal of tire trend that 
finds blacks, to a much great­
er extent than whites, depen­
dent on the public sector 
for jobs. .

Speaking at “Black Enter­
prise” magazine’s second an­
nual achievements awards 
ceremonies, held here at The 
21 Club, Dr. Brimmer de­
clared that “it is clear that 
blacks are proportionately 
over-represented on public 
payrolls and under-represent­
ed in the private sector.” 
Drawing on 1974 census da­
ta, the luncheon speaker 
said:

“The public sector in gen­
eral has traditionally been 
far more hospitable to blacks 
than was true of private em­
ployers.” Specifically, he not­
ed that of the 2 .4 ' million 
jobs in the Federal Govern­
ment in 1974 blacks held 
390,000, or 16 percent of 
the total.

Dr. Brimmer, now a visiting 
professor a t the Harvard 
Graduate School of Business, 
went on to observe that 
“since most jobs in the long 
run will be provided by the 
private sector” black depen­
dence on the public sector 
for jobs “must be reversed 
if the black community is 
to make any real progress.” 
The magazine’s achieve­

ment awards are given in 
the following categories: ser­
vice, professional, finance, 
sales, manufacturing and, 
separately, to someone under 
age 30. Ballots, seeking nom­
inees, are sent to a wide 
public and final selections 
made by a board of judges 
that this year included last 
year’s award winners.

This year’s winner in the 
service category was Mrs. 
Ruth Bowen, founder and 
president of the Queen 
Booking Corporation, New 
York, the nation’s largest 
black-owned booking agency, 
handling such entertainers as 
Ray Charles and Aretha 
Franklin. In the professional 
category, the winner was.Mrs. 
Patricia R. Harris, a partner 
in the Washington law firm

of Fried, Frank, Harris, 
Shriver & Kampelman, and 
former ambassador to Lux­
embourg. In finance William 
Kennedy Jr., president of 
North Carolina Mutual, Dur­
ham, North Carolina, the 
largest black-owned life in­
surance company in the 
United States, was named.

In the sales area an award 
went to J, Bruce Llewellyn, 
president of the Fedco Foods 
Corporation, New York, 
which operates a  chain of 
15 food stores; and in manu­
facturing to Henry G. Parks 
Jr., founder and president, 
H. G. Parks Inc., the Balti­
more-based manufacturer of 
sausage and other meat 
products. The under-age-30 
award went to Howard Mac- 
key 3d, president of the Equi­
table Life Community Enter­
prises Corporation, New 
York.

A special award was also 
made yesterday to the late 
Mannie A. Lowery, founder 
and former head of the 
Lowery Distributing Compa­
ny, Chicago, the first black- 
owned Schlitz beer distribu­

torship.

12Vzt Mar. 15,1976 
\2Vzi> June 15,1976 
UVzi Sept. 15,1976 i 
UVzi Dec. 15, 1976/

Series A Serial Prefj
7fi<f Mar. 15.197^
/hC June 15 .1 9 J
750 Sept. 15, im

Uec. 15.
Gomn^l

530 Mar. 1 5 ^ H



THE N E W  YORK TIMES, MONDAY, FEBR UARY Z, W S 23

The Search for an Adjective That W ill Cure Discrimination
By Jonathan Koz6l

BOSTON—In the event that some of 
the impoveris(ied • millions in the 
United States have ■. begun to be con­
cerned about who will carry on the re­
search projects of the universities and 
Federal Government after the so-called 
academic ex p a ts  have passed on, it 
will come as good news that the public 
schools are busily at work in 'turning 
out another generation' of- self-serving 
experts in the art of Needless Rnowl-, 
edge and Inert Ideas.'

The “research process” has arrived, 
with all flags flying, in the precincts 
of the public school. Children learn to 
“gather data” - both from standard 
sources and from films and publica­
tions of all kinds—“just like import­
ant research scholars do.” In certain 
schools, they also learh'“ to leave the 
school behind” and venture off into' 
“the world outside” to jgather still 
■more relevant and more exciting in- 
formatioii.

There is, by nbw, for visitors such 
as myself, almost a  standard pitch in 
classrooms of this kind: “We are learn­
ing, to be social scientists. We are 
learning to do independent research.” 
Children learn to parrot the same • 
phrases. Often, they go home and say 
the ..same thing , to  their parents.
: The question, however, that remains 
unanswered is the one that schools 
and teachers seldom wish to pose; 
What are the realistic consequences of 
these so-called “earnest,” “free” and 
“open” research enterprises? To what 
degree do they endow thp students 
who participate with strength and 
passion to, transform, .to .intervene, .to 
ta ke  effec tive  action, ih the  area's that 
they investigate? To what degree, con- , 
versely, .do they end (as so much of 
the more expensive academic research . 
ends, as well) with sterile knowledge 
and oblique compassfdn that condemns 
no evil that it recognizes and trans­
forms no imjust situation that it com­
prehends?

"Visits to several widely separated 
schools, in many different sections of 
the nation, have convinced me that 
the research process, as now being 
sold to millions of young people in 
public schools, is no less venal, no 
less devious, no less corrupting in the 
course of years, than those more sub­
tle exercises of the research process 
carried out within the confines of such 
institutions as Harvard, Berkeley, 
Michigan and Brandeis.

Out of a  dozen conversations with 
young people in all sections of the na­
tion in the past few years, I offer here 
just one to reassure the skeptics that 
the research process will not falter, 
even when the present generation of 
well-trained and learned exploitation 
experts finally set down their pens, 
turn off their ever-present tape record­

ers and retire to ambassadorial senil- 
escence in such strange and unimag­
inable places as New Delhi or the 
United Nations.

In a social studies period a t a well- 
known high school serving mainly 
middle-class and upper-class white 
children not far from. Chicago,. I 
present a number of questions in 
regard to the end consequences of; a 
year-long research project into “Urban 
Crisis and Race Turmoil in the Nine­
teen-Sixties.” I ask . these questions; 
“What was It for? What was the object 
of the . research? W hat were you hop­
ing to achieve as a result? What form 
of concrete action did it lea'd to?"

One student answers: “Frankly, what

I hope it leads to is an A in social 
studies."

A second student says: “I think the 
knowledge of these problems makes it 
easier to draw intelligent conclusions. 
It helps to broaden out your mind and 
make you a less shallow human be­
ing.”

I press the issue with a more specific 
point: “In actual consequences, where 
does this year’s research lead you? 
What does it modify or alter in your 
own career?”

The same boy who has just replied 
answers again: “The consequence is— 
we understand  the problem better. We 
recognize the ways in which discrim­
ination works. We gain an overview.

hi schools, in hospitals, in jobs, we see 
the same routine. Some, people are 
held back and crippled their whole 
lives. Others can move on to guar­
anteed success.”. .

I stop and listen to the words that 
he selects. “Some,” he says, will be. 
held back. “Others” can move on. I 
ask him, tlierefore, a still more ex­
plicit question; “Exactly who that you 
know will be held back? Who is most 
certain to be able to move on?”

He pauses, stammers, seems un­
settled by my question. “Look,” he 
says. He breaks into a hesitant, yet 
“realistic” grin. “Look,” he tells me, 
“everybody knows the answer to that 
question . . .  Tm the one . .  . We’re all

Finis: The Old Adam
By Peter Viereck

' ‘In  th e  d a y  y e  e a t  th ere o f . . . y e  sha ll be as  gods . . . . ” 
Genesis, III: 5

Eve spot a seed  on  m u lch  m o s t fit,
On d u n g  heap o f her m acho ape.
H ow  odd— look up— th a t an apple p it  
Has grow n  a  m ushroom  shape.

PetBr Vi»TK*

the ones . . . We know that very well. 
We’re the ones who get the good end 
of the deal. The losers, those down at 
the other end—let’s face it—they’re 
the ones who work for people like our 
mothers and our fathers.”

His smile grows, little by little, into 
a still more awkward and more “real­
istic” sneer: “We talk about things we 
don’t intend to  change. Why change 
a situation which puts us right where 
we want, and other people that we 
never need to see, so far away we 
never even need to  know that they 
exist?”

His glazed smile seems, in this in­
stant, to be made of two equivalent 
emotions: confident sneer and endless 
self-contempt. There is dead silence 
from the other members of the class.

The teacher interrupts at last to 
demonstrate his irritation: “In all 
frankness, Mr. Kozol, I don’t think 
that you are being fair. Is there a 
point in forcing answers of this kind? 
The work these children did this year 
was serious and strong. For some, it 
might well lead into the Peace Corps. 
Others might well go into some forms 
of volunteer work. Three of our stu­
dents have already been devoting 
weekends to the Halfway Houses. 
I think the very fact that they write 
essays for their own school paper on 
the subject of their independent re­
search— t̂his, in itself, is one quite 
honest means of taking action. Other 
actions, the more belligerent and less 
reflective kind you have in mind, these 
things can wait until these kids are 
somewhat older.”

I go out to have coffee with one of 
the less defeated and less broken 
teachers working in the school. 
“Listen,” she says, “I do the college 
applications for the senior class. The 
colleges love to see that stuff about the 
Independent Research! They like it 
most when it ties in with something 
like the Urban Crisis. It looks so good! 
It knocks then out. It sounds so noble 
and so idealistic . .  . and so safe . . .  so 
unimportant!’’

She smiles—not at all, though, in 
the same cold and denatured manner 
as that “realistic” student in the class: 
“Think what they say at Yale and 
Wesleyan and M.LT. when they find 
out how much our kids are like their 
own professors!”

I feel a sense of momentary rage. 
I cool o ff and come around to a more 
sensible and realistic point of view; 
Ethics? Action? Social transformation?

What did I expect to find here in 
this modern, antiseptic, subdivided 
flagstone-decorated prison of the soul?

■What do we really think these 
schools are for?

Peter Viereck’s Pulitzer-Prize-winning book of poetry “Terror and Decorum” was 
recently reissued. This quatrain is excerpted from an unpublished poem, "Applewood.”

Jonathan K ozol received the  National 
Book Aw ard in 1968 for “ Death at an  
Early Age." This article is adaptei 
from  his new est book, "The Night 
Dark and I A m  Far From Home.



THE N E W  YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, DECEMBER M, 1975

The
Nation Continued

Busing: The 
Solution That 
Has Failed 
To Solve

By DIANE RAVITCH

"Busing is one way to  pay the bill for the  ancient regime 
o f racism .”—Senator George McGovern, a liberal Democrat.

"Busing is a  bankrupt concept.”— Senator Joseph Bitten 
Jr., a liberal Democrat.

Earlier this month both the House and the Senate for the 
first time approved a measure to prohibit the Department of 
Health, Education and Welfare from ordering busing. The 
significant change was that several liberal Democratic 
Senators followed the lead of Senator Joseph Biden Jr., of 
Delaware, who has a strong civil-rights record, into the 
antibusing camp.

In New York State, Ewald Nyquist, the Commissioner of 
Education, long a lonceful advocate of integration, approved 
desegregation plans for Mt. Vernon and Newburgh with at 
least one common element: no busing.

Last summer, James Coleman, one of the nation’s most 
prominent sociologists and a leading proponent of school 
integration, publicly rejected busing as counterproductive 
to the attainment of lasting integration.

These developments reflect growing and widespread 
doubts about the effectiveness of busing. In the aftermath of 
emotional disputes in communities across the nation, policy­
makers are asking not only whether busing is working, but 
whether it is changing the racial make-up of America’s 
major cities.

The term “busing” is an unfortunate and confusing mis­
nomer. The controversy has nothing to do with how children 
get to school; millions of children travel to school each day . 
by bus without creating a stir. “Busing” is shorthand for 
a policy of assigning children to a school outside their own 
neighborhood on the basis of their race, in order to bring 
about racial desegregation.

The Paradox of B row n
The use of busing stems from the United States Supreme 

Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision which 
declared state-imposed racial segregation in the public 
schools unconstitutional. In 1971, the High Court specific­
ally approved busing by ruling that the Charlotte-Mecklen- 
burg, N.C., schools had to do whatever was necessary, in­
cluding the use of racial quotas and gerrymandering of dis­
tricts, in order to redistribute black and white pupils into 
the same schools throughout the district.

The paradox is that the Brown decision, which was sup­
posed to outia’w pupil assignment on the ground Of race 
has become the rationale for requiring assignment on the 
ground of race. ,

The current debate about busing turns on two issues in 
particular: whether busing. stimulates white flight from 
the public schools to suburbs and private schools, and 
whether it has educational value for black pupils.

The “white flight” issue was raised by Dr. Coleman, who 
recently concluded in a study that busing accelerated a 
white exodus from the public schools, leaving fewer and 
poorer whites in the cities for blacks to integrate with. He 
found this trend strongest in the largest cities, where there 
is a High proportion of black students and where there 
are largely white suburbs. Mr. Coleman was the principal 
author in 1966 of the landmark study of bqual educational 
opportunity which bears his name. Since its publication, 
the Coleman report has frequently been cited as evidence ' 
that integration would improve black children’s academic 
performance.

Concern about white flight has been spurred by growing 
black enrollments and diminishing white enrollments. ,in 
many major cities. Nine of the largest twelve cities in, the, 
country and fourteen of the largest twenty now have 
majority black enrollments in their public school'systems. 
According to the Department of Health, Education and 
Welfare, more than 70 percent of the black students who 
are in all-minority schools are in 19 .cities—north, south, 
east and west. . . .

At the same time that racial concentrations in the cities 
are growing, the over-all level of racial isolation in the na­
tion’s schools has been,.reduced since 1968. This is because 
two-thirds of the nation’s seven million .hjlack pupils do not 
go to school in urban districts where blacks are a majority 
of the enrollment. And, even in districts where blacks, are a 
majority, there are varying degrees of school integration.

The South’s public schools are now the most desegregated , 
in the country, mainly because of extensive court-ordered 
busing. But white flight has also been a problem in Southern 
cities, many of which have lost white enrollment, either to 
the suburbs or to the 3,000 or so academies which sprang 
up to receive white pupils. New Orleans, Memphis, Atlanta, 
Richmond, Jackson, Savannah, Birmingham and Norfolk 
have black majorities in their schools.

Mr. Coleman’s conciu.sion that coerced desegregation 
causes white flight has been attacked by proponents of in ­
tegration who point out that many of the cities in his re­
cent study had not had- any busing. Gary Orfield of the 
Brookings Institution, author of a- book about Southern 
school desegregation, holds that there are so many differ­
ent reasons why middle-class whites and blacks move to 
the suburbs that “it is impossible now to demonstrate that 
school integration, in itself, causes substantial white flight.”

The contretemps abo',**. Dr. Coleman’s findings is to 
some extent a tempest in a teapot, for no one disagrees 
that white flight from urban schools has been large or 
that this trend has made school integration far more dif­
ficult. The only real disagreement is whether desegregation 
is a major cause or merely one among many.

White flight in' Boston does appear to be directly re­
lated to the bitter battle over busing. From 1964 until 
1970. Boston lost 13 percent of its white pupils, or about 
1,600 a year. From 1970 until 1975, the white pupil enroll­
ment dropped by 40 percent, or about .5,000 a year. Most 
of the decline was in the past two years, since busing 
began, when Boston lost 8,500 white pupils each year.

Whatever the cause.' there has been a sharp decline in 
the number of white children in many urban public school 
districts. Between 1968 and 1973, the number of white 
pupils dropped by 62 percent in Atlanta, 41 percent in San 
Francisco, 32 percent in Houston, 21 percent in Denver, 
40 percent in New Orleans and 26 percent in New York 
City. During these year.s the national decline in white en­
rollment was about 1 percent annually.

The districts where busing has been considered success­
ful and where there has been negligible white flight are 
small cities, as well as the countywide school districts in 
Florida. Cities such as Wichita, Kan,; Des Moines, Iowa; 
Rockford, 111!, and Las Vegas, Nev,,' generally have less 
than 20 percent black enrollment. In Florida, desegregation 
is not only countywide but statewide.

The National Association for the Advancement of Col- 
ered People and the Legal Defense Fund, which supply ti e

leadership for mOst desegregation litigation, hope to estab­
lish the principle of metropolitan desegregation, in the 

courts. The Supreme Court has already approved a metro­
politan plan in Louisville; but it refused'.to order integration 
between Detroit and its largely white Suburbs, l^ecause there 
had ibeen ho: demonstration of illegal discrimination by the 
.s'ub'urbs..; ’ ' c .i '• . ' ■

Ci'vil; rights lawyers believe- that they will be able to 
prove in court that many major cities and their suburbs 
illegally caused, segregated housing and schooling patterns. 
Under a metropolitan scheme. New York City, for example, 
might exchange public school pupils with suburbs such as 
Scarsdale, Great Neck and Bronxville.

The publication. of the Coleman report in 1966, commis­
sioned by Congress, gave fresh impetus to the desegrega­
tion drive, which had been stymied by years of Southern 
intransigence. The report demonstrated that “the great 
majority of American children attend schools that are 
largely segregated.” It described an achievement gap be­
tween black and white students that grew larger each 
school year. By grade 12, the average black student was' 
“approximately 3'/4 years behind the average white.”

While finding that the single greatest determinant of a 
child’s academic performance was his family background, 
the report held that “if a minority pupil from a home 

. without much educational strength is put with, schoolmates 
with strong educational backgrounds, his achievement is 
likely to increase.” It predicted: “Integration should be 
expected to have a positive effect on Negro achievement.”

Educationally Effective Integration
The report noted that test scores of black children in 

predominantly white schools were higher than in schools 
with black majorities, but the differences were “rather 
small.” The scores of black pupils in all-black schools were 
generally higher than those of black students in schools 
that were half white or less than half white. This suggested 
that educationally effective integration required a white 
majority.

Whether desegregation actually improves black achieve­
ment is contested today among social scientists, few of 
whom are neutral. Research on the subject is extensive, 
but ambiguous and inconclusive.

The belief that busing would close the achievement gap 
between black and white pupils was disputed in 1972 by 
David J. Armor, a Harvard sociologist, Mr. Armor argued 
that “induced” desegregation did not lead either to black 

■ educational gains or to interracial harmony.

The Armor farticle and subsequent rebuttals set off a 
controversy, within the academic world that is still far from 
settled. Dr. Armor’s chief critic (both are white) has been 
Thomas Pettigrew, aj social psychologist, at Harvard, who 
holds , that it is. irresponsible to claim that-desegregation 
has a single.‘effect, either negative or positive,' because it 
varies as a process from one school to another, and from 
one student to another.

However, Dr. Pettigrew believes the Coleman report’s 
finding that blacks achieve better in schools with a white 
majority. For this reason, he favors metropolitan desegrega­
tion. He thinks that it is pointless to pursue racial balance 
in a majority-black school system.

The latest over-all assessment of the educational effect 
of school desegregation is Nancy St. John’s “School De­
segregation: OutcomeSjfor Children.” Dr. St. John, who de­
scribes herself as a committed integrationist, reviewed over, 
120 studies and found!contradictory evidence of galins and 
losses for black pupils. The usual result of the best-designed 
studies was “no difference” between segregated and de­
segregated black children on academic measures.

On the question of black children’s self-esteem, Mrs. St. 
John contraverted the conventional belief that it was low. 
Black children in many of the studies were found to have 
higher self-esteem than white children. Black children in 
predominantly white schools were often found to hpve 
lower self-esteem than blacks'" in segregated schools. Some 
studies found no difference, but rarely did any researcher 
find that black self-esteem was increased in desegregated 
schools.

An integration study described by Mr. Pettigrew as 
“truly competent” is Robert R. Mayer’s “The impact of 
School Desegregation in a Southern City,” which analyzed 
the experience of Goldsboro, N. C. Goldsboro has won rec­
ognition as one of the most p ro g r^ iv e  and successfully 
desegregated school districts in the nation.

Goldsboro is a city of 20,000 at the center of an agricul­
tural region. Its desegregation plan was carried out by the 
town’s leadership and met liftle overt opposition. In 1970, 
all its schools except one were racially balanced to ap­
proximate the 56 percent black-44 'percent white pupil 
ratio. Principals and teachers were shifted, and educational 
innovations were introduced into the schools.

The researchers found that there had been a marked im­
provement in the educational quality of the Goldsboro 
schools as a result of .sfchool desegregation. After genera­
tions of neglect, the formerly black Schools were upgraded 
with better facilities and faculties and enlivened with new 
curricula. ' ,

Major City School Systems With 
Minority Enrollment Over 50 Percent
Listed are 20 largest U.S. cities. July. 1973 census; 
only 7 had less than 50 percent minority school enrollment.

San Diego 
San Antonio 
Indianapolis 
Wash. D.C. 
Milwaukee 

San Francisco 
Cleveland 
Memphis 
Phoenix 
Boston 

New Orleans 
St. Louis

The effect on black achievement was promising. AV the 
high school level, blacks narrowed thtf achievement |a p  in 
reading, while the gap in mathematics, " which noftnally 
would grow larger each year, remained unchanged. At the 
elementary level, the achievement gap stayed the same''be­
cause both white and black students raised their achieve­
ment scores. >

But white flight was a problem. Private schools dpenisB, 
and suburbanization started. Between 1968 and 1973, Golds­
boro lost 39 percent of its white pupil enrollment. Golds­
boro was succumbing to the familiar black city-white sub­
urb syndrome.

Press treatment of busing, usually and Inaccurately, por­
trays it as an issue with only two sides: racist and non­
racist. But black opinion on the issue is far from unani­
mous.

The National Association for the Advancement of Col­
ored People, which is the largest black organization in the 
country, solidly supports busing. So does the National 
Urban League.

However, the realization that desegregation does .not 
automatically improve the educational achievement of 
blacks, as well as concern for innercity black children who 
are not about to be bused anywhere, has led many black 
educators to the view that quality education is not de­
pendent on desegregation. 'Wilson Riles, the educationally 
innovative and politically moderate Superintendent of Edu­
cation in California, rejects the concept “that a black child 
can’t  learn unless he is sitting next to a white child.”

The belief that black schools, with proper resources, can 
be high-quality schools was expressed at a Congressional 
hearing in 1971 by Charles Hamilton, political scientist 
who is the successor to Dr. Kenneth Clark as President of 
the Metropolitan Applied Research Center in New York 
City. In a recent interview. Dr. Hamilton stated that busing 
blacks as a moral gesture was “a subtle way of maintain­
ing black dependency on whites.”

The Exam ple of Atlanta , .
In Atlanta, where .the public schools are nearly 90 per­

cent black, the black leadership has only recently gained 
control of the city government and the school system. 
Since then, the local black leaders have shown scant inter­
est in a metropolitan merger with the schools of the sur­
rounding white suburbs. They fear that such a merger 
would bring a loss of jobs and power without any clear 
benefit to the children.

Derrick A. Bell Jr., a Harvard law professor and former 
civil rights lawyer, has emerged as a spokesman for those 
who believe that the focus should be on the immediate 
educational needs of innercity black children. At one time 
responsible for hundreds of desegregation cases, Mr. Bell 
is - today critical of civil rights organizations for demand­
ing racial. balance instqgd of concrete educational change.

“Civil rights lajvyers, m ^ptain that school integration is 
required whether, or improves,educational opportu­
nities ,pf blaolr children;’’ ^  said recently, “That explains 
their, in^stenoe on, balapging the public schools of Detroit, 
even , though Detrpit has-, a-, school board that is majority 
black, a, hlack superintendent, and nearly, 80 percent black 
pupils.” . .

Mr. Bell calls busing “a right without a remedy.” He has 
proposed that the.courts be used-to enforce equal educa­
tional opportunity by monitoring standards of funding and 
performance. He opposes, “the racially demeaning and un­
proven assumption that blacks must have a majority white 
presence in, order to learn.”

The major opinion polls have registered intense public dis­
approval of busing. The Harris Poll last October reported 
that 20 percent favor busing, while 74 percent oppose it. 
The most recent Gallup Poll showed 15 percent of whites 
in , favor, 75 percent against; among blacks, 40 percent in 
favor, 47 percent opposed.

A Gallup Poll in 1973 asked whites and blacks which alter­
natives they would prefer to achieve integration: low-iincome. 
housing in middle-income areas, changed school bGuhdarfqs,^- 
or busing. Most chose the first two a l t e r n a t i v e . p e t - . -  
cent of blacks preferred busing, and only 5 p ercen t'o f . 
whites did. '

At the same time that polls register public opposition to 
busing, they also demonstrate widespread and growing ac­
ceptance of integration. The same Harris Poll that showed 
strong objection to busing repo-rted that a majority of people 
in every section of,the country, regardless of political identifi­
cation, approve of school desegregation. Similarly,, the 
Gallup Poll found that mqst whites, whether North or South, 
would not object to their children attending schools that 
were half black. The Institute for Social Research at the 
University of Michigan released surveys this year reporting 
significantly more contact between the races, socially, pro­
fessionally and personally, over the last decade.

"Whether busing improves black pupil achievemfent of not, 
whether it is liked by blacks and whites or not, it'ihas been ' 
approved by the Supreme Court. Where'an-unconstitutional 
violation has been found, where a school board has brought ■ 
about racial segregation by gerrymandering or rezoning,,- 
the courts have broad powers to eliminate every vestige of 
of segregation, including the power to require racial balknce 
in an entire school district.

The Constitutional Arguments
“The purpose of the litigation is to eradicate state-created 

segregation,” said Nathaniel Jones, general counsel of the 
National Association for the Advancement of Colored Peo­
ple, in an interview. “It has nothing to do with the quality 
of education. Segregation is illegal, that is the law.”

But not even the strictly constitutional defente of busing 
is free of criticism. Nathan Glazer, a Harvard sociologist, is 
an outspoken opponent of busing, which he calls “legal dis- 
criminafion, state action on the basis of race.” Mr. Glazer 
feels that the original constitutional doctrine in the Brown  
decision' has been “misused and elaborated to ridiculous 
extremes, to arbitrarily move people around on th? basis 
of their race.”

“The Supreme Court isn’t sacrosanct,” he said in an inter­
view. “It was wrong on Dred Scott, wro'ng on Plessy v. 
Ferguson, and it’s wrong on this one. Race should .not be the 
basis of public action.” ■

Efforts to stop court-ordered busing by constitutional 
amendments have so far been stalled by Congress. The 
kinds of moderate alternatives to busing now under discBa- ■ 
sion are illustrated by a bill prepared by Richardson Preyer, 
a North Carolina Congressman, Without affecting the power 
of the courts, the Preyer bill would require states to write 
their own plans to lessen racial isolation and upgrade inner­
city schools, using such techniques as magnet schools, cross- , 
district sharing of school facilities and a metropolitan “ma­
jority-minority transfer plan" (which would permit any 
pupil to transfer to any city or suburban school in which 
his own race was not a majority).

Whatever Congress does, the problems of school integra­
tion and educational inequality are far from -solution. It 
is now clear that nothing less than a new decision ..from 
the Supreme Court can bring about widescale metropolitan : 
integration for cities with large black enrollments. But some 
advocates of cross-district busing recognize the possibility 
that such a decision could well cause suburban members of 
Congress to support a comstitutional ban against busing.

Eliminating educational inequality is no simpler. The cost 
would have to be met by redistribution of resources from 
wealthy suburban districts to innercity schools, a policy 
which suburban districts have resisted. But a Court chal­
lenge to force greater state-aid to innercity schools ;s now 
being developed by Bernard Gifford, deputy chancellor of 
the New York City public schools, and a favorable outcome 
would create a potent new weapon for the cause of equal 
educational opportunity.

Basic questions have not been resolved: Should every child 
—black and white—be in an integrated school? Does suc­
cessful integration always require a white majority? Do 
blacks want to be dispersed? Should the nation have an 
urban policy that draws whites back to the cities? How 
much individual free choice can a democratic nation permit 
or deny? The way these fundamental questions are answered 
by the courts and Congress will determine the future df ■ 
school integration.

Diane Ravitch is a historian of education at Teachers 
■ iv^„ Cnhimhin ih ib ’prsity.



THE N E W  YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, DECEMBER 21, 191S

The
World
In Summary

Rich Nations and 
Poor Make a 
Beginning

The foreign ministers of 27 nations 
or groups of nations — industrial 
powers, oil producers m d  th* less 
fortunate—have begun what probably 
will be years of bargaining over how 
to reshape the world’s economy so 
that poor nations get a greater share 
of the wealth. There is plenty of room 
for improvement: The average per 
capita income for 24 industrial nations 
is $4,550, for the 25 least developed 
nations the comparable figure is $116.

As expected, the Conference on In­
ternational Economic Cooperation 
meeting last week in Paris, set up 
four commissions to deal with eneigy, 
raw materials, development and fi­
nance. It is the American position 
repeated at the meeting by Secretary 
of State Henry A. Kissinger, that the 
biggest single factor causing current 
world economic difficulties was the 
quadrupling of oil prices. He said 
the oil nations must help the develop­
ing nations, who have been most se­
riously affected.

Interior Minister Jamshid Amouze- 
gar of Iran denied Mr. Kissinger’s 
contention. He said: “The cmelest, 
blow to  developing countries’ -
of accelerated development ha* c¥nne 
not from the oil price rise biiti ftom 
higher costs of imported food,^iiidas- 
tria! manufactures. Western 
and capital goods.”

The less-developed nations. Support­
ed by the oil producers, su g g ^ e d  
that their deteriorating trade balances 
could be stabilized’by “relating the 
price of raw materials, including oil, 
to the price of coramodities exported 
by industrial countries.” The United 
States vigorously opiposes such index­
ing.

French President Val4ry Giscard 
d’Estaing, on whose initiative the con­
ference was called, suggested that 
consideration be ^ven  to enlarging 
the meetings to include Communist 
nations. High Soviet officials have ex­
pressed, an ititijte t in participafing 
But, because o^ the Russians’ previpus 
uncoopCTative performance in such 
forums as the international food con­
ference, there is disagreement on how 
it should be arranged.

Like the differences of opinion over 
energy costs the proposal is certain 
to come up again before the full 
conference recorivenes late next year 
to discuss what the commissions have 
done.

Before then, the various commissions 
will try  to hammer out agreements 
on specific fields. The potential con­
frontation between the United States ' 
and the oil producers will make such 
an agreement difficult to  produce in 
the energy committee but all parties 
have agreed that they will try to 
prevent the energy dispute from slow­
ing progress in the other fields.

China Will Build 
Rolls-Royce 
Jet Engines

china has signed a militarily signifi­
cant $160 million contract with the 
Rolls-Royce Company of Britain under 
which the Chinese will obtain the 
rights to build the jet engine now 
used to power some versions of the 
American McDotmell Douglas Phantom 
fighter-bomber.

China has been able to develop 
good airframe technology but hasn’t  
produced equal quality engines. The 
British deal, secretly approved some 
time ago by Secretary of State Heiuy 
A. Kissinger, may remedy that.

The Chinese Army, with an active 
strength of 2,800,000, is well-equipped; 
the missile forces are being improved 
and increased. The Navy, built up 
m recent years, is now the world’s 
third largest.

By Soviet and American standards, 
the Chinese Air Force, equipped with 
Russian-designed MIG-21’s and the F- 
9, a Chinese version of the MIG-19, 
is poorly equipped. That is apparently 
going to change as a  result of the 
Rolls-Royce deal. It will enable the 
Chinese to  build their own fighter- 
bombers able to fly at twice the 
speed of sound^ and to operate in 
the sub-zero temperatures often en­
countered on China’s northern fron­
tiers. where China’s forces have 
clashed with Soviet troops.

Serious Trouble 
For Mrs. Peron

Another serious threat to  the au­
thority of President Isabel Martinez 
de Perdn has been made by Argen­
tina's military forces. Dissident air 
force officers last week seized two 
air bases, flew mock strafing runs 
over the presidential palace and de­
manded that she be replaced by a 
military leader who could restore sta­
bility to the chaotic nation.

For a brief time they also held 
prisoner Gen. Hector Luis Fautario, 
the air force commander, but later

President Isabel Perdn and 
Gen. Hector Luis Fautario,

released him, However, they refused 
to relinquish control of the bases, even 
when the new air commander sent 
Mirage jets to strafe and bomb them.

The rebels had wanted Lieut. Gen. 
Jorgd Rafael Videla, the army com­
mander, to be the new President. He 
declined, but the chiefs of the three 
services later issued a statement say­
ing Mrs. PerOn should (um over power 
to another civilian or face a full 
military revolt.
, The armed forces have been en­
gaged in a wide-scale campaign 
against rural guerrillas/as well as con- 
tlhliing to, combat urban terrorists. 
Rightist “dedth: squads” have killed 
hundreds' .pf Suspected subversives. 
Inflation is close to  1 percent a  day, 
industrial investment is mindmal and 
unanplojithent continues to  rise.

Conservatives 
Are On the 
Alert in Spain

Spain’s new Government has prom­
ised to put a high priority on increas­
ing civil liberties end political freedom, 
and key figures in the regime have, 
made .symbolic gestures to support 
that, pledge. The pace and suhstanqe\ 
of change may be too slow for many 
Spaniards, but too brisk for the still- 
important conservative followers of 
Generalissimo Francisco ‘Franco.

In its first statement of its plans, 
the new Cabinet last week promised 
“institutional recognition” of local au­
tonomy, a potentially explosive issue 
in the discontented Basque and Cata­
lonian regions. But there was no spe­
cific mention of reforming the conser­
vative Cortes, the Spanish Parliament, 
or of amnesty for the thosuands of 
political prisoners still in Spanish jails.

Despite their collective caution, some 
members of the regime have been 
publicly conciliatory toward their crit­
ics. Interior Minister Manuel Fraga 
Iribame dined openly with a long-time 
critic of Franco policies and tele­
phoned a hospital to inquire about 
a girl shot by police subduing a stu­
dent demonstratidn. Past ministers did 
not show sueh solicitude.

Foreign Minister JosO Maria de 
Areilza, a conservative but one who 
favors change, also raised eyebrows 
by suggesting that Santiago Carrillo, 
the long-exiled leader of the Spanish 
Communist Party, be allowed to return 
home.

But conservative forces are also 
still vocal. Josd Antonio GirOn, a for­
mer Labor Minister and still a potent 
right-wing figure, continues to demand 
“fidelity” to General Franco's policies. 
The new Minister for the Army, Lieut. 
Gen. Felix Alvarez-Arenas, repeating 
General Franco’s last testament, said 
“the enemies of Spain and Christian 
civilization are on the alert” and the 
regime should be cautious about re­
form.

Sadat Looking 
Westward

Egyptian President Anwar el-Sadat 
has arranged with France for help 
in forming an Egyptian munitions in­
industry. The action follows earlier 
reports that France also will sell Cairo 
Mirage fighter planes.

Though it may take years before 
Egypt is producing significant amounts 
of the weaponry it desires, the muni­
tions agreement is a substantial new 
sign of decreasing Egyptian reliance 
on the Soviet Union and increasing 
ties to the West.

At the same time, Israel seems 
increasingly isolated. Washington is 
said to have been seriously annoyed 
by Israeli air raids on Palestinian 
encampments in Lebanon, and by Jeru­
salem’s refusal to take part in a com­
ing United Nations debate because 
of the participation of the Palestinian 
Liberation Organization.

President Ford has written to Prime 
Minister Yitzhak Rabin calling for 
“deeper mutual trust” between the 
two nations. In some circles this was 
interpreted as meaning that Washing­
ton wants to be warned in advance 
about Israeli political and military 
actions so that United States diplomat­
ic moves are not compromised.

Thomas Butaon

P eop le  A re  L eavin g  Through F ea r and B ecause  o f the Econom y

Israel Faces 
A Subtle 
Enemy: 
Emigration

By TERENCE SMITH

JERUSALEM—Earlier this month a group of young 
people staged a demonstration outside the Canadian 
Embassy in Tel Aviv that focused attention on one 
of the more difficult and politically sensitive issues 
in Israeli national life.

“Don’t  emigrate, stay and fight to improve the 
system,” read the placards carried by the demonstra­
tors. As they marched, the protesters handed out 
pamphlets to lines of people waiting outside the em­
bassy for visas to Canada, a favorite destination for 
Israeiis who have decided to opt out.

Those lines have gotten longer in recent months as 
more and more Israelis have decided to try their 
fortunes elsewhere. According to Finance Ministry 
figures released last week, 70,000 Israelis have emi­
grated over the last four years, including 19,000 in 
1975. Officials conceded that the actual totals could 
be higher, since many Israelis leave on tourist visas 
and only apply for residence permits once they reach 
their new homes.

The cau.ses for both the increased emigration and 
decreased immigration during 1975 are the same; 
concern over the possibility of another Middle East 
war, and the economic pinch.

Immigration to Israel during the current year is 
not expected to top 20,000 persons, leaving a net 
gain on paper of fewer than 1,000 new citizens.’ 
Based on past performapce, however, rou^Iy '25  ^ r -  
cent of this yearjs immigrants will joirf’t ^  ranks 
of the emigrants'inside the next five yeafs.' 'What 
appears as a small net gain, on paper, therefore, 
probably tofle^to'a . larger net loss.

The phenomenon is not new. There has been «ni- 
gration from Israel ever since the first settlers began 
arriving here at the turn of the century. (It is esti­
mated, in fact, that some 80 percent of the so-called 
“second Aliya” — Golda Meir’s generation of immi­
grants — ultimately left because of the harsh con­
ditions.)

The total population, however, has increased five­
fold from roughly 650,000 in 1948-to about 3.4 mil­
lion today. The greatest single increase came in the 
early I950’s, when hundreds of thousands of Oriental 
Jews arrived from Asian and North African countries. 
■Today they comprise more than, half of the Jewish 
population.

Despite this over-all increase, the reality of the 
emigration remains an emotiorial issue, especially at 
times of national anxiety such as the present. The 
Hebrew words Israelis use for immigrants and emi­
grants connote how they feel about it: Olim, the ex­
pression for immigrants, means “those who ascend,” 
Yordim, or emigrants, are “those who go down.”

A Sensitive Issue
The issue is so sensitive that Israelis often are 

reluctant to discuss it among themselves, much less 
vvith foreigner*.

Precise figures are hard to obtain, even from the 
government agencies. Perhaps because so many Is­
raeiis have toyed with the idea of emigration at one 
difficult time or another, they prefer to dodge the 
whole subject. When they do discuss the Yordim, 
Israelis often describe them bitteriy as the proverbial 
rats leaving the sinking ship, or as second-raters who 
lacked the guts or stamina to stick it out.
. That description is less apt than ever this year, 
however. The 1975 crop of emigrants included large 
numbers of doctors, academics, engineers and re­
searchers.

Beyond the psychological factor, the impact of 
emigration is being feit more this year because of 
the 'Sharp drop in immigration. The estim aM  20,000 
persons who will arrive here this year represents a 
drop of almost 50 from last year and the lowest figure

since 1966, when Israel was experiencing a severe 
recession.

Of the 1975 immigration total, approximately 8,000 
came from the Soviet Union. Of the remaining 12,000, 
about'3,500 arrived from North America. In the last 
five years, a total of 29,290 Americans immigrated 
to Israel, but an unusually high percentage —  40 
percent — gave up and returned home within the 
period.

The decline in arrivals from the Soviet Union is 
not only caused by tightened Russian restrictions. Of 
the total of Soviet Jews'perm itted to leave Russia 
during 1975, a record 30 percent “dropped out,” or 
decided to settle in countries other than Israel. Still 
others arrived here but stayed only long enough to  
acquire Israeli papers before moving on.

Of the two reasons for emigration, the economic 
factor is probably the more compelling and im­
mediate. As a result of its own special problems and 
the worldwide economic slump, Israel is going 
through a major financial crisis. The dimensions of 
the crisis were brought home forcefully last week 
when the Government unveiled its new austerity 
budget and the economic forecast for the 1976- 
1977 fiscal year.

Almost without exception, Israelis are going to be 
asked to pay more for fewer services. Taxes and 
prices will rise while salaries, a t  least in the public 
sector, will be frozen. Unemployment is expected to  
increase from 3 to 5 percent and the standard of liv­
ing to drop 3 percent.

These measures are designed to cool off the econ­
omy and decrease Israel’s dangerously-large balance 
of payments deficit, which this year amounted to 
$3.7 billion.

In the words of the Finance Minister, Yehoshua 
Rabinovitch, as he presented the budget to the Cabi­
net: “The next two years will he very tough for the 
economy and for Israeli society.”

The bleak economic prospects, combined with the 
country’s political and military difficulties, under- 
standabiy discourage potential immigrants and in­
creases the number of emigrants. At the same time, 
the whole phenomenon tends to depress the Israelis 
who stay behind.

Sensing this, Shinui, a political reform movement 
organized after the October 1973, war, has taken a 
number of advertisements recently in the interna­
tional editions of the Hewbrew papers that are read 
by expatriate Israelis. “We miss you,” read the head­
lines of the ads, "and  we need you. Come home.”

Terence S m ith  is chief o f the  Jerusalem bureau o f 
The N ew  Y o rk  Times.

Sw aying  Lef t ,  and R ight, N a tio n ’s T roubles A re  P o litica l and Econom ic

Yugoslavia: The Tightrope Is Tricky
By RAYMOND H. ANDERSON

Marshal Tito has.declared, after discovering pro -, 
Soviet underground factions in his country: “Yugp,--, 
slavia is not an easy prey for anyone.” ,

Inoeed, it is not. Stalin learned that in 1948, when 
in rage against Titoist Yugoslavia’s “boundless ambi­
tion, arrogance and conceit,” he cast toe Balkan 
country out of the Soviet bloc and • subjected it to;, 
economic boycott, .ideological abuse and threats of' 
invasion.

Stalin had boasted that if he snapped his fingers 
Marshal Tito would be gone. Stalin snapped his 
fingers, but it was Moscow’s supporters in Yugo­
slavia who disappeared, some to toe grave, others to 
a barren island in the Adriatic. Marshal Tito is still 
in power 2 ' years later, and his basic policies still 
vex the Soviet leaders as well, apparently, as some 
Yugoslavs.

For a quarter of a century, Yugoslavia has been 
balancing on the high wire of nonalignment, fearful 
of falling into either the camp of the “imperialists” 
of toe West or the “bureaucratic dogmatists” of the 
East. The Yugoslav obloquy and repression sway 
alternately left and fight to suppress threats from 
either direction. . . . .

In the early 1960’s, pro-Westem. influences 
among Yugoslav intellectuals came under attack, 
In I960, it was the turn of the Stabnists and pro­

Soviet elements. In 1972, it was again toe “western­
ers” and now a campaign is on against pro-Soviet 
“neo-Cominformists,” Yugoslavs who are restless 
under self-management socialism and yearn 'for the 
old days when an official could shout a command 
and watch workers jump, and maybe bash a head or 
two to get the attention of toe masses.

Hundreds of toe-neo-Cominformists have-been 
arrested. Dozens have been sentenced to prison and 
more trials are to come. . . ■,,

The Minister of Interior of. Croatia, Zlatko Uzelac, ■ 
has said that pro-Soviet intriguers sentenced this 
month had “aimed at bringing about toe intervention 
of foreign forces.”

Yugoslav-Soviet relations have been hot and cold 
a t intervals since the break of 1948. The death- of 
Stalin in 1953 opened the way to a  reconciliation of 
sorts but largely on Belgrade’s  terms. In 1968, when 
Soviet and other troops entered Czechoslovakia to 
suppress Prague’s version of Titoism, it appeared 
that Yugoslavia’s hour had come. But the Yugoslavs 
mobilized and, unlike the Czechs and Slovaks, pre­
pared to fight.

The crisis passed but Moscow's discontent per­
sisted. Two aspects in psnticuiar of what, is called 
Titoism annoy toe Russians,= toe internal system of 
worker self-management ami the foreign policy of 
nonalignment.

The Russians at intervals pledge not to interfere 
in Yugoslavia’s internal affairs, but they barely con-

David Simon/Gamma

Marshal Tito a t  a party  Congress,

ceal their contempt for self-management and Yugo­
slavia’s relatively market-oriented economy. In the 
fall of 1973, Premier Aleksei Kosygin, during a tour 
of Yugoslavia, was almost patronizing to Yugoslav 
audiences, telling, them that they Could overcome 
the economic crisis and nationality divisions merely 
by  emulating the Soviet system. But, as the second- 
ranking Yugoslav party leader, Stane Dolanc, said 
last week: “Yugoslav Communists have never fiad the 
need to discuss with anyone what road they should 
choose.. . .  We need no recipes or formulas.”

Yugoslavia has severe difficulties: high unemploy­
ment and inflation, a stagnant agriculture and inef­
ficiencies in new industries, plus national rivalries 
and ideological differences. It should be no surprise, 
that some Yugoslavs consider central planning and 
controls as the answer.

The Ethnic Difficulties
Yugoslavia has been a troubled land since its 

creation in the redrawing of boundaries after World 
War I, which threw many nationalities together in 
the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. During 
World War II, Serbs and Croats, Orthodox, Catholics 
and Moslems, Communists and royalists, killed far 
more of each other than they did of the enemy 
occupation soldiers.

Under the restraint of arbitrary postwar Com- 
. munist rule, nationalist sentiments were damped tor 

a while. But a decline of ideology and centralized 
power led to a reawakening of nationalist conscious­
ness, culminating in open demonstrations in Croatia 
in 1971. Much that has happened in Yugoslavia since 
1971 reflects the shock aroused by toe Creation 
separatist movement.

Marshal Tito felt it essential for the survival of 
Yugoslavia after his death that the Soviet Union be 
dissuaded from meddling in toe country. In talks 
with Leonid Brezhnev in 1971 and 1972, President 
Tito evidently reached some form of understanding, 
and he received the Order of Lenin for his efforts. 
In this new atmosphere, Soviet diplomats and other 
representatives in Yugolslavia became noticeably 
more active.

In October, as toe Yugoslav leadership acted 
urgently to eradicate the pro-Soviet movement, « 
Zagreb commentator, Milika Sundic, said that the 
crisis had arisen because the pro-Soviet forces in 
Yugoslavia had lost their patience and “have become 
more cunning and hence more dangerous” and “their 
foreign masters are behaving in toe same way.” 

Vladimir Bakaric, the long-time Croatian leader, 
complained in a speech that the Yugoslavs, while 
combating “imperialist” infleunces, had lost sight of 
the dangers from the East.

Mihajlo Mihajlov, toe Yugoslav dissident again, 
in jail, wrote last year in the journal Dissent that a 
“storm” of nationality conflict was approaching the 
country.

“There was only one realistic way out of the 
situation that had arisen; toe democratization of 
social and political life, opening toe way to demo­
cratic forces which would easily have been able to 
safeguard toe unity of toe country,” he said. “But 
this would have meant liquidating the party monop­
oly, something toe leadership could not bring 
itself to do.”

Raym ond H. Anderson, a  form er ch ief o f The N ew  
Y o rk  Tim es bureau in Belgrade, is now  on The Tim es  
foreign s ta ff  in  N ew  York,



' The Schol a r  as Confiiser
•On W hy the Busing Issue Is N ot A bou t W ^ite Flight

By Noel Epstein

IT  IS  W ID ELY  thought that James S, Coleman, the 
prominent sociologist -who was long considered an 
important friend of the civil rights movetnent, now 
rejects court-ordered busing as one way to end un­
constitutional school segregation. He does not. “There 
are bound to be cases in which busing is a remedy 
that’s necessary,” he remarks.

It is also believed that Coleman thinks judges in 
such cases should weigh the effect on whijie flightfrom 
the public schools before issuing their decrees. He 
does not. In  fact, Coleman says that his controversial 
new study of white flight “would not at all be 
relevant” where busing or any other device is needed 
to undo illegal segregation.

What, then, has the professor from the University of 
Chicago been trying to tell us? What is the national 
storm all about? Why has he been attacking courts in 
the press, on television, at special conferences, in 
affidavits for a Boston anti-busing group? Why has he 
kept citing his disputed research finding that school 
desegregation leads to a “sizable” exodus of whites to 
the suburbs or to private schools?

To discover the answer it is necessary to understand 
that the heart of Coleman’s assault on the courts has 
little to do with his white flight study. He is chiefly 
quarreling about a question of justice, not sociology. 
He is arguing with judges in some cases over their 
definition of “illegal segregation” and in others over 
whether the remedies they order exceed the offenses 
found. Only where Coleman believes courts are un­
ju s t ly  ordering busing does he think they should 
consider whatever degree of unnecessary  white flight 
'he sees being provoked.

That is in effect what he said in his Boston court 
affidavit. It is what he has been trying to tell us in his 
study and in numerous interviews, and it is what he 
confirms in several recent conversations.

The reason Coleman’s message has been misun- 
. derstood is that the scholar has been engaging in a 

perilous exercise that is not uncommon among social 
scientists or, for that matter, among their brethren in 
the physical sciences. He has, as he will tell you 
himself, been mixing rhetoric and research in many 
recent pronouncements, and few people know which is 
which. ■ ' ■ '

.As Coleman puts it: “I  am sure there is confusion 
between what I say that is based on my research and 
what I say that is not based on my research res'ults 
—  which stems in part from the research and in part 
from a particular philosophy of education.”

The position he is espousing actually goes well 
beyond “a particular philosophy of education” to 
fundamental questions of fairness and con­
stitutionality. And to acknowledge that “there is 
confusion” is small consolation. He has seriously 
affected our debate on a critical national issue. His 
misconstrued words are being echoed in the Congress, 
the presidential primaries, the corridors of the 
bureaucracy, the meetings and streets of volatile 
places like Louisville and Boston.

“SOME SOCIAL scientists want to run the goddamn 
country, and that’s an unhealthy attitude.” The 
speaker is Richard C. Atkinson, deputy director of the 
.National Science Foundation and former head of 
Stanford University’s psychology department.

Like others in the scholarly community, Atkinson is

worried about the dangers to both science and the 
nation from trjing to apply research swiftly to im­
mediate public issues before decisions are made and 
lives affected. He is disturbed by what he sees hap­
pening because of this urge to find short-cuts to truth,, 
'or at least to scientific consensus.

Atkinson is not discussing the Coleman controversy 
but he has plenty to say about other recent research.

He observes that “a lot of what goes under the name 
of social science is just junk,” that “some government 
agencies are pulling people off the street to suddenly

■do' big projects,” that “if you want to buy a certain
'answer, it isn’t that hard to get.”

High among Atkinson’s concerns is the way some 
social' scientists cloak ideological efforts as 

' scholarship. As he'noted in a speech last fall, he’s 
heard fellow psychologists “too often speaking on 
issues of education, child rearing and mental health 
using what they claim to be research evidence as a 
disguise for advocating a particular policy.”

See" SCIENCE, Page K 4

SUND.-VY, F E B R U A R Y  1 5 , 1 9 7 6



SCIENCE, Fr*m Page K1

Atkinson, for one, wpuld like to see those more in­
trigued by politics than science “run for elective of­
fice,” a public so informed that “anyone coming out of 
the college system should be able to question social 
scientists, to say, ‘Show me your data and forget your 
interpretations,’” and, perhaps above all, more 
systematic challenges to research affecting public 
policy.

Others also have been pondering such “corrective 
’ devices,” including simultaneous studies done for 
opposing interest groups; re-studies of existing 
research; trial-like hearings on conflicting findings, 
and other ways of curbing any unwarranted influence 
suth reports can have on our lives.

Few have struggled as much with ways to resolve 
these problems as James Coleman, who more than 
most scholars reflects the deep inner conflict between 
an eagerness to influence events and a desire for 
scholarly balance. “It is a little unfortunate that social 
science has come to occupy a central position, as it has _ 
today,” he remarks.

Y et he has long been  a  lead ing  proponent of try ing  to 
a lte r  pub lic  policy through resea rch , and  he has no 
objection to sc ien tis ts  w earing  the advocate ’s ha t. In 
fac t, sev era l y ea rs  ago, w hen he w as vice p residen t of 
the  A m erican  A ssociation for the A dvancem ent of 

■Science, h e  b e g a n  s u g g e s t in g  10 p r in c ip le s  fo r  
colleagues studying  im m edia te  issues, w ith P rinc ip le  
N u m b er 10 d ec la ring  th a t they  should be governed by 
“ personal values and  p roperly  include advocacy” 
when picking questions to s tu d y , policies to recom ­
m end a nd  w ays to com m unicate  th e ir  positions.

H ow ever,. his 10th com m andm ent a lso  explained 
th a t  it  m u s t  b e  c le a r  w h en  th e  a d v o c a te  o r  th e  
sc ien tis t h a t  w as on: “ I t  m ay  b e  difficult to  se p ara te  
these two capacities, bu t i t  is necessary  to do so. F p r if 
it is not done, then the policy rese a rch  loses its value 
for a ll in te rested  p a rtie s .”  W ords w orth  rem em ­
bering . Or “ ...advocacy  is ap p ro p ria te  only a fte r  the 
in fo rm ation  is p resen ted  objectively .”

The d angers of ignoring C olem an’s w arnings a re  
ev ident in m any a re a s . B ut one need  look no fu rth e r 
than  the fu ro r over the w hite  fligh t issue to see w hat 
happens when, as Colem an says, “ there  is confusion” 
about which h a t is being donned.

■ WHAT HAS H A PPEN ED  in this case, a s  in others, 
is th a t  national a tten tion  h a s  been  d iverted  to graphs 
and  form ulas, to w hat is s ta tis tica lly  m easurab le , and  
aw ay  from  the h e a rt  of the  m a tte r , which cannot be 
reduced  to num bers.

O ther social sc ien tis ts  h av e  been arguing  that 
Coleman is in co rrec t in in ferring  from  his da ta  th a t a  
“ sizab le” trek  of w hites to the suburbs, or to priva te  
schools can  be linked to school desegregation . They 
have review ed his study. Som e have done their own. 
They have used the sam e  governm ent d a ta  and some 
d ifferent m ethods of analysis. They have found no 
significant link betw een desegregation  and flight. He 
is wrong, they say . He is using m any cities w here 
th e re  h a s  n e v e r  b een  b u s in g  o r a n y  s ig n if ic a n t  
desegregation . He is using different definitions. He is 
showing only a firs t-y ear effect. He hasn ’t noted th a t 
c rim e, taxes, b e tte r  housing, lousy city services, 
suburban  jobs, law ns, new schools and  m any other 
fac to rs  have long had a hand in the exodus to subur­
bia. Psychologists Thom as P e ttig rew , R obert L. 
G re e n , K e n n e th  C la rk  a n d  o th e rs  h a v e  issu e d  
challenges.

Som e have a ttack ed  harsh ly . C lark—no s tra n g e r to \  
a tta c k  h im self and  not noted for m oderation in his 
view s—in an  interview  la s t August;

“ I c a n 't  understand  how D r. Colem an-is'allowed to 
g e t aw ay w ith c lea r  d istortions of da ta  and  still be 
ta k e n  s e r io u s ly  by the, p r e s s  a n d , w h a t’s m o re  
d isturb ing , by his colleagues. I t ’s a m ajo r d isg race. I 
don’t understand  why a  professional -association 
h asn ’t taken  him to a cco u n t...It’s the kind of th ingyou 
wouldn’t take  from  a g rad u a te  s tu d en t.”

Colem an has been s tung by som e critic ism s and has 
occasionally  rep lied  in k ind. At the end of his second 
Boston court affidav it la s t Sep tem ber: “ I have the 
im pression  th a t if P ro fesso rs  G reen and P e ttig rew  
saw  th e  fires in the sky  during  the rio ts of 1S67, they 
would have a ttr ib u ted  th em , to an  ex trao rd in a ry  
disp lay  of the N orthern  lig h ts.”

G reen and  P e ttig rew  h av e  gotten upset. They have 
rep lied  in an  artic le  for the H arv a rd  Educational 
Review  th a t they a re n ’t  the ones m aking personal 
a tta c k s , th a t they have been  using social science to try  
to se p a ra te  Colem an’s opinions from  his resea rch . 
Colem an sees gall in th is, say ing  th a t if anyone has 
been confusing opinion and  evidence it is those on the 
o ther side, and  th a t  their w ords h ave h ardened  his own 
stan ce : “ W hen somebody challenges the integrity' of 
m y  w o rk , th en  th a t  s tr e n g th e n s  v e ry  m u ch  th e  
position I take, in  the  sense  of defending th at in­
teg r ity .” ■

B u t th e  p ro b le m  is  t h a t  a ll  th is  is  to no 
! avail. I t ’s a ll secondary  so -fa r  as the courts a re  
concerned, ju s t a s  C olem an suggests in  his own white 
flight study  th a t  his rep o rt is secondary , th a t  i t  should 
be ignored" by  judges—unless you happen to a g ree  f irs t  
with C olem an’s belief th a t  they a re  acting  unjustly .

I t  is right-there  in the introduction  to his final d raft 
of la s t  August, in a scarce ly  noted line in the in- 

.troduction . While his d a ta  should be considered  by 
executive or leg islative bodies, i ts ta te s ,  “ They a re  not 
re lev an t for a  court decision acting  to insu re  equal 
pro tection  under the 14th A m endm ent.”  Biut the 14th 
A m endm ent is the basis for all federa l court decisions 
in school segregation  cases , and  he h as  been assailing  
m any of those decisions, no t leg isla tive  or executive 

■ actions. W hat is he try in g  to say? W hat does he m ean?
It is th a t h e  is convinced m any judges a re  abusing 
their power. And we have been  argu ing  s ta tistics.

A rough analogy in a  c rim in a l ca se  would be if a 
social sc ien tis t believed two paren ts  w ere unjustly  
convicted of m u rd e r an d  executed—and then  told 
everyone th a t th is increases the  num ber of orphans in 
this country. N atu ra lly .' B ut the  chief com plain t would 

• be  abou t justice , not orphans, ju st as the chief qu arre l 
in C olem an’s c a se is  about justice , not white flight.

W'e have, a fte r  a ll. long known about white flight and  
its v a rie d  causes. I t  w as a  factor in desegregation  
cases- w ell b e fo re  C o le m a n  b e g a n  ru n n in g  d a ta  
through his com puter for p a r t  of an  U rban Institu te  
rep o rt on the s ta te  of the  nation in 1976. I t w as widely 
v isible, for exam ple, when m any Southern, w hites 
began sca tte rin g  to seg reg a ted  academ ies to escape 
desegregation . B ut the  finger-pointing by o thers then 
w as a t  the “ s e g s '’ \vho w ere fleeing, not a t courts for 
try ing  to end forced segregation .

I t’s ' whose ox is gored, some (including gleeful 
S o u th e rn e r s )  e x p la in  now . T h e re  a re  f a r  m o re  
p re s s in g  p ro b le m s  to d ay , o th e rs  s a y . Or 
desegregation  h a sn 't  substantia lly  im proved the 
education of blacks or whites, still others note, as if 
lettin g  ch ildren  of both races  a ttend  school together

tH- a



coijd in itself improve learning any more than letting 
other blacks sit anywhere on a bus could make the ride 

 ̂ less bumpy.
Many other e.xplanations have also been advanced, 

but one that helps as much as any to account for the 
switch in blame-placing isn’t mentioned much. It is 
simply that, beyond sleep-inducing answers like 
“zoning” or “gerrymandering,” many Americans 
can’t tell you what local officials in Denver or Boston 
or Louisville were found to have done wrong. It takes 
no wisdom to know there won’t be solid support for 
traumatic desegregation efforts if few understand the 
offenses committed.

That is a lesson Coleman has been helping remind us 
of, for the heart of his quarrel is precisely about these 
non-statistical issues of offenses and remedies. 
Unfortunately, he omits saying so in his study, beyond 
the single cryptic line about his report being 
irrelevant for court rulings under the 14th Amend­
ment. ■ ' , .

He doesn’t explain that he believes many judges 
now are defining “illegal segregation” too broaiy. He 
doesn’t mention in the study— though he has 
elsewhere— that he is harking back in part to the 
Supreme Court’s 1973 decision in the Denver case, 
known as K eyes. He doesn’t note the majority’s 
opinion there that forced segregation in “a substantial 
portion” of a school system has a “reciprocal effect”

. elsewhere, so that entire city districts can be declared 
“ illegally segregated” and busing ordered now 

, without violations being specifically proved 
everywhere. ' ■ '

But he is angry about that and more. He feels cer- 
- tain that many courts now are conspiring to end racial 

. separation of any kind, unconstitutional or not. “What 
they’ve been doing is engaging in affirmative in­
tegration under the mask of eliminating de jure  (the 
officially promoted, illegal variety of) segregation,” 
he insists..

He is convinced of this basically for two reasons. 
First, extensive busing obviously does affect housing, 
ethnic, class and other elements of a city’s social 

I fabric (another executed-parents-create-more- 
orphans point). Second, while he believes busing 
inevitably will be necessary to undo unlawful 

. segregation in some cases, he thinks many judges are 
applying it where it isn’t needed to erase specific 
illegal acts (a more fundamental question of justice).

He emphasizes that he is not distinguishing between 
South and North; he believes much of what remains 
today of the South’s old dual school system can be 
ended short of busing. As he puts it: “Just because a 
district had a dual system at one time doesn’t require 
it to be racially balanced today.” .

This isn’t the first time Coleman has made these 
arguments. But neither he nor the rest of us in the 
press and elsewhere have emphasized that his entire 
“white flight” fight with judges rests on them. Nor, 
just as important, have many questioned his publicly 
stated versions of what judges specifically have been 
doing in cases like Boston or Louisville.

In a widely noted National Observer interview of 
last June for example, Coleman stated:

“Following recent court decisions, the court fin 
Boston) said if any action of the school board in­
creased segregation, then all segregation in the 
system, even that resulting from factors other than 
official action, must be eliminated. I  think that’s 

, where the courts are wrong...They impose a system- 
!; wide remedy to correct what is legally a localized 
V  wrong.”.

It is, first, untrue that Judge W. Arthur Garrity Jr. 
in Boston ever said that “all segregation in the 
system, even that resulting from factors Other than 
official action, must be eliminated.” That is 
Coleman's orphan-creating view at work. As he says 
of Garrity: “I don’t care about his intent. What has 
been done is to undo the effects...of housing, 
residential and ethnic patterning that existed for 150 
years.”

Second, it is difficult to comprehend how Coleman 
could suggest that “localized wrongs” led to the 
Boston busing -order. The voluminous evidence in 
Garrity’s June, 1974. opinion showed that, “ in­
dependently of reciprocal effects,” the white Boston

School Committee’s actions 'had a segregative im­
pact on entire levels of the school system,” that 
Garrity had no need to rely on Keyes in most 
categories of deliberate segregation.

Busing black and white students to keep them apart. 
Juggling “ feeder patterns” from elementary to 
secondary schools for the same purpose. Adding 
pbrtable classrooms at crowded white schools rather 
than sending students to underused, largely black 
ones. Building schools for a decade “to promote 
segregation. ’' This and manipulating school zones and 
much else was found.

Coleman’s contention is that this segregation could 
have been untangled by changing feeder .patterns,re­
moving portable classrooms and other devices short 
of extensive busing.Thatiswhy,in his first Boston af­
fidavit last June, he cautioned Garrity against “the 
attempted elimination of all segregation from 
whatever source.”

Coleman also made clear there that only if Garrity 
agreed that he was acting unjustly should he consider 
Coleman’s contested study. “When court-ordered 
remedies have gone beyond this (correcting specific 
illegalities),” Coleman concluded, “they have 
exacerbated the very isolation they have attempted to 
overcome.” Otherwise, again, the white flight issue 
presumably wasn’t relevant, which is ’what Garrity 
and the federal appeals court found. '

It is similar with the Louisville-Jefferson County 
case, where protests erupted after the two school- 
systems were combined last fall and where white 
flight is not a major issue. Coleman believes the lef­
tovers of each of their segregated systems, once 
required by Kentucky law, could have been erased 
withQut busing between-the two. He is convinced that 
the “dual school system was ended” in each and that 
cross-district busing was ordered “essentially 
because of a single school” in Jefferson County that 
remained mostly black.

That obviously isn’t what the federal appeals court 
said. It noted that the school district lines were ar­
tificial, that they had been ignored to promote 
segregation— among other things, 10,000 mostly white 
students from Louisville attended schools ad­
ministered by the county— and that they therefore 
could be disregarded in ending segregation that ex­
tended beyond a single school.

THE POINT of all this is not that Coleman's pivotal 
argument is wrong or right in all respects, only that he 
has not explained it or opposing views in his study.

’T agree that my formulation of the problem is not 
one which is shared by everyone,” he says. “I see it 
that way and others see it that w’ay, while some legal 
people and social scientists see it the other way. I 
think it’s preposterous to argue the other way.”

Even a statement of this sort would have been 
welcome in his report, though what was badly needed 
was a complete discussion of both sides, even if 
Coleman then held to his original advocacy position in 
the end. .As it stands, so far as the report is addressed 
to the courts, it is a study missing its context.

■A similar flaw of not exploring dissenting findings is 
also apparent in the scientific part of this and other 
works. Coleman’s final draft, for example, relegates 
to a footnote a study of the same data by Reynolds 
Farley of the University of Michigan, w'ho found no 
substantial relationship between school desegregation 
and white flight. Among ofher things, Farley 
examined the impact of desegregation over five years 
while Coleman studied the first-year effect.

As Coleman acknowledges: “In the policy area, I 
t’nink it’s true that this report and other reports in the 
social sciences are relatively blind to other research. I 
think this should be corrected, that it should be part of 
the change in the way research which is policy-related 
is presented.”



There can be Tittle doubt that change is indeed 
needed in the way such studies are presented, and it 
cannot com e too soon. As tentative findings by a team  
at the University of M ichigan’s Institute for Social, 
Research show, social science works are having an- 
extensive impact in Washington. The 200-plus sub­
cabinet officials they interviewed cited about 500' 
instances in which such reports influenced their 
decisions, with exam ples including works in  medical 
insurance, minimum wage laws, drug rehabilitation, 
acceptability of nuclear power plants, social con­
sequences of strip mining and housing subsidies.

Some scholars, like Columbia University sociologist 
Robert Nisbet, have even'suggested that science and 
government be entirely severed from each other. 
Science’s aim, he has remarked,' “ is not to advise 
governments, save mankind, m ake public,policy or 
build  e m p ires” but the “ sea rch  for truth,' the  
discovery of data, principles and laws to enlarge, our 
understanding of inan’s  purpose.”

N isbet’s position, though, can be seen at least in part 
as a reflection of his own conservative ideology, he 
has long been troubled by the increasing y centralized  
state, and particularly by intellectuals helping t 
create and maintain it. Besides, if " if  
heeded h is, words, others surely would take their

^ There is no reason why scholars should not exarnine 
im m ediate issues, should not tell us, as far as possible
■ the lik e ly  con seq u en ces  of a lte r n a tiv e  n a tio M  
policies or h o w  existing programs are working, ih is  
can only help enlighten the debate on all sides.

The trouble begins when w e start expecting muc 
more and when scholars start thinking they should 
oblige. In m ost cases, science cannot be substituted 
for the questions of m orality, justice or politics that 
are at the bottom of our national dilem m as. Nor can 
scientists usually agree quickly on. what can be said  
about an issue before decisions are m ade, before they
have the knowledge necessary to do so

As D a v id  A. G oslin , e x e cu tiv e  d irector  of the  
National Academy of S c ien ces’ social science unit, 
notes- “The definition of science is disagreem ent. 
One needn’t look far to accept this, especially wnere
significant national issues a re  involved. __ ■

In Christopher Jencks’ 1972 book on “Inequality-, i,n
■ which he argued that differences between schoois 

have little effect on what happens when -students 
graduate, he and his seven co-researchers noted: 
“The present text was written by Christopher Jcccks. 
It embodies his prejudices and obsessions and these 
are not shared by the coauthors.” (Unfortunately, the 
coauthors didn’t explain their dissenting views in the 
work.) - •

In the Supreme Court’s decision on school finance 
equalization. Justice Lewis F. Powell noted that 
“ scholars and educational ei-iperts” were divided on 
the link between money and school quality and that 
the court therefore shouldn’t cjecide the question.

Outside the social sciences are disputes over issues 
lik e  n u clear  power, p lan ts and sa fe ty , in which  
scientists have signed petitions on both sides, or 
depletion of the ozone layer, on which they do not have 
sufficient information to agree on very much.

In m any scientific areas, people like Goslin. the 
National Science Foundation’s  Atkinson and many 
others are striving for ways to insure system atic  
challenges to policy research rather than have the 
kind of spectacle surrounding the white-flight fight, 
and to see  that standards- of proof are not lowered 
when scientists enter the public arena. ' '

Some-have suggested simultaneous studies be done 
for opposing interests. This m ay seem  overly ex­
pensive at first, but it is clear that'single studies will 
be challenged anyway where sensitive issues are at 
stake. -Dual reports could save much time and avert 
possibly misguided policies based on one work.

Others are looking to trial-like hearings or in­
dependent review panels to exam ine conflicting fin­
dings and make sure scientists are held to the highest 
standards of evidence in their public pronouncements. 
Still others are hoping to stim ulate re-studies of 
existing research, a complicated technique now being 
sponsored by the Russell Sage Foundation.

However, the first, such re-study—of television’s 
“Sesam e Street”—turned up the sam e old hangup: It 
took the original researchers and the second team  
three years to,agree on what could be published, in 
good m easure because of an ideological conflict. The 
rev iew  team  con cen trated  on. w h eth er “ S esa m e  
Street” widens the educational gap between richer 
and poorer preschoolers and concluded that it did. The 
original researchers said the m ost important question 
w asn’t about “haves” ’ and “have-nots” but about 
w-hether the program helps all preschool children in a  
variety of areas.

What should be abundantly'clear from all this is that 
the m ost important “corrective” device still lies  
w ith in  J a m es C olem an’s 10 com m an d m en ts and  
within each researcher. The scientist and advocate 
hats m ust be clearly labeled, and “advocacy is ap­
p rop riate  only a fter  the in form ation  h as been  
presented objectively.”

Where national issues are involved, this requires 
painting the fullest picture of reality possible before 
critical decisions are made, and that necessarily  
m eans explaining others’ positions and scientific 
findings whenever feasible even if the researcher  
later dons the advocate’s hat.

The scholar’s primary search is still for truth, 
however imperfect the quest, w-hereyer it m ay lead. 
To the extent that this search is compromised, the 
scholar's authority is. diminished, and both science  
and the nation suffer.

Epstein is education editor of The Washington Post.

■ ^



*  1978 The New York Timee Company S P R IN G  S U R V E Y  C

Special EducationJs Now  
A Matter of Civil Rights

By EDWARD B. FISKE

Societies, it has been said, can be Judged by the way In 
which they treat those who are different. By this standard, 
American education has never distinguished itself.

Handicapped children, if they were taught a t all, tended to 
be relegated to special classes down by the boiler room or to 
run-down facilities abandoned by others. With the ex­
ception of crude forms of tracking and a few competitive 
high schools, it was assumed that gifted children—because 
they were bright—could more or less take care of them­
selves.

TOiat has been termed a "quiet revolution,” however, is 
now going on in the education of “exceptional” children. 
Under the prodding of courts, local districts have been pour­
ing increasing amounts of money into special education at a 
time when expenses are being trimmed in virtually every 
other area. The United States Office of Education estimates 
that in the last four years local and state expenditures for 
the handicapped have doubled to approximately $4 billion.

The practical consequences have been enormous. Chil­
dren long confined to  institutions where they were consid­
ered beyond the responsibility of any board of education are 
now studying in special classrooms in regular schools. As a 
resu lfo f a new trend toward "mainstreaming,” hundreds of 
thousands of less severely handicapped children are moving 
from special to regular classrooms for at least part of their 
school day.

School boards are recognizing that the social, emotional 
and educational problems of exceptionally bright students 
can be just as complicated as those of the handicapped and 
are moving to provide them with suitable programs. Young 
teachers are finding that, in an otherwise bleak job market, 
there are still jobs to be found in special education in many 
school districts.

Last November Congress passed a  law that is poten­
tially the most significant change of all. The Education of All 
Handicapped Children Act requires that from 1978, states

a arvr\t*/Ns\riotA f n fmust locate and provide a “free, appropriate education” for 
all handicapped children. It authorizes Federal financing at an 
eventual level of 40 percent of the excess cost of educating 
handicapped students. Officials estimate that, although even 
higher sums are authorized, this will eventually begin pour­
ing up to $1 billion a year of Federal funds into special 
education.

Underlying all of these developments are major changes 
in the way in which both gifted and handicapped children 
are coming to view themselves and their relationship to 
society. “The education of exceptional children is no longer 
perceived as a matter of charity—or even as a wise practice 
for an enlightened society determined to make the fullest 
uses of its assets,” said William C. Greer, executive director 
of the Council for Exceptional Children. “It is now a matter 
of their rights as citizens to the same sort of education as 
other children. The new status of special education is really 
the latest expression of the civil rights movement of the

, 60's.”
L The United States Office of Education estim ate  that

there are 7.8 million handicapped children In this country be­
tween the ages of 3 and 21, one million of whom are not 
receiving any education and only half of Whom are in ade­
quate programs. At the other end of the spectrum, there are 
thought to be two million “gifted and talented” youngsters, 
fewer than 10 percent of whom are in special programs of 
any kind.

Until the 19th century there was no such thing i s  
special education to serve such children. Gifted and mildly 
disabled children were handled like any others in regular 
classrooms. Those who were severely handicapped—if they 
survived—^were kept at home and often not educated at all.

In 1817 Thomas Gallaudet opened a special school for deaf 
children in Hartford. This led to the formation of numerous 
such institutions—^first tor the deaf and blind, then for the 
retarded and those with emotional problems. The op­
erative educational assumption was that such students were 
best served in “asylums” where they were segregated from 
the rest of society.

By the early 20th centu^ , largely In response to the 
growth of compulsory education laws, school boards began 
to accept responsibility for the education of handicapped 
children. By 1911 more than 100 of the larger cities, includ­
ing New York, had established special schools and special 
classes within public schools. Teachers’ colleges began offer­
ing special training in the area. The whole field took on 
added importance when World War II sent large numbers of 
physically disabled but otherwise capable veterans Into col­
leges ami the job market.

Educators had been experimenting with placing some 
blind and mildly retarded children into regular classrooms as 
early as the 1920’s. This idea of mainstreaming developed 
into a major trend beginning in the 1950’s when Lloyd Dunn 
and other researchers began to question the academic effec­
tiveness of “self-contained” classes for special students. New 
teaching techniques, such as the reward systems of behavior 
modification, also made it possible to  move severely disabled 
children from institutions into regular schools.

As the schools were beginning to  accept responsibility 
for educating those a t the fringe of society and doing it in 
a “least restrictive environment,” an important attitude 
change took place among those most passionately involved in 
the educating of handicapped children: their parents.

“In the past, parents of handicapped children often 
tended to  be embarrassed at their situation,” Edwin Martin 
Jr., director of the Bureau of Education for the Handicapped 
in ’the United States Office of Education, said. “They were 
grateful for whatever schools would do for their children. 
Beyond that they often made tremendous sacrifices, often 
devastating the rest of the family in order to provide for 
the needs of a handicapped child.”

Then came the 1954 Supreme Court decision on school 
desegregation. That decision, and the active civil rights 
movement that followed, established the principles that qual­
ity education for every school-age child was not a privilege 
but a  right, and that segregation of any kind worked against

C ontinued on Page 14 »



^An Issue of Civil Rights
Continued from  Page 1

this goal. The parents of handicapped 
children decided that such ' principles 
applied to them a^ well as to black 
families. Allied with special education 
speciaiists within the schools, they went 
to court themselves to challenge a sys­
tem that in the social climate of the 
1960’s now seemed to smack of pa­
ternalism.

The landmark decision came in 1971 
when in Pennsylvania Association for 
Retarded Children v. the Commonwealth, 
a United States district court ordered 
the state to provide education at pubiic 
expense for all retarded children. The 
next year, in Milis v. Board of Education 
another Federal court extended this 
principle to all handicapped children 
in the District of Columbia, and ruled 
further that lack of funds on the part 
of the school system was no excuse 
for failure to comply. Since then, suits 
have been filed in at least 25 states, 
in some cases by parents of handicapped 
and gifted children acting together.

The ripple effects of these court deci­
sions have been considerable. Approxi­
mately 48 states now have laws mandat­
ing special education for all or most 
groups of handicapped children and 
enforcement is growing.

In November 1973, responding to a 
class action suit on behalf of several 
brain-injured ’children in, New York, 
State Education Commissioner Ewald B. 
Nyquist ordered all school districts to 
provide “adequate and appropriate” 
education for ali handicapped children. 
Since then the state’s appropriations 
have increased from $49 million to $243 
miilion. On May 1 a new appeal process 
for parents in the state will go into 
effect. Similar developments are taking 
place in other states.

The most dramatic effects, however, 
have occurred at the Federal level. In 
1966 the Federal Office of Education 
created the Bureau for the Handicapped. 
Since then Federal spending for re­
search, teacher training and other ac­
tivities has gone from $35 million to 
$350 million a year, and provisions have 
been made to include the handicapped 
in other Federal programs.

Service to handicapped chiidren is 
sfili not consistent, however, and this 
problem has been compounded nation­

ally by the recession and locally by a 
financial crisis. From 1970 until last 
year the number of special education 
students in New York City rose from
28,000 to 39,500 and the budget in­
creased from $110 million to $246 mil­
lion. This year the number of students 
increased by 8,000 but the budget was 
cut by $40 million.

School budget problems have also cut 
into programs for the gifted. Although 
educators now generally acknowledge 
that present policies are leading to 
waste of a valuable national resourc^ 
special efforts to meet the needs of the 
gifted have somehow not seemed so 
urgent when budget choices are made.

In some cases the very success of 
special educatiqn reform has posej 
problems. Recognition that some ch'il-' 
dren previousiy regarded as retarded 
™3y in fact be suffering from 'Teamihg
disabilities” that affect only certain 
activities, such as decoding words, has 
led to marked improvement in teachets* 
ability to help such students. It has 
also opened the door to potential abus­
es. Some legislators fear that while 
the children of the middle class are 
now qualifying for special aid as learn­
ing disabled, the poor continue to be 
classified as retarded.

For all the practical problems remain­
ing, though, it would seem that a cornet, 
has been turned in the country’s atti­
tude toward the education of the hancli- 
capped, and inherent in this is a change 
in its attitude toward those who are 
different.

Frederick J. Weintraub and Alan Abe- 
son, two staff members of the Council 
for Exceptional Children, made this 
point in a recent article in Phi Delta; 
Kappan. “The child in a wheelchair 
who must attend a special school fob, 
no other reason than the fact that 
a flight of stairs bars entry to the 
neighborhood school is learning that 
this is, in fact, a very hostile society,” 
they wrote. Yet the “quiet revolution” 
is occurring. “At the minimum,” they 
said, “it will make educational opportu­
nity a reality for all handicapped chil­
dren. At the maximum, it will make 
our schools healthier learning environ­
ments for all our children.”

FAward B. Fis.be is education editor 
of The Times.



NS DELAY

5 School Districts Granted 
60-Day Reprieve by Finch 
on Federal Fund Cutoff

By ROY REED
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Jan. 29—In 
i first major civil rights 

action, the Nixon Administra­
tion granted today a 60-day 
reprieve to five Southern 
school districts scheduled to 
lose Federal funds for refusing 
to abolish their .segregated 
school systems.

Robert M. Finch, Secretary 
of Health, Education and Wel­
fare, who announced his deci­
sion a t the last hour and after 
dealing with considerable pres­
sure from Southern legislators, 
said today’s action should not 
be interpreted as permanent 
policy.

“This emergency action is 
being taken,” Mr. Finch said in 
a prepared statement, “because 
obviously I have not had an 
opportunity to carefully estab­
lish and review the facts in 
these particular cases and be­
cause I believe every avenue 
must be explored to reopen 
lines of communication to these 
school districts and reinstate 
Federal funding as soon as 
possible.”

Skepticism on Disclaimer
He ordered that the five dis­

tricts’ ^ d e ra l  funds be held in 
trust at the state level. He also 
dispatched a team of negotia­
tors to each district to "develop 
and effective alternatives with­
in the law.”

Mr. Finch’s disclaimer of set­
ting permanent policy was 
taken skeptically in some quar­
ters. Some officials within his 
own department feared that 
today’s action would be seized 
upon by reluctant Southern 
school officials as an excuse 
for further delay in desegregat­
ing their schools.

They were especially curious 
to learn the effect of today’s 
decision on the officials of the 
700 to 800 other Southern 
school districts that are in vari­
ous stage of negotiation with 
the Federal Government over

Continued on Page 20, Column 1



•SOUTH W IH SDELAY  
ONDESEGREGATIOHI

>

Continued From Page 1, Col. 7 1

their desegregation plans.
President Nixon’s pre-election 

campaign statements on de­
segregation were encouraging 
Southern Republicans openly 
counseled school officials 
to white Southernors. Some 
put off further desegregation 
until a Republican Administra­
tion took office.

Senator Strom Thurmond, 
Republican of South Carolina, 
has been particularly active 
since the election in trying to 
thwart Federal fund cut-offs 
from threatened districts. Two 
of the five districts involved 
in today’s action are in South 
Carolina.

Criticism by Mondale
Mr. Finch’s decision evoked 

controversy even before it was 
announced. Senator Walter F. 
Mondale, Democrat of Minne­
sota, sent him a letter earlier 
in the day saying he had heard 
that such a decision might be 
taken.

He urged Mr. Finch not to 
stop the fund cut-offs, but to 
continue to enforce the civil 
rights law “fairly and firmly.”

“Since passage of the Civil 
Rights Act of 1964,” Senator 
Mondale wrote, “an important 
beginning -has been made 
toward eliminating the dual 
racially segregated school sys­
tem. This progress must con­
tinue.”

Mr. F inch, began his state­
ment by saying that President 
Nixon had, during his election 
campaign, set forth “what I be­
lieve is the proper construction 
of this provision of the law."

“It is my intention to adopt 
procedures which are consist­
e n t with that interpretation in 

/my enforcement of the law,"
/  he said.

Mr. Nixon told an audience 
at Norfolk, Va., on Oct. 2 that 
freedom of choice plans—which 
many Southern districts use in 
what many Negroes consider to 
be a discriminatory manner— 
were not necessarily illegal if 
they were not used as a subter­
fuge to perpetuate segregation.

When pressed by reporters 
for clarification, Mr. Nixon said 
later at Anaheim, Calif., that he 
would withhold Federal funds 
from school districts practicing 
segregation but not to achieve 
what he considered arbitrary 
standards of racial balance. He 
accused the former Education 
Commissioner, Harold Howe 2d, 
of setting such arbitrary stand­
ards.

The five districts given a 60- 
day extension are Martin Coun­
ty, N. C.; Abbeville School Dis­
trict No. 60 and Barnwell 
School District No. 45 in South 
Carolina, and Water Valley 
Consolidated School District 
and South Panola Consolidated 
School District in Mississippi.

The amount of money they

stand to lose and the extent of 
their efforts toward desegrega­
tion were not available. A Fed­
eral spokesman described all 
five districts as having only 
“token integration.”

One official said it came 
‘as no surprise” to the five 

districts that they were faced 
today with losing Federal 
money. He said all had been 
notified before March 1, 1968, 
as required, by law, that they 
were in danger of losing Fed­
eral funds, if they did not in-

crea.se their efforts to do away 
with their dual school systems.

V/hen the districts came up 
with no plans, the Depaitment 
of Health. Education and Wel­
fare notified them that it was 
starting procedures that could 
lead to fund cut-offs.

Each district was given a 
hearing, then told formally that 
it was not complying with Title 
VI of the Civil Rights Act of 
1964, which bans discrimina­
tion in any Federally assisted 
program.



SPECIAL EDUCATION
THE N E W  YORK TIMES, SUNDAV, AP RIL 2S, 191S E S IS

Bring-ing thd Handicapped Into the Mainstream
By FRED M. HECHINGER

•At about 8:45 each morning, 15-year-old Jim roaneuvera 
wheel chair out of a specially designed bus and 

into the special homeroom a t the Harry S. Truman 
i ^ h  School in the Bronx, where he will spend the 
first period of the school day with other orthopedically 
handicapped young people.

At 9.40 a school aide helps Jim upstairs to a regular 
social studies class where he joins his "normal” class­
mates. At this point, according to educational terminol­
ogy he has been "mainstreamed." Several times through­
out the day Jim will return to his homeroom for his 
teacher’s help in making up for lapses in his note-taking 
Caused by his partial paralysi*.

Jim Is typical of those handicapped children at Truman 
High School who, according to Elaine David, the coor­
dinator of special education there and at Truman’s adja­
cent elementary schools, spend about 75 percent of their 
time, in regular classes. In the view of many educators, 
this new approach amounts to an educational revolution 
—the beginning of the end of the dual school system for 
“normal” and handicapped children.

Over the years the public and educators had tended 
to believe that the best way to deal with handicapped 
children was to teach them in segregated facilities, from 
special classes to special institutions. But in recent years 
that approach has come under increasing attack. Isolating 
these children, opponents argued, could aggravate their 
handicaps by giving them a sense of inferiority. Made 
invisible, these children could also be too readily ne­
glected educationally as well as financially.

-The call for mainstreaming, which grew in the wake 
of the, civil rights movement of the 1960’s, came to the 
foreground last November with the passing of the Educa­
tion of All Handicapped Children Act, which requires that 
any state wanting Federal aid must provide "free and 
epprcg>riate” education for the handicapped by 1980.

The unanswered question, and the one subject to 
increasing controversy, is what constitutes "appropriate” 
^ucation . To what extent should it be separate and 
spwial? Or integrated and "mainstreamed?” 1 
, ^ m e  reports on mainstreaming romanticized early 
success stories. Such accounts typically tell the inspiring 
tH'umph of the little blind girl who is, for the first 
time, integrated into the normal classroom and, through 
a  eombination of dogged determination, high intelligence, 
a dedicated teacher's loving care and understanding I 
classmates, quickly overcomes all obstacles. I
„,Many observers warn that such heartwarming lllustra- 
tions ignore the wide variations of the children, to 
tq be served and the difference between integrating one 
or two handicapped children and adding a substantial 
number of youngsters with a diversity of problems to 
the ordinary, already harrassed classroom teacher. Mass 
education tends to aggravate the problem faced only 
peripherally in small-scale projects. The difficulties are,' 
ihoreover, multiplied in direct proportion to the often 
ihadequate preparation of the teachers asked to respond 
to the new situation and the equally inadequate facilities 
o f  the ordinary school.

There are other points to be kept in mind:
. 'flSome handicaps are more receptive to mainstreaming 
tjikn others. Many children with physical handicaps, 
such, as blindness, deafness, or disabilities that impede 
tff^ir mobility, are endowed with high intellectual and 
motivational qualities that enable them to overcome 
tftqir handicaps. Given some special help and, in some

instances, modification of the classroom equipment, 
these youngsters can readily become an asset te  the 
ordinary qlassroom.

flChildren with varying degrees of retardation pose 
substantially different problems. Some may benefit from 
being integrated into nonintellectual activities,-fuch 
as sports, shop arid other nonverbal subjectstt«But 
their sense of defeat and frustration might be heightened 
rather than diminished in intellectual competitiott.^teith 
their non-handicapped peers.

^Children with serious emotional problems may not. 
only disrupt ordinary educational procedures but, 
arouse anger and antagonism in their classmates. Here, 
too, however, the degree of the emotional disturhimce 
should be seriously considered. ’ ’

Most important, mainstreaming does not m ei^  tb# 
end of special services. The Council for ExceJ>i(bnal 
Children points out that the work of the general t« |^ e r s ' 
m ust be augmented by consulting teachers, s p e ^ ^ s ts ,  
visiting teachers and, most important, readily au^lable 
"resource rooms" staffed with sp ecif  teachers|^ tedy 
to  teach handicapped children for varyhig periodsi^^era 
are also times when an emotionally disturbeeCsihild, 
becomes disruptive. There must be someone <Mt<call 
in the school trained to  help a t such times. “

The council emphasizes that mainstreaming is not 
"wholesale return of all exceptional children from special 
classes to regular classes.” It underscores that main,, 
streaming is not, as some who have embraced it appear 
to  believe, less costly than serving children in special; 
self-contained classrooms.

Teachers’ unions and organizations are somewhat am* 
bivalent about the new approach. But there are strong 
indications that future contracts will aim a t  protecting 
the substantial and still“gnowing arm y of sp ecif  teachers 
for the handicapped, while insisting th a t for every-y 
mainstreamed handicapped chiW the d ass  size t e  reduced 
by three r e ^ a r  pupils.

Many objective observers agree that there are many 
sound considerations tihat recommend mainstreaming 
a s 'a  srfeguard against simply using segregated special 
education as a means of getting large numbers of 
children, including many borderline or misdiagnosed, 
youngsters, out of mind by getting them out of sight.- 
But these essentially sympathetic commenitators never-, 
theless express concern lest, in the way of so fnany 
American educational panaceas, mainstreaming will abol­
ish special education classes altogether, not oh the 
basis pf sound pedagogical policy but in response to ' 
irresistible ideological pressure and in the belief, th a t 
handicapped children will be readily accepted in regular’ 
classrooms.

The fact is that many students harbor strong T«oJ- 
udices against handicaps and disabilities. Dr. Gareth 
Ellingson, author of “Speaking of Children: Their Learn­
ing Abilities/Disabilities,” warns. “They will have to  be- 
taught compassion for their fellow man. They must be' 
taught that handicapped students are not prey.yi'that 
they are in school to learn, to be interacted with, not; 
be acted upon,” he said.

Advocates of caution insist that they do not Want 
to  stop the beneficial trend toward returning as m any 
handicapped youngsters as possible to regular classrooms' 
for a ir  or part of the time. What they do want to  , 
stop, or a t least slow down, is the bandwagb^ of.,' 
instant change and the confusion between civil fights 
and the right kind of education for every child.

Fred M. H echinger is a  m em ber of th e  editorial board  
o f  The ITimes. *



20  [MASA2INE PAGE PA'0|

Hamili'On: C o d  .

M AN  IN THE NEWS: 
DR. CHAPa.ES V. 

HAS\'i!LTON

n m  Y O nK  POST, SATURDAY. V A Y  17 . *i

Pc*.* b /  Terer-cp .V.cCsrfffn

. . .  Doesn't produdo urgency



Dy FERN MARJA ECKMAN

r^ ’̂ 'IKRK THEY WERI^ TtmK-tliiy noon, 
■i'- tv .o  to'ofi'aHo!'.': ot V.o.o.-. k'iulorp, I'.auioH- 

8f on i'.Giir o£ snbda* d Ji.> no: Dr. Koo.ncih 
ii. C l.o;., lor.diuovR in tiie civil
cn isiu io, oiAKC’s  fuo.uicj.' and oui:.;oiiii; 
president, introducinfr to u ie  thoroi;>>hly 
in tegroted  stotJ hi;; successor. Dr. Cliarlcs
V. Jlarniitoii.

Shsi'jrig a desk for the occasion, Ibo tv.-o 
men were wen-matched, botii of tlic-ni aitic- 
uUite and poised and mutually vespeotfu!, 
both SGitspoken. conservatively d r e s s e d  
(Hamiltori’.s lapels perhaps a half-inch Vvkior 
than Clailt's), short-lKdred, with the easy  
authority of long daissroom experienca—- 
and both just a little wary of the situation 
and each other.

Ken Clark's exircriiricntai J.fASC ("I 
c.sn’t  corno tip with an acronym for this 
organiz.ition that rhymes with Hamilton," 
Hamiltoii complair.Gcl, evoking laughlcr) is 
the e’cltt-ycar-old, non-pistfit conscrtiuni, 
the ifetvopoman Applied Research Center. 
Indopendcihly funded (c'niafly by foimda- 
tions), it strives on behalf of “the poor and 
powerless in America cities” to promote 
change through a four-pronged program of 
researe’e, analysis, strategy deveiepment 

' and intervention.
Hamilton brings to Ji'ARC an Impeccable 

I'c-iiutation -a.s a scholar and an image bear­
ing a  trace of revolutionaiy militancy im­
printed there by a book lie co-authored 
witr- Stokeley Cannichad, “fllack Power: The 
PoUtie.s of Liberation in America.” A Demo­
crat, never a bomb-planter, Hamilton is 
wryly armiscd by the left-over misconcep­
tions associaied with hi.s political stance.

What surfaces from time to time are 
nagging doubts from the integrationist 
camp about Hamilton’s full commUraent to  
an inler-racial America. Is he an advocate of 
black separatism, as Carmichael was? 
Hamilton, whose circle of friends is multl- 
eolored, who operates firmly within tlie 
democratic Iramcw'ork, snorts at the notion 
of himself ns a revolutionary.

‘T went to be known as radicotl!/ con­
cerned, militantlu concerned with social 
Change,” ho say.s. “My views of how Uiat will 
same about have adapted to the time.”

Now, q-iiizzed at length by the I'.IARO 
t-laff on his attitiKle.s towcT’d desegregation 
and busing, he was mild ;aid mea.';urcd..Ordy 
when ,a youthful latecomer, barely conceal­
ing his antagoni.sm, kept, goading the presi­
dent-designate, like a cub tweaking a lion’s 
tail, did Hamilton respond with a ripple of 
niuselc.

“I want it clearly understood now,’’ he 
.said evenly, "on the record, that nob.ody 
here b.a.s a corner on Irojiaticnce with iti- 
jirctlcc. I don’t went you to mi.itake tiui 
narnilto.nian .'.tylo of coo’iu.ss for lack of 
urgency. J won't let anyone move me into 
another sivle - -  not foundation.s and not

■Aiiifii ’* X V' ’>i. l:'..':;'-rt. you if you
don t ik  ' me hh ' channinK tiV.riiiUoni.'i!

. m a n  101 i "’O i  you. Don't," I.l5.inUion
pur ( 1  1 t ' ’

O'l h is -■ out, he IV.;., iis’-O'd w 'lat Uio 
“V'. 11 ue ^U nds for. "For vlvaciou.s.
v iv lo iio  " 1 out, a little  hl.oh from
the CO If i t (' \  irtuous,” contributed a
colleague, m ad HauiiUan, laughing, "Choose 
aity one. ’

'fhen, more soberiv, lead ing .the w a y  to  
hi.s o ijice  in the bow els of
MARC’.s h: ■;id..;onia iownhouKe-hcadQuartcr.s 
.a t 60 E. ;.;oth St.; "They’re still worried  
a'oout 'Black Rower.’ D id  you n otice?”

Charles Vernon 1-TaniUton, J. D. (for Doc­
tor of Jurisprudence), Ph.D., Wallace S. 
.Sayre professor of government at Columbia 
University ("T see myseif es a professor of 
political science—in perpetuity, if you will”), 
sprang from the iovv-statu.s economic level 
kfAHC yearns to improve.

Five yi'i-is ago, he was described by thl.s 
reiioricr as candid, relaxed, with the neat 
ieatvu'os and liquid eyvs of an ancient Egyp­
tian funeral poi’trait. He svih looks like that. 
But his luiirline has receded, h!.s sideburiiS 
are now perceptibly longer and perceptibly 
grayer. Semliniring Hamilton 3 face the 
otlier day, Ken Clark said, “Some Indian 
bleed in him, I  can see tiiat.” Hamilton 
said, “I was bom  in Oklahoma—what does 
that .say?”

He was born there on Oot. 19, 1929, in 
Muskogee (population: 30,000), the second 
son and middle child of a factory worker 
and a  seamstres,s. Hi.s parents, Owen and 
Viola Haynes Hamilton, had limited .school­
ing.

“But for .some reason or other they were 
very, very insistent on niy getting an educa­
tion.” Hamilton said. “We were very poor. 
Vy'e were on relief. But it never ocouri’ed to 
them or to rne that I  would not go to 
college.”

When Chuck Hamilton w.as four, his 
family moved to Chicago. He grevr up there, 
reading voraciously about civil rig'nts and 
race, about i.k-.olrer T. Wa.shlngton and Doris 
I-Iiilex', the bi-ack World War II hero. ‘‘As a 
J'oung.'ter, 9, 10, 11 years old,” Hamilton 
said. “I couldn’t find enough.

■The book tiiat 1 read and that impre.ssed 
me Uior-a than almo.st any other v>as 'Up 
from Slavery.’ 'vMien 1 -saw what that man 
did in building that institution at Tuskegee, 
I .said to myself, ‘What you can do if you 
set your mind on it.’ ”

Hamilton had been puffing on his pipe 
while dri.fti:i,g through the past. Suddenly ho 
hcaul V/h.3t ho had just said. t'C'h, not tlial," 
he .said, pained. “Hot so  .simplistically. But 
I .admired U;e stru.gglo that went into 
Tuskegee.

"And 1 tliink that. a.side from my family, 
apart fi-0)n that, this w'a.s Inierestingly one 
of Uiu mo;;t decisive Influences in my life.



■flow cl' T, ■\Y;‘. ‘i!)in;;fi'.n started  an-.l 
M’i’t .v.'.'VC. Bc'.s:.!;'i: ihcil saenird  to  
Cj i.h<; sin:!.-;'It -if litiv Atui in nn
a u a  lii.-'.t I  thO’iKht w as o£ ariUcal Irnpor- 

e."
.‘'■a :•;! .\dc!osi't'n!. jiaadii'i:! w a s  raoucr-

Hialy a iiititio . i.iui !;>:i>'o'vi'rl:r"? ■’'■iVci!,
iirian,” aaid 5i:tmilt,on, v.!-o Is ri-lti';, "v.;'.i-.i 
you ai -a /ivo  fn  t fti'.u' and Jd and eradi.'aiing  
fi'om I'.iRli sclioo! and m .t Icno'.viriR how  to  
dance, a socia l m isfit, yo-a b etter n et b s  tc o  
effusive .”

B etw een  IM S and IfS-i, the socia l m isfit, 
rrslstiisR the tu.i; o f jnsu'rialism, supporting- 
him self in the earlier y o srs  as  a  library lia sa  
and a  piastal d erk , earned four degrce.s a t  
" o o scv cit (B. A. ), )'xiyc)a'.s Scliool o f Law  
(J. D .) and Chicago (!v.l, A. and Ph. D .i.

B y  then ho had courted and w ed  (on 
Oct. 5, li'56) D ona Cooper Crawford, a d ivor­
cee w orking for her i l .  f>. a t TJradiey U niver­
sity , rated b y  Har.jiiton fts ‘'brighter" than  
him self, "but only slig iitly .”

T hey n-ow have tw o daii.gJiters—Valli, 22, 
a Barnard senior, the child of I,Ins. H am il- 
tor.'.s f ir s t  nnarriage; Carol, 15, a  INTcw 
lloohelle H.S. stu dent —  and an  adilitional 
degree. J u st la.st ■Wcdrie.sd.ny, w ith  her hv,s- 
i.and in jjleased attendance. D ona H am ilton  
icreived  her M asier’a to  .Social W ork a t  
Colunibi-3.

"k Tf i c
Chuck H am ilton  sa y s  lie revels In teach­

ing. In 1969, he w as .'it H oosevelt U n iversity  
in Chicago, doubling as chairm an c l  the  
political science departm ent and th e  grad ­
uate progi'am in public .".drnmistfation, when  
cam pus passion s across th e  country  zeroed  
In on b ieck  .studies.

In  th e  scram ble for  qualified specia lists, 
Columbia Jubilantly snatched Ham ilton  
aw ay from  R oosevelt. In it.s 1970 ser ies on  
the n ew  discipline. The P o st found h is  
classes a  m odel of academ ic structure, re­
fresh ingly  free o f  racial tension , th e  enroll­
m ent balanced b etw een  blaak and w hite. 
(‘T h e y ’re still quite teolinioolored,” H am il­
ton  reported,)

I t  wa.s in the ‘COs th a t H am ilton en­
countered Gairnich.ael. “I used  to spend quite  
a b it o f  tim e w orking with Snick fStudent 
N on-V ioient Coord hiatins; C oim nittee] in the

the South on voter-rogi.'iiralicn in Alabam a  
and M ississip'oi,” H am ilton said. “Stokoly  
w as a  field  secretary fo r  Snick. Ho w as an 
avid  reader. Ari'd, I thourht, a lw ays m indlitl 
th at tho.se tim es were fif iMtay.”

In no sen se  itas H am ilton rcpudi.ated 
their book. ‘‘Oh, m y goodnes.s, no,” ho said. 
‘‘K  ot.her.s read it again, they  w ould find  
th at perhaps w hat I have (lone is  elaborate  
and iiriprove oji som e o f the thoughts in the  
boolrs I've done since.

On Ju ly  1st, H am ilton assum es hi.s new  
duties a t 1\1A.RC, absenting  liim.self from  
C olum iha for tw o year.s. I t  v.iil be a  wri t-ch 
for him  but he will eoniititie to  sujtervi.se 
his d issertation  studetil.s. "After liie  two  
years,*’ he .s.ald, "MARC and I  w ill i'C- 
c.xavninc our relaUon.shi[).

"W hat I’d like to  .sec .''lAUC go i.-.u-eas- 
ingly  into i.s a db-cu.s.sion o f alternative up- 
I»i'oachc.s to  dealin.g w iti'i (.lonondc probirms, 
j)arUcn!arly in their im pact on m inority  
groups.

"I iilce to  .‘wsk m yse lf th is kind o f qties- 
[;(, :: \vliat would Jhutem  look like if rsccry- 
l'«. .ly over 19, ab le lo  worl:, had a job and  
rarii.'d a  decent w a g e r  And what, w ould  
Ih u lrm  look like if  every school age child  
\vi I ,1 in I act in scliooi, Ka.rning at then-, ca- 
iia,;-,!',-? And, finally, w hat would It.rrlenr 
iool.; n :c If 80 per rent of the people o f vot- 
im; .!■;■; voted?

"i 'c'v. Yon sta r t there. Som ebody w ould  
s.av, Utopla.n.' T hat never concerned
me. W.hat -cinihl H arlem  look like if th ose  
m en s ilt in g  there, tiiCise able-bodied m en s it ­
tin g  on tho.se s loops, had a  job  to  go to. 
paying a  decent w age?

‘‘X don’t Imow the ar-swer. B u t isn’t th a t  
a fundam entaby im portant Question? And  
I ’m poi.’ig  to  su g g e s t  th a t a  tim e o f rstrcnch- 
is  the precise l im e to begin  to  tiiliik  about 
ilia t. VVe could n ot begin to  think o f Social 
Security  a s  a  viable a ltoraativc policy until 
th e  Depre.ssion hit?' ' ^

?v ^
The profe.ssor likes to  .season theory  w ith  

practical experience. '’I dabble in com m uni.y  
politics,” h e said. “I ’m  an a ss is ta n t precinct 
captain  in N e w  R ochelle. I  w a n t y o u  to  
Imow. W ard 1, D istr ic t 12. Oh, y es , m a a m ,
I rin g  doorbells. F or the D em ocratic P arty . 
Sure. 'Doesn’t  everyb ody?”

L a st sum m er, ‘‘for the f ir s t  and only  
tim e,” he ran a s  a  d elegate to  the D em o­
crat lo m ini-convention from  ■\Vcstchesler 
C ounty’s  24th C.D. Kan—and lost:

“T he w eekend before th e  election, I  
w ent to  a  h ousin g  project, handing o u t m y  
literature. And 1 w an t to  te ll you  th a t I  
could n ot h ave been  m ore iiTClevant to  
th ose  people, ask ing  them  to  v o te  fo r  m e  
b ecausa I w an ted  to  help rewTite U;e 
charter o f  th e  Dem oci-atic P arty . I  happen  
to th ink  that's im portant. B ut I  could n ot 
for  th e  life  o f m e Iranslate th a t into real 
live, d ay-to-day b en efits for th o se  low-to- 
com e people.”

A n  u nabashed  tonnlsnlk, ‘‘a  w eekend  
hack,” he p lays doubles w ith  colleagues, 
occasional sing les w ith  h is w ife. W ho w ins  
the s ing les?  ”1 d o!” H am ilton  .shot back. 
‘‘On A pril 18, 197S, D ona H am ilton  b ea t  
m o som eth in g lil-.e 6-4, I t  never happened  
again . N ev er!’’ H e pointed  a  iierem iitory  
fin ger a t  our notebook. "Let th e  record  
show .”

In h is hom e in N ew  Rochelle, w hich no  
v iew s a s  "a sanrtuarj',” reseni-ing intru ­
sions. H am ilton  reads a t  lea st a  book b  w eek  
in  h is field , scribbling com m ents in m argins  
w ith  th e  p en a l frequently  to  be seen  
stash ed  behind h is righ t ear. F or re laxa­
tion, he w atches ba.sketbaU on TV, popping  
popcorn into Ins m ourh w ith  a  lav ish  li^nd.

H am ilton seem s m  secure, so  contained  
{‘T m  quite nuie th.at a  lot o f th is  Is -ve iy  
contrived on m y jiart”) th a t it  w a s onl,\ 
at tl!0 conclueion of the interview  w e lhou,gl’.t 
to  af.k if he h,id  .suffered from  racial d is ­
crim ination.

‘■Of cour.se," he said very  quietly . “V ery  
m uch so. D ifticu lty  in gettin g  jobs oarhor. 
Oh, .sure. Sure. And, pereon.aiiy, Jiving in  
the South. B ut I try  n ot lo  le t that, bo T»art 
of m e because then  those people w ould  
have won. I can’t let it im nw bilze rnc. I don’t  
su g g e st that 1 have now beaten  the J’ace  
th ing. N o t a t all. B ut the momcTit I  le t tb.at 
pervade m y iKdrig, then tiicy—vduiovcr th ey  
are— Ihey’ve won. And I ’n; not go ing  to k t  
that happen.”



CHICAGO SCHOOLS 
MORE SEGREGATED

No Progress Is Made on 

Integration of Teachers

By SETH KING
Special to The New York Times

_CHICAGO, Jan. 24—The new 
academic year, is half finished, 
and Chicago’s public schools 
have grown even more tightly 
segregated. '■

Nor was any progress made 
toward the standard of teacher 
integration agreed on by the 
Chicago Board of Education 
bacsk in 1969, and even that 
standard was below the guide- 
Itaes of the Department of Edu­
cation and Welfare.

iin  its annual racial survey, 
released this week, the Board 
of Education found that only

i;of Chicago’s 674 schools 
and branches (5.5 percent) had 
a^ic ia l mix that complied with 
the standards of the Illinois 
Office of Education. Those 
standards call for a racial and 
ethnic makeup that is within 
15 percent of the racial propor- 
t^ rts  of the whole Chicago 
school system.

The number of schools in 
compliance this year was seven 
fewer than last year’s figure. 
I The board considers a school 

to be segregated when 90 per- 
(irit of its students are of 
one race. This year, 415 Chica- 
g& schools are at least 90 per­
cent white or 90 percent black. 
TJere were 412 in this category 
last year.

A Decline in Whites
The decline .in Chicago’s 

vgiite population, which has 
continued for the last 10 years, 
v&s reflected in the school 
census again this year. In 1975, 
ofily 26.8 percent of the total 
school population was white, 
a'’ ijrop of 1.4 percent from 
last year. But there was also

Other drop in the enrollment
1 black students, ' set this 

Slthool year a t 307,549 as 
against 310,880 in 1974.

With a drop in white enroll­
ment of more than 10,000 stu­
dents, the percentage of blacks 
in the Chicago school system 
increased nearly 1 percent.

The only ethnic group mem­
bers gaining in numbers and 
percentage were Spanish­
speaking students, whose popu- 
latiph rose to 13.4 percent, up 
0.7" percent from the last school 
ye?r.

ft'he increasing tightness ̂  of 
Chicago’s school segregation 
raised again the question of 
Ijpw the system could ever 
achieve compliance with state 
standards.
^-.The Board of Education is 
fitoing.new pressures frem the 
federal Government for greater 
integration of public school fac­
ulties.

Only 43.4 percent of the 
schools have faculties integrat­
ed to the degree accepted by 
tSe Board of Education follow­
ing the 1969 court suit that 

iitfe Justice Department brought 
w ainst it.
“ These guidelines define a 
.sshool faculty as integrated 
Sfien no more than 75 percent 
of the faculty and no less than 
15 percent are black or white.

New Plan Ordered 
,fThe board has been ordered 
^  H.E.W. to submit a new 
fa u lty  integration plan by 
Feb. 8.

' The board has agreed to offer 
a -new plan, but it did not 
commit itself to making that 
plan comply with the Federal 
guidelines.
- Failure to present some plan 
Ithat would he at least tempHOra- 
Iri^acceptable could place the 
'ciW in danger of losing more 
•than $15,000 in Federal aid 
for education each year. A Fed­
eral court Has already ordered 
$95 million in Federal revenue 
sharing funds withheld because 
it  found that Chicago discrimi­
na ted . against black and other 
•minorities in selecting and pro­
moting policemen.

But several board members 
this week expressed their 
doubts that 'the  integration 
.of Chicago’s schools and facul­
ties could ever be accom­
plished.
- "I’m distressed to find we 
haven’t made more progress," 
said Louise A. Malis. “But it 
Jnust be under-stood that we 
face a situation in all our urban 
areas where population makeup 
y  changing. The Chicago school 
system is in a bind when you 
have less and less white chil­
dren in your system.”



Photo by Larry Morris — The Washington Post

Lessons in Tolerance at T. C. Williams
B y  L au ra A . K ie r n a n

Washington Post Staff Writer
Eleven students had gathered in a 

classroom  at T.C. W illiam s High 
School in Alexandria were asking each 
other what they thought of interracial 
m arria g e , d ivorce, sex , cap ita l 
punishment, women’s liberation, U.S. 
foreign policy and ecology.

Sitting in armchairs and on cushions 
drawn into a circle in a corner of the 
room, they talked frankly and sen­
sitively for almost an hour. Their dis­
cussion was guided by a teacher, a 
young woman, dressed in slacks, who 
sat cross-legged on the floor with her 
students.

This social seminar typifies the at­
titude at T.C. Williams that students 
should be treated as adults, that their 
opinions be greeted with respect, if not 
agreement. It also reflects the unusual 
variety of educational opportunities 
and liberties open to T.C. Williams 
Students; all part of a general com m it-' 
ment to permit students to confront 
problems and make decisions in solv­
ing them.

This general philosophy according to 
administrators, students, parents and 
teachers, has helped bring tolerance 
and acceptance, if not total social in­
tegration, to a school restructured four 
years ago to end racial segregation in 
Alexandria’s secondary schools.

In 1971, the city school board, faced

with possible court action, reorganized 
their three senior high schools into one 
11th and 12th grade school (Williams) 
and two 9th and 10th grade schools 
(George Washington and Francis C. 
Hammond).

In effect, the board created a single 
school to serve an entire city, a school 
that would draw students from poor 
substandard homes and from highly 
affluent neighborhoods. The stakes 
were high; To many residents, the suc­
cess or failure of the reorganization 
would determine whether families 
with sch oo l-age ch ildren  would  
abandon the public schools and perhaps 
the city as well.

School officials, citing a return of 
some students from private schools 
and an increase in the number of 
college-bound graduates, now say  
Williams is working.

Although the transition at T.C. 
W illiam s was generally peaceful, 
sporadic racial fighting at Hammond 
and George Washington brought 
tension to the senior high school. T.C. 
Williams principal Robert Hanley now 
recalls that many parents not only 
feared outbreaks of racial trouble but 
also a loss of quality education their 
children had en joy^ . The students 
resented the school board’s disruption 
of their loyalties to three schools. 
Hanley said.

That was four years ago. For the 
most part the parental fears were 
never realized. The 1,764 students at
T.C. W illiam s,33 per centof whom are 
black, have developed a workable 
tolerance of each other, although it ap­
pears the worlds of black and white are 
still apart.

"They go their way, we go ours,” ' 
Jeff Carey, 18, a black, said of his 
fellow white students.

“If you want to mingle with them you 
mingle with them, if you don’t you 
don’t,” said another biack student, 
George Parker, 18.

"It’s sort of a truce,” said school 
board member Alison May, whose son 
attends T.C. Williams. "As long as 
each side can tolerate each other and 
get along, that’s all you can do in this 
generation.”

For the students, the piace for unity 
has always been sports. When the 
sc h o o ls  w ere  m erg ed , a sp o r ts  
p o w e r h o u se  w a s fo r m e d . T .C . 
W illiam s w as tagged a “ super­
school.”

It was not, however, until 1973 that the 
separate loyalties to three schools 
were resolved once and for all. During 
one basketball game with Fairfax 
County’s West Springfield High Schdoi,. 
a T.C. Williams player punched an op-

See WILLIAMS, B5



THE WASHINGTON POST Thursday. Jan. 22,197S B 5

Lessons of Freedom and Tolerance at T. C. Williams
WILLIAMS, From  B1

ponent end at another game 
Williams fans were accused of 
unsportsmanlike conduct.

“That Incident sort of scared 
everybody up. We got a bad 
reputation over thestate," said 
Hanley. “ We had long and 
s e rio u s  ta lk s  w ith  th e  
students," Hanley recalled. 
“ (We) were concerned at the 
view that somehow we were 
falling apart, that we couldn't 
take the pressure.”

The Incidents “ took our 
minds off our egos, made us sit 
back and examine where we 
were going. It pulled people 
together who thought we could 
live apart."

The result was the students 
joined together and developed 
an intense school spirit.

Of the parental concerns that 
q u a li ty  e d u c a tio n  would 
diminish with the m erger, 
Kanleysaid, “We have, in fact, 
seen that is not the case.” The 
school was notified this fall 
that 12 students, including one 
b lack , have been nam ed , 
National Merit Scholarship ’ 
semi-finalists. In 1974. five 4
T.C. Williams students were 
admitted to the prestigious 
M assachusetts Institute of 
Technology alone.

At the end of the last school 
year, 61 per cent of the T.C. 
Williams graduates said they 
were going to either a two- or 
four-year college. Of the 
school's black graduates, SI 
per cent enrolled in college this 
year compared to 31 per cent 
last year.

As to the community's con­
fidence in its senior high 
school, aschooladministration 
survey in the fall of 1974 showed 
SO students had left private 
schools to attend T.C. Williams 
that year.

“What appeals to me about 
T.C. Williams is that the kid 
who attends regularly comes 
out with a fair amount of con­
fidence in how to handle his 
own life and make his own 
decisions,” said school board 
member Mrs. May.

At TC. Williams,students 
are granted liberties common­
ly associated with a college, 
not a high school campus, an at- 
m osphere  Hanley sa id  is 
designed to promote maturity 
among the students, "We try to 
put the burden of proof on the 
individual tor responsibility,” 
said Hanley. "Our approach is, 
‘Look, its s not my education. 
I 'v e  got my deg ree , you 
don't.'”

So the students a t T.C. 
W ililiam s a re  given con­
siderable freedoms, although 
guarded by administrators, 
teachers and parents:

•  T.C. Williams is an open 
campus. The students are re­
quired only toattend scheduled 
Classes and are otherwise per­
mitted to roam the school or 
even leave the campus.

•  Students set up their own 
schedules, choose their own 
courses and teachers.

•  At the student's request, 
teachers can voluntarily par­
ticipate in evaluations of their 
courses and themselves. Last 
year, Hanley said, 85 per cent 
of the teachers participated, 
including many whom I never 
thought would do that.”

•  In one e x p e rim e n ta l 
English course, students can 
contract for a particular grade 
in exchange for a specified 
amount of work. Thecourse isa 
goal-setting technique, said 
guidance d ire c to r  Jam es 
McClure.

Of course, the freedoms do 
not com e w ith o u t som e 
limitations, said Hanley who 
admits he has vetoed some stu­
dent pro jects. “ I put the 
responsibility on them when I 
haveafeelinginmy heart that I 
can control them,” he said. He 
added, “The best decisions are 
the ones they've made them­
selves.”

To those parents who have 
complained that T.C. Williams 
grants its students too many 
freedoms, Hanley said he tells 
them: “ It's better they (the 
students) make the mistake 
now and (learn to) handle the 
decision now, rather than in 
college or marriage.”

Endless clusters of students 
mill around the entrance to the 
big stone school at 3330 King St. 
Inside, there is little unusual 
about the school's long in 
stitutional corridors lined with 
classrooms and laboratories 
and offices or the rows of 
lockers that end each hallway.

The cafeteria is crowded and 
buzzing at lunchtime with talk 
and laughter. The line for a tray 
of food, described as “awful 
and inedible,” or a carton of 
milk is long and slow.

At the center tables sit “The 
Jocks” described as “ the one 
clique that knows it's a clique. ” 
They are the members of the 
tra c k  team , the student 
government, thecheerleaders, 
the yearbook and student 
government, the drill corps. 
They a re  the g irls  from  
Seminary Valley and the boys 
from Bevery bills. They wear 
straight leg jeans and "they try

to be rednecks” in tune with 
society's return of the 50s but 
“ it doesn't work” said one girl.

There are other groups. Bill 
Kalish, 17, is a member of the 
“ Band” clique. “ Weall sitout- 
side the band hall. ..  a lot of peo­
ple hang out there who aren’t in 
theband,” saidKaiish, “Iblend 
in and out of cliques.”

Then there is the “Patio 
Crowd” described by one stu­
dent as “ the more rebellious 
types, a little bit longer hair, a 
little bit less clean shaven. . .  
you know w h at I m ean , 
freaks.” They hang around a 
patio in the back of the school.

“The barriers aren’t hard to 
break,” said a student about 
the cliques, but if members of 
the Patio Crowd sat down with 
the Jocks, “ they wouldn’t have 
anything to say.”

Nobody disputes the dif­
ferences between the black and 
w hite  s tu d e n ts  a t  T .C . 
Williams but they do the best 
they can to deal with them. It 
used to be, for example, that if 
there was a white band playing 
at a dance, only the whites

would come: the same was true 
for the black students, recalled 
students and administrators.

Last November, the student 
government seemed to find the 
solution — they held a Disco 
Dance with which featured 
rock, soul and pop music. “ We 
reached everyone and that was 
our goal, ” said student govern­
ment vice-president Lynwood 
“Buck” Nelson, 17.

T.C. Williams graduates 
have included the son of then 
Vice-President Gerald R. Ford 
in 1974and the offspring of high 
ranking military men, con­
gressmen and senators. But 
they have also included the 
sons and daughters of the very 
poor of Alexandria — 25 per 
cent of the students a t T.C. 
Williams were enrolled in the 
free lunch program last school 
year. Hanley said.

“That’s the thing that is so 
marvelous about this school — 
it has such a normal curve of 
people,” said science depart­
m en t c h a irm a n  W illiam  
Dunkum. A “normal curve of

people” meant that in 1971 T.C. 
Williams High School had to 
broaden its curriculum  to 
reflec t student In terests , 
Hanley said.

What developed was an ex­

te n s iv e , c o m p re h e n siv e  
curriculum now considered the 
pride of the Alexandria school 
system. General academic 
courses at T.C. Williams are 
designed  in “ p h a ses”  or 
graduated levels of difficulty. 
Hanley said the students are 
free to enroll in whatever 
co u rse  lev e ls  they w ant, 
regardless of their ability.

He reijiembered one student 
who was unable to succeed in 
an accelerated English course, 
but nevertheless “wrote some 
very interesting poetry” while 
she was enrolled.

The school has a planetarium 
for its astronomy students, and 
its science equipment can be 
taken home by students for 
their own use. Even the school 
science labroatories are open 
on Sundays for the students’ 
convenience.

S c ien ce  d e p a r tm e n t 
c h a irm a n  D unkum  sa id , 
“ What we’re trying to do here 
is provide a broad general 
science education for the 
largest number of students we 
can get into our classes and the 
most firm  pre-professional 
training you can get on the high 
school level.”

In the English department, 
the more than 50 courses of­
fered this year range from 
“ E v e ry d ay  E n g l is h ’’ to

“ D ev ils , D em ons and 
Dastardly Dead,” a study of 
contemporary crime and scare 
stories.

Susan Johnson, 17, spent last 
y e a r  in a c o u rse  c a lle d  
“American Civilization.” A 
survey of American Literature 
and history geared to students 
with exceptional reading and 
writing skills,

“ I was ready to get out of it 
after the first quarter (of the 
year) and gradewise it didn’t 
help me any. Now that I look 
back on it, it was so beneficial. 
It gives me a better perspec­
tive of history,” she said.

William Saunders, 16, is one 
of 1,278 students enrolled in one 
or more vocational education 
c o u rse s  o ffe re d  a t  T.C . 
Williams. The program, which 
now covers skills from fashion 
merchandising to computer 
programming and accounting, 
is expected to be expanded 
greatly with the completion of 
a new $2.4 million vocational 
education wing now under con­
struction at the T.C. Williams 
campus.

“ I didn’t know anything 
about cars when I went in,” 
Saunders said. But after his

first year, Saunders was nam­
ed one of th e  two b es t 
mechanics in the class. When 
he graduates in June, Saunders 
said, he plans to join the 
military and continue his study 
of mechanics.

Kathy Johannes, 17, is one of 
479 work-study students who 
divide their school days betwen 
the classroom and a job. She is 
enrolled in Distributive Educa­
tion where, in exchange for 
three academic credits, she 
studies marketing techniques 
and works 20 hours a week in 
Sears demonstrating ovens. 
She earns $2.25 an hour.

Of the 409 students enrolled 
in a d v a n ce d  p la c e m e n t 
(college level) last year, only 
39 were black. Nevertheless, 
guidance director McClure 
said that represents an in­
crease of 29studentssince 1970.

Although 33 per cent of the 
T.C. Williams students a re  
black, only 15 per cent of 117 
teachers are black and only two 
of eight guidance counselors, a 
school spokes man said.

School b o a rd  m em b er

William Euille, a  1968graduate 
of T.C. W illiam s, said  he 
thought the poor representa­
tion of blacks on the school 
faculty “sort of turns some 
blacks off” if they can't relate 
to success when it is primarily 
d e m o n s tra te d  in  w h ite  
teachers.

School officials claim there 
is an aura about T.C. Williams, 
th a t  m ak es  A le x a n d ria  
students start talking about go­
ing there when they are in 7th 
and 8th grade. “ I don’t know, 
it’s just something. Maybe it’s 
the superschool, maybe it’s the 
name T.C. Williams. Kids just 
look forw ard  to i t , ”  said 
guidance director McClure.

“ I guess in a  way we’re all 
kind of in love with T.C; ' 
W illia m s ,”  sa id  s tu d e n t 
government vice-president 
“ Buck” Nelson.

He recalled that Boys State 
government day in Richmond 
last year “a lot of times all we 
had to say was “ TC”  and 
people listened. It made me 
feel good and proud I was going 
to T.C. Williams.”



James J, Kilpatrick

Psychologists Prove 
Busing Is a Failure

Washington.
Two’ professors of psychol­

ogy,'to  their own surprise, 
have come up with some solid 
em pirical, evidence on this 
business ' of . racial-balance 
busing. Parents and other lay- . 
men will not be at all sur­
prised by what the evidence 
demonstrates: Racial-balance 
busing does notwork.

, The professors are Nor­
man Miller, of the University 
of Southern California, and 
Harold B. Gerard, of the Uni­
versity of California in Los 
Angeles.

Ten years ago, the-public 
schools of Riverside, Calif., 
embarked upon a voluntary 
program of desegregation. On 
paper, a t least, every favora­
ble factor was present: effec­
tive black leadership, a liber­
a l  school board, a forward- 
looking administration,'sym­
pathetic parents and teachers. 
The pupils were approximate­
ly  83 per cent white, 11 per 
cent Mexiean-American and 6 
per cent black. There were no 
court orders to arouse antago­
nism, no political fights to 
provoke passions. ■ ■

The Riverside school board 
thus embarked happily on a 
busing plan intended to dis­
tribute the children in a nice 
balance among the 2 2  public 
schools. The authors do not 
get into the logistics, but we 
may surmise that in a city of 
only 150,000. the bus rides 
were not excessively long. 
Given these conditions, if bus­
ing were to succeed any­
where, it should have succeed­
ed in Riverside. That is exact­
ly what Professors Miller and 
Gerard believed would hap­
pen.

“When we began,” they re­
port, “we expected to docu­
ment the successes of the 
whole program; busing to 
achieve ethnic balance in 
school, the rising competence 
and ambition of minority 
children and their subsequent 
academic rise to equality.

“We have been profoundly 
disappointed. The reason, we 
believe, lies in our original na­
ivete. We expected much 
greater social progress than 
has resulted,"

Mr Miller and Mr. Gerard 
were predisposed toward ail 
the fashionable assumptions. 
They believed the achieve­
ment gap between white and 
minority students resulted 
from differences in motiva­
tion or orientation. They as­
sumed that these differences 
in motivation were reversible. 
They thought that contact be­
tween races would cause mi­
nority students to become 
more similar to the white ma­
jority in their personalities, 
values, beliefs and behavior. 
They imagined that teachers 
would teach to the level of the 
white children and that the 
Mexican-Americans and 
blacks would bootstrap them­
selves to the higher levrl.

Alas, repeated tests 
“showed very few of these ex­
pected results." Indeed, “most

of the personality, attitudinal, 
and value changes were in the 
wrong direction.” The minori­
ty children appeared to deve!-. - 
op greater anxiety; they expe­
rienced growing seif-doubts. 
“The facts of academic 
achievement were bad news 
as well.”

“Overall, the minority 
children did not gain in 
achievement, either absolute­
ly or relative to national 
norms. After five years of de­
segregation, they were about 
where they would have been if 
they had not been desegregat­
ed.”

As I remarked at the outr 
set, these professional find­
ings will come as no surprise . 
to nonprofessional observers.

• Nevertheless, it is gratifying ; 
to learn of a 1 0-year study 
that, documents, the disma'l 
story.

When will : the Supreme 
Court accept, such evidence? 
When will the court abandon , 
its obstinate and wrong-head­
ed position? Until it retreats, 
this costly,'wasteful, damag­
ing nonsense will continue. 
But one asks; How long, 0  
Lord, how long?



,S. Suit 
iEeges

■ R t .

J :

j L  €

Police Hiring, I
Promotion
Cliallenged

By Mai-tin W eil :
^vasilington Post S taff  W riter |

The Justice Depai't- i 
ment filed a civil suit j 
yesterday chargiug that 
Prince George's County 
o f f i c i a l s  discriminate 
against blacks in hiring 
and promoting police of­
ficers.

The suit, filed  in^ U.S. 
D istrict Court in  Baltim ore, 
accused the county officials 
of rdolating the 196i Civil 
E ights A ct and the 1968 
law that created federal 
Law Enforcem ent Aosist- 
ance Adm inistration grants.

It asks the court to  is­
sue preliminary' and perm a­
n ent injunctions forbidding  
county officials from  engag­
ing in any discrim inatory  
em ploym ent practices.

In addition, it asked that 
county officials be required  
to recruit blacks as officers, 
to establish  h iring and pro­
m otion goals for qualified  
blacks and to com pensate  
blacks discrim inated against 
in  h iring and promotion.

.According to county offi-. 
cials, 47—5.4 per cent— of 
the 866 county police offi­
cers in  Prince George’s are 
black. A bout 25 per cent of 
the county’s total population  
is  black.

Prince George’s officials, 
anticipating the .Justice D e­
partm ent suit, filed  a su it of 
tiieir own against the depart­
m ent in  the sam e Baltim ore 
federal court on W ednesday.

T heir su it a lleges harass­
m ent on th e  part of th e  fe d ­
eral governm ent and as"ks 
that th e  governm ent be re ­
quired to leave them atone.

The officials said they 
w ere doing ail that was pos­
s ib le to promote black re­
cruitm ent. They contended  
that the Justice Departm ent 
should focus on counties not 
m aking such efforts.

Four s t a t e s ,  including  
iiarylar.d, have already been  
sued’ by the Justice D epart­
m ent on  grounds sim ilar to 
those cited  in  the suit 
a g a i n s t  Prince G eorges 
County. In  addition, the de­
partm ent has threatened to  
sue th e  state of V irginia if 
the state does not hire more 
blacks and wom en for the  
State P olice force.

However, yesterday’s su it, 
is  the first of its  kind in-i 
volving a county or city i n ; 
the W ashington area.

Am ong the factors leading  
to the decision  to sue, ac­
cording to a Justice D epart­
m ent spo'Kesman, w ere prox-j 
im ity of the county to Wash-,, 
ington  and com plaints froiri 
individuals alleging cUscrimi- 
natioii. 1

Frequent accusations ot 
brutality and racism have 
been  m ade against the 
county police in recenu 
m onths, and the departm ent 
has com e under increasing  
pressure to im prove its 
hum an relations. However, 
a justice spokesm an said last 
night that this situation was 
not a factor in the decision  
to file  suit.

The suit filed  by the Jus­
tice D epartm ent a lleges that 
P rince George’s County offi­
cials use tests and other se ­
lection  standards that have 
an adverse impact on blacks, 
although these tests and 

S ee SUE, A2t, C ol.-l

Accused \ 
'O f Police Bias\ 
An IJ,S, Action,

S U E , F ro m  . \ l

standards have not been ' 
.. show n to predict successful 

job  perform ance.
; T he su it asks in  particular 
3 that th e  county  be prohibit- 
' ed  from  using  selection  

standards that are not job- 
’’ related.
 ̂ A'amed as defendants in  
 ̂ th e  Ju stice D epartm ent’s 

su it are County E xecutive  
W infield M. K elly  Jr., Po- 

.• lice  C hief John Rhoads, 
m em bers o f the County 

.C o u n c il and personal board 
■ and Fraternal Order o f Po- r iice  L odge 89.
* Specifically, the suit says 
__ that the officials violate the
* C ivil R ights A ct and the 
J LE.AA law  by refusing to re­

cruit, h ire, assign  and pro-
3 m ote blacks on an equal 
.  basis with, w h ites in  the po-

lice  departm ent.
.-i According to the su it, in  
'  Septem ber, 1974, only 18 of 

841 county police officers  
J w ere black, and there was 

only one black corporal arid 
no blacks a t higher rank.

 ̂In anticipation  o f th e  suit, 
K elly  said  th e  county now  
has a m inority recruitm ent 
program  and cited  figu res  

, show ing 14 m ore black offi-
* cers than th e  J u stice Depart- 
; m ent found in  1974.

An aide to K elly  .said last 
night there has been  “sub- 
stantial m ovem ent” toward 

I increasing  m inority ropre- 
f sentation  in  th e  past two 
I .vears. In th e  first year of 
- K elly ’s  adm inistration, he 
i  said. 25 p er  cen t of those  
I  enrolled  in th e  police acad-
4 em y tra in in g  course w ere  

black, and in  the second
syear, 50 per cent. “Our rec­

ord is clear,” th e  aide said.



/ y s r
study Finds a ‘Devastating' 
Effect on Women as Well 
in Budget-Crisis Drive

By FRANCIS X. CLINES
City officials reported yester­

day that layoffs resulting from 
the fiscal crisis were having 
“devastating” effects on minor­
ity employment in government.

In the last 18 months, they  
disclosed, the city lost half of 
its Spanish-speaking workers, 
40 percent of the black males 
on the payroll and almost a 
third of its female workers.

“You are close to wiping out 
the minority work force in the 
City of New York,” said Elea­
nor Holmes Norton, the chair­
man of the Commission on Hu­
man Rights, after releasing the 
data in response to a request.

This dwindling em p lo fe en t. 
in turn, has put" the ra y  in 
“serious jeopardy” of losing 
various kinds of Federal aid, 
according to  Deputy Mayor 
Paul Gibson Jr.

Ruling on Seniority 
The city’s fiscal failure and 

the resultant layoffs have 
worsened the situation in such 
predominantly male, white 
agencies as the Police Depart- 
fient, where, after some limited 
;ains in recent years, the ranks 
f women police officers have 

been reduced by 55 percent 
because of the budget crisis, 
according to the city’s  latest 
data.

Meanwhile, a Federal appeals 
court declared that Civil Serv- 
ic seniority w as not immune 
from legal challenge by women 
police officers who were dis­
missed because of the city’s 
fiscal crisis. [Page 30.]

Scores of complaints alleging 
discrimination have been tiled 
by laid-off workers, both as 
class members and individuals, 
squeezing the city between the 
pressures of the traditional 
primacy of union seniority pro- 
Continued on Page 30, Column 3



iffilorities Hurt the Most by City Layoffs
Continued From Page 1, Col. 4 Werner H. Kramarsky, the

--------------state's Comrhissioner of Human
tections and Federal equal-Rights, described the issues 
employment requirements. j raised as “very thorny” and ex- 

Federal officials said yester- tending to such questions as 
day they were processing the,whether provisional, or tempo- 
complaints, which could result rary, employees should be 
in a cut-off of funds. They credited with time on the job 
added that they were hoping jn determining relative senior- 
for guidance from the United

that the state comon the clash between the sen- mission is handling at least 35
iority principle, wWch tends to| - - ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ r t h e m  d

I plaints, and has sent 98 cases 
and the Federal “ '"otity em -|j j j former city welfare 
p^oyment guidelines of Federal ,,,orkers to Federal officials of

The data on dismissals, 
which had been quietly com­
piled by city officials in recent 
weeks, were a further indica­
tion of the price the city is 
paying in the campaign to bal­
ance the budget and come to 
grips with its huge legacy of 
excessive debt.

Inevitably, the- requirements 
of the austerity drive inter­
fere, too, with attempts to 
soften the layoff effects on 
minority-group workers and 
women.

For example. Commissioner 
Norton emphasized that the 
levying of budget cuts on an 
even percentage basis in city 
agencies was the best w ay to 
protect equal opportunity. But 
various fiscal experts intent on 
improving, the city’s manage­
ment say across-the-board cut­
ting is the worst way of econ­
omizing because it ignores the 
relative quality of programs

“We had begun to make 
of effort,” Comniissioner Nor­
ton said. “But one recession 
takes it all out in an instant.”

Since the budget crisis sur­
faced in the summer of 1974, 
the city payroll has been re­
duced by 40,000 Jobs —  two- 
thirds of them reported as lay­
offs. This was a total cut of 
13 percent to the current level 
of about 255.000 workers, ac­
cording to city records.

A maxim of the seniority 
system that the last hired 
should be the first dismissed is 
the chief factor preventing an 
even 13 percent sharing of the 
layoff burden without regard to 
race or sex, city officials say.

the Equal Employment Oppor­
tunity Commission, which al­
ready has received about 160 
complaints from welfare work­
ers alone.

The complaints are being 
pressed not only by women 
and minority group members, 
but also by a group of a half 
dozen disabled persons who 
contend that they were unfairly 
victimized in the layoff drive, 
according to state records.

There have been various 
court challenges in recent years 
of the seniority protections, 
which generally have been un­
successful. One recent ruling 
threw out a racial quota pro­
gram for city school orincipals.

is considering the issue at pres­
ent and the hope is that some 
definitive standard will be set.

According to Deputy Mayor 
Gibson, minorities represented 
3! percent of the payroll, but 
suffered 44 percent of the cuts. 
Males, he said, were 70 per­
cent of the payroll and were 
affected by. 63 percent of the 
cuts.

Commissioner Morton said 
that even before the layoffs. 
Federal officials had warned 
the city from time to time that 
financing for various programs 
would be cut off because of 
noncompliance with equal op­
portunity standards. She said 
that Mayor Beame had signed 
an executive order in 1974 
committing city agencies 
specific improvement programs.

Thus far there have been no 
Federal threats of cutoffs dur­
ing the fiscal crisis, she said, 
apparently because the city is 
on record as pledging to seek 
a more equitable system in the 
event it ever resumes full-scale 
hiring.

But Deputy Mayor Gibson 
feels the situation is becoming 
critical. “We’re losing ground,” 
he said.

‘Very Thorny’ Issues
The austerity drive, in which 

the city must try to  cut its 
spending by $1 billion in less 
than three years, is forcing the 
conflict between what Commis­
sioner Norton describes as “two 
competing and legitimate inter­
ests”— seniority and equal op­
portunity.

Federal and city civil rights 
officials were reluctant to dis­
cuss the scope of the cam-j 
plaints that have been filed.



In Loving Homes, Korean Orphans Outgrow Effects of Early Deprivation
By JANE E. BRODY

'A study of Korean orphans who were 
adopted by American families has 
shown that the adverse effects of mal­
nutrition early in life can be largely 
overcome by improved nutrition and 
an enriched environment later on.
!!. “Counter to what we had previously 
thought, the chances for recovery are 
v ^  g ( ^ , ” concluded Dr. Myron Wi- 
nick, director of the study. “Even a 
chiid who was reverely malnourished 

\in  the first year and a half of life 
'is capable of recovering to an average 
level of intelligence and average 
achievement in school.”

Previous studies conducted In many 
countries throughout the world had 
indicated that early malnutrition— b̂y 
impairing brain growth at crucial ages-— 
irreversibly depressed intelligenpe and 
achievement, even if the child later 
received adequate nourishment. These 

' children typicajly attained an intel­

ligence quotient in the 70-to-80 range, 
20 to 30 points below average.

However, in all these studies. Dr, 
Winick pointed out, the children were 
returned to the poor environment from 
which they had come, and even though 
they were subsequently adequately M , 
they probably were not adequately stim­
ulated.

In the case of the Korean orphans, 
the children were adopted into homes 
where they presumably experienced a 
considerably enriched environment, 
love, attention and a wide range of 
learning experiences. “It is a special 
kind of family that would adopt a 
child from Korea,” Dr. Winick noted.

The new study does not negate previ­
ous findings that malnutrition early 
in life impairs brain development. Rath­
er, Dr. Winick said, “it points out 
that those biochemical and cellular ef­
fects of malnutrition, which we think 
are permanent, may not be so important

in determining performance and intel­
ligence later on.”

Dr. Winick, who is a professor of 
pediatrics and nutrition' a t Columbia 
University College of Physicians and 
Surgeons and director of the college’s 
Institute of Human Nutrition, conducted 
the study of 141 adopted Korean chil­
dren in collaboration with Dr. Knafig 
Katchadurian Meyer of Herbert H. Leh­
man College and Dr. Ruth C. Harris 
of Columbia. The findings were pub­
lished in the Dec. 19 issue of the 
journal Science.

“Our study indicates that th e . per­
manent effects of early malnutrition 
are really a combination of poor nutri­
tion and long term environmental depri­
vation,” Dr. Winick said in an interview.

However, he added, the stu4y also 
suggested that despite an improved en­
vironment, early malnutrition may' pro­
duce slight linreversible changes, the 
children in the study who were well

nourished before they were adopted 
reached higher levels of intelligence 
and achievement than those who had 
been malnourished.

Three Types of Groups
In the study, the researchers exam­

ined the pre-and post-adoption histories 
of the children, who were adopted 
through the Holt Adotion Service in 
Korea. The children were divided into 
three groups according to their nutri­
tional state as indicated by their height 
and weight a t the time they reached the 
orphanage: malnourished, moderately 
nourished and well-nourished.

For those who were malnourished, 
the period of poor nutrition ended be­
fore the age of two. All the children 
were adopted before they were three, 
with the average age of adoption being 
18 months. Achievement and intel­
ligence measurements were taken at 
around the age of 10, Dr. Winick said.

The study found that the well-nour­

ished chidren did the best, achieving 
an average I.Q. of 112 (the average 
for all United States children is 100) 
and an achievement score of 6.48 (the 
average for all United States chidren is 
5). The moderately nourished Koup bad 
an average I.Q. of 106 and achievement 
level of 5.79. The children who had_ 
been malnourished prior to  adoption" 
scored 102 on the I.Q. test and 5.07 
in achievement level.'

“All the groups are doing at least 
as well as would be epiected from 
an average U.S. population,” the re­
searchers reported.

Dr. Winick added, “The child who 
was malnourished may not reach his 
full ultimate potential, but a t least 
we now know he can come out normal. 
This is an optimistic finding, especially 
to parents who are planning to  adopt 
children from other countries. I t  shows 
that they need to  be less concerned 
about the children’s early nutritional 
history than we had thought.”

The study also “points up the impor­
tance of an enriched environment to 
the over-all development of children,” 
Dr. Winick said. “Early stimulation pro­
grams may have a place in reversing 
the effects of malnutrition and a  poor 
environment.”

Dr. Winick and his colleagues are 
now examining two other questions 
raised by their findings:

Is there an upper age limit beyond 
which the effects of malnutrition be­
come irreversible. At what age must 
environmental enrichment start in order 
to effectively counter the effects of 
early malnutrition?

Another remaining question is wheth­
er the differences in achievement and
I.Q. seen between the malnourished 
and well-nourished children will disap­
pear with time. “It may be that the 
previously malnourished children will 
continue to catch up,” Dr. Winick said.



W h ite  M in o rity
Study Shows Effects on Pupils 
In In tegrated  District School

By Lee A. Daniels
iVashington Post Staff

A study exploring the 
behavior of white students in 
one predom inantly black 
W ashington  e le m e n ta ry  
school has found that barriers 
between its black and white 
students exist, despite the 
com m itm ent of school of­
ficials and parents to in­
tegration.

The study, while noting that 
black and white students often 
formed sincere friendships 
that extended beyond the 
school, found that never­
theless there was a well- 
defined “division of territory” 
within the school.

White students, the study 
said, are reluctant to “hang 
out in the halls, the 
bathroom s, or outside the 
school building,” and rarely 
venture into the school 
building’s poorly supervised 
areas.

The study also found that 
the two student service 
groups, one of which patrols 
inside the school and one that 
patrols outside the school, are 
split largely along racial lines 
because of the division of 
territo ry  and th at white 
students generally do not 
compete in after-school sports 
with their black classmates.

The study said that,

although some black students 
did not participate in after­
school recreation  and shy 
away from certain areas of 
the school building, and that 
some white students “hang 
out” with blacks, “ the 
majority of white students fit 
this pattern.”

Despite the existence of 
these barriers, the author of 
the study said she found that 
white students like the school, 
which she termed excellent 
academically, and value their 
experience there.

The study, by Gretchen E. 
Schafft, a doctoral candidate 
in anthropology at Catholic 
University, involved an 
elementary school in an in­
t e g r a te d  N o r th w e s t  
W ashington neighborhood, 
which she disguised with the 
name of “Greentrees.”

Schafft said the school, 
whose real name she declined 
to reveal, has an enrollement 
of about 400 blacks and about 
50 whites. Her own two 
children attend the school, she 
said.

She said she spent the 1974- 
7 5  academic year observing 
the behavior of white students.

Schafft’s study apparently

See STUDY, A15, Col.8



F riday , J a n u a ry  9, 1976 A15

White
Minority
Studied

STUDY, From A1 
is the first such attempt at 
observing the behavior of 
white children who form a 
distinct m inority in a 
Washington public school.

Whites comprise 4,510 or 3,5 
per cent of the>124,451 students 
in W ashington’s public 
schools, a slight increase from 
their num bers las t year, 
according to school officials.

Blacks com prise 95,2 per 
cent of the school system’s 
total enrollement. Most of the 
c ity ’s schools are 
predominantly black. Only 11 
elem entary schools, all in 
Northwest Washington have 
m ore white than black 
students,

“ The white children (at 
“ G reen trees” ) a ren ’t suf­
fering academically, nor did I 
find them tearful, anxious, or 
isolated," Schafft said in an 
interview yesterday,

“They’re learning to cope 
with being in the minority, and 
they're being accepted by the 
black students. The in ter­
racial interaction most blacks 
and whites in this neigh­
borhood were seeking just 
hasn’t happened as fast as we 
hoped it would,”

Schafft said her study 
focused only on white children 
because it “was about white 
behavior in a setting where 
they are the minority group, ”

“Being in the minority is 
unusual for white children, ” 
she said, “ It's not supported 
by the national culture as it is 
for blacks. You don’t see on 
television one white person in 
a crowd of blacks, but i t ’s 
common to see one black 
person surrounded by whites,

■'I wanted to study an­
thropologically one situation 
where whites were in the 
minority,”

Schafft said her study 
wasn't an attempt “to blame 
either black or white students 
or parents for what exists (at 
the school' because what 
exists is a result of the way 
American society is s tru c­
tured,"

m an y  '■ u r e e n  t r e e s  ”  
residents, particularly those 
whose children attend the 
school, chose the neigh­
borhood of modest single- 
family homes and low-rise, 
m oderately-priced a p a rt­
ments with a view toward its 
racia l mix, according to 
Schafft,

A neighborhood civic group 
since the late 1950s has tried to 
attract whites committed to 
racial and economic pluralism 
to the area, Schafft said 90 per 
cent of the fam ilies in her 
study were a ttrac ted  to 
G reentrees because of the 
efforts of the civic 
organization,

Schafft said she is not 
surprised  by the findings, 
which indicate that despite 
in te r - r a c ia l  frien d sh ip s , 
children tended to seek out 
others of the same race. She 

i said she does not believe this 
I to be evidence of a failure of 

integration at the school, 
Schafft said the school 

children naturally choose to 
separate along racial iden­
tities because, despite “the 
national stance” of support for 
integration, the experience of 
the child within his fam ily 
may act against that stance,

“ If the child sees that few of 
his parents’ close friends or 
acquaintances are of a dif­
ferent race, then i t ’s not 
unlikely that the child will 
choose friends who are black. 
Even though the parents may 
believe in integration, the 
child will tend to base his 
actions on what he sees, ” 

Additionally, she asserted, 
society supports this 
separation of the races,

“ Look at the parallel in­
stitutions you have right here 
in W ashington,” she said, 
“ There a re  legal societies, 
medical societies, and civic 
groups whose interests and 
goals are generally the same, 
but one will be pr^om inantly 
white, the other 
predominantly black, ”

Schafft said that, just as in 
most of the country it is easy 
for white children to have 
little  or no contact with 
blacks, in Washington—whose 
population is 71 per cent 
black—it is easy for many 
black children to have little or 
no contact with whites or 
white society.

This p arilelism  exists in 
G reentrees, Schafft said, 
despite a “ real effort” on the 
part of residents to form in­
tegrated organizations.

The long tradition of peopie 
has been separation of race,” 
she said, “That’s not easily 
overcome,”



^Wiemo ^ totn :

Drew Days.

12/1/75

To: Jean Fairfax

States Slow in Ending | 
Dual School Systems

Phyllis McClure

FYI

By REGINALD STUART
Two years ago this month, 

Federal education officials fired 
off strongly worded letters to 
top government and education 
officials in 1 0  states ordering 
them to  file detailed plans for 
eliminating their dual systems 
of ■ higher education—one for 
blacks, the otlier for whites— 
that had been sanctioned by 
both tradition and layr.

The action was taken on 
the orders of District Judge 
John Pratt of Federal Court 
for the District of Columbia, 
and officials of the Department 
of Health, Education and Wel­
fare thought i t  could have as 
much influence on higher edu­
cation as the 1954 Supreme 
Court decision barring segrega­
tion in schools at the elementa­
ry and secondary levels. ;

Today, more than ■ a year 
after approving the plans of 
eight of the states. Federal offi' 
ciSs report that problems exist 
in nearly half of them over 
implementation of their plans 
in accordance with the guide­
lines for compliance. The two 
other states—Mississippi and 
Louisiana—^have been taken to 
court by the Justice Depart­
ment for failing to comply with 
the Federal orders—the first 
step toward a cut-off of funds.

State officials complain in 
iiiany instances that Federal 
officials and citizens seeking 
to abolish dual systems want 
to change too fast. And citizens 
groups, such as the NAACP 
Legal Defense and Educational 
Fund, Inc., which has been a 
leader in Uiis effort, argue that 
Federal and state officials,are 
failing to live up to their re­
sponsibilities.

Some of the Issues Involved
The 10 states are Florida, 

Mississippi, Louisiana. Virginia, 
Arkansas, Oklahoma, North Ca­
rolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania 
and Georgia.

Involved in the debate me 
such basic issues as restricting 
blacks primarily to black-col­
lege campuses: the sharing with 
blacks of decision-making in 
higher education; the awarding 
of contracts for construction 
and services, and the vested 
interests and powers of black 
colleges and universities.

At first, civil-rights organiza­
tions involved in the effort 
to dismantle dual systems saw 
the action of the Government 
as an indication of its commit­
ment to protect the interest 
of blacks. However, its actions 
since June 1974, when it ac­
cepted the plans of the eight 
states, have prompted second 
thoughts. . . . . .

“Our position is that they 
have regressed from their ori­
ginal position set out in those 
November notices, and we 
think the first year of enforce­
ment has shown that little has 
happened under these - plans, ’ 
said Jean Fairfax, director of 
community affairs and legm 
information for the NAACP, 
Legal Defense and Educational 
Fund. ___ ----------- -------■

received only part of a, plan 
from Mississippi.

The biggest conflict with 
states over putting their plans 
into effect has been in North 
Carolina. It was- there that 
Health, Education and Welfare 
officials and state officials ini­
tially differed over the site 
of a  proposed school of veteri­
nary medicine earlier this year. 
State officials decided to locate 
it a t a predominantly white 
institution. The Federal agency 
objected, and suggested that 
the future of one of tlie state’s 
predominantly black institu­
tions could be enhanced by 
putting the school there. The 
department finally withdrew its 
objections after meetings high­
lighted by talks with F. David 
Mathews; the new secretary 
of Health, Education and Wel­
fare.

Miss Fairfax declared that 
'this indicates the H.E.W. is 

not going to require the reloca­
tion of major programs or 
major, centers ,on traditionally 
black "college campuses band 
thus enhance their attractive­
ness to students.”

Helping to Make Decisions
The practice of state officials 

—with Federal officials’ sanc­
tion—of passing over blacks 
in making key decisions, is one 
of the main issues pressed by 
black educators, .and they .as­
sert that whites in education 
are unable to  undo "their own 
dirty work.”

They charge that during the 
1960’s, for example, when up­
ward mobility for blacks was 
being pushed by business and 
government, states with dual 
higher-education systems failed 
to take any strong action be­
yond student desegregation.

Virginia, for example, orga­
nized more than 2 0  community 
colleges between 1965 and 
1972, but did not appoint a 
black as president of any of 
them.' In Florida, ivhere the 
two-year college system was 
overhauled in the 1960’s—a 
process completed in 1973— 
there are 28 two-year colleges. 
Today none are ‘ headed by 
blacks, although 1 2  were head­
ed by-blacks in the middle 
’60’s.

Officials in many states argue, 
that those seeking an imme­
diate turnaround in the racial 
makeup of - governing d>oards, 
professional staffs and student 
bodies are being unreasonable. 
For example. Dr. William Fri­
day, president of the University 
of North Carolina system, con- 
tend? that, despite charges to 
the contrary, his state and oth­
ers are trying to comply with 
the Federal "orders.-.:.He"; is. 
viewed by many who are in­
volved as an emerging spokes­
man for state higher-education 
officials in this battle.________

h  NEW YORK TIMES. FRWAY, N O V EM B ER Js^

M
The fund recently filed a 

motion asking Judge Pratt to 
void the eight plans approved 
by the Department of Health, 
Education and Welfare. It al­
leged in ' Its petition that the 
plans were not working and 
that the' Federal agency was 
not-’, aggressively- enforcing 
them. The agency in turn asked 
the judge to dismiss .the motion.

Progress Varies
“Some states are having dif­

ficulties and problems fulfill­
ing their commitments,” Peter 
Holmes said in interview before 
resigning last week as director 
of the H.E.W. Office for Civil 
Rights. “There has been prog­
ress in all tlie states, but to 
varying extents.. I think they 
are good plans and we are 
monitoring them,” said ' Mr. 
Holmes, who leaves his post 
Dec. 1.-

Mr. Holmes said that H.E.W. 
had run into difficulties 
Maryland, Virginia and North 
Carolina. It has not received 
a plan from Louisiana and has

I “Some people don’t want to 
give this experience any time,” 
said Dr.' Friday in a recent 
interview. “They want it done 
yesterday. We’re all faced with 
the problem of financial resour­
ces to do some of these things. 
And more importantly, you’ve 
got to set out with the position 
that it’s going to take, some 
time.
' “We want to do these things 
Federal officials ask and will 
do them. But when you’re con­
fronted with a motion like what 
the Legal Defense Fund is ask­
ing, then I don’t think it is 
in the best interest of black 
colleges if you intend to pre­
serve them. We need to make 
up our minds what we’re going 
to do and then spend a decade 
getting it done.”

Claims Support of Blacks /  
He said he had the full sup­

port in his position from the 
five black presidents within the 
state university system.

Dr. Friday and officials 'in 
several other states have ar­
gued that the H.E.W. has been 
and still is unreasonable. At the 
same time, groups such as 
NAACP. Legal Defense and 
Educational Fund argue that it 
has been dragging its feet. 'What 
is happening, according to Elias 
Blake, president of the Institute 
for Services to Education, a 
Washington-based consultant 
organization, is a hardening of 
attitudes on all sides, especially 
state education officials.

“There is clearly and slowly 
a hardening of- views among 
state officials as to how they 
should respond and an unwil­
lingness to negotiate with 
H.E.W.,” said Dr. Blake. “This 
means that a number of states 
are going to say to the Govern­
ment, ‘Go ahead and sue, start 
your proceedings against us.’ ” 

Dr. Blake’s statement is re­
flected in the recent confronta-. 
tion between the^ Department 
of Health, Education and .Wel­
fare and the State of Maryland. 
H.E.W. told Maryland officials 
that they had “repeatedly 
failed” to implement their dis­
mantling plan vigorously and 
promptly. i

Gov. Marvin Mandel replied: 
“Your letter is a clumsy effort 
at intimidation which must be 
rejected out of hand. Please, 
feel free to initiate 'enforce­
ment action’ at your earliest! 
convenience.”



The Reality: ISegre^tion Is Illegal
BUSING, From 1-A 

incidents and tensions at schools 
ease, although discipline remains a 
problem. A certain amount of social­
izing begins to develop, but it does 
not spill over in any large degree be­
yond the schoolyard. In some cases, 
neighborhood-based activities seem 
to be adversely affected.

North Carolina’s Judge McMillan 
wrote in one of his orders that, “ seg­
regation of children in public schools, 
whether they be black or white, and 
regardless of whether they do or 
don’t want to stay apart, is unlaw­
ful.”

In the six communities examined, 
it was found that, for the most part, 
even hard-core busing opponents 
have come to term s with that posi­
tion, although they see it as unrealis­
tic and destructive.

Their stance seems to be;
“Well, it’s the law of the land — or 

so the judges say. We don’t like it, 
we’ll continue to say so, we’ll try to 
reverse it even if it means amending 
the Constitution. Meantime, what can 
we do except go along?”

‘Fu ssed  Out’

Lotteries
New Jersey 

Pick-It
Dec. 22, 1975

4 8 0
$448 straight 

$74.50 box combo 
$44.50 first or last two digits

New Jersey 
Daily

Dec. 22, 1975

4 5 4 9 3
45493 $10,000 454xx 25
39454 1,000 x549x 25
4549X 225 xx493 25
X5493 225

For lottery information call: 
Pennsylvania—215-271-1600 
New Jersey—609-990-1234

Board m em btr \;ho belongs to an an­
tibusing group. “We’re not about to 
go out and deliberately disrupt the 
mechanical workings of the (desegre­
gation) order to say, ‘Hey, it didn’t 
work.’

“We figure we are going to beat it 
in the long run through Congress. 
The more cities that are involved (in 
busing), the more politicians are 
going to lose their congressional 
seats if they do not fight against 
forced busing.”

This position is usually arrived at 
only after demonstrations, picketing 
and boycotts have petered out.

“People feel we’ve fussed long 
enough, and we’re about fussed out,” 
said Charlotte Schools Superintendent 
Edward Sanders, in summarizing the 
feeling he senses in his.district after 
six years of busing.

Even in Denver, where busing is 
only in its second year, and the legal 
issues have not been finally resolved, 
organized opposition appears to be 
fading.

In none of the six communities has 
resistance grown into sabotage or ex­
ploded into viol^ce.

“Sabotage? No, there have been 
no such attempts in Denver,” said 
Naumi Bradford, a Denver School

One argument in favor of desegre­
gation is that parents of white chil­
dren bused to schools in black neigh­
borhoods often begin to look closely 
at those schools. Frequently they do 
not like what they see. And fre­
quently they have the political influ­
ence to get improvements.

There is a good deal of validity to 
the argument.

“When I  came to Pullen Junior 
High School, it was 87 percent 
black,” said Joan Angelo, a white so­
cial studies teacher in the Prince 
George’s County school system. “We 
were not getting the things we 
needed. Some of the windows were 
broken and I can remember spending 
a very cold winter one year.

“When the court decision came 
through, it was amazing. The win­
dows were fixed. We got the books 
we needed — everything.”

Betsy Hailey, testing supervisor in 
the Charlotte schools, reported that 
in the first four years after desegre­
gation began, Stanford Achievement 
Test scores for grades three, six and 
nine (the only grades tested annually 
there) dropped “appreciably.”

Two years ago, she said, scores 
“stabilized,”  and tests given last 
spring showed scores rising “signifi­
cantly” in the third grade. They also 
improved, but to a lesser degree, in 
the sixth and ninth grades.

Charlotte school board member 
William Booe. a steadfast opponent 
of busing, said he distrusted test 
scores but argued that even if they 
were rising, the reason was that they 
had dropped so low that they had no 
place to go but up. “The whole thing 
has failed miserably,” Booe said.

One of the most troublesome and 
most debated aspects of busing con­
cerns the number of parents who 
withdrew their children from public 
schools rather than allow them to be 
bused.

Except for Tampa, all of the school 
districts discussed here have experi­
enced significant drops in total en­
rollment and increases in the per­
centage of minority students since 
busing began.

However, factors other than busing 
have played a  role in the decline of 
enrollments.

The nation’s birthrate is falling, 
and there is a general decline in en­
rollments across the country. So- 
called “white flight” from the inner 
cities also affects enrollments, and

that phenomenon began well before 
busing.

In San Francisco, where both the 
city’s population and school enroll­
ment had been in steady decline 
since 1959, busing began in 1971 for 
children in kindergarten through 
sixth grade. Enrollment dropped by
6,650 that year. School officials said 
that not all of this could be attributed 
to busing, but they estimated that the 
program “accelerated” the rate of 
decline by three years.

Denver also had been losing enroll­
ment for several years through 
“white flight.” The rate was about
2,000 a year, and by 1973 enrollment 
stood at 85,438. Busing began in the 
fall of the next year, and enrollment 
was down by just over 7,000.

This year, though, the district lost 
only 1,588 students, fewer than in any 
of the five years preceding the start 
of the busing program. (Denver 
Schools Superintendent Louis Kishku- 
nas said his conclusion was that 
“those cats who were inclined to run 
(from busing) ran last year.”

Where They Run
When they run from busing, where 

do they go?
One choice is moving to a school 

district where there is no busing. 
Another, apparently less common 
choice is sending school-age children 
to live with relatives in non busing 
districts. Statistics on these forms of 
flight are not available.

Aside from holding children out of 
school, the only other alternative is 
sending them to private or parochial 
schools, apparently a choice many 
parents make.

In. 1971, the year before busing 
began in Prince George’s County, 
public schools had a total enrollment 
of 162,000 and private schools had 16,- 
580, 'Today public school enrollm ent, 
has fallen to 148,000 while private 
school enrollment has jumped to 20,- 
807.

In Charlotte, private school enroll­
ment in prebusing days was 2,704, 
Now it is 6 ,886.

Except for the parochial system, 
no records were kept on private 
schools in San Francisco before bus­
ing started in 1971. But in that year, 
there were 135 private schools (in­
cluding those in the parochial sys­
tem) with 29,924 students.

A year later the number of schools 
had increased to 149, although their 
enrollment had grown by less than a . 
thousand to 30,364. By last year, the 
number of private schools had drop­
ped to 125, enrollment to 29,312.

In Tampa, only 1,500 of the 110, 000 
students in public schools dropped 
out when busing began in 1971. Virtu­
ally all of them enrolled in private 
schools organized for those who 
wished to “escape” busing. Assistant 
Superintendent E. L. Bing said that 
about half of them were back in pub­
lic schools by Thanksgiving of the 
some year because “ tuition was high, 
the private schools were makeshift 
and had grossly inadequate facili­
ties.”

There was only minimal growth of 
existing private schools in Pontiac,

and only one new private school has 
been established since busing began.

About a  half-dozen new private 
schools were organized in Denver for 
children whose parents would not 
allow them to be bused.. Long estab­
lished private schools, most of them 
expensive, experienced a  mild boom 
immediately after busihg began, but 
that has leveled off this year.

Denver’s parochial school system, 
which had been losing enrollment a t 
a  rate  of 5 to 7 percent a year fop a 
decade, did not want to become a 
refuge for those fleeing desegregation 
and carefully screened new appli­
cants as public school busing a p - , 
proached. ‘ ‘ I

Still, parochial elementary schools 
gained 351 students last year. At sec­
ondary schools in the parochial sys­
tem, enrollment declined by 79. This 
year both the elementary and second-.^ 
ary parochial schools declined in en-'l 
rollment — elementary by 167,- sec­
ondary by 83.

The term s “desegregation” and 
“ integration” often are used inter­
changeably by the public and even 
by some experts. But Omar Bradley, 
the lone black on the Denver school 
board, sees a distinct difference be­
tween the two.

“When you desegregate,” he says, 
“you simply move bodies around, 
and you have a numerical mix of the 
races. Integration is when the kids 
begin to work together, when they 
begin to work as friends and associ­
ates, to cooperate with each other.”

In term s of those definitions, deseg­
regation is working reasonably well 
in the six districts under considera­
tion here.

‘Them’ and ‘Us’
But whether integration is taking 

place is exceptionally difficult to 
judge.

Denver Superintendent Kishkunas’s 
observation is that in social activities 
there is a prevailing attitude of 
“ them” and “us” among students of 
different races. For example, Ik ”  
said, in lunchrooms, blacks sit with! 
blacks, whites with whites, Hispanic. 
Americans with Hispanic-Americans.

Others, however, said they had de­
tected a gradual ch-ange in this atti­
tude in their districts.

Beverley Biffle, assistant principal 
at Denver’s Manual High School, 
summed up this view: “r .  think it 
takes a long time to achieve mtegra- 
tion, but I think our school is moving 
toward it.

“This year I  see more integration 
than last year. The kids are more at 
ease with one another, there is less 
tension. There are more integrated 
groups in the lunchroom.”

There is little evidence in any of 
the six districts that whatever social- 
interchange may develop within the 
schools carries over in any signifi­
cant degree to after-school socializ­
ing. There are exceptions, but for the 
most part desegregation usually ends 
when the school bell rings and the 
youngsters are bused back to their 
own neighborhoods.

♦ I a



Boston: Together 
But So Far

By STEVE TWOMEY
Inauirer E ducation W riter

BOSTON — After three months of 
citywide busing, the 2,300 black and 
white students at Boston’s English 
High School regularly turn out to­
gether to see their championship 
basketball team in action. They flock 
to exciting, innovative new courses in 
theater and business. They are build­
ing a reputation as a school that 
works, despite the traum a of busing.

But those same black and white 
students rarely speak to one another, 
they .never mingle socially and they 
sometimes carry knives as protection 
against assaults by the other race.

‘‘There are plenty of good things,” 
history teacher Ed Connelly said. 
‘‘But there’s segregation here. Once 
you take away the pressure to min­
gle, you get a table of blacks and a 

_taMe of whites. All the stereotypes 
come out. I t’s not that far under the 
surface.”

In many ways, English High 
School’s story after a semester of de­
segregation is Boston’s story, too.

It is a city that was less violent 
this fall than last, although busing 
was more pervasive. Most residents 
went to work and play, rather than 
into the streets to protest. Students 
went to class peacefully, if warily. 
And in those classes, they often found 
a type of education superior to any­
thing they had before desegregation.
• ■‘‘By and large, for the mass of 
Schools, things are going reasonably 
well,” said Robert Schwartz, an edu­
cation specialist for the city. ‘‘There 
is not a feeling of overwhelming ten­
sion. Fears have proved by and large 
to be unfounded.”

But Boston is also a city marked 
by deep racial polarization, a polari­
zation most dramatically illustrated 
by the flight of at least 17,000 white 
■Mudents from the public schools.

The students have enrolled in paro­
chial schools or newly established 
private schools. Or they have simply 
taken to the streets and don’t go to 
any schools — anything to avoid bus­
ing.

The exodus has been so massive 
that Boston’s public schools have 
been transformed from a majority 
white to a majority non-white sys­
tem. This is especially, startling be­
cause the city remains 80 percent 
white.

Living 
With Busing
F ir s t  o f  T h r e e  A r t i c l e s

. Boston today is a eity worried by 
busing’s staggering cost, both finan­
cial and social. It is angered in large 
measure at the judge who ordered 
desegregation. And it is being eaten 
by bitterness and frustration that 
probably will last for years.

“ Their bitterness is so deep,” said 
Mayor Kevin White, as he drove his 
car through Boston’s crowded 
streets. “Until you go through it, you 
don’t know how busing will so domi­
nate the thoughts of the community. 
'There is nothing like it.”

Boston’s confrontation with city­
wide, court-ordered busing has not 
been all good or all bad. Countless 
contrasts are seen every day in the 
old city’s neighborhoods;

A t'th e  Warren Prescott Elemen­
tary School in all-white Charle-town, 
there was fear and uncertainity the 
first day of a school as bu'es from 
aJl-black Roxbury rolled past a heavy 
police guard and up to the front door 
on School Street.

Now black and white fourth-grad­
ers walk-hand-in-hand down the halls 
to the auditorium to practice carols 
for the Christmas program.

“■Nobody’s called somebody a 
honky,” teacher Harold Robinson 
said. “Nobody’s called somebody a 
iligger. There’s been nothing. ’They’re 
just classmates . . .  I love it”

But then there’s Chuck Powers. 
And every day in the streets around 
Warren Prescott, he illustrates d e ­
segregation’s other side.

Chuck, a 12-year-old white from 
Charlestown, should be in the seventh 
grade. But he has never gone to his 
assigned school in Roxburv. Hi 
Soends his days wandering Charles- 
tpwn streets with his friends, who 
also don’t go to school. They prob­
ably never will.

“ My mother didn’t want me to go 
because I heard the blacks were 
making the whites pay a certain 
amount of money so they don’t beat 
us up,” Chuck said while playing one 
day in the narrow streets around the 
Bunker Hill monument.

From all indications, Chuck is for- 
aaking his education because of a 
rumor. There is no evidence of 
blacks extorting money from whites 
at Roxbury, or any other school.

•
Few people expected that the Mar­

tin Luther King Middle School in 
black Dorchester would be able to at­
tract enough white students to suc­
ceed as a “magnet” school. Thst is, 
a school that snecializes in a particu­
la r  field in order to attract students 
of all races, who like magnets, are 
drawn to that field.

“ I’m delighted to have been proved 
wrong,” said education specialist 
Schwartz. “The King faculty put on a 
recruiting drive, even using TV, and 
got 100 more white students (for a 
tfctal of 250, half the enrollment). At 
a  meeting there, no one mentioned 
busing or desegregation. They just 
said . . . ‘We’ve got the best damn 
khool.’ ”

•
But for Dolly Pickup, a 15-year-old 

white lOth-grader at South Bo.ston 
High School — a school in such tur­
moil it was put in federal receiver­
ship — desegregation has been a dif- 
(prent story.

“We’re not learning anything,” she 
said one night, standing outside the 
old yellow school building. “ It’s like 
a sixth grade in there . . .  They 
(blacks) are bringing us down to 
their level . . .  You don’t walk any­
where alone. I walked from here to 
there (she pointed a hhort distance) 
and 10 black girls jumped nte and 
started punchin’ m e.”

•
Mary Ellen Smith, a former Boston 

teacher, heads a community watch­
dog group that has been sniping at 
the school system for years. But de­
segregation, she said, has injected 
fresh air into a musty, antiquated 
educational program.

“There’s some exciting things 
going on in the schools and desegre­
gation has done that,” she said, sit- 
5ng in her downtown office. “ I ’ve 
been a critic of the schools for nine 
years and now I find myself in the 
position of selling them . . .  All the 
attention on busing has heightened 
the parents’ interest in the schools 
and they’re starting to participate for 
the first time.”

•
But desegregation has meant noth­

ing but bitterness for Tom Hickey, a 
Charlestown longshoreman who re­
fused to send his child to a Roxbury 
school. Instead, he has helped to or­
ganize antibusing rallies, like the one 
held recently to protest U. S. District 
Judge W. Arthur Garrity's decision 
to place South Boston High School 
pnder federal control because the 
elected Boston School Committee had 
failed to carry out desegregation 
there.



p H H R ,  / a / 2 / / 7 3 '

“Those are our new signs,” Hickey 
said, pointing to a pile of placards 
ttiat, in reference to the day of Garri­
s ' s  decision, said, "Remember 
Black Tuesday.”

“ That’s when we lost our right to

vote,” Hickey said. "That’s when we 
lost democracy.”

•
But perhaps the most significant 

story of the first three months of 
citywide busing is a story that hasn’t 
been written;

Boston, for the most part, has been 
peaceful.

Last year, with a more limited bus­
ing program, there were months of 
stabbings, beatings, boycotts and 
demonstrations.

There were serious disruptions in 
only five of the 80 schools involved, 
but that was enough for many to fear 
that this year, under a far more sc- 
tensive program, it would be worse. 
More than 160 schools were included 
this fall, 23,000 students were bused 
and several antibusing strongholds 
were affected for the first time.

Except for scattered incidents at 
South Boston and Charlestown high 
schools, violence never occurred.

“They figured Charlestown was 
going to blow up, that somebody was 
going to get killed,” said Denny 
Payne, 27, a Charlestown grocery 
store owner. “It hasn’t happened.”

The reasons appear to be an over­
whelming police presence, extensive 
peacemaking efforts by city officials 
— and the Boston Red Sox.

More than 2,700 city, state and fed­
eral law enforcement officers ringed 
schools, escorted buses and lined cor­
ridors during the first weeks of 
school. Radio and television commer­
cials urged residents to keep calm. 
Officials warned of nos.sible federal 
prosecutions for any lawlessness.

And, just as school began, the city 
found its beloved Red Sox in the 
American League playoffs and then 
in an exciting World Series. Resi­
dents were glued to radios and TVs 
for days.

“Who’s going to throw rocks when 
the Red Sox are in the sixth game of 
the World Series?” said an aide to 
Mayor While.

Confronted by the police and di­
verted by the Sox, most residents 
kept cool, and the city did not tear it­
self apart.

But the lack of violence did not re­
flect an acceptance of desegregation, 
many officials said. It merely indi­
cated that residents were resisting in 
other ways:

They pulled their children out of 
the public schools by the thousands.

Hundreds went to parochial schools 
in the city and suburbs, despite strict 
instructions from Catholic school offi­
cials that parishes were not to enroll 
refugees from desegregation.

“Desegregation has saved paro­
chial education in Boston,” said 
school critic Mary Ellen Smith. 
“ We’ve heard stories of parochial 

sfchools looking for annexes. ~The7  
were full.” ■

Others have fled to five private 
Academies established in antibusing 
ifcighborhoods: (The future of these 
schools is in doubt, however, because 
thev have not been certified and they 
lack funding.)
; Still others, like Chuck Powers, 

stayed out of school.
. Most of the white students who left 

tjad been assigned to schools in black 
neighborhoods. Students assigned to 
neighborhood schools have been more 
likely to remain in school. Blacks, in­
cluding these who m o st, attend 
schools in white'neighborhoods, gen- 
ei'ally have higher attendance rec­
ords than whites.

But overall, the Boston school sys­
tem has lost about 17 percent of its 
student body in the last two years — 
ajid most of those who fled are white.
, According to school department fig- 

Wes, there were 93,647 students en­
rolled in November 1973; 53,593 of 
them white. By November of this 
year, white enrollment had dropped 
to 36,243 and total enrollment had 
dropped to 76,461.

Some critics have charged that the 
drop in white enrollment has de­
stroyed the desegregation plan and 
that the schools eventually will be­
come resegregated.

“ In terms of the objectives of the 
thing, it’s been a failure,” said Kath­
leen Sullivan, a liberal member of 
the five-person school committee, 
which runs the system. “It’s over 50 
percent minority, therefore there is 
racial imbalance in the school sys­
tem .”

There have been other problems. 
Mayor White estimated that deseg­

regation would cost the city at least 
$20 million this year and possibly as 
much as $30 million largely for buses 
and police protection. The cost has 
pushed Boston to the brink of a seri­
ous fiscal crisis. A tax hike seems 
imminent.

Critics have charged that the over­
whelming security in most class­
rooms has stifled any attempt at edu­
cation.

“Teachers have just thrown their 
hands up,” said long-time busing op­
ponent Louise Day Hicks in an, inter­
view. “There’s no education going 
on.”

But there is hope in many quar­
ters.

Magnet schools like English High 
and King Middle have won almost 
universal praise and some officials 
believe they hold the key to desegre­
gation’s success or failure.

Moreover, there are those like 
Mary Ellen. Some who believe that 
desegregation has “opened up” a 
backward school system, heightened 
parental interest and prompted cries 
for reform and progressivism.

“ Certainly the hope of reform is 
that children who have left (to es­
cape busing) will return,” Miss Sulli­
van said.

But she and others concede that it 
will be months before that happens, 
if it ever does, just as it will be 
months before it is known whether 
educational progress will continue or 
whether racial polarization will 
worsen.

NEXT: Louisville.



7 ^

touisville: Disappointment and Disruption
t  VA ! U  B s

LOUISVILLE, Ky. -  It is just 
after 8 a.m , at Valley High School, 
midway through the -first classroom 
period, but the entire student body 
is outside on the lawn.

“Let ’em stay out awhile,” mut­
ters Lucian Adams, the assistant 
principal. “Maybe they’ll get tired 
of it.”

For the third time in the past few 
days, someone has set off a  false 
fire alarm, forcing evacuation of the 
building.

That is three times too often for 
Adams, a 30-year veteran of the sys­
tem  and a no-nonsense administra­
tor.

But i t  is just one of many disrup­
tions that have m arred the normal 
school routine in the first year of 
court-ordered busing for desegrega­
tion in Louisville and surrounding 
Jefferson County.

“The teachers are telling me that 
learning here has slowed down,” 
says Adams, after the students have 
returned and have been asked, over 
the public address system, to report 
the culprit. “A lot of the students are 
failing. The blacks aren’t participat­
ing in extracurricular activities.” 

Adams is not the only one disap­
pointed a t what has happened here.

Louisville illustrates just how diffi­
cult it is to impose a busing plan — 
even in an area with a  large white 
majority and a history of fairly 
peaceful race relations. .

Louisville, a manufacturing and 
education center with a population in­
cluding a  wide cross-section of blue- 
collar workers and bluebloods, abol­
ished its Jim  Crow school system in 
1956,,one of the first Southern cities 
to do so.

Its present busing plan affects all 
groups, so no one can complain of 
being singled out. And 60 percent of 
the students in the county had to be 
bused to their “neighborhood” 
schools anyway. The Louisville area 
seemed to be one place where busing 
might be accepted.

But Jefferson County and Louisville 
were also places where schools were 
a  stable part of the lives of families 
and children. ’The schools had nick­
names, class rings, slogans and ster­
eotypes.

Uncertain B lessings

Living
With Busing.
S e c o n d  o f  T h r e e  A r t ic le s

For many, this tradition has been 
hard to surrender in exchange for 
benefits that, at best, are years

away, and, at worst, never may be..
“There’s a feeling of bebngingness 

in anv organization,” says School 
Princioal Adams. “But you don’t get 
that unless you stay awhile.”

One problem here may be that not 
too many students “stay awhile” in 
anv one school now.

The desegregation order handed 
down in July by U. S. District Judge 
James F. Gordon virtually guaran­
tees each school a transient pooula- 
tion. Each white student will be 
bused for one or two of his 12 years 
in the school system, on a rotation 
basis. Each black student is sched­
uled to be bused for eight or nine 
years.

In the years they are not being 
bused, the whites will a ttend,their 
neighborhood schools, a fact that 
school officials hope will encourage 
them to stay in the system.

The plan covers the newly merged 
school districts of Louisville and Jef­
ferson County. The resulting system 
is about 20 percent black, and one 
aim of the plan was to assure that 
each school would have a majority 
of white students.

Boycott E ffe c t

r j r <  - r v ^ o M .

Returning to Norm al

I  -

School attendance is returning to 
normal despite calls for boycotts by 
antibusing leaders. The demonstra­
tions are becoming quieter and less 
frequent and thei'e are as yet no 
signs of a massive flight by whites 
from the school system.

Still, says Mrs. Joyce Hirst, seated 
in the living room of her small, neat 
brick home south of the city, “ I 
don’t see why they can't spend all 
that money on the schools instead of 
on busing kids all around for 12 or 14 
hours a day. I believe people are just 
tired of the government telling them 
what to do.

“This is worse on the colored than 
it is on us,” she added. “They face 
eight years of getting up at six in the 
morning.”

Louisville’s blacks, however, seem 
to be accepting the busing order 
more readily than the whites.

“ I won’t say anything against bus­
ing,” said Curtis Jackson, a tall, 
slender black youth, as he sat in the 
lobby of 'Valley High School. “The 
classes here are 'cefte.-. in the sum­
mer the building is air-conditioned.

“At Shawnee (his old, predomi­
nantly black school) it wasn’t. Things 
will settle down here. People will see 
they can’t fight it.”

Antibusing groups have tried to at­
tract Hack support, but with little 
success.

One exnlanation for this lies in the 
history of the two school systems.

There is, however, a black majority 
in some schools, because white par­
ents have boycotted the system or 
sent their children elsewhere.

Extracurricular activities have 
been sharply reduced, largely be­
cause of the difficulty of moving stu­
dents long distances in the late after­
noon.

Parent interest in the individual 
schools is down and Superintendent 
Ernest Grayson says he anticipates 
that it will be several years before 
public support for the schools in­
creases.

Outside the school system itself, 
some of the problems have been even 
more serious.

Demonstrations have occurred al­
most weekly, throughout the county. 
They have ranged from peaceful 
marches to a  violent melee in which 
38 persons were hurt, 192 were arrest­
ed, two buses were burned and the 
Kentucky National Guard was called 
out.

But the situation is not completely 
grim.

Exodus Problem
The city system, for years wealth­

ier than the county system, had in 
recent years become blacker and 
poorer as whites and middle-class 
bla-ks moved to the s"b”,rbs. A pos­
sible city-only desegregation order 
threatened to speed the process.

“It wasn’t what had hapnened that 
worried blacks in the city,” says 
Milburn Mauoin, the last city supe’c- 
intendent and now a deputy supe-- 
intendent in the county system. “ It 
was what was going to hann'm.” 

State law in Kentucky encourages 
mergers of the city and county sys­
tems, and the '^tate Board of Educa­
tion ordered the Louisville-Jefferson 
County merger in April, despite oppo­
sition from the county.

Black leaders and many educators 
welcomed the merger as the last 
chance for blacks to get an education 
equal to that of whites.

Even in the city system, says John 
Preli, assistant principal at formerly 
all-black Central High School, “This 
school was becoming the dumping 
ground for black kids who caused

^  O R t



trouble. They dropped a lot of federal 
money here. You got a lot of equip­
ment. But that doesn’t do it. You 
need a student body that’s a  real 
crcss-section.”

White reaction to busing has run 
the gamut from acceptance to defi­
ance.

‘Quality’ D isputed
At a parents’ meeting in the afflu­

ent eastern end of the county earlier 
this month, parents complained to * 
school authorities about confused 
class assignments, poor class sche­
duling, and other problems caused by 
the merger and the busing order 
They repeatedly asked about “quality 
education,” grades, test scores and 
courses.

There were no complaints about 
desegregation itself.

For one year it will be a learning 
exoerience,’ said Don Wilson, an en­
gineer for General Electric, whose 
daughter is being bused to Central 
High School. “ I t’s obvious she has 
less homework,” Wilson said. “But 
the experience will more than offset 
deterioration in her studies.”

In the county’s western end, how- 
evei, the signs of battle are  every- 
w’'ere.

Dixie Highway, a neon-studed rib- 
bm  of factories, gas stations, bars ‘ 
and drive-in restaurants, leads fro.m 
the black ghetto of West Louisville 
to the heavily blue-collar areas in­
habited by whites in western Jeffer­
son County. Many of the school buses 
must move along Dixie Highway, 
end as t^e buses get into the county, 
hei” "assengers can see signs on

S ': :an busing.”

Rum or Central
Mest of the antibusing rallies take 

"lace in this area and the schools 
swarm with rumors. i

Valley High School is on the high- i 
way, and assistant principal Adams I 
savs that “ I’ve got parents coming ' 
he»-e UD in arms. They’ve h e 'rd  their 
son was beaten or their daughter was 
mn’ested.”

A recent accident, in which a white 
cafeteria worker fell and cut her 
nead, emerged from the rumor mill 
as a knife attack by a black male 
student.

“ A lot of the problem is the pro­
tests outside,” said Adams, nodding 
with exasperation across the highway 
at a ramshackle hut set up for anti­
busing demonstrators.

At another high school in the east­
ern part of the county, Iroquois 
more than 200 students have been 
suspended at one time or another, 
about twice the usual number for this 
time of year.

Most of these have been blacks

from the old city system, generally 
believed to have been more permis­
sive.

“I haven’t  changed a  single rule 
here,” says the principal, Edwin Bin- 
ford. “A lot of human relations work 
has been done getting white schools 
ready to accept blacks. I don’t think 
enough has been done to get the 
blacks ready for the whites.”

Binford, who has been in the sys­
tem  for about 30 years , says he does 
not believe that desegregation will 
necessarily improve education in the 
classroom. But he is optimistic that 
the plan might help students learn to 
“ live in an integrated society.”

Only 4,000 ‘L o s f ?
Grayson, in his first year as super­

intendent, estimates that in a system 
of more than 120,000 students, only 
about 4,000 have been lost to “white 
flight.”

He predicts that the figure will : 
grow slightly, and then stabilize in ' 
three or four years.

“ I know we’ll see more private 
schools next year,” he says. ‘"That’s 
the way these things work.”

Jean Ruffra, a school board mem­
ber who strongly opposes the busing 
plan disputes Grayson’s figures. She 
contends that up to 10,000 students 
have left the system, going to paro­
chial schools or private schools or 
leaving Jefferson County altogether.

No one can be sure, since the sys­
tem was due to have fewer students 
this year in any case. Some students 
simply have not shown up and no one 
is sure where they are. Others have 
drifted back as their parents were 
threatened with criminal charges 
under state truancy laws.

And there has, of course, been far 
too little time for standardized tests 
to give an indication of what effect 
busing has had on learning.

Mrs. Ruffra predicts that the num­
ber of whites leaving the schools will 
increase unless Judge Gordon’s plan 
is overturned by the higher courts. 
Both the former county board and 
the county government have ap­
pealed Gordon’s decision.

Mrs. Ruffra says that in many 
cases, children already have been 
sent to live with relatives in adjoin­
ing counties or across the Ohio River 
in Indiana.

“This thing has broken homes, fa­
milies and communities,” she says.
"I don’t think Louisville ever will get 
over it.”

Tomorrow: Six other cities



The Fact Sinks In: 
Segregation Illegal

By JERRY BELCHER
Los Aiutf^-lrs T 'm er Service.

After ruling in 1969 that the schools 
of the Ghariotte, N. C. and Mecklen­
burg County had to be desegregated 
through massive cross-district bus­
ing, U. S. District Judge James Mc­
Millan received a note from a citizen 
who wrote:

“ If the whites don't like it, and the 
blacks don’t like it, why do we have 
to have it?’

“The answer,” McMillan said in a 
reply that was brief and to the point, 
“ is the U. S. Constitution.”

Desegregation — which seems al­
ways to come down to busing — is 
the law of the land because it is said 
to be the only way of providing all 
children of all races and backgrounds 
with the same educational opportuni­
ties.

The tumult that accompanied bus­
ing in cities like Boston and Louis­
ville has raised the question in many 
minds of whether that end can be 
achieved. The Inquirer in the last 
two days detailed the results of bus­
ing thus far in those two cities. This 
study by The Los Angeles Times 
looks at school districts in six other 
communities where court-ordered 
busing has been under way for two to 

, six years: Charlotte-Mecklenburg;
Denver; Pontiac, Micjj.; .prince 
George’s County, Mo.; San Hi'tyj* 
cisco; and Tampa, Fla.

Although busing plans in the six 
districts differ significantly in scope 
and detail, the following genesal qtm- 
clusions were possible:

•  After the first flurry of picket­
ing, boycotts'and oratory, opposition 
to busing tends to diminish and atti­
tudes tend to drift toward moderate 
[xtsitions.

•  There is evidence that desegre­
gation by busing sometimes, does 
bring about a dramatic upgrading, of 
facilities and curriculums in formerly 
“minority” schools.

•  There also is some evidence 
that, at least in the beginning, over­
all academic achievement tends to , 
drop in newly desegregated schcnU-

• “White flight" to priva’te school* 
or to nonbusiiig districts does occur, 
but it levels off after, the first year.

•  With the passage of time, racial 
fncid® s and tensions at schools 
ease, although discipline remains a 
problem. A certain amount of social­
izing begins to develop, but it does 
not spill over in any large degree be-

Living
With Busing
L a s t  o f  a  S e r i e s

yond the schoolyard. In some cases, 
neighborhood-based activities seem 
to be adversely affected.

North Carolina’s Judge McMillan 
wrote-in one of his orders that, “ seg­
regation of children in public schools, 
whether they be black or white, and 
regardless of whether they do or 
don’t want to stay apart, is unlaw­
ful.” - ,

In the six communities examined, 
it was-found that, for the most part, 
e v e n , hard-core busing opponents 
have come to terms with that posi­
tion, .although they see it as unrealis­
tic and destructive.

Their, stance seems to be:
“Well, it’s the law of the land — or 

so the judges say. We don’t like it, 
we’ll continue to say so, we’ll try to 
reverse it even if it means amending 
the Constitution. Meantime, what can 
we do except go along?”

*Fu8sed Out’
This position is usually arrived, at 

only after demonstrations, picketing 
and boycotts have petered out.

“People feel we’ve fussed long 
enough, and we’re about fussed out,” 
said Charlotte Schools Superintendent 
Edward Sanders, in summarizing the 
feeling he senses in his district after 
six years of busing.

Even in Denver, where busing is 
only in its second year, and the legql 
issues have not been finplly resolved, 
organized opposition appears to be 
fading.

In none of the six communities has 
resistance grown into sabotage or ex­
ploded into violence.

' “Sabotage? No, there have been 
no such attempts in Denver,” said 
Naumi Bradford, a Denver School 
Board memfcfr v.ko belongs to an an­
tibusing group. “We’re not about to 
go out and deliberately disrupt the 
mechanical workings of the (desegre­
gation) order to say, ‘Hey, it didn’t 
work.’

“We figure we are going to beat it 
in the long run through Congress. 
The more cities that are involved (in 
busing)., the more politicians are 
going to lose their congressional

seats if they do not fight against 
forced busing.”

•
One argument in favor of desegre­

gation is that parents of white chil­
dren bused to schools in black neigh­
borhoods often begin to took closely 
at those schools. Frequently they do 
not like what they see. And fre­
quently they have the political influ­
ence to get improvements.

There is, a good deal of validity to 
the argument.

“ When I came to Pullen Junior 
Hi.gh School, it was 87 percent 
black,’ saiq Joan Angelo, a white so­
cial studies teacher in the Prince 
George’s County school system. “We 
were not getting the things we 
needed. Some of the windows were 
broken and I  can remember spending 
a very cold winter one year.

“When the court decision came 
through, it was amazing. The win­
dows were fixed. W'e got the books 
we needed — everything.”

•
Betsy Hailey, testing supervisor in 

the Charlotte schools, reported that 
in the first four years after desegre­
gation began, Stanford Achievement 
'Test scores for grades three, six and 
nine (the only grades tested annually 
there) dropped “appreciably.”

Two years ago, she said, scores 
“ stabilized,” and tests given last 
spring showed scores rising “signifi­
cantly” in the third grade. They also 
improved, but to a lesser degree, in 
the sixth and ninth grades.

Charlotte school board member 
William Booe. a steadfast opponent 
of busing, said he distrusted test 
scores but argued that even if they 
were rising, the reason was that they 
had dropped .so low that they had no 
place to go but up. “The whole thing 
has failed miserably,” Booe said.

•
One of the most troublesome and 

most debated aspects of busing con­
cerns the number of parents who 
withdrew their children from public 
schools rather than allow them to be 
bused.

Except for Tampa, all of the school 
districts discussed here have experi­
enced significant drop.s in total en­
rollment and increases in the per­
centage of minority students since 
busing began.

However, factors other than busing 
have played a role in the decline of 
enrollments.

The nation’s birthrate is falling, 
and there is a general decline in en­
rollments across the country. So- 
called “white flight” from the inner 
cities also affects enrollments, and

n o s e



that phenomenon began well before 
busing.

In San Francisco, where both the 
city’s population and school enroll­
ment had been in steady decline 
since 1959, busing began in 1971 for 
children in kindergarten through 
sixth grade. Enrollment dropped by
6,650 that year. School officials said 
that not all of this could be attributed 
to busing, but they estimated that the 
program “accelerated” the rate of 
decline by three years.

Denver also had been losing enroll­
ment tor several years through 
“white flight.” The rate was about
2,000 a year, and by 1973 enrollment 
stood at 85,438. Busing began in the 
fall of the next year, and enrollment 
was down by just over 7,000.

This year, though, the district lost 
only 1,588 students, fewer than in any 
of the five years preceding the start 
of the busing program. (Denver 
Schools Superintendent Louis Kishku- 
nas said his conclusion was that 
“ those cats who were inclined to run 
(from busing) ran last year.”

Where They Run
When they run from busing, where 

do they go?
One choice is moving to a school 

district where there is no busing. 
Another, apparently less common 
choice is sending school-age children 
to live with relatives in non busing 
districts. Statistics on these forms of 
flight are not available.

Aside from holding children out of 
school, the only -other alternative is 
sending them to private or parochial 
schools, apparently a choice many 
parents make.

In 1971, the year before busing 
began in Prince George’s County, 
public schools had a total enrollment 
of 162,000 and private schools had 16,- 
.580, Today public school enrollment 
has fallen to 148,000 while private 
■school enrollment has jumped to 2 0 ,- 
807. '

In Charlotte, private school enroll­
ment in prebusing days was 2,704. 
Now it is 6 ,886,

Except for the parochial system, 
no records were kept on private 
schools in San Francisco before bus­
ing started in 1971. But in that year, 
there were 135 private schools (in­
cluding those in the parochial sys­
tem) with 29,924 students.

A year later the number of schools 
had increased to 149, although their 
enrollment had grown by less than a 
thousand to 30,.364. By last year, the 
number of private schools had drop­
ped to 125, enrollment to 29,312.

In Tampa, only 1,500 of the 110, 000 
students in public schools dropped 
out when busing began in 1971. Virtu­
ally ail o'f them enrolled in private 
schools organized for those who 
wushed to “escape” busing. Assistant 
Superintendent E. L. Bing said that

about half of them were back in pub­
lic schools by Thanksgiving of the 
some year because “ tuition was high, 
the private schools were makeshift 
and had grossly inadequate facili­
ties.” ‘

There was only minimal growth of 
existing private schools in Pontiac, 
and only one new private school has 
been established since busing began.

About a half-dozen new private 
schools were organized in Denver for 
chiidren whose parents would not 
allow them to be bused. Long estab­
lished private schools, most of them 
expensive, experienced a  mild boom 
immediately after busing began, but 
that has leveled off this year.

Denver’s parochial school system, 
which had been losing enrollment at 
a rate  of 5 to 7 percent a  year for a 
decade, did not want to become a 
refuge for those fleeing desegregation 
and carefully screened new appli­
cants as public school busing ap­
proached. ‘ ‘

Still, parochial elementary schools 
gained 351 students last year. At sec­
ondary schools in the parochial sys­
tem, enrollment declined by 79. TTiis 
year both the elementary and second­
ary  parochial schools declined in en­
rollment — elementary by 167, sec­
ondary by 83.

•
The term s “ desegregation” and 

“ integration” often are used inter­
changeably by the public and even 
by some experts. But Omar Bradley, 
the lone black on the Denver school 
board, sees a distinct difference be­
tween the two.

“When you desegregate,” he says, 
“you simply move bodies around, 
and you have a numerical mix of the 
races. Integration is when the kids 
begin to work together, when they 
begin to work as friends and associ­
ates, to cooperate with each other.” 

In term s of those definitions, deseg­
regation is working reasonably well 
in the six districts under considera­
tion here.

‘Them’ and ‘Us’
But whether integration is taking 

place is exceptionally difficult to 
judge.

Denver Superintendent Kishkunas’s 
observation is that in social activities 
there is a prevailing attitude of 
“ them” and “us” among students of 
different races. For example, he 
said, in lunchrooms, blacks sit with 
blacks, whites with whites, Hispanic- 
Americans with Hispanic-Americans.

Others, however, said they had de­
tected a gradu.sl change in this atti­
tude in their districts.

Beverley Biffle, assistant principal 
at Denver’s Manual High School, 
summed up this view: “ I think it 
takes a long time to achieve integra­
tion, but I think our school is moving 
toward it.

“This year I see more integration 
than last year. The kids are more at 
ease with one another, there,is less 
tension. There are more integrated 
groups in the lunchroom.”

There is little evidence in any of 
the six districts that whatever social- 
interchange may develop within the 
schools carries over in any signifi­
cant degree to after-school socializ­
ing. There are exceptions, but for the 
most part desegregation usually ends 
when the school bell rings and the 
youngsters are bused back to their 
own neighborhoods.



Covered v?agons. Chain gangs. 
Government whisky distilleries. 
Ashcakes. Hard times.

BY FLONTINA MILLER
Doily News Staff Writer

Memories are made of these 
f o r  W ill H e rb in  w ho is 
100-yearsK)ld today.

Fondly dubbed “Uncle Will'’ 
around the South Greensboro

staff photo,; by Jack Moebes

‘Uncle Will’ Herbin

community of Goshen where he 
has lived for 74 years, Herbin 
still speaks in a d istinctive 
voice, short on the hoarseness 
which age inevitably brings.

As he extends a wavering 
hand for a friendly shake, lincle 
Will immediately strikes you as 
one who has retained a relish 
for living and faith in a changing 
world. A man of dwarfish build 
and almost straight posture, his 
darling, little granddaddy de­
meanor is refreshing on the 
spot.

(He wears no glasses, has seen 
ar doctor only once in his life, 
and takes short walks daily to 
and from the mailbox on the 
road and across the farmland 
surrounding his home.
J His daughter, Mrs. Cora Tay­
lor, lives with him at his modest 
hedge-embraced home on Webs­
ter Road. She says she wor.ks on 
second shift at a local mill so 
she can be home to prepare his 

.'meals and keep him.company 
Jduring the day.

Uncle Will wasn’t much in the 
humor for thinking about turn­
ing 100 during an interview this 
week.

Settled back on a couch below 
framed pictures of his descen­
dants to the third generation, he 
insisted that he is only 98.

Hearing Uncle Will who has a 
gift for storytelling and wit re­
minisce about “way back yon­
der” brought to mind the filmed

“My daddy was named Mark 
Herbin. My mother was .Joanna 
Watlington,” he began, his voice 
unfaltering. “My father come 
on the boat from Africa. Poppa 
had what you call the old fash­
ioned rh eu m atism  and he 
couldn't work much.

“See part of his life was in 
slavery, and Old Man Bill Her­
bin — that was his o w n e r-  
talked about selling him, but he 
never did. No suh, he never did.

“ Mama was always a free 
woman," he continued. “She al­
ways stayed around the house, 
never done much work. She was 
a half-white woman.”

He said he was bom “on the 
southside of an old mill in Rock­
ingham County” and was one of 
eight children.

Pulling random memories out 
of his childhood, Uncle Will 
kept talking with some coaxing 
from Mrs. Taylor who sat in a 
chair by the door.

“ Y’all ever eat any ashcakes 
cooked in the fire? Man, you 
talkin’ ‘bout ood eatin’

When they built a house back 
there, it would have a big flat 
rock in the fireplace,” he ex­
plained. “Well, mama would let 
that rock get right hot and she’d 
make up her dough in a wooden 
tray and lay it on that hot rock.

{See ‘Uncle WiU': C-18, Col. 1)

“ Autobiography of Miss Jane
Pittman.



z,
that phenomenon began well before 
busing.

In San Francisco, where both the 
city’s population and school enroll­
ment had been in steady decline 
since 1959, busing began in 1971 for 
children in kindergarten through 
sixth grade. Enrollment dropped by
6,650 that year. School officials said 
that not all of this could be attributed 
to busing, but they estimated that the 
program “ accelerated” the rate of 
decline by three years.

Denver also had been losing enroll­
ment for several years through 
“white flight.” The rate was about
2,000 a year, and by 1973 enrollment 
stood a t 85,438. Busing began in the 
fall of the next year, and enrollment 
was down by just over 7,000.

This year, though, the district lost 
only 1,588 students, fewer than in any 
of the five years preceding the start 
of the busing program. (Denver 
Schools Superintendent Louis Kishku- 
nas said his conclusion was that 
“ those cats who were inclined to run 
(from busing) ran  last year.”

Where They Run
When they run from busing, where 

do they go?
One choice is moving to a school 

district where there is no busing. 
Another, apparently less common 
choice is sending school-age children 
to live with relatives in non busing 
districts. Statistics on these forms of 
flight are not available.

Aside from holding children out of 
school, the only -other alternative is 
sending them to private nr parochial 
schools, apparently a choice many 
parents make.

In 1971, the year before busing 
began in Prince George’s County, 
public schools had a total enrollment 
of 162,000 and private schools had 16,- 
580. "Today public school enrollment 
has fallen to 148,000 while private 
■school enrollment has jumped to 2 0 ,- 
807. '

In Charlotte, private school enroll­
ment in prebusing days was 2,704. 
Now it is 6 ,886.

Except for the parochial system, 
no records were kept on private 
schools in San Francisco before bus­
ing started in 1971. But in that year, 
there were 135 private schools (in­
cluding those in the parochial sys­
tem) with 29,924 students.

A year later the number of schools 
had increased to 149, although their 
enrollment had grown by less than a 
thousand to 30,364. By last year, the 
number of private schools had drop­
ped to 125, enrollment to 29,312.

In Tampa, only 1,500 of the 110, 000 
students in public schools dropped 
out when busing began in 1971. Virtu­
ally all of them enrolled in private 
schools organized for those who 
wished to “escape” busing. Assistant 
Superintendent E. L. Bing said that

about half of them were back in pub­
lic schools by Thanksgiving of the 
some year because “tuition was high, 
the private schools were makeshift 
and had grossly inadequate facili­
ties.” ‘

There was only minimal growth of 
existing private schools in Pontiac, 
and only one new private school has 
been established since busing began.

About a half-dozen new private 
schools were organized in Denver for 
children whose parents would not 
allow them to be bused. Long estab­
lished private schools, most of them 
expensive, experienced a  mild boom 
immediately after busing began, but 
that has leveled off this year.

Denver's parochial school system, 
which had been losing enrollment at 
a rate  of 5 to 7 percent a  year for a 
decade, did not want to become a 
refuge for those flpeing desegregation 
and carefully screened new appli­
cants as public school busing ap­
proached. ■ ‘ ‘

Still, parochial elementary schools 
gained 351 students last year. At sec­
ondary schools in the parochial sys­
tem, enrollment declined by 79. This 
year both the elementary and second­
ary parochial schools declined in en­
rollment — elementary by 167, sec­
ondary by 83.

•
The term s “ desegregation” and 

“ integration” often are used inter­
changeably by the public and even 
by some experts. But Omar Bradley, 
the lone black on the Denver school 
board, sees a distinct difference be­
tween the two.

“When you desegregate,” he says, 
“you simply move bodies around, 
and you have a numerical mix of the ■ 
races. Integration is when the kids 
begin to work together, when they 
begin to work as friends and associ­
ates, to cooperate with each other."

In term s of those definitions, deseg­
regation is working reasonably well 
in the six districts under considera­
tion here.

‘Them’ and ‘U s’
But whether integration is taking 

place is exceptionally difficult to 
judge.

Denver Superintendent Kishkunas’s 
observation is that in social activities 
there is a prevailing attitude of 
"them ” and “us” among students of 
different races. For example, he 
said, in lunchrooms, blacks sit with 
blacks, whites with whites, Hispanic- 
Americans with Hispanic-Americans.

Others, however, said they had de­
tected a gradual ch-ange in this atti­
tude in their districts.

Beverley Biffle, assistant principal 
at Denver’s Manual High School, 
summed up this view: “I  think it 
takes a long time to achieve integra­
tion, but I think our school is moving 
toward it.

“This year I  see more integration 
than last year. The kids are more at 
ease with one another, there is less 
tension. There are more integrated 
groups in the lunchroom.”

There is little evidence in any of 
the six districts that whatever social- 
interchange may develop within the 
schools carries over in any signifi­
cant degree to after-school socializ­
ing. There are exceptions, but for the 
most part desegregation usually ends 
when the school bell rings and the 
youngsters are bused back to their 
own neighborhoods.



Covered wagons. Chain gangs. 
Government whisky distilleries. 
Ashcakes. Hard times.

BY FLONTINA MILLER
Doily News Staff Writer

Memories are made of these 
f o r  tV ill H e rb in  w ho is  
100-years-old today.

Fondly dubbed “Unde Will” 
around the South Greensboro

Sfalf photo;: by Jack Moobes

‘Uncle Will’ Herbin

community of Goshen where he 
has lived for 74 years, Herbin 
still speaks in a distinctive 
voice, short on the hoarseness 
which age inevitably brings.

As he extends a wavering 
hand for a friendly shake, Uncle 
Will immediately strikes you as 
one who has retained a rehsh 
for living and faith in a changing 
world. A man of dwarfish build 
and almost straight posture, his 
darling, little granddaddy de­
meanor is refreshing on the 
sp t.

iHe wears no glasses, has seen 
a ’doctor only once in his life, 
and takes short walks daily to 
and from the mailbox on the 
road and across the farmland 
surrounding his home.
• His daughter, Mrs. Cora Tay­
lor, lives with him at his modest 
hedge-embraced home on Webs­
ter Road. She says she works on 
second shift at a local mill so 
she can be home to prepare his 
'meals and keep him-company 
iduring the day.

Uncle Will wasn't much in the 
humor for thinking about turn­
ing 100 during an interview this 
week.

Settled back on a couch below 
framed pictures of his descen­
dants to the third generation, he 
insisted that he is only 98.

Hearing Uncle Will who has a 
gift for storytelUng and wit re­
minisce about “way back yon­
der” brought to mind the filmed

“My daddy was named Mark 
Herbin. My mother was .Joanna 
Watlington," he began, his voice 
unfaltering. “My father come 
on the boat from .Africa. Poppa 
had what you call the old fash­
ioned rh eu m atism  and he 
couldn't work much.

“See part of his life was in 
slavery, and Old Man Bill Her­
bin — that was his o w n e r -  
talked about selling him, but he 
never did. No suh, he never did.

“ Mama was always a free 
woman,” he continued “She al­
ways stayed around the house, 
never done much work. She was 
a half-whitewoman.”

He said he was bom “on the 
southside of an old mill in Rock­
ingham County” and was one of 
eight children.

Pulling random memories out 
of his childhood. Uncle Will 
kept talking with some coaxing 
from Mrs. Taylor who sat in a 
chair by the door.

“ Y'all ever eat any ashcakes 
cooked in the fire? Man, you 
talkin' ‘bout ood eatin’

When they built a house back 
there, it would have a big flat 
rock in the fireplace,” he ex­
plained. “Well, mama would let 
that rock get right hot and she’d 
make up her dough in a wooden 
tray and lay it on that hot rock.

(See ‘Uncle Will'; C-18, Col. 1)

“ Autobiography of Miss .Jane
Pittman.



C18 Greensboro Doily News, Thurs., May 1, 1975

[' € - 1

She'd let it get kind of brown 
and put some hot ashes on it 
oml let it took in the ashes. 
'I'iien she’d get it out and clean 
it off and put it on the table, 
and man, you talk in ’ ‘bout 

' Something good to cat!”
Another favorite dish of Uncle 

Will's, even to tills day, is a sim­
ple ir.ixture of tornmcal and hot 
v/ater called “mush.” He ex­
plained that with home-made 

' molasses or brown sugar added 
mash oltcn made a meal for his 
sharecropper family when he 
was growing up.

“ People, white and black, 
they don’t know nolhing now,” 
he said. “When I was coming 
rdfiiig we colored folks and some 
white lolks too, had to cat that 
or eat nothing.”

Uncle Will remembers the 
humble role of children during 
’i.is youngest days in Rockingh- 

■. am County.
“Young children didn’t get 

ijiuch learning back in them 
ofays,”  he said. “ Thfey didn’t

have many schools much then. 
Old folks done our talking and 
white folks done their talking.”

The distinction between the 
races cropped up frequently in 
his conversation.

In early adulthood, Uncle Will 
worked for a “liquor still-house 
where corn liquor was made for 
the government.” He chuckled

as he rattled off several tales of 
“block liquor" ~  extra whisky 
that didn’t bear the government 
stamp that distillery workers 
“ look off and hid in the woods 
from the revenuers.”

He also worked as a black­
sm ith  fo r G uilford  County 
sometime during his 100 years, 
and spoke of seeing chain gangs

and even being asked to put 
shackles on a prisoner.

‘‘Yes, I 've seen men with 
chains on their legs and I ’ve 
seen a ball on them chains,” he 
said. “Everywhere they (pris­
oners) went a man went with 
them.

“One time an old man came 
to the blacksm ith shop and

asked me to put shackles on a 
boy,” he added. “I told him, ‘I 
a in’t gonna put any of them 
things on as long as I stay here. 
So he went on inside and put 
them on liimself, but I wasn’t 
gonna put ‘em on.”

“You don't see no such mess 
as that now,” he added.

Uncle Will noted a difference

between black slave labor and 
free labor. He said he’d always 
heard that white slave owners 
were pleased to hear th eir 
slaves singing while working in 
the fields.

“Not so with free labor,” he 
chuckled. “I remember seeing a 
bunch of women working in the 
tobacco fields. Oh, they were

just singing away. They had on 
an old bonnet and had it laying 
across their heads. I heard this 
old white man say, “ I wish 
them  singing niggers would 
hush.”

“You young folks don’t know 
no th ing ,” he added with a 
hearty laugh. “I tell you times 
was times back then...”

If Uncle Y/ill had to credit hi 
long life to any one thing, he n 
doubt would use the same statf 
ment he did when talking aboi 
getting through the rough time 
over the years.

“ You got to take God will 
you. You don’t live on ashcake 
and chicken all the time,” hi 
said.





Education Board 
Seeks Protection 
On Testing issue
RALEIGH (AP)-The state 

Board of Education Thursday 
acted to protect itself from 
being sued for $2 million.

5n. It hopes to avoid liability to 
lawsuits by - prospective teach- 
ers who might seek back pay 
because they were denied state 

^  certification on the basis of re- 
^  quirements a  federal court has 

ruled unconstitutional.
' A unanimous vote approved 

asking for a validation of a 
^  minimum score on the National 
\  Teachers’ Examination (NTE) 

^  by its maker, the Education 
^  Testing Service (ETS).
0^ A three-judge panel said in 
^  August that it was uncon- 
' x  stitutional for the state to use 

as a requirement for certifica­
tion a minimum score of 950 
out of a possible 1,800 on the 
NTE.

The panel said that the test 
discriminates against blacks 
and has not been shown to dis­
tinguish competent teachers 
from incompetent teachers.

That ruling in U.S. Eastern 
District Court did not say 
whether the state would be 
liable for damages to those de­
nied certification on the basis 
of their NTE score.

"Our position is that we 
should not_be liable,” Deputy 

. Atty. Geh.” Andrew A. Vanore 
Jr. told the board. “But in the 
event the court does hold we 
are liable for money damages, 
so we can minimize the dam­
age, we. .have recommended 
that the N^ional Teachers Ex­
amination be validated by the 
ETS.”

W. Dallas Herring, board 
chairman, said the board does 
not intend to reinstate a min­
imum score on the test for 
teacher certification. He said 
the board is continuing efforts 
to develop a new test for certi­
fication. Herring said that ac­
tion was mandated by the Gen­
eral Assembly.

J. Arthur Taylor, director of 
the state Department of Public 
Instruction’s Division of Teach­
er Certification, said about 15,- 
000 applicants for certification 
were rejected since 1964 be­
cause of the NTE minimum 
score.

While more than 30 per cent 
of the blacks taking the test 
failed to score the minimum, 
less than two per cent of the 
whites did not make the min­
imum.

Vanores estimated that dam­
ages could reach $2 million. He 
expects a court ruling on 
whether the state is liable for 
damages to come within 12 to 
18 months.



Against Mandatory Minimum Sentences

CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — There are fashions in 
■everything and today’s fashion in criminai justice 
is the mandatory minimum sentence. President 
Ford is for it and so is Senator Edward M. Ken­
nedy. Each has proposed his own form of Federai 
legislation to set minimum prison sentences that 
judges must impose for serious crimes.

Similar proposals are cropping up in the states. 
Massachusetts has already passed a  law requiring 
a  judge to  send to jail for a year any unlicensed 
person carrying a handgun. Before anyone has had 
a chance to find out whether that law is effective, 
a state legislator has proposed a mandatory mini- 

of six months for car theft. And Governor 
ta re y  of New York wants three-year mandatory 
minimum sentences for serious juvenile offenses.

The appeal of mandatory minimum sentences 
is obvious. Many offenders who commit serious 
crimes are receiving sentences that are ridiculously 
light in relation to their crimes. There are news­
paper stories about muggers, armed robbers and 
rapists being put on probation or given a  few 
months in jail. So why not have the legislature 
require judges to impose a t least the minimum in-- 
carceration that is justified? Unfortunately, nothing 
in criminal justice—or in life—is that simple.

The premise is that judges are soft on criminals, 
that they are putting dangerous criminals back in 
circulation because they do not understand or do 
not share the public’s concern about crime. As 
applied do most judges, this is a bum rap. Judges, 
and prosecutors are locked in a system that has 
nowhere near an adequate number of courts, prose­
cutors, defense counsel or prisons to  handle the 
cases that result from the present level of crime.

They operate the sluice gates that regulate the 
flow of cases and, if they did not keep about 
90 percent of the cdses from getting to  trial, the 
courts and prisons would be overwhelmed.

The regulating device our criminal-justice system 
uses is plea-bargaining. The prosecutors must make 
enough deals—usually in the form of reducing the 
charges from felonies to misdemeanors—and judges 
must acquiesce in enough lenient sentences to 
keep cases out of court and to prevent even 
greater amwding in jails and prisons.

Sim pl®dding mandatory minimum sentences Jo

By James Vorenberg

this situation will not make things bettej- and may 
make them worse. There is a lot of experience in 
this country with such sentences, much o f  it had. 
They have been used extensively for narcotics vio­
lations, yet recent newspaper reports indicate that 
drug traffic is at an all-time high.

When minimums are set very high, as they have 
been under Federal and state drug laws, some 
prosecutors, judges and juries evade the harsh 
results hy not charging or by acquitting. The same 
thing can sometimes happen—and probably should 
—under low minimum statutes. One of the first 
people arrested under the Massachusetts gun law 
was a  73-year-old woman who was passing out 
religious leaflets from a paper bag in which she 
also kept a gun, presumably for self-protection. 
Her case was dismissed, Officials work hard to 
keep such people from spending a year in jail.

Even when prosecutors and judges do not think 
the statutory minimum is too high, they will evade 
the law and make their deals by finding an offense 
to charge that is not covered by the mandatory 
minimum sentence.

Burglars will be permitted to plead guilty to 
trespassing, muggers to assault and battery, and 
judges will sentence for these crimes. Prosecutors 
and judges will not do this because they want to, 
but because they must in order to buy enough 
guilty pleas to keep the flow of cases moving.

The only way enough defendants could be in­
duced to plead guilty to one-, two- or three-year 
mandatory minimum sentences would be to threaten 
them with such enormously high penalties if they 
stood trial and were convicted that the constitu­
tional right to a  fair criminal trial became a joke, 
since those with good defenses could not afford 
the risk. One hopes that our appellate court?, 
which so far have tended to look the other way on 
plea-bargaining issues, would not stand for that 
kind of pressure.

Today we ar^ paying offenders with light sen­
tences in return for their saving the system the 
cost of a trial. If we want judges to  impose sen­
tences that take account of the seriousness of the

crime, they must have the capacity to handle the 
cases that come to court and there must be enough 
prisons and other facilities for those sentenced. If 
we were willing to make enormous increases in 
the budgets for our court systems, including prose­
cutors and public-defender offices, the pressure on 
prosecutors and judges for artificially low sen­
tences would ease and mandatory minimum sen­
tencing would have little significance.

It is worth noting that spending money for 
courts is different than spending money for police­
men or rehabilitation programs. There is no evi­
dence that the police can catch more people or that 
corrections departments can rehabilitate ̂ e m , even 
with more money. They simply lack the taow-how. 
But we do know that spending enough will enable 
courts to impose sentences based on the crime 
rather than the need to make a deal.

One of the worst features of sentencing laws 
today is A e immense discretion they give a single 
official to determine punishment. For example, 
under Federal law a judge can put a convicted 
bank robber on probation, sentence him to twenty 
years, or do anything he chooses in between.

If the legislature is sure that it cannot conceive 
of a bank robbery where it would want a lower 
sentence, imposing a two-year minimum is helpful 
in narrowing the range. But it still leaves the judge 
eighteen years of leeway, which seems excessive 
in a system that prides itself on being a govern­
ment of laws, not men.

There is little reason to believe that judges know 
enough to use this broad discretion for any valid 
purpose. To avoid disparity between different judges 
in similar cases the legislature should take more 
responsibility in prescribing what the punishment- 
should be for particular crimes. The range between 
the maximum and the mimimum should be nar­
rowed, and proposals such as those made in Sena­
tor Kennedy’s pending bill providing legislative 
guidelines for sentencing judges make good sense. 
But the rush to mandatory minimum sentences dis­
tracts attention from a general restructuring o f sen­
tencing laws as well as from the futility of efforts to 
run our criminal-justice system '“on the cheap.”

J a m e s  V o ren b e rg  is  p ro fe s s o r  o f  la w  a t  H a rva rd  
U n iv e r s ity . '

A / ^ / / /V-



/

iJ

xl^buisville 
I Still Torn 
? OnBusing
► By Carolyn Colwell .
*  S p ^ ia t to Th* Washington Post

“ LOtilSVILLE, K y.-T hree 
n months after a  federal court 
. ordered the busing of 19,500 
^ students to racially balance 

tho public schools, Louisville 
^  and surrounding  Jefferson
0 County remain divided, over
;; 'theis^ue. ■
■i .Many antibusing protesters 
J- w ho-d^onstrated for the first 
;• tim ev in  th eir lives a fte r  
■ 4 classes opened in September 
^ hayei becom e v e te rans  of 
•1 marches, picket lines, school
1 boycotts and Sunday-
* afternoon antibusing 
I  meetings.
* And a number of parents 
i  wha have stayed off the..
J  streets and have sent their 
5  children to school also have 
^  been vocal. At com m unity 
» gathering  sponsored by the 
^ school board and groups on
* both, sides of the busing 

controversy, they - h ave  ■ 
criticized textbook shortages,^,-

j  bus breakdow ns and lax 
discipiine.

"T Last week highlighted th e i 
> problems facing' a school'' 
’  administration troubled not :.
? ohlybythebusingcontroversyM 

but ato the difficulty of fitting «
/  together the newly m erged 
^  cilyand county systems.

U.S. District Court Judge.^
Fi Jam es F. Gordon told board 
5  members a t a  hearing Friday 

that it took Judge W. Arthur 
G a rrity Jr .ay ea ran d ah a lf  to 
get the “courage” to intervene 
in integrating Boston's public, 
schools, bu t “ i t 'l l. ta k e  me: 
about a  minute and a h a lf ’ to 
take control of Jefferson  
County’s  public schools 

Gordon’s w arning cam e
* after a  group of school board 
i  m em bers m et and filed ' 
t; motions competing with the

full b oard 's  motions con- 
'J ceming busing exemptions for 
I  f irs t-g ra d e rs  and educable 

m e n ta i ly  h a n d ic a p p e d  
^ students.

Earlier last we^, a board of 
;; education report showed that 

some white students seem to 
'■ be staying away from several 
\  inner-city schools, throwing 
i  court-set racial ratios out of 

kilter.';;
;■' Inner-city  schools paired  

with schools in suburbs in the 
southw estern- p a rt of the  
county, where much of the  
antibusing protesting has 

. taken  p lace, in p a rticu la r  
ha vefelt the effect of the white 
boycott. ,

For example, at the inner^ 
c ity  B randeis E lem en tary  
Schoof, 1 6 0  white students 
enrolled this faU out of 438 
assigned. Black pupils ac ­
count for 60 per cent of the 
school's population.

The co u rt o rder requ ires 
e lem en tary  school -black 
enrollment to be no more than.
40 pec cent and no less than IZ' 
per ’ cen t. In a ll • g rades 
system w ide, black pupils 
compose about 23 per cen t 

None of the secondary 
schools, however, has fallen 
below the required minimum 
black enrollment of 12.5 per 
cent o r exceeded the 
maximum of 35 per cen t But 
white students- appear t a  be 
boycotting some inner-city  
bifth iJs^ols, too.

In suburban schools, racial 
• ratios a re  c loser to those 

projected by school officials. 
Black students, for the most 
part, have attended the county 
schools where they are being 
bused. For example, 201 of 222  
black students assigned to 
F a ird a le  High School are  
enrolled despite rock­
throw ing incidents there 
during the first week of school.

Most black parents seem to 
welcome busing, although 
under the plan black children 
will be bused for eight of 12  
years, as compared with two 

■years for white students. Most 
black parents “see it right off 
as one of the major factors in a 

- good education," said Lyman 
Johnson, a  r e t i t^  teacher and 
president of the local NAACP 
chapter.

School officials believe 
some white parents have kept 
their ch ild ren  home or 
enrolled them in a burgeoning 
num ber of private  schools, 
decreasing the public school 
system's enrollment to 121,000  
students—6,327 below the 
projected number.

However, that shortfall is' 
w ithin the 5 p er ..cent 
enrollment drop forecast by 
school officials for this school 
year. Altogether, school of­
ficials estimate that 1,500 to 
2 ,0 0 0  students—90 per cent of 

. them white—aren't enrolled in 
school..

The continued furor over 
busing also has pressured the 
area 's political leaders.

Judge Todd Hollenbach, 
Jefferson  County’s, chief 
executive and judicial officer, 
has been the target of busing 
criticsi s ince county police 
quelled p ro tests  over the 
weekend of Sept. 5-7.

Hollenbach also drew 
critic ism  from Federal 
C o m m u n ic a tio n s  C om ­
missioner Richard E.i Wiley 
for jam m ing citizens band 
radio frequencies during the 
violence. Hollenbach said 
broadcasts were ja m m ^  to 
prevent plotting of violence 

■ and vowed he would do it 
»again if necessary , . '



Effect on Schoofs 'Generally Beneficial,

P.G. Desegregation Fears 
Exa^erated, Report Says

By Lorenzo Middleton
Washington Star StaK Writer

Before Prince Georges County 
public schools were fully desegregat­
ed by court order in January 1973, 
the idea met widespread resistance 
from school officials and dire predic­
tions of havoc in the classrooms.

But a report released today by the
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights 
says desegregation didn’t disrupt the 
school system or lower the quality of 
education, as opponents had charged 
it would. And it derides county school 
officials for delaying full school 
desegregation.

Several county school officials, 
charging the report is full of inaccu- 

.racies, said today the findings don’t

J u d g e  b a rs  H E W  c u to ff . S e e  B-1.

give a clear picture of the effect of 
tile desegregation plan or of the 
events leading up to it.

“ It’s very biased in its presenta­
tion and contains many falsifica­
tions,” said School Board President 
Sue V. Mills. “ It literally borders on 
slander.”

T H E  COMMISSION called the re­
port, titled “ A  Long Day’s Journey 
Into Light,”  an accurate outline of 
the “ long and tortuous history of 
school desegregation in Prince 
Georges County.”

Prince Georges was chosen as the 
subject for the exhaustive, 464-page 

See SCHOOLS, A-6



SCHOOLS
Continued From  A-1

study because of the size of 
its school system, 10th larg­
est in the country, and its 
proximity to the Nation’s 
Capital.

“ A lthough parts of 
Prince Georges County are 
located less than five miles 
from the Supreme Court of 
the United States,” the 
study says, “ school officials 
clung to the outlawed prac­
tice of racial segregation.”

Based on interviews with 
“ hundreds” of students, 
parents, teachers, school 
officials and other com­
munity leaders, it follows 
the 19-year struggle for 
integration —  from the 1954 
Supreme Court decision 
outlawing school segrega­
tion nationwide through the 
end of the first full semes­
ter of the county’s desegre­
gation plan.

The study found the over­
all effect of desegregation 
“generally beneficial” de­
spite nearly 20 years of 
“ f o o t d r a g g in g ’ ’ and 
“ delaying tactics” on the 
part of school board mem­
bers and administratfon 
officials.

C O N C L U D IN G  th a t 
desegregation in Prince 
Georges was “ routine” 
compared to desegregation 
of other school systems 
around the country, the re­
port noted;

• Much of the controversy 
over the plan “ was actually 
caused by the nonfeasance 
of government officials 
who, for more than a dec­
ade and a half, failed to 
protect the constitutional 
rights of children in the 
county.”
• Integration was achieved 
with a minimal increase in 
busing and a minor impact 
on the school budget.
• The school system ex­
perienced a higher rate of 
discipline problems and 
student suspensions in the 
m onths follow ing the 
implementation of the plan, 
largely because of “com­
munity hostility toward 
desegregation.”
• Racial tensions developed 
in several secondary 
schools, but most black and 
white students seemed to 
adjust to integration “ both 
quickly and well.”
• Academic achievement 
test scores improved at the 
end of the 1973 school year, 
and most school personnel 
agreed that “ neither the 
students nor the education­
al program suffered dele­
terious effects from the 
transfer.”
• One of the major prob­
lems exposed by desegre­
gation was a previous “ lack 
of educational uniformity 
thoughout the school sys­
tem.”
• Student participation in 
extracurricular activities 
declined after desegrega­
tion.

T H E  B ULK  of the study 
chronicles county desegre­
gation efforts during the 
years prior to the court 
order handed down by U.S. 
District Court Judge Frank 
Kaufman of Baltimore. It

traces the problem back to 
1955 when the school board 
adopted its original “ free­
dom of choice” desegrega­
tion policy.

That policy, adhered to 
until 1965, was “ completely 
ineffective in eradicating 
the dual (b lack-white) 
school system,” the report 
said.

It said many black par­
ents met “administrative 
resistance and personal 
harassment” when they 
tried to transfer their chil­
dren from black schools to 
white schools. It also noted 
an inherent “ one-way” na­
ture in the policy, under 
which “only two or three 
white students ever attend­
ed a black school.”

The report criticized 
school board actions be­
tween 1965 and 1972, when it 
was “ ostensibly in the proc­
ess of desegregating, (but) 
continued to operate all­
black schools.”

The Maryland Board of 
Education also was criti­
cized for failing to enforce a 
statewide policy of deseg­
regation.

Defending court-ordered 
busing as a viable means 
for achieving school inte­
gration, the document 
chided anti-busing and 
neighborhood school advo­
cates for helping to “ pre­
cipitate disquieting wran­
gling across the country.”

It charged: “The sudden 
yearning for the neighbor­
hood school seems artificial 
if not hypocritical.”

R ECALLING that black 
students were bused out of 
their neighborhoods during 
the days of segregation, the 
report said, “ desegregation 
could have proceeded apace 
had the board granted the 
requests of black parents 
that their children attend 
neighborhood schools.”

Mills, a leading opponent 
of the court’s desegregation 
order, began a drive to dis­
credit the report last 
November when a draft 
was sent to the board for 
comment.

She said she was disap­
pointed that the commis­
sion decided to publish the 
report despite the board’s 
refusal to verify its con­
tents. She said many of the 
dates cited in the report’s 
chronology of desegrega­
tion efforts were incorrect, 
“ implying that we had vio­
lated some HEW  orders 
when we had done nothing 
of the kind.”

In addition, she said, the 
report’s claim that the 1973 
plan did not increase the 
length and time of the aver­
age school bus ride was 
“ absolutely false.”

While failing to find any 
“ glaring inaccuracies” in 
the report, school board 
lawyer Paul Nussbaum 
condemned it last fall as a 
“ total misrepresentation, 
total falsification and total 
distortion of the chronology 
of events regarding inte-] 
gcation in Prince Georges."

The Civil Rights Com 
mission plans another re 
port next year to look at the 
long-term effects of the 
county’s desegregation 
plan and to “ make recom- 
mentiations for corrective 
action.”



New State Action Council 
Promises Gains For Blacks

The first annual convention 
of the newly formed State 
Action Council (SAC) closed in 
Tam pa Saturday on notes of 
promise and optimism for 
Florida blacks in the areas of 
politics, economics, housing, 

(^ ed u ca tio n  and  c rim in a l 
■^justice.

Follow ing a dynam ic  
oconvention  charge by M iami’s 
'  A th a lie  R an g e , som e 300 

delegates from Pensacola to 
Key West attended a day and a 
half of sem inars and lectures 
by some of the country’s most 
prominent and knowledgeable 
blacks.

G eorg ia  S ta te  S en a to r 
Julian Bond was first to ad­
d ress  the  a ssem b ly  in a 
s ti r r in g  and  eloquent 
d isse r ta tio n  d e ta ilin g  the 
political scandals that have 
plagued the past two ad­
m inistrations, and the im ­
portance of replacing corrupt 
elected officials with persons 
of honesty and integrity.

Bond released a persuasive 
attack  against the Nixon and 
Ford adm inistrations whom 
he said were “comfortable, 
callous and smug, had closed 
oft their minds to the needy 
and had an arrogant contempt 
for people  and  th e ir  
problem s.’’

Tony B row n, execu tive  
producer and m oderator of the

By GARTH C. REEVES, JR . 
“Black Journal” TV series, 
a d d re s se d  th e  a fte rnoon  
luncheon gathering with an 
e n te r ta in in g  an d  thought- 
provok ing  m essag e  th a t 
d ram a tiz e d  w hat he con­
sidered a  cultural rip-off of 
black identity by television 
, M r. Brown, w idely 
respected for his insight and 
s tra ig h t  fo rw ard n ess , was 
highly critical of two of the 
four popular black situation 
co m ed ies  now a ir in g  on 
national television.

The a r t ic u la te  TV p e r ­
sonality, whose series has just 
been funded for a year by the 
Pepsi-C ola  Com pany, sa id  
th a t th e  p ro g ra m s  “ Good 
T im es” and “The Jeffersons” 
produced by and for whites 
m ade mockery of the black 
family unit while other white 
dram as and their s ta rs  (Kojak 
an d B aretta) capitalizedonthe 
use of black attitudes and 
charac te r traits.

G e o rg ia  C o n g re s sm a n  
Andrew Young took the op­
p o rtu n ity  to a d d re s s  the 
council and  s tre s se d  the 
im p o rta n c e  and  p ro g ress  
m ade by the civil rights 
m ovement of the early  1960’s.

Young, who is a  backer of 
presidential hopeful and past 
G eorgia  G overnor J im m y  
Carter, described the Equal 
Rights Amendment campaign

as a political ploy designed to 
d raw  a tte n tio n  from  civ il 
rights and the system atic 
destruction of any progress 
that had been m ade.

One of our m ore promising 
s o u th e r n  s t r a t e g i s t s ,  
C o ngressm an  Young em  
phasized the need to continue 
in the path of the late Dr 
M artin Luther King, J r . ,  and 
not fait to address ourselves 
“ to first things firs t” .

Ms. F rankie F reem an of the
U.S. Commission on Civil 
Rights closed the convention 
Saturday afternoon with an 
assessm ent of the progress 
being m ade by the fact-finding 
federal staff.

Obvious in her presentation 
were the futile efforts m ade  
on various local and state 
leve ls  to u n d erm in e  or 
discredit the veracity of the 
c o m m issio n ’s rep o r ts  of 
r a c ia l,  e th n ic  an d  sexual 
discrim ination throughout the 
nation.

The SAC has been divided 
into tour districts over the 
state. Chairpersons of the 
d is tr ic ts  w ill m eet on a 
m onth ly  b asis  s e ttin g  an 
agenda and planning strategy 
for b lack  p ro g ress . The 
organization promises to be a 
formidable and viable voice in 
the  fu tu re  of politics 
throughout this country.



THE WASHINGTON POST
A 2 0  W ednesday, M arch 17,1976

Bias Found 
On Civil 
Service Job

By Austin Scott
W ashington Post S taff  V /riter

The Civil Service Commis­
sion’s director of equal em­
ployment opportunity yes­
terday found' the  commis­
sion'guilty. of race nd  sex 
discrim ination at its top lev- 
'els. ; ‘ ■' '

Clinton Sm ith ru led -th a t 
P e g ^  Gr-iffiths, the: commis­
sion’s highest-ranking black, 
woman, vras ■ discrim inated 
against .when she was, passed ; 
over-l-first for the deputy 
chairmanship and then  the 
chairmanship—of the com­
mission’s Appeals Review 
Board,- the highest-ranking 
appellate body in the  fed­
eral employee system.

In  what he term ed a 
“final agency decision,’’ 
Smith found the commission 
did not follow its own rules 
for filling the jobs. He re ­
commended the ouster of 
Herman Staiman, a white 
man who was chosen for the 
deputy chairmanship and 
then  moved up to chairman. 
Smith said the selection 
process for both jobs should 
be started over again, this 
tim e giving fair considera­
tion to 'G riffiths.

Griffiths, 51, a mem ber of 
the Appeals Review Board 
since 1968, was passed over 
fo r the deputy chairman’s 
job in July, 1974, in favor of 
Staiman, who had never 
ser '̂■ed on the nine-member 
board.

She filed a formal com­
plaint of discrim ination in 
October, 1974. About six 
m onths ago, she filed a fed­
eral court suit charging dis­
crimination.

Smith did not make a for­
mal finding on Griffith’s 
charge th at she’was also dis­
crim inated against because 
she had been labeled too 
“pro-employee” in her vot­
ing record by commission 
officials.

But he ordered a review 
of her charges that the Ci-vil 
Service Commission
“systematically” discrimi­
nates against minorities and 
women.

Smith cited an investiga­
to r’s report th a t said al­
though more than 50 per 
cent of the commission’s 7,- 
028 employees are -\vomen 
and about 25 per cent are 
black, both groups are in 
the lower salary grades, 
with only one worn,an and 
one black employed at the 
highest grades. The woman, 
who is white, is a GS-16, as 
is the black man. Griffiths is 
a GS-15. .

Roderie V. O. Boggs, Grif­
fiths’ attorney, said he In­
tends to ask for a federal 
court order “confirming 
these findings of discrimina­
tion and .asking for relief,” 
and he added:

“How can the administra­
tion of an equal employ­
m ent opportunity program 
be entrusted to people who 
them selves have been found 
to practice racial and sex 
discrimination with regard 
to their own employees



' € Z U A -

i Q and A

P Justice Dept's 
|| Pottinger on
|f School Policy

■ -i f *  J. Stonley Pottinger, assistant ottor-
'-M i ney general fo r civil rights, wos inter- 
i-*,‘ viewed for Th e Washington Star fay 

Borbofo Palmer.
Question: Y o u  m a d e  a  s p e e c h  ra -  

; cen tS y  in  w h ic h  y o u  s a id  th a t  th e  b u s-  
■ V  in g  i s s u e  in  N o r t h e r n  s c h o o ls  h a s

f c r a c k e d  th e  c iv i l  r ig h ts  c o a li t io n  a n d  
ta k e n  th e  p r e s s u r e  o f t  t h e  J u s t ic e  D e­
p a r tm e n t  to  i n s t i t u t e  la rg e -s c a le  b u s ­
ing. C ould  y o u  e x p la in  t i m i  

R ' P o ttinger; I w as re fe rrin g  to  elect- 
• 3  ed  rep resen ta tiv es ' a n d  s e n a to r s  in 

Congress — t h a t  coalition. I  w asn’t 
®  re fe rrin g  to  c iv i l  r ig h t s  g ro u p s  p ri-  

' W  m a r i ly . W hen e n fo rc e m e n t  w a s  fo- 
cused on d ism an tling  th e  d u a l system  
in  th e  S o u th  th e r e  w a s  continuing 
p re s s u r e  f ro m  N orthern  liberals  to 
see  th a t  th e  jo b  got done. I t  involved 
c o m m itte e  h e a r in g s ,  c r i t ic i s m ,  
speeches, letter-w riting , p re ssu re  on 
enforcem ent officials and  e v e ry b o ^  
who h a d  s o m e th in g  to do w ith  i t. 
Since th e  South h a s  now  su rp assed  
th e  N orth w ith  th e  am ount of deseg­
regation  in  the country  the issue h a s  
tended to  tu rn  to w ard  the N orth. And 
w hen t h a t  happened, c o u p le d  w ith  
the Suprem e C ourt’s Sw ann decision 
which req u ires  sa te llite  zoning — if 
th a t’s  the  only w ay to  deseg reg a te  — 
th e  com bination o f those; even ts h as  
apparen tly  in th e  las t few y e a rs  chill­
ed  th e  p r e s s u r e  t h a t  t h a t  c o n g re s ­
sional coalition once b rought to bear.

Q: D o e s  th is  p o se  a  q u e s tio n  o f  ro ll­
in g  b a c k  y o u r  e f fo r ts  o r  m a k in g  th e m  
m o r e d i f ^ u l t ?  ’ ■

A; The p ressu re  is o ffh u t I  w ent on 
to  s a y  th e n  an d  re i te ra te  now th a t 
o u r p ro g ram  is not based  upon politi­
cal p ressu re . I t ’s based  upon the s ta t­
u tes a n d  th e  constitutional m andate  
as defined by t h e  S uprem e Court. I 
think th a t  the  p ressu re  th a t ex ists on 
school b oards and o th er people who 
a re  c o lla te r a l  to o u r  e f fo r t  e i th e r  
m a k e s o u r  job ea sie r  o r  tougher. Y es. 
I acknowledge th at. And to  the  ex ten t 
th a t the  p ressu re  is ju s t  the  reverse
__the ex ten t to  which the N orthern
politicians a r e  try in g  to  stop th e  en­
fo rc e m e n t of d e s e g re g a tio n  law s 
ra th e r  th an  pushing i t  a s  they  did in 
the  South — m akes the job m ore dif­
ficult. B ut I don’t  th ink I w an t to say 
th a t  th e  d ep artm en t w ou ld  d ec id e  
w h e th e r o r  not to get into a case  on 
th e  b a s is  of w h e th e r  congressional 
p ressu re  e.xists. We h av en 't done th a t 
in the  p as t and  w e a re n ’t doing th a t 
now.

Q; W h a t k in d  o f  p o lic y  ro le  is  th e  
U n ite d  S ta te s  ta k in g  n o w  in  th e  b u s ­
in g  is s u e ?

^ar/^WAl5

I  ^

V ‘\

t B

A: T h e  position we a r e  tak ing  is 
th e  sam e as we have been tak ing: If 
school officials h a v e  sep ara ted  ch il­
d ren  because of th e ir  r a c e  th a t  vio­
la tes  the  14th A m endm ent, i t  violates 
th e  Civil R ights Act of 1964 and the 
law  requ ires us to stop it. If children 
a re  sep ara ted  not because of school 
official action  but because of priva te  
decision m aking  — w hat is called de 
facto segregation  — then  we do not 
requ ire  a  rem edy  for th a t, under the 
Constitution we have no au thority  to 
requ ire  su ch  a  rem edy. Now th a t’s 
th e  p o s itio n  w e ’r e  following. If we 
f in d  e v id e n c e  of a  v io la tio n  as in 
O m ah a  o r In d ia n a p o lis ,  we b r in g  
suit. In addition to th at, if the record  
m ad e  by o th e r  c o u n se l ind icates a 
violation th e n  on a p p e a l  w e w ould 
seek to have th a t  judgm ent affirm ed 
and  we would also  help to define the 
rem ed ies , . ^

Q: W h a t  a r e  t h e  a l t e r n a t i v e s  to  
b u s in g  t h a t  w o u ld  d e s e g r e g a t e  
s c h o o ls  e f f e c t iv e ly  a n d  p r e v e n t  r e ­
tu rn in g  to  a  s e p a r a te  b u t  e q u a l s y s -

See P O TTIN G E R , A-17

Continued F ro m  A-1
A: In  a de ju r e  s e tt in g  

th e r e  f re q u e n tly  a r e  no 
a l t e rn a t iv e s ,  t h a t 's  th e  
problem . I think everybody,, 
in c lu d in g  c iv il  r ig h ts  
groups, would ag ree  th a t  if 
one could f ind  a m ethod of 
desegregating  schools w ith ­
out busing everybody would 

■ be for it; It. would be m ore 
popular th an  apple pie. And 
a lot of people — both in the 
black and w hite com m unity 
— have searched  for such a 
m eth o d . T h e r a  a re  som e 
things th a t c an  be done. The 
E sch  A m endm ent sets  out a 
priority  ra n k in g  of th in g s  
th a t ought to be tried  with 
busing as  a last resort. Now 
if one c a n  d e s e g re g a te  
through walk-in pairings or 
re d ra w in g  sch o o l a t te n d ­
ance zones o r  different site 
locations f o r  new  construc­
tio n  a n d  th e  like, th e  Con­
g re s s  has s e t  a  policy fo r 
reso rting  to those less oner­
ous m ea n s  f ir s t .  B u t th e  
E sc h  A m e n d m e n t i ts e lf  
m akes c le a r  th a t if the  only 
w ay  you can  achieve your 
constitutional s ta tu s  is by 
busing, then one m ust bus.

Q: W h ich  is  th e  m o s t  co n ­
tro v e r s ia l  m e th o d .

A: In  F e r n d a le .  M ich ., 
which is now in court, there  
a re  th re e  w h ite  schoo ls 
w ith in  w alking d istance of 
an  all-black school. Busing 
is s im p ly  not an issu e  in 
F e rn d a le  a lth o u g h  so m e  
p o litic ia n s  a ro u n d  th e re  
keep  talking about busing. 
In th a t  c a s e  th e  E sc h  
A m endm ent would have the 
school d e s e g re g a te d  
through walking pairs  and  
no one h a s  e v e r  proposed 
busing- But in m any cases 
— as in Boston — the geog­
rap h y  and  th e  dem ography 
a re  su ch  th a t  one ca n n o t 
undo a v io la tio n  w ith o u t 
using a t lea s t som e busing.

Q; So t h e r e  a r e n ’t  a n y  
a l t e r n a t i v e s  in  B o s to n  to  
b u s in g ?



A t  Well, th e  fac t is  they  
h a v e  u sed  a  lo t of a lte rn a ­
t iv e s , b u r  n o b o d y  e v e r  fo­
c u ses  on th e m . I t ’s v e ry  
i r r i t a t in g .  E v e ry b o d y  in 
th a t  sch o o l s y s te m  is n o t 
bused. T here  a r e  o v e r  lOO,- 
000 k ids in t h a t  s y s te m , 
m aybe as  fa r  up as  120,000 
k id s. T w en ty  p e rc e n t  a re  
bused. The whole system  is 
d e s e g re g a te d .  The on ly  
th in g  anyone e v e r  focuses 
on is th re e  p a r t s  of th e  
tow n. S ou th  B oston , 
C h a rle s to w n  and  H yde 
P a rk . There  a re  43 schools 
in th e  s y s te m , th ree - of 
w h ich  a r e  v e ry  tro u b le ­
so m e . Everyone th in k s  of
Boston a s  m assiv e  b u s in g __
half the kids in the c ity  on 
b u se s  go ing  to sch o o ls  on 
one side of town while th e  
o th e r  h a lf  a r e  on  b u se s  
going to sc h o o ls  on th e  
o th e r  s id e  of town. -That's 
ju s t not the  case. T here  is a  
residue of a  p ro b le m  th a t  
can  be a c h ie v e d  only  
through busing.

Q: D o y o u  e v e r  f in d  y o u r -1 
s e l f  a t  o d d s  w i th  t h e  F o r d  
a d m in is tr a tio n  o n  th is  q u e s-  • 
t io n ?  T h e  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  
s e e m s  to  h a v e  m a d e ^ i tS :  
p o s it io n  p r e t t y  d e a r ,  , ,

• , t
A: I think th e  P re sid e n t f- 

h as  b een  consisten t in  h is  
o p p o sitio n  to b u s in g  f o r - 
y ears. B ut he h as  a lso  been - 
c lear as  P resid en t th a t th e  • 
Constitution is suprem e and  
it  m u s t  be e n fo rc e d . T he  
po licy , I th in k , is w h a t I 
s ta te d  a b o u t  th e  E sc h  
Am endm ent. Look fo r every  
conceivable w ay to achieve 
a  constitutional com pliance 
w ithout busing and if busing 
is w h a t th e  c o u r t  f in a l ly  
o rders and th ere  is no a lte r­
native to  it then we should 
a ss is t  th e  court in its ju r is ­
diction to enforce the law

Q: D o y o u  f in d  th a t  th e  
" b e n ig n  n e g le c t "  th e  N ix o n  
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  g a v e  y o u  
m o r e  ro o m  to  a c t  th a n  th e  j 
s o r t  o f  a c t i v e  p o l ic y  t h i s  [ 
a d m in is tr a tio n  is  t a k i n g  to- j 
w a r d  a  c o n s e r v a t i v e  ap -1  
p ro a c h  to  c i v i l  r i g h t s  a n d j  
social p r o g r a m s ?

A: No, I don’t th ink  it w as! 
eas ie r  in the Nixon adm inis-j 
t ra t io n  to e n fo rc e  c iv i l!  
righ ts law s I  think th e  jm-i 
p re s s io n  — th e  perceptianf 
of what was happening  anC

a .̂ P-

th e  r e a l i ty  of w h a t w as 
going on in the Nixon years 
in civil righ ts — th ere  w as a 
m uch  g r e a te r  d isparity  be­
tw een  th e  p e rc e p tio n  of 
w hat Nixon’s policies w ere 
on th e  o n e  h a n d  an d  th e  
rea lity  of w hat he was doing 
on the other.

Q: F o r  e x a m p le ?

A :  The policies th a t w ere 
articu la ted  gave an  im pres­
sion of e ither benign neglect 
o r  hostility to c iv il  r ig h ts  
issu e s  lik e  b u s in g . T hey 
g av e  p eo p le  w ho d id n ’t 
know otherw ise th e  im pres­
sion  th a t  p e rh a p s  nothing 
w as b e in g  done . In fa c t ,  
th a t provided some kind of 
iro n ic  c o v e r  fo r  a  fa ir ly  
high degree of enforcem ent 
activity . T h a t  d isparity  no 
lo n g e r  e x is ts  b u t I d o n ’t  
th in k  i t ’s because th e  poli­
cies. of e n fo rc e m e n t a r e  
m o re  r e s t r ic t iv e .  I would 
say  th ey  a r e  no m o re  re ­
s trictive. If anything a lig n ­
ing  perception with reality  
is a  healthy  thing. It m akes ! 
o u r  jo b  e asie r. In addition i 
to th at, I suppose th e  P resi­
d e n t’s frequently  s ta ted  de­
s ire  not to politicize law  en­
fo rc e m e n t a g e n c ie s  is 
h e a lth y  an d  I h a v e  found 
th a t in all of ray exjterience 
th e  W hite House h a s  lived 
up  to  that princip le  without 
exception.

Q: T h e  b u s in g  c o n tr o v e r ­
s y  h a s  b ro u g h t in to  q u e s tio n  
t h e  l a r g e r  p ro b le m  o f  the-  
w h o le  c i v i l  r i g h t s  m o v e ­
m e n t .  D o y o u  th in k  th a t  you. 
c a n  u se  e n fo r c e m e n t  o f  c iv i l  
r ig h ts  l a w s  to  c h a n g e  p e o ­
p l e ’s  a t t i t u d e s  o r  d o  y o u  
t h in k  t h a t  t r y i n g  to  f o r c e  
t h e  i s s u e  o n ly  h a r d e n s  r a ­
c ia l  p re ju d ic e s .

A; Well, I ju st happened 
to  see this artic le  on a  Gall­
up  survey th a t  shows th a t  
m ost white paren ts  a re  now 
unopposed to  sending theiri 
children to SO percent black 
schools. T h a t  w ould  h a v e  
been unthinkable ju s t a few 
y e a rs  ag o . A nd th e r e  h a s  
been  a  d ram a tic  change of 
a ttitu d e  a n d  accep tance of 
c iv i l  r ig h ts  la w s  in th is  
country. I think i t ’s nothing 
less  th a n  rem ark ab le  th a t  
th is  h a s  happened. In  addi­
tion  to t h a t ,  th e re  w as a  
tim e  in the '50s when people 
thought, that legislation was 
futile, when people thought 
you had to change people’s 
h ea rts  and m inds first and 
then-their behavior and con­
duct second. That h as  been 
proved wrong. It h a s  been 
proved in a re a s  like pubhc 
accom odations w here a few 
y e a rs  ago  a  b la c k  fam ily  
traveling  in th e  South h ad  
to consider itse lf essentially  
in e n e m y  te rr ito ry , unable 
to go to re s ta u ra n ts  or use 
restroom s in gas stations or 
hotels. Today th a t’s v irtual­
ly u n h e a rd  of a n d  w h ere  
th e re  is an  a b e r r a t io n  — 
w here exclusion does ex ist 
— th e  law  is v e ry  swiftly 
e n fo rced  a s  soon as  we 
know about it.

Q: W h y , t h e n ,  d o  y o u  
t h in k  w e s t i l l  h a v e  th e s e  j 
s i t u a t i o n s  l i k e  B o s to n  o r  
L o u isv ille ?  A n d  w h y  a r e n 't  
p e o p le  su r p r is e d  b y  th e m ?  I

A : Well, I don’t  think youi 
c an  generalize e v e ry  situa-( 
tion  u n d e r  o ne  r u b r ic  of 
civil righ ts accep tance. Vot­
ing is o ne  thing, public a c ­
com odations is ano ther and 
b u sin g  is s ti l l  a  th ird .  In 
som e a re a s  the  res is tan ce  is 
h ig h e r  th a n  in o th e rs .  I 
think i t ’s f a ir  to say  th a t the 

-re s is tan ce  to  e q u a l  access 
to p u b lic  accom odations is 
very , very  low. And I ’d like 
to point out th a t th ere  w as 
som ething like 20-some con­
g re s s m e n  fro m  th e  D eep  
South who voted for th e  Vot­
ing  R ig h ts  A ct a b o u t  tw o 
m onths ago. T hat has got to 
be a  rem a rk a b le  ind ica to r 
of the  success of civil righ ts 
enforcem ent in this country  
and the accep tance  of civil 
rig h ts  law s in to  th e  fab ric  
of our legal s tru c tu re  g en e r­
a lly . B usin g  is m o re  d if ­
ficult for lots of reasons.

Q; H a s  t h i s  A c c e p ta n c e  
m a d e  y o u r  j o b  .m o r e  d i f ­

f i c u l t  i f  p e o p le  s e e  c iv i l  
r ig h ts  a s  a  p r o b le m  th a t  h a s  
a lr e a d y  b e e n  r e so lv e d  a r e  
th e y  r e a l ly  c o n c e rn e d  a b o u t  
i t  a n y m o r e ?

A :  I th in k  so . b u t  i t  is 
m o re  institutionalized than  
i t  w as  b u t  I  th in k  t h a t ’s 
v e ry  h e a lth y . T h e r e ’s  a 
ten d e n c y  to m e a s u re  a n y  
social v en tu re  in th is  conn- 
t r y  on a  R ic h te r  Scale. Un­
less there  is a  g re a t  deal of 
com m otion and  peititioning 
in  th e  s tre e ts  a n d  conflict, 
people te n d  to  th ink  th a t  the 
v e n tu re  is e i t h e r  d e a d  o r  
d y in g . Therefore , because 
th ere  w a s  a  g r e a t  d e a l  of
petitioning in th e  ’6 0 s th a t
led to s tr ife  and d iscord and 
u l t im a te ly  legislation, peo­
ple th o u g h t t h a t  th e  c iv il 
rig h ts  m ovem ent w a s  a t  a 
p eak  then and  because now 
th a t  th e  b a ttles  have m oved 
into th e  cooler a tm osphere  
of th e  c o u rts  p e o p le  th in k  
th a t  i t ’s  d y in g . T h a t  j u s t  
could not be m ore  wrong.

Q :  B u t  t h a t  i m a g e  s t i l l  
e x is t s ?

A: T h e  fac t th a t  we a r e  
delivering  on the p rom ise of 
th e  ’60s by legitim izin<» 
w ays to reso lve conflict, by 
delivering  on rem ed ies, by 
do ing  m o re  th a n  s im p ly  
d e m o n s tra t in g  w ro n g s  — 
b u t r ig h t in g  th e m  — is a 
s ig n  of m a tu r i ty  an d  
p rogress, n o t  a s ig n  of ex­
tinction, T h e  m o v em e n t is 
m o re  s u c ce ss fu l now be­
cause it  is institutionalized. 
There  a re  m ore governm ent 
re s o u rc e s  now th a t  go to 
c iv il  r ig h ts  e n fo rc e m e n t, 
th ere  a re  m ore civil righ ts 
organizations. T h e re ’s an 
e n ti r e  p r iv a te  b a r  t h a t ’s 
grown up in the las t decade, 
a s  w ell a s  g o v e rn m e n t 
agencies to enforce the law. 
T hose h a v e  to be signs of 
success. '

Q: y o u ’ve  s a id  t h a t  t h e  
d e p a r tm e n t  i s  in c re a s in g ly  
g o in g  a f t e r  b ig  o f f e n d e r s  
r a th e r  th a n  iso la te d  i f  s y m ­
b o lic  c a se s . D oes th is  r e p re ­
s e n t  a  s ig n i f ic a n t  c h a n g e  in  
p o lic y  ?



A : I think so. sure. I  th ink 
t h a t ’s th e  p ro m ise  of th e  
’60s th a t  w e’r e  try ing , to 
deliver, in th e  ’70s. In  th e  
’60s th e re  w e re  v e ry  few  
c a se s  of th a t  k ind . T hey  
w ere symbolic victories p ri­
m a r i ly  an d  n eed ed  to be. 
H is to r ic a l ly  th a t  w as th e  

. rig h t position to take. When 
* J a m e s  M eredith got into the 
.U n iv e r s ity  of M iss iss ip p i 
’ th a t  was a  b reach  of a time- 
honored b a rr ie r  an d  th e re ­
fo re  it w a s  im p o r ta n t  to 
sy m b o lize  th e  w ill of the  
governm ent and  the courts 
to enforce the Constitution. 
B u t as f a r  as th e  rem e d y  
w as concerned itself i t  rea l­
ly only benefited one person 
a t  the m o m en t— M r. M ere­
dith. And in the  ’70s w e’re  
try ing  to benefit the entire 
group of people who ought 
to have the benefits of th a t 
b re a c h  of an o ld  exclusion­
a ry  rule.

Vcj. 3

Q: W b a t  a p p r o a c h  a r e i 
y o u ta k in g ?  j

A: They’r e  c lass actions : 
typically— th ey ’re  against 
en tire, e n t i t ie s ,  w h e th e r  
c ities o r  s ta te s  o r in so m e  
cases priva te  organizations. 
W e su ed  the= e n ti r e  s te e l  
industry  a  couple of y e a r s  
ago . I t ’s  th e  biggest c iv il 
righ ts priva te  action in th e  
country. We w ere signatory 
to  th e  AT&T d e c re e . We 
sued  U n ited  A irlines d a  a  j 
sex  d isc r im in a tio n  c a se ,  j 
And I ’m  not try ing  to pick | 
any  of those com panies out 
as  e sp e c ia lly  a g g re g io u s  
w rongdoers. In  m any  cases 
th e y ’ve m a d e  m o re  
p ro g re s s  th a n  fellow  de­
fendants b e c a u se  th e y 'v e  
b een  a t  i t  lo n g er. B u t I 
nam e them  only to give you 
som e sense of the size of o ur 
actions.

Q: Y o u  w e r e  c r i t i c i z e d  
r e c e n t ly  b y  A n d r e w  M ille r , 
a t to r n e y  g e n e ra l o f  V ir g in ­
ia ,  f o r  r e q u ir i n g  tw o  la n ­
g u a g e s  on  a  b a llo t w h en  h e  
c la i m e d  o n e  o f  t h e  la n ­
g u a g e s  r e q u ir e d  w a s  
e x t i n c t .  W h a t 's  t h a t  a l l  
a b o u t?

A: W ell, le t  m e  respond 
to  th a t .  I  th in k  t h a t ’s  an 
e x a m p le  of a  r e a l ly  po o r 
critic ism . We n e v e r  req u ir­
ed  th at. I t was flatly  wrong. 
F i r s t  of a ll ,  th e  l e t t e r  we 
se n t d id  n o t r e q u ir e  a n y ­
th in g . I t w as n o tif ic a tio n  
th a t the  ac t w as passed and 
notification of w hat the Con- 
g r e s s  p u t in to  th e  a c t.  
T h a t’s num ber one. N um ber 
tw o, w ith  r e g a rd  to w h a t 
th e  ac t rea lly  does require 
w ith  la n g u a g e  m in o r it ie s  
who do not have a  w ritten 
la n g u a g e  is obviously not 
an  a rc h a ic  w r i tte n  lan ­
g u ag e . I t is v e rb a l  a s s is t ­
ance, if they a re  citizens of 
th e  United States and  e n ti­
tled  to th e i r  r ig h t  to vo te  
but cannot c a s t an  effective 
ballot unless they a re  given 
som e a s s is ta n c e  in u n d e r­
s ta n d in g  how  th e  v o tin g  
m achine works, it is not any 
m o re  m y s te rio u s , c o m p li­
cated  or difficult than that. 
He fired off h is  le tter and  
the papers duly reported his 
•’chastisem en t.”  B u t th a t’s 
j u s t  a c e r ta in  a m o u n t of 
nonsense. ___ ______



Change Opposed 
in Community 
College System
RALEIGH (AP)-The state 

Board of Education Thursday 
said in a resolution that it op­
posed removal of the commu­
nity college system from its 
control.

Setting up a  separate board 
■of trustees for community col­
leges -was discussed but no ac­
tion taken during the 1975 Gen­
eral Assembly.

The issue was raised in part 
from conflicts between board 
chairman W. Dallas Herring 
and Superintendent of Public 
Instruction Craig Phillips.

At the time, some public 
schools officials accused some 
community college officials of 
lobbying against their interests 
and vice versa.

In other action, the board 
went on record as opposing 
changing any community col­
leges into four-year schools.



\ WHitelPlight 
U n b a la n c e s  
P.G. Schools

By Lawrence Feinberg
Washington Post Staff W ntw —'

A m ajor decline in white 
enrollment and a contimied 
increase in the- numiser of 
blacks has seriously upset the 
racial balance guidelines for 
P rince George’s schools 
contained in a court-ordered 
busing plan three years ag a  , j’ 

Since the busing started in j 
January, 1973, the-number-of j 
whites.in the Prince George’s  I 
school system has dropped by ! 
23,211. including, a  detdine-aE li 
6.296 this year,.accordD3g-'td"1 
the system ’sa o ffie ia i fall_f1 
enrollmentreportc*' .i-'kit# 3  

The num ber- of black j 
students- has;.increased 'by . 
9,578 ova- the three years, the' 
report indicates, indudhigan 
increaseo£.3,422this-yean «?- 

This fall, 46 of=tbe cauntjd’s  
233 schools- - have b lac£  
majorities, the  r e p o r t^ w s t^ j  
including one; Dodge: Parted 
Elementary, which now is-7 ^  
per centblack.

The court busing o rd eri 
issued by U.S. District Judge- 
F rank  Kaufm an, contained- 
guidelines that no school bave-* 
more than a 50 p er cent biaek 
enrollm ent. J u s t  a fte r- th e^  
busing s ta rted , oniy»y-one3 
school, Orme- E lem en tan ^ - | 
which is in a remote part o4M 
the southern end of the comiiyfc: 
slightly exceeded this iimifcr ̂  ■ 

Y e s te r d a y ,  S y lv e s te r*  
Vaughns, president o f  th es  
Prince George’s NAACF;^ 
which brought the su cce^ n i ' 
desegregation' lawsuit, said is 
the county school systen*^ 
should change. Us school^ 
boundaries again and deviseaefl 
new busing program tobring4 
all schools back under theSfr- 
per cent black limit. ■ ■ -tj.--

If the school board refnses- 
to do that, Vaughns said, the 
KAACP will go-to court to- 
compelthechanges.

■‘Things now a re  moving, 
right back where we started, 
in effec t,” Vaughns said 
yesterday. “There is a need to 
bring them back into line to 
m aintain that (racial) 
balance.”

However, P au l M. Nu - 
ssbaum, the school board’s

See PRINCE, AlO, Col.l



s Sciiools
g R esegregated

PRINCE, From A1

attcm ey, said the board is 
■'under no further mandatory 
duty to realign the boundaries "  
. . . Once you’ve 

. desegregated you don’t have 
to on aiv annual basis shift 
school boundaries just to 
re flec t shifting population 
patterns. The law does not call 
upon a school system to 
constantly shift students from 
one school to another to have a^; 
nice racial blend.” .t*.

Last spring, the Prince 
George’s board voted not to 
change school attendance 
boundaries because - of • 
changes in  the racial com­
position of. schools. But the - 
board said it wcaiid make sure 
that ail new schools conform . 
to the court guidelines, which 
also set a  minimum black 
enroiiment of 10 per cent in 
each school.

Judge Kaufman dosed, the 
desegregation case a year 
ago. is-,

Since the busing started^: 
there have beere.no m ajor 
boundary changes, indicating 
that thesmfts-in.theflumberof 
whites and blacks atdifferent 
schools have occurred 
because of ' population 
movements into and out oT' 
jMghsomoods.
_ Overall,” '' t h e '* Prince 
George s school system now is 
33t7 per cent b laii; aernrriing 
to  the enrollment report, 
compared to 2t-.9 per cent 
black in the fall of 1972, just 
before the busing plan began.

The total number of white 
students now is 98,361—a droo 
of 30,511 or 23.7 pec cent from 
the peak of 128,872 whites, 
reached in the fall of 1970. The ■ 
cumber of black studens now ■ 
totals -tO.OTo.

Both Vaughiw and Charles 
Wendorf. the director of pupil 
accountiag for the school 
system, said the busing order 
probably increased the exodus 
of wh=t? students from Prince 
George’s schools.

The decline was 10,393 or 9 
per cent in the first year after 
the order. 6,022 or 5.4 per cent 
in the second year, and 6,296 
or 6 per cent in the third year.

Vaughns said that before the 
order. ' ’Whites were moving 
out as a result of blacks 
moving into a neighborhood on 
a neighborhood basis. Now- 
wherever they (whites) go, 
there it is t blacks in the 
schoois!, so now they have to 
move out of the county.”

Wendorf said the Prince 
George’s schools have been 
getting very few new white 
students since the busing 
order, so that as white 
children grow up or move 
s-.vay they are not replaced.

.According to the new 
enroll.T.ent report, the decline 
in white students.has been 
greatest at schools inside the 
Beltway, which had sub­
stantial numbers of blacks 
before the busing • began.

' -Almost all the 46 schools with 
black majorities are in this 
area ..

But the report also shows 
that the declme in whites has 
occurred in virtually every 
school in the county. —.

For example, at Green 
Valley Elementary near the 
Disfriot line a t ’ Southern 
.Avenue, the white-enrollment

has dropped from 260 in- the 
fall of 1973 to 153 this fall, 
while the number of blacks 
has increased by 52, changing 
the proportion of blacks, from 
46 per cent to 64 per cent in two 
yearsu-.- - -

At, ’ Chestnut Hills 
Elementary, in the northern 
part of the county, the number 
of whites also has 
declined—by 72 students over 
two years, even though the 
proportion of blacks is still 
relatively; small—14.3' per 
cent.

The sdecline in Prince. 
George’s white school 
enroilment is in line with the 
overall drop in the county’s 
white population, which fell by 
an estimated 95,300 between 
1970 to 1974, according, to a . 
census survey by the 
■Washington Center for 
Metropolitan Studies.

George Grier, ’ vice

president of the Washington 
Center, said the busing plan 
probably discouraged new 
white families coming to the 
W ash^ton area from settling 
in Prince George's. He said 
the while population also, has 
been held down by the virtual 
halt in new housing con- 
stniction. 4

In an-interview, Vaughns 
rejected the contention that 
the- d ec ^ e  in white students, 
means'”-that busing has 
"faUedt’ in Prince George’s.

"Because whites flee does 
not mean desegregation is not 
successful.” he declared. 
"That wasn’t the purpose of 
desegregation to get rid of 
whites or make sure they stay 
hers. The purpose was for 
■blacks to have the same op­
portunities in each school that 
whites have, and those op­
portunities are there as long 
as there are whites.”

..



t

The Burden 
Of School 
Integration,

First of a Series
\  By Noel Epstein
Washingfeoa Post Staff Writer .

In'the black and white homes of Bos­
ton, the streets of Philadelphia or De­
troit- -and the offices of civil rights 
lawyers, the future of'school desegre­
gation looks - increasingly bleak 21 
years after it all began, i;

Woody Woodland, a black who is-, as­
sistant gang - control coordinator, for 

.,,PfaiIadelphia, wWch is. struggling to 
adopt a desegregation plan, says; “The 
reaction t to busing in- Philadelphia 
would be a total disaster. I t would 
make Bodton look life  a tea party.”'
- . Which Boston definitely is not 
* I t is  bracing for the worst when 
senool opens Sept 8, with more than
3,000 -police,- federal marshals and FBI 
agents to be stationed in the streets.

One. example of the ugliness of the 
situation there is the riddle reminis­
cent of fading pictures of Southern vi­
olence tha t teen-agers at a housing 
project in the white Charlestown sec­
tion ask themselves: • •.

“What’s black and yellow and 
screams!” t

“A busload of niggers on fire.”
Optimists in Boston today are those 

who expect a small degree of violence. 
No one talks about acceptance of de­
segregation.

Desegregation strategists say there 
are more hopeful places, such as 
LouisviUe, which is about to begin city- 
suburb busing amid threats of a-School 
boycott by some suburban parents but 
without the fears of widespread vio­
lence rampant in Boston.

But mostly the strategists avoid total 
gloom by dwelling on past successes in 
hundreds of Southern towns and 
smaller cities and other school systems

0 *

that encompass, both city and suburb, 
as with Louisvdle now. -

“I prevent myself from becoming ex­
traordinarily depressed by recognizing 
that there has been significant change ■ 
and that the problem of the moment 
always looks overwhelming,” says Wil­
liam L. Taylor, former staff director of 
the U.S. Civil Bights Commission and 
a 20-year veteran of school desegrega­
tion battles.

The problem that looks overwhelm­
ing to many is the growing racial and 
class isolation between school systems 
in many of America’s largest cities and 
their suburbs—^North, South and in  be  ̂. 
tween.

.-Is more advantaged whites have 
trekked to the suburbs or to private 
schools, the racial gulf has widened 
over the years in the metropolitan 
areas of New Orleans as weE as New 
York, Dallas as weU as Detroit, iiem- 
phiS, W’ashington, Baltimore and At­
lanta as weE as Dos Angeles, Chicago, 
Philadelphia and Cleveland. •

In the 1974-75 school year 
“minority” chUdren were the majority 
in seven of the South’s 10 largest city 
school systems, just as- they were in 
seven of the 10 biggest in the North.

See- DESEGEEGAXION A3, Coi. I



DESEGREGATION, F rom  A1

They were 79 pet' cent of the students in 
New Orleans, 70.5 per cent in Mem­
phis, 71 per cent in Chicago, 70 per 
cent in  St, Louis, 73.5 per cent in De­
troit.

At the same time their suburban 
schools have remained heavily white 
(except for a number of inner suburbs 
that are also becoming black ghettoes). 
■\Vhile' Baltimore’s 1974-75 enroUment 
was 72.3 per cent black, for example, 
suburban Baltimore County’s was 94.3 
percen t white.

Such facts, along with some doubts 
about the educational value of desegre­
gation, have helped instill a deep pessi­
mism in someone like Harvard law 
Prof. Derrick BeU, a black who battled 
segregated schools in the 1960s as a 
lawyer for the NAACP Legal Defense 
Fund, Inc.

“I started off as a true believer in 
desegregation everywhere,” he says, 
”and it’s been painful to change my 
mind.”
; BeU has been urging civil rights 
leaders to abandon their ”suicidal rig­
idity" in pressing for racial reassign­
ments in many places where 
“hieaningful” results are “virtuaUy im­
possible,” though he stiU favors deseg­
regation elsewhere.
!! In an as yet unpublished article. Bell 
says rights leaders’ big-city strategies 
disregard the “danger to black. chUd- 
ren and often the opposition of their 
I^ e n ts ,” perpetuate ‘.“the raciaUy de- 
meaning and! unproven assumption 
that blacks mast have a majority-white 
piesence in order to either teach or 
Ibarn effectively,” and restrict efforts ; 
to ..find other ways to provide quaUty ; 
education for black children. .r -i

He prefers Atlanta’s approach where | 
blacks took top school administration i 
and faculty jobs in return for keeping, j 
neighborhood schools and dropping < 
busing plans. Bell suggests this “might 
improve the quality of education their 
children receive, and perhaps even re­
duce the headlong flight of whites to 
the suburbs.” Atlanta public schools 
are now 85 per cent black.
,i BeU’s view—tha t the Supreme 
CJourt’s historic 1954 desegregation de­
cision allows such arrangements— îs 
rejected by other rights spokesmen.
. - Nathaniel Jones, general counsel of 
the National .4ssociation for the Ad­
vancement of Colored People, says:
I “It’s totally unthinkable. What he’s 

asking black .4mericans to do is waive 
their constitutional rights and ac- 
t^ e sc e  in lawlessness- If we’d heeded 
that type of counsel historically, we’d 
sHU be in slavery and blacks would 
still be riding the back of the bus.” 
i  Jones calls the Atlanta settlement 

"an aberration” that “amounts to rap­
ing the civil rights of those children. 
13i«e was a  trade-off of their constitu­
tional rights for some jobs.”
■: A few other school systems have been 
allowed to  brake their busing programs 
after minority student . enrollments 
climbed. '
i ln  Los Angeles’ inner suburb of In- 

gjewood, for example, blacks and His- 
panics surged from 18.9 per cent of the 
students five years ago to more than 
80 per cent last year and an estimated 
87 to 90 per Cent this year.

-A Los Angeles judge let Inglewood 
halt almost all busing for desegrega­
tion last spring because ‘•we were 
spending a lot of money picking up mi­
nority students going one way and oth­
ers going the other way” with little 
change in the schools at either end, 
says Assistant Inglewood School SupL 
Frances Worthington.

In Jackson, bliss., where black en­
rollments jumped from about 40 per 
cent five years ago to 70 per cent last 
year, the N.AACP Legal Defense Fund 
last spring accepted a revised desegre­
gation plan that drops much busing 
and permits neighborhood elementary 
schools.

■ This is seen, partly  as a test of i 
whether some of the 10,000 children in i 
private white academies there will re, 
turn  to public schools if no busing is , 
involved.

Other spokesmen, including social 
psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, reject 
the suggestion that black-run. school 
systems are the way to improve black 
education, citing Washington’s 95.5 per 
cent black schools as evidence.

Clark, who has termed many D.C. 
.schools “instruments for producing il­
literates,” says resistance to his pro­
posals for improving reading and 
mathematics here convinced him- that 
many black teachers, school adminis­
trators, union leaders and, others are

as unconcerned as whites are about 
poor black children.

Stating that “a total system of rejec­
tion of black children is operating,” he 
says that the only answer in predomi­
nantly black districts “is for the courts 
to take a firmer and firmer stand in 
demanding a reorganization of the 
public school system,”

It was also the growing racial isola­
tion between school districts that trig­
gered sociologist James S. Coleman’s 
recent opposition to court-ordered bus­
ing, a serious blow to the desegrega­
tion movement.

Coleman—who led a major 1966 
study which showed that disadvan­
taged children gained from having 
more advantaged classmates and 
which was frequently cited to support 
integration arguments—has now used 
government statistics to measure 
black-white contact in the schools.

His nationwide finding; Based on an 
index, of 100 as total separation, racial 
isolation increased from 32 in 1968-69 
to 35 in 1972-73. The final version e£

■ his new study wiU show increased ra­
cial isolation between school districts 
in all regions except the border states,

Coleman was most concerned, 
though, with the effects of desegrega- 

. tion in  the 22 largest city school sys­
tems. By “desegregation” he doesn’t 
necessarily mean court-ordered busing, 
which didn’t  occur in most of these cit­
ies. He means simply more black chil­
dren going to school with whites, how­
ever they got there.

His study says, in effect, that there 
was a “sizable” flight of whites as 
more blacks attended these schools 
with them.

He doesn’t  measure directly how 
many left the schools principally or 
solely because of desegregation.

The issue is one of degree. Cole­
man’s “sizable” is disputed by some 
other social scientists, such as Rey­
nolds Farley of the University of Mich­
igan’s Population Studies Center. Far­
ley foimd in his own study of govern­
ment data that there wasn’t any 
“significant” link between desegrega­
tion alone and white flight.

Coleman is nevertheless firmly op­
posed now to big-city busing for deseg­
regation because, he states, it  is 
“intensifying” city-suburb racial isola­
tion “rather than reducing it.”

Whatever degree busing may con­
tribute to white flight, there is no 
doubt about the flight itself or that, as 
Coleman observes, “in cities with high 
proportions of blacks and predomi­
nantly white suburbs, it proceeds at a 
relatively rapid rate with or without 
desegregation.”

Nor is there doubt that this leaves 
mostly working-class blacks and whites 
to be desegregated, sharpening class 
resentments and adding to such other 
problems as black opposition to bus-

Liic yucsuuu J.S dsaea, rrom a quarter 
to nearly, a half of black parents opposes

, the busing necessary to desegregate 
large cities.

“I could care ie.V’ says John A. 
Buggs, current staff director of the 
Civil Rights Commission. “There’s a 
far greater issue than what I think or 
what they think.”

Buggs even has doubters among 
blacks on Ills staff. “There are some 
young fellows around this agency who 
deeply question the propriety of what 
they’re doing in terms of integrated 
education and an integrated society,’: 
he says.

"They simply were not there when it 
was really tough. They were not there 
when I had to carry a gun around in 
mŷ  pocket because any white man, 
with almost total impunity, could have 
done anything he wanted to do.” He 
carried the pistol during the 1940s in 
north central Florida.

Some black opposition stems from 
the fact that the busing burden is often 
placed mostly on 'olacks.

In Louisville, for e.xample, blacks 
will be bused for nine years oi school 
and whites for only two as a black par­
ent recently noted in the Louisville 
Courier-Journal.

• ‘-Because most of the opposition to 
i school busing has been vocalized by 

white parents,” wTote Jo Allen, "I 
think they have misinterpreted our si­
lence as approval of busing. As a black 
parent.. ,I don’t feel that sending him 
across town is the answer to a quality 
education.

“Mr. and Mrs. white parents; I love 
‘ my child as much as you love yours, 

and I don’t want him bused any more 
than you want yours to be bused, I am 
furious that you are raising all the bell 
and it’s our children -who are to be 
bused for most of their school life.”

In many cities both blacks and 
whites complain about the pairing of 
poorer with poorer in the city. Betty 
Deacon, a  white mother of two school­
children in Southeast Baltimore, 
remarks;

“You can bus my ehadren over to 
Northwest Baltimore and send them to 
school with middle-class blacks and 
whites any time you w ant Just don’t  
bus them into the housing projects. 
The working-class people always seem 
to bear the brunt of this, .and it  always 
seems to be the poor blacks and the 
almost-pcor whites that get mixed 
together.”

Baltimore, with 169.000 pupils, is 
beginning a  limited desegregation 
plan in which 21,000 junior-- and 
senior high students have been a s-

■ signed to new schools. They use public 
transportation if the schools are be­
yond walking distanesx I

Civil rights activists don’t  relish : 
desegrating heavily black and Hispanic 
cities. Their chief hope is to get buses ! 
across the city-subnrh line But the Su- , 
preme Court placed an exceedingly ■ 
high barrier there in the summer of 
1974, when it  rejected Detroit’s plan to i 
bus with 53 suburban districts.

.Although the Supreme Court set 
tough standards in the Detroit case.lt • 
did not close the door on cross-district , 
desegregation and civii rights lawyers 
are determined to squeeze buses 
through the remaining cracks.

Their most immediate vehicle Is a 
Wilmington case which was found by a 
three-judge federal court to meet the 
Supreme Court’s tests: that “racially 
discriminatory acts of the state or 
local school districts, or a single school 
district have been a substantial cause 
of interdistrict segregation.”

The WUmington schools went from 
28 per cent black in 1954 to 83 per cent 
black in 1973, while suburban New 
Castle County schools remained about 
95 per cent white.

■The lower court held. 2 to 1, that 
this resulted from such acts as exclud­
ing Wilmington from a state reorgani­
zation of school districts, optional at­
tendance zones in the city and public 
housing policies.

The case is on appeal to the Su­
preme Court now, and “If we don’t win 
Wilmington, I will be very pessimistic  ̂
about the future of this movement,” i



'esegresration

THE WASHINGTON POST S u n d a y .A u g u s t3 t .m $  ^  3

ncreasin eaji

says William Taylor, who wrote, the 
brief in the case.

Taylor also points to- Indianapolis,., 
which several years ago created a uni­
fied city, county government covering 
everything hut school districts, as an­
other possible way through the door. 
A lower-court order for cross-district 
busing there has been stayed while the 
case is being appealed. The Indian­
apolis plan calls for one-way busing of 
blacks out of the city.

Even if these cases are won, and if 
the civil rights movement wins a suit 
to force HEW to desegregate another 
group of mostly smaller cities, it won’t 
open doors for the largest city systems. 
About 2 mUlion, or nearly a third, of 
aU black schoolchildren are in the 20 
biggest city systems.

In the meantime, the racial ignlf is 
expected to worsen. '

If existing trends continue, says polit­
ical scientist Gary Orfleld of the Brook­
ings Institution, we -wiil see “a physi­
cal expansion of racial separation on a 
scale that nobody could have imagined 
a generation ago.”

Nonetheless, some civil rights workers 
profess optimism, chiefly pinning their 
hopes on ultimate cross-district busing. 
“I think metropolitan reUef is inevita­
ble if this country is going to avoid 
apartheid. I think the alternative is a 
totally segregated society, separate 
and unequal,” says the N.AACP’s 
Jones.

Why is he optimistic? “You have to 
be.”

N E X T :  B o s to n .

‘' T h e  f a i l u r e  o f  c i v i l  r i g h t *  

I m c y e r s  t o  e x a n t i n e  p o l l '  

c i e s  d e s i g n e d  t o  o b t a i n  t h e  

b e s t  p o s s i b l e  s c h o o l ,  

w h e t h e r  i n t e g r a t e d  o r  s e p '  

o r a t e ,  d o e s  n o t  c o n f o r m  

t c i t h  t h e  p r i o r i t i e s  o f  b l a c k  

p a r e n t s . ^ ’

, — D e r r i c k  B e l t



SJimvdoivn.ares
Molt Optimistic View:. ‘This, Year Will Be Much Like Last Year’

SScond in 'a  Series^/
' By Lee A. Daniels and B a^ Barnes
'*< WasUBfftoa Post St&££ W rlten- •

BOSTON —  you can find .'it among - 
many of the children of Boston: hatred 
and fear and confusion about what will 
happen when citywide busing for school 
desegregation begins next week.

It is readily apparent in. the vast; red­
brick housing project of Charlestown, _ 
an Irish neighborhood with strong anti­
busing sentiments. The confusion is there 
in Tina, an 11th grader assigned' to a 
school in heavily black Roxbury, who 
says: “I don’t know what I’U do. I 'just 
don’t know whether I’ll go."

“Don’t go,” urges a friend named 
Tim. “Those blacks are all rapists.’’;^

Tim, a 10th grader, is staying' in 
Charlestown High School, where blacks 
will be bused in: He expects “a lot of 
racial fighting. That’s all. Just a lot of 
racial lighting.” , .

Across the city, in a living room on 
Eoxbary’s Winthrop Street, Lorraine

#  tells w hat it was like for a black girl.
to attend the 9th grade-in white South :- 

‘‘‘ Boston.last year. The problem was not 
■; so much in the school itself but in get­

ting there. .
“They got us good the first day. -kll 

those ibricks were flying through the 
air. Nobody got hurt, but we were pick­
ing glass out of our clothes and hair 
the rest of the way to schooL”
: An older brother, out of school and 
working now,, is sitting nearby, listening. 
Suddenly he declares angrily, “We ain’t 
gonna let that happen this year,” and 
walks out.

These, are just iour among thousands 
showing the emotions.of a city that talks 
mostly now about those yellow school 
buses. Children, parents, community 
leaders, police, school administrators, 
teachers—.all worry whether the worst 
will happen when some 26,000 of the 
city’s 84,000 public school children are 
bused. Sept, 8,

See BOSTON, A3, Col. 1

y .1̂'



BOSTON, From  A1

Law enforcement officials 
are taking no chances. Riot- 
trained federal marshals, 
FBI. agents and Justice De­
partment observers will join 
more than 2,000 city and 
state police on Boston’s 
streets. And 600 National 
Guard troops will be on 
alert nearby.

About the most optimistic 
view to be found is state 
Rep. Barney Frank’s assess­
ment that “this year will be 
much like last year.” Last 
year’s more lirhited busing 
brought brick-and-bottle at­
tacks on school buses; rau­
cous demonstrations, in­
school flare-ups and an at­
tack in South Boston on a 
black man-trying to pick up 
his wife from work,

A much more pessimistic 
view can be heard from 
John Fitzgerald, an electri­
cian who is among those 
who have fled Charlestown 
for the suburbs. “I made a 
choice for my family,” he |  
says. “There’s going to be I 
killing down here. There’s 
going to be dead kids.”

Fitzgerald, who.'-  ̂moved 
about 13 miles away to 
Stoneham, says: ,

“It’s terrible, terrible. I’ve 
never seen anything like iL 
I grfew up in this town, but 
it’s changed. The little kids 
around, here [Charlestown] 
talking about niggers, kill­
ing niggers— 1 never heard 
that talk in this town . be­
fore;Tve even heard myself 
saying it, but I ’m not that 
kind of guy. Jeez, I  just 
can’t  believe what’s going 
on around here.”

Others, black and white, 
very much believe what is 
going on and dedare that, 
in other ways, they too will 
shield their children from it.

In  Roxbury, for example, 
one of Jean Godfrey’s sons 
is scheduled to be bused 
into South Boston this year. 
She vows that he won’t  be.

Three of her six school- 
age children were bused to 
South Boston last year, and 
she says bitterly: “ They 
didn’t learn anything there 
but hate and dirty words, 
I’m not sending another of 
my children there.”

In Charlestown, Gloria 
Conway says she has placed 
her 9-year-old daughter in  a 
private school to escape the 
city’s busing program.

“O ur w h o le - community 
concept is being destroyed,” 
Conway remarks as she sits 
in the living room of her 
brick rowhouse on Belmont 
Street, overlooking Boston 
harbor.

“No longer can my daugh­
ter go out in the morning' 
and wait for friends so they 
can walk to school together. 
The youngsters are so scat­
tered now. On one block you 
may have kids going to 10 
different schools. It’s hurt­
ing the children and tearing 
the community apart”

“Financially, , sending a 
child to a private school is 
going to kill, us,” she says, 
“but we’re doing \yhat we 
think best for her. I just 
couldn’t see busing my 
daughter to Roxbury, and I 
don’t consider myself a rac­
ist oerson.”

Such alternatives are not 
available for. most black or 
white parents. Humbertos 
Cardinal Meideros, Boston’s 
Catholic prelate, last year 
voiced his support for deseg­
regation and said. that the 
Catholic school.: system 
would not become a “haven” 
for parents seeking to es­
cape the busing'order. And 
alternative independent

schools in both black and 
white communities are gen- 
eraUy small, filled to capac­
ity, and have long waiting 
lists.

There is almost a patho­
logical fear of Roxbury 
among Charlestown whites. 
Graffiti scrawled on 
Charlestown walls, literally 
in the shadow of the Bunker 
Hdl Monument commemo­
rating that early battle of 
the American Revolution, 
now proclaim, “Kill Nig­
gers” and “KJLK.”

Charlestown parents, 
whose strong sense of neigh­
borhood is reinforced by 
their separation from the 
rest of the city by water or 
elevated highways, are wor­
ried about going to Roxbtuy 
for PTA meetings at night 
or during the day to pick up 
a sick chUd.

“There is no way I’m. go­
ing to Roxbury at 6 or 7 in 
the evening,” says Alice Mc- 
Goff, a. mother of . seven" 
children.' “ You can’t get a 
cab to-go there. The fire en­
gines won’t go there unless 
the police go with them. 
Those kids in Roxbury, they 
know at 10 what our kids 
don’t learn until they’re 16.” ’

Such white sentiments an­
ger Boston’s black commu­
nity. Blacks repeatedly. say, 
that whila anti-busing ‘ 
whites argued their children 
wouldn’t be safe, in Roxbury, 
it was- black chUdren bused 
into white neighborhoods 
who were attacked and in­
timidated..- ., jrt- . n ,

“I don’t think it was made 
clear last year that white, 
children weren’t  being at­
tacked by mobs of blacks,” 
says Melvin B. Miller, pub­
lisher of the Bay State Ban­
ner, a  black community 
weekly.

“I’d read stories about how 
buses carrying black child­
ren were racked with stones 
in South Boston and Hyde 
Park, then I’d stroU up to 
the Trotter [a progressive, 
integrated “magnet” ele-• 
mentary school in Roxbury] 
and see white kids running 
all over the place without 
anyone bothering them.”

“Whites s h o u ld  under­
stand that black people 
didn’t make that law, that 
it’s just as hard for us to 
bus our children into their 
neighborhoods as it is for  
them to bus their children 
into ours,” remarks- Eliza­
beth Anderson, a Roxbury 
mother of seven whose- son 
is to be bused to South Bos­
ton this year.

“We’ve been inconven­
ienced and worried, too, but 
we haven’t  picked up sticks 
and stones and taken our

frustrations out on their 
children, as they have on 
ours.”

-Anderson, who last year 
worked with parents of 
children being bused, noted 
that white students have 
been bused to two schools in 
the heart of Roxbury—Bos­
ton Technical High School 
and the Trotter school—for 
years without incident and 
said that teams of black par­
ents last year protected 
white children bused into- 
Ro.xbury.

“We were out in the 
streets encouraging our 
children not to attack the 
white children because we 
don’t want ■violence in our 
community. We don’t want 
it in any community,” she 
said.

Anderson is convinced 
that “until black and white 
parents can sit down and 
start talking about the situa­

tion, it’s not going to -work.” 
But, whUe , black and 

white parents are working 
together on “biracial coun­
cils” at many schools in­
volved in the busing plan, 
whites in Charlestown and 
other neighborhoods have 
boycotted the council elec­
tions.
-  “The i n n e r - c i t y  people 

are growing.increasin^y re-, 
sentful of outsiders making 
their decisions,” deciares 
Gloria Conway. The out­
sider she is referring to is- 
U.S. District Court Judge W.. 
.Arthur Garrity Jr., who or­
dered busing in Boston, -i-,' 

Garrity lives in suburban, 
upper-middle-class Wellesley 
and is the object of extreme 
resentment in white work­
ing-class Boston neighbor­
hoods.

Boston school committee­
man John J. Kerrigan calls 
Garrity*s decision part of “a 
liberal conspiracy to make 
sure that blacks and poor 
people are confined to the 
city.” -. ■*

“It’s a class issue," says a 
Charlestown parent whose 
daughter attends the Trot­
te r  school. “You’re pitting 
poor white against poor 
black. The major issue is ; 
loss of choice, not specifi­
cally blacks.”

“Why should the poor 
have to pay the price of so­
ciety’s failures?” a commu- - 
nity social worker asks. - 
"Nothing has happened to'j 
change the people’s percep-: 
tion that they always gat th e , 
burnt piece of toast”

City and s t a t e  offldala 
have been trying to quell 
fears by attending commu­
nity meetings and arranging 
private talks between lead- -



Year
TH E WASHI^'GTO^' POST Monday, Sept. 1. I9:s ^ 3

ers of both sides, by talking 
tough about their intent to 
keep the peace, and by pa­
tiently outlining their peace­
keeping plans to parents’ 
groups and the media.

“Those kids have an ur­
gent need to go to school 
without shaking in  their 
boots.” a Boston police cap­
tain told an audience of 3Q0 
whites at a recent Chariest 
town community meeting.

“There will be no demon­
strations allowed near any 
school in Charlestown. We 
and that will be sufficient to 
completely overwhelm any 
will have 300 police on duty 
demonstration . . .  . The law 
will be enforced.”

ik parent stood to ask if 
police will allow- black stu­
dents to carry Afro combs. 
“Those .M r o  combs are as 
dangerous as anything I’ve 
ever seen in my life. They’re 
as dangerous as a four-inch 
knife."

The captain said, “If a sit­
uation develops into a not, I 
won’t guarantee you any­
thing.”

Charlestown state Rep. 
Dennis Kearney added. “We 
are aU sincere and dedi­
cated in our opposition to 
busing. We are not violent, 
but it our backs are against 
the wall, we..are going, tq, 
strike out.”

“You know what’s gmng 
to happen in the end,” , a, 
Cha’lesT.wo mother of four 
shouted. “You’re going to 
have educated blades arsd 
dumb wnites, because vhe 
whites just aren’t going to 
send their children to 
school. I have children m 
the th.rd, fo r th ,  f i t  a and 
seventh grades and they are 
not going to school in  Rox- 
hury.”

In Roxbury, Boston Police 
Commissioner Robert Di- 
Grazia attended a meeting 
to assure black parents their 
children will be adequately 
protected. The meeUng was 
held shortly after a week­
end confrontation between 
blacks and whites on a  
South Boston beach. Blacks 
say the police took the side 
of the whites, pushing 
blacks off the beach.

■Td be a fool to send my 
son into South Boston or 
any hostUe white area if I’m 
going to depend on the po­
lice to protect him,” one 
parent shouted. Nearly all 
of the comments from the 
audience were similar. Di- 
Graria left the meeting with 
a “no comment” to report­
ers.

Later Ruth Batson, a Rox­
bury leader, said “I was sur­
prised last year by the pas­

sivity of the public officials. 
This year I feel that what­
ever protection we get will

he accidental.. We can’t 
count on the officials to pro­
tect our children.”

dneljf the devices city of­
ficials hope will quell resist­
ance to the court order are 
the .21. magnet schools scat­
tered throughout the city 
and operated in conjunction 
with area colleges and uni­
versities. ■ Enrollment in 
these schools—designed to 
keep blacks and whites in 
the public schools by offer­
ing an innovative curricu­
lum—will be voluntary and 
integrated along the lines of 
the court order.

But City Council member 
Lawrence Si DiCara ex­
pressed a common view of 
the magnet schools: “It’s a 
good idea, but there just 
aren’t enough of them now. 
We’ve still got to bus a  lot 
of kids.” ^

Ironically, some students 
say that inside schools, rela­
tions between the races are 
close to normal—an occa­
sional fight, frequent argu­
ments, but friendships, too.

“School was fine,” says 
Cathy Kelley, a black who 
was bused with her sister 
last year to West Roxhury. 
“Everybody, blacks and 
whites, got along okay and I 
felt I learned a lo t” Her sis­ ter Theresa says she joined , 

the glee club.
Lorraine Godfrey says 

there was no trouble in the 
South Boston High School '  
annex where she was bused - ' 
last year “except for an oc- 
casional fight. M o s t ly ^ ;  
blacks and whites just had 
arguments. 1 made som e '' 
white friends out there, ■ 
though. We got along okay.'*

The ride to and from 
school was the main prob-' 
lem then, as it is likely - ’ 
to be again this year. .\s  - 
itlitchell Peters, an unem-;_ 
ployed 'T3 graduate of ' 
Charlestown High School 
put it, “If I’m not working 
when schools open, I’m go­
ing out there and make sure 
none of those buses get in 
here.”

A politician with close ties 
to Boston Mayor Kevin 
White remarks: “We’re not  ̂
going to have brotherly love.^ 
a year from now, but wa' 
should have less -violenca 
once people realize that bus- ' 
ing is here to stay.”

"W ashington  P o s t  S ta f f  
"W riter R o b e r t  G. K a is ir  
c o n tr ib u te d  to  t h i s  a r tic le , 

N E X T :  D e tr o i t  a n d  Ph'd- 
a d e lp ’n ia .



com- 
jced 
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dion 
. the 
tting 
ut a 
said 
been 
file

pons-
being
ques-
said

■ttlieb
truc-
rned
•ders

ission-
ion’s

to
don-
gen-
the
Me.
ave
the
al-

’ost
was.

Detroit Blacks Divided
T h ir d  in  a  S e r ie s

By Eric Wentworth 
W ashinstoix Post s ta i r  W riter

Early this summer. Roy Wilkins, 
executive director of the NAACP. 
sent a telegram to Coleman Young, 
the first black mayor of Detroit. The 
message: a Young statement calling 
some- . NAACP school ’ desegregation 
lawyers “carpetbaggers” was “of a 
piece, with'i those uttered by the most 
vicious Southern racists.”

, That is the kind of anger and dis­
trust being vented among black lead­
ers over how cities such as Detroit or 
Philadelphia, among those next in 
line for desegregation, ean reassign- 

‘ students in heavUy^-blacfc school sys-,- 
tems. .4 - y 'f /

In Detroit,' the center of the storm ■ 
now is a' desegregation plan approved, 
by U.S....riistrict Court Judge Robert 
E. DeMascio calling for limited busing 
and stressing improved education. The 

See DETROIT, AS, CoL 1
i r  f  -S



XAACP doesn’t see that 
as any.advancement.

. L a w re n c  e Washington, 
president of the Detroit 
XAACP chapter, attacks the 
ruling as “a non-order and a 
■whitewash." He wants it 
thrown out by the 6th Cir­
cuit Court of Appeals and 
the NAACP’s plan for e.xten- 
sive busing put in its place.

But other Detroit black 
leaders, such as Young, an 
N.\ACP member, and Tom 
Turner, former XAACP 
chapter president and head 
of the metropolitan AFL- 
CIO council, think other- 
■vvise.

Turner terms massive bus­
ing in Detroit’s 70 per cent 
black school system "an ex­
ercise in futility.” He asks: 
‘■How many times can. you 
put 70 into 30?”

He, Young and some oth­
ers see quality education as 
the chief need of Detroit’s 
258,300 children in public 
schools and fear that mas­
sive busing,'.could accelerate 
middle-class black as weU as 
white flight, inflame racial 
tensions and possibly trig­
ger violence and disruption 
such as Boston has experi­
enced.

Rather than, trust the- fate 
of Detroit’s-:-money-starved 
schools entirely to lawyers 
and judges, they launched a 
quest among local “movers 
and shakers” for solutions 
that communities as weE as 
courts could support

In Philadelphia, the 61 
per cent black school sys­
tem’s similar dilemma—not 
enough whites to go around 
—is aggravated by that 
city’s teen-age gang prob­
lem.

‘•We have gangs in every 
community where •we have 
at least 20 black families,” 
says Woody Woodland, a 
black who is assistant_gang

control coordinator for the 
city. He estimates the city 
has some 200 gangs, most of 
them black.

During recent hearings in 
Pennsylvania’s Common­
wealth Court on a plan call­
ing for busing 53,000 of the 
city school system’s 266,500 
pupils. Woodland testified: 
“Black kids have been 
proven to be killers in teen­
age circles. Busing kids to 
the inner city of Philadel­
phia is criminal. I  think it 
would be something the en­
tire city would Eve to re­
gret.”

Woodland’s boss. Demo­
cratic Mayor Frank Rizzo, 
has taken a strong anti-bus­
ing stance, as has his Repub­
lican opponent in the Nov­
ember election, Thomas Fol- 
gietta, ■̂vho recently sug­
gested throwing a school 
bus in the nearby SchuyUtiE 
River to demonstrate oppo­
sition to busing. The inde­
pendent candidate, Charles 
Bowser, a black, has been 
saying that quality educa­
tion in all schools is more 
important than desegrega­
tion.

■Anne Marie Gwynne is a 
white mother of three chEd- 
ren in the predominantly 
white Roxhorough neighbor­
hood of northwest PhEadel- 
phia. Under the State Hu­
man Relations Commission 
plan being considered, her 
children would be transfer­
red to schools in beavEy 
black tVest Philadelphia.

children would become prey 
to gangs claiming neighbor­
hoods around West Philadel­
phia schools as their “tu r f ’ 
and adds: “We sympathize 
with the people who Eve in 
these gang-infested areas. 
We would like to help them 
solve their problem. But we 
cannot ever share i t ”

Some, however, say the 
PhUadelphia plans is too Ut- 
tle. More than 75 per cent of 
the students in 103 schools 
would be black, and more

than 75 per cent in. 12 
schools would be white. 
White pupils in the far 
northeast woiEd be excluded 
because busing to the near­
est heavEy black school 
would take more than 45 
minutes. !

PhUadelphia' school offi­
cials have presented a city- | 
suburb desegregation plan, i 
but its adoption ■would re---| 
quke the approval of th e  : 
state legislature, considered 
unUkely. Hence, as in De­
troit, the.- controversy fo­
cuses, on desegregating city 
schools alone.

The city-only plan—the 
ninth PhUadelphia has been 
struggling with since 1968— 
is supported by NAACP 
La'wyer Earl Trent, ■who 
caUs many objections to it 
“racist” excuses.

Most opposition comes 
from white parents, with the 
chief complaint echoing that 
in other cities: the destruc­
tion of neighborhood 
schools. There also are spe­
cial objections, such as some 
Jewish parents’ worries that 
a long bus ride would make 
it difficult, H  not impossible, 
to get their chUdren to af­
ter-school Hebrew classes. 

Resistance also is evident

among some black parents 
in PhEadelphia, but there is 
no glaring split among black 
leaders as there is in- De­
troit.

When Detroit’s AMayor 
. Young, labor leader ‘Turner 
.land others there tried to ar- 
' range out-ofcourt discus­
sions among blacks, -for.'ex­
ample, NAACP leaders and 
la'wyers handling the 
NAACP case refused to join, 
the talks.

“I didn’t  trust them tot do- 
‘ what they knew should bet 
done,” says Dr. James JlMc- 
Clendon, a 76-year-nld mem­
ber of the national NAACP 
board whose voice has long 
been potent in the Detroit 
chapter. Nor could he trust 
the Detroit school board, 
savs the physician, even 
though 9 of its 13 members 
are black.

Joseph E. Madison, the 
N.-A-AC'P chapter’s executive 
director, concedes that there 
is some dissent among other 
chapter members on busing: 

“There are housewives in 
the N.A.ACP who don’t like 
the desegregation plan or

the. concept of busing, just 
as there are some middle- 
class professionals in the 
NAACP who don’t  Eke the 
concept of halting to bus 
their children out of the 
neighborhood they’ve just 
recently moved into.”

But Dr. Jesse Goodwin, 
who chairs the chapter’s ed­
ucation committee, states: 
‘"The flak that the NAACP 
has had to endure in the 
past two years has been 
based upon the fact that we 

. feel-that there are certain 
principles that are nonnego- 

. tiable. We refuse to negoti- 
‘ ate. those principles.”

A Catholic, Good'win says 
his three chEdren go to pa­
rochial schools for 
“religious” reasons, and he 
acknowledges that many 
other black as ■«-ell as white 
Detroit parents send their 
chEdren to uonpublic 
schools. By one count, some i 
4,400 black chEdren attend | 
Detroit parochial schools, 
making up roughly 15 per 
cent of parochial school en­
rollment

Some other parents send 
their chEdren to the sub­
urbs. For example, Duwain 
and Elsie Dade, both black 
Detroit public school teach­
ers,' send their InteEectually 
gEted daughter, Kelly, , to  a 
private school in suburban 
Bloomfield Hills. It’s more 
than an hour's bus ride- each 
way for the 9-yearq)ld, but 
the Dades don’t feel their 
neighobrhood school could 
meet her needs.

And McClendon admits 
that; after some 
“shinagling,” his two grand­
children were enroUed In a 
Detroit public school out­
side their attendance zone— 
one with ‘better faciUties, 
better equipment, better ev­
erything.” ■• -. .

But that, he contends, 
only proves the NAACP 
point that fuE-fledged de­
segregation is. needed to 
equaEze qnaEty throughout ; 
the.city'Schools-H6 andoth- j 
ers whd* control the N-AACP 
chapter’s poEcies are deter­
mined to see that that hap-  ̂
pens. I

The C hapt^ leaders are 
aware of ■what happened 214 
years ago in Atian®, where 

.^during a  15-year court bat- i 
'tie, city school enroEments: ' 
had swung from TO per cent t 
white to 78 per cent black. . 
In return for biadk appoint- : 
ments' to top school system 1 
jobs, Atlanta chapter- lead- t 
ers accepted a plan that de- ' 
segregated predominantly 
white schools, left black 
schools largely alone and re­
quired minimal busing.

National N-AACP officers 
ousted Atlanta educational 
leaders from their posts.

But McClendon makes 
clear that his objection to 
the out of court talks among 
blacks in Detroit was rooted 
in a fundamental principle: 
“We have a right to trust 
the courts more than we do

1



Black Leaders Are Diyidec!

Detroit Desegregation Plans

any other avenue, because, 
all the 'gains that we have 
made in 66̂  years of the 
NAACP, we'■■ have made 
them through, the courts. 
AVe have learned to put our 
crust in the courts.” '

Lately, . however,' _ the 
courts have not been doing 
weU for the NAACP in De­
troit. In the summer of 1974, 
the Supreme" Court, 5 to 4, 
overhirned lower courts in 
rejecting a  pian favored by 
Mayor Young and NAACP- 

' leaders. That plan, would 
have required ' busing be­
tween the city and 53 subur­
ban school districts. Instead, 
the Supreme Court ordered 
that Detroit city schools 
alone be desgregated and. 
forced black leaders to de- 

' bate on terms- that neither 
Mayor Young nor N.AACP 
leaders are happy with.

Justice Thurgood Mar­
shall warned at the time: “A 
Detroit-only plan, simply has 
no hope- of^'achieving actual 
desegregation.” ' .
, More recently, 6th Circuit. 
Court Judge George. C. Ed­
wards called the high court 
ruling a potential “formula 
for American apartheitL’L____

The NAACP is pressing-?- 
its current busing plan as a n ; 
“Interim” measure until it ."

. can renew 'its broader fight’ 
fo r . city-suburb desegrega- . 
tion. ”

But its. “interim” plan was 
turned- down by Judge De-- 
Mascio, who-: rejected- the- 
classic desegregation, stra­
tegy that the NAACP is in-' 
sisting upon.

In his 124-page opinion, 
DeMascio spoke- of .“practi­
calities.” To achieve "the 
NAACP goal of black-w-hite 
proportions in every school 
within 15 per cent of- 
the systemwide ratio, he as­
serted, would require “a '

vast transportation network” 
that would “bring chaos and 
financial destruction to the 
school system, with the 
main result of busing black 
children to majority black 
schools.”

Far from achieving the 
goal of eliminating racially 
identifiable schools, he said, 

■the NAACP plan would 
“identify the entire school 
district as black.” The only 
alternative to- city-suburb 
desegregation, he concluded, 
was “flexibility . . .  in defin­
ing a desegregated setting.”

Therefore, while also re­
jecting the Detroit School 
Board’s busing proposal as 
too rigid, he adopted its 
broad concepts: desegregate 
to some degree the predomi­
nantly white schools, as in 
the A tlanta' compromise, 
and establish, at the same 
time programs to improve 
educational quality. He or­
dered such programs as new- 
vocational centers and tech­
nical high schooIs,.multi-eth- 
nic studies, and comprehen­
sive reading instruction. .1

Labor leader Turner says 
DeMascio’s “innovative han­
dling of the case is really 

•going to  revolutionize edu­
cation' in the. system of -De­
troit, and I think it wtU set 
a precedent in terms of edu­
cation throughout the 
country. . .particularly in  
large urban centers.”
' But McClendon remarks: 
‘‘\Y e  had been warned about 
Judge DeMascio, that he pro­
bably'would kowtow to those 
who did not want any bus­
ing. And now the results of 
his decision, or lack of decis­
ion, prove that our skeptic­
ism, of him was correct.”

S p e c i a l  c o r re sp o n d e n t  
C arole  R ic h  a lso  c o n tr ib u te d  
to  th is  s to ry .

N E X T :  C harlotte..



Charlotte Leiims io Live With Busing
F o u r th  o f a series- ' : '  < jt.
By Bart Barnes

W ashiM ton Post S taff  W riter

CH.\aLOTTE, N.C.—Bill Smith re- 
eaUs what it was like to teach- in an 
all-black school 10 years ago in the 
segregated Charlotte-Mecklenburg sys­
tem. :i

■You’d get 40 kids in a class and you 
didn’t have books lor all of them,” he 
says. ' I was trained in English and 
social studies, but sometimes they just 
told me to teach something else. One 
year they told me to teach eighth 
grade math, shut I never had any for­
mal math training. They said, 'Teach
it anyways.’ ” .......

.\ot todayr "Now I notice that my 
children are being exposed to the 
things that white children have been 
exoosed to all along. You find that 

• when white children attend a school 
I in large numbers, the Board of Educa- 
[ tion is willing to give you what you 

need.”
j Since the fall of 1970, both black ana 
I white children of the Charlotte-Meck- 
I lenburg school district have, been at- 
1 tending racially integrated schools un­

der a court-ordered plan in which 
35.000 to 40,000 children are bused to 
schools outside their neighborhoods.

They have been busing for five years 
in Charlotte, longer than . anywhere 
else in the nation. For It was the order 
to bus in Charlotte, later affirmed by- 
the Supreme Court, that set the prece­
dent for busing orders elsewhere, i 

Five years ago, when the buses first 
rolled here, there were threats of white 
boycotts. Jlinisters denounced busing 
from their pulpits, and thousands o t-  
cars sported anti-busing h a m p e r
stickers. .............  .

The first few years of busing saw 
numerous racial incidents and inters 
racial fighting, particulai-ly at the high 
school and junior high school levels.. 
School officials estimate that as many 
as 10,000 whites may have fled the 
public schools, either to private 
segregated academies or to o th «  school 
districts. , .

Now, as schools open for the fifth 
year of busing, the schools and peo-' 
pie of ■eharlotte-Mecklenburg have found 
busing is something they can live with.

White flight appears to have stabi- * 
lized, and most schools reflect the ra­
tio of 31 per cent black, 69 per 

See CH.4RL0TTE, A4, Col. 4



Ui, I'lUlU ill

cent white of the entire 
school system. For" the first 
time since" busing began, 
scores on standardized tests 
sbov/ed improvement last 
year. Each year, the number 
of race-related incidents in 
schools'decreases.

Last July, 10 years after 
the- original desegregation 
suit—called Swann vs. Char- 
lotte-Mecklenburg—was 
filed, U.S. District Court 
Judge James B. McMillan 
closed his file on the case 
and aid he did not intend to 
reopen i t  The school hoard, 
the judge observed, “has 
taken a more positive atti­
tude towards desegregation 
and has at last openly sup­
ported affirmative action to 
cope with recurrent racial 
problems in pupil, assign­
m ent”

While no one suggests the 
C h a r i  otte-M ecklenburg 
schools are free of racial 
problems, there is a  convio 
tion horn that w h a t e r  e-r 
comes along can be handlied 
and - that busing, however 
distasteful, has been made 
to work.

There is also virtually 
unanimous agreement that 
new educational avenues are 
now open to black children.

“There are educatibhal op­
portunities afforded b la ^  
children now that were not 
before,” says school Board 
chairman William E. Poe, a 
firm opponent of the busing 
order when it was handed 
down. “If they will take ad-, 
vairtage of them, the result 
will be astonishing.”

Like many Southern 
school districts, the school 
system here includes the 
schools inside the city of 
Charlotte and beyond the 
city limits in surrounding 
s u b u r b a n  Mecklenburg 
Coimty. This means it is not 
possible to escape busing by 
moving to the suburbs, and 
there is not the sense here 
that city dwellers are being 
asked unfairly to pay the 
full price for society’s ills.

Tn many respects, Char­
lotte might be an example 
of what civil rights workers 
would hope might eventu­
ally happen after schools de­
segregated.

“I’m against busing, but it 
was the only way to accom­
plish what we had to ac­
complish,” says Cloyd Good- 
rum Jr., a mathematics pro­
fessor at the University o f  
North Carolina’s Charlotte 
campus.

. Goodrum has three child­
ren, two of whom are bused 
from t h e i r  predominantly 
white neighborhood to for­
merly all-black West Char­
lotte High School. Gener­
ally, Goodrum says, West 
Charlotte is a good high 
schooL and he’s pleased his 
children are there.

Like many people, Good- 
rum can recognize busing as 
necessary in the name of so­
cial justice, blit his experi­
ences with it have not been 
entirely happy.

His son was knocked 
down a flight of stairs at 
school by a group of black 
youths and his daughter is 
often the target of racial epi- i 
thets in the girls’ rest room. I

I sort of thing to kids,” Good- | 
rum said. “You tell them j 
blacks have been mistreated I 
for years and they say, ) 
‘Yeah, but we didn’t do it.’ ] 
Of course they’re right.”

As it did in' many cities,

busing had ramifications be- j 
yond the -school system, and ; 
it was more complicated j 
than a simple whites vs. j 
blacks issue. It pitted neigh- | 
borhood against neighbor­
hood as sections, of, the city i 
fought each otKei;̂  pver,i,who ; 
would bear the greater, bur­
den of busing. It affected 
residential p a t t e r n s  -as 
neighborhoods c h a n g e d  
from white to black because 
of the way busing schedules 
were drawn.

Goodruin’s old neighbor­
hood, a subdivision called 
Hidden Valley on the north- 

:ern rim? of the city, is , a 
prime example. Five years 
-ago ■ i t  -was virtually all 

, white; blit the initial busing, 
-plans called for Hidden Val-- 
ley ’children to be bused for 
eighf^of their 12 years, in  

t'schooLAlmost immediately, 
.whites began to move out 
amd-blacKs to niove in . '
] '^ .'th e jh e i^ b d rh p o d  be- 
cam e'\ integrated. Hidden 
TjTaUey ”residents'4petitioned 
"to be allowed to attend their 
. neighborhood ^elfimentary 

school; but the request was 
riot granted until the neigh­
borhood was welh over half 
black. I t is currently about 
90' per cent black and Good- 

I' rum moved out with his fam- 
i ily about a year ago.

;Among' thosn'who moved 
■ in was . BiU .Smith,, the- 

teacher in the-' segregated, 
aU-black school years *ago. 
Smith gave up.teaching for- 
a better-paying job as an un­
derwriter with Aetna Life & 
C a s u a l ty ,  insurance com- 

jiany  here, is now pleased 
/yvith. the education his child­

ren are getting, and is gctive 
in parent-teacher organiza­
tions.

When his children were in 
all-black schools, Smith said, 
“the black parents did not 
know how or did not have 
the political clout to de- 

. mand that: the board give 
the schools . w hat. they 
needed.”

WhBe busing is now ac­
cepted as a way of life in 
the Charlotte public schools, 
i t  has left some with, bit­
terness that there, are peo­
ple who managed to escape 
i t  . . .

‘"The people who have 
money. They just will not do 
it.” says Jim Postell, a struc­
tural steel contractor, father i 
of three children and a bus- ! 
ing opponent “They, will . 
send their eildren to pri­
vate schools. My people are 
the middle class. We pay for 
everything and we get noth­
ing. If you stand up and 
speak out for what you be­
lieve in, you’re either a rac­
ist or a rabble rouser. I think 
it’s wrong to bus those chil­
dren across town, black or 
white.

“I do think that everybody 
ought to have an equal op­
portunity to get an educa- 

-tion. But our schools here in ! 
Charlotte are now the most 
integrated in the world . ■ . i 
not in the country, in the 1 
world.” - I

School, in a low-income 
black neighborhood called 
Griertown on the east side 
of Charlotte, is one such in­
tegrated school. It draws 
students from its own neigh­
borhood and from an afflu­
ent white professional area 
in another part of town.

Its principal, Kathleen R. ' 
Crosby,, began her teaching 
career. 25 years ago in Meck­
lenburg County in an ali­
bi ack school with no run-: 
ning water and a pot-bellied 1

srove.'Tn" those““days the 
black .schools began their 
year-in ,July so the black 
children could be' released “ 
in the fall to work in the 
fields.

Now Mrs. Crosby greets a 
visitor in her office proudly 
displaying -computer print­
outs showing some of her 
6th graders reading and do­
ing mathenmatics at the 9th 
and loth grade levels, Man.v 
are the ' children of _ the 
white ^professionals, but 
some aye the children 'of 
low-income blacks from the 
BillingsvHIe neighborhood ,i

“Every child here will.-.be 
taught,” . iVIrs.. Crosby says. 
‘.T have told my staff here 
that we will n«t have any 
child placed in a ‘dumb’ 
group.” '

Since she’s been at BBl- 
ingsville, Mrs. Crosby has 
involved both black and 
white parents in the school 
and has gotten the PT.A to i 
run such fund-raising events 
as‘ a spring fair and a fall 
clothing sale.

“I think this is going to ; 
work,” she says. “I have 
found that where schools 
provide a good learning ex­
perience for children and 
when the parents are happy 
with what’s at the end of the 
ride, they don’t  care about 
the bus.”

Charlotte will be fortu­
nate if that is so. In his or­
der closing the file on the 
desegregation lawsuit here 
—an order labeled "Swann 
Song” — J u d g e  MciMillan 
made i t  clear that busing, 
'will continue for a lung 
time.

“Ghosts continue to 
walk,” the order said “For 
example, some perennial 
critics here and elsewhere 
are interpreting Prof. .lames • 
Coleman’s fastest dicta in 
support of the notion ihat . 
courts should abandon their 
duty to apply the law ia ur­
ban school desegregation 
cases. Coleman is worried , 
about white fli.ght. they-,say;, 
school desegregation de­
pends. on Coleman; there­
fore the courts should bow 
out . . . The local school 
board members have rv;t fol­
lowed that siren. Perhaps it 
is because they realize that 
this court’s orders starting : 
with the first order of ..-ipril : 
23, 1969, are. based, not upon j 
the theories of statisticians J 
but upon the Constitution of | 
the United States.”

a

iCliai’lotte Learning ‘ 
To Live With Busing



Biisino; WorJis 
In Once-Bitter 
Pr. Georse’s

O
L a s t o f  a  s e r ie s  

By Elizabeth Becker 
VVnitilnscon Post S ta ff  W riter

Two weeks before Prince George's 
County desegregated .its public school 
system, Virginia Dillard organized, an 
anti-busing rahy at Rosecroft Race­
track, where 15,000 protesters cheered 
local politicians who vowed to fight 
the court order all the way to the Su­
preme Court.

That was two years ago, and Dillard, 
who built a 45,000-member white anti­
busing movement from a core ofrSO 
embinered housewives, now has a new 
perspective on the impact of busing.

“After two years, I guess i t  did noth­
ing. Other than discipline problems, 
schools are not any worse or any 
better from busing,” she said, adding 
that she is still against busing. -

But Dillard never removed 'her five 
children from the county’s public 
schools, although she organized the 
“day of mourning” class boycott on the 
first day of desegregation. . n,.'

Why? "lly kids like school,” she 
said. ‘T think we have a pretty good 
school system.”

Despite some dissenters, the evi­
dence shows that in Prince George’s 
County, the largest suburban school 
district In the United States, busing is 
working. Those who carried out the 
order—the students and the teachers 
—are the most enthusiastic. And even 
old opponents are resigned to busing ' 
and say there are many more pressing 
problems today than desegregation.

Few if any of the fears—of violence, 
a decline in te s t, scores, a massive 

*ee PRINCE, AS, Col. 1 
,  ----- . . ------- ,

PRINCE, From  A1
■ ' ..

sw^rte flight—have material-* 
and the few problems 

l.f^ .t-have beset the schools 
S'aCe- not on the scale many 
■ ^ad  predicted.
- 'J -p d  the-.- contrary, many 

consider the county a 
for peaceful dese,gre- 

^ ^ lo n . '  .ActuahTacial inci-*-, 
t^dgnts were few. in the first 

of' desegregation, and 
s^allhdugb reported assaults 
**j»fnped by .fOJ'per cent in-..

the increase .rate .was 
^ i c e d  to half tha t last year:̂ -;.:- 
^  ♦I'We have nothing to shovr.'; 
3*dJiai these assaults have any- 
‘ jtilng to do with .racial prej- 
^jidice,” says Peter D. Blau- 
’•-vdt, school security direc- 
;*tor. "It’s absurd for anyone 
23o pretend otherwise.”
S  He attributes a g o o d  
t>ehare of the nse in the as­
sau lt rate simply to the dou- 
■hling of his staff, which be- 

• J an  the first systematic re- 
'■■porting of assaults, "not just 
■•5'cports of busted color tele- 
j-^ision sets like they did be- 
‘■"Jore.”
'• Bolh Blauvelt and Dillard 
Isetievc drugs are behind 

Ttmich of the new school 
jWiolence. which has hit 
.Vhool systems of all kinds 
'.icross the country.
■ Test scores, another pre- 
:«umed victim, actually rose ! 
5he first year after busing in i
■ jeven of the 12 exams given
utountywide. |

-\nd, in the- wake of bus- j 
-jng, many students and par- 
,«nts actually have shown a . 
■Jenewed involvement in all ' 
-■aspects of education

M “Busing was a blessing,” 
*5ays Geneva Jenkins, a for- 
^mer anti-buser who now is a 
■loader of Citizens .Advocat- 
;;5ng Responsible Education. 
J'JOnce t looked into school I 
cfound I didn’t like a lot of 
*^bat they are doing and 
Tteaching.”
’a» Because county school of-j- 
^^iciais smoothly executed- 
j2he busing program that. 
^ransfered 33,000 of the 151,- 
1̂)00 students to new schools, 

ihiost student reaction has' 
“been enthusiastic. , ■:

‘ Integrated schools irave.. 
:,5hown me that the rumors f  
Jrew  up with were a bunch 
> f  baloney.” says Linda 
Ticken, a white senior 
■Largo High who is busKi 

, Irom  New Carrollton, seat 
of the greatest anti-busing 

_|entiment in 1972.
5  “Everybody at first was 
“Icared . ..  that we would be 
. J e a t up by black kids but 
Slothing happened. W e. got 

Jh e  wrong ideas from par- 
;bnts who' have always, been 

\ Segregated,” she continued.
\ .s? “School is more exciting

k

now because of our differ­
ences . . . differences par­
ents. don’t appreciate be­
cause they haven’t been to 

. school with us. lik e—I 
know this sounds dumb— 
like music, and dancing, and 
new friends.”

Linda said the greatest 
proof that race relations had 
improved came last year 
when a friend, John Jen­
kins. was murdered on the 
school parking lot.

“John was white . . .. and | 
the police arrested three | 
black guys ■ and we were I 
scared that something would ’ 
happen,” she said. "But ev- : 
eryone—black and white— ' 
was sad that John was killed j 
and there was no racial ten- J 
sion;” I

Adonis Hughes, a 1975 j 
graduate of Highpoint High 
School who before busing 
was "a token black” there, 
found an unexpected benefit 
from- the mixing of races.

"I grew up as a black in a 
predominantl.v white com­
munity and it was good for 
me to get to know more 
blacks,” he says. 'Tve al­
ways had a white identity 
. . .  I dated a lot more white 
girls than black but never 
at my school.

"Once, after busing, a pop­
ular white pom-pom girl and 
I decided to pretend we 
were going together, to> see 
if attitudes had changed. We 
walked around school for a 
couple of days planning it to 
write it up in the student pa­
per. But her old boy friend 
got mad because I was black 
and started talking . . . Her 
parents are very racist, if 
they, had heard about it she 
could have gotten into trou­
ble..,,. - g . ■ ■■ -

"Now 1 know that-1 have 
missed out on a lot. It’s still 
ea.sier for me to identify 
with whites but I have be- 

. ‘■■ome aware of a black 
existence; the way they 
dre.ss, the way they relate to 
each other, more casual and 
close than whites. They 
don’t have as many cliques 
and social divisions. It’s 
made me see there is some- 
tning called the black e x p e -  
n o n c e .”

other students talk about 
details as small as the cafe­
teria menu—adding lasagna 
for the whites and corn- 
bread for the blacks—and 
rules against wearing hats.

-At one high school a cau­
cus of students and teachers 
convinced a principal that a 
rule banning hats indoors: 
should he thrown out be- 
cause black students wore 
them indoors—“just like 
other cultures wear tur. 
bans,”

Another student remem- 
■ bered a search to find a so- 
: lution to black demands for 
I a soul band to play at the ;
. prom, which clashed with !

white demands for a rock 
; group. -‘The Fancy Colors,” 

which features soloists of 
both races, was the solution. 
Another integrated band. 
Cream and Cocoa,” was 

booked for a winter dance.
E.V.I.L., was born in the 

busing era.
The club—Everyone 'Very 

Interested In Loving—was 
created by black and white 
students at Laurel High af- 

- ter a J974 racial incident 
threatened to. upset the 
whole school.•■ - 

Racial tensions still per­
vade some junior high 
schools, according to inter­
views with students, teach­
ers and parents, but most of­
ten these problems are 
linked to other troubles that j 
beset adolescents. ' vj

In general, the safety is- ! 
sue that frightened parents : 
two- years ago has ■ died. \ 
down, and some-families- are  =| 
sending their children back ' 
to the public system. !

Penny Davies, a mother * 
who worked agfunst busing, ! 
for e.xample. is allowing her 
daughter and son to leave 
the parochial school they at­
tended last year to return to 
a county elementary and 
junior high.

“This year they both 
chose to go to public 
schools,” she explains, “so I 
talked with the guidance 
counselors and the neigh­
bors, and they all said it was 
safe and that the schools 
were good. Of course, I’d 
pull them out again it I had 
to.”

.Another mother. Peggy 
Hillman, says her son re­
fused to let her place him in 
a private school.

“Central High has a repu­
tation that is not deserved.” 
she now says. ‘I was terri­
fied when I heard he was I 
going there. Last year I got  ̂
involved in a booster club' 
and met the parents of the ; 
black students and they are ! 
lovely people. My son is 
happy and that’s what’s im­
portant.”



Thursday, Seot. 4,1975 THE-W ASH INGTON  POsT. ... R ' _

musing Is g  in itter\
Black parents are also 

pleased. <!
“I can best explain it all: 

to you through my daughter 
Olivia,” says _ Sylvester 
Vaughns, president of the 
county's NAACP chapter 
and one of the eight parents 
who filed the 1972 desegre­
gation suit.

■‘.At Kent Junior High 
[formerly all-black] s h e  
m ade‘the honor roll. The' 
following year when she 
was bused to Kenmoor..Tun- 
ior High she didn’t make it 
and she was doing';'iust as 
well. That’s what was unfair 
—that the white, standards 
were higher than .at black' 
schools. I never thought that 
the only way my child could 
learn was to sit next to a 
white child, but that’s where-a 
the quality education waS? 
and that’s what it’s allSl 
about” -i ■=

Another black junior high 
student Pam Hamptong 
made a similar discovery. 
An honors student at a pri­
marily whiter, junior high^ 
she was discouraged when.* 
she was bused to a formerly 
all-black school and found 
the standards- there much 
lower. Aij:
' -‘At my old school, Robert 
Goddard, there was more va­
riety in our programs. You 
could really become academ­
ically involved if you 
wanted to,” she says. “But 
when we were transferred 
to Kent we found it wasn’t 
there. As a matter of fact, 
only six people were in my 
math class and all of them 
came from Goddard.”

Others, however, retain 
strong opinions about deseg­
regation hurting Prince 
George’s.

“I believe busing is the 
single most disruptive thing 
that has happened in the 
history of the county,” says 
Winfield M. Kelly Jr,, 
county executive. He be­
lieves that a “feeling of in­
stability” created by the 
busing turmoil both trig­
gered white flight and 
frightened off new middle- 
class families that otherwise 
might have moved in,

"I could give you two 
arms lists of names . . .  of 
people I’ve really been sad­
dened to see leaving the 
county. It’s the stability

thing that, pulled them away 
. . .  everything suffered . . .  
including racial relations.” j

But Kelly, like others, de- | 
Clines to produce a list of | 
names of those who may | 
have left for this reason, I 
and it is impossible to meas- i 
ure how many whites may 
not have moved in because 
of school desegregation.

The racial make-up of the 
county, which has acquired 
a 25 per cent black popula­
tion in little, more than a 
decade, had begun changing 
before school desegregation,: 
part of a trend of blacks 
moving to close-in suburbs 
that is occurring elsewhere; 1

Both the black increase] 
and the white decline werej

being reflected in county., 
sfchool , enrollments before 
busing, for desegregation 
was ordered; though there 
was a larger than normal 
drop—9 per cent—in white 
enrollments during the first 
year of busing and its pro­
tests.. ,. ■'

The following year, how­
ever, the white decline 
slowed to 5.4 per cent, and 
Charles Wendorf, director 
of pupil accounting for the 
school system, sees a trend 
toward stabilization of the 
racial mix.

“I think the population is 
integrating naturally, and I 
don’t think busing has any­
thing to do with.it now,” he 
remarks ■ ,  , 'i

Jesse Warr, the only black ' 
member of the county school 
board, notes that “the black 
population change began be­
fore busing.”

Black enrollment re­
mained . steady during The 
first, busing year, climbing 
at 1.5 per cent as it has over 
the past seven years, accord­
ing, fo Wendorf. The great­
est black influx came in the 
late 1960s, and population 
authorities say this coincid­
ed with open-housing legisla­
tion in the county and urban 
renewal in the Distnct of 
Columbia.

“To use. the economy and 
instabiUty to- say busing 
isn't working is a lot of bal» 
ney. 'Those, are scapegoat

tactics to blame me. a black 
person^ as the cause of it 

‘all,” says Warr.
Many opposed to busing 

also claim that the housing 
market was hurt by desegre­
gation. But realtors gener­
ally say that the change in 
school assignments had lit­
tle effect on their sales, 
which have improved in the 
past two years.

The black community also 
found fault with a situation 
they say grew out of busing. 
Last November, the NAACP 
filed a. suit charging the 
school system, with discrimi­
nating against black stu­
dents by suspending them at 
a higher rate than whites.

The first year after 'bu.-i-A 
ing, 48.2 per”cent of suspen- \  
sions were meted out to 
blacks, who made up 28.9 
per cent of the school popu­
lation, according to school 
statistics. That suit was set­
tled out of court last spring.

Other desegregated school 
systems have also been 
charged with “pushing out” 
black students through sus­
pensions or discriminatin.g 
against them through 
“ability grouping,” with 
blacks put in the lowest 
groups.

The Department of 
Health, Education and Wel­
fare recently reported that 
it has required the shifting 
of classes for 250,000 child­
ren in the last year and a half 
to halt such “second genera­
tion” segregation, mostly in 
Southern systems.

But in Prince George’s : 
most residents say that, con­
sidering the history of the - 
county, desegregation has 
gone smoothly. UntR 1954, 
the schools were segregated 
by law and little changed 
until the mid-60s when, un­
der federal pressure, the 
school boundaries were re- 

■ drawn to break up 24 all­
black schools.

In 1972 when the, federal 
courts in Baltimore ordered 
the mid-term transfers, the 
schools quietly prepared an 
Intricate busing plan while 
the county erupted in pro­
tests.

^•We transferred twice as 
many students as they did 
in Boston, a logistical feat 
comparable to putting a 
man on the moon,” says 
Carl W. Hassel, school su­
perintendent. ■

“We- guaranteed that ev­
ery student -would have the 
same courses in their new- 
schools, that sports would- 
continue, that student offi­
cers, could retain their posi' 
tion . . . And-on D-day we 
didn’t  have one single dis­
ruption. Compared to what 
I’ve seen in other places, 
this is really remarkable.’”

P r i n c G  GsorgG's C o u n t y



Tw enty-one y ea rs  a f te r  the Su­
preme Court outlawed racially sepa­
ra te  schools in S outhern s ta te s , a 
Northern city , Boston, has becom e 
the sym bol of a  new e ra  of school 
desegregation and white resistance.

By John Mathews
Washingtofi S tar Stuff Writer

F i r s t  o f  two articles

As th e  nation’s C rad le of Revolu- 
■ tion ne.tt wee’tc begins “Phase II” of 

its court-ordered busing plan, requir­
ing som e 23,000 b lack  and  w hite 
children to attem d schools in each 
others’ neighborhoods, the emphasis 
is on p reven tion  of v io lence w ith 
augm ented  local and  s ta te  police 
contingents and federal marshals, if 
necessary.

Last school year, when about 9,000 
fewer children were bused in Boston, 
the school system was kept in turmoil 
by sporad ic violence, a school boy­
cott by thousands of whites and by the 
assignm ent of uniform ed police to 
keep th e  peace  inside two high 
schools.

WHILE BOSTON is likely again to 
dominate the headlines, it may prove 
to be an exception as the th re a t of 
violence and w hite resistance has 
been largely absent from school sys­
tem s in Louisville, Indianapolis -and 
Corpus C hris ti, T ex., w hich a re

evolution in school desegregation law ^  
applying to school system s outside^^ 
the South could produce a  similartsi 
desegregation e ra  in the North an d i' 
the West. Si

The snail’s pace of school desegre-| 
gation for the decade after the IPStlj 
Brown decision can be traced to theJ: 
court’s follow-up decision, known as4 < 
Brown II, a  y e a r  la te r . The h ig h l, 
court rejected the plea of civil r ig h t s | 
lawyers that it set definite tim etables s; 
for school desegregation. Instead, i t i  
left the mechanics to lower federal^ 
courts and directed that segregation-j 
be e lim inated  “ w ith all deliberate^ 
speed.” ^

See B U S IN G , A -d -

undergoing further school desegrega­
tion—and busing—this school year.

The limited degree of new school 
desegregation across the nation this 
school year may be only a ripple that 
will be swept o ver by a  wave of fu­
ture court-required desegregation in 
the future.

Increasingly, fed era l cou rt su its  
a re  being filed and decisions issued 
requ iring  additional desegregation 
particularly in Northern and Western 
school d is tr ic ts . In some ca ses . 
Southern school districts which de­
segregated years ago are al§o being 
required to do more now.

As Meyer Weinberg, the editor of 
“ Integrated Education” who has fol­
lowed the course of school desegrega­
tion for years pu ts i t ;  “ In judicial 
te rm s. N orthern desegregation  is 
roughly w here Southern desegrega­
tion was a decade or more ago.”

Back in 1964 — a decade after the 
Supreme Court’s Brown decision — 
the effect of the historic ru ling  on , 
Southern schools w as m inim al. , 
Slightly over 2 percent of black stu- i 
dents w ere attending schools w ith 1 
whites in the 11 Southern states.

But. by the 1972-73"school year, the 
most recent with complete statistics |

com piled by the D epartm en t of 
Health, Education and Welfare, over 
90 percent of Southern black children 
were in schools with whites.

■WHILE THE SOUTH had dram ati­
cally desegregated during the 1964-74 
decade, the  N orth  had stood still. 
N early half the b lack  ch ild ren  in 
Southern states attended schools with 
a  majority w hite population, but in 
th e  N orth and W est, only about a 
q u a rte r  of the b lacks w ere in de­
segregated schools.

A major shift in federal court deci­
sions occurred, creating the desegre­
gation decade in the  South. Some 
civil r ig h ts  law yers feel th a t an

“ •- Continued From A-1

Lower courts took the Su­
prem e C ourt lead . In the 
19SS;Briggs ca se , a  three-, 
judge federal panel ia South 
Carolina ru led  th a t the 

“ Constitution'. . . does not 
requ ire  in teg ration . I t 
m erely  forb ids segrega­
tion..’’- - School system s 
adopted r freedom-of-choice 
plans-and pupil placement 
laws- th a t  declared , in eL- 
fect, tha t formerly all-white 
schools were open to blacks 
who wanted to apply. The 
burden w as p laced  on stur 
dents and th e ir  p a ren ts ; 
school systems had no posi-’ 
live obligation to desegre- 
gate.

In the mid-1960s low er 
federal cou rts  began reas ­
sessing the pace of desegre^ 
gation and finding that the 
permissive approach of the 
firs t decade had produced 
little change. By 1969, the 
Supreme Court in its Alex­
ande r decision , and 1968’s 
Green decision, inaugurated 
the new e ra  of desegrega­
tion in the South.

The co u rt ordered elim i­
nation of segregation “ root 
and branch” and creation 
of “unitary school systems” 
in which there are no identi­
fiable b lack  or w hite 
schools. To desegregate a  
school system, the court ap­
proved red raw ing  school 
a t te n d a n c e  b o u n d a r ie s , 
pairing -schools so tha t ail 
children would attend some 
grades inthe formerly black 
and th e  fo rm erly  w hite 
school, and  busing, when 
necessary.

COURTS BEGAN 
ORDERING m ore exten-j 
sive busing plans. And. the 
Johnson ad m in is tra tio n ’s! 
D epartm en t of H ealth , 
E ducation and W elfare j 
began to use its new pow ers' 
under the 1964 Civil Rights; 
Act to threaten a cutoff of 
federal funds to school sys­
tem s th a t balked at deseg;

- regation. i

F rom  the  1968-69 to th e  
1970-71 school years, school 
desegregation  inc reased  
dram atically in the South­
ern  states. By 1970, 40 p e r­
cent of blacks in the South 
w ere in m a jo rity  w hite 
schools, compared to IS per­
cent two years before. The 
South leaped ahead  of the 
North, West and the border 
states where 30 percent or 
fewer black students w ere 
in majority white schools.

As th e  desegrega tion  
pace accelerated, pu’olic op­
position inc reased . The 
Nixon administration took a 
strong stand  against large \ 
scale busing and th a t em o­
tional issue cam e back b e - ! 
fore the Supreme Court.

In its 1971 Swann decision 
dealing w ith a lower court 
order, to desegregate,fully 
the Charlotte and Mecklen­
burg  County, S.C., school 
system, a  unanimous court 
ruled tha t busing is a  legiti­
m ate tool.for desegregating
schools. “ D esegregation  
plans cannot be limited to 
th e  walk-in schopi;” w rote 
C h ie fJustice W arren  Bur-, 
ger, the Nixon appointee iir 
the court opinion.

Racial quotas fo r individ; 
ual schools within a  system:- 
w idefdesegregatibn- p lan  
were approved by the court 
as long as they were not in­
flexible percentages.,

While, the South "came 
under stringent court guide*- 
lines to desegregate fully, 
and to bus if necessary, the 
course of th e  law  in the 
N orth w as slower to devel­
op. D uring  the  mid-1960s, 
civil rights lawyers expend­
ed considerab le energy 
try ing  to  convince federal 
courts that the  Brown deci­
sion should be extended to 
apply to school districts out­
side the South. »-

W hat they  attem pted to 
do was get courts to erase 
the distinction between “de 
jure” and “de facto” segre- 
gation. "D e ju r e ” segrega­
tion was Southern-style seg­
regation  th a t could be. . 
tra ced  back  to law s de- "4 
cla red  unconstitutional in 
the Brown decision th a t 
separated children by race 
in the schools. “ De facto” 
segregation w as Northern- 
style school segregation, re- | 
suiting from  neighborhood 
housing patterns tha t led to  ., 
some sections of a school | 
system having mostly black ■' 
schools, w hile o the r sec- ; 
tions w ere popula ted  by 
whites.

THE COURTS, however, 
never bought the argxjment 
tha t segregation whatever 
its origin was harmful. But, 
in a  small number of cases 
outside the South during the 
1960s, notably  P on tiac , 
M ich., and P asad en a , 
Calif., federa l judges did 
find th a t N orthern  and 
W estern school system s 
could be ju s t as guilty  ol 
intentional school segrega-



tncts.
“De jure” segregation in 

the North did not »nean that 
laws existed requiring ra­
cial separation in schools. 
But courts found govern­
ment actions —  which had 
virtually the same weight 
and effect as laws —  which 
caused racially separate 
schools.

Black plaintiffs in Ponti­
ac, Pasadena and several 
other school systems, were 
able to show that school 
board decisions led to in­
creased separation of the 
races in schools or preser­
vation of existing predomi­
nantly white or black 
schools, when alternatives 
existed that would lead to 
integration. Schools were 
located on sites that, pre­
served the neighborhood 
patterns, or school bound­
aries and student assign­
ments reinforced the racial. 
separation.

Two years ago, the Su­
preme Court considered its 
first “Northern” school 
case, involving Denver, a 
Western city with no history 
of segregation by law. -

Lower courts had agreed 
that for a decade the school 
board had deliberately con- 1  
fined about one-third of the 
system’s black students to. 
schools .in the Park  Hill 
area.,Instead of building 
schbbls^on sites that .would 
resultvin integration,' the 
board had constructed a 
small elementant'school in 
the black section,"purup 
temporary mobile class­
rooms and gerrymandered 
school attendance zones.

A X 'IS S U E  before'^ the 
court was how to desegre­
gate the school system. 
Could the school board’s 
deliberate policy of segre-

tiu ^ R n n ^ c h o o ^ y ste m V  
black students be remedied 
by a desegregation plan af­
fecting a portion or the sys­
tem’s schools. Or, was the 
entire system tainted, re­
quiring an overall desegre­
gation plan.

While the Supreme Court 
sent the case back to the 
federal district court judge 
to decide a 7-1 majority 
leaned toward . the 
“remedy” of total desegre-- 
gation — . the usual cure in 
Southern school cases.

“Common sense dictates 
the conclusion that racially 
inspired school board ac­
tions have an impact be­
yond the particular schools 
that are the subjects of 
these actions,” the court 
opinion said.

Unless a court can deter­
mine that a school board’s 
discriminatory action was 
isolated and unrelated ta 
the rest of the school sys­
tem, the Supreme Court 
added; that “state imposed 
segregation in a substantial 
portion” of a school system 
will lead to a ruling that a 
“dual” , school . system 
exist, or in-other words, a 
system that segregates 
blacks and whites in sepa­
rate schools; ;

In its Denver,decision,;; 
the Supreme Court stopped 
short of eliminating the dis- 
tiaction between “de facto” 
and “de jure” se^egation, 
even though Justice Lewis 

Powell Jr. asserted the ' 
distinction was now mean­
ingless.' The court had.- 
found “purpose, or intent to 
segregate” was the differ­
ence between “de jure” and. 
“de facto” segregation.

Following the Supreme 
court decision, the district 
court judge in the Denver

system was tainted, because 
of the deliberate discrimina­
tion in. the Park Hill area. 
He ordered total desegrega­
tion, with extensive busing.

THE D E N V E R  D E C I­
SION has served as the 
basis for other federal court 
decisions in school districts 
outside the South, like Bos­
ton. Civil rights lawyers 
also see it as the basis for 
even more extensive deseg­
regation in the North and 
West.

In Boston, U.S. District 
Judge W. Arthur Garrity 
Jr. ruled 14 months ago, in 
line with the Denver deci­
sion, that actions of the Bos­
ton School Committee con­
stituted “de jure” 
segregation. The catalo^e 
of unconstitutional policies 
was familiar:

Uneven school boundary 
lines between the city’s 
Roxbury and Dorchester 
sections that led to racially 
separate school popula­
tions. Feeder patterns from 
elementary to junior to sen­
ior high schools set up and 
repeatedly changed to keep 
the races apart. Expansion 
of existing schools or build­
ing.; of new ones when 
students could have been 
shifted to nearby schools 
with surplus classrooms, 
thus promoting integration.

While Boston is a classic 
" case of Northern school seg­
regation, Louisville and 
Indianapolis —  the two 
other major systems set to 
desegregate this week —  
are in a sense an exception 
to the current trend of 
school desegregation law. 
Both the cities, with pre­
dominantly black school 
populations, have been

th e i^ a rg e l^ w h T t^ u b u ^  
ban counties.

thirteen months ago, in 
what civil rights lawyers 
and organizations felt was a 
major setback, the Supreme 
Court on a narrow 5-4 vote 
ruled that metropolitan­
wide desegregation be­
tween the majority black 
Detroit city school system 
and its largely white sub­
urbs was not required. Civil 
rights forces had hoped to 
inaugurate a whole new era 
of school desegregation 
with the argument that ar­
tificial boundaries between 
cities and suburbs should 
not stand in the wav.

Writing the court opinion. 
Burger rejected that notion. 
School system boundaries 
could be bridged only if 
racially discriminatory acts 
of one or more school 
districts led directly to 
regregation in an adjacent 
district or where boundary 
lines have been clearly 
drawn on the basis of race. 
Burger said.

ALTHOUGH A P P E A LS  
could decide otherwise, 
Louisville and Indianapolis, 
fit the narrow exceptions 
outlined by the Supreme 
Court.

Under Kentucky law, 
counties are the basic unit 
of state government, and in 
the past, town and city 
school systems have rou­
tinely merged with their ; 
county school systems. The 
Louisville school board, 
which favored a 
metropolitan-wide system, 
dissolved itself which 
meant that city schools im­
mediately became part of 
the Jefferson County sys­

tem. The U.S. 6th Circuit 
Court- of Appeals then 
ordered full desegregation.

After the 1954 Brown 
decision, Louisville became 
known as a model, volun­
tarily desegegating its 
schools and other public fa­
cilities with few problems. 
Gradually, however, city 
schools have become just 
over 50 percent black and a 
recognizable pattern of 
black and white schools 
exists. The school board 
and city government have 
favored the metropolitan 
solution as a means of 
avoiding the-classic prob­
lem of further “white 
flight” from the citv.



Northern Desegregation Stilly

Decade Behind the SoutU

This week!' 22,600 of the 
combined.' city-suburban 
schoor population of 130,000 
will be bused to desegre­
gate schools. Schools will 
range generally from 12 to 
40 percent black, although 
some will remain over half 
black or white. Blacks bear 
a disproportionate share of 
the busing,, leaving their 
neighborhoods for nine of 
their dozen school years, 
compared to two or three 
out of 12 years for whites.

In Indianapolis, the fed­
eral judge found that a 1969 
state law merging most 
city and county govern­
ment services, 7 but ex­
cluding schools, as well 
as restrictive zoning laws 
and concentration of public 
housing projects in the city, 
tended to perpetuate segre­
gation of city schools. Some 
6,700 city students, all of 
them blacks, are scheduled 
to be bused to eight sub­
urban school districts this 
week in the first phase of a, 
desegregation plan.

Next: Ev^nations , yj

WetJnewlay^September 3. 1975 The Washington Star a -9



Ever since the U.S. Supreme Court 
injected the findings of social'science 
research into its  historic school de- 
segegation decision 21 years ago, the 
debate over the effects of racial sepa­
ration versus racial integration in the 
nation’s schools has continued una­
bated.

B y  J o h n  Mathews
Washiogtoo S t ^  Staff Writer

S e c o n d  o f  t w o  a r t i c l e s

In recent months, a new tw ist in 
• the debate has evolved as a  result of 

some p re lim inary  re sea rc h  and a 
’ series of public statements by Dr. 

Jam e s  &. Colem an, whose 1966 
governm .ent-sponsored study pro­

vided a  rationale for the educational ’ 
benefits of school desegregation.

Court-ordered desegregation  has 
been self-defeating, Coleman a s s e r t­
ed, because it has led to  masses of 
whites fleeing  the nation’s la rg es t 
citie s and leaving th e ir  school sys­
tem s m ore segregated than  before. 
“ In an area such as school desegre­
gation . . .. th e  courts a re  probably 
the w orst instrum ent of social poli­
cy,” he has written..

Other social scientists and school, 
integration advocates have ra ised  
serious questions about the accuracy 
of Coleman’s research, charging his- 
personal, unsupported opinions about’ 
school desegr^a tion  h av e  becom ej 

jm ingled with his scholarship. ^

COLEMAN.T H IM SELF, h a s  ac- - 
knowiedged that he was incorrect in 
claiming that ijfassive desegregation 
had occurred in the nation’s 20 larg­
est cities, with the 'greatest degree of 
white flight. He also notes that press 
reports have failed to underline that 
his research showed no connection 
between school desegregation and 
“white flight” in the next 50 lau-gest 
school districts.

Back in 195Awhen a unanimous Su­
prem e Court issued  its  h isto ric  
Brown decision outlawing rac ia lly  
separate  schools, i t  w as m ore con­
cerned a b o u t the effects of school

segregation' on black children,' th a n  
on whites. .

The court met squarely the issue of 
whether separate, but equal schools
_a doctrine which had  held for 58
y e a rs_“deprive the children of the
minority group of equal educational 
opportunities.”  To determine w heth­
e r separate schools were “ inherently 
unequal,” thus depriving black chil­
dren of their 14th Amendment rights 
to equal protection of the law , the 
court resorted to social science re­
search.

In its  famous footnote No. IT  the 
court cited studies of the harmful ef­

fects of segregation on the personal­
ity development of black children by 
sociologists and  psychologist, like 
Dr. Kenneth B. Clark, who recently 
attacked  Coleman’s view s as an at­
tempt to undermine the Brown deci-

The court opinion also quoted the 
psychological finding of a lower court 
judge who w rote th a t “ segregation 
with the sanction of law, therefore, 
has a tendency to retard the educa­
tional and m ental developm ent oi 
Negro children and to deprive them 
of some of the benefits they would re­
ceive in a racially integrated school 
system.”

t h e  s u p r e m e  COURT, itself.

summed up its view of the effects of 
gggj-ggation on b lack  children , say­
ing: “To separate them from others 
of similar age and qualifications sole­
ly because of their race generates a 
feeling of inferiority as to their status 
in the community th a t m ay affec t 
their hearts and minds in a  way un­
likely ever to be undone.”

Since the original Brown decision, 
social science research, particularly 
his own, Coleman has contended, has 
been the bulw ark of a num ber of 
court desegregation decisions.

The 1966 survey of Equal E duca­
tional Opportunity, which becam e 
known as th e  Coleman Report, con-

See COLEMAN, A-10

eluded tha t the most signifi” 
can t fac to r influencing a 
child’s school achievement 
level w as fam ily  back­
ground : p a ren t education 
and income level.

As a  resu lt, if ch ildren  
from families with lower in­
com es and educational 
backgrounds w ent to 

, schools populated m ainly  
w ith children  from  m ore 
favored background, they 
achieved a t a  higher level 
than in a  school m ade up 
la rgely  of so-called d isad­
vantaged children. In addi­
tion, the achievem ent of 
better-incom e whites did 
not suffer.

Coleman maintains th a t 
courts have used his d a ta ,— 
which o the r analysts have 
disputed — as the basis for 
adopting desegregation  
plans th a t consciously in te­
g ra te  black children from  
lower-income families with 
w hites from  better-income 
families. T hat policy, Cole­
m an adds, has ignored the 
ability of whites to exercise 
th e ir individual option to 
flee from  desegrega ting  
school system s, a  choice 
m ade by masses of whites 
in the larger cities.

Civil rights lawyers say  
th a t Colem an is w rong 
when he contends federa l 
courts have engaged in mix­
ing of children b y  class, as 
well as race . W illiam L. 
Taylor, director of the Con­

s ' te r  fo r National Policy Re- 
-view a t Catholic University, 
said that m ajor court deseg- 
regation decisions have not 

® adopted the findings of the 
' Coleman Report, and  th a t 

in a  number of cases, like 1 
Boston which enters its sec- 

, ond yea r of desegregation 
' next week, w hites from  

lower-income fam ilies  a re  
, being integrated in schools 

with blacks from  lower-in­
come families.

TO BUTTRESS his argu ­
ment th a t court-ordered  
school desegrega tion  h as  
been counterproductive by 
driving w hites out of de­
segregated school systems.

Colem an p e rfo rm e d '' a 
statistical analysis com par­
ing the racial populations of 
20 of the largest school sys­
tems and SO of tiie next larg­
est between 1968 and 1972.

Reynolds F a r le y , a 
demographics e j^ e r t a t the 
Population S tudies C enter 
of the University of M ichi­
gan, did a  somewhat sim i­
lar analysis, comparing the 
racial statistics of SO of the 
largest Southern and 73 of 
the biggjest N orthern  and 
Western cities between 1967 
and 1972. His conclusion di­
rec tly  con trad ic ts  Cole­
m an’s. Farley says there is 
no consistent connection be­
tween th e  degree of racial 
integration in a  school sys­
tem ; th e  p ic tu re  i s  m uch 
m ore mi.xed and contradic­
to ry  th a n  Colem an m ain­
tains. I

F ir s t ,  a  descrip tion  of i 
C olem an’s  d a ta . Using a  ‘ 
com plex  s ta t is tic a l an a l­
ysis, Coleman found tha t in 
1968 nationw ide, the a v e r­
age black child  w ent to a 
school tha t w as 7 2  percent 
b lack . F o u r y e a rs  la te r ,  
desegregation had  inc reas- | 
ed and  the average b lack  ! 
w as in a  school with only 56 | 
percent black students. j

The g rea te s t d eg ree  o f j 
desegregation took place in ' 
the South. O ther regions 
showed little change, or in 
th e  ca se  of the  New Eng­
land states and E ast North 
Central s ta te s  (Wisconsin, 
M ichigan, Ohio, Illinois, 
Ind iana) segregation  in 
s c h o o l s  actually increased.

E.xamining the 20 largest 
city school districts in both 
th e  N orth and South, Cole-1 
man calculated a prediction 
formula to determine the ef-j 
feet on white flight of an in-; 
crease in black enrollment 
over a  th ree  y e a r  period.f 
He figured  th a t in a c i ty  
w ith a  50 percent black en­

rollment in 1970, a 5 percent 
increase in blacks over a 
three-year period will result 
in a  20 p ercen t exodus of 
whites.

Looking a t 11 of th e  
cities, which hait-only mini­
m al desegregation , Cole­
m an found th a t th e  expect­
ed loss of w hites should 
have  been 15 percent, bu t 
a c tu a lly  w as 18 percen t, 
sligh tly  m ore th a n  an tic i­
pated. In eight other cities 
( th e  D is tric t of Colum bia 
w as excluded from th e  ca l­
culation), the w hite fligh t 
should have been about 7 
percen t in a th ree -y ear 
period, but was actually 26 
percent, Coleman said.

“ IT APPEARS th a t the 
im pact of desegregation, in 
these large cities, on whites 
m oving out of the ce n tra l 
c ity  is g re a t,”  he w rote. 
“The pvem m enta l actions, 
r^ u c in g  segregation within , 
d istricts, provokes ra th e r  1 
strong  indiv idual ac tions 
which partly offset th a t ef­
fect.”



Although his data cannot 
prove it, Coleman assumes 
that many of the whites 
leaving city school systems 
are from middle-class fami­
lies, “leaving the integra­
tion among blacks and 
working class whites.” If 
one purpose of integration 
is to increase the academic 
performance of blacks by 
placing them in schools 
with student predominantly 
from middle-income fami­
lies —  which in most cities 
means majority white 
schools —  that goal is de­
feated by white flight, he 
adds.

In middle-size cities, 
Coleman found a steady de­
crease in the white school 
population but no direct 
connection with the degree 
of integration. He sur­
mised:

“The flight from integra­
tion appears to be principal­
ly a large-city phenomenon.

This may be related to an 
oft-noted concern of both 
black and white parents: a 
concern that they have little 
control over their schools 
and their children’s educa­
tion. This concern is most 
pronounced in the largest 
districts, and increases if 
their children attend 
schools at some distance 
from home.”

A  major criticism of Cole­
man’s findings has been 
that in the 20 largest city 
school districts where he 
asserted desegregation had 
produced white flight, no 
court decrees requiring 
extensive busing for deseg­
regation were in effect dur­
ing the 1968-72 period he 
studied. Most desegregation 
efforts were voluntary bus­
ing or transfer plans.

CO LEM A N  F A IL E D  to 
account for variables other 
than race that caused 
middle-class whites, and 
blacks as well, to leave 
cities for the suburbs ac­
cording to Thomas Petti­
grew, professor of social 
psychology and sociology at 
Harvard University, and 
Robert L. Green, an educa­
tional psychologist who is 
dean of the College of 
Urban Development at 
Michigan State University.

In  a paper criticizing the 
Coleman study, they wrote 
that other factors leading to 
middle-class flight include 
increase in crime, outward 
movement of industry, 
pollution and urban blight. 
“Before concluding that an 
increase in desegregated 
schools causes an increase 
in white flight. Professor 
Coleman and his associates 
should have controlled for 
all the other relevant vari­
ables,” they wrote.

Also disputing the Cole­
man conclusions is the 
study by Farley, the demog­
rapher from the University 
of Michigan. Looking at the 
20 largest Northern and

Southern city school dis­
tricts from 1967 to 1972, he 
found no consistent pattern 
between an increase in 
desegregation and white 
flight.

Oklahoma City and San 
Francisco, for example, 
schools became more inte­
grated and white flight in­
creased, Farley noted. But, 
in cities like Seattle, M in­
neapolis, New Orleans, 
Chicago, Cincinnati and 
Washington, whites left en 
masse even though schools 
remained heavily segregat­
ed.

In still other school dis­
tricts, Farley found, like 
Broward County (Fort 
Lauderdale, Fla.) and Hills­
borough County (Tampa, 
Fla.) schools became more 
integrated and the white 
school population actually 
increased. In Charlotte, 
combined with suburban 
Mecklenburg County, a 
wide-scale busing order 
went into effect in 1970, 
bringing a sharp increase in 
integration, but the white 
population in the schools by

1372 had declined by only 
14 percent.  ̂ j

F A R L E Y  ALSO  R A N  ’
another test of data to 
determine whether in cities 
with large black school |
populations in 1967 and an !
increase in school desegre- j
gation, the white flight 
would be greater than in 
cities without those factors.
He concluded that there 
was no firm relationship be>- 
tween those factors and 
white flight-

Summing up his findings 
Farley wrote: “To be sure, 
when public schools are die- 
segregated or when they be­
come predominantly blaclt, 
some white parents —  per­
haps many —  hasten their 
move away from the central 
city. However, whites are 
moving out of central cities 
for many other reasons- We 
have shown that cities 
whose schools were inte­
grated between 1967 and 
1972 did not lose white stu­
dents at a higher rate than 
cities whose schools re­
mained segregated.”



Uf,

Chicago School Bias J 
Is Targeted hy HEW

By Eric Wentworth
W w hinatea Poet Staff Writer

■ --The Health, Education-, 
and - Welfare - Department 
plans to step- up pressure 
against- Chicago school offi­
cials to end discriminatory 
teacher assignments and 
provide more bilingual edu- 
eation. ;

The Chicago-move is part 
of broader efforts by HE-W's 
Office for Civil Eights to ac­
celerate desegregation en­
forcement in scores of 
Northern and Westeni 
school systems. ,

These efforts have been, 
sharpened by a lawsuit itt 

, which civil rights groups 
' seek a- court order compel 

' 1, ling the department to move 
I  still faster. The suit, filed 

i f two months ago, alleges that  ̂
i.; H E W  enforcement outside ’ 

South “has never.gbtten ; 
off the ground.” ,

HEW civU rights officials 
yesterday announced two 
other moves against discrim- 
inatory school practices: ;

•  Citing evidence that mi­
nority children are punished 
more frequently and sever- 
erly than - whites “in many 
hundreds of school systems 
throxxgbout the nation,” they 
said they were investigating 
possible violations and told 
educators to keep detailed 
school-discipline records.
. •  Citing other 'findings 
that school systems discrimi­
nate through “a number of 
common practices” in as­
signing students to programs 
for the gifted, retarded, mal­
adjusted or other- special 
categories, the HEW offi­
cials issued guidelines 
aimed at curbing such bias.

Chicago, hit by a teachers’ 
strike yesterday, is one of 
the cities where the NAACP 
and other civil rights groups 
in their lawsuit say HEW  
should promptly launch for­
mal e^orcem ent. proceed­
ings.

h e w  officials here and in 
Chicago said this week that 
they weren’t prepared to be 
that aggressive at this point 

Instead, federal enforcers 
were contemplating a pre­
liminary step — a letter 
asking Chicago school offi­
cials to explain or rebut 
evidence of biased practices 
or, on a to  u g h e r  .note, 
telling them to submit plans 
for overcoming such prac-1 
tices. , . , 1

A letter merely asking for 
explanation or r e b u t t a l  
would be “a very substan­
tial retrogression,” said El­
liott Lichtman, one of the 
lawyers involved in suing 
HEW. , ^

In June,, _for the third 
year in a row, HEW; found 
Chicago ineligible . for- a 
grant under the Eraerghecy 
School Aid Act, which funds 
projects that help desegre­
gation or ease racial isola­
tion.

Herman Goldberg, HEW 
official in charge of that 
program, wrote Chicago of­
ficials that discriminatory 
assignment of teachers and 
failure to provide bilingual 
programs for a t  least 6.000 
students led to the latest 
finding.

Even a HEW letter asking 
Chicago to explain or rebut 
such evidence would mark 
an escalation in the govern- 
saen t’s' decade-old conflict 
with the . city’s school sys­
tem-. '

In October, 1965, HEW of­
ficials sought to block, new 
federal education funds for 
Chicago pending a probe of 
alleged student segregation, 
aiayor Richard J. Daley ex­
ploded, met with then-Presi- 
dent Johnson and success-

:e- n 
us i4

1  ̂ I

fully , forced HEW,, to back tj 
away,.-;. • - , E

iri July, 1969, the Justice i 
Department warned the Chi- fj 
cago school board that it p 
faced, a possible federal q  
court suit; unless it desegre- ' / 
gated school facilities. Chi- j  
cago responded with-a vol- 
untary teacher-transfer plan, j 
No lawsuit folio-wed,. S, . . i 

HEW officials in Chicago ( 
noted this week that forced I 
teacher transfers have been j 
barred under sehool board- i 

. teachers union contracts. J 
Though such contract provi- 1 
sions are a poor defense i 
.against civil rights enforce 
ment. they pose serious 
practical problems.

What concerns federal of­
ficials about Chicago is ev­
idence that many schools- ai 
with predominantly white or 
minority enrollments have 
the same racial imbalance in daj 
t h e i r  administrative and dat 
teaching staffs. ’

Los Angeles, the nation’s n* 
second-largest school system, sa 
was told by HEW to explain 
or rebut such faculty imbal- 
ances in April—months be- 
fore the civil rights groups _  
sued the department. HEW j 
officials-have been studying | 
the Los Angeles response. !

Federal officiais generally | 
acknowledge, though, that ' 
the suit has added fresh im- at 
petus to enforcement. Mar- j-e 
tin Gerry, acting director of r? 
HEW’s Office for Civil Tt 
Eights, said as many as 50 
to 75 school systems may be : pt 
told by the end of this ia 
month' whether they face .K| 
enforcement actions.



AFL-CIO NEWS, WASHINGTON, D.C., NOVEMBER 1, 1975

Job E xpansion N eeded:

Destroying Seniority Principle 
Won’t Solve Employment Crisis!

T h e  fo llow ing  is excerp ted  fro m  a paper pre­
sen ted  to  th e  L a b o r R e la tions L a w  S ection  o f the  
A m erica n  Bar A ssoc ia tion  by E llio t B redhoff, 
general counsel o f the  A F L -C IO  Industria l Union  
D ept., on  a ffirm ative action and seniority.

P  ROB ABLY THE MOST time-honored con- 
-*■ cept in all of labor-management relations is 
that of seniority. From the employes’ point of 
view it determines promotional opportunities, 
settles competition for shift preferences and over­
time, determines fringe benefit entitlement, and 
most importantly, provides for protection in lay­
off situations.

As concerns layoffs, the near-universal appli­
cation of the seniority principle is that of “last 
in, first out.” It is justified among employes on the 
basis that longer service workers are entitled to 
retention of jobs based on length of service. From 
the employe’s point of view, it is justified by the 
fact that it means retention of the most experi­
enced and usually most skilled of the work force.

The significance of seniority to employes and 
unions cannot be overemphasized. It provides 
a uniformly accepted mechanism for assuring 
workers of job security based on length of ser­
vice in place of favoritism, discrimination and 
arbitrary management decisions which are pos­
sible in its absence.
These concepts are axiomatic to all of us who 

practice the art of labor relations. But it is essen­
tial to recall and reiterate them today because 
some of the attacks on seniority systems being 
advanced by zealous proponents of the interests of 
minorities and females would effectively destroy 
the seniority principle. They are blaming the 
seniority system for social and economic ills and 
for employer discrimination in hiring of'assign­
ments, despite the faot the systeih can irt no way 
be held responsible for these problems.

The solutions they propose, namely, to g£aqt 
junior minority and female employes artificial or 
fictional service credit to avoid layoffs, would de­
stroy job security arrangements which are the 
lifeblood of industrial workers and their unions. 
And a si^ificant number of minority. group 
employes who have earned long years of service 
credit in American industry, would be as ad­
versely affected as long service whites by such 
gimmicks.

It may be that these proponents of fictional or 
phantom seniority are not aware of the devastat­
ing impact their proposals would have on em­
ployes and unions. A  union which cannot pro­
vide seniority protection to workers, particularly 
against layoffs, would not be worth its salt, and 
would quickly lose favor with the workers. This 
would result in a sharp imbalance in labor-man­
agement relations. It would be a step toward the 
days when unorganized workers were at the 
mercies of their employers. Such a retrogressive 
turn of events simply must be avoided.

The overriding imperative for our economy 
as well as for our objective of a balanced and 
integrated work force is to expand economic 
output. But until government policies achieve 
these results, it is to the overall advantage of 
all workers—minorities, females and whites—  
to utilize existing programs to place the opti­
mum purchasing power in the hands of workers.
Generally speaking, devices such as work shar 

ing reduce rather than maximize the number of 
dollars fiowing to workers. The reason is quite 
simple. If a full employe complement shares a 
limited amount of available work, all employes 
involved suffer reduction in weekly hours of work 
and earnings. They all in effect share the pov­
erty. On the other hand, if the junior employes 
are laid off, the remaining more senior employes 
will draw down the same amount of wages from 
the employer as would the full employe comple­
ment under a work sharing program. In  addi 
tion, however, the junior employes will receive 
unemployment compensation from the govern­
ment and, in many cases, supplemental unem­
ployment benefits under private collectively bar­
gained programs. Hence, the aggregate yield for 
the same group of employes is substantially 
greater in the layoff situation than the work 
sharing situation.

It is no wonder, therefore, that the labor move­
ment is opposed to government-mandated work 
sharing programs. The cold, hard economic facts 
demonstrate the adverse impact of such programs 
on the work force as a whole.

While the labor movement opposes compulsory 
work sharing programs, it recognizes the existence; 
and viability of many-private ?pro^aifil'\Vliich' 
have evolved through collective bargaining. Under 
some of these private programs, senior eniployes 
are givfen ■ incentives-'to elect lay Off or'early re­
tirement, restrictions are placed, qn overtime, ex­
tended “vacations and holidays are provided, and 
scheduled work periods are reduced. These and 
other arrangements under which the interests of 
the entire work force are safeguarded serve to 
provide additional work opportunities for junior 

‘ employes.

Tt is through such voluntary private pro­
grams, as well as through expanded govern­
mental unemployment and assistance programs, 
that the adverse effects on thosfe who are laid 
off can be mitigated, while avoiding the de­
structive effects of fictional seniority or forced 
work sharing programs.

The only real answer to this problem, however, 
is to be found in an upturn in our economy, with 
its attendant expansion of employment opportuni­
ties for all. This of course can only be brought 
about by a government firmly committed to rec­
ognizing the problem and acting decisively there­
after. Unfortunately, our government thus far 
has failed to meet these vital needs.



A  Word Edgewise: a f l -q o  NEw ir i^ S H IN G T O N , D.C., NOVEMBER 1, 1975

Overexpansion of Programs 
Backfires on Private Colleges

By John P. Roche^ '

A d a m  s m it h , the great proponent of “laissez 
faire,” and Karl Marx, the prophet of “sci­

entific socialism,” were in full agreement on one 
proposition; the division of labor would be the 
key to attaining modern, enlightened society. Curi­
ously, when you investigate the major problem in 
the private sector of American higher education, 
you discover that colleges and universities— theo­
retically strongholds of enlightment— ĥave re­
jected that principle. Indeed, with few exceptions, 
they are the last stronghold of primordial individ­
ualism.

What triggered this thought was Columbia Uni­
versity President William D. McGill’s announce­
ment that “for all intents and purposes, the uni­
versity’s general endowment is gone.” While other 
presidents have been less forthcoming, it is no 
secret that for the past decade many institutions 
have, in the old phrase, been eating their seed 
com, that is, drawing on capital to meet operating 
costs. At the same time tuition has been increased 
to the point where any student without scholar­
ship aid costs his or her family about $5,000 a 
year, room, board and textbooks included.

Obviously the combination of inflation and 
recession (and a staggering increase in heating 
bills since the OPEC cartel went into action) 
has played a significant role in this push to­
ward bankruptcy. But other factors not beyond 
control also must be taken into consideration. 
As McGill pointed out, in the lush 1960s, when 
federal and foundation money was flowing 
freely, many schools expanded wildly. When 
the tap was turned off, they found themselves 
with programs, projects and, above all, person­
nel that required internal funding.
In many, if not most cases, those “dynamic, 

innovative” programs (to use the unpatented 
cliche) were nothing of the sort. They were sim­
ply replications of similar programs already in 
existence at other institutions. They were, in other 
words, gross violations of the principle of the 
division of labor. But when the music stopped, the 
university was committed to tenured facility and 
also trapped by its own press releases. After all, 
how could you scrap the most “dynamic, innova­

tive” graduate program in the country?
This is not 20-20 hindsight on my part. A  

depression kid, I  have always had something of 
an economic catastrophe complex. (At the mo­
ment I ’m worrying about how much of my retire­
ment annuity is invested in “moral obligation” 
bonds. Who but John Mitchell would have put 
something like that over on flinty-eyed capital­
ists?) Thus when the big money began to flow 
into higher education, I  was very leery. For years 
I  tried to block the establishment of a graduate 
program in my former department, arguing that 
Harvard and three or four other universities in 
the area could handle the business. Ironically I  
was overriden when the National Defense Educa­
tion Act threw some money at us. Once we had 
the money (which has long since disappeared), 
we had to have the program.

ANOTHER FACTOR that merits discussion is 
the vast increase in public higher education. With 
the annual fee at the City University of New York 
$110 (with a huge increase of $25 in the offing), 
private universities like Columbia and New York 
University are economically out of the running. 
The University of Massachusetts creates the same 
difficulty in the Boston area.

This has led some presidents of private in­
stitutions to denounce the growth. In my judg­
ment this is a thoroughly reactionary view (al­
though I believe some increase in fees for those 
who can pay them would be justified); private 
institutions should utilize, not criticize their 
public neighbors.
To be precise, if this is the year of the “dy­

namic, innovative” university without walls or 
Gaelic Studies Program and the state university 
sets one up, there is no need for all the private 
schools in the area to join the parade. The same 
ground justifies phasing out weak academic pro­
grams whenever the state or another private uni­
versity has superior offerings.

The private college or university should not be 
an educational supermarket— it should honor the 
division of labor and do what it does best. It was 
hard to get a hearing for this rational viewpoint 
with all that money floating into the groves of 
academe. Now, when push comes to shove, it may 
have a chance.



[irrk BUSINESS/FINANCE 57

Betty Friedan SuHestsWomen 
Must Develop Economic Allies

Meeting Endorses 
the Equal Rights 

Amendment

By SOMA GOLDEN
Si>ecla! to The New York Ttmes

HARRIMAN, N.Y., Nov. 2 
—Betty Friedan, one of the 
nation’s leading feminists and 
a pioneer leader in the wom­
en’s movement for the last 
decade, believes that to 
achieve further economic 
gains, women must now turn 
toward the rest of society to 
find new allies and develop 
innovative ideas for the re­
form of fundamental social 
institutions, such as the work 
week, work hours and home 
work.

“The women’s - liberation 
movement was only a way 
station,” said Mrs. Friedan 
this weekend in a rambling, 
emotional address to 65 
prominent citizens gathered 
at Arden House in Harriman, 
for a conference on “Wornen 
and the American Economy.”

"The questions we face 
now cannot be solved by 
women alone,” said the gray- 
haired author of “The Fem­
inine Mystique.” “Thinking 
must come in cooperation 
with old people, young peo­
ple, heart-attack-prone execu­
tives, trade unionists, blacks 
and other minorities,” she 
said.

Ford Foundation Financing
Representatives of most— 

although not all — these 
groups attended the confer­
ence, financed by the Ford 
Foundation and sponsored by 
the American Assembly, a 
nonpartizan policy study 
group affiliated with Colum­
bia University.

Today, after three days of 
dawn-to-dark discussion and 
debate, the assembly—which 
was organized and directed 
by Juanita M. Kreps, vice 
president and professor of 
economics at Duke Univer­
sity — produced a 10-page 
policy document that en­

Th* New York Times
A ctive at the Am erican A ssem bly conference in Harri­
man, N.Y., w ere Betty Friedan, top left, Juanita M. Kreps, 
right, the director of the m eeting, and Isabel V. Sawhill.

dorsed the following proposi­
tions;

flThat the Equal Rights 
Amendment — under consid­
eration both at the' national 
and state constitutional lev­
els—be ratified,

flThat the Federal Govern­
ment resist pressure from 
colleges and universities now 
seeking an exemption from 
affirmative - action require­
ments, which are designed to 
encourage the hiring of 
women and minority groups.

•IThat young women in the 
United States should be edu­

cated in the schools “to rec­
ognize the probability of 
future work in the market­
place,” rather than to expect 
a lifetime of housework and 
child-rearing.

flThat it is time for society 
to accept the responsibility 
for the cost of educating pre­
school children, just as so­
ciety has accepted financial 
responsibility for educating 
school-age children.

Several participants in the 
assembly, considered the 
group’s policy recommenda-

Favors Interagency Liaison 
to Deal With Such Issueig' 

as Corporate Bribery

W iLL EXPAND  R ES EAR C H

it Woulct ‘ Look Ridiculouf 
if i.R .S . and S .E .C . Took: 
Opposite View on Paym entf

Continued on Page 60, Column 1

By EILEEN SHANAHAN J
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Nov. 2—Roc|’ 
erick M. Hills, the new chaia 
man of the Securities and Ewt' 
change Commission, bejieve| 
that there should be coordina* 
tion between his agency an4 
other Governmeqt agencies witB 
overlapping responsibilities tii 
develop consistent policies fof. 
dealing with the issue of corf 
porate bribery. ‘

In an interview with reports 
ers and editors of Tbe New, 
York Times on Friday, Mr. Hllli 
said that he did not want thei
S.E.C. to “look ridiculous” , ot|| 
this issue which, he said, it’ 
would if it prosecuted someone;{ 
alleging securities laws violal 
tions in connection with a 
“bribe” that the Internal Rev­
enue Service had approved as 
a necessary and ordinary busi-; 
ness expense.

Different Purposes 
He conceded that the tax 

and securities laws had differ­
ent purposes but reiterated his 
belief that the S.E.C. would 
‘look ridiculous” if it went ini 

one direction while Internal'' 
Revenue went in another, "as-' 
suming that I.R.S. is doing its ’ 
job.” He said he did not know, 
as of now, whether Internal' 
Revenue was doing its job in ; 
this area. '

Other subjects Mr. Hills dis-, 
cussed in the interview included 
the relations of the commission 
with the legal and accounting 

iprofessions, what he sees as/' 
'the S.E.C.’s need to improve



6 0

W omenTold to Seek Economic Allies
Continued From Page 57

tions, which a il, received 
majority support, to be sur­
prisingly strong for such a 
diverse collection of acade- 
mecians, businessmen, law­
yers, public officials and 
philanthropists. Mrs. Friedan, 
clearly pleased with the re­
sults, looked around after the 
conference ended at the high- 
powered establishment men 
and women around her and 
said, “After all, this sure 
isn’t the women’s move­
ment,” Two-thirds of those 
attending, however, were 
women.

Many at Arden House 
seemed to share and to wel­
come the basic Friedan thesis 
toat the rapid entry of women. 
into the job market during 
the last decade was bound to 
force further changes in the 
lifestyle of Americans— b̂oth 
men and women.

Marilyn Levy, of the Rocke­
feller Family Fund, called 
Mrs. Friedan a "visionary” 
and a “seer” who tended to 
spot important social changes 
before others.

Mrs. Friedan, who is putting 
the finishing touches on a 
new book about the women’s 
movement, said her call for 
a broadening of the move­
ment was triggered in large 
part by the economic mis­
fortunes of the last few years.

“I feel a great anxiety 
now,” she said, about the 
collision between the in­
creased aspirations of women 
and the “erosion” of support 
for affirmative-action pro­
grams and equal rights.

She attributes this erosion 
to the nation’s swollen un­
employment rate, which has 
been used by antifeminist 
groups, she said, to try to 
drive women back out of the 
labor force into the kitchen.

For more than half the 
female labor force, she said, 
“there just isnt’ a kitchen to 
go back to.” This halt in­
cludes women who are heads 
of households, living without 
a male co-supporter or with 
one who earns a sub-poverty 
wage.

The worry about what high 
unemployment might do to 

'block progress by working 
women, seemed widespread 
at the assembly. Among the 
13 specific policy recommen­
dations in the report was

one to give “the highest 
priority” to a national policy 
for achievement of full em­
ployment.

This might require labor- 
market policies, said the re­
port, that go beyond tradi- 
dttional — and often in­
flationary — fiscal and 
monetary policies.

Despite such worries, the 
assembly gave its blessing to 
Mrs. Friedan’s notion that 
the drive tor equal economic 
opportunity by women is ir­
reversible. Only one partici­
pant, Richard N. Hughes, 
senior vice president of 
WPIX television station in 
New York City, voted to in­
sert the word “probably” be­
fore the word “irreversible” 
in the assembly report.

Said Mr. Hughes, whose 
views tended to run counter 
to the assembly majority on

many key issues, “We don’t 
know what the result will be 
of a couple of years of 
women bumping around in a 
tough economy. The trend 
may turn out to be revers­
ible.”

Another trend that partici­
pants thought to be irrevers­
ible, the nation's soaring 
divorce rate, was generally 
attributed to the rise of the 
women’s movement.

Isabel V. Sawhill, a senior 
research associate at the 
Urban Institute, who has co­
authored a new book on 
female-headed families ex­
pects the rate to level off 
eventually, but never to sub­
side to former levels.

“One of the bases for a 
stable marriage—economic
need on the part of women— 
has been taken away,” she 
explained.



Perspective on Busing
Political attacks on school busing are smothering the 

real issues of school integration under a blanket of mis­
leading oratory—on both side's. The basic questions 
remain: how to put an end to discriminatory policies 
which condemn minority children to attend inferior 
schools and how to enlist public education more effec­
tively in the creation of an integrated society.

The annual haggling in Congress over an infinite 
variety of anti-busing amendments to education bills 
serves only one purpose: to exploit and thus to deepen 
racial divisions. Some current proposals would force 
the Department of Health, Education and Welfare to 
outlaw all busing except when ordered by the courts. 
Such a policy virtually challenges the courts, as the only 
remaining anti-segregation force, to issue more rather 
than fewer busing orders.

School integration may well be doomed unless it can 
be disentangled from the busing controversy that cur­
rently so dominates the issues as to block any rational 
response. The foes of integration have shrewdly man­
aged to make busing the synonym for integration. They 
have maneuvered civil rights spokesmen into a position 
that forces the latter to defend busing in a way that 
wrongly makes it the be-all and end-all of inte­
gration.

Amid such political confusion, reason is ignored and 
facts are forgotten. The truth is that, with few excep­
tions, the courts have ordered extensive busing only 
where communities refused to take other available 
measures to end deliberately imposed and maintained 
policies of segregation.

Increasingly, too, the pressure by black parents for 
integration through busing has declined, partly as a 
result of a rebirth of ethnic pride among all minorities. 
It is mainly in situations where black parents despair 
of their children’s chances ever to be able to partake in 
first-rate schooling except outside their neglected ghetto 
schools that the demand for massive busing persists— 
and rightly so.

It ought to be generally recognized by this time that 
neither integration nor education can be furthered by 
busing children from a superior into an inferior educa­
tional or social environment. To do so would be wrong 
even if the consequence were not so obviously the exodus 
from the public schools of children who are to be forced 
to trade better for worse.

The strategies of integration thus must focus sharply 
on the elimination of inferior schools. The proper process 
is one not of levelling down but of raising up. To accom­
plish this requires a variety of tactics, including rezoning 
of districts, phasing out of some schools, and the creation 
of “magnet schools” whose special educational offer­
ings or general excellence attract pupils from many 
neighborhoods.

It would, however, be hypocrisy to ignore the fact 
that these solutions will depend in varying degree on the 
availability of transportation. The school bus was an 
American institution long before it became a symbol for 
and against integration. Efforts to stop only those buses 
which help to integrate the schools must be called by 
their right name—a segregationist ploy to sabotage 
integration.



KENNON VOWED SEGREGATION . A/cO

Louisiana Fighting U .S. Suit
By JAMES R. HOOD

BATON ROUGE, La. (AP) 
— When the Supreme Court in 
1954 ruled that “separate but 
equal” education was unequal 
a n d  unlaw ful, Louisiana 
Governor Robert Kennon said 
the state would get around the 
ruling,

Louisiana would find a way 
to “ prov ide segregation in 
fact" in its public schools, Ken­
non vowed.

Twenty-one y e a rs  later, as 
about 150.000 students return to 
campus for a new school year, 
the state is fighting a U.S. Jus­
tice Department suit charging 
th a t  it is operating separate 
and unequal state universities.

The suit, filed 18 months ago, 
is the  first such action ev e r 
b rough t a g a in s t an e n tire  
state-supported higher educa­
tion system.

It ch a rg es  th a t  Southern 
University’s th re e  campuses 
and Grambling University are 
99 p e r c en t black. Louisiana 
State University’s four-campus

system and th e  o th e r  s ta te  
schools a re  listed as ranging 
from 89 to 97 per cent white.

The legal tug of war worries 
•some educators, who tear that 
students will wind up the real 
losers in the case.

“When the elephants fight, 
the g ra s s  g e ts  t ra m p le d ,” 
warned Dr, Paul Murrill, chan­
cellor of LSU’s m ain  campus 
at Baton Rouge.

The state’s basic position is 
that it is in compliance with all 
federal regulations.

Ju s tic e  Department a tto r ­
neys have visited every cam ­
pus in the state, collecting evi­
dence to be used when the case 
comes to trial in U.S. District 
Court at Baton Rouge,

The amount of material col­
lected so far is voluminous and 
both sides a re  now haggling 
over what will be admitted as 
evidence and how much more 
material must be furnished to 
federal investigators.

No trial date h as  been  se t 
and the actual s ta r t  of trial 
proceedings is probably sever­
al months away.

A Friday hearing is s e t on 
motions to q u ash  subpoenas 
used by th e  Justice D ep art­
ment to examine accreditation 
reports on Louisiana schools at 
th e  A tlan ta  o ffices of th e  
S outhern  Association of Col­
leges and Secondary Schools.

The association contends the 
records a re  confidential and 
w an ts to keep  them  o u t  of 
court. It’s not known what as­
pec ts  of t h e  r e p o r ts  h a v e  
caught the eye of federal inves­
tigators.

Seeking to intervene in th e  
ca se  a re  th e  S outhern  and 
Grambling a lum ni a sso c ia ­
tions, as well as the National 
Association for th e  Advance­
ment of Colored People.

The alumni associations are 
siding with the state, hoping to 
fight off any  move to merge 
their black schools w ith p re­
dominantly white universities.

The NAACP is taking the 
side of the federal government, 
con tend ing  t h a t  s e p a ra te  
education  is inherently un­
equal.

The c o u rt h as  re fu se d  to 
admit the groups as interven­
ers; a  hearing on that issue is 
pending before th e  5th U.S. 
C ircu it C ourt of Appeals in 
New Orleans.

Meanwhile, recruitment of 
black students is becoming a 
growth industry in Louisiana.

At LSU, Murrill says the uni­
versity’s p ro g re ss  in lu rin g  
black students is making the 
federal suit moot. The Baton 
Rouge campus h ad  758 black 
students last year out of a total 
enrollment of abou t 28,000. 
More are expected this year.

LSU h as  hired a  black re­
cruiter to canvass the state in 
search of students. The school 
had a black student body presi­
dent last year.

Southern University P re s i­
dent D r. J e s s e  Stone insists 
there is a p lace  fo r colleges 
such as his, where socialfy de­
prived students have a chance 
to c a tc h  up in surroundings 
that are not as threatening as a 
mostly-white, m id d le -c lass  
campus.



6  School Districts Target 
Of a U S , Rights Inquiry

By IVER PETERSON
The Federal Government’s 

Office for Civil Rights has be 
gun an “intensive on-site inves­
tigation” of six city community 
school districts here to deter­
mine whether school children 
have been discriminated 
gainst because of race, nation­
al origin or physical handicaps.

The investigations appear to 
be the first phase of a broad­
ened “compliance review to de- 
tpjTnine whether the school dis­
tricts are conforming to Federal 
rules requiring equal treatment 
of students from minority ra­
ces, or whose native language 
is not English, or who have 
physical or mental handicaps.

The investigations have not 
been announced by the Office 
for Civil Rights, which is part 
of- the Department of Health, 
Education and Welfare, but 
were disclosed last month to 
the six target districts and to 
the central Board of Education.

District officials are angry 
about the suddenness with 
which the investigation was 
presented to them. They are 
also upset by the refusal of 
the Office for Civil Rights to 
disclose how or why the six 
districts had been chosen, and 
by what district leaders consi­
der the burden of dealing with 
Federal investigators and con­
ducting intensive interviews 
with principals, teachers and 
students at a time of hectic 
dealing with the school sys­
tems’s budget cutbacks.

A Superintendent’s View
“You know the state the 

school districts are in,’,’ Marvin 
Weingart, community superin- 
tendent of District 26 in Queens, 
said yesterday, “and the cut- 
lacks that we’ve experienced. 
We’ve organized, reorganized, 
disorganized, reshuffled the 
children back and forth, we’re 
facing an additional cut which
is unthinkable in terms of what 
we’ve been through, and now,, 
on top of all this, these people 
want to come in and sitdown, 
talk to principals, talk to teach­
ers, and do whatever else they 
want to do.

“If there was ever an inop­
portune time to devote to an 
investigation of this kind, this 
is it.”

The other districts Involved 
in the investigation are 9 and 
10 in the Bronx. Districts 18

not, in any sense, constitute 
an allegation of discrimination 
or indicate that the Office for 
Civil Rights expects to find 
a violation of Title VI in a 
given school district.”

Title VI of th eCivil Rights 
Act of 1964 prohibits the use 
of Federal funds in programs, 
that “discrimnate as to race, 
color or national origin.”

Lou Mathes, a spokesman 
for the Office for Civil Rights 
in Washington, said Title VI 
was “the authority under which 
we have been investigating the 
New York City schools for 
some time under the equal-edu­
cational-services concept.”

Four Main Concerns
This concept is detailed in 

four main areas of concern 
in a summary of Title VI en­
forcement activity distributed 
to the target districts by the 
Office for Civil Rights, as fol­
lows:

SlWhether instructional ex­
penditures, facilities and other 
services are comparable be­
tween schools of different ra­
cial or ethnic composition.

^Whether school programs 
meet the children’s “linguistic 
needs,” a reference to federally 
required provision for bilingual 
education for children who 
need it.

^Whether the assignments 
of children based on ability 
or other special groups or pro­
grams have the effect of isolat­
ing minority children, thus 
placing them at a disadvantage.

^Whether children are treat­
ed differently on the basis of 
race, origin or color in extra­
curricular activities, discipline, 
counseling and the like.

Mr. Mathes also mentioni 
rules requiring adequate educa­
tional services for children witl 
physical or mental handicaps 
The budget for these programr 
—^which last year was in 
creased under pressure from 
the State Education Commls- 
msioner, Ewald B. Nyquist— 
was cut this year as part o 
the city’s austerity, program.

Of the six target districts 
five-Districts 10, 18, 21, 26 ane 
28— ĥave elementary school; 
of widely varying racial compo­
sition, with some schools being 
preponderantly white and oth­
ers black and other minorities.

ajid 21 in Brooklyn, and Di's- But this factor was not men-
trict 28 in Queens,

In a letter dated Sept. 24, 
the Federal office told the dis­
tricts that “The choice of any 
particular school district does

tioned in the correspondence 
submitted to the districts by 
the Office for Civil Rights. Dis­
trict 9, in the Bronx, is heavily 
black and Puerto Rican.



T H E  N E W  Y O R K  T IM E S , T H U R S D A Y , O C T O B E R  16, 1975

Liberal Resistance to Busing
By Michael Novak

BAYVILLE, N. Y.—Most Northern 
liberals do not favor busing. Their re- 

■ sistance to busing is based oft resist­
ance to the culture of what Whit­
ney Young called “the black under- 
; d a s s d n  ' resistance to largeiscgle 
social engineering, arid on the selec­
tion of children as the subjects .of 
coercion. Integration, is not resisted. 
The instruinent,. of busing is resisted.
: A recent Harris poll shows that 
nationwide 63 per cent of liberals 
oppose busing to achieve racial , bai­
l e e ,  31 per cent favor it, and: .6 ’per 
cent are not siire. ': > I,:.
 ̂ The distinction between d e  jure. aijd 

d e  fa c ta  segregationdoes not: make 
much sense in. Northern cities. A.third 
category is needed: pluralistic - segre­
gation, changing overtime. .

In Northern cities every ethnic group 
still experiences a high degree of partly 
voluntary and partly socially-ehtorced 
segregation. There are many schools, 
and many ' heighborhoods, predorrli- 
nantly Jewish, Irish, Italian, WASP. ‘

Years ago, I was the first Slavic 
student to enter a suburban elementary 
school in Pennsylvania, almost entirely 
WASP, fifty years after my family’s 
rnigration to that city. Pluralistic seg­
regation stiir continues. It is more 
severe for blacks, but only relatively 
so; their large-scale arrival is a gen­
eration or two later.

Most blacks in the North—90 per 
cent—had migrated northward in the 
last sixty years, and about half of 
these since 1945. The Government did 
not intervene in ethnically-segregated 
schools in the North during the last 
100 years of migration. V lb y  should 
it intervene now, and only for blacks?

Why is color the only tbiftg the 
courts should notice? Should, justice 
not be color blind, as well as culture 
blind? The unspoken .reason is special 
weaknesses in the culture of American 
blacks. The racism of others is often 
blamed for -these weaknesses.' .

Americans have some, attachment to 
neighborhood schools, bbt tbe reasons 
for it are reasons of culture not of 
geography. Upward mobility—a Chance 
at an elite magnet school— ŵill draw 
some out of the. neighborhood. So 
will the threat of an alien culture.

hfy. brothers and .sister, .were driven 
miles .to a Roman, Catholic school, of 
lesser soeial. status, and far less edu­
cational financing, because my^parents 
disapproved,- of tjie . moral quality of 
the local (all-white) public school. 
Busing is an utterly common- -experi­
ence of American schoolchildren.

Alfred Gescheldf

Kenneth Clark and others have de­
scribed the “tangle of pathologies” in 
the black ghettos. The story is visible 
to anyone who has shared the heart­
rending experience of working with 
the one-third of all blacks who are 
part of the black underclass.

Working-class whites, whose own

children are on the brink of the Same 
dropout rates; low achievement rates, 
high rates of drug-use, and climbing 
rates of early pregnancy and illegiti­
macy, are afraid of the black under­
class precisely because they understand 
the pull of downward mobility. They 
see downward mobility all around 
them. They feel it in their families.

If the aim of busing is to r a ise  the 
social and economic status of the black 
underclassT-4he black middle Class is, 
already well-integrated scholastically 
—will that aim be fulfilled among 
marginal workingmlass whites? Is 
there some “White magic" thdf Will 
rub off oh blacks, even from Whiles 
who have seemed to lack it? From 
all of Boston’s high schools, barely 29 
per cent of the seniors go on to college. 
From some of Boston’s white schools 
in 1974, fewer went to college than 
from black Roxbury high school.

Unjustly, school boards have,’ used 
gerrymandering ., and other - sneaky 
techniques to lessen -the normal 
amount of school integration “ for 
blacks that gradual residential inte­
gration warranted. These tactics are 
unfair and should be both halted and 
reversed by the courts.

It does not follow that b u s in g  is 
the remedy., It is yviser to place the 
burden of remedy on adults rather 
than upon children: upon he\V district “ 
lines, new placement rules, and re­
wards for participating families. But 
nothing is more important than social 
control of housing, mortgage and bank 
policies if i-we are to have an inte­
grated society. Why don’t the courts 
order such remedies?

A society integrated by the skillful 
management of normal residential mo-, 
bility, moreover, will manifest a  s o - , 
cial stability our cities now lack ter­
ribly. The Government should insure 
the irivestments people in the inner 
city have made in their homes, apart­
ment houses and small businesses, 
just as it insures -their deposits m" 
savings banks—and for similar social 
reasons.'’A guarantee of future eco­
nomic security would go far toward ’ 
motivating people to stay rather than ■ 
to flee.

Most worWng-class people do not 
fear poor blacks because of the color 
of their skin. And they do not object, 
to the presencS ot working-class blacks 
jn- the- schools. They' fear the amply 
documented — and personally" experi­
enced—pathologies of the “culture of 
poverty.” They do not want their 
children pulled downward- further 
than they already are. '

Michael Novak, a philosopher, whose 
work is in politics and culture, is au­
thor of "The Rise o f the .Unmfilfable



Federal Employees Due Bias Hearings
By Timothy S. Robinson
W ashington Post S taff  W riter

Federal employees are auto­
matically entitled to complete 
hearings in federal courts of 
racial or sex discrimination 
complaints— even after the 
allegations have been rejected 
by the government’s own ma­
chinery for such complaints, 
the U.S. Court of Appeals 
ruled here ysterday.
, The ruling, which came in 

liie case of a Veterans Admin­
istration investigator who said 
he did not get a promotion 
from a GS-12 to a GS-13 rating 
solely because he is black, sub­
stantially expands the access 
to the federal court system for 
such bias complaints by the 
government’s 2.6 million 
employees.

It reversed an earlier deci­
sion by a lower court federal 
judge who said the role of

the courts in federal bias com­
plaints was jnerely to review 
the record of the government’s 
own hearings on the com­
plaints, and not to delve into 
the merits of the complaint 
itself.

AH three judges on the ap­
pellate panel agreed that the 

VA employee, Ralph M. Hack- 
ley, should be given a com­
plete trial in the lower court 
concerning his discriminatiou 
complaint.

In addition, one of fee 
judges delivered a scathing at­
tack on the U.S. Civil Service 
Commission and its handling 
of discrimination complaints 
that are filed there.

The Civil Service Commis­
sion’s procedures “do not 
guarantee federal employees a 
fuU and fair hearing on their 
claims of employment discrim­
ination,” said U.S. Circuit

Judge J. Skelly Wright in a 70- 
page opinion.

“. . . . (T)hese persisting in­
adequacies (in the Civil Serv­
ice Commission’ procedures) 
at the least present an aura 
of unfairness and an appear­
ance of conflict of interest 
which will continue to discour­
age federal employees from 
seeking to vindicate their 
rights before the CSC with 
any prospect of success,” 
Judge Wright said.

U.S. Circuit Judge Harold 
Leventhal and U.S. Court of 
Claims Judge Oscar H. Davis 
filed brief opinions agreeing 
with the outcome of Hackley’s 
case, but specificially disasso­
ciating themselves from Judge 
Wright’s criticism of CSC pro­
cedures.

Hackey filed suit against the 
VA and the Civil Service Com­
mission in 1973 after both

agencies had over a two-year 
period, rejected his claims 
that he was being discrimi­
nated against by white super­
visors considering his further 
promotions.

U.S. District Judge Gerhard 
A. GeseU reviewed the record 
of lengthy hearings held 
within the VA concerning 
Hackey’s claims, and found 
there was a rational basis for 
the rejection of the bias 
claims. He then ruled in favor 
of the government agencies, 
saying he was iimited to such 
a review of their records.

Judge Wright said, however, 
that in view of the legislative 
history of the applicability of 
civil rights laws to federal em­
ployees, the lower court 
judge’s decision was “unfortu­
nately constricted.”

The purpose of applying ex­
isting civU rights statutes to

the federal government’s em­
ployees in 1972 was to “root 
out every vestige of employ­
ment discrimination within 
the federal government,” 
Judge Wright said.

“Equality is the touchstone 
of a democratic government,” 
Judge Wright added, “and 
Congress in 1972 finally per­
ceived the injustice and hy­
pocrisy of a system that de­
manded more from private 
employers than it was willing 
to give itself, that sought to 
establish a regime of equality 
for the private sector of the 
economy while leaving its own 
house in disarray, rife with 
discrimination.”

The CivU rights statute spe­
cifically allows private citizens 
to file suits in federal courts 
alleging racial or sex discrimi- j 
nation. I

Judge Gesell had also said 
in his ruling that the re-open- 
ing of bias complaints by fed­
eral employees would overbur­
den already crowded court 
dockets, especially in the 
nation’s capital.

Judge Wright rejected those 
arguments, saying that any 
“burden” imposed on the 
courts by increased caseloads 
might be overbalanced by the 
“laudable purpose” served by 
federal employee bias litiga­
tion aimed at ending federal 
job discrimination.

He said the lower court 
judges could control the cases 
in such a manner to avoid the 
duplication of materials or tes­
timony already presented to 
any administrative hearings.



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)nth r .r .^ 1  ■ **■ Mizeli
''' .....^tirvice Committeo

‘Q u a l i t y  e d u c a t i o n ’ b a n n e i :  i s  b a d l y  s t a i n e d

Adult mislfehaMiordiurfs childrm
.£ ! 'U  .•vjft;' »-.■!'

Boston has been going through a diffi- 
eult period. Or, to put the matter more to a 
point ^  the children of Boston have hi(d it 
rough. : .

' For weeks the children have been kept it) 
turmoil —; by adults protesting school bus-, 
ing. Then, when a show of police f^rce 
swept the  unru ly  p ro te s to rs  from  ;'the 
streets, and schools got the chance to re­
turn toward normal, teachers decided to go 

.on s tr ik e :, ■ "  •
, i.Teachers in Boston claim they'are strik­
ing for “ quality education.’’ It is always 
difficult to understand how a teachers' 
strike, forcing children out of school, helps 
education. It is incomprehensible that a 
teachers' strike, on the heels of the Boston 
busing difficulties, can be regarded as in 
the best interests of the children.

The banner of quality education has 
been badly stained in num erous spots 
throughout the nation in recent years. BoS"- 
ton adds another giant spot,

The Boston busing situation was rough 
enough on the children. And it must be 
noted that the tensions and disturbances 
did not involve the children, but parents. 
Now, teachers add to the confusion. '

Boston was one of those areas quick to 
send young college people, with missionary 
zeal, into the South during those trying 
years for this region after the 1954 Su­
preme Court decision. Now, 21 years after 
that Supreme Court decision, some people 
in Boston are acting no differently than 
some people did in the South.

That, in itself, is not surprising. People 
everywhere are pretty much alike. Shake 
them out of the comfortable pattern in 
which they have been living, and they be­
come confused, fearful, and rebellious.

What happened in the South, of course, 
should have quieted many of the fears now 
being expressed in Boston. It did not, be­
cause people do not learn from the ex­
periences of others. The view from afar 
takes on an entirely different hue than the

, Behind'

m yopia produced by the same sort of : 
events close to home. ' , ‘ f

W hat Is more difficult to understand I 
than the parent protests in Boston are the 
viewpoints of some national commentators.
; When the South had its integratioi);trou- 
bles, some north easte rn  based m edia: ' 
people saw the problem quite simply. No 
m atter the feelings involved, or the finances 
involved, the law must be obeyed, they said ' 
then. There -were a few then who con- 
ceeded the problem went deeper than which 
students attended which schools. But equal 
educational opportunity , in the view of 
these northern commeiitators; could not 
await solving of other problems, such as 
racially-diversified neighborhoods.

Now that Boston faces the same set of 
circumstances, now that the shoe is on the . 
other foot, some northern commentators'

change their tune. Busing, which they ar­
gued was necessary in the Sputh, is now 
viewed as counter-productive fo good edu­
cation. Now, they say, the problem must 
be attacked by working for unsegregated 
neighborhoods, and improvement of all 
neighborhood schools.

Some of those normally quite logical in 
viewing international problems, or national 
politics, or national monetary problems, 
are subject to myopia — faulty vision — 
where busing is concerned. '
, Roscoe Drummond, the highly respected 
Columnist whose work appears on this 
page, is one example. H is'co lum n last 
Wednesday ("Congress must admit busing 
doesn't work” ) is a classic case of seeing 
two sets of similar circumstances quite dif- 
fe re n tly . '
- ,j,.“ The solution is not to defy the rule of

law as laid down by the courts," Drum­
mond says. But he adds the solution is for 
Congress to write a law softening the effeeth 
of the Supreme Court’s declaration of the, 
l a w . ' ,  " f ;

“ It is crucial to understand," D rum f-j 
mond recites, “ that forced busing has n o th - ' 
ing to do with dissolving the old state-en­
forced dual school system.”

Doesn’t it? The old dual system was. 
wrong because it maintained segregation, ■ 
which the Supreme Court said was a denial 
of equal opportunity to equal education. If . 
segregaied education was unequal in the 
South, it is none the less so in Boston. The 
fact that people live in segregated neigh­
borhoods there by choice or economic ne­
cessity does not change the statuf of segre­
gated education one iota. . ‘

Druipmond, to reenforce his own argu­
ment, quotes William Raspberry, a colum­
nist for the Washington Post, who happens 
to be black, as saying “ A lot of us are won­
dering whether the busing game is worth 
the prize.” .

Drummond neglected to note that this 
was not all Raspberry said. He also said: - 

“One can observe the similarities be­
tween white attitudes and actions in Boston 
and Louisville today and in Little Rock 
and New Orleans 20 years ago and hope 
that the opposition to busing will melt now 
as opposition  to desegregation  m elted 
then.” , ‘ ,

The fact Is that the great majority of 
people of the South accepted the, rule of 
law and made it work. The fact is that 
schools in the South are peaceful, and chil­
dren are being educated, all of them better 
than ever before, even with busing.,

The fact is that adult marches,in the 
streets are no more conducive to quality 
education in Boston than in Little Rock. 
Nor arc teachers’ strikes. No amount of 

‘ double-talk will change that. i



W E D N E S D A Y , S E P T E M B E R  24, I97S J J l c i t r  J l o r k  S i m c ) * 47

In Utah School District, Busing Means a 2V2-Hour Ride
By GRACE ilCHTENSTEIN

S iud ii to The New York Tlmee
MONUMENT VALLEY, Utah 

— Ât 6:30 A.M. just as the 
sky is brightening over Totem 
Pole, Stage Coach, The Mit­
tens and the other majestic 
red sandstone buttes in this 
legendary high desert coun­
try, Leonard Atene, a 10- 
year-old Navajo boy, stands 
on a lonely stretch of road. 
He is waiting for the yellow 
bus that will take him to 
school.

Leonard’s ride Is no ordi­
nary one. It will take him 
two-and-one-half hours to 
reach his classroom in 
Blanding, 92 miles away.

He is among hundreds of 
Anglo and Navajo students 
who belong to one of the 
largest school districts in the 
United States.

While cities such as Boston 
and Louisville, Ky., are grap­
pling with court-ordered bus­
ing to achieve integration, 
the San Juan County School 
District has decided to do the 
reverse.

Here, long-distance inte­
grated busing has created 
geographic problems so great 
that the procedure is about to 
be overhauled.

The San Juan County Dis­
trict sprawls over 7,884 
square miles of the remote 
southeast comer of Utah, an 
area larger than New Jersey. 
The district has 2,700 stu­
dents, almost half of them 
Indian. (New Jersey has al­
most 1.5-million pupils.)

Some San Juan students’ 
homes are so far from the 
district’s eight schools that 
the children board during the 
week with families in the 
county’s few towns. Others 
have to  walk three hours 
from their bus stops after

A school bus taking children to school In Monument Valley, Utah. Some students in the San Juan County District, one of the largest in the United States, travel for hours each way.

school to get home when a 
parent isn’t waiting to collect 
them in the family pickup. 
Five Navajo high school stu­
dents have rented a trailer 
to live in this term in the 
town of Monticello rather 
than rldie a bus.

Last November, a group of 
Navajo parents in the south­
ernmost portion of the dis­
trict, sued the San Juan 
school board, charging that 
the location of the two high 
schools in the northem sec­
tion discriminated against 
their children by forcing

them to make the long bus 
ride. The suit also clw ged 
that elementary schools in 
the heavily Navajo southern 
section were inferior to Uiosu 
in the north, and that bdlin- 
gual programs were inade­
quate.

Last month, the board 
agreed to  reduce busing by 
building two new high 
schools on the reservation 
and enlarging the elementary 
schools.

School district officials and

Continued on Page 89, Column 1

Youngsters board buses for the long ride home. Blue Mountains are in background.



[n Utah, Busing Means a 2%15o u ^ ia e
From Page 47

lawyers for the Indian par­
ents emphasized that the 
San Juan dispute bore no 
resemblance to that of Bos­
ton, Louisviile or practically 
anywhere else.

Herbert Yazzie, a Navajo 
lawyer in Mexican Hat at 
the northern, end of Monu- 
jment Valley,; explained that 
ffl years past some reserva- 
fjoti children had no choice, 
tfiit to go to Bureau of Indian 
Affairs boarding schools that 
k*pt them away from home 
most of the year. Many stu­
dents didn’t  go to schixil at 
all.

In recent years, more and 
more parents have chosen to 
send their children on', the 
long bus ride to San Juan 
schools. “But the parents 
never liked itj” he continued, 
."because they never had a 
say in the operation of the 
schoois.”. When the new 
schools are built by . 1978, 
the, parents hope to. have' 
more influence.

Shorter Rides
■ The children of Anglo par- 
<()ts who work in oil fields 
near the Four Corners area 
or in the uranium mines in 
La -Sal to the north also 
.spend as many as four hours 
a day on buses. The San 
■Juan district pays school dis­
tricts .just across its borders 
in Colorado and Arizona to 
take some Utah students be­
cause the bus rides are 
shorter.

Orivers of the 22 San Juan 
buses get up at 5:.J0 A.M. to' 
start work. In spring, when 
rains muddy the road near 
the Utah border, the buses 
sometimes don’t make it. One 
bus sank into a bog at Mon­
tezuma Creek last term on an 
afternoon ride and was stuck 
there all night.

The burden weights most 
heavily on the Navajo stu­
dents, many of whom- start 
kindergarten knowing no 
English. They complain that 
the long rides make them 
cold, tired, hungry, uninter­

students are Indian,'Victoria 
Blackhorse, an 1 l.-year-old 
fifth-grader, told through an 
interpreter what her day was 
like. - r

Victoria get up at 5 A.M. 
in her home on a dirt road 
in the middle of the desert 
13 miles from the bus stop 
in Bluff. She helps her mother 
with chores and breakfast. 
Then her father drives her to 
catch the bus.

' There are - more chores' 
when she gets home late in 
the afternoon.

• A few years-ago, Victoria 
spent two years boarding 
with a Mormon family in Salt 
Lake City while attending 
school there, but the returned 
to San Juan County because 
she. wanted to be with her 
family. “Tm. here to get an 
education,” the quiet girf in 
wire.-rim glasses , said, i’and 
I’ll get it anyway I can, even 
if it means two hours on the

• bus each day.”
The education Victoria and 

other Navajo students get is 
as white as the snow that 
will soon blanket the nearby 
La Sal Mourktains.

A dozen Navajo elementary 
and high school students in­
terviewed recently said they 
had learned nothing of native 
American history or culture 
in the public schools. Among
8,000 books in the Blanding 
Elementary School Library, 
there were only 200 about 
Indians.

Eric Swenson, a lawyer 
•with the People’s Legal Serv­
ices Agency in Mexican Hat, 
called bicultural programs 
“virtually nonexistent.” 

Against Long Hair
The school idstrict has had 

a federally funded bilingual 
program for five years but 
Kenneth B, Maughan, the dis­
trict superintendent, acknowl­
edged that it. was inadequate. 
Of the district’s 135 class­
room teachers, 18 are Indian. 
There are 56 Indian teacher 
aides who translate in class 
for Navajo-speaking children.

The Navajo children face 
other problems.

said, “We won’t piay foot­
ball here because the coach 
makes Indians cut their hair.”

George Bayles, the .foot­
ball and basketball coach, 
said his short-hair rule ap­
plies to all prospective play­
ers, “It’s an indication of 
their willingness to accept 
discipline,” he said, “Besides, 
1 don’t th ink long hair is 
clegn.” Less than one-third of 
this season’s football squad 
and only a few basketball 
players are . Indian.

About 100 students board 
with families or in commer­
cial boarding houses during 
the week rather than make 
the long bus .ride. The fami­
lies they stay with, almost 
all of them Mormon, are paid 
up to $150 a month a child 
by the Utah welfare system. 
The families often encourage 
Mormon religious training for 
their boarders.

Numerous Indian children 
are converted but continue to 
attend Navajo ceremonies at 
home.

“It really confuses, me 
sometimes,” said Jolynn 
Begay, a 16-year-oId San 
Juan h i^  school student. “I 
don’t know which way to
go-” .“They p  to get an educa­
tion and ■in between they are 
brainwashed,” said Mary Ann 
Williams, a mental health 
worker in Mexican Hat, 
whose children go to the San 
Juan school.

“When these children come 
back to the reservation, they 
don’t  want to have anything 
to do with their culture. A 
lot of conflict develops be­
tween kids on the reservation 
and those who get Angli­
cized,”

One 17-year-old high school 
girl, after several years of 
attending public schools, said, 
“I have to have a translater 
to talk to my parents some­
times.”

L. Robert Anderson, an at­
torney for the school board 
and the stake’s, or regional.

SAN JUAN 
COUNTY!CANVONLANDS I r  *  NAnPARK-î l|| '

WYoirflisia

'’******̂jj|pTe-« ARIZONA
The New York Times/Sept. 24> 1975

San Juan County is a 
single school district.

later. We’re missionary-ori­
ented.”

He suggested It was part 
of the price the Navajos 
paid Lo get an Anglo edu­
cation.

Herbert Yazzie, the Nav­
ajo lawyer, however, believes 
the settlement of the law­
suit—which promised new 
schools, shorter bus rides 
and a better bicultural pro­
gram—will help reservation 
students reap the best of 
both the Navajo and Anglo 
worlds.

The Navajos, he said, have 
experienced “an invasion of 
foreigners for so many years” 
that “Mormonism is just one 
more thing contributing to 
the breaking down of the 
tribe.”

When the reservation par­
ents get more control o v e r  
schools in the San Juan dis­
trict, he predicted, “we’ll be 
trying ot get back what we 
lost.”

1 ^



Head of Equal Employment Unit 
Said to Plan Layoff Guidelines

By CHARLAYNE HUNTER
The chairman of the Equal period before new employes 

nnalifv fr»r iwir.h hftnefits.Employment Opportunity Com' 
mission, John Powell, report­
edly plans to place before the 
five-member commission a set 
of proposed guidelines designed 
to resolve the growing conflict 
between union seniority claims 
and Federal laws on equal em­
ployment oppcfftunity.

Mr. Powell’s reported action 
is apparently a response to in­
creasing confusion among em­
ployers and unions over how 
to institute layoffs during the 
recession in which minorities 
and women — often found to 
be the last hired — are being 
the first dismissed.

While Mr. Powell would not 
disclose the specifics of his 
proposal?, it was learned that 
he planned to incorporate an 
interpretation of the existing 
laws protecting minorities and 
women submitted for his re­
view by the head of the New 
York City Commission on Hu­
man Rights, Eleanor Holmes 
Norton.

Mrs. Norton’s memorandum 
proposed “work sharing” 
rather than layoffs, including 
reduction of personnel costs 
other than wages and a four 
day week for all workers.

Basis of Memo
Mrs. Norton used as the 

basis of her memorandum the 
1971 landmark case Griggs v. 
Duke Power, in which the 
United States Supreme Court 
said neutral employment prac­
tices were illegal if they main­
tained the status quo of prior 
discriminatory practices.

The ruling was based on the 
1964 Civil Rights Act, under 
which many more minorities 
and women entered the labor 
force.

In a letter to Mrs. Norton, 
dated Saturday, Mr. Powell 
said, “Your memorandmn is, in 
my opinion, not only consistent 
with the broad principles of 
Griggs, but also provides a 
framework within -which the 
apparent conflict between th«e 
two important public policy 
considerations can be harmon 
ized.” . I

In explaining the reduction 
of personnel costs, Mrs. Nor­
ton cited in an interview the 
union-proposed plan accepted 
in New York City last week, | 
which averted thousands of Ci­
vil Service layoffs.

The plan includes giving up 
some personal leave time, re-1 
ducing overtime and waiving I 
the city’s share of the union’s! 
health and welfare fund, while I 
establishing a  two-month grace |

qualify for such benefits.
However, Mrs. Norton said 

in her leter to Mr. Powell, if 
layoffs are the only possible al­
ternative, then under the Griggs 
principle they must be accomp­
lished in such a way as to 
avoid a discriminatory impact, 
such as seeking volunteers to 
take a temporary leave, or im­
posing the layoffs on a rotat­
ing or alternating basis. As in 
the New York unions’ plan, 
these procedures could be ac­
complished by amending the 
union contracts.

The Equal Employment Op­
portunity Commission is em­
powered by Congress to inter­
pret and enforce Title VII of 
the 1964 act, which bars em­
ployment discrimination on the 
basis of race, color, sex, religion 
or national origin.

Because of conflicting deci­
sions by the courts on layoffs, 
civil r i^ ts  lawyers and others 
expect the guidelines, if adopt­
ed, to be particularly compel­
ling in court cases. Several such 
cases are now on their way to 
the Supreme Court



The W hy of Busing
BOSTON—Carl McCall is a promis­

ing black political figure in New York, 
a former newspaper and foundation 
executive who was elected to the State 
Senate last year from Manhattan. But 
he was-born and brought up in Rox- 
bury, Boston. He talked about that in 
a conversation the other day.

'T went to Roxbury Memorial 
High School,” he said. “I graduated in 
1954. In those days the school was 
predominently white, Jewish. The 
white parents were well-organized and 
active. They made the school system 
responsive, and it was a good school.

‘‘That experience made the differ­
ence for me. My family was on wel­
fare. I got a scholarship at Dartmouth,' 
and then at the University of Edin­
burgh for a master's degree in divinity.

“It was a unique, rich experience, 
that school. And what bothers me is 
that those experiences don’t stem, to 
be available now in Boston.”

Since Carl McCall left Roxbury, it 
has become an almost all-black area. 
In a city that is only 20 per cent black 
in population, black parents have little 
leverage with the all-white School 
Committee. Their schools have been 
short-changed. And, as the Federal 
courts have found, the School Com­
mittee has arranged districts and 
building plans to keep black children' 
in mostly black schools.

The resulting loss is not just of the 
effective parent activity that gave 
Carl McCall a good school. It is of the 
opportunity for whites and blacks to 
know each other a little. Another 
black person made the point to me 
as follows:

“White associations in childhood 
make a crucial difference in getting 
on, later, in the white world. If a 
black kid goes through 12 years with­
out seeing a white face in the class­
room, his chances of making it are 
drastically 'reduced.”

ABROAD AT HOME
By Anthony Lewis

Many people 
of good will 
worry that busing 
will have too great 
a social cost but 
can offer no 
alternative idea.

And of course whites pay a penalty 
for segregation, too. It is not economic, 
the ^ ility  to get on in the world, but 
psychological and social. The fear and 
divisioiv that mark race relations in 
American society, especially in 'the 
great cities, do terrible damage to 
everyone’s hope of civilization.

Those are the realities that underlie 
the school busing program in Boston. 
Reading some critics, one would think 
that Boston Brahmins had developed 
the program to punish poor Irish. 
But busing is in fact the law’s re­
sponse to complaints by blacks who 
desperately believe that some school 
integration is the only way to give 
their children a chance in life. The 
troubling question is whether busing 
is an effective response.

In Boston, a geographically small 
city hemmed in by richer suburbs, the 
main impact of the program on whites 
falls on ethnic neighborhoods, working 
and lower middle class. That is not a 
Brahmin conspiracy; it is a reflection 
of old political boundaries. But it still 
arouses terrible resentment.

In the fWst week of school this year,

the number of white children was 
below expectation. There are indica­
tions that parents have sent some to 
private or parochial schools, or to urban 
schools through relatives. Boston offi­
cials now say that in a few years a 
majority of public school pupils will 
be from minority groups: blacks. 
Orientals, Spanish-speaking people.

The hope is that resentments will 
subside in time. Certainly violence is 
sharply down in Boston, compared to 
the start of the busing program last 
year. More people have understood the 
danger of defying court o-rders, the 
city planned much more carefully and 
the Federal Government has provided 
major help.

But many people of good will, black 
and white, are not so optimistic. They 
worry that busing will have too great 
a social cost—possibly including ac­
celerated white flight from the city, 
though there are no hard figures. They 
worry about the ability of courts to 
manage such problems. But what al­
ternative idea is there to offer hope 
of escape from segregated schools and 
a divided society?

,“We have to do what we can,” Carl 
McCall said, “and busing seems to be 
it. Yes, the reaction is troubling. People 
are reacting to a lot more than busing 
— t̂o the feeling of being pushed 
around, of being neglected while the 
blacks are helped—but busing is a 
symbol..

“What -we need is better relations 
between the black community and 
white working-class people. But that 
is a long-term thing, and in the mean­
time do you say to the black com­
munity, ‘Wait?’ For how long?”

■ Busing presents real difficulties in 
a city such as Boston. But to do 
nothing about separate and unequal 
schools for black children would store 
up worse trouble. Those who criticize ■ 
have yet tĜ .,offer a better solution.



Learning to Live Together; il

Myths and Resistance to School Desegregation
F o llo w in g  is  th e  s e c o n d  of a  two- 

part a r tic le . T h e  w r ite r  is  d ir e c to r  o f  
th e  C h ild re n 's  D e fe n s e  F u n d . T h is  is  
a d a p te d  f r o m  a  lo n g er  a r tic le  that w il l  
a p p ea r  in  th e  N o v e m b e r , 1^75 , is su e  
o f  th e  H a rv a rd  E d u ca tio n a l R e v ie w ,

By Marian W right Edelman

C a m b r i d g e , M a s s .

Many Northerners seek to justify 
continued racial segregation in public 
schools primarily on; three grounds:
(1) segregation results not from illegal 
public actions or policies but from 
natural neighborhood patterns—the so- 
called de ju re  v. d e  fa c to  distinction;
(2) neighborhood schools are an inviol-, 
able American tradition; and (3) school 
busing endangers children.

Nowhere are these myths more 
plentiful than in Boston, where con­
servatives rail against integration in 
the name of community and liberals 
wring their hands in confusion, em­
barrassed that enlightened Boston is 
making a national spectacle of itself/

But none^f. t t e e  .myths withstands  ̂
scrutiny.^ First, the facts in Boston are 
typical of what judges are finding in 
other Northern desegregation cases, 
and they render virtually meaningless 
the distinction between d e  fa c to  and 
de ju re  segregation.

United States District Court Judge.
W. Arthur Garrity Jr. found that in­
tentional Boston school Committee 
(school board) actions and policies 
to segregate black and white young­
sters had produced in Boston a school 
system that is more' highly segregated 
than any other school system in a 
city. North Or South, with the same 
size and racial composition.;

In a case involving the Denver 
public schools, the United States 
Supreme Court held that segregation 
in fact is unconstitutional if it is the 
product of “segregatory intent” of 
governmental authorities. The Court 
found that sufficient segregatory 
intent had been shown in the Denver 
school board’s “manipulations” of its 
neighborhood policy to increase the 
segregation, that would have resulted 
from a truly neutral policy.

Such segregatory policies or acts 
can be manipulations of - school or 
housing patterns. The segregation of 
American cities is in large part the 
result of the policies and attitudes of 
the Federal Housing Administration. 
Much o f  the single-family housing that ■ 
exists today,Was sold with F.H.A. or

Veterans, Administration . mortgage 
coverage.

Since 1935, F.H.A. underwriting 
manuals have recommended that two 
principles be followed: (1) that racially 
restrictive covenants shall be honored; 
(2) that housing m racially integrated 
neighborhoods shall be rated at less 
than its fair market price.

In a study conducted by the F.H.A. 
in 1939 to guide its housing policies,, 
it was noted that:

“In a country settled largely by the 
white race, such members of other 
races, of course, have not been ab­
sorbed . . . .  It is a mere truism to 
enunciate that colored people tend to 
live in segregated districts of American 
cities . . . .  It is in the twilight zone, 
where members of different races live 
together, that racial mixtures tend to 
have a depressing effect upon land 
values and therefore upon rents.”

As a result, American families copld 
not move into integrated neighbor­
hoods even if they, wanted to, since 
the F.H.A. thought them bad economic 
risks.

Second, the concept of neighborhood 
schools is not embedded in American 
educational tradition. Judges have 
found in numerous cases that the in­
tense commitment to neighborhood 
schools seems to pale when segrega­
tion is possible.

In the Detroit desegregation case 
decided by the United States Supreme 
Court in 1974, all the attendance area 
changes and options for ten years were 
examined in the court. Parents in in­
tegrated neighborhoods could elect to 
send their children to either all-white 
or all-black schools outside their neigh­
borhoods, but not to integrated schools. 
More than 20,000 individual student 
transfer requests were reviewed and 
shown to contain explicit racial mo­
tives for white parents seeking non­
neighborhood school assignments. Ail 
were approved by school officials.

Neighborhood schools presume neigh­
borhoods exist, and South Boston has 
been heralded as one of the few 
remaining coherent communities in 
Boston. But while it is a “stable” 
neighborhood as such things go in a 
contemporary American city, 40 per

cent of its 1970 residents have moved 
there within the preceding five years.

Even if South Boston were the homo­
geneous community it is painted to 
be, maintaining neighborhood schools 
when they ensured segregated educa­
tion would not be defensible. As a 
Federal district judge stated more 
than ten years ago in ordering de­
segregation of Fort Worth public 
schools: “The constitutional right. . .  
is not to attend a school closest to 
home, but to attend schools which, 
near or far, are free of governmentally 
imposed racial distinctions.”

Third, unlike neighbornood schools, 
school busing has a iong, distinguished 
tradition in America. Forty-eight states 
authorize it and 15 states allow 
students to be transported to private 
schools at public expense. In the 
1971-72 school year, almost 44 per 
cent of all American children rode 
256,000 buses more than two billion 
miles—figures that would increase if 
we counted use of other kinds of 
public and private transportation to 
get children to school. But the De- 
pmtment of Health, Education and 
Welfare estimates that only 3 per cent 
of the busing has occurred as a result 
of desegregation.

Neither the average amount nor the 
length of busing has greatly increased 
with school desegregation. In a case 
involving the desegregation of the 
Charlotte-Mecklenhurg schools, which 
provoked some of the most virulent 
antibusing opposition, the record re­
vealed that before desegregation some 
one-way bus trips ran to one hour 
and 14 minutes. After desegregation, 
bus rides averaged 30-35 minutes.

I have often been asked recently 
about why I support desegregation 
and school busing when some black 
parents oppose it. Black parents are 
no more a monolith than any other 
parents. And they are human enough 
to resent having their children con­
tinue to bear the disproportionate 
brunt Of achieving desegregation. There 
is hardly a black adult in this country 
who does not fight feelings of despair 
and fatigue daily from endless ex­
posure to white hostility, condescen­
sion and plain insensitivity.

There is not one of us who would 
will this legacy of misery to our 
children. But racism is not something 
you can avoid, even in the confines 
of Harlem. Racial ignorance and in­
sensitivity are not cured by keeping 
children apart.

OTh« President and Fellows of Harvard UniversMy



: UPLANDS, C3, Col.T °  j "She wants to try out again j See SOCCER, C3, Col. 4

fox

?al-

School integration asked in TV song
By MIKE BOWLER

The city school system has 
borrowed from a popular song 
for the theme of a public rela­
tions campaign to gain accept­
ance of the junior and senior 
high school desegregation plans 
this fall.

“We can make it if we try,", 
a somewhat altered version of 
a song made popular by Sly 
Stone, the California rock musi­
cian, already is appearing as 
the theme of a television spot 
announcement being shown as a 
public service by the city’s four 
commercial stations.

The commercial was pre­
pared by W M AR-TV from 
slides of black and white child­
ren working and playing togeth­
er in city schools. “As the song 
suggests," says an announcer, 
“you can make it If you try.”

The saute motto appears on 
a logo school officials have

adopted as the theme of the de­
segregation effort. The logo 
shows a black hand and a white 
hand clasped, with the motto 
printed around the hands.

The plan, due for Impletnen- 
tatlon when school opens Sep­
tember 4, ends Baltimore's 
long-standing 'open enrollment 
plan and assigns the city’s 80,- 
000 secondary students to zoned 
schools. F ive senior high 
schools—Carver, Mervo, Poly, 
Dunbar and Western—will con­
tinue to draw students citywide.

In a Sunday WBAL televi­
sion program on desegregation, 
school officials said only West­
ern High, of the five, has closed 
its enrollment.

Paul L. Vance, deputy super­
intendent for executive mat­
ters, also said that only five 
junior high schools w ill be on 
split shifts when the schools 
open.

When the city had an­
nounced its junior high plan in 
March, officials said nine junior 
highs would be on split shifts or 
extended days, an increase of 
three over last year.

Dr. Vance declined to name 
the schools involved until he in­
forms the school board at a 
meeting Thursday, but the 
schools expected to be dropped 
from the list are Francis & ott

- • r .

city

Key, Garrison, Northern Park­
way and Roland Park junior 
highs.

Still expected to be on split 
shifts are Haihilton, Herring 
Run, Canton, Hampstead Hilt 
and Rock Glen, of the junior 
highs, and Northern and Patter­
son, of the senior highs.

John L. Crew, natped Friday 
as the system ’s acting superin­
tendent, said he was “optimis­
tic” about smooth implementa­
tion of the plan. “In contrast to 
last year,’! he said, “we are 
doing very well,”

Last year, the system was 
making student and faculty as­
signments in the last days be­
fore school opened. This year, 
preparations have bĉ en much 
more extensive, though the plan 
Is being carried out over the 
strong objections of the federal 
Health, Education and Welfare 
Department. ‘ s

S o w



W hit^K adem ies Gain Respect 
And Seem Likely to Last in South

By B. DRUMMOND AYRES Jr.
- special to The New York Times

ATLANTA, Sept. 21—To the 
despair of civil rights activists 
and public educators, many of 
the 3,000 or so private “acade­
mies” hastily set up to avoid 
desegregation in the South in 
recent years are gaining a sem­
blance of permanence.

They are moving out of tem­
porary quarters, such as 
churches and empty stores, into 
modern facilities, many of them 
financed with long-term loans.

One Memphis academy, Briar- 
crest, is situated in a $6.5- 
million building and has 1,400 
students enrolled at an avera, 
tuition cost of about $900 a 
student.

Academies also are organiz­
ing themselves into education 
associations and athletic 
leagues. The Southern Independ­
ent School Association of Misr 

%

sissippi says it has 300 member 
institutions.

As a new academic year be­
gins in the South, about one 
of every 10 white youngsters 
is enrolled in an academy. This 
proportion has held steady for 
several years, another indica­
tion that the academy move­
ment is settling in for a long 
pull.

Though many academies still 
offer little more than a retreat 
from . integration, others’ grad­
uates are beginning to win 
acceptance at colleges and uni­
versities.

Officials at the University 
of South Carolina report that 
academy students are admitted 
and graduated at “roughly” the 
same rate as students from

Continued on Page 23, Column 1



T H E  N K W  YO R K T IM ES.  MONDAY.  S E P T E M B E R  22. 1975

W h ite  Academ ies Gain R espect and Seem  L ikely to Last in Southern States
Continued From Page I, Coi. 4 defeat had both racial and clasS: 

------------ I overtones.
public schools. | “Whites may not be the ma-

Parents of academy childrenij0[.j(y. jjj jjjg school system any 
are showing a dogged willing-i longer, but they’re still the vot- 
ness to sacrifice, year after jng majority in Memphis,” 
year, so that their youngsters!notes 0. Z, Stephens, an assis-! 
can attend a private school, jtant to the Memphis school 

Some academies have in- superintendent.

“Editors now give academies sters, isolating them in a so- 
equal play. Mayors and bankicalled ‘Christian’ world that

S g 'd l s s e s  It’s t s l  ^
unfortunate evidence that theyi"^^®*' distortion of reli-
are here to stay, perhaps for!S'°^® concepts, 
a good while.” | “If you go to one of those

One of the Southerners most!schools, you’re likely to come 
disturbed by the academy lout with the sort of outlook 

■ “ '  ■ ■ that led to its establishment.
That just perpetuates the evil-

jmovement is Frank A. Rose,
stalled vending machines in I Hayes Mizell, a veteran i the former president of the 
their hallways so that students desegregation specialist University of Alabama. and among youngsters with a
can buv something to eat each works 'n the South for the Now head of the Lamar So- huge potential to help the can ouy someimng to eat eacn oroun that stiidieslSouth achieve her true poten-
raornmg. In many cases there mittee, says that private acade-!southern Socia? problems Mr.-̂ ^ l̂.
IS no breakfast at home because ,mies are now so accepted, ge-Rose contends that academies 1 *®ri’t enough,” Mr. Rose 
mother has gone to work. inerally, by the white Southlgre “the greatest threat th e '®hds, “to argue that many of 

"It should be obvious to the that they have become part; south has faced in years ” I these can’t teach or that many
of “the Establishment,” „ ... Istates do not monitor themworld now that we are serious 

about this education business 
and are here to stay,” said 
Marvin D-. Kilman, headmaster 
of the Southern Baptist Educa­
tion Center in Memphis.

The center was opened three' 
years ago and has 1,275 stu­
dents at an average tuition 
of about $700. Like many pri 
vate schools, it was begun by 
a religious group; in this case, 
10 Baptist churches 

Its buildings and 36-acre 
campus cost $2-million. The 
money was raised with bonds, 
some maturing in 15 years or 
more.

Although private schooling 
was once limited to the off­
spring of the South’s upper 
class, who attended exclusive, 
top-quality boarding schools 
and day schools, private educa­
tion now is routine for thou­
sands of children from the 
growing Southern middle class 

Many academy supporters in­
sist that the academy move­
ment has gone beyond segrega­
tion to excellence, that it repre­
sents a strong parental desire 
for "quality” or “Christian” 
education in a setting free of 
disciplinary problems, teacher 
strikes and textbook disputes 

What ‘Our Children Need’ 
When Kenneth Kilpatrick, a 

member of Georgia’s Board of. 
Education, disclosed a few days 
ago that he had shifted his 
three children from the public 
system to the Clayton County' 
Community Church School, he 
explained:

"We want our children to 
have a Christian education. The 
church school has a good pro­
gram and we personally believe 
that this is the kind of educa­
tion our children need at this 
time in their lives.”

The day before, Mr. Kilpat 
rick predicted that the public 
school system would not sur­
vive because it was “shallow, 
hollow and shot through with 
defects.’’

To support contentions that 
the academy moyement has 
gone beyond segregation, some 
supporters point out that 
academies like Briarcrest, 
Memphis, are recruiting token 
numbers of blacks, though with 
little success.

Resegregation the Result 
Nevertheless, academies have 

,Ied to resegregation in many 
areas of the South 

In rural Holmes County, 
Miss., there is once again 
“dual” education system. All 
of the county's blacks attend 
public schools; all of the whites 
attend private schools.

In other areas of the South, 
academies have thrown up new 
social barriers between middle 
class whites and working class 
whites. Even when wives hold 
jobs, few poor whites can af­
ford to send their children to 
private schools.

Nowhere is the social division 
caused by the academy move­
ment more evident than ir 
Memphis, where in the last 
two years more than 25.000 
whites have left the public sys­
tem and enrolled in a hundred 
or so new private schools, most 
of them situated in all-white 
suburban subdivisions.

Of the 115.000 children in 
the city’s public system, two- 
thirds are black. The remaining 
third come mostly from work­
ing-class white neighborhoods, 
from modest homes where an 
$800 tuition fee is. at best, 
a bitter reminder of the wide 
gap between America’s poor 
and her well-to-do,

■When Memphis city leaders 
recently profwsed a tax in 
crease to raise more money 
for the public system voters 
turned down the ggestion. 
Some academy critics feel the

1 “There was a time,” he adds, 
“when many academies scared 
some white community leaders 
with their blatant racism. But 
now the racism has been toned

Perpetuates the Evil ; except to make them register, 
“The Lamar Society investi-jmuch as though they were 

gated these schools,” he said,!some business corporation or 
“and found that what they’re'the like. Many can teach, it 
doing is skimming off the cul-|only by shortsightedly aiming

down and the fear is gone. Tural cream of Southern young-i courses at college entrance. It’s

what they teach that’s not in 
the texts, that narrow, unbal­
anced world again.”

By and large, the youngsters 
at academies disagree with Mr. 
Rose’s conclusion. When stu­
dents at Summerville Academy 
in Summerville, S.C., were 
asked about private education, 
most spoke enthusiastically 
about their school.

‘Fear and Mistrust’
One girl, Allison Blandford, 

said:
“We don’t have all the equip-i 

ment that the public schools i 
have. But we have better atten- j 
tion. The academics are college j 
oriented. I think we’ll be more 
well-rounded.” |

Academy administrators dis-j 
agree with Mr. Rose even more 
than academy students do. I

“I work ed in the public sys

tern for 20 years,” says Joseph 
A. Clayton, headmaster at 
Briarcrest. “I saw it come 
apart, saw discipline go out 
te the window, saw the whole 
academic atmosphere turn into 
an atmosphere of fear and mis­
trust, fo the point that nobody 

j could teach and nobody could 
! learn.
i “But nobody’s that way at 
I Briarcrest. This i s a real schoo 
ja place with traditional values., 
'the old values. Kids learn. They 
j are friendly wit h each other. 
jWe have school spirit.
! “I think if the Supreme Court 
[said tomorrow that everybody 
[could go back to his neighbor- 
'hood school, this school would 
continue. We’re offering what 
our parents and kids are look­
ing for—the old tradi tional 
values.”



T H E  N E W  Y O R K  TIM ES. MONDAY, S E P T E M B E R  22, 1915 33

Learning to Live Together: I
CotltM by Eric Ssldman

The Necessity of School Desegregation
F o llo w in g  is p a r t o n e  o f  a  tw o -p a r t  

artic le . T h e  w r ite r  is d ir e c to r  o f  th e  
C h ild ren ’s  D e fe n se  F und . T h is  is  
a d a p ted  fr o m  a lo n g er  a r tic le  th a t  w ill  
appear, in  th e  N o ve m b e r , 1975, issue, o f 
th e  H a rva rd  E d u ca tio n a l R ev iew .

B y  Marian Wright Edelman

C a m b r i d g e , M a s s .
In the furor over the mythical evils 

of school busing and the purported 
inviolability of neighborhood schools, 
the nation has overlooked four essen­
tial points. School desegregation is a 
necessary, viable and important na­
tional goal. The Constitution requires 
it. Minority children will never achieve 
equal educational opportunity without 
it. And our children will never learn to 
live together if they do not begin to 
learn together now.

There is a tendency to blame' de­
segregation for every ill of the schools, 
from school violence to inferior educa­
tion. But these are some of the very 
problems created by decades of segre­
gation and discriminatory neglect 
which made desegregation orders nec­
essary. It is ironic that black children 
now find themselves caught in the 
Catch-22 position of having desegrega­
tion conditioned on .the prior solution 
of these problems.

It has also become fashionable to 
decry the fact that it is the poor, 
both black and white, who must bear 
the brunt of desegregation while • .e 
upper middle class and the rich, I' ing

in the suburbs, comfortably avoid the 
fray. But that some members of so­
ciety can buy out of their respon­
sibility for social justice does not in 
any way lessen the rights of urban 
black children to . a desegregated 
education.

Similarly, desegregation is unfairly 
blamed for problems of resegregation 
because of white flight to suburbs and 
private schools. While the exclusion of 
minority youngsters from extracurric­
ular activities, their misclassification 
and placement in special education 
classes, particularly classes for the 
educable mentally retarded, and the 
discriminatory use of school discipline 
tools against minority children plague 
black children in desegregating sys­
tems, they are also severe problems in 
segregated systems.

Some school districts began desegre­
gation earlier only to find themselves 
resegregated because whites moved to 
suburbs and blacks moved into thC 
cities.

For example, Atlanta, Ga., after 
years of litigation to desegregate, finds 
itself 89 per cent black. But desegre­
gation was neither the sole nor the 
main cause of such population shifts. 
Whites moved from cities long before 
desegregation. A 1975 Gallup poll on 
education shows that only 14 per cent 
of those moving to the suburbs cited 
minorities as the reason for doing so.

Many school officials have en­
couraged wbft'e defection by permit­
ting the quality of education to de­
cline, Remitting extensive overcrowd­

ing, failing to anticipate or to provide 
programs to deal with the special 
problems arising from desegregation, 
and permitting the decline of teaching 
staff.

According to The Boston Globe of 
March 5, 1975, Mayor Kevin White 
said he was “willing ‘to talk about’ the 
possibility of providing city buildings 
and funds for persons seeking to es­
tablish private schools as alternatives 
to the city’s public schools.” Though 
he recognized that such schools 
“would be illegal if their only purpose 
was to circumvent the court order and 
if they were, in reality, white, acad­
emies,” he added, “if the sponsors 
said, ‘We will have some black stu­
dents enrolled,’ then I’ll tell them, 
‘Let’s talk about it.’ ”

It is precisely this kind of negative 
political leadership that encourages 
noncompliance with school desegrega­
tion orders. And it can only have the 
effect of encouraging white parents to 
avoid public .schools. Such avoidance 
occurr^ in the South, where private- 
school enrollment jumped from 400,000 
in 1968 to 500,000 in 1971, largely as 
a response to desegregation.

There is some evidence, though, that 
lower- and middle-income white par­
ents are chafing under the burdens of 
supporting two school systems. Inter- 

“hal Revenue Service challenges to

their tax-exempt status and growing 
public recognition that their purported 
superior education is not so superior 
will likely increase their vulnerability.

We can only hope that a generation 
of white children will not have their 
educational futures sacrificed to the 
racial bigotry of their parents. One of 
the saddest incidents I have experi­
enced during the Boston confusion 
was a call about a 15-year-old, white. 
South Boston girl who wanted to re­
turn to school. Having been out all 
year because her mother supported 
the boycott, she had been given the 
choice of not returning to school or 
being thrown out of the house.

Analysis of data submitted to 
Health, Education and Welfare’s Office 
for Civil Rights by more than 505 
school districts in five Southern states 
showed black youngsters were twice 
as likely as white youngsters to end 
up in educable mentally retarded 
classes. In 190, or 37 per cent, of the 
reporting districts, the probability that 
a black student would be placed in an 
educable mentally retarded class was 
five times as great as for a white 
student.

In 51 districts, the probability was 
ten times as likely.

But misclassification or overinclu­
sion of black youngsters is not a 
problem limited to the South or to the

desegregation process. Indeed, deseg­
regation has made Southern black 
parents and schoolchildren more con­
scious of questionable school processes 
which are too often still hidden in the 
North.

For example, seven young black, 
male students in a New Bedford, Mass, 
school were placed in classes for the 
mentally retarded without ever having 
been given I.Q. tests. When tested, 
they were found to be of normal in­
telligence. Black children were four 
times as likely as white children to be 
in educable mentally retarded classes 
in this district.

Of equal concern is the growdng use 
of suspensions and other disciplinary 
exclusions as weapons to undermine 
desegregation. Office for Civil Rights 
data show that although blacks are 
27 per cent of.the total school enroll­
ment, they account for 42 per cent 
of all suspensions. One of every eight 
black secondary students was sus­
pended during the 1972-73 school year 
compared to one of every 16 white 
students.

In some districts the percentage of 
black pupils suspended is truly amaz­
ing. In Richland County (Columbia), 
South Carolina, approximately 27 per 
cent of the black high school students 
were suspended in 1972-73.

CThe PwiiilfB t antf 1 I of Harrard UtUvrrtUy



Black Intellectuals and Activists 
Split on Ideoloiical Directions

Continued From Page 1, Col. 3
Ration was awestruck when re- 
^*sentatives of one African 
go^-erntnent after another advo­
cated socialist solutions to race 
problems, which, these speak­
ers said-^to the Americans’ dis­
may—were based on class and 
qot on blackness or race.
• There, as here, the basic issue 
is whether race and culture 
Is the most important factor 
in the oppression of black 

■ {ieople or whether being poor

• ■ The issue is color-and-culture 
versus class, a debate that 
black thinkers have engaged 

' (fi since Emancipation. It has'
’ gained a new urgency today, 
however, among young whites, 
too, but particulariy among 
blacks, who are experiencing 
ihe worst of an economic 
downturn that is expected to 
continue for some time.

Many black studies depart­
ments at universities are divided 
over the issue and many organ­
izations, including the Nation­
al Black Assembly, are torn 
by it.
- Because there are divisions 
jvithin each group, depending 
on degrees of orthodoxy, strict 
definitions are difficult.
Moreover, there are Marxist-Le- 
ninists among the blacks who 
maintain a Pan Africanist view 
and there are black nationalists 
who hold Socialist views.

 ̂ Call Predecessors ‘ ‘Fake’
I Generally, however, the
“new” Marxist-Leninists reject 
the Communist Party U.S.A. 
and the Communist movement 
of the nineteen - thirties as 
"fake” and “revisionist”—thus, 
,.ingela Davis is not a party 
to this debate—and see blacte 
ih the role of initiators.

Among these “scientific So- 
( îalists” who emphasize eco- 
somic class stru^le and the 
overthrow of capitalism and 
imperialism, are: Amiri Baraka, 
the- activist poet-p-laywright; 
fton Karenga, the activist-philo 
sopher now serving a sentence 
of from one to 10 years in 
a California penal institution 
for aggravated assault; S, 
Anderson, a mathematician on 
(he faculty of Old Westbury 
College on Long Island; Owusu 
Sadauki, formerly head of the 
»ow-defunct Malcolm X Liber- 
Stion University in North Caro- 
fina, and Mark Smith, former 
vice chairman of the Youth 
Organization for Black Unity.

Among the black nationalists 
was believe their oppression 
is due to their color and to 
aultural conflicts and that solu­
tions must derive from and 
be carried out by black people, 
are: Haki Madhubuti (Don L. 
fiee), the Chicago-based poet; 
John Oliver Killens, the ailthor; 
Ronald Walters, a political 
scientist; John Henrik Clarke, 
the historian; Jitu Weusf, head 
Of the East, a black culturjil 
organization in the jS-edford 
Stuyvesant section of, Brooklyn,

siana-based playwnght and au
‘‘’The black nationalists are 
suspicious, even disdainful, of 
alliances with whites, and are 
Srem ely critical of former na- 
‘ onllists^ like Mr Baraka, who 
now say nationalists are part 
of “an ideology with three cu^ 
ling edges—from nationalism 
to Pan-Africanism to Social-

‘" ta  an edition of The Black 
Scholar, Mr, Madhubuti de;

position essentially as race 
to work for race. . „  , They regard Marxism-Leni­
nism as “another inte^ariomst 
program,” according to Mr. Kil 
lens. And they accuse th^dvo- 
cates of being faddist, and m 
some cases “opportunists.

Mr. Walters, responding 
in Black Scholar, inveighed 
against the “many brothers and 
sisters, trapped in an imperfect 
understanding of the long dis­
tance imperatives of black na­
tionalism and Pan Africanism. 
The turn toward Marxism has 
represented a way out, a way 
to take off their African 
clothes, change back their 
names, refry their hair, pick 
up white friends again.”

In addition to the charge 
made by some Marxist-Lenin- 
ist that the nationalists “only 
want to talk about how many 
kings we had in Africa,” Mr. 
Karenga criticizes them for 
"mask [ing] contradiictions 
among blacks in pursuit of an 
elusive ideal unity.”

“But,” he goes on, “regardless 
of chit’lins, fried chicken and 
soul, dancing - doin - it and 
rhythm, there are basic conflic- 
tual differences among blacks 
and those are class differen­
ces.”

Charles V. Hamilton, a politi­
cal scientist at Columbia Uni­
versity and coauthor with 
Stokeley Carmichael of “Black 
Power; The Politics of Libera­
tion in America,” holds the 
view that even among those 
who appear to hold conflicting 
positions there tend to be more 
similarities than differences 
and that assigning labels adds 
little clarity.

On the current debate, Dr. 
Hamilton argues that both sides 
are basically Socialists and that 
their positions with respect to 
the masses of black people are 
not that far apart.

Both sides are accused, for 
example, of focusing neither 
on immediate needs of the 
people nor ■ on public policy 
issues. Yet, on both sides, there 
are people who argue that they 
are involved in thinking about 
or moving to affect these issues 
in one way or another.

Division Over the Worker
A major perceptual division 

is occurring, however, around 
the attitude toward the worker.

Mr. Smith, who has been 
active in union organizing ef­
forts aipong textile workers 
in North Carolina, writes in 
the January-February issue of 
Black Scholar;

“Our experience has been 
that in struggling alongside 
black workers on the job— 
struggling to organixe a caucus, 
to fight corrupt union leader­
ship—one of the first points 
that brothers and sisters often 
raise is the need for a strategy 
to build unity between black 
and white workers!”

Mr. Walters does not op­
pose working with whites. 
“You can’t turn all white 
people (into devils,” he says. 
“But you form coalitions—not 
because of some theory, but 
because of pragmatism—who 
.has the resource&--and you ap­
ply them on behalf m  your 
people.”

But Mr. -Killens. is .p i”,’"  
cautious, arguing that blacks 
must integrsfte from a Positon 
of power, something he does 
not believe they now have.

The problem with the in­
stant Marxist,” Mr. Killens 
says, “is that theirs i? a misin­
terpretation of Marx. He went

open up and look at an ideology 
that embraces whites in a way 
that would not be poisoned 
by the realities of racism?

C. L. R. James, a leading 
Trinidadian Marxist theoreti­
cian and author now living 
and teaching in Washington, 
refuses to discuss the current 
debate.

Part of the answer may be 
found in his historical work 
on the Haitian revolution, “The 
Black Jacobins,” first published 
in 1938, in which he wrote;

“The race question is subsi­
diary to the class question in 
politics, and to think of impe­
rialism in terms of race is disas­
trous. But to neglect the racial 
factor as merely incidental is 
an error only less grave than 
to make it fundamental.”

Although his life and works 
have spanned nearly a,.century 
of black ideological develop­
ment, he .confides in a whispery 
voice that he does not under­
stand the conflict.

“In [George] Padmore’s book, 
‘Pan Africanism and Commu­
nism’ is an account of the 
work we did between 1935 and 
1939. I was the editor of both 
the Trotsky paper and Pad- 
more’s [the Stalinist], And we 
never quarreled. They were for 
the revolutionary emancipation 
of Africa and that was okay 
with us. We were for the over­
throw of capitalism and that 
was okay with them. This quar­
reling now, I don’t understand 
it.”

The New Yprfc Times
Amiri Baraka

“Our s tru g g le  is . . .  a  
s tru g g le  to  d e s tr o y  capital­
ism. . . . B la ck  lib era tio n  

is S o c ia lis t  r e v o U it^ n ."

AJ Thompson
John Oliver Killens

" T h e  p r o b le m  w ith  in s ta n t  
M a r x is ts  is  th a t  th e ir s  

is a  m is in te r p r e ta tio n  
o f  M a rx .

C. Gsrald Fraser
C, L. R. James

“[In th e  '30s, T r o ts k y i te s  
■ a n d  Stalinists] n e v e r  q u a r­

relled . T h is  q u a rre lin g ,n o w ,  
I  d o n ’t  u n d e r s ta n d .”

the 41ite who do not under-j 
stand, many feel that the mas­
ses, with whom they ail. profess

some affinity, havrf no idea 
of it at all. I

“The dlites are ca tling  them 
[the discussions] oij as if the 
correct decision is f absolutely 
fundam en^l for the struggle 
to go 001, and they are absolute­
ly wrong,” said one black his­
torian, who also prefeife to stay 
out .Of the fray.

For many Of the intellectuals 
Jiwolved in the debate, however 
^ere is th^ concern that basi­
cally what '..is wrong with it 

If there are those among that it is not broad-based
inougb.

As .tone former activist from 
(the [sixties said: “We wrote

off everybody. The cljurch. The 
political parties. The bourgeoi­
sie. Weil, it may not be ail 
we want it to be, but it’s there 
and it’s organized.

“Take Jesse Jackson, for in­
stance. Jesse doesn’t fit into 
the equation, but he’s trying 
to make a religious movement 
the basis for a new movement. 
We criticize Jesse for being 
a capitalist, but that’s not real­
ly important. He can mobilize.”

While not everyone agrees 
with that position, there are 
many whose battle scairs are 
beginning to show—at least 
privately,

As a result, despite the exis­
tence of public rancor, exchan- 
ges are going on behind the 
scenes.

Meanwhile, several groups, 
including the Institute of the 
Black World, are attempting 
to pull the diverse theoreticians 
together for some “principled 
discussions.”

One historian, who Is also 
interested in such an approach, 
warned that if the discussions 
are to have any meanii^. 
“They’ve got to leam to talk 
about Marx without talking 
about their mommas.”

“Marx talked about the abso­
lute impoverishment of toe 
working class, without talking 
about the absolute mcorrupta-
bility, of the working class_ 
The thrust should be for black 
•working class leadersnip.

“With the unemployment 
problem becoming more cro- 
cial, I predict that white work­
ers are going to s^oot dow  
black workers, fight them for 
the few jobs that are out

Killens said, however,
--------  - . „ j  , that he sees no contradiction
-Arms of Same White Body U^^ween black nationalism and 

For Mr. Madhubuti, the con- Socialism. hen

^pftalism, and that.capitalismj politm analyst whose majo
,^nd Communism a™
ind right arms of the same

Mr. Madhubuti 
writes, is that “the N ^ro must 

: stop trying to rd*'’um'-ican'Express c r ^
TrftTsallv accepted. We must 
keek acceptance for ourselves 
iefore we seek acceptance out- 
^de the race.” ,

Mr Baraka’s conversion to 
\  “sKentific soci-aiism” folkwed 
‘[•bv some time other former 
ilaos nationalists’, including 

I «iat of Mr. Karenga, the impns- 
dned former chairman of m e
•militant West Coast group, US,
Sivlio is regarded as a kina 
of gpiritual mentor to Mr. Bara- 
3ca ("To know Baraka s position 
tomorrow, read Karenga to- 
A 'jtv"  commented a political 
scientist who has followed Mr, 
Baraka over a period of years.
‘ Nevertheless, Mr, Baraka has 
emerged—in print, at least-^s 
a major spokesman for the 
■*‘ne\v Communism.”
X Distinguishing between it and 
the old communism, of me 
Thirties and forties,’ Mr. Bara­
ka writes: ., ,

“We say our ideology s 
Scientific Socialism, specifically 

-. as practiced and theorized by 
>Marx and Lenin and Mao Tse-

work is “The Crisis of the 
Negro Intellectual, argues that 
neither side knows what it is 
doing and that the whole de- 
bate is merely confusing. ^

“The kids are not equipped 
and the older peop'e dm’t  vra"?; 
to be bothered with the tads, 
he said in an interview from 
Michigan State, where he is 
a professor in both history  ̂and 
Afro-American studte. But 
you have a generation gap 
created by a series of natioml 
and international developments 
that occurred too .rapidly fo r  
anybody to embrace. Very 
kids, for -instance, undqrttand 
the New Deal and the lasting 
impact it bad on national 
forms. They take Social Security
for granted, for example.’

While Vincent Harding does 
not necessarily share Dr, era­
se’s analysis,—he feels that the 
debate is “necessary — ne 
argues that there are new for­
ce! at work -in the world that 
have implications for what hap- 
pens in America. Those include 
“.America’s rise as an impena 
force,” and black Amen<»-ns 
experience in seeing reyolution- 
arv movements develop and 
succeed in .such places ^  Mo­
zambique and Guinea Bis^u. 

But primarily Dr. Harding,
£ head of the Atlanta-based Insti-
^  Tn the October 1974, Blackitute of the Black World, be-

«  Struggle to destroy capital- 
Tsm, the creator of racism, 
'skin nationalism cannot do 
that. We need to gain -a clear 
.knowledge of Socialist theo^, 
and unite with those who reaUy 

• •• • new world.

demand that it be dealt 
with as a power.”

'niat is why the old questions 
have surfaced in a new deMte, 
Dr Harding believes. Can there 
be any real Pan-African libera­
tion in Africa that does not
TolyS some total tran^orma 

?? ^ lio n  is S ôcialist - v o l u - tion^.n^
‘’' noI only have responses tolordained by history to lead



Shanker and Harris Differ 
on Causes and Solutions 
of the Growing Problem

By NANCY HUNTER
Special lo The New York Times

WASHINGTON, April 16- 
The rival heads of the two 
largest teachers’ organizations; 
clashed at a Senate hearing 
today over the root causes of 
and potential solutions to ra­
pidly increasing violence in the 
nation’s public schools.

Albert Shanker, president of 
the American Federation of 
Teachers and head of the New 
York City teachers’ union, said 
that leniency in the courtS; 
delaying tactics by defense at­
torneys and two decades of 
literature that portrayed stu- 
deiks as “a kind of oppressed 
cofanial minority” were respon­
sible for school violence that 
included 474 assaults on New 
York teachers in the first five 
rhcinihs of this school year.

James A. Harris, president of 
thSiJ^ational Educational Asso­
ciation, called -this -approach 
siiji'plistic. He said that schools 
were failing in a number of 
areds, including the stemming 
of‘Violence, and that problems 
of "this dimension could not 
rest- with the student alone.

; ‘̂Schools Not Blameless’
‘•Twenty-three per cent of 

schoolchildren are failing to 
graduate, and another large 
segment graduate as functional 
illiterates. It 23 per cent of 
anjjfeing else failed—23 per 
cent of the automobiles did 
not irun, 23 per cent of the 
buUclings fell down, 23 per cent 
of'"Stuffed ham spoiled— ŵe’d 
looTc at the producer. The 
sclfffpls, here, are not blame­
less,” he said.

This pointed exchange took 
place during the opening ses­
sion. of hearings on violence 
and;'discipline in the schools 
held by the Subcommittee on 
Ju'yetiile Delinquency of the 
Senate Judiciary Committee.

Last week, the subcommittee 
issiiW the results of an 18- 
mdath study of violence and 
vawfelism in the public schools. 
It .iaid that destruction of 
s c l^ l  property cost localities 
$5(!ftrmillion a year, the amount 
sp«;tt on school books.

■file study, involving 757 
sch^l district.s: also found that 
mor.e than 100 murders were 
coijgnitted m the schools each 
yejBt and at least 70,000 as- 
sadlfs of teachers.

‘An Escalating Crisis’
‘‘The preliminary findings of 

f this- report indicate that our 
scgcpls are embroiled in an 
escalating crisis of violence and 
vaSalisra which seriously’ 
th ^ ten s  to destroy the abili­
ty :df many of these institutions 
to^Sducate our children,” said 
SetiStor Birch Bayh, Democrat 
ofjindiana, who is chairman 
of IKe subcommittee.

The hearings, he said, v.muld 
look, at many things — drug 
usdg-organized gangs, suspen­
sions and expulsions — to try 
to \^ r t  out why violence had 
become so prevalent in the 
scl^gbls. Several reasons were 
adtianced.

'‘Tpe big city school- is an 
arena in which many, of the 
crdHtng social problems of the 
city itself intrude and are acted 
ouLflot only by students them- 
selws but more often by forces 
thafUnvade the schools, gener­
ating problems that have their 
genesis in the surrounding com­
munity,” said Dr. Irving Anker, 
chancellor of the New York 
City Board of Education.

Ofi 4,775 incidents reported 
in the 1973-74 school year. 1,- 
020 were caused by intruders, 
Dr. Anker said. These incidents 
ranged from one case of at­
tempted murder, to one in­
cident of streaking. Most cases 
involved assaults.

Xr. Shanker and Dr, Owen 
Kierpan, executive secretary of 
the National Association of Se­
condary School Principals, cri­
ticized the student rights move­
ment as aggravating the school 
violence.

Shifting of Blame Cited
‘‘Victims of assaults are re­

luctant to report them and 
press charges because of the 
all-tOo-prevalent stratagem of 
shifting blame from the assai­
lant ',to the victim,” Mr. Shan­
ker said.

‘‘Because of the nature of 
our political system, and parti- 
culaijly the judicial part of the 
democratic process, very often 
the fights of the majority get 
far less attention than do those 
of die minority accused of 
abusive actions,” said Dr. Kier- 
nan, whose organization’s 35,- 
000 members are responsible 
for 20 million pupils.

Both placed an alternative 
scho6l setting for disruptive 
students high on their list of 
recommendations.

Mr. Harris said that he was 
opposed to proliferating alter­
natives to regular school set­
tings; as a means of restoring 
order in the classroom.

He. called instead for the 
creation of a new national 
bureau that would deal with 
the : problems of youth in 
schools, such as unjustified ex- 
plusipns and discriminatory 
usesi'of standardized tests.

Other witnesses included Os 
ward J. Giulit of the Philadel 
phia public school system 
Manford Byrd, deputy superin 
tendSnt of schools in Chicago 
Dr. Jerry Halverson, associate 
superintendent of schools in 
Los Jtngeles and Joseph I. Grea- 
ly, president of the National 
Association of School Security 
Directors.



BIStkIntellectuals Divided
Over Ideological Direction ̂

I

By CHARLAYNE HUNTER
I An intense and growing ideo­
logical debate between the ad­
vocates of a “new” Commu­
nism-Socialism and advocates 
of black nationalism has galvan­
ized major segments of the 
black intellectual and activist 
community.

The debate, which has 
sparked numerous conferences 
along with a proliferation of 
position papers in scholarly 
journals and magazines, is the 
chief development in black 
thought since the civil rights 
movement culminated in black 
power in the late nineteen-six­
ties.

Its importance is itself a mat­
ter of debate. There are those 
who feel that it is confusing, 
uninformed, divisive and irrele­
vant. But there are others, in­
cluding historians and political

of a historical pattern of black 
development in which periods 
of activism are followed by 
periods of introspection and 
theorizing.

Spurred by F ru stra tio n  |
Thus, it is the graduates ofl 

the civil rights movement and 
the .student movement whose! 
restlessness and frustration I 
over falling short of their goals 
of complete liberation have set 
the stage for this new develop­
ment in the “cyclical process," 
as one historian described it.

The conflict is at once na­
tional and international, scho­
larly and emotional, courteous 
and acrimonious, confused and 
lucid, serious and humorous.

At the Sixth Pan African 
Congress in Tanzania last fall, 
the 2()0-member American dele-

scientists, who view it as part Continued on Page 57, Column 1



New Mexico Institute of 
Mining and Technology is the 
latest college to have Federal 
funds withheld because the 
Government found that its 
affirmative-action plan for 
the hiring of women, blacks 
and other minorities was un­
acceptable.

The Department of Health, 
Education and Welfare’s Of­
fice for Civil Rights said yes­
terday that a $ 1.3-million 
contract between the New 
Mexico institution and the 
Naval Weapons Center had 
been blocked.

The move comes on top 8f 
similar action that was re­
cently taken against the 
University of Southern Cali­
fornia and Saint Louis Uni­
versity, which have now both 
asked for assistance in work­
ing out affirmative-action 
hiring plans that are accept­
able to Washington.

Contracts with the Na­
tional Cancer Institute were 
blocked at both of these in­
stitutions.

Controversy over the af­
firmative-action program re-/
mains very much alive. Pro-/ 

lyiponents of the program say 
I that it is crucial to alteringl 

hiring policies. Opponents! 
maintain that it constitutes! 
preferential hiring. !



already 
The '

Confederacy now 1 
mayors. Most were elected^ 
the last five years as ' 
electorate expanded under the 
Federal Voting Rights Act of 
1965. They are among more 
than 1,500 black officials in 
those states who hold offices 
ranging in importance from jus­
tice of the peace to-Congress­
man.

Working at every political 
level, the new mayors are mak­
ing their weight felt. Some are 
forming coalitions with whites 
to elect moderate officials and 
to promote special projects. 
They are changing the racial 
make - up of policy - setting 
boards and commissions. They 
are promoting black business 
development. They are attract­
ing the attention of people with 
money, in and out of govern­
ment.

Arab at Meeting
Even the Arabs have discov­

ered them, and there is talk 
of a trade mission of black 
officials to the Middle East 
to lure Arab investments. Kha- 
lid Babaa, a representative of 
the Federation of Arab States 
was the first speaker when 
the meeting began Friday 
morning.

The mayors moved to expand 
their influence last year by 
forming an organization called 
the Southern Conference of 
Black Mayors. It met here at 
this predominantly black col­
lege town this weekend.

At its next meeting in May, 
the conference will listen to 
the case of several candidates 
for President.

As another sign of the may­
ors’ growing importance, the 
white Governor of Louisiana, 
Edwin Edwards, came here yes­
terday to address the group. 
He appeared in a page one 
photograph this morning in The 
Shreveport Times with two of 
the leading black mayors, A. 
J. Cooper of Prichard, Ala,, 
president of the conference, 
and B. T. Woodard of Gram- 
bling, who is known as the 
dean of black mayors in the 
United States.

More Troubles 
A participant at the meetingj 

thumped the front page of thei 
paper at breakfast and said,' 
“You wouldn’t have seen that 
10 years ago.”

Irtterviews v/Ith several per­
sons indicated that wbila



A Once Troubled School 
In Boston Is NowTranquil

By ROBERT REINHOLD
BOSTON, Sept. I Z —Danial Kearns, a 

strapping, freckled man who has seen much 
in his ,22 years with the Boston public 
schools, W'as gazing over the sixth-grade' 
assembly. The sea of little faces spread be­
fore him looked like a Seurat canvas, hun­
dreds of tiny colored dots—blgcks, browns, 
tans, whites, yellow.

“This is our fourth day of school and I 
culdn’t be more pleased,” Mr. Kearns, the 
principal, told the fidgeting youngsters. 
“You have done a great job—I can judge 
because I know only one boy’s name yet.”

Routine back-to-school talk, perhaps, ex­
cept that many of the children had come 
to school by bus, under court orders, from 
widely separated neighborhoods.

Integration is working at the aging Mary 
Emelda Curley Middle School on Centre 
Street in the Jamaica Plain section of 
Boston. And, although the story is over­
shadowed by the cascade of words and 
pictures showing marching mothers and 
helmeted police, integration and busing are 
working quietly and remarkably well in 
dozens of schools like it acrss the city.

Once one of the city's most racially 
troubled schools, the Curley school was the 
picture of tranquillity this week. Black, 
white and iHspanic children were hard at 
work and play in its classrooms, wook- 
working and sewing shops and in the play­
ground. Attendance was about 75 per cent 
of the expected registration of 971.

“It’s so quiet it’s eerie,” said Allen 
Prince, assistant principal who has been

at the school for 21 years. “They used to 
swing chairs at each other.”

The Curley experience tends to validate 
and complaint of black parents who have 
long maintained that good education can­
not be had in predominantly black schools. 
Until recently, Curley students came large­
ly from impoverished and broken black 
families in the nearby Bromley Heath public 
housing project. Chaos reigned; teachers 
fled. Today, with the racial balance righted 
and the curriculum revised, it is clear that 
good thing are happening educationally.

“Actually Phase 1 [of the busing] made 
this a beter school and Phase II is making 
it better,” Mr. Kearns said. “If nothing had 
been done this would have become a real 
ghetto institution ”

A stranger would scarcely guess any­
thing unusual was happening these days in 
Boston from looking at the 42-year-old 
yellow-brick Curley School. There are no 
policemen on its worn steps. Inside, a Ion® 
plainclothesman spends his days gaziiw 
blankly into the ceiling as children “tile” 
quietly tlirough the halls.

Each morning, five buses, unescorted, 
pull up, carrying black children called 
“Group A,” from Roxbury and other black 
areas to the north. From the other direc­
tion comes “Group B,” white children from 
Roslindale and other white sections.

Whay has it worked here and not in 
Charlestown and South Boston? It may 
have something to do with the neighbor­
hoods more cosmopolitan and open char­
acter. Once a posh retreat for Beacon Hill 

Continued on Page 40, Column 6



-17 She ?̂eUr Hark Stmeg
THE WEEK IN REVIEW Sunday, September 14, 1975

Section

Is

have a single general goal; By their 
actions in the next three months, they 
want to convince banks and the pub­
lic that New York City is a good 
investment. Unless that happens, the 
expensive and risky three months’ pur­
chase of time, will have been for 
naught, and default will only have 
been postponed.

Realistically, the legislation passed 
last week made provision for that fail­
ure: It outlines a procedure to be fol­
lowed in the case of a city default.

For the moment, the city’s concerns, 
though clearly connected to that ulti­
mate question of investor confidence, 
will be more imediate: The teachers’ 
strike, inadequate garbage collec­
tions and the prospect of further pay­
roll cuts and service reductions. (T h e  
sch o o l s tr ik e ;  th e  T a y lo r  L aw ; th e  sh o r t, 
sa d  h is to r y  o f  M .A .C .— S e e  P ages 6,7.)

Will School Buses 
Ever Get to the 
End of the Line?

Even as its advocates have begun 
to question their own wisdom, school 
busing to achieve racial desegregation 
remains the focus of both hopes and 
resentments, especially in the magni­
fying environments of large cities. This 
year, busing plans are in operation in 
Louisville and Boston, and though the 
attitudes of whites and, blacks is 
similar in both places, what is happen­
ing in the two cities is, so far, quite 
dfferent.

L o u isv ille : There are 18,000 students 
in a school district covering both the 
city and adjacent suburban Jefferson 
County: about 20 per cent of the stu­
dents are black, and almost all of the 
blacks are in the city. About 11,300 
black students are being bused to 
mainly white schools and, for the first 
time in the United States, a similar 
number of white students are being 
bused from the suburbs to the inner 
city, mostly black schools.

After more than a week, the pro­
gram appears to be working. A boy­
cott by white parents has failed; 
attendance in the schools is up to 75 
per cent. There was one major out­
burst of violence, not at a school but 
in a blue collar section, involving 
white teenagers and adults fighfeng 
police, not blacks. Whites have de­
nounced the violence and even anti­
busing groups have called off meetings 
rather than run the risk of a new 
incident.

B o sto n : A  year ago, under court 
order, Boston tried to bus 18,000 
students, both black and white, to 
80 schools within the city. There was 
considerable violence both in the 
schools and in the streets; the Italian 
“North End” section was considered 
so hostile no effort was even made 
to integrate it. Police remained in the 
schools for most of the year.

This fall, 26,000 students are being 
bused to 162 schools in "phase two^ 
of the plan; the North End is still 
being left alone. There has been much 
less violence than last year in the 
schools, but in the streets—especially 
in the Irish, working-class districts of 
South Boston and Charlestown^—there 
have been continual clashes. The resi­
dents view the police as an occupying 
army; several police officers have been 
injured by bottles, rocks and darts 
shot from high-powered siing shots.

The Federal Presence
There are similarities in the two 

cities. In both, law is being enforced 
by clear, firm evidence of the police 
power. Members of the Massachusetts 
and Kentucky ■ National Guards are 
working with local police. In Louisville, 
Guardsmen and state troopers, as well 
as city police, ride on the school 
buses. In Boston, there is a plain- 
clothesman in every school being 
desegregated. More important, 100 
United States marshals are prominent 
in monitoring the program and, 
impliedly, the behavior of local police. 
A year ago, there was a minimal and 
reluctant Federal presence.

There is, however, a disquieting, 
familiar difference in the two cities. 
Many—how many nobody yet knows 
—white students have dropped out of 
the Boston schools, some to parochial 
schools, some outside the city, some 
to new private schools set up as havens 
from the public school system. Though 
over-all attendance seemed to be about 
70 per cent last week, experienced ob­
servers said blacks were clearly over­
represented.

If Boston does “tip” toward a non­
white majority school system, that 
would be the same dismal result that 
has occurred elsewhere, and has made 
proponents of busing question whether 
it is the right tool to use. There has 
been rapid white flight in many places. 
In Atlanta, white school enrollment 
was 62 per cent of the total when de­
segregation started 14 years ago. Last 
week it was 12.9 per cent.

Private, Antibusing Passion but Public Moderation

1

&

I
‘ ^ 0 i £ S T

- .

' i  '♦V ' a,*! .*

For the most part, court-ordered busing proceeded peacefully in 
Louisviile and Boston last week, yet violence was present, implicitly 
and by indirection, even in peaceful scenes. Above, a deserted staging 
area in Louisville; below, a Boston school’s unusual adornments 
and a Boston child’s unlikely companions.
Mark Godfrey/Magnum; Chris Maynard/Black Star; United Press Internationa!

C 'f L - ' O H  s c

In Louisville s 
Big District, 
iWhitesHaveNo 
Place to Hide

By WILLIAM K. STEVENS

LOUISVILLE, Ky. — What 
might have happened in Rich­
mond and in Detroit, but did 
not, has happened in Louisville. 
The divide has finally been 
crossed: Black children are rid­
ing buses from the inner city 
to the suburbs, and white chil­
dren are riding them the oppo­
site way, to achieve over-all 
racial balance in the schools of 
a major metropolitan area.

Despite overwhelming seoti- 
, ment against busing among 

whites of all classes, who feel 
I that the plan has been crammed 

down their throats by the Federal courts without they’re 
having had anything to say about it; despite cries of white 
teen-agers to “get the niggers out of our school”; despite a 
night of violence, vandalism and rioting by some 2,500 white 
anti-busing protestors during the first weekend after school 
opened; despite fears of further violence and the fact that 
Louisville and Jefferson County are patrolled by the National 
Guard; despite all this, city-suburb integration appears to 
be taking hold. . ,

Twice before, in Richmond and Detroit, Federal Distnct 
judges ordered metro plans. They reasoned that where a 
central city’s schools are predominantly black (as they are 
in Richmond, Detroit and Louisville), no effective integra­
tion can take place unless the white suburbs are drawn into 
the picture. Higher courts overruled the Richmond and 
Detroit plans, however.

But in the Louisville case, the-Courts found a metro 
remedy acceptable because both Lousville and Jefferson 
County had once operated legally segregated school systems. 
’The,city and county have now merged their two systems.

It would be difficult to ovm'estimate the depth and 
breadth of anti-busing sentiment in the white suburbs of 
Jefferson County. This is true in the southern and western 
parts of the county, where blue-coUar workers Jive and out­
right expressions of racism are more likely to be heard. 
Blacks are less welcome in the schools here, and anti-busing 
signs have sprung up like trees.

It is also true in -the county’s northern and eastern 
reaches—the horsey, upper-middle-class suburbs where po­
litical attitudes are more sophisticated, and violent protest 
is considered gauche; but parents have sent their children 
to school in spite of their feelings.

Regardless of the shades of feeling and behavior, the 
misgivings about sending one’s children across town to 
school in an alien neighborhood are all but universal. Even 
those whites who feel comfortable with racial integration 
are bothered by the busing of their children.

As for the blacks, most of whom live in Louisville’s west 
end, they have been remarkably quiet throughout the first 
days of busing.

Although Louisville has its share of welfare cases among 
blacks, and its share of black children who apply for free 
lunches, it also has a suburban black middle dass whose 
members work in offices, tobacco factories and automobile 
plants, and who live in comfortably shingled houses. Not 
unlike their white counterparts, they too prize education. 
Many of these blacks seem convinced that their children 
will get a better education once whites have a stake in the 
school that their black children attend. And so they have 
been sending those children to school in heavy numbers.
Criteria for Success

According to some of those who have made it their busi­
ness to watch integration in the South, there is no reason 
why metropolitan busing in Louisville should not work, 
despite the classic social divisions. They say the Louisville 
ijlan fulfills at least two of the three conditions that are 
believed—on the basis of experience gained elsewhere— 
to be pre-requisite for success.

First, there must be no place to which whites can flee 
to escape busing. That requirement is fulfilled here simply 
because the busing plan involves the entire region. Whether 
this could be feasibly achieved in larger metropolitan areas, 
where longer distances are involved, is open to question.

Second, the combined city-suburban school system must 
be no more than 30 per cent black. Whites, it is believed, 
will generally accept no more than that proportion of blacks 
in their schools. Louisville-Jefferson fits well within that , 
limit.

Third, the Federal judge who Is administering the plan 
must be vigilant. -He must not let any school within the 
district “tip” to predominantly black, or even go beyond 
30 per cent. That would de-stabilize the system by triggermg 
a frantic rush of whites moving back and forth across the 
metropolitan area to escape predominantly black schools. 
How U. S. District Judge James F. Gordon will deal with 
that matter in Louisville remains to be seen.

Beyond that, there are other, deeper factors linked to the 
early success of the busing plan in Louisville, some of 
which hold no lesson for other areas and some- of which do.

Louisville has a long tradition of moderation and toler­
ance. As a river town it was long exposed to a variety of 
ethnic points of view. And as a border state that sat on 
the fence in the Civil War before finally joining the Union, 
Kentucky developed no particular regional “mind-set.” That 
has continued. Louisville’s outlook in particular is a blend 
of the Midwestern, the Appalachian and the Southern. His­
torically it has shown a preference in its politics for liberal 
Democrats.

Both Louisville and Jefferson County desegregated their 
schools without incident in 1956, a scant two years after 
the Supreme Court outlawed segregation. It was called "the 
silence heard ’round the world,” so peacefully did the 
desegregation go.

That tradition of moderation was reflected in the stance 
of public officials in 1975. Once the busing decision was 
final, there was a concerned effort to obey the law and 
make busing work. Not a single public official engaged in 
any sort of attempt to inflame anti-busing passions publicly 
once the issue was settled. In this, Louisville was far dif­
ferent from Boston. • >-

W illia m  K . S te v e n s  is  a  r ep o r te r  fo r  T h e  N e w  Y o r k  T im e s  '.t 
w h o  h a s  w r it te n  a b o u t sch o o l in te g ra tio n  in  L o u isv il le  a n d  '
other c ities .



THE N E W  YORK TIMES,-SUNDAY. SEPTEMBER 14, W S

The
Nation
In Summary

Advantage 
Mr. Ford on 
Energy Policy

President Ford and the Democrats 
in Congress are still deadlocked over 
energy policy after more than a year, 
but now price controls on domestic 
oil have expired and, for the moment, 
the tactical advantage seems to be 
with the President.

The Senate last week tried, and 
failed by six votes, to produce a two- 
thirds majority to overturn Mr. Ford’s 
veto of a bill that would have extended 
controls on some domestic oil for 
Six months, and would have nullified 
the Administration’s advantage. Seven 
Republicans, all of them from either 
New England or the central Atlantic 
states, crossed party lines to vote 
against Mr. Ford; but seven Demo­
crats, nearly all of them from energy 
producing states, crossed too, making 
the final count 61 votes to override 
and 39 to sustain the veto. The oil 
industry is now free to raise prices 
at will, though it may not do so while 
Washington is actively trying to. fash­
ion a policy..

The immediate question before Con­
gress, expected to be answered soon, 
is whether to pass a 45 or a 60 day 
extension of controls. Mr. Ford has 
said he would sign a bill that extended 
controls for 45 days.

The likelihood now is that the Dem­
ocrats, however reluctantly, will be 
forced to accede to Mr. Ford’s wish 
to raise fuel prices: The Administration, 
asserts that high prices would reduce 
consumption, thereby curtailing re­
liance on imported oil and encouraging 
American producers to develop new 
wells within the United States.

Initially, Mr. Ford wanted to lift 
prices by April 1. But he subsequently 
became concerned that sudden decon­
trol would hurt economic recovery 
and he urged a plan that would phase 
out controls over a 30, or at most, 
a 39-mbnth period, with most df the 
increase delayed until 1977, just'after 
the Presidential election.

The Democrats will probablyr hawe 
to alter their tactics. They can no 
longer operate defensively, simply 
blocking Mr. Ford’s moves to ’ raise 
prices. With controls removed, the oil 
industry at least temporarily in charge 
of price setting and a Presiderftial 
election coming, both the Democrats 
and Mr. Ford may have to move 
toward accommodation a little more 
rapidly than they have in the past.

The Republicans 
Will Go to
Kansas City

A Nominee With
Very Definite 
Opinions

Joseph Coors

among the youth, the, educators and 
the news media, which are making 
the loudest, accusations about our sick 
society, are the very ones who are 
promoting obscenity, drug use, athe­
ism and unrestricted freedom from 
any kind of control or order.”

To counteract what he perceived as 
the failure of the media to provide 
an objective account of events, Mr, 
Coors founded a company two years 
ago oalled’Television News, Inc., which 
provides news programming to locaJ 
television stations. Early this year 
he tried to persuade the Corporation 
for Pu,blic Broadcasting not to present 
a documentary about consumer fraud 
in the funeral industry on the ground 
that it was unfair to the industry; the 
program was shown despite his 
objection.

Mr. Coors has also funded organi­
zations that support the campaigns of 
conservative political candidates. He 
was originally nominated to the 15- 
member board of the Corporation for 
Public Broadcasting by President 

.Nixon shortly before Mr. Nixon re­
signed last year. The nomination was 
resubmitted by President Ford.

In another nomination, ■ Mr. Ford 
last week named Richard L. Dunham, 
a protege of Vice President Rockefel- 
,ler, to be chairman of the Federal 

‘ PoWhr'Coimmission. Mr. Dunham, Who 
now serves as dehuty director of the  ̂
Whitfe touse 'Gounoil, said ,that ,h© 
had only limited knowledge of: the 

■issues that fall within the power, 
commission’s purviews but he saad 
that he had dealt with energy mat­
ters tangentially when he was New 
York State’s budget director.

Nixon Papers: a 
Matter of Trust

Tha site, chosen by the Republican 
NatSofial Committee for next year’s 
Prealdential nominating convention, 
Kanaas City, Mo., reflects President 
Ford’s wish for a Midwestern location 
despite one obvious logistical draw­
back.

The committee acknowledged that 
Kansas City, lacks adequate hotel 
accommodation for the 15,000 dele­
gates, reporters and visitors expected 
when the fconvention begins next 
Aug. 16.

About 3,000 additional hotel rooms 
will be required outside Kansas City, 
many as far away as Lawrence and 
Topeka, Kan., about an hour’s drive 
from the Kempner sports arena where 
the Republican delegates will be 
meeting.

Nevertheless, Kansas City was se­
lected finally instead of Miami Beach 
or Cleveland, and over bids that had 
eatliar been made by New York City, 
Uju Angeles, San Francisco , and New 
Orleans,

Mr. Ford had said that he favored 
a Midwestern site for the convention 
because the central time zone would 
provide better national television cov­
erage. That consideration narrowed 
the field considerably. But the Presi­
dent also may have wanted to select 
a  site that enhanced the kind of 
Kapublican image that Mr. Ford rep­
resents.

In that respect, Kansas City is even 
further from New York City, chosen 
by the Democrats for their convention 
starting July 12, than the 1,097 air 
miles shown on the map.

The Justice Department has urged a 
Federal court to reject former Presi­
dent Nixon’s suit to gain possession 
of his official papers on the ground 
that Mr. Nixon cannot be trusted not 
to tamper with the papers.

The Justice Department entered the 
case to defend the constitutionality of 
the law that Congress enacted last 
year, transferring control of toe pa­
pers from Mr. Nixon- to the Govern­
ment. The department contended in 
its brief that Congress had a rational 
basis for believing that Mr. Nixon 
“would not be a trustworthy custo­
dian, even temporarily” for the papers.

As an example, toe brief mentioned 
toe 18V2-minute gap that appeared 
in one critical White House tape re­
cording released by President Nixon. 
The brief also cit^ . the discrepancy 
between transcripts of tapes prepared 
later by Mr. Nixon and trarfscripts 
prepared from toe same tapes by toe 
Watergate special prosecutor and the 
House Judiciary Committee.

Before Congress passed the law 
taking control of the papers. President 
Ford had reached an agreement with 
Mr. Nixon that would let the former 
President keep them. The brief, how­
ever, seemed to emphasize that the 
executive branch fully supported the 
Congressional decision.

Mr. Nixon has argued that the pa­
pers are his property. He has promised 
to make them public "as expeditiously 
as possible,” but he claims the right 
to screen out documents which in his 
judgment relate to personal matters 
or national security interests.

Education Veto 
Is Overridden

One of President Ford’s nominees 
for toe board of directors of toe Cor­
poration for Public Broadcasting has 
denied at his confirmation hearing 
that he- has been a member of the 
right wing John Birch Society, but he 
professes to support some of their 
■views.

A -view that toe nominee Joseph 
Coors, the bead of a Colorado brewing 
firm, apparently shares with the Birch 
Society is that the news media is 
dominated by ultra-leftists who are 
Jselping destroy traditional American 
moral values. In a speech in 1969, Mr. 
Coors said that “the vocal minority

The House and Senate have voted 
by large .majorities to override toe 
Presidential veto of a bill to provide 
$7.9-biUion in Federal aid to schools 
and colleges. The vote was expected: 
each. Congressional constituency will 
receive some of the funds.

President Ford had contended that 
toe bill, which authorized $1.5-billion 
more than he had requested, was in­
flationary. However, administration of­
ficials failed to lobby strenuously to 
sustain the veto, evidently because 
they recognized that Congressmen 
were under pressure from their home 
districts to override.

The President’s veto of a bill to pro­
vide community health services, which 
was popular in Congress for similar 
reason.s, was overriden in July.

On five other occasions this year, 
the Democratic Congressional leader­
ship was failed to muster enough sup­
port for efforts to override.

A True Compromise W ill Not Come Easily

Philosophy, 
Politics 
Involved in 
Oil Impasse

By DAVID E. ROSENBAtnW

WASHINGTON—Depending on which side one is 
on, the year-long stalemate between Congress and 
President Ford'over energy policy appears to be a 
classical case either of Congressional ineptitude or 
presidential irresponsibility.

No one denies that the country has a severe energy 
problem. As long as toe United States continues to 
import 40 per cent of its oil, there will be a signifi­
cant flow of dollars and jobs overseas with serious 
consequences for-the economy and, potentially, the 
national security. Yet, every time the President has 
made an energy proposal, the heavily Democratic 
Congress has rejected it. And, every time Congress 
has passed energy legislation, the President has 
vetoed it. Each side accuses the other of partisan 
politics, and there is something to toe charges. ,

Mr. Ford has made it clear that what he calls 
the "do-nothing Congress” will be the principal 
theme of-his election campaign next year. He picks 
up points in support- of that theme by contending 
that'He has a plan for solving toe energy crisis, 
while the bumbling Congress has none. At the same 
time, the Democrats gain political, advantage from

their contention that they are striving to hold down 
the cost of fuel to the tittle man, while toe President 
is interested only in lining the pockets of the giant 
oil companies.

Nonetheless, it is not primarily the political charges 
and counter-charges that have caused toe stalemate. 
Rather, it is the fundamental, philosophical differ­
ence 'oetween the President and the Democrats in 
Congress over national priorities and eionomicpolicy.

Mr. Ford believes that the energy crisis is an im­
mediate one that must be solved sooner rather than 
later. Certainly, he says, it will be painful to pay 
more for gasoline and home-heating, but that is the 
only way to force Americans to conserve fuel and 
to give the oil companies the financial incentive to 
explore for new domestic sources of energy.

As for toe unemployment and the inflation that a 
lifting of price controls on oil might cause, Mr. Ford 
—supported by Treasury Secretary William E. Simon 
and Alan Greenspan, chairman of the Council. of 
Economic Advisers—is convinced that so-called free 
markets are toe best solution to virtually all eco­
nomic ills.

Forecasts are Ominous
The Democrats in Congress, while recognizing the 

severity of the energy problem, believe that it is 
of secondary importance to toe urgent need to put 
toe economy on a healthy footing. They have relied 
heavily on forecasts prepared by the Congressional 
Budget Office, under the direction of Alice M. Rivlin, 
a liberal economist. The Budget Office projected 
that, by the end of 1977, toe decontrol of oil prices 
would result in 600,000 more persons unemployed 
and a 4 per cent increase in consumer prices. The 
growth in national production would also be 20 
per cent less than might otherwise be expected, the 
Budget Office projected.

What sense does it make, the Democrats ask, to 
take steps that clearly would exacerbate imemploy- 
ment and inflation when unemployment is still ap­
proximately 8 per cent and inflation is hovering at 
an annual rate of about 10 per cent? Administration

officials, wh 
adverse eco 
prices, disp 
projections.

Mr. Ford 
compromise, 
complete en 
Congress wc 
the extra 
for decontr 
Democrats i 
at all, but : 
Senate’s fail 
legislation 
for six mon 
— just whi 
But now, 
unwilling 
pressing Co: 
controls tern

There is 
and -the Pre 
the old cont 
The purposf 
spell while 
modation.. 
or on cap: 
during that 
that is acce 
pass any 
difference 
too great.

“There’s : 
said last w 
after seven 
Democrats 
bet you to 
Halloween, 
be right wt

David E. 
New Y o r k

Without Funds, Urban Neighborhoods Disinte

Redlining, Whether Cause 
Or Effect, Is No Help

By WILLIAM E. FARRELL

CHICAGO—The cOuple, both college professdrs 
and with a. combined annual income in excess of 
$40,000, went to seven Chicago banks seeking a 
conventional, mortgage iloani in order to purchase a 
20-year-old, brick house in Austin, an aging, working- 
class- section of this City. All seven banks said no 
without giving a reason.

In nearby Oak Park, a tree-lined suburb dotted 
with early Frank Lloyd Wright houses, Bruce Samuels 
-sought a conventional mortgage for a 55-year-old 
stucco home. The bank said that the house was 
‘‘too old.”

In toe District of Columbia, Senator William Prox- 
mire. Democrat of Wisconsin, commissioned a Con­
gressional staff study of mortgage loans made by 
savings.and loan associations located in Washington. 
It showed that, although the banks draw the bulk 
of their deposits from toe district, about 90 per cent 
of the mortgages were granted in the district’s 
Maryland and Virginia suburbs. Of the small number 
of mortgages made within toe predominantly black 
district, the study found nearly half were in ufqjer- 
middle-class, white enclaves.

The Congressional study and the experiences of 
the -Chicago homebuyers are indicative of what ap­
pears to many to be a lending pattern afflicting 
older neighborhoods throughout the country. Mr.



On^ ? Trouhled Boston School Is Calm
Continued From Page 25

Yankees, it was invaded by 
upwardly mobile Irish de­
cades ago.

James Michael Curley, 
Mayor, folk hero and cham­
pion of the Irish poor, broke 
in against the Yankee resis­
tance, building a house with 
shamrocks on the shutters 
just a stone’s throw rfom 
the Curley School, named 
after his wif.

Young Families Attracted
Today, the Irish, in turn, 

are being displaced by new 
intruders — blacks, Cubans, 
Puerto Ricans, Greeks. The 
well off still have leafy seclu­
sion in the Moss Hill section, 
but Jamaica Plain’s housing 
is mostly decayed. Still, there 
are signs of revival as the 
area draws growing numbers 
of young professional fami­
lies attracted by its proximi­
ty to Boston’s teaching hospi­
tals and other institutions.
According to Claudia Del- 

monaco, manager of the local 
“little city hall,’’ these edu­
cated newcomers have tend­
ed to keep their children 
in the public schools and 
given the neighborhood more 
stability. Although large 
numbers of white parents

in Moss Hill, Roslindale and 
other areas have certainly 
placed their children in paro­
chial and private shcools, 
enough whites seem deter­
mined to stay to keep Curley 
integrated.

Typical, perhaps, is Neil 
J. Savage, an insurance con­
sultant father of six and 
community leader in affluent 
Moss Hill. He has the eco­
nomic means to escape to 
the suburbs, but will not. 
He serves on the Curley 
School’s multi-ethnic parents 
council, an interracial group 
mandated for every school 
by the court. He says he 
will let his boys be bused 
to Curley as long as they 
are getting good educations, 
which he feels they are.

Represent 3 Groups
The executive board of the 

parents council met last 
night in Mr. Savage’s living 
room. Representing the 
whites was Bill Ganter, a 
salesman whose two boys 
are being bused many miles 
even though there is a middle 
school right across the street 
from his home in Roslindale.

“I am not necessarily pro- 
busing,” he said, “but I am 
pleased because this is a bet­
ter school.”

He feels also that the ex­
perience of mixing with dif­
ferent races has helped his 
boys mature.

Representing the blacks 
was Gladys Taylor, a well- 
spoken woman whose family 
moved to Boston from Alaba­
ma. She strongly supports 
the busing, not because she 
thinks her sixth-grade girl, 
Venus, has to sit next to 
whites, but because she feels 
the school authorities pay 
attention to schools only 
when whites attend them.

Jamaica Plains’ large His­
panic minority is re present­
ed by Nunila Baez from P 
araguay, wife of a patholo­
gist.

These and other parents 
crd credit Mr. Kearns, the

principal, and his teaching 
staff with having rescued the 
Curley School from educa­
tional oblivion. Before he 
took over, the school was 
losing 20 or so teachers a 
year, and there were fights 
and even shootings in and 
near the school.

Clusters By Subject 
Mr, Kearns has reorganized 
the school, using the “clus­

ter” system which four clas­
ses are grouped together for 
all activities. There are spe­
cial clusters for those inter­
ested in science, in art and 
music and so on. Teacher 
turnover has been reduced 
to a minimum.

While mothers were 
marching up Bunker Hill 
against “forced busing” the 
other day, Frank McCabe, 
a young science instructor, 
was teaching his racially 
mixed, and bused, class 
about scientific method.

“Is there life on other pla­
nets?” he asked.

An eager black youngster 
told about “little green men 
who came down on a plate.” 
Mr. McCabe gently stressed 
the need to get proof and 
went about describing the 
process of scientific investi­
gation.

A short while later in the 
lunchroom, Richard, a tow­
headed, white seventh-gra­
der, had already gulped down 
his franks and beans and 
was busy composing a secret 
note with “J.J.”, a black 
youngster with a big bushy 
Afro. The two quickly folded 
over the note when a visitor 
strolled by, then happily 
marched out poking at each 
other playfully.

Beaming as she watched 
the scene, Dorothy Dempsey,  ̂
whose 20 years teaching 
home economics make her 
the senior staff member, said, 
“This is the best year ever, 
you cannot press a button. 
But it can - work, as you 
You’ve got to give it time— 
can see.”



Affirm ative Chaos . . .
Federal policies toward affirmative action to increase 

the representation of women and racial minorities in 
college and university faculties are meeting with stiffen­
ing opposition. Instead of creating greater harmony and 
erasing old injustices, these efforts have given rise to 
new hostilities and suspicions.

The Carnegie Council on Policy Studies in Higher 
Education has moved courageously into this arena with 
a report whose recommendations could clear the way 
for more effective future strategies. Moving in the same 
direction, the Department of Labor is conducting 
hearings to resolve the mutually opposed grievances 
registered by college administrators and civil rights 
spokesmen. And the Department of Health, Education 
and Welfare is expected to issue simplified guidelines. 
The only point on which there appears to be universal 
agreement is that the present system leaves much to 
be desired.

Without absolving the universities of their past 
insensitivity to the rights of those outside the charmed 
circle, the council offers persuasive evidence that most, 
campuses have abandoned their prejudice or myopic 
ways. Much remains to be done to erase past sins; but 
there is a growing risk in setting narrow, specific and 
short-term quotas for competing groups. The report 
rightly warns against a tendency to replace discrimina­
tion with “a bloc-versus-bloc mentality, a bloc-versus- 
bloc society."

... Misguided Policies
The council draws a dismal but persuasive picture 

of present Federal policies which have created chaotic 
duplication. Guidelines are often inconsistent and moni­
tored by competing agencies staffed by bureaucrats who 
know nothing about academic life. “Seldom," says Dr. 
Clark Kerr, the council’s chairman, “has a good cause 
spawned such a badly developed series of Federal 
mechanisms.” One inherent weakness in Federal tactics 
is the implausible threat of withholding all Federal funds 
from an entire university in retaliation for some limited 
violation. Another flaw is what Dr. Kerr calls resort to 
governmental “fine-tuning”—demanding specific per­
centages in individual departments—rather than con­
centrating on broad institution-wide goais and the 
establishment of better grievance procedures to deal 
quickly with individual cases.

The council is probably justified in concluding that 
the situation has changed from the days when the 
universities’ tendency to overlook the available talent 
among traditionally excluded sectors was the most acute 
problem. Now the greatest need is for policies which wiil 
increase the supply—particularly on the Ph.D. level— 
of qualified persons among still under-represented groups.

We agree with the council that the present turn 
toward the “numbers racket” could readily reward 
“the shrewd gamesman and enthrone the computer.” 
"Vet the report is vulnerable to charges of excessive 
optimism concerning progress to date. Barriers created 
by conservatism and the academic old-boy network even 
more than outright prejudice remain more formidable 
than the council acknowledges. Even such barriers, 
however, will best be dismantled by the report’s proposed 
new emphasis on Federal pressure to meet broad, long­
term goals, along with “punishment that fits the crime 
for the small minority” of those who deliberately block 
the way toward equal opportunity.



JOB A6ENCY CHIEF 
BACKED INSENATE

Step Questioned by Women’s 
and Hispanic Croups

By EILEEN SHANAHAN
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, May 20—The 
Senate labor Committee, in the 
face of complaints from femi' 
nist and Hispanic groups that 
it was acting too hastily, ap­
proved today the nomination 
of Lowell W. Perry to be chair­
man of tlie Equal Employment 
Opportunity Commission. Mr, 
Perry id the manager of a 
Chrysler Corporation, plant in 
Detroit.

The committee voted on the 
nomination, which was submit­
ted to the Senate eight days 
ago, following a hearing into 
Mr. Perry’s qualifications that 
lasted less than an hour and 
was called on less than 24 
hours’ notice.

Consideration of the nomina­
tion was speeded at the request 
of t>e White House, because 
the commission, which ordinar­
ily has five members, has only 
two who are -active at the 
moment. This is one less than 
the quorum that is required

There are two vacancies on 
the commission and a third 
member was recently incapaci­
tated for an indefinite period 
by a heart attack.

The National Organization 
for Women, which wanted to 
present adverse testimony con­
cerning Mr. Perry’s record as 
an employer of women 
Chrysler’s Eldon Avenue axle 
plant, was unable to do so 
because it received only four 
hours’ notice -of the scheduled 
hearing and because of an ap­
parent misunderstanding re­
garding the exact time when 
it was supposed to testify.

The women’s group had 
planned to present official data 
from the Equal Employment 
Opportunity Commission show­
ing that there, were no women 
among the 303 persons in man­
agerial jobs in the plant Mr. 
Perry headed; no worhen 
among the 49 teehnicul -work­
ers; only three women among 
46 professional employes and 
only two women among the' 
512 skilled craft workers. The 
over-all employment at the 
plaint is 3,889 persons, of whom 
179 were women, aocordinj 
the commission’s report, which 
the feminist organization ob­
tained through an action under 
the Freedom of Information 
Act.

Act Termed 'Violated
In testimony she had pre­

pared for presentation to the 
committee, Jan Liebman, the 
organization’s national vice- 
president for legislation, said 
that these statistics, standing 
alone, would constitute prima 
facie evidence of a violation 
of Title VII 6f the Civil Rights 
Act of 1964, which bans em­
ployment discrimination based 
on race or sex.

Some dispute developed over 
the statistics presented by the 
feminist organization, which is 
usually known by its acronym, 
NOW.

A press officer for the com­
mission said that the figures 
were for 1973, before Mr. Perry 
was the manager of the plant. 
He took over in May, 1974.

A NOW representative said 
that the organization, in its 
Freedom of Information Act 
suit had asked the Government 
for the latest statistics and 
that these should have been 
up-to-date numbers filed on 
May 1, 1975, as required by 
law.

She also said that Mr. Perry 
had failed to answer direct 
requests for up-to-date employ- 
•ment information from the 
plant he managed.

In its prepared testimony, the 
feminist group did not oppose 
Mr. Perry’s confirmation but 
stated that the Labor Commit­
tee “should not expedite” the 
iconfirmation “in light of the 
lack of evidence concerning his 
qualifications and in light of 
evidence that he had partici­
pated in a policy of noncompli­
ance with the very law which 
he would be expected to en-

■ force it confirmed.”
Manuel Fierro of the Con­

gress of Hispanic Americans 
;did not endorse or oppose the
■ Perry nomination in his testi- 
;mony before the committee but 
! complained of the lack of time 
.jthat he had had to consult with 
i-the various organizations of 
' Spanish - speaking Americans 
athat his group represents.

Clarence M. Mitchell Jr.,- 
Jchief Washington lobbyist of 
*the National Association for the 
vAdvancement of Colored Peo- 
'pie. endorsed Mr. Perry’s con­
firmation at the hearing.



School Integration Drive Eases in South
By B, DlSillwOND AYRES J r . ! f'®*! demands for massive bus- 

Spedai to-Tiic New York TirnE - jing and have permitted school
ATLANTA, June 28—Faced j administrations to operate

jwith the fact that the flight!"a'Shborhood schools, 
of w'hites is resegregating i Their actions seem to be 
many previously desegrregatediPart of a trend that may not 

[schools, some Southern judges j be lirhited to the South. Last 
[and civil rights lawyers appear j month, a Los Angeles judge 
[to be softening their insistence P®™iitt®d the suburb o* Ingle- 
upon total integration. woodwood to scrap its busing

In a number of key instances Plan because of white flight, 
in the last several years—and; However, Detroit appears tOj 
in the last several weeks, in [be moving toward crosstown | 
particular — these judges and [busing on a large scale, despite' 
[lawyers have dropped or modi-l influential opposition.

The latest decision authoriz­
ing neighborhood schools in a 
Southern .system was handed 
down yesterday by the United 
States Court of Appeals for the 
Fifth Circuit. It refused to re- 
\’ie’v .a Federal District judge’s 
decision to let Montgomery, 
Al"., run such educational fa- 
.'ilities, some of them more than 
00. per cent black.

The district judge, Frank 
Johnson, is considered one of 
the most liberal jurists in the|
Continued on Page 24, Colum n 1



THE N E W  YORK TIMES, FRIDAY. JUNE 13, 1975

U.S. Pressing School Integration in a Detroit Suburb
By WILLIAM K. STEVENS

' Special to The Xew York Times
TERNDALE, Mich., June 12— 

Here in this aging suburb on 
Dutroit’s northern border, there 
hits simmered for seven years 
#*• of the nation’s most per­
sistent controversies over the 
ncial integration of schools.
I  It was in 1968 that the Feder- 
lE  Department of Health, Edu- 
lation and Welfare—then un­
der pressure from Southern 
Congressmen—began an attack 
on Northern-style school segre- 
^ tio n  and picked Femdale as 
<Hie of its first targets, 
i  Until quite recently, the 
«erndale school board refused 
to budge. In so doing, it made 
Ferndale the first Northern 
school district to have Federal 
school funds cut off over racial 
segregation.

Now there is another effort 
from the Federal Government 
,to make Femdale comply. And 
in connection with that effort, 
a fundamental question is being 
raised anew: how flexibly and 
variably can a desegregation 
plan be tailored to meet local 
sociological conditions?

The United States Depart­
ment of Justice has filed in 
Federal Court in Detroit a suit 
seeking the desegregation of 
all the Ferndale elementary 
schools next fall. In a move 
that has exerted new pressure, 
the State of Michigan has been 

1 included as a defendant in the 
isuit at the request of the Feder­
al Office of Revenue Sharing. 

■Implied is a possible cut-off 
cjf general  ̂ revenue sharing 
dlmds in Michigan. It is the 
tfirst time that this has hap­
pened in a school desegregation 
ease.

The case, which is to receive 
its first hearing in Federal 
Court next Monday, is set in 
Bi highly textured and complex

Pupils on the steps o f the U lysses S. Grant School, one  
of n ine elem entary schools in  the Fem dale d istrict, a  

suburb o f Detroit. All 262 pupils are black.

The New York TimesMndrew Sacks

Thom as Jefferson  elem entary school in the Ferndale d is­
tr ict is  overw helm ingly w h ite. For racial balance. Grant 
sch ool is  being m ade m ore educationally  attractive.

MICHIGAN

s cial sea. It has evoked divi- 
s ms of opinion within every 
SI gment of a variable district 
tl It includes working-class 
\\ lites, working-class blacks 
a d upper middle-class profes- 
si inals and businessmen.

It focuses on one small 
sc tool, Ulysses S. Grant Ele- 
m'ntary School in Royal Oak 
T( wnship, one of four small 
tc (vns that lie in whole or 
in part within the Ferndale 
di itriot. All of the school’s 262 
pi .rils are black, as the town- 
si ip itself is black. All of the 
rt ;t of the district’s nine ele- 
m intary schools, situated in 
w lite neighborhoods, enroll 
01 ly 16 black students among 
tl :m.

This imbalance is what has 
di twn the Federal intervention, 
a  intervention that is fiercely 
rf sented by those whites who 
p int out that Ferndale’s one 
h ;h school and One junior high 
a e thoroughly integrated.

But some things have 
( langed here,.since 1968. Many 
T the original players in the 
rama are no longer on the 

Icqiie, and community attitudes 
jn some quarters have shifted 
erifcptibly. While the present 

xhcfol board still opposes the 
mpo|jtio(n by the. Federal 
iGovemment of “involuntary” 
fupil transfers to achieve racial 
malanc* there is much less 

'spf thefbittcr-ender about its 
ii(i|mce.
• And^oow, after a decision 
painfully arrived at, the Fern- 
'dale^fo.^ has proposed for. 
the a plan to desegre-j

Igate Gfent SchooJ. It is in 
•the'd-ebate over this plan that 

, the question's about flexibility 
|are being rais^.

‘Magnft School’ Plan 
i.UnderitIte proposal. Grant, 
in addition to offering its tradi- 
■tional program, would become 
a “magnet school”; that is,
I a school that would offer an 
especially designed educational 
program aimed at convincing 
iwhlte parents to send their 
(children there voluntarily. Both 
(blacks and whites could volun- 
jteer for the program. All black 
children who did not volunteer 

. would continue to attend tradi­
tional classes at Grant.

The magnet school plan is 
a tactic that is gaining currency 
elsewhere in the country, too, 
as a means of defusing explo- 

; sive situations like that in Bos- 
, ton. In that city, in fact, a 
network of such schools is to 

, become the heart of a new 
j desegregation plan next fall, 

as it is also in Dayton, Ohio, 
and Houston.

Here, the magnet school’s 
attraction would be an “open 
classroom” program of a type 
that has become familiar across 
the country in the last five 
years. It is an informally orga­
nized classroom arrangement 
in which children do their work 
on their own, independently 
within limits of time and sub- 
lect matter established and 
monitored by the teacher.

The hope of the Ferndale 
board is that such a plan will 
attract enough white pupils to 
satisfy the law, yet avoid social 
strife and dislocation.

The potential for turmoil is 
clearly here. “There’s no way 
I’d send these little ones to 
scmool with colored,” said a 
white mother as she sat on 
her front porch across from 
overwhelmingly white Jeffer­
son School, little more than 
«ajf a mile from Grant. She 
* id  she had m - -J r---c '’-'■n.

tiac to get away from blacks 
and would not allow her chil­
dren to walk through “colored 
town” to get to school.

But some attitudes appear 
to be changing even in that 
neighborhood, an area inhabit­
ed mostly by working class 
whites. And in the polished 
upper-middle-class toWnlet of 
Pleasant Ridge, in the school 
district’s northern reaches, 
there are numerous parents like 
Mr. and Mrs. Hans Eggen. Mrs. 
Eggen says they have enroilled 
their 8-year-old daughter in the 
Grant open-classroom program 
not only because of the pro­
gram itself but also “because 
we would like to help settle 
the problem.”

So, far about 170 white chil­
dren have enrolled in the pro­
gram and the plan’s proponents 
hope this will make it accepta- 
able to United States District 
.Judge Cornelia Kennedy. The 
Justice Department, however, 
opposes the plan as an inade­
quate remedy.

As for the blacks in Royal 
Oak Township around whom 
the storm swirls, many seem to 
believe that the white Ferndale 
power structure is getting what 
it deserves from the Federal 
Government.

Mir. and Mrs. Wesley Shipp, 
for example, believe that their 
neighbors and children in the 
township have long been vic­
tims of racism, lack of caring 
and discriminatory, second- 
class education at the hands 
of the Ferndale system.

When it comes to solutions, 
however, there is ’ perplexity 
and apprehension. Some blacks
clearly fear what might happen ment. 
if the Federal court ordered 
a racial-balance plan and the 
children had to gO' into white 
neighbonhoocis to school. The 
images of Boston intrude.

Mr. Shipp, 39, undoubtedly 
speaks for many others when 
he says that “I see no magic 
in integration, whatever that 
is.” Even if there is integration, 
it is felt, the dnflerioir education­
al treatment allegedly dealt to 
blacks will not necessarily 
cease.

Royal Oak , Township is not 
s come-lately black community.
It is a half-century old suburb 
of black workers where genera­

tions have lived on the same 
street ahd relationships are 
close-knit and Where a strongly 
prideful sense of community 
rules. Mrs. Shipp, the 35-year- 
old president of the Grant 
Parent Teacher Association, 
was born in the house where 
she lives now. She calls it 
“the old homestead.”

To many of the township’s
3,000 residents, who live in 
the Femdale school district. 
Grant School is the linchpin 
of this community. Take it 
away, they say and the soul 
of this conimunity. Take it 
away, they say, and the soul 
of the community would be 
damaged.

Mrs. Shipp sees, further, the 
possibility of psychological 
damage to black children 
moved too young into what 1? 
perceived as a racist education­
al environment. Better, she says, 
that the children should “get 
their self-confidence” at Grant 
so they can deal with what 
they will find in the secondary 
schools.

Thus, a prime fear is that 
in the political and legal rough- 
and - tumble that it ahead, 
Grant’s students, will be dis­
persed tbroughiOBt the district 
and the school itself closed. 
The Justice Department says 
it would fight such a move. I

As to the efficacy of the 
open-classroom program, the] 
blacks as a group appear uncer­
tain. Some are Willing to give! 
it a try on educational grounds, 
while others see it as an im­
posed solution designed to bail 
white 'Ferndale out of its trou­
bles with the Federal Govern-

ade has been that to dismantle 
a “dual” ' school system it is 
usually necessary to match the 
racial proportions within 
schools attended by minorities, 
to that in the school district’ 
at large, plus or minus 10 to 
15 per cent. That could be 
achieved by clustering Grant 
with the three closest white 
schools, but those are the

neighborhoods in which white 
parents are most resistant.

The task before Judge Ken­
nedy appears to be, therefore, 
to decide whether the volun­
tary plan shows enough long­
term promise, and whether the 
possible risks to the over-all 
community are great enough 
to justify a departure from 
the rule of racial balance.



THE N E W  YORK TiMUS, iiUNDAi, £9, ^

Drive for Total School Integration Is Easing in South
Continued From Page 1, Col. 4

.^outh. But he is said to have 

.-feared that a large busing plan 
•would have led to a similarly 
iarge exodus of Montgomery 
Jvhites to private schools or, 
perhaps, to other school dis- 
& cts.
< Compromise Accepted

Two months ago, in Jackson.
Mss., the NAACP Legal P®"'cent white
4ense and Educational Fund,i“ ^ cent black to 65
tnc., one .of the earliest and!P®J cent black and 35 per cent 
Stanchest proponents of school 
Jttegration, agreed to a desegre-

What now appears to be a 
trend started here two years 
ago when civil rights lawyers 
scrapped their plans for crosS' 
town busing of blacks and 
whites and agreed, instead, to 
permit neighborhood schools in' 
return for total desegregation 
of faculties and administration.

That agreement was reached 
after tlie Atlantic system had 
switched, in less than two

gation plan that allowed neigh' 
fiorhood elementary schools.
< Almost half the white stu- 
jjents in the Jackson education 
iiystem fled to private schools 
^hen the Legal Defense Fund 
pushed an extensive busing plan 
through the courts four years 
%o.

Before the busing began, the 
Jacksonsystem was about 60 
per cent white. Now it is al- 
Ifiost 70 per cent black. 
Publicly, the pro-desegregation 
§>rces say they agreed to the 
neighborhood plan because it 
Still provided for consideragle 
mtegation, particularly in 
^hool faculties. But privately, 
one plantiff said:
■ "Okay, ft lets, white kids go 

tb schol closer to their homes 
and some black schools will 
tfecome even more black, al­
most all black. But we had to
4}) something to try to head 
off more flight_ht. It was a tough

tcision. I don’t like to talk 
out it.”

; There is no guarantee that 
the flight will stop.
*It has not stopped here in 

^laifta, and Atlanta was the 
^ s t  of the Southern school 
S te rn s  to revert to a neigh­
borhood concept in an effort 
t^ keep whites within the city.

Today, the system is 86 per 
cent black, and by next fall 
that figure is expected to rise 
to 90 per cent or more. Over 
all, the city’s population is only 
55 per cent black.

Of the 20,000 white students 
still living within Atlanta’s city 
limits, 10,000 go to private 
schools.

There is, however, at least 
one case in which reversion 
from busing to a neighborhood 
school concept has slowed 
white flight.

Order Modified
It occorred recently in Char­

lotte, N. C., where a Federal 
judge agreed to a slight modifi­
cation of an extensive busing 
order.

The order, handed down in 
1969, had been a key factor in 
the rapid growth of private 
schools and white flight 
other school districts.

Specifically, the white par­
ents in one neighborhood. Hid­
den Valley, began moving out 
when buses started taking their 
children across town to a school 
in a black neighborhood.

Blacks then began moving 
into Hidden Valley. The white 
flight increased.

The migration thoroughly up­
set the white-black ratios in a

number of class rooms. Soon., 
the judge, James McMillan, was 
reaching out in several direc­
tions to find black and white 
children to restore the balance.

At that point, parents and 
school officials suggested that 
the children of Hidden Valley 
be permitted to go to the near­
est elementary school. Thf 
judge reluctantly agreed. The 
neighborhood has stabilized at 
about 60 per cent biack.

No one knows whether 
Judge McMillan will now mod­
ify the rest of his plan. But 
significantly, the plaintiffs 
have expressed little dissatis­
faction with the Hidden Valley 
solution.

Because the South has been 
forced to desegregate its 
schools more than the North, 
resegregation poses its great­
est danger in the South.
Only about half of the South’s 

blacks are still in predomin­
antly black schools. But two- 
thirds of all northern blacks 
remain in predominantly black 
schools.

Resegregation in the rural 
South is less prevalent than 
resegregation in the urban 
South, mainly because there 
are no black-white housing 
patterns in the rural areas and 
because rural whites are often 
too poor to afford private 
schools.

New Problem for South?
Just how serious is urban 

resegregation in the South? 
The United States Commission 
on Civil Rights recently re­
ported:

'There appear to be legiti­
mate fears that the South is in 
a transitional state and is mov-. 
ing toward duplication of 
northern residential segregation 
as desegregated schools are

undercut by increasingly seg- back?” asked Winifred Green, 
gregated neighborhoods.” who directs school, desegrega-

At first glance, it might seem 
that a consolidation of urban 
and suburban school districts 
would stop white flight. Theo­
retically, whites would not be 
able to run far enough.

In fact, some civil rights 
lawyers are pushing consolida­
tion suits, but without success 
so far.

But the answer may not be 
so simple.

In Jackson, where the school 
district long has included ur­
ban and suburban schools, 
whites have fled to the private 
academies.

Busmg Still tlie Issue
The situation is much the 

same in Memphis. Its charter 
gives it unusually broad an­
nexation powers.

The result: 35,000 white 
youngsters art now in what 
probably is the most elaborate 
private school system in the 
nation. Some facilities were 
built "With money from bonds 
that do not pay off 16 more 
years, as good a measure as 
any of the d ^ th  of antibusing 
feeling.

Still, there is no sign that 
civil rights advocates in Mem­
phis are prepared to pull back 

their counterparts have 
done in some other Southern 
cities.

“There is every sign that the 
private school thing there is 
being institutionalized in the 
broadest sense, but no sign 
that the pro-integration forces 
are disturbed enough to pull 
back,” said David Nevin, who 
recently studied the Memphis 
situation for the L.Q.C. Lamar 
Society, a southern discussion 
group hade up of businessmen, 
educators, politicians, house­
wives and students.

"Why should they pull

tion projects in the South for 
the American Friends Service 
Committee.

“Desegregation is by 
means the only reason white 
people move to the suburbs,” 
she said. “Anyway, it is not a 
question of whether a desegre­
gation plan will work, whether 
it is feasible. It is a question 
of commitment to continue the 
struggle until the promise of 
equality is fulfilled."



Ireitsl^f California

l̂asfc contention is that, 
!? igsis of standardized 
^venfat the beginning of 
pl)Mli;year and again sev- 
!ohths;iater toward the end 
le scl§)ol year, scores ra­
id by fschools in the pro- 
average 1.1 or 1.2 months 
in. for every month of in- 
tidn, ^hich  is above the 
inal iprm of 1.0 months 
averj^e pupils and 0.7 
;hs fpj disadvantaged, 
ch a comparison is not 
•^y. relevant, according to 
; 'bbservers. A more per­
il tek, they say, would 

been to measure 
EarlJ^Childhood Education 
61 against similar schools 
lio-" the same district that 
I not ‘receive the special 
ej^A-^ithout such a corn- 
son, it is impossible to de- 
ime 3f the gains were a 
lit blithe program or some 

di'strictwide innovation 
favored all students. Al- 

ative^, the gains under 
i^rpgram might have been 
pared with performance in 
sa'nfe school the year be- 

Ewy Childhood- Educa- 
;an. None of these tests

Statistical Debt Raised 
n o i^ r flaw, accordingto 
rvers, is that the state 

toed ■’ together the -' median 
res jfeported by each school, 
[■ the i scores from individual 
ils.'’* this is considered 
p l ia b le  statistically be- 

it tends to mask the 
B^ms variation in scores, 
[t igt if the range between 
•high and low scores was 

\  Iwge, it may nave been 
1. fre  over-all rep.brted 
is ^ e r e  due mainly, to a 
H i^y small number of 
fetior pupils and that the

average pupil was doing no| 
better than usual.

Indeed, since the program| 
includes many schools in well- 
off communities, it is perhaps 
not surprising that stores were 
good. However, state officials 
say that the averages wen 
heavily weighted with results' 
from poorer ■ children because 
more testing was required in 
their schools.

Confusing the problem further 
is that many of the schools in 
the program receive funds from 
four or five different Federal 
and state programs and it, is 
difficult to sort out the effects i| 
of each. The greatest gains 
were reported in schools at 
which Early Childhood. Educa­
tion was combined with Title I 
and various state plans to help 
the educationally disadvan­
taged.

In an interview, Alexander 
Law, the education depart­
ment’s chief of evaluation, was 
more cautious than Mr. Riles,' 
saying that “we do not impute 
causality” from the results. “If 
I had to publish a scholarly 
paper I’d be a little shaky,” he- 
said, but added that howeyer 
inadequate the statistics they 
did tend to support the pro-' 
gram.

In an effort to offer more 
rigorous comparisons. Mr. Law 
tried statistically to match 
schools under the program -in 
lower, middle and upper socio­
economic areas with similar: 
schools in other districts with­
out the program. He said the 
Early Childhood Education 
schools had averaged higher 
than those without the program 
in all three cases, although the 
differences were not always 
statistically significant. He con­
ceded that the program seemed

to work better for advantaged 
pupils, suggesting that it may 
be widening the performance 
gap between pupils from rich 
and poor backgrounds.

Some skeptics maintain the 
results of the . program are de- 
cep'tive because districts can 
get money only if the first] 
school does well. “So they putj 
the program into their best! 
schools to. get money for next] 
year,” said Harold E. Geiogue,| 
an . analyst for the Legislative; 
Budget Colnmittee. “They are; 
-just playing the game.” i

Despite such criticism, as; 
well as some teacher resistance,; 
Mr. Riles is optimistic. “Basi­
cally we can look forward to 
better education, at least in the; 
primary grades,” he said. “I am i 
tired of the cynics in the Legis-1 
lature—and I am tired of thei 
people who criticize.”



A‘.T:&T. Is Penalized Anew for Job Bias 
^ r s f ' t h r

By EILEEN SHANAHAN
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, May 13—The 
Government said today that 
most Bell System ' telephone 
companies had failed to comply 
fully with the agreement they 
signed in 1973 to end employ­
ment discrimination.

As a result, these companies 
and the parent American Tele­
phone and Telegraph Company 
will be held to new and stricter 
hiring and promotion goals for 
women and minorities until they 
make up the deficiencies in 
their 1973 and 1974 perform­
ance.

Under an order filed in Fed­
eral District Court in Philadel­
phia, A.T.&T. and its offending 
operating companies also agreed 
to pay an estimated total of 
$2..5-million in compensation 
and penalties for their failure

to comply with the 1973 agree­
ment.

These payments will be made 
partly to those whom the com­
panies have illegally failed to 
hire or promote during the last 
two years and partly to a fund 
that Will be used to improve the 
coAipany’s ability to meet the 
nondiscrimination objectives.

The payments to be made to 
persons whom the companies 
illegally failed to hire or pro­
mote will range, from $125 to 
$1,500, depending on the job 
involved and on the date of the 
discriminatory act.

Workers of America has chal­
lenged the agreement as one 
that violates its contracts with 
the companies and because 
other unions are expected to 
make similar challenges.

The communications workers 
also challenged the 1973 order 
and lost, but the union is mak­
ing a different legal argument 
this time. It is contending, in a 
case that could set an important 
precedent, that affirmative ac­
tion programs aimed at over­
coming the effects of past dis­
crimination—such as the pro­
gram the telephone company

While the companies and;agreed to in 1973—cannot be 
four Government agencies thatiput into effect where they 
have been monitoring their per-1 quire promotions or transfers 
formance agreed to the new'that are not in accordance with i 
antidiscrimination standards | the union contract, 
and procedures,'the court order! In reaching the agreement 
putting them into effect has not!with the, companies to adopt
yet been issued. That is be-l ' ------------  -------
cause the Communications|ContinuedonPage23, Column 1



A*.T7&T. Is Penalized Anew for Job Bias; $2.5-Million W ill Be Paid for Violations
Continued From Page 1, Col. to be so serjqus that

* the special arrirmative action
new and stricter standards o fi t̂ind that.is,set up under to- 
affirmative action, the Govern- day s agreement will be used,
ment agencies involved said 
tfeat the companies had made 
“substantial progress' in put­
ting the affirmative action pro­
gram into effect.

But the committee found 
that 17 of the Bell System’s 
24 operating companies and

in part, for studies of such 
redesign.

The fund will also be used 
for such matters as training 
supervisors to deal with women 
or minority workers in. jobs 
from which their race or sex 
had previously been excluded.

It was not known how large 
the fund-would be because it

several laiits of A.T.&T. had was not clear what proportion
failed to comply fully.

Companies Identified
. The companies found not to 

have complied included New 
York Telephone, New Jersey 
Bell, the Southern New England 
Telephone Company, which 
serves Connecticut, and the 
New York City division of 
A.T.&T.’s long lines depart- 
ftient.-

In all, the government moni­
toring committee found that 
the companies had given 10,000 
fewer new jobs and promotions 
to previously discriminated- 
against groups than they 
^ould have if they had com- 
lllied with the 1973 order.

But the monitoring commit­
tee found that in about half of 
these cases, a good faith effort 
at full compliance had been 
made.

For example, in employing 
women in what are known as 
“outside craft” jobs—the jobs 
involving climbing telephone 
poles or working beneath city| 
streets—the government groui 
found that some companies had 
taken prompt action to re­
design equipment to enable 
women to use it.
I. An example of the need for 
this was the safety belts worn 
by telephone workers climbing 
poles. These belts were too big 
for most women.

Companies that - moved 
promptly to correct this equip­
ment problem, once it was dis­
covert, and that took similar 
corrective action in other areas, 
were not held to be out-of­
compliance with ti e 1973 hiring 
goals even though, technically, 
they had not hired enough 
women.

The problem of redesigning 
equipment used by outside 
craft workers so that it can 
easily be used by women was

of the $2.5-million in penalty 
payments would go to individ­
uals and what proportion to 
the fund.

The fund will get the money

iin cases where the 1973 order 
I was not complied with but 
'where an individual entitled 
I to the penalty payment cannot 
jbe identified.
I The $2.5-million pajnnent will 
I come on top of payments of 
l$45-milIion that the company 
lhad to make in 1973 to both 
actual and presumed vict'ms 
of its past discriminatory poli­
cies and $30-million more that 
it agreed, to pay. in 1974 to 
persons, mostly women, hold­
ing .managerial jobs who were 
being paid less than others 
doing the same classification 
of work. Today’s agreement 
is unrelated to the 1974 order.

In a statement on the settle­

ment, Weston H. Clarke Jr., 
A.T. & T.’s vice president for 
human resource development, 
said that the new agreement 
"satisfactorily- resolves many 
questions that' have burdened 
our affirmative action pro­
gram.”
■ Mr. Clarke said that the 
company was “especially 
pleased with the Government’s 
recognition that our combined. 
1973 and 1974 performance: 
was a “substantial accomplish­
ment.”

Of the total of 4,918 defi­
ciencies across the country in 
meeting the affirmative action 
goals—cases in which no ac­
ceptable excuse was found for

the failure to hire women and .that signed today’s agreement,! 
I minorities—91 were in the Newiwere the Equal Employmenti 
York Telephone Company, 283! Opportunity Commission, the
in the New Jersey Bell Tele-iPepartment of Labor, tteJus- 

oc n,«:tioe Department and the Gen-: 
S o X rn  New EnglLd T e t ^otvices Administration. ; 
phone Company and 16 in thej 
New York section of the long! 
lines division. I

The Bell system companyl 
with far and away the worst! 
compliance record was South-! 
ern Bell with 1,205 compliance! 
deficiencies assessed against it. I 
South Central Bell had 773 de-1 
ficiencies and Pacific Telephone 1



1*̂ 7 5“

Blacks Say Drive to Spur 
College Enrollment Ends

Minority Educators and Students Charge 
That a Drop in Numbers on Campus 

Is Result of Easing of Commitment

CHICAGO, March 25—A ma- 
:jor commitment to increase the 
•number of blacks on the na- 
'tion’s college campuses, made 
awing the civil rights era of 
|Se nineteen-sixties, appears to 
mve ended.

"The commitment is gone, 
■it’s not there any more, it’s 
tail over,” remarked Lawrence 
jjV. Barclay, minority affairs of­
ficer for the College Entrance 
■■Examination Board in New 
"York.
# Black enrollment at iristitu- 
ijtions of higher learning has 
Sbeen going down for the last 
'two years as efforts to recruit
■ more blacks and programs to 
jhelp them once they are en-
■ rolled are being cut back or
■ scuttled at many colleges and 
Suniversities.

By PAUL DELANEY
Sp«i«i to The New York Time*

Educators Alarmed
1' This -trend has greatly 
lialarmed black educators and 
|students, who charge that the 
j| reversal has been caused by 
!ia reneging on the committment 
Jby college officials and a 
p change of policies by the Feder- 
|al Government
t Blacks fear that the actions 
lof '  colleges and the, Federal 
i’Government, which is a princi- 
;pal source of financial aid, 
■along with a general negative 
■attitude throughout the country 
about the plight of blacks, are 
conibining to make access to 
higher education more difficult 
fof blacks, especially poor 
blacks, to attain.

With aggressive recruting on 
th^ part of white colleges, 
black enrollment began to ris 
dramatically in the latter part 
of the last decade, according 

,to,an annual survey by Alexan­
der W, Astin, professor of high­
er;. education at U.C.L.A. The 
percentage hovered between 2 
tOi 3 per cent in the early 
arri middle sixties. Blacks made 
up̂  5.7 per cent of total enroll- 
mint in 1968. The figure rose 
to-r 6.3 per cent in 1971, and 
pegked the following year at 
8.7 per cent.

'But in 1973, black enrollment 
dropped to 7.8 aper cent, and 

i tqj.7.4 per cent at the beginning 
of this school year.

A survey last October by 
the Bureau of the Census said 
®Sck enrollment had increased 
Srom 684,000 in 1973-74 to 
#84,000 „at the beginning of 
§!his school year. That report 
IJMas discounted by some blacks 
who regard Census Bureau fi­
gures as inflated, 
f? Accuracy Questioned

Mr.-Barclay said he hoped 
^ e  sampling was accurate, 
'“but the Census is not known 
||br its accuracy.” Mr. Barclay 
-find others hgve said if there 
3vas such an increase it was 
agrobably because more blacks, 
^ g re  going to academically in­
ferior community colleges, and 
were also being admitted to 
•predominantly white Southern 
soh'ools that have admitted 
blacks only during the last de- 
c^e. Schools in the South have 
maintained a consistent in­
crease in black enrollment in 
the last few years.

Ten years ago, Vassar College 
could claim “not more than 
a handful” of black students. 
This year, there are. 145, down 
•15 from last year. Black enroll­
ment at the University of Cali- 
fOTnia, Los Angeles, was 7.2 
per cent of the total in 1971, 
this year it is down to 6.1 
per cent. The black percentage 
'af Mount Holyoke College went 
up steadily to 7.6 per cent 

■ajn»,1973, but has dropped to 
7.4 per cent this year. In 1968, 

TB'acks made up 2.5 per cent 
of the student body at the 
University of California, Berke­
ley, a figure. that rose to 5.5 
per cent in I97I, but was down 
ttfid per cent in the current 
school year.

Some colleges have taken 
steps to try to coutiter the 
trend. Reviews Of recruiting 
methods have been ordered at 

-Harvard College and Vassar. 
^Harvard officials said, “the vi- 
fgprous recruitment of minority 
I students is essential if we are; 
fto succeed in maintain a broad-

ly diversified undergraduate 
student body of high quality.”

Nevertheless, black educators 
expect an even more drastic 
decline, next year as a result 
of the combination of the sev­
ere recession and a change 
of emphasis away from recruit­
ing poor blacks to middle-in- 
come students.iL The educa­
tors pointed to the following 
signs as indications of increas­
ing disinterest and a continued 
decline in black enrollment:

•lAs institutions increasingly 
feel the money crunch, they 
are inclined to reduce the num­
ber and amount of financial 
aid programs for minorities. 
Moreover, inflation eats into 
the vaiue of aid dollars. This 
has caused the college board 
to reduce by $1,000 its estimate 
of how much a family of four 
can be expected to contribute 

college expense of their 
children.

fiOther minorities, such as 
Spanish Americans and Indians, 
as well as women at the gra­
duate school level, are now 
competing with blacks for the 
aid dollar. At Ohio State Uni­
versity, white students from 
the state’s Appalachia region 
are now considered economi­
cally deprived and eligible for 
minority assistance. At the Uni­
versity of California, Berkely, 
the head of the graduate minor­
ity program- is a Chicano-, and 
blacks say there tas been a 
shift of emphasis and funds 
away; frm .them as a result.

•iMany institutions are cuting 
back or getting rid of programs 
set up to provide special servi­
ces, such as psychological and 
social counseling and tutoring, 
to help keep Wack students 
in school.

•lOfficials at some institu­
tions and some funding sources 
feel that their commitment has 
been kept, that the number 
of blacks in most schools ha^ 
been increased and, therefore, 
nothing remains to be done. 
Some. contributors to the Na­
tional , Medical Fellowship, 
which gives money to minority 
medical students, have notified 
the New York-based, organiza­
tion that they were changing 
their focus and planned to con­
tribute to other minority 
causes.

?!Pressure from community 
organizations, as well as blacks 
already in school, has all but 
diminished in most places. 
Black educators said that many 
of the organizations and indivi­
duals responsible for the origin-’ 
al push have found other inter­
ests, such as the environment, 
or are themselves fighting for 
survival.

CISome blacks feel there is 
dissatisfaction ■ among some 
whites over the caliber of black 
students who come from the 
ghetto. These blacks further 
believe this to be one of the 
underlying reasons that colle­
ges are now going after “bet­
ter” black high school gra­
duates.

flThis belief has caused some 
black "students to feel they are 
not wanted and would not be 
admitted, thereby leading to 
a drastic d-rop in the number 
of blacks applying to predomin­
antly white, schools. For ex­
ample, Columbia University has 
always had fewer than 100 
blacks in its freshman class. 
In 1970, the school had 380 
blacks apply and 68 attended. 
Last year’s class had 315 apply 
and 76 entered the freshman, 
class: In 1972, there were 241 
applications from blacks and 
61 entered.

‘White Backiash’
David L, Evans, associate di­

rector of admissions at Har­
vard, said the drop in black 
applicants had been caused by 
a “white backlash” among the 
schoohs alumni recruiters and

misconception that Harvard 
was half-biack. The percentage 
of blacks at Harvard is leS’s' 
than 6 per cent.

The pullback from the com­
mitment includes not only stu­
dents but also black faculty 
and staff members, Ibacks say. 
No accurate statistics exist on

the number of teacher and 
administrators, but their pre­
sence on campus, never too 
high in the first place, is jeopar­
dized.

At Ohio State, Dr. William
Holloway, vice provost for 

minority affairs, said new regu­
lations making tenure more dif­
ficult to achieve , had driven 
off some recently hired blacks 
while a hiring freeze had pre­
vented the addition of more.

While acknowledging some 
major shifts in emphasis, col 
lege officials deny that they' 
are retreating from commit- ■ 
ments made to bring more; 
blacks to campus. Michael J. ■ 
Lacopo, director of admissions 
at Columbia College, said he 
had not seen a slackening of 
effort, but high school counse-i 
tors who once told students 
to apply at Columbia because 
there was no application fee 
for the needy have discontinued 
that practice and do not send 
every poor student to Colum­
bia,

Albert Bowker, chancellor of 
the University of California at 
Berkeley, said the effort now 
was to concentrate on “the 
talented students, motivating 
them to go to college.”

‘Different Type’ ^
Harold K. Boyd, an associate 

dean at Stanford, said „ the 
school was trying to maintain, 
its commitment and at the 
same time recruit a “different 
type student.”

“We’re getting more from 
prep schools,” he said. “I think 
the socio-economic ievel of 
black students is definitely on 
the rise and there are fewer 
students who represent the 
broad socio-economic spectrum 
that was true a few years ago."

At Columbia, Garrett John­
son, a 23-year-old black recrui­
ter who graduated from the 
school last year, said there 
was no conscious effort to keep 
Columbia 10 per cent black, 
“but because of the general 
attitude here, the percentage 
can’t be increased any,further.”

“I don’t expect white admis­
sions officers to be entirely 
sensitive to the additional bur­
dens on a black kid,” he said. 
“Special consideration should 
be given to' a kid who survived 
125th Street.”

College administrators say 
one of their aims today is to 
try and make certain that black 
students who enter college gra­
duate. That effort is resulting 
in the colleges’ seeking brighter 
high school graduates, and 
blacks fear that this will lead 
to ignoring most poor students. 
For - example, U.C.L.A, has 
raised the point-hour ratio for 
eligibility for aid programs for 
minority students.

”We are just as much, or 
more, in the business of recruit­
ing minorities, but we expect 
to sfee a decline initially while 
getting larger numbers of quali­
fied students,” remarked Win­
ston Doby, executive office for 
academic programs at U.C.L.A.

“The emphasis has shifted

to how better to retain thej. 
students we have,” he said.] 
‘Getting" minorities into heji 
school is not the main objec-]j 
tive. Simply to bring students J 

U.C.L.A. is not enough.”

I Cooper Union to Drop Three Programs
■ Faced with a mounting deficit 
and unwilling to impose tuition. 
Cooper Union for tiie Advance­
ment of Science and Art is 

^discontinuing its degree pro­
grams in three areas for which 
it is highly regarded—physics, 
mathematics and a special 
science program.

“This decision was reached 
after a great deal of agonizing 
and soul-searching and concern 
for Cooper Union,” said John
F. White, the president. “It 
represents in my opinion and 
that of the trustees, what is 
absolutely essential to give our 
school a chance for continua­
tion into 'the future in a form 
consistent with its historic 
past.”

Petition Received
The cancellation of the de­

gree programs originally was 
scheduled to go into effect at 
the end of the 1975-76 school 
year.

However, on March 14 Dr. 
White revised his original de­
cision and agreed to extend the 
course offerings and the three 
subjects until 1977 so that the 
current sophomores majoring 

s in those disciplines could grad­
uate,
, Dr. Whit# said that he was

reacting to a .petition .by the 
sophomore students. He added 
that the courses could not be 
extended so that the freshmen 
class could complete their stud­
ies in 1978 “without an unac­
ceptable financial burden,”

The cancellation of the de­
gree programs would have af­
fected 112 out of 893 students.’ 
When the proposed move was 
announced, it brought strong 
criticism from students and fac­
ulty members and had generat­
ed a student strike with con­
demnation of the school’s past 
spending practices and aa mock 
funeral for Peter Cooper, who 
founded the tuition-free college 

j116 years ago. '
Issue of Renovation

the protest against the cut­
backs, “buit if the sdhool hadn’t 
squandered all that money on 
renovating an old building, 
there would be enough money 
for education.”

Dr. White maintained that 
the school had no choice but 
to rehabilitate the Foundation 
Building, which occupies 'the 
full block bounded by Third 
and Fourth Avenues, Astor 
Place and Cooper Square. He 
said the structure failed to 
meet fire and building codes.

Dr. White said that for the 
second year in a row, the 
school faced an $800,000 defi­
cit, $350,000 of which is to 
pay off a bond issue that fi­
nanced wo-rk on the Foundation 

Peter Cooper, the New York'Building. Tlie 1972-73 deficitjl 
industrialist and philanthropist,'was $679,000. By ‘erinilrtating 
constructed the school’s Foun- the degree programs in physics, 
dation Building, an eight-story]mathematics and distributed, 
brown sandstone structure, in j science, the school will save; 
the eighteen-fifties. The build-, about .'$200,000 a year, he said, 
ing recently reopened after a: Lack of Flexibility
$10-millioin renovation that left The president said that Coop-;
the exterior virtually 
changed, but created an almost 
totally new structure within 
'its walls.

“Undoubtedly, there is a 
shortage of funds,”- said David 
Alexander, a student leader of

Union, like many other 
colleges, had suffered from an 
increase in operating costs and 
a decrease in gifts and grants. 
“But unlike other *diools,” he 
added, “we don’t  have the luxu­
ry of raising tuition,”



THE N E W  YORK TIMES., TUESDAY, M A Y  20, 1915

In Capital, W ith a Sharp Rise in Suburbs
By ERNEST HOLSENDOLPH

Spicial to Ths New York Times
WASHINGTON, May 19—The 

black population of the District 
of Columbia, the majority here 
for a number of years, has de­
clined since 1970 but it has 
risen sharply in the surround­
ing suburbs, according to a 
mid-decade examination ot pop­
ulation trends here by a private 
agency, ■

Over-all, the black population 
growth of the metropolitan 
area, like the general popula­
tion here, has slowed since the 
1970 Government census, ac­
cording to a study by the 
Washington Center for Metro-1 ton’s population, about 71 per 
politan Studies. 'cent.

The movement of black fam­
ilies to the suburbs has brought 
the percentage of blacks in the 
suburbs to 12.4 per cent, ac­
cording to the study, up from 
8.3 per cent in 1970.

The center’s population study 
was funded by the Ford Foun­
dation and by several units of 
local government in this area.’ 
The study’s conclusions were 
drawn from an examination of 
a metropolitan sample of 6,500 
households and housing data 
compiled by local governments.

Slowest Growth Rate
The center previously had 

reported that the population 
growth rate in the Washington 
area was slower now than at 
any time in this century. The 
area had added only 52,20t) 
people since 1970, bringing the 
total to 3,061,000 by Oct. 1. 
1974, the center said.

“All suburbs had increases in 
their black populations," the 
current report says. "Two major 
suburbs—^Alexandria [Va.] and 
Prince Georges County [Md.]— 
now have roughly the same 
proportion of blacks as the area 
as a whole.”

The area’s black population 
as of Oct. 1,1974 was estimated 
at 800,100, or 26.1 per cent of 
the total metropolitan popula 
tion. This proportion is up 
slightly from 1970 when blacks 
made up 24.7̂  per cent of area 
residents.

"By far the largest number of 
blacks—more than 310,000— 
still live in the District of 
Columbia," the report said. 
“Nevertheless the District’s 
black population has .declined 

I since 1970 by nearly 27,000. 
Iperson.s—the first time the city| 
has lost black population in 
this century and probably in 
its history.’*

The report went on to say 
that there had been also a 
much smaller drop, 14,000 per­
sons, in Washington’s white 
population.

The results of these two 
trends, the study found, is that 
there has been essentially no 
change since 1970 in the pro­
portion of blacks in Washing-

The black population outside 
the city grew by 110,000, the 
center reported—an average 
yearly growth of 14 per cent 
since 1970. ,In the nineteen- 
sixties the black growth rate 
outside the xity was less than- 
10 per cent, according to census 
figures.

George Grier, who directed 
the study, said that he did not 
know how many of the new 
suburban black residents were 
former city residents and how 
many were new residents of 
the area.

"Our best guess is that a 
substantial number moved but- 
w'ard from the city," he said 
in an interview. Demographic 
material that the center will 
publish later, shows average 
family size, educational levels 
and income levels in the area! 
Preliminary indications from 
this material seem to show that 
blacks in the suburbs are 
middle class, relatively well- 
educated counterparts to whites 
there, Mr. Grier said.

Prince Georges County,

which lies to the southeast of 
Washington, had the largest 
gain of blacks in the area, 
160,400 persons, the report said. 
The black population of “P.G.," 
as it is called here, grew by 
75 per cent in the four and a 
half years from April, 1970, to 
October, 1974, the report said, 
and blacks are now about 25 
per cent of the county popu­
lation. , ’

Alexandria, lying southwest 
of Washington, had the second 
largest gain of black residents 
among the suburbs, about 
9,500 blacks, which brought 

^the total to 25,100, or ,22 per 
'cent of the city’s population.

The other principal close-in 
suburbs of Washington—^Arling 
ton County and Fairfax County 
in Virginia, and Montgomery 
County in Maryland — also 
gained black residents, but they 
have a much smaller percentage;

Fairfax now has 30,100 black 
residents, compared to 16,000 in 
1970, but because the county 
also gained many white resi­
dents in the same period, the 
black percentage only grew 
from 3.5 per cent to 5.4,

Montgomery and Fairfax 
counties, two of the three 
richest in the nation in terms 
of family income (the third, is 
Westchester County, N.Y.), 
added 17,600 black residents 
since 1970. The total is now an 
estimated 39,300 .or 6.9 per cent 
of Montgomery’s population— 
up from 4.1 per cent in 1970..

Arlington’s estimated gain in 
black residents was l,4o0, 
bringing the total to 11,500. It 
was the smallest gain , in both 
percentage and numerical terms 
among the suburbs and brought 
the black proportion in that 
county to 6.9 per cent..



Whites Report Rise in Contacts 
With Blacks Over Last Decade

By PAUL DELANEY
Special to The New York Times

CHICAGO, Aug. 17 — Whites 
say their contacts with blacks 
slowly but steadily increased 
between 1964 and 1974.

A series of surveys over that 
period by the Institute for 
Social Research, which is 
located at the University of 
Michigan in Ann Arbor, docu­
mented the increasing mixing 
of the races, with a concomi­
tant change in attitude about 
blacks on the part of whites 
from negative to positive. As a 
result, the authors say, there 
appears to be growing accep­
tance of blacks by whites,

The surveys found diminish­
ing numbers of whites who said 
their environment was all white 

their friends, their neighbor­

hoods, the schools nearest 
them, the people at' work and 
the places they shop.

The surveys were conducted 
in 1964, 1968, 1970, 1972 and 
1974. The sampling consisted 
of between 1,500 and 2,000 
persons, a tenth of them black, 
all over the country. Thus, for 
the five surveys, up to 10,000 
persons were interviewed, ac­
cording to Dr. Angus Campbell, 
director of the institute.

Dr. Campbell, and Shirley 
Hatchett, a research assistant, 
put together the report on ra­
cial trends.

“The material pretty clearly 
tells us that white people have

Continued on Page 26, Column 2



Whites Report Rise in Contacts 
With Blacks Over Last Decade

Continued From Page 1, Col. 3 Federal role in desegrega­
tion efforts.

Slightly less than a majority 
of whites in 1964 said that the 
Federal Government should

a strong sense of feeling of 
more change taking place now 
in their contact with blacks in 
ail phases of life than in the 
past,” Dr. Campbell said in a 
telephone interview.

The surveys found that in 
1964, 81 per cent of the whites 
.said all of their friends were 
white. Last year the percentage 
was 53.

In 1964, 80 per cent of the 
whites interviewed said that

“see to it that black people get 
fair treatment in jobs.” The 
proportion remained almost the 
same a decade later.

Also in the 1964 survey a little 
fewer than half the whites in­
terviewed agreed that the Fed­
eral Government should “see to 
it that white and black children 

to the same schools."
their neightorhood was all; By 1970, the percentage had 
white The figure was 61 per climbed some to a small 
cent last year. i majority, the report said. But

In 1964, o3 per cent said;since. 1970, white support has 
dropped sharply to slightly bet-their coworkers were white; 

last year, 39 per cent said so
A decade ago, 39 per cent 

reported that the people they 
came into contact with while 
shopping were all white; in 
1974, the figure was 15 per 
cent.

The surveys also showed the 
following:

^Perceived contact with 
blacks is clearly associated with 
education. Whites with little 
schooling tended to have the 
least contact with blacks, while 
college graduates had the most. 
Whites in metropolitan centers 
had more contact with blacks 
than those living elsewhere, 
and, with younger whites and 
those with more education, be­
came more favorable in their 
attitude toward blacks as the 
decade passed—although the 
differences between metropoli 
Ian and nonmetropolitan resi­
dents had narrowed considera­
bly by 1974,

<lThe proportion of whites 
believing in “s'trict segregation” 
declined from one-fourth to 
one-tenth during the decade.

OThe proportion believin,, 
the Federal Government should 
protect the rights of blacks to 
equal accommodation rose from 
56 oer cent to 75 oer cent,

•IThe proportion feeling that 
blacks should have the right to 
move into any neighborhood 
they can afford rose from 65 
per cent to 87 oer cent.

The report said that an 
proved attitude toward blacks 
had been noted throughout the 
population. However, it added: 
“The South, which had been 
the most negative in 1964, was 
still the most negative region 
in 1974, although the changes 
in these attitudes were greater 
in the South than in any of the 
other regions and as a result 
the regional differences were 
mailer at end of the decade 

than they had been at the be­
ginning.”

ter than a third, and stands at 
the lowest point of the 10-year 
period, the report said.

Nevertheless, the findings on 
schools were significant, especi­
ally for the South' where the 
data tended to confirm reports 
that more schools had been de­
segregated there than else­
where. In 1964, 59 per cent of 
whites interviewed nationwide 
said the grade school nearest 
them was all white, while 43 
per cent said the high school 
was all white. Last year, the 
percentages were 26 and 16 per 
cent respectively.

Great Change in South
But in the South, the statis­

tics showed that in 1964, 78 
per cent said the grade school 
nearest them was all white, 
and 61 peer cent said the high 
school nearest them was all 
white. In 1974, those figures 
were down to 16 and 10 per 
cent, respectively.

As a comparison, in the 
Northeast in 1964, 48 per cent 
said the grade school nearest 
them was all white. Last year, 
38 per cent said it was all 
white. A decade ago, 38 per 
cent said the hig;h school was 
all white. The figure was 21 
per cent last year.

While noting the importance 
of the breaking down of nega­
tive racial attitudes, Dr. Camp­
bell and Miss Hatchett ex­
pressed concern about some of 
the implications of their find­
ings. Both agreed that there 
was little correlation between 
expressed attitudes and action.

Further, Dr., Campbell said 
he agreed with the contention 
of some blacks that whites feel 
satisfied with racial progress 
and have become less enthusi­
astic about civil rights.

He said surveys that showed 
racial progress, along with the 
fact that whites were seeing 
black faces on television and

The authors said they had;seeing blacks move into high 
found two areas in which what;positions such as Cabinet mem- 
they saw as negative attitudes'bers and on the Supreme 
prevailed in the nineteen-seven-i Court,” gave some whites the 
ties. Those areas were desegre-Teeling that racial injustice no 
gation of jobs and schools, and;longer existed.



.Coleman .
^has soured 
^  on busing
U\
o

L

Chicago (R eu ter)-T h e soci-'* 
ologist whose 1966 study o fii 
school integration has been cit-i 
ed as justification for court-or- , 
dered busing now believes that: | 
busing may be a mistake. | ,

Professor James S Coleman ' 
of the University of Chicago i 
said in an interview that busing 11 
in northern cities has “failed t o | ' 
achieve the main goal of better 
education for the underprivi­
leged." i

He said that “the means 
used to achieve integration 
overlooked the question of 
whether there were going to be 
any educational benefit But 
when the will lor integration 
does not exist, the imposition o f . 
it by the courts does not make it j 
successful.”

Professor Coleman headed a | 
$1 million Office of Economic ' 
Opportunity study of 4,000; 
schools in 1966 while chairman , 
of the department of social r e - ; 
lations at the Johns Hopkins' 
University in Baltimore. He be- 1 
gan the social relations pro­
gram at the university in 1959 ' 
and taught there until 1973. |

Since the report was written 
in 1966, it has been cited as th e ' 
best available evidence in sup-1 
port of school integration.

But after years of busing in 
various northern cities. Dr. 
Coleman said, a study he is 
completing indicates that 
“forcing integration on a com  
munity, like through court-or-1 
dered busing, can be harmful' 
rather than beneficial The 
courts have tried to take on the 
function of educator."



Review & Outlook
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, 

Tue»d«y, M«y 20, 197S

Fiiblie FoMcies and Idealism
“As a practiced matter we are 

now busing black children from pre­
dominantly black schools to other 
predominantly black schools.” So 
said a superior court judge who, five 
years after ordering busing for In­
glewood, Calif., recently allowed 
that, city to disceird its busing pro­
gram.. Meanwhile, the ‘ plan cost 
$300,000 and enrollment in the 17 dis­
trict schools went from 60% white to 
80% ; minority. Some :people still 
claim that busing failed in Ingle­
wood because of half-hearted en- 
fdrcement efforts, but that seems to 
be largely wishful thinking.

There appears to be growing un­
derstanding that busing is flawed in 
both execution and conception, al­
though it’s not always easy to con­
vince everyone of that.. For exam­
ple, a federal judge recently ordered 
busing of some 21,000 Boston school 
children to achieve compulsory inte­
gration in that city. But busing is 
nonetheless losing its ' attraction 
even among longtime enthusiasts, 
who also are coming to understand 
its implications.

Philadelphia educational officials 
were reportedly astounded several 
months ago at the results of a two- 
year federal study contradicting ar­
guments stressing the need for inte­
gration. Those results bear directly 
on the busing controversy because 
the state Human Relations Commis­
sion directed Philadelphia school of­
ficials to seek total integration, 
which presumably can only be ac­
complished through massive busing. 
Yet the study found that while black 
and white pupils seem to learn bet­
ter in integrated grade school 
classes, when black students reach 
junior high they benefit more from 
the presence of a black majority.

Even more damaging to the pro­
busing argument is the recent state­
ment by sociologist James S. Cole­
man, whose 1966 report on equal ed­
ucational opportunity is often cited 
to justify busing for purposes of inte­
gration. Professor CMeman recently 
reported that busing in Northern 
cities has failed to achieve the main 
goal of better education for the im- 
derprivileged, and may even be con- 
denming future black children to 
even greater racial isolation than 
before.

Forcing integration on a commu­
nity through busing, he said, can be 
harmful and overlooks the question

of whether there are going to be any 
educational benefits. When the will 
for integration does not exist. Pro­
fessor Coleman observed, “the im­
position of it by the courts does not 
make it successful.”

Instead, court-ordered busing to 
advance integration often results in 
large numbers of middle class 
whites fleeing to the suburbs, taking; 
their property tax payments with i 
them and further impoverishing city j 
schools. “White flight” can bej 
caused by factors other than school j 
busing, of course, as witness the ex--'} 
odus of middle class refugees from 
New York City’s crushing tax bur­
den. But few policies are as likely to- 
produce white flight as forcibly bus­
ing children to schools in unfamiliar 
and possibly dangerous neighbor­
hoods.

We do not for a moment believei 
that the opposition to busing means 
that the American people cannot’ 
create a viable multiracial society,. 
This society over the past 20 years' 
has swept aside racial barrier after 
racial barrier. Surely racial preju­
dice still exists, but much of the bit- ? 
ter opposition to busing, and much I 
of the white flight, is a response not I 
to the mixinp of races ~Eut to the ' 
mixing of economic classes. SucE-; 
opposition, natural for any parent 
who desires upward social mobility 
for his children, is made, all the 
more bitter when busing is ordered 
and supported by judges and opinion 
leaders whose own children are well 
insulated from the lower classes.

Beyond that, we think that much 
of the opposition to busing reflects , 
the reasons for our own opposition to 
it, which is not practical but moral. 
Husing inevitably implies racial
Quotas, and that is not the kind of so- 
ciety we want to create. We can cre­
ate a society with equality of-oppor- 
tunity, regardless of race. When we 
fully succeed, there will not be the- 
same number of blacks in every .! 
school, any more than there are cur­
rently the same number of Italians, 
Jews or Chinese,

When we do succeed in.creating 
that kind of open, multiracial soci­
ety, we will have a far better society 
than one in which blacks are conde­
scendingly doled out by numbers. 
We think that this is something the 
American people understand far 
better than many of their judges and 
opinion-leaders.



School
First o f  T w o  A T tic le s  

* By Martha M. Hamilton
WMhla^on Post Scan Writer

Four years ago, U.S. Dis­
trict Judge J. Skelly Wright 
ordered the D.C. public 
schools to spend the same 
amount of money for teach­
ers’ salaries for eyery ele­
mentary school student in 

, the city as a way of bringing 
an end to discrimination 
against poor and black 
children by the school sys­
tem.

Since then, more-than 600 
teachers have marched to 
the judge’s order, moving in 
and out of almost all the 
city’s 130 • elementary

schools. Their moves have 
been dictated by the school 
administration’s- annual 
process of salary balancing, 
a process that has created 
frequent bitterness and con­
fusion;

Although some formerly 
neglected s c h o o ls  have 
greatly benefitted from in­
fusions of new money and 
staff, the shifts have de­
stroyed programs at some 
schools and given others 
surpluses of teaching spe-. 
ciallsts they do not need. 
The frequent shuffling from 
school to school has alM dis­
couraged m a n y  teachers, 
like Janice Cox, a physical 
education, instructci who

has been transferred ten. 
times in four years.

Now, with . complaints 
about the results of the 
court order growing, both 
the D.C. public school ad- . 
ministration, the defendant, 
and Julius Hobson Sr., who 
brought suit against the sys- : 
tem, say they plan to ask 
the court to revise its order.

.Although the order has 
successfully ’e l im in a t^  
large spending, disparities 
(the apparent result of sys­
tematic discrimination) and ; 
added badly needed teach- . 
ers to overcrowded schoo-ls,. 
it has also produced other 
imbalances and disruption.

See HOBSON, A li, Col I

o to e e t^ W ri^ ^ lO ^ e a ro ld  
building in a West End 
^neighborhood that has be- 
•;come increasingly commer­
cial in recent years. .4s a re­
sult, the school now draws 
part ot its 140-member stu­
dent body from outside its 
attendance zone. Because its 
small enrollment does not 
justify the cost and raises 
the per-pupil spending 
above the systemwide aver­
age, Stevens usually has 
been a loser under equaliza­
tion, losing classroom teach­
ers as well as special service 
teachers.

'Before- equalization, Ste­
vens had part-time services 
of a physical education 
teacher, a music teacher, an 
art teacher and a science

j t  is these residts that have 
produced the complaints.
I  The school system imple­
m en ts  the Wright decree 
-#his way: It determines the 
m nount of money available 
Jfor teachers’ s iaries  for 
J a c h  child (3747.21 this 
vyear), multiplies it by the 
mmnher of children in  each 
mhcxjl and shuffles teachers 
m ^ u n d  until actual salaries 
^  each school match the to- 
TOl for the school. 
g; Before the decmee, teach- 

' outlays per pupil west of 
: Creek Park, a predo-

_ntly w h ite ,  pnredomi-
__ntly affluent area; aver­

a g e d  3669. -4t that level, the 
ey allocated for each 
1 was about 27 per cent 
er than the- $528 aver- 
for the rest of the city 

M aitii 40 per cent above Ana- 
S ^ a ’s $473 average.
3  Jh e  Wright decree nar- 
*C5wed that gap, requiring 
^pending at every elemen- 
Ita ry  to fall within 5 per cent 

citywide average. Most 
mbrcrvers call that good, but 
principals, parents, teachers 
3and students, also criticize 
^ e -d e c re e  for results that 
gincinde:
g •  Shifting special subject 
Jteachers (art, math, muric, 
vjetc.) away from schools with 
^■declining enrollments. Some 
»;schools have lost all of these 
^services.
t  •  Transfer of classroom 
Ideachers in midyear, w'nioh 
^happened this winter for the 
j^flrst time since the 1971-1972 
•--school year. In some cases, 
^classroom teachers who 
» were the only teachers at a 
J  certain grade (for instance, 
J th e  only first grade teacher 
Sin a school) have been 

shifted.
e •  Adding special service 
T' teachers, such as music and 
5 physical education instruc- 
etors, to schools that needed 
t  classroom teachers instead. 
^.Several schools have re- 
«ceived two or three physical 
■; education teachers while re- 
•maining short of other re- 
Jsources.
J Hobson and school offi- 
icials agree that some of the 
rxesults make no sense edu- 
Jcationally, but they differ 
over what the problem is.

J Hobson is a long-time an- 
Jiagorast of the school sys- 
,tem, who obtained” the court 
(order after five years of 
'goading the school system 
to force it to treat the catjr’s

^~In ah earlier decree ob­
tained by Hobson, Judge 
Wright foimd- that the 
school system discriminated 
against poor and black 
children by its achievement- 
track system and optional 
attendance zones. Wright or­
dered both systems abol­
ished and ordered the inle- 
gration of school faculties 
and voluntary busing from 
overcrowded, understaffed 
schools to. more affluent 
schools west of the park.

Those actions were ex­
pected to have the second­
ary. effect of equalizing re­
source distribution among 
the schools. But in 1971, 
Wright found “lingering, in­
vidious discrimination” in 
the spending for teaching.

That finding led to his 
equalization order.

Hobson blames the school 
administration’s implemen- 
tion of the decree for re­
sults that are unpopular and 
seem to do little to provide 
equal educational opportu- 

,nity. ‘This is a mindless 
process which ends up in 
some schools having a lot of 
special teachers and a lot 
having none,” he said. Hob­
son, who has said before 
that he favors equalizing all 
spending, not just spending 
for teachers’ salaries, said 
that he will consider seek­
ing more flexibility in the 
order.

“I’m not going to be that 
tough on (the school 
administration). If they can 
equalize, that’s what we 
want,” he said.

School officials say they 
agree with Hobson’s goals 
and have tried in good faith 
to follow the decree. They 

''- also say there are enough 
(problems in the decree itself 
-to warrant preparing an al- 

K temative.
“I don’t think the school 

system has achieved the 
- goals and objectives the 

plaintiffs had in mind when 
•they insituted the suit,” said 
"Barbara A . Sizemore, the 
school superintendent “The 
total effect has been one of

provement rather, than stim- 
' plating it,” she said. “Our 

(;e-problem is -to find another 
-^way to adueve the goals.”
^  “The model is. fair as far 
as- dollars are - concerned, 

shut not fair as far a.s provi­
sion of services,” she. said. 

f“The little child who’s in an 
' affluent school has as much 
right to a speech teacher as 
■a child in' a school in a poor 
area- and vice . versa. Our 
problem is how do you get 
services to both of them and 
'still keep V the spending 
equal” ; .
S To call i t . difficult, she 
said, ‘is  an understate­
m ent”

Hobson, who has done bat­
tle with, a long line of school 
administrators, is only 
grudgingly sympathetic.
. "Weah, they’ve got legiti­
mate difficulties,” he said. 
‘‘It’s  difficult to administer 
schools.”

For most of the years the 
eq ua liz a tio n  order has beeji 
in effect, most of the equal­
izing has been done by mov­
ing special service teachers 
around. The reasons are 
simple. The administration 
found it less disruptive to 
handle the problem by mov^ 
ing special service teachers. 
Schools that had to give up 
services found it easier to 
let go of physical education 
teachers or instrumental 
music teachers than class- 
rooni teachers. - .

Usually, slightly more 
than half of the city’s ele­
mentary schools get through 
the school year without 
jaining or losing teachers 
under equalizatioa But in
the schools that are af­
fected, because of the reli­
ance on special service 
teachers to make the shifts, 
the result may be imba­
lance. Some schools end up 
with few or no special serv­
ices, while others end up 
with a glut

Schools that lose special 
services under the court or­
der are generally schools 
with declining enrollments, 
highly paid teachers or both. 
Stevens Elementary is an 
example of what happens to 
those schools under the ad­
ministration’s ' equalization 
method.

teacher.AVhen the order was 
handed down, the school be­
gan to lose those services, 
along with a net loss of six 
classroom teachers during 
the first equahzation moves 
in the 1971-72 school year.
- ' this year, with a
slight:; increase in enroll­
ment,' the school regained 
the services of a physical ed­
ucation teacher and a .Span­
ish teacher for one day each 
week. The students come 
from a mix of middle- and 
lower-class-income families, 
about 60 per cent black.

%

j “This isn’t  equalization, if 
other schools have services 

. and we donlt,” said Lydia C. 
.Williams, the principM.

Stevens has lost services 
: for another: reason besides 

its small . enrollment: A
number of teachers at the 
^cheol are experienced arid 
are -paid more than begin- 

. ning teachers. The higher an 
individual school’s class­
room teachers’ salaries, the 
jess money, there is for 

( other services.
;/ “I think it’s a godd thing 
to have experienced, teach­
ers,” Mrs. Williams said. “I 
don’t think it’s a fair trade 

; off as far as services to 
children are concerned,” she 
added- .
- “If you’re in a school with 
an expanding enrollment, 
you’re going to love equali­
zation.. But if your kids are 
in a  school with declining 
enrollment, you’re'going to 
hate it,” said Donald L. Ho­
rowitz, a political scientist 
and lawyer analyzing the ef­
fects of the IShight decree 
for a book “The Courts and 
Social Policy” for the Brook- 

, ings Institution.
Schools with 'growing en­

rollments generally receive, 
rather than lose, services 
under equalization. But 
sometimes the services they 
'receive, are not the ones ' 
needed.

At the other end of the 
scale from Stevens are 
schools such as Savoy Ele­
mentary School in Anacos- 
tia. Savoy’s growing enroll­
ment (up this fall to 867 ! 
from 750 last year; meant 
that money had to be added ' 
to Savoy. ■ , . ___j



4r. lo  Novembaf, when school 
-administration officials of- 
•>^ered their first proposal for 
-t^naiizing expenditures this 
^sdiool year. Savoy was 

scheduled to  receive-part- 
time teachers of art, vocal 
music, physical education 
and science. Savoy already 
had a fuU-tinie art teacher, 
vocal music teacher, science 
"teacher and two full-time 
physical education teachers. 
What it needed, principal 
Betty Larkins said at the 
time, was more classroom 
teachers.

Equalization Effort 
Hard on Instructor

Since then the school sys­
tem has redesigned the 
transfers, adding two class­
room teachers to Savoy as 
well as several, special serv­
ices teachers. “It’s working 
out well,” said Mrs. Larkins. 
“I  found a little cubbyhole 
for each. I’m very satisfied,” 
she said.
Julius Hobson Jr., vice presi­
dent of the current school 

-  board (whose- father, the 
- plaintiff who brought the 

.1. suit, is now a City Council 
member, and is a former 
school board member), said

^ t h a t  "the board has ques- 
“’t-tinned “why some schools 

■iet stacked up with four 
music teachers and four

- iBiysical education teachers, 
when the point of the 
(Wright) decree is reading 
and math.”

s s l  Gloving music teachers
- east of the (Anacostia) river 

.-'.is not full.laltb and.justice.
.jailh the decree, although it 
“ is- legal compliance,” he 
■ .'said. , . -
.. Luther W. Elliott, Mrs. 
~ Sizemore’s executive assist­

ant, said the administration 
is aware of the problem. 
“Every school that is to gain.

a resource teacher wants a 
math or reading teacher,” 
he said. “That’s the last 
thing that most schools that 
have to lose a resource are 
willing to give up. The first 
thing they’re willing ot 
giveup is music and physical 
education,” he said.

“If  we were shifting re­
sources now based on what 
everybody wanted to gain or 
lose, that would be fine,” El­
liott said- “But they don't 
match.”

“A s  a consequence, there 
are parents, teachers, princi­
pals and students who have 
made it very clear they 
don't like this — this blind 
justice that results in yank­
ing out a science teacher 
when the school has spent a 
lot of money to enrich its 
science program.. . ” he said.

.-tdding to the problem, El­
liott said, is the fact that 
equalization has produced a 
greater emphasis on school- 
by-school budgeting. Par­
ents, teachers, principals 
and students have been en­
couraged to set their 
schcol’s priorities together. 
Where this coperative plan- 

. ning has- been done and 
teacher shifts have been 
made that do not reflect 
those priorities, parents feel 
betrayed, he acknowledged.

“When you get to the bot­
tom line . .  . there is a large 
audience of parents asking, 
what can we as parents do 
to keep this from ever hap- 
pening again?" said Elliott .

Janice B. Cox has been a 
teacher of physical educa­
tion in the D.C. public 

schools for 10 years. In the 
last four of those, she said, 
she has been transferred ten 
times, nine of them in the 
school system's implementa- 
equalize spending in ele- 
mentary schoola 

“I just don’t  know what to 
! do,” she said. “.All this tur­

naround haa affected? me. 
I’ve just; about; given, up,” 
said the i  38-year-old M rs.. 
Cox. -

Mrs. Cox is a special serv­
ice teacher, the group that 
has been hardest hit by the 
school system’s implementa­
tion of a 1971 eoiu-t order to 
equalize spending for teach­
ers’ salaries. Because it is? 
considered less dissmptlve t o ' 
the schools to move an art, 
miisic or physical educa­
tion teacher than a class­

room teacher,’and because- 
principals usually list spe­
cial services as the area 
where- they -are least un­
happy about budget cutting, 
most of the s'nifts for equali­
zation generally involve spe 
cial service teachers.

.About 21 per cent of those 
577 teachers are physical ed­
ucation teachers, w he to , 
gether with music teachers ‘ 
make up about 40 per cent 
of the total and are the most 
frequently shifted.

The number of physical 
education, music and art 
teachers in the system does 
not accurately reflect the 
system’s priorities, which 
are reading and math, said 
an assistant for equalization, 
Betty Holton. The teachers 
in those areas are generally 
tenured, so their jobs are se­
cure, and new positions for 
reading, math or science 
teachers are difficult to add 
and fill she said.

Mrs. Cox said that imder 
her current schedule, she 
now teaches 20 per cent of 
her time at Merritt Elemen­
tary in far Northeast, where 
she is expected to provide a 
physical education program 
for more than 400 children 
in one day. For two days 
each, she is at two other ele­
mentary schools w’hieh have 
full time physical education 
teachers.

“I don’t believe Jlr. Hob­
son, the one that started 
this, intended it to work this- 
way,” she said. “It just has 
hurt instead of helping. This 
is not equalization.”

•According to Mrs. Cox, 
this is the way her schedule 
has changed since 1971:

In 1971, she was teach­
ing five days a week at Mer­
ritt School, until she was 
told to spend two days at 
KimbaU in far Southeast 
and three days at Merritt.

• Two weeks after that 
change was made, her sched­
ule was altered to one day 
at Kimball and four days a t ' 
Merritt, That schedule re­
mained in effect for two 
years.

• In September, 1973, she

one day at Brookland ele­
mentary school in Northeast 
and four days a week at 
Merritt.

•  Two months after that, 
she was told to move to Con­
gress Heights Elementary in 
far Southeast to teach full 
time.

•  The ne.xt September, in 
1974, she was sent to West 
Elementary in Northw'est to 
teach full-time.

.. Twp weeks later, she 
was told to report back to 
Merritt.full time.

• In N o v e m b e r, two 
months, la ter,, she received 
notice' to. teach at Merritt 
three days a week and at 
Benning and Blow-Pierce El- 
ementai-ies one day each.

•  A day later she received 
a letter sa:png to disregard 
those transfers.
 ̂ •  After what has been 

- called “the New Year’s Eve 
. massacre”—^when the ad- - 
ministration made some last 

'“minute choices’about trans­
ferring some 130 teachers, 
specialists and aides to help 
the city qualify for federal 
funds for educating disad­
vantaged children—she got 
a letter telling her to report 
to  Young Elementary in 

‘ Northeast for two days a 
week and to Merritt for 
three. That move, unlike the 
others, was in the school 
system’s efforts to meet fed­
eral guidelines to qualify for 
funds for educating disad­
vantaged children.

• Three days later, she re­
ceived another letter telling 
her to report to Young two 
days,Congress Heights two 
days and Merritt for one. 
day, each week.

“I have thought about 
calling Mr. Hobson and 
thought about writing Judge 
Wright a letter,” said Mrs. 
Cox.

One effect the shifts have 
had, according to Mrs. Cox 
and other teachers, is to dis­
courage teachers from pur­
suing advanced degrees, 
which would mean higher 
salaries. A higher salary 
might throw a teacher’s 
school out of alignment and 
lead to a transfer, Mrs. Cox 
and others have said.

Mrs. Cox, who has a bach­
elor's degree, was earning 
S14.975 as of Sept. 1, 1974.

School officials' say that 
salary ' increases for ad­
vanced degrees are not 
large enough to significantly 
effect school staffing.

“I just think it’s so un­
fair,” Mrs; Cox said. “It’s re­
ally been a burden to me, 
but it’s unfair to the child- 

, ren, and they’re the impor­
tant ones. There’s just no 
more fight left in me.”

The result of the shifting 
around has been inequality, 
she said. “They don’t even 
look at the bodies. As many 
times as they’ve moved me, 
my name wouldn’t mean 
anything to them,” Mrs. Cox 
said.



■ s T c r

Differing Court, Federal Yardsticks Make Compliance Difficult
S e c o n d  o f  T tco  A r t ic le s

By JIartha IL Hamilton
W3siiin«ton Po»t Staff Writer

District of . Columbia 
school officials say they are 
causht in a squeeze between 
a court order designed to 
distribute the school sys­
tem’s resources more fairly 
and a federal requirement 
designed to do the same 
thing.

The problem, they say, is 
that the court order and the 
federal requirement use dif­
ferent yardsticks to measure 
if spending is fairly distrib­
uted.

If the schools measure up 
on both yardsticks, it will be 
“a hell of a trick,” said Lu­
ther W. Elliott, an executive 
assistant to School Superin­
tendent Barbara A. Size­
more. Elliott headed the sys­
tem’s attempts to comply 
with the federal require­
ment and stay in compliance 
with the court order..

That is what the school 
system was trying to do in 
January when it ordered' a 
number of teachers out of 
some schools and- into oth­
ers in two mid-year teacher 
shifts.

The first shift was to com­

ply with the court’s order 
that the school system must 
equalize spending for teach­
ers’ salaries and benefits 
among aU elementary 
schools. The second shift 
was to meet federal stand­
ards and qualify to receive 
extra money for education 
of disadvantaged children 
under the Office of Educa­
tion’s Title^I program.

‘"This shook us aU up,” 
said Miriam Kaufman, prin­
cipal at Murch elementary 
school, which lost teachers in 
both moves. Murch, in 
Northwest Washington, lost 
a French teacher and a mu­
sic teacher under the court 
order, then a first-grade 
teacher and two days serv- 
vice by a speech therapist.

For other schools, the ef­
fect of the combination of 
moves was a mixed blessing. ■ 
Coding Elementary .School 
on Capitol Hill lost a class­
room teacher under the 
court order, then gained un­
der the federal program 
part-time services from an 
art teacher, a physical edm 
cation teacher, a science 
teacher and a speech 
teacher—all in one week.

“If we could have had our 
own way, we would have

CO>IPLY,Frora C l

count longevity pay in its 
measurements.

Other differences, which 
include the type of person­
nel and the grades covered, 
became a problem when the 
Office of Education indi­
cated it would monitor local 
school districts more closely 
for compliance.

School districts out of 
compliance faced withhold- i 
ing of Title I  funds. For the I 
D.C. public .schools, th e ' 
money amounted to S9.5 mil- , 
lion this year.

“Keither the equalization 
order nor comparability 
have any relevance to the 
educational process,” Elliott 
said. “They are mathemati­
cal computations done to 
satisfy someone’s definition 
of equality.”

.Although Elliott main­
tains that the school system 
has tried to comply with 
both, “there are some com­
putations that show that we 
can’t be comparable and 
equal at the same time,” he 
said.

Julius Hobson Jr., vice 
president of the school 
board, disagreed. “It’s possi­
ble to work them out,” he 
said.

‘Tfs administratively fea­
sible to comply with both,” 
said Joan Baratz, who is 
conducting a study of equal­
ization for the Educational 
Policy Research Institute. “I 
don’t know whether it’s edu­
cationally sound. That’s the 
question.”

Problems of complying 
with both the equalization 
order a.nd Title I this year 
involved not just whether 
the school system could 
comply but when.

I The administration plan­
ned moves and posted some 
transfer notices in -Novem- • 
her. Those moves . were' 
blocked when the school- 
board found some of the 
proposed transfers w e r e  
based on inaccurate data 
and required revisions. In­
stead of completing the 
transfers by early Decem­
ber, as planned, school- offi- ' 
dais finished the equaliza­
tion moves only days before 
the end of the year.

’The moves, followed five 
days later by transfers for 
Title I compliance, came 
only weeks before the end I 
of the semester and to some ' 
disruption.

“It’s the kind of disrup­
tion you have if. you move 
in the middle of the year,” 
said Lynn Ochb&rg;. whose i 
son’s first-grade teacher .was t 
transferred' from Murch in i 
the Title I shifts.'

“I think the dislocation 
could come earlier, and it 
might have less effect,” said 
Peter F. Rousselot, the at­
torney who represented Hob­
son Sr. in the court battle 
leading to equalization. “I 
don’t see why they can’t do 
it by Nov. 1,” he said.

In the process of comply­
ing with equalization and Ti­
tle I, “we would be signifi­
cantly better off if we had 
in place some trappings this 
school system badly needs,” 
Elliott said. ,

The system has neither 
the up-to-date automatic 
data processing system. J.t_

kept the classroom teacher 
in addition to receiving the 
special services,” principal 
-Audrey Gray said. “We’re 
very -happy with the addi­
tional services, though,” she 
said.

A school system report on 
the impact of-the moves un­
der both programs found as 
a result “much resentful­
ness, frustration and disap­
pointment,” in the city’s 
schools, although it noted, 
“many students have bene­
fited from - both require­
ments.”

The survey found only 
one of the city’s six school, 
regions reporting no prob­
lems.

“Much feeling exists in 
the community and among. 
school people about the dis- ‘ 
ruption of the educational 
process tha t resulted from 
the (court-ordered) equaliza­
tion and (Title I) compara­
bility processes,” the school 
system’s report concluded.

In fact, school administray 
tors went first to Office of 
Education administrators 
and asked to be excepted 
from Title 1 requirements. 
Then the administrators 
went to the city’s corpora­
tion counsel to ask how to

needs or enough money for 
programming, he said.

The school system’s infor­
mation systems, according 
Rousselot and others who 
have followed the progress 
of equalization, have been

Mrs. Baratz, whois study­
ing the equalization decree 
is under a grant from the 
National Institute for Edu­
cation and in cooperation 
with the D.C. Citizens for 
Better Public Education and 
the Lawyers Committee for 
Civil Rights, said she found 
widespread errors in backup 
data provided . with the 
school system’s report to the 
court on compliance with 
the equalization order. 

Contrasting what re­
sources the school system 
said were in place at 38 
schools with what actually 
was'" there dmnng 1973-1974 
school year, she said she 
found that the school sys­
tem was wrong in its de­
scriptions of 21 of 38 
schools.

“It’s not deliberate It’s 
just that the machinery isn’t 
there,” she said.

“I think the system is now 
better than it was before 
1971. The decree has pro­
duced a whole set of infor­
mation the board didn't have 
before.” attorney Rousselot 
said. “If they find a lot of 
errors, it’s not a problem 
with the decree, but with 
the information system.”

The court order provides 
for justifiable exceptions 
from the decree for individ­
ual schools. It also provides 
that, “at some future time, 
the Board and the school ad­
ministration may adopt spe- < 
cific measurable and educa­
tionally j ustifiable p l a n s  
which ’ are not consistent 
with the present order.”

If the plans are “reason­
ably designed in substantial

gain relief from the court 
order, Elliott said.

Unsuccessful, they tried 
to comply with both require- - 
ments at once, he said. 
Whether they were success­
ful in their series of shifts is 
a question to be answered 
by a cpmputer now checking 
the results of those moves. 
That process may take sev­
eral weeks, Elliott said.

The court order and Title 
I requirements differ on a 
number of grounds. Equali­
zation requires the school 
system to spend the same 
amount on teachers’ salaries 
and benefits for every ele­
mentary student in the city 
and Includes in its measure­
ments the extra pay teach­
ers gain for experience.

Title I provides supple­
mental funds for educating 
disadvantaged children and 
covers 60 of the city’s 130 el­
ementary schools. To insure 
that Title I money is extra 
funding the Office of Educa­
tion requires school systems 
to demonstrate that they 
spend as much money in dis­
advantaged schools as in 
others. Title I does not

See COMPLY, C3, C o t 1

part to overcome the effects 
of the past discrimination on 
the basis of socio-economic 
and racial status, the court 
may modify the present or­
der,” Wright said when he 
wrote the 1971 order.

Apparently, the next step 
for the school administra­
tion is a comprehensive pro­
posal of its own to substi­
tute for the current process 
of equalizing teacher costs. 
The administration is work­
ing on a proposal known as 
“incommensurability.” . .

Incommensurability, still 
being developed, is to look 
at the needs and abilities of 
individual children and to 
design a program allowing 
them to reach certain educa-. 
tional goals. How those 
needs and abilities are meas­
ured and how goals may best 
be reached stiU is under 
study.

dnee a formula is devel­
oped, Elliott said, the super­
intendent probably will ask 
the board’s permission to 
ask the court that it be 
tested on some portion of 
the school system.

Mrs. Sizemore said she 
also may ask for relief from 
the order for a' year or so, 
while the school system 
works on a new way to pro­
vide equal educational op­
portunity.

Julius Hobson Sr., has 
sent Mrs. Sizemore a tele­
gram asking her to brief the 
City Council’s education and 
youth affairs committee, 
which he heads, on the 
school system’s comp’uance 
with thfe decree.

“In designing an alterna­
tive plan, the benefits inher­
ent in the Wright decree 
must not be deemphasized,” 
Mrs. Sizmore said in a draft
of a nri

1

I



most estimates, is that the 
order ended large dispari­
ties in spending that gener- 

»ally favored children from 
■ affluent, white families west 

of Rock Creek Park at the 
expense of other children. ' 

The court found at the 
time of the decree that aver­
age teacher outlays per pu­
pil west of the park were 

. S669, about 27 per cent 
higher than the 3528 aver­
age for the rest of the city 
and 40 per cent higher than 
that for .-knacostia.

Under the court order, 
teacher shifts this year were 
designed to bring teacher 
cost per pupil to within 5 
per cent of 3747.21 in each 
city schools.

■Tt ■ has provided to 
schools in far Southeast 
more resources than they 
would have gotten,” said 
Betty Holton, whn directs 
the school system’s equaliza­
tion efforts.

But in the same document 
I in which she urged aware­

ness of the benefits of 
equalization, Mrs. Sizemore 
made it clear she thinks the 
order does not go far 
enough.

Both the equalization or­
der and the comparability 
requirement of Title I focus; 
on what goes into schools 
more than on the way re­
sources are used or what the 
resources produce, she said.

“i  think it’s worked out 
fairly weU,” Hobson Sr. said 
of the court order. “Almost 
anything can stand some im­
provement,” he added;

“I think the decree the 
judge entered here provides 
a better system of allocating 
resources than we had be­
fore. It’s better that the 
school system operate under 
this decree than not,” said 
Rousselto, Hobson’s lawyer. 
“What we won’t do is drop 
this one because someone 
says it doesn’t make sense 
but doesn’t  have an alterna­
tive.”

“Let them come up with 
something better and that 
would be terrific,” he said.

Now. said school board 
Vice President Julius Hob­
son Jr.,, “the system is sim­
ply paying for the injustices 
of the past.. .If you don’t 
take the offensive in an edu­
cational system, the courts 
do it for you, and then you’­
re tied up.”

The problem that will oc­
cupy more time and atten­
tion this year is how to do 
better.

“People say, ‘Is it really
true that more money 
makes better education?’ 
.4nd my response is—until 
you prove it makes no dif­
ference at all. there’s no rea­
son to deviate from equali­
zation,” Rousselot said.

I D.C, School

i Cut Back
4  By Richard E. Prince
^  WasiUuston Post s ta ff Writer
tj The D.CX school-board has 
.‘almost completed its consider- 
fation of Supt. Barbara A. Size- 
r more’s proposed- budget for 
'n ex t year. It has refused to al- 
>..low at least four major initia- 
'itive’s advanced by BJrs. Size- 
»more.
►; ‘•This was supposed to be 
^my first budget, but it wasn’t,” 
»5VIrs. Sizemore said yesterday. 
^ ‘It’s the board’s budget It’s 
■up to them - to say what the 
tconsequences are.”

In concluding its recommen- 
‘dations Monday night on the 
►’Superintendent’s $222 million 
’.proposal for- operating the 
fSchools next year, the school 
33oard’s finance. committee, 
Overturned- "-Mrs. Sizemore’s 
'jjecommendations in several 
i^reas.
■3 They included decentraliza­
t io n  of the school system, 
^'flattening out the administra­
t iv e  hierarchy,” reducing the 
plumber of elementary class- 
jroom teachers because of a 
Itrojected decline , in student 
gjsnrollment, and expanding an 
suffice designed to increase 
^community involvement in the 
Schools.

Specifically, the committee, 
tvhose recommendations will 
^ e '  considered by the full 
School board at its Feb. 19 
Smeeting, voted to: . ^
5  • Retain the positions of 
w ice superintendent- of schools- 
’§and associate superintendent 
^ o r  instruction, two positions 
Smts. Sizemore said she wanted 
^to abolish in line with her 
i»stated goal of “flattening out 
2the administrative hierarchy” 
#of the school system.

§ • Refuse to raise the sala­
ries of the six regional super- 

2intendents to $37,080. These 
^six persons, who are oversee- 
’iin g  decentralization of, the 
§  schools, now make between 
^320.420 and $33,570. Although 
SMts. Sizemore argued that the 
^higher salary was needed to 
.<make the jobs competitive, the 
Committee voted to seek a sal- 
*ary level of $28,210 to $33,570.
,-2 • Place the staff for the re-

tior.al offices, money for im- 
roved testing of students, an 
ppeals office 'tor parents of 

handicapped students who 
p ro test the placement of their 
.children, and increase funding 
5>f teacher training programs 
»under • “new and. improved 
Services,” a category more 
:Jikely to be cut by Congress.

j  •  Place funds for a girls’ 
Sthletic program and money 
3or- two jobs in the group 
gcRown as PACTS (Parents, 
-Administrators,. Community, 
Jrsachers and- Students), one 
h?M rs. Sizemore’s early prior­
ities, on the “new and im- 
JJiSjved” lis t
^  -Refused Mrs. Sizemore’s 
giroposal to redirect the salar 
^ e s  of 177 elementary school 
Jeachers into other programs. 
^Irs . Sizemore proposed using 
f  he money for the appeals of­
f ic e , the testing program, 11 
.^jreschool teachers and- other 
Activities. The committee 
ovoted to redirect only about 
51311 these teachers’ salaries.
J  “One of the major disagree­
m ents between members of 
Jhe" b o a r d  and the superin­
tendent,’,! said Julius Hobson 
jT-rt chairman of the finance 
Jfcommittee, “is the desire of 
h o a rd  and committee mem- 
jie rs  that any new and im- 
;g>roved services and redirec­
tions go hack into the class­
room.
^  “The superintendent felt the 
money should ga towards de. 
rientrallzation^ period. You 
lian’t  decentralize the whole 
^laee at one time.”,
J  One of the main items of 
discussion during the commit- 
itee’s meetlng,,was the effect of 
^he proposalsdn the size of el- 
.ementary school classrooms 
Jex t year. - .
g  Elementary school enroll- 
dnent Is expected to decline by 
^bout 4,000 students next year. 
'Board members argued that if 
he present number of teach- 
frs were kept in the schools, 
’lass sizes could be reduced:

It Mrs. Sizemore argued, how-

tver, that studies have shown 
lat class size is not the prin- 

SiRal factor in determining 
^ lid en t achievement. , The 
Studies-have shown, however,' 
iJpiat smaller classes ' have 
l-^ther benefits—such ■ as
greater participation in class.-



I

Last words from a murdered African ieader—

The American Negro Cannot 
Look to Africa for an Escape
Tom Mboya, Kenya's Minister of Economic Devel- on July 5. He completed this article, the outgrowth 
opment and Planning, was assassinated in Nairobi of a visit to the U.S., shortly before his death.

By TOM MBOYA

B la c k  Americans today are more concerned 
with their relationship to Africa than a t any 
point in recent memory. The emergence of 

this concern at the present time is a phenomenon 
of great significance and a source of increasing 
controversy and confusion. The n a tu r e  of the 
relationship between Africans and black Ameri­
cans therefore merits extensive dialogue between 
the two groups, in the hope that issues can be 
clarified, illusions dispelled and a common under­
standing reached as to where our immediate ob­
jectives coincide and where they do not. Our 
struggle and goal are the same, and we need a 
common understanding on strategy so as not to 
cancel each other out.

It is precisely because communication and clari­
fication are so important that I was deeply dis­
turbed by an incident that occurred when I spoke 
in Harlem on March 18. In my one-hour speech 1 
explained the challenges of development in our 
new African nations. I discussed the difficult pe­
riod of post-independence through which we are 
now passing. The economic and social problems 
we face are complex, and it is very important 
that those who are interested in our development 
understand the formidable task that now con­
fronts us. I found the audience in Harlem highly

receptive to my remarks on this subject. At the 
end of my speech, however, in response to  some 
people who had approached me before the meet­
ing, I decided to comment on the proposal for a 
mass movement of black Americans back to 
Africa. I began by rejecting the proposal, but be­
fore I had a chance to elaborate 1 was noisily 
interrupted by two or three people, one of whom 
projected four or five eggs in my direction. His 
aim was as bad as his manners.

Needless to say, I found this a rather curious 
and crude way of impressing African leaders with 
the genuine desire of black Americans to identify 
with Africa. By their deliberate and planned ac­
tivities, a handful of people succeeded in disrupt­
ing a very important opportunity for dialogue 
between an African leader and black people who 
feel the need for closer relations with our new 
nations. Africans involved in the serious task of 
nation-building can hardly be expected to look 
kindly upon the discourteous and self-indulgent 
activities of these few individuals. They may also 
be led to doubt that black Americans in general 
have any appieciation of, or desire to understand, 
the problems that we must cope with. Apart from 
this, the enemies of the black man’s struggle were 
given yet another excuse to justify their continued 
efforts to disorganize and divide and weaken us.

We must, however, be careful not to dramatize 
or generalize this incident. Indeed, I have received 
many letters from black people disassociating 
themselves from it. The only significance that I 
now attach to the incident is that it may, by 
underlining certain confusions, help clarify the 
relationship between Africans and Afro-Ameri­
cans. Thus the disrupters, who wanted to obstruct 
dialogue, may unwittingly have helped to foster it.

I n  a fundamental way, Africans and Afro-Ameri­
cans today find themselves in remarkably similar 
political and economic situations. As I have al­
ready indicated, the new nations in Africa have 
passed through one stage—that of the movement 
to independence from colonial rule—and are now 
engaged in the post-independence stage of na­
tion-building. The first stage was primarily p o l i t i ­
c a l , our objective being to achieve the political 
goal of self-determination.

We suffered during our struggle for independ­
ence, but in many ways it was a simpler period 
than today. It was one of mass mobilization, 
dramatic demonstrations and profound nationalist 
emotions. The present period is less dramatic. 
Fewer headlines are being made; fewer heroes are 
emerging. Nationalist sentiment must remain pow­
erful, but it can no longer be sustained by slogans 
and the excitement of independence. Rather, it 
must itself sustain the population during the long 
process of development. For development will not 
come immediately. It is a process that requires 
ti.me, planning, sacrifice and work. Colonialism 
could be abolished by proclamation, but the aboli­
tion of poverty requires the establishment of new

institutions and the development of a modem 
technology and an enormously expanded educa­
tional system. We are engaged, therefore, in an 
economic and social revolution that must take 
us far beyond the condition we had achieved when 
we won our independence.

Our slogan during the independence struggle 
was ’‘Uhuru Sasa,” and I do not think it is a 
coincidence that its English translation. “Freedom 
Now,” was the slogan for the civil rights move­
ment in America. For the black American struggle 
in the nineteen-fifties and early sixties was very 
similar to our own. The objective of both was 
political liberty for black people. In America, 
black people demanded the abolition of Jim Crow 
segregation and the right to vote, and they won 
their fight through courageous and inspiring politi­
cal protest. But like their African cousins who 
must meet the challenge of development, they now 
confront the more difficult task of achieving 
economic equality.

I have seen black ghettos in America. I have 
seen individuals living under degrading conditions. 
Black poverty is more outrageous in America than 
in my own country because it is surrounded by 
unparalleled wealth. Thus, for black America the 
problem of equality looms larger than the problem 
of development: but they are similar in that the 
achievement of both requires massive institutional 
changes.

* T h E struggles of black people in Africa and 
America are related on more concrete levels. Let 
us not forget that the independence movement in 
Africa has had a great impact on the civil rights 
movement in America, besides giving it a slogan. 
In addition, this movement for independence has 
posed many important questions for white Amer­
ica in regard to the race problem in the United 
States. For example, James Baldwin has noted in 
“The Fire Next Time" that the 1954 Brown vs. 
Topeka Board of Education decision concerning 
school desegregation was largely motivated by 
“the competition of the cold war, and the fact 
that Africa was clearly liberating herself and 
therefore had, for political reasons, to be wooed 
by the descendants of her former masters.” In its 
supporting brief in the Brown case, the Justice 
Department explained that “it is in the context 
of the present world struggle between freedom 
and [Communist] tyranny that the problem of 
racial discrimination must be viewed.” In other 
words, the United States Government understood 
very well that it would have difficulty making 
friends in Africa so long as the black American 
remained subjugated. Africans are highly con­
scious of the plight of black America, and they 
will be suspicious of the intentions of American 
foreign policy until they are convinced that the 
goal of American domestic policy is social justice 
for all.

I believe, furthermore, that our independenc" 
( C o n t in u e d  o n  P a g e  3 2 )

INCIDENT— T̂he author during a talk in Harlem on March 
18. When he rejected-the idea of a mass back-to-Africa move­
ment, he was interrupted and several eggs were thrown at him.

THE HEW YORK TIMES MASAZ



THE N E W  YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, JULY 3. 1910

D e c l a r a t i o n  O f  I n d e p e n d e n c e

IN  T H E BLACK COM M UNITY, July 4, 1970 A DECLARA­
TION by concerned Black Citizens of the United States of America 
in Black Churches, Schools, Homes, Community Organizations and 
Institutions assembled:

When in the course of Hurnan Events, it becomes necessary for a Peo­
ple who were stolen from the lands of their Fathers, transported under 
the most ruthless and brutal circumstances 5,000 miles to a strange 
land, sold into dehumanizing slavery, emasculated, subjugated, ex­
ploited and discriminated against for 351 years, to call, with finality, 
a halt to such indignities and genocidal practices — by virtue of the 
Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God, a decent respect to the Opinions 
of Mankind requires that they should declare their just grievances and 
the urgent and necessary redress thereof.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all Men are not only 
created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable 
rights among which are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness, 
but that when this equality and these rights are deliberately and con­
sistently refused, withheld or abnegated, men are bound by self-respect 
and honor to rise up in righteous indignation to secure them. When­
ever any Form of Government, or any variety of established traditions 
and systems of the Majority becomes destructive of Freedom and of le­
gitimate Human Rights, it is the Right of the Minorities to use every 
necessary and accessible means to protest and to disrupt the machinery 
of Oppression, and so to bring such general distress and discomfort 
upon the oppressor as to the offended Minorities shall seem most ap­
propriate and most likely to effect a proper adjustment of the society.

Prudence, indeed, will dictate that such bold tactics should not be 
initiated for light and transient Causes; and, accordingly, the Experi­
ence of White America has been that the descendants of the African 
citizens brought forcibly to these shores, and to the shores of the Car­
ibbean Islands, as slaves, have been patient long past what can be ex­
pected of any human beings so affronted. But when a long train of 
Abuses arid Violence, pursuing invariably the-gamefObject, manifests 
a Design to reduce them under Absolute Racist Domination and Injus­
tice, it is their Duty radically to confront such Government or system 
of traditions, and to provide, under the aegis of Legitimate Minority 
Povyer and Self Determination, for their present Relief and future Se­
curity. Such has been the patient Sufferance of Black People in the 
United States of America; and such is now the Necessity which con­
strains them to address this Declaration to Despotic White Power, and 
to give due notice of their determined refusal to be any longer silenced 
by fear or flattery, or to be denied justice. The history of the treatment 
of Black People in the United States is a history having in direct Object 
the EstaMishment and Maintenance of Racist Tyranny over this Peo­
ple. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid World.

The United States has evaded Compliance to laws the most wholesome 
and necessary for our Children’s education.

The United States has caused us to be isolated in the most dilapidated 
and unhealthful sections of all cities.

The United States has allowed election districts to be so gerrymandered 
that Black People find the right to Representation in the Legislatures 
almost impossible of attainment.

The United States has allowed the dissolution of school districts con­
trolled by Blacks when Blacks opposed with manly Firmness the white 
man’s Invasions on the Rights of our People.

Thê  United States has erected a Multitude of Public Agencies and 
Offices, and sent into our ghettos Swarms of Social Workers, Officers 
and Investigators to harass our People, and eat out their Substance to 
feed the Bureaucracies.

The United States has kept in our ghettos, in Times of Peace, Standing 
Armies of Police, State Troopers and National Guardsmen, without the 
consent of our People.

The United States has imposed Taxes upon us without protecting our 
Constitutional Rights.
The United States has constrained our Black sons taken Captive in its 
Armies, to bear arms against their black, brown and yellow Brothers, 
to be the Executioners of these Friends and Brethren, or to fall them­
selves by their Hands.
The Exploitation and Injustice of the United States have incited domes­
tic Insurrections among us, and the United States has endeavored to 
bring on the Inhabitants of our ghettos, the merciless Military Estab­
lishment, whose known Rule of control is an undistinguished shoot­
ing of all Ages, Sexes and Conditions of Black People:
For being lynched, burned, tortured, harried, harassed and imprisoned 
without Just Cause.
For being gunned down in the streets, in our churches, in our homes, 
in our apartments and on our campuses, by Policemen and Troops who 
are protected by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which 
they commit on the Inhabitants of our Communities.
For creating, through Racism and bigotry, an unrelenting Economic 
Depression in the Black Community which wreaks havoc upon our men 
and disheartens our youth.
For denying to most of us equal access to the better Housing and Edu­
cation of the land.
For having desecrated and torn down our humblest dwelling places, 
under the Pretense of Urban Renewal, without replacing them at costs 
which we can afford.
The United States has denied our personhood by refusing to teach our 
heritage, and the magnificent contributions to the life, wealth and 
growth of this Nation which have been made by Black People.
In every stage of these Oppressions we have Petitioned for Redress in 
the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered 
mainly by repeated Injury. A Nation, whose Character is thus marked 
by every act which may define a Racially Oppressive Regime, is unfit 
to receive the respect of a Free People.
Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our White Brethren. We have 
warned them from time to time of Attempts by their Structures of Power 
to extend an unwarranted. Repressive Control over us. We have remind­
ed them of the Circumstances of our Captivity and Settlement here. We 
have appealed to their vaunted Justice and Magnanimity, and we have 
conjured them by the Ties of our .Common Humanity to disavow these 
Injustices, which, would inevitably interrupt our Connections and Cor­
respondence. They have been deaf to the voice of Justice and of Human­
ity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the Necessity, which hereby an­
nounces our Most Firm Commitment to the Liberation of Black People, 
and hold the Institutions, Traditions and Systems of the United States as 
we hold the rest of the societies of Mankind, Enemies when Unjust and 
Tyrannical; when Just and Free, Friends.

We, therefore, the Black People of the United States of America, in 
all parts of this Nation, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for 
the Rectitude of our Intentions, do, in the Name of our good People 
and our own Black Heroes—Richard Allen, James Varick, Absalom 
Jones, Nat Turner, Frederick Douglass, Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, 
Martin Luther King, Jr., and all Black People past and present, great 
and small—Solemnly Publish and Declare, that we shall be, and of 
Right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT FROM TH E 
INJUSTICE, EXPLOITATIVE CONTROL, INSTITUTIONAL­
IZED VIOLENCE AND RACISM OF W HITE AMERICA, that 
unless we receive full Redress and Relief from these Inhumanities we 

iwill move to renounce all Allegiance to this Nation, and will refuse, in 
every way, to cooperate with the Evil which is Perpetrated upon our- 
\selves and our Communities. And for the support of this Declaration, 
'.vith a firm Reliance on the Protection of divine Providence, we mu­
tually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred 
Honor.

Signed, by Order and in behalf of Black People,

NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF BLACK CHURCHMEN, INC. 110 East 125th Street, New York, N. Y. 10035
SIGNATORIES and SPONSORS of NEW YORK TIMES “ad” on BLACK LIBERATION

* Father Lawrence Lucas, Roman C a tho lic , New  Y o rk , New  Yo rk
*Bishop H . B. Shaw, A .M .E .Z . Church , Pres. N CB C -W H m ing ton , N o rth  Caro lina
■*The Rev. Leon W . W atts, II, Associate Executive, N C B C , B rook lyn, N . Y .
*The Rev. M . L. W ilso n , Convent Avenue Baptist Church , N . Y . C .
The Rev. J . M e tx  Ro llin s  Jr., Executive N C B C , W h ite  P la ins, New  Yo rk  
The Rev. Charles S. Spivey, Jr ., D irecto r Dept. Social Ju stice  N .C .C ., N .Y .C .

*Thc Rev, Edier G . Hawkins, St. Augustine  Presbyterian Church , N .Y .C .
The Rev. A lb e rt  C leage, Shrine o f B lack Madonna, D etro it, M ich igan  

‘ The Rev, T o ll ie  Cau tion , Episcopal Church , New Y o rk  C ity  
The Rev. C a ro ll Fe lton, A .M .E . Z ion , Ch icago, I llin o is

•The Rev. W il l  H erz fe id , M issouri-Synod Lutheran Church , Oakland , C a lifo rn ia  
The Rev. Oscar M cC lou d , D ivision  Church  and Race, Un ited  Presbyterian 
The Rev. Robert C . Chapm an, Dept. Socia l Ju stice  N .C .C .
The Rev. M ance C . Jackson , C .M .E . Church , A t la n ta , Georgia
The Rev. Charles J . Sargent, Jr ., Am erican  Bap tis t Conven tion , N .Y .C .
The Rev. G ilb e rt  H . Ca ld w e ll, Executive M in is te r ia l Inte rfa ith  Assoc., N .Y .C .
The Rev. John P. C o llie r , A .M .E . Church , New  Y o rk , New  Yo rk  

'T h e  Rev. Ca lv in  B. M a rsh a ll, III, V a r ick  M em oria l A .M .E .Z . Church , Brook lyn, N .Y . 
The Rev. Q u in land Gordon. Episcopal Church , New  Yo rk , New Y o rk  
The Rev. Jam es E. Jones, W estm in ste r Presbyterian Church , Los Angeles, C a lif . 
The Rev. John H . Adam s, G ran t A .M .E . Church , Los Angeles, C a lif .

M r. Hayward Henry, B la ck  U n ita r ian -U n ive rsa lis t C aucus, Boston, M assachusetts 
The Rev. Vaughn  T . Eason, A .M .E .Z . Church , Ph ilade lph ia , Pennsylvan ia 
The Rev. R. L . Speaks, F irs t A .M .E .Z . Church , Brook lyn, New  Y o rk
The Rev. Charles L. W arren , Executive, C oun c il o f Churches o f G reater W ash ing ton, D.C.
The Rev. E. W e llin g to n  Bu tts , 11, N a tiona l Chairm an , B lack Presbyterians Un ited , Englewood, New Jersey 
The Rev. Jefferson  P. Rogers, Church  of the Redeemer, Presbyterian, U.S. W ash ing ton , D.C .
M iss  Janet Doug las, New Y o rk , New  Y o rk  
M rs . Frank E. Jones, New  Y o rk , New  Y o rk
The Rev. Lawrence A . M il le r ,  A .M .E .Z . Church , Durham , N o rth  Carolina
The Rev. Bennie W h iten , New  Y o rk  C ity  M iss ion  Society, New  Y o rk , N .Y .
The Rev. George M cM u rra y , A .M .E .Z ., New Y o rk , New  Yo rk
The Rev. Charles Cobb, U .C .C . Com m iss ion  on Racial Ju stice , New Y o rk , N .Y .

*The Rev. W il lia m  C . A rd rcy , A .M .E .Z ,, D etro it, M ich igan
The Rev. C larence Cave, Un ited  Presbyterian Church , Ph ilade lph ia , Pennsylvania
The Rev. J . C lin to n  Hoggard, A .M .E .Z . Church , New Y o rk , New Yo rk
B lack Econom ic Developm ent Conference, Brook lyn, New  Y o rk  ‘
I.F.C.O . B la ck  Caucus, New Y o rk , New  Y o rk
The M in is te r ia l Inte rfa ith  A sso c ia tion , New  Y o rk , New Y o rk
The Rev. W . M arcus W illia m s , A n tio ch  Bap tis t Church  N o rth , A t la n ta , Georgia 3 03 1 8  
The Rev. Jam es M . Lawson, U n ited  M e tho d is t Church , M em ph is, T cnn .

• Members of Executive Committee.



THE N E W  YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, JU LY 3,1970

RAHAM DEFENDS 
PATRIOTIC RALLY

e Denies Purpose Is to Aid 
Nixon's Vietnam Policy

By JOHN BERBERS
Sp«l«l to Th« York Tlmej

WASHINGTON, July 2 — 
lonsors o f Honor America 
;y sought today to show that 

July 4 celebration would be 
npolitical, neutral on the war 
d an occasion at which long- 
ired youths and “hard hat” 
triots would feel welcome. 
The Rev. Billy Graham, the 
angelist and a cochairman of 

event, spent much of a 45- 
nute news conference deny- 

allegations that the Inde- 
ndence Day rally was intend- 
to wrap the Nixon war pol­
io a cloak of religion and 

triotism.
“This is not hawks versus 
ves. Republicans versus 
mocrats or whites versus 

acks,” Mr. Graham said. “It 
all of us together.”
The events will begin at 
30 A.M. with a nondenomi- 
tional religious service on the 
!ps on the Lincoln Memorial, 
rticipants will include Mr. 
■aham; the Most Rev. Fulton 
Sheen, titular Archibishop of 
wport; Rabbi Marc H. Tanen- 
,um; Dr. E.V. Hill, pastor of 
ount Zion Missionary Baptist 
urch in the black section of 

>s Angeles, and Pat Boone and' 
;t Smith, singers.

Variety Show Planned 
Mr. Graham said that he 
ould consider 5,000 to 10,000 

the service a “good crowd” 
cause it “couldn’t be at a 
orse time,” and no special ar- 
ngements were being made to 
nsport people to Washington. 
The big event is scheduled in 

evening when Bob Hope, 
other cosponsor, leads a 

riety show on the Washing- 
Monument grounds, fol- 

wed by the usual fireworks 
splay. Mr. Hope has said that 
expects 400,000 for this.

In the early afternoon, fol-, 
wing the ceremony at the Lin- 
In Memorial, there will be a 
rade from the memorial 
)wn Constitution Avenue to 

Ellipse, where a huge 
nerican flag will be flanked 

flags of the 50 states. Boy 
outs will hand out 100,000 
iniature American flags that 

participants will plant in a 
lecial area.
Because the event appears to 
dominated by supporters of 

esident Nixon and his poll- 
es in Southeast Asia, Mr. 
raham was asked if all of this 
ould not further alienate 
)uths and others who have 
>me to believe that the flag 
id patriotic ceremonies in re­
nt years have been taken 
er by war advocates and the 
ilitical right.
The Rev. Douglas Moore, 
ader in Washington’s Black 
nited Front, had earlier in the 
eek branded the event 
acist carrousei,” Also, the 
ev. Philip Newell of the 
reater Washington Council of 
hurches, had resigned as 
rtidpant, charging that Presi- 

ent Nixon, through Mr. Gra- 
am, was “imposing his partic- 
iar religious beliefs on the 
iremonies.”

Unity Calied Goal 
Mr. Graham, speaking to a 

rowded news conference in the 
fayflower Hotel, said he hoped 

the ceremonies would 
ring unity, not division.
“The purpose of Honor Amer- 

;a Day is to say that the flag

Shultz, Hodgson and 2 Budget Agency Aides Sworn LIBRARIANS URGE 
SECRECY ON DATA

Associated Press
President Nixon w ith  Jam es D. H odgson, center, w ho w as sw orn in  as Secretary o f Labor, 
and his predecessor, George P. Shultz, n o w  director o f Office o f  M anagem ent and B ud get

SAN CLEMENTE, Calif., 
July 2 (AP)—^President Nixon 
presided at a quadruple oath­
taking ceremony today that 
marked the formal beginning 
of an Administration plan to 
reform handling of the Fed­
eral budget.

Under a warm sun on the 
lawn behind Mr. Nixon’s of­
fice at the Western White 
House, former Secretary of 
Labor George P. Shultz was

sworn in as the first director 
of the new Office of Maaage- 
ment and Budget. Also sworn 
in was James D. Hodgson as 
Mr. Shultz’s replacement in 
the labor post.

Taking oaths, too, were 
Caspar W. Weinberger, for­
mer chairman of the Federal 
Trade Commision, as deputy 
director of the new budget 
agency, and Arnold R. Weber, 
formerly an Assistant Secre­
tary of Labor, to be the budg-^

et agency’s associate director.
The oaths were adminis­

tered by Chief Judge Thur­
mond Clarke of the United 
States District Court for the 
central district of California,

Mr. Nixon spoke warmlv 
about all the officeholdeip 
and, referring to Mr. Shultz, 
said, “I think we have thp 
man who can do something 
about reorganizing the execu» 
tive branch of government.”*

They Call Record on Books 
Withdrawn Confidential

By HENRY RAYMONT
Special to The New York Timet

DETROIT, July 2 — A com­
mittee of the American Library 
Association has held that rec­
ords of books withdrawn from 
libraries must be considered 
confidential and should not be 
yielded to investigative agen­
cies without a court order.

In a report disclosed today 
at the association’s annual 
meeting here, the Intellectual 
Freedom Committee pledged le­
gal support to any library or 
librarian willing to contest such 
a subpoena.

The committee’s decision is 
in response to several recent 
cases where United State Trea­
sury Department agents re­
quested loan lists to identify 
persons who had checked out 
books on guns and explosives 
A detailed account of such ac­
tion was submitted to the group 
by Vivien Maddox, director of 
the Public Library of Milwaukee 
who was ordered to release the 
records by the City Attorney.

We feel that the control 
over such matters must remain 
in the hands of the trustees or 
governing boards of the libra­
ries” said Edwin Castagna, 
chairman of the committee and 
director of the Enoch Pratt Free 
Library of Baltimore.

A ‘Policy Guideline’
Mr. Castagna said that the 

group’s report, adopted yester­
day at an executive session, 
would be circulated to the 
association’s 30,000 members 
as a “policy guideline,” leaving 
it up to each library adminis­

tration to carry it out in its 
own way.

The legal implications of the 
committee’s argument are far- 
reaching. For the association’s 
top officials are eager to estab­
lish by law what they believe 
to be an essential corollary to 
the principle of freedom to read 
—that an individual’s dealings 
with a librarian be accorded 
the same confidential treatment 
as that accorded the relation­
ship between a physician and 
his patient.

Dr. William S. Dix, the out­
going president of the associa­
tion and university librarian at 
Princeton University, said in an 
interview today that the com­
mittee’s position was “extreme­
ly analogous” to that adopted 
by newspapers and television 
networks toward subpoenas for 
unused film and reporters’ notes 
recently issued by the Depart­
ment of Justice.

Without saying so outright, 
the committee clearly intended 
libraries to take a similarly 
firm stand in the hope that 
court test might find such sub­
poenas unconstitutional.

Speaking at a committee 
panel titled “Confound the 
Censor,” Miss Maddox said that 
the Treasury agents had visited 
the library several times in 
May, asking to see borrowing 
slips between January, 1969, 
and April, 1970, for all books 
labeled “explosives.”

She said that the records 
listed about 15 such titles and 
10 borrowers, but that the li­
brary would not disclose the 
identity of the borrowers.

The records were finally re­
leased after the City Attorney 
ruled “there is no such thing 
as private records” in a public 
library. She said that the library 
board was weighing the possi­
bility of taking the matter to 
court.

The committee’s report was 
prepared with the help of Alex 
P. AUain, a civil rights lawyer 
and trustee of the library of

St. Mary Parish, Franklin, La., 
who has long been active in 
censorship cases.

Dr. AUain also headed an in­
vestigation by the committee of 
charges brought by Joan Bodg- 
er, a children’s book consultant, 
against the state library at Co­
lumbia, Mo.

Though the report on the in­
vestigation will not be made 
public until August, it was 
learned that the group support­
ed Miss Bodger’s charge that 
she had been dismissed “arbi­
trarily” for having publicly de­
fended the right of an 
underground newspaper to be 
circulated on the college cam­
pus.

In a related development. Dr. 
AUain, who is chairman of the 
Freedom to Read Foundation, a 
private civil rights group an­
nounced today that Miss Bodg- 
er would be awarded $500 for 
financial hardship” suffered 

on account of her dismissal.
After being unemployed for 

six months, she was hired as 
an editor by Random House.

Pmley Is Suspended 
From Ulster Parliament

BELFAST, Northern Ire­
land, July 2 (Reuters)— T̂he 
Rev. Ian Paisley, the Protes­
tant Unionist extremist, was 
suspended from the Parlia­
ment today after heated ex­
changes with the Speaker.

He refused repeated re­
quests from the Speaker, Ivan 
Neill, to resume his seat until 
finally he was escorted out 
of the chamber by the ser­
geant-at-arms.

“If you lend me a sword 
I would decapitate a few of 
these people before I leave,” 
Mr. Paisley shouted as he 
was marched out.

The duration of the sus­
pension was not immediately 
known.

She is the author of “How the 
Heather Look,” a reference 
book on children’s literature 
published by the Viking Press.

E u r o p e :Urban Forums
New towns, urban growth policies, land use control. 
Urban planning, social housing, urban renewal. 
PoMution control, waste management. European 
building systems, industrialized housing. Urban 
mass transit, transportation systems.
Initiated in 1968 by Urban America, study tours in these 

fields provide an opportunity for professionals, citizen 
leaders and public officials to observe and learn from the 
experience of their European counterparts. Working 
sessions and on-site inspections throughout, with resource 
people from the US and abroad. For more detailed 
information write to Institute for Study Forums Abroad, 
1707 L Street, NW, Washington, DC 20036 (202) 659-5757.

Kennedy when he was Presi­
dent than I have for President 
Nixon.” he said, adding that 
he had been a confidant, too, 
of Presidents Eisenhower and 
Johnson.

’Mr. Hope, too, has been a 
friend of all these Presidents,” 
Mr. Graham said, “so the event 
is nonpartisan and nonpolitical.”

Politics aside, would long­
haired youths who feel ali­
enated by American institutions 
feel comfortable at the rally 
Mr. Graham was asked.

“I have just come from New 
York where we conducted a 
crusade, and we had a lot of 
young people with long hair,” 
he said. “Hair and sideburns 
are a matter of personal taste.

“We have got to give young 
people a faith to believe 
he said, adding, that there was 
a need to restore faith in home, 
church, education and govern­
ment.

Other sponsors of the event 
stressed that they had done 
everything they could to broad­
en the spectrum of participants, 
and that they had had some 
success. To the list of enter­
tainers that includes Jack 
Benny, Dinah Shore,- Dorothy 
Lamour, Red Skelton and Fred 
Waring, they added today the 
name of James Brown, the soul 
singer.

America Day evening entertain­
ment program. United Press In­
ternational reported.

At the same time, the Amer­
ican Broadcasting Company 
announced that it was holding 
to its original plans to cover 
only the morning news events 
of the day from the Lincoln 
Memorial.

C.B.S. Reverses Stand
The Columbia Broadcasting 

System reversed itself yester­
day and agreed to televise a 
one-hour segment of the Honor

Brazil Says 4 Rio Hijackers 
Sought to Free 40 in Prison

RIO DE JANEIRO, July 2 
(Reuters) — Four hijackers 
overwhelmed by troops in an 
airport assault here yesterday 
were trying to force the release 
of 40 political prisoners, the 
Brazilian Government said to­
day.

The Air Ministry made pub­
lic the text of a letter the 
hijackers left -in the airport' 
post office, saying that when 
some preliminary demands had 
been met by the authorities 
“we shall release the list of 40 
comrades who must accompany 
us” to Cuba.

“The comrades must come 
aboard within a time limit of 
12 hours and according to the 
numerical order on the list,” 
the letter said.

It added that “only the num­
ber of passengers necessary to 
give their places to our com 
rades will be allowed to leave 
the plane.” There were 34 pas­
sengers in the airliner.

THINK FRESH: 
AID FRESH AIR FUND.

elongs to all Americans,” he 
aid.

What about his close per- 
onai relationship with Presi- 
ent Nixon, Mr. Graham was 
sked.

“I preached more for John

Conviction Overturned 
In Desecration of Flag
PHILADELPHIA, July 2 

(AP) — Pennsylvania’s Su­
preme Sourt says that it is 
egal under state law to dese­

crate the American flag “it 
the desecration takes place 
at a political demonstration.” 

The state’s highest court, 
a 5-to-2 decision, threw 

out the conviction of Stephen 
H. Haugh for displaying on 
July 4, 1967, a flag that bore 
the printed words “Make 
love not war” and “The new 
American revolutionaries.” 

The demonstration at State 
College, site of Pennsylvania 
State University, protested 
United States involvement in 
Vietnam.

Justice Samuel Roberts 
aid that the law forbidding 

desecration of the flag “does 
ot apply to any patriotic or 

political demonstration or 
ecorations.”

’’Haugh was obviously par- 
iclpating in a demonstration 
lOncerning a political issue,” 
ustice Roberts wrote for the 
najority. “We hold therefore 
hat the Legislature, by ex­

cepting a ’patriotic or politi­
cal demonstration’ did not 

make illegal appellant’s con­
duct.”

There was no dissenting 
opinion.

IXTREMEIY LARGE STOCK
ijs 'til 10

PICKWICK
BOOKSHOPS
0 Stores Servins So. Callti

MAIN SHOP 
473 Hollywood Blvd., Hollywood

COtUGES t  UNIVERSITIES

Second Summer Session Begins
Monday, July 20 

for /nformetion if'rit* or Pfiont 
285-3326-7

m  OOUIGIs 41 Park Raw, R.YX.

PUBLIC NOTICE

NOTICE OP APPLICATION TO THE COMMISSIONER OF 
GENERAL SERVICES FOR A GRANT OF LAND UNDER WATER.

TAKE NOTICE, that the undersigned -wUl, on the 1st day of September, 1970, 
make an application to the Commissioner of General Services for a grant of the 
land under water hereinafter described. Any person deeming himself liable to

----- . . . . .  file With said Commissioner, a t the
...................................................- -..............-t remonstrance, stating his reasons

for opposing said grant.
The land under water above mentioned is bounded and described as follows, 

to wit:
All that parcel of land now or formerly under the waters of East River, 

in the Counties of New York and Queens, City and State of New York,
bounded and described as follows:

Beginning 
under wati

a t the northeast corner of Parcel ^lo of a  grant of land
......  — ir  to Consolidated Edison Company of New York, Inc. dated

April 19, 1965; said point being north thirteen degrees, fifty-five min­
utes, nine seconds east, one thousand, five hundred eighty-one and 
sixteen hundredths feet from the intersection of the U.S. Pierhead and............................... - .........- ___ ntersectlon of the I
Bulkhead Line with the northerly line of 20th Avenue (Co-ordinates 
S.29.219.944-E. 14,554.538); thence along the northerly line of said 
Parcel CIO in the waters of East River south fifty-three degrees, forty- 
seven minutes. seven seconds west, one hundred eight and thirteen 
hundredths feet; thence north twenty degrees, four minutes, fifty-five 
seconds east, seven hundred fifty-seven and seventy-six hundredths 
feet to the prolongation of the northerly line of Parcel C4 of said grant 
to Consolidated Edison Company of New York, Inc.; thence along said 
prolongation north seventy-four degrees, twenty-two minutes, twenty- 
two seconds east, seventy-three and eighty-nine hundredths feet to 
the westerly line Of said Parcel C4; thence along said westerly lirie south 
twenty degrees, four minutes, fifty-five seconds west, seven hundred
talning(1.01 J

degrees, four minutes, fifty-five seconds west, seven hunt 
L ninety-three -hundredths feet to the point of beginning, < 
forty-four thousand, slxty-two square feet, more or :

All bearings are referred to the Tenth Avenue Meridiafi,
The land of the undersigned applicant, adjacent to the land* applied for. is 

bounded on the north and west by the East River, on the south by 20th ‘
■ of the

.............  . ..  by the East River. on the south by "2*0th Avenue,
. . .  —  by Steinway Creek, and said adjacent land of the applicant is 

actually occupied by the applicant, being its Astoria electric generating station.
It Is the Intention of the undersigned to appropriate said land under water 

by improving the same as follows:
Construction of a screenwelt house 
and sheeted discharge canal for 
new generating units.

Dated, New York, June 24, 1970.
CONSOLIDATED EDISON COMPANY OF NEW YORK, INC.

(Fost Office Address) 
4 Irving Place 
New York, N.Y. 10003 

JOHN M. KEEGAN 
Attorney for Applicant
130 East 15th Street
New York, N.Y. 10003

What became 
of “tradition” at 
West Point?

3806 Leisure Villagers used to live 
in 514 cities and towns in 24 states 
and the District of Columbia

You’re bound to make new friends there.
Leisure Villagers are certainly 

quite diverse.
They comp from 514 cities 

and towns irj 24 states and the 
District of Columbia.

Though their backgrounds are 
extremely interesting and var­
ied, the almost 4,000 residents 
have one trait in common.

They’re the friendliest people 
you’re evfer likely to come 
across. Anywhere.

own round-the-clock security 
force. Or it could be economic 
peace of mind; prices and 
monthly costs at Leisure Village 
fit comfortably into retirement 
budgets.

Regardless of the reason, the 
friendliness is there. And you 
can sense it almost from the first 
moment you arrive. In the warm­
hearted greetings. In the many 
offers to help you get settled. In 
the cordial invitations to join in

the get-togethers and the activi­
ties of the various clubs. In the 
comradeship you find in the var­
ious hobby workshops and stu­
dios. In the helping hand when 
you need it.

How come?

So, if you’re thinking about 
retirement living, look into 
Leisure Village’s active, wonder­
ful way of life. Where you’ll have 
the most interesting and friendly 
neighbors from all over the 
country. Even, perhaps, from 
your home town.

Living at Leisure Village  
seems to make them so.

They don't say "yes, sirl" any mote. Now 
it's "why, sir?" Find out how the United 
States Military Academy prepares men 
for a "thinking man's army."

Sunday in 
The NewYork 
Times Magazine

Perhaps it’s because they’re 
so happy with their apartments 
and all the adjacent recreation 
facilities. Maybe it’s because 
they’re so relaxed from living in 
a protected community with its

Condominium Apartments 
from $16,000 to $35,000.
Estimateil front $87.67 a month.

Of no mortgage loan is required) 
including all >recreaiional facilities, 
interior and exterior maintenance, 
intra-community transportation, 
electricity, heating, taxes, water 

and sewage.

HOW TO GET TO LEISURE VILLAGE AT LAKEWOOD
(A) Take Garden State Parkway to Exit 88,
(B) Take New Jersey Turnpike South 
to Exit 11, then South on Garden State 
Parkway to Exit 88. (C) Take Route 9 
South to Route 70. Then take Route 70 
East tor 3  miles.

Write fw Free Brochure to Dept en n Leisure Village, Lakewood, N. J. 08701

^  L e i s u r e  V i l l a g e
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AT EXIT S8 OF THE GARDEN STATE PARKWAY, LAKEWOOD, NEW JERSEY

THIS ADVERTISEMENT IS HOT AN OFFERING, WHICH CAN BE MADE ORIT BY A FORMAl PROSPECTDl



behind the Riots
Some See Lawlessness, 
Violence as Response  ̂
To Unfulfilled Hopes ^

‘Callous’ Congress, Vietnam 
Outlays Blamed; the Role 
Of Black Power Minimized

Are the Communists Involved?

A W a ll  St r e e t  J o u r n a l  News Roundup
The summer of 1967 may be marked by fu­

ture historiaus as the point in time when the 
American Negro finally lost all hope in the 
vhite man.

That, at least, is the dismal conclusion of 
scores of psychologists, sociologists, social 
workers, poverty workers, civil rights leaders 
and others as they try to understand the horror 
of the past few days. It does not excuse the 
horror in the slightest, they say, but how else 
to explain the scores of dead, the thousands of 
injured, the waves of looters and destroyers, 
the rattle of rifle fire and the flames of arson 

all striking the cities of the U.S. within a 
short space in this hottest of all summers

Whether this will indeed be the summer of 
lost hope depends, of course, on whether both 
Negroes and whites can learn anything new 
from the current chaos. It may be, some 
observers suggest, that this season will be 
remembered as a bitter but brief interlude in a 
decades-long but finally successful drive to­
ward real equality. But only time can tell if 
this is to be. Right now, it is possible to say 
only that the deepest gulf divides black and 
white America and that it has opened to fright­
ening, obvious proportions all at once.
A Flash Point

No one knows precisely what makes any 
particular time a flash point for racial turmoil. 
But the opinions and observations of scores of 
Negroes and whites familiar with ghetto moods 
indicate the blowup this summer could have 
been predicted.

Over the past 'few years, they claim, the 
Negro has been given hope and then rebuffed, 
shown the fruits of an affluence he could not 
share, encouraged to uplift himself and then 
blocked when he tried to move up a rung on the 
social and economic ladder. They paint a pic­
ture of mounting fury as the white man seemed 
lately to turn much of his attention away from 
the plight of the Negro.

In the eyes of some Negroes, there has not 
only been neglect but insult. “The white com­
munity can’t treat Muhammpd Ali (Cassius 
Clay), Adam aay to n  Powell and Julian Bond 
the way they have and not expect s6me re­
bound,'’ says Floyd McBJ-ssick, iiationaJ. direc-. 
tor of the Congress of Racial Equality. He sees 
such “emasculation” of the black male as a  
spur to many ghetto youths to “prove their 
manhood.”

“Callous” Congress?
Whitney Young, executive director of the 

National Urban League, senses a growing “cal­
lousness” on the part of Congress that he be­
lieves has helped lay the groundwork for riots. 
“The lawmakers voted down civil rights legis­
lation last year, opposed a rat-control bill last 
week—and then made a lot of Jokes about the 
measure,” he says. “This frivolity isn’t de­
signed to end rioting.”

Father Donald Mcllvaine, a  white priest 
who has been working with the National Asso­
ciation for the Advancement of Colored People 
in Pittsburgh, as well as with a committee to 
end slum housing there, says Congress has 
failed to do anything positive. “They passed a 
riot b i ll -a  person ’ attack on Stokely Carmi­
chael—and made a big gag out of something 
we really need (the rat-control bill),” he says.

To many sources, the war in Vietnam, by 
draining away national attention and resources 
from civil rights and urban redevelopment, has 
heightened Negro resentment. Few analysts of 
the situation believe that lawless bands of loot­
ers and snipers take to the streets out of con­
scious outrage against this diversion. But 
many agree with the Rev. James P. Breeden, a 
Boston minister and civil rights leader, that 
■'the ironic contrast between the nation’s abil­
ity to mobilize resources tor Vietnam, and its 
seeming inability to do much for its cities and 
their residents, certainly helps breed more dis­
content.”
A University Study

Just last month a research team at Bran- 
deis University in Waltham, Mass., rushed out 
a preliminary report on studies it has been 
making of urban violence. One conclusion: The 
nation’s “huge investment in Vietnam has 
wrought havoc” with a variety of new Federal 
programs, such as the war on poverty and the 
Model Cities plan, thus adding to Negro discon­
tent.

Most informed sources discount the idea 
that Black Power advocates and Communists 
have engineered the alraost-simultaneous riot­
ing in dozens of cities—though they don’t deny 
they both may have had some involvement in 
the trouble. Inflammatory speeches by H. Rap. 
Brown and Stokely Carmichael of the Student 
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee have been 
blamed by state and local officials for blowups 
in such places as Cambridge, Md., and Dayton, 
Ohio; however, while analysts concede that 
such statements may have contributed to a 
spirit of rebellion, they do not believe that they 
created 'it.

Most analysts see Black Power leaders as 
articulate spokesmen for Negro bitterness, 
hatred and pride—but they don’t  believe that 
Messrs. Carmichael, Brown or any of the other 
members of the black extremist groups have 
originated the destructive emotions now evi­
dent among Negroes; rather, they are the 
products of them.

Pew doubt, however, that as a slogan Black 
Power has served as a rallying point for law- 
iessness. “The tragedy of all this is that the 
ghetto Negro has equated Black Power with 
violence,” says Barbara Jordan, a  Texas state 
senator from Houston and a Negro herself. 
Others observe that for several years now 
“civil disobedience” hgs been countenanced by 
whites when it is practiced by leaders like 
Martin Luther King; ghetto youths,, impatient 
for results, have extended such “civil disobedi­
ence” to embrace arson, looting, sniping and 

Please Turn to Page 22, Column 3



Bfibkid the Riots: 
Unfulfilled Hopes Seen 
As Root of Violence

Continued From  Page One 
all other violent forms of protest in the name of 
Black Power.

Communists and Negroes organized into ex­
tremist political groupings don’t appear to 
have had a leading role in the current troubles 
—at least as far as investigators can ascertain 
now. However, Washington intelligence gather­
ers have identified Communist Party  members 
who egged on Negroes during racial violence in 
Chicago in 1966 and Los Angeles in 1965. And 
they claim leaders of the party’s youth arm  
were distributing posters in the Cleveland riots 
last year.

Federal officials also say that radical politi­
cal groups have’ been active in Detroit for 
some time and that their membership in that 
riot-scarred metropolis is relatively large. The 
officials aren’t ready, however, to conclude 
that these organizations touched off the Detroit 
violence, though they think they may have con­
tributed to it. Such groups evidently had little 
if anything to do with the big upheaval in New­
ark, according to the Federal men.

If it is wrong to put the major share of 
blame for racial turmoil on Black Power advo­
cates, Communists and radical groupings 
within the Negro community, it is, equally 
wrong to ascribe the riots to just a  handful of 
lawless bandits, as do some city fathers. Or so 
say many informed sources.

Ghetto discontent, they claim, is far deeper 
and far wider than that. Youths may start the 
trouble, but a  considerable segment, of the pop­
ulation either joins them or cheers them on in 
many riots, they say. To these observers, 
that’s just one more sign that more Negroes, 
including many of those from whom “trouble” 
ordinarily wouldn’t be expected, are suffering 
from a deep-seated disillusionment and now 
feel that force is the only way to make the 
white man pay attention.

Paul Anthony, executive director of the 
Southern Regional Council, an Atlanta-based 
organization working for racial harmony, says: 
“These people who live in intolerable condi­
tions and know it have had their hopes raised 
very high. They have been told by the most au­
thoritative voices in the country, including the 
President, that there will be re tw in ii^  for bet­
ter jobs, that there will be beter schools, bet­
ter housing. But the actual road map shows 
otherwise.”



( C S n t in u e d  f r o m  P a g e  3 0 )  
movement has also influenced 
the thinking of black Ameri­
cans toward Africa and toward 
themseives. I have returned to 
the United States many times 
since my first visit in 1956, 
and have observed a remark­
able transformation in the 
biack’s attitude toward Africa. 
Thirteen years ago Africa was 
seen as a mere curiosity, a 
jungle country of primitive 
peopie. This is not surprising, 
since the image that all Ameri­
cans had of Africa was cre­
ated by sensationai noveis and 
Hoiiywood films that were far 
more indicative of American 
values than of actual life in 
Africa. Of course, there were 
some exceptions, iike Dr. W. 
E. B. DuBois; but the majority 
of black Americans either were 
ashamed of their association 
with Africa or were entirely 
indifferent to her.

These attitudes changed rap­
idly as much of Africa gained 
independence. New states and 
leaders took their place in the 
world community. African 
flags flew high and the na­
tional anthems of the new 
nations were sung with dig­
nity. Respected statesmen, 
scientists and professional 
men became visible represen­
tatives of Africa, thereby de­
stroying the stereotypes that 
had existed for so long. Many 
black Americans observed 
these phenomena at first with 
disbelief, but soon their shame 
in their African heritage was 
transformed into great pride, 
and they began to identify 
with Africa with great in­
tensity. Indeed, it can be said 
that some of them became, in 
a sense, more African than 
the Africans.

It is important that this 
new identification be under­
stood within its proper con­
text. Most African leaders 
have emphasized the u n iv e r ­
s a l i t y  of the black man’s 
struggle for freedom and 
equality. Thus, we see the 
gains made in Africa as rep­
resenting battles won in a 
much bigger war that must 
CO' '.nue until total victory is 
a' .eved. It is in this spirit 
that African states accept as 
their responsibility struggles 
that continue in parts of our 
continent not yet freed from 
colonialism and white racist 
domination. Thus, the new na­
tions of Africa will not be 
entirely free until the black 
man is liberated in South 
Africa, Namibia, Rhodesia, 
Angola and Mozambique.

The social movemei^* ^  
black people in the l/nileS,

States is also part of this uni­
versal struggle for equality 
and human dignity for all our 
people. We cannot survive as 
free nations if there is any 
part of the world in which 
people of African descent are 
degraded. This is the context 
in which African Interest and 
aspirations extend'beyond the 
borders of our individual na­
tions and of our continent. 
This is also the basis of the 
long - standing collaboration 
between African nationalists 
and black leaders from other 
lands. The heroes of the 
black man’s struggle Include 
those who fought in Africa as 
well as in America. A. Philip 
Randolph and Jomo Kenyatta 
are universal black spokes­
men, as were the late Malcolm 
X and Dr. Martin Luther King 
Jr. Africa is the birthplace of 
the black man, but his home 
is the world. To us, this is the 
meaning of total independ-: 
ence. We refuse to think of 
being free in Africa but 
treated as inferiors the mo­
ment we step out of the con-i 
tinent.

I n  this decade the black man 
has made enormous progress, 
in Africa and elsewhere. It is 
our political decade. Particu­
larly in America, the society 
has been forced to undergo a 
genuine social revolution in 
response to the black struggle. 
Special note must be taken 
of the role of young people 
in this cause. Their fearless­
ness, resourcefulness and re­
solve must be recognized and 
encouraged. My only regret is 
that many of our leaders and 
people in Africa have not had 
the opportunity to visit the 
United States and thus do not 
fully appreciate the new mood 
of militancy and self-assur­
ance that prevails there 
among black people.

African nationalism is, by 
its very nature, integrationist, 
in that its primary objective is 
to mold numerous tribes into 
a single political entity. Tribal­
ism, in fact, was one of the 
major obstacles in the way of 
independence, and it remains 
a problem today, as can be 
seen in the Nigerian-Biafran 
conflict. The European co­
lonial powers tried for a long 
time to build up tribal an­
tagonisms in order to weaken 
nationalist opposition to their 
rule. Local energies that.jveris- 
channeled into tribal hb’̂ 'ilL- 
ties obviously- nould not -be 
used to.-repose ’̂ iojualisra, 
an ^ Jf  ̂ np. tri{se.^c«p«b- lioj. 
! ^ l i 9'it}^.EttrirtBBns, the lat 

I m t '  wWuldUbemend another 
■'tribe, rament tribal conflict.

BACK TO AFRICA— Marcus Garvey, who urged in the 
twenties that Negroes establish separate nations. This 
idea, the author says, gains new popularity every time 
blacks are given new hope tor equality, then disappointed.

and then watch the fighting 
from the sidelines as “neutral” 
observers. This was the 
straightforward tactic of di- 
vide-and-rule.

This tactic is by no means 
unique either to Africa or to 
colonialism. In Northern Ire­
land, for example, conserva­
tive aristocrats have been able 
to maintain their power by 
playing on the religious hos­
tilities between working-class 
Protestants and Catholics, and 
have thereby prevented the 
emergence of a broad-based 
opposition. A kind of religious 
tribalism is thus obstructing 
the formation of a unified 
and progressive political force 
there, and in the United 
States I would think that the 
same role is played by racial 
and ethnic tribalism.

J u st  as the African must 
reconcile the differences be­
tween his tribal and his 
national identity, so too must 
the black American realize to 
the fullest extent his potential 
as a black man and as an 
American, I find his task an 
extraordinarily difficult one, 
particularly because he has 
been part of an oppressed 
racial minority. His new as­
sertiveness is important here. 
He has cast off the myth of 
racial inferiority, and he is 
demanding that he be treated 
with dignity. But the dangqr 
is that his racial pr^de. may

become a form of racialism 
that would be unfortunate not 
only from a moral point of 
view, but also from a political 
one, in that he would be sepa­
rated from potential allies. 
From the African point of 
view, the black man’s strug­
gle in America must assert 
the right of equal treatment 
and opportunity. I have not 
found a single African who 
believes in a black demand 
for a separate state or for 
equality through isolation.

The contradiction between 
black nationalism and Ameri­
can nationalism can lead to 
much confusion, particularly 
when black nationalists, in 
search of a national base that 
they cannot find at home, 
turn to Africa. There is the 
possibility that they want to 
identify with Africans on a 
purely racial basis—^which is 
unrealistic since they are 
citizens of different nations. 
I think it is this confusion that 
has led some black Americans 
to try to impose upon the 
American political situation 
concepts and ideologies that 
grew out of the African ex­
perience with colonialism and 
imperialism. Thus, writers like 
Frantz Fanon have become 
popular in certain black 
American circles, even though 
these very writers wou.ld be 
the last to want their ideas 
exported to other continents, 
Fanon, for example, wrote 

'th a t “the test cases of civil

liberty whereby both whites 
and blacks in America try to 
drive back racial discrimina­
tion have very little in com­
mon in principles and ob­
jectives with the heroic fight 
of the Angolan people against 
the detestable Portuguese co­
lonialism.”

Fanon, who advocated the 
use of violence by the op­
pressed, is popular among 
some black Americans be­
cause of their tremendous 
frustration with the conditions 
under which they must live. 
The fact that these black 
Americans would turn to an 
African for guidance may be 
an indication of why some of 
them are now thinking of 
patriating to Africa. I think 
the reason is, again, their 
frustration, as well as their 
inability or unwillingness to 
resolve the tension between 
their racial and national 
identities.

At this point I should deal 
with the specific question of 
the Kenya Government’s atti­
tude toward a motion tabled ^  
in our Parliament last year. ^  
Reference was mads to this 
motion at the Harlem meeting. W 
Some of the Afro-Americans 
who spoke to me were angry 
that our Government had re­
jected a motion calling for 
automatic citizenship for any 
black American who wished 
to come to settle in Kenya. 
The point here is a legal one. 
The fact is that even Africans  ̂
coming from neighboring >.; 
states cannot acquire auto­
matic citizenship. The Consti­
tution lays down the con­
ditions that must be fulfilled 
by all persons who wish to 

; become citizens. We could not 
! discriminate in favor of any 

group without first having to 
amend the Constitution itself.

, The point must also be made 
that our Government has to

retain the right to keep out un­
desirable individuals; i.e., peo-' 
pic with criminal records, 
mental cases or others whose 
presence would create prob­
lems for our new nation.

I know that those who meet 
the conditions will be able to 
acquire citizenship as easily 
as have many foreigners since 
Kenya’s independence. Kenya 
has a large body of non-black 
and non-African citizens. At 
the time of independence we 
gave all persons of non-Afri­
can origin two years to become 
citizens by registration, and 
more than 40,000 Asians as 
well as thousands of Euro­
peans took advantage of this. 
Since December, 1965, when 
the two-year period ended.

many more have become citi­
zens through the Naturaliza­
tion Act. This method is 
available to foreigners even 
today. What is more, we now 
have many more foreigners in 
Kenya who have come as 
businessmen, technicians, etc., 
since independence, and who. 
enjoy protection under the 
law without actually being 
citizens.

X eRHAPS some of our critics 
do not realize that we, too, 
have the many problems con­
fronting black people in 
America. We have our slums, 
our imemployed and other 
social shortcomings. Our first 
responsibility must be to our 
own citizens. Emotional cru­

sades cannot change this hard 
fact. It may help our Ameri­
can cousins to understand the 
mood in Kenya better if I 
quote from the manifesto of 
our party published in 1963, 
just before the general elec­
tion leading to our independ­
ence:

“KANU will lead and in­
spire Kenya with a dynamic 
spirit of national unity toward 
a  Democratic, African, So­
cialist society.

“Divisions of tribe or of 
party, of color, custom, caste 
or community, of age or faith 
or region will be subordinate 
to the national effort.

“Far from accepting the 
inevitability of tribal and 
racial antagonisms, we believe 
these differences are a chal­
lenge and an opportunity for 
creating a nation united in its 
purpose, yet rich in the diver­
sity of its people.”

Perhaps the desire to re-



turn-to Africa is so unrealistic 
because it is based upon de­
spair. I do not. mean by this 
that African states should re­
fuse black Americans who 
wish to expatriate. On the 
contrary, those who want to 
make a home in Africa are 
free to do so. There are many 
opportunities in the new na­
tions, particularly for trained 
and skilled persons. They 
could help us enormously 
during our period of develop­
ment, and we welcome our 
American cousins to come and 
work among us.

What is unrealistic about 
the proposal is the ease with 
which some black Americans 
think that they can throw off 
their American culture and 
become African. For example, 
some think that to identify 
with Africa one should wear 
a shaggy beard or a piece of 
cloth on one’s head or a cheap 
garment on one’s body. I find 
here a complete misunder­
standing of what African cul­
ture really means. An African 
walks barefoot or wears san­
dals made of old tires not be­
cause it is his culture but 
because he lives in poverty. 
We live in mud and wattle 
huts and buy cheap Hong 
Kong fabrics not because it is 
part of our culture, but be­
cause these are conditions 
imposed on us today by 
poverty and by limitations 
in technical, educational and 
other resources. White people 
have often confused the sym­
bols of our poverty with our 
culture. I would hope that 
black people would not make 
the same error.

UR culture is something 
much deeper. It is the sum of 
our personality and our atti­
tude toward life. The basic 
qualities that distinguish it 
are our extended family ties 
and the codes governing rela­
tions between old and young, 
our concept of mutual social 
responsibility and communal 
activities, our sense of humor, 
our belief in a supreme being 
and our ceremonies for birth, 
marriage and death. These 
things have a deep meaning 
for us, and they pervade our 
culture, regardless of tribe or 
clan. They are qualities that 
shape our lives, and they will 
influence the new institutions 
that we are now establishing, 
I think that they are things 
worth preserving, defending 
and living for.

But I should point out that 
there is a great debate raging 
in Africa today over our cul­
ture. Certain customs and tra­
ditions are being challenged 
by our movement toward 
modernization. People are ask­
ing what should be preserved 
and what should be left be­
hind. They argue about the 
place universities should have 
in the society. African intel-

CLOTHES M A K E  THE M A N ? —"Some think that to  identity with Africa one 
should wear a shaggy beard or a piece of cloth on one's head or a cheap garment on 
one s body," says Mboya. "I find here a complete misunderstanding of what African 
culture really means." Above, a black-studies class at J.H.S. 271 in Ocean-Hill Browns­
ville. Below, the author leads a celebration after an election victory in Kenya in 1961.

lectuals and governments de­
mand the teaching of African 
history, and efforts are being 
made to provide new school 
syllabuses and to encourage 
African writers. Some fear 
the breakdown of the ex­
tended family, others the 
emergence of a new 61ite re­
moved from the people. We 
even argue about the use of 
cosmetics, hair-straighteners, 
miniskirts and national dress. 
Thus, black people who come

to  A frica w ill find m any o f  
their questions unansw ered  
even  by us.o UR n ew  nations are in a  
transitional stage , and I think  
w e can b en efit greatly  from  
con tact w ith  our A m erican  
cousins. The African needs to  
understand and encourage the  
revolution  o f th e  b lack  people  
in Am erica, w h ile the b lack  
peop le in  A m erica need to  
understand and encourage th e

effort of nation-building now 
taking place in Africa. Com­
munication must be strength­
ened between us.

I have been impressed by 
new enterprises and economic 
and social institutions or­
ganized by black Americans. 
There is also a movenient in 
the universities, ^o establish 
programs in African studies. 
These are areas in which we 
could Cooperate and promote 
OUr joint interests. Of course.



66The black A m erican should look  

to Africa for guidance— and for a  

chance to guide— but not for escape.99

I do not share the view of 
those who demand black 
studies and then insist that 
white students be barred 
from them. Such an attitude 
reflects a  contradiction, and 
conflicts with our search for 
recognition and equality.

Freedom for both Africans 
and black Americans is not an 
act of withdrawal, but a 
major step in asserting the 
rights of black people and 
their place as equals among 
nations and peoples of the 
world. Freedom involves the 
full realization of our identi­
ties and potential. It is in this 
sense that the objective of the 
African must be the develop­
ment of his nation and the 
preservation of his heritage. 
And the objective of the 
black American must be the 
achievement of full and 
unqualified equality within 
American society. The black 
American should look to Af­
rica for guidance—and for a 
chance to give guidance—but 
not for escape. He must merge 
his blackness with his citizen­
ship as an American, and the 
result will be dignity and 
liberation.

Black people in Africa and 
America have survived slav­
ery, colonialism and imperial­
ism. Today we can survive 
change. We have been op­
pressed as a people, and have 
been divided to the point of 
taking roote in different cul­
tures. But as we struggle to 
achieve our full liberation, 
these differences should be­
come less important. If and 
when we are all free and 
equal men, perhaps even those 
racial distinctions that now 
divide our societies and that 
separate one nation from the 
other will disappear in the 
face of our common humanity.

I n  conclusion, I note a sim­
ilarity between the positions 
of the black American and our 
own people. In both cases 
there is impatience to see a 
promise kept—on the one 
hand is the promise of civil 
rights legislation, and on the 
other, thopjjm ise of independ­
ence. TBfere i^-a-crisis of con- 

danger in-Amer-
^  in Ati'*'®' tha t a t o  ica, as m Atti^. ,
impatience can lea« ,
fusion of priorities and failu.».

to recognize the goals of the 
movement. Effective unity and 
committed national leaders 
are needed more now than 
ever before. If these elements 
are absent, the enthusiasm of 
the young people and the tre­
mendous sympathy and sup­
port of other groups may be 
lost in despair.

This, in my view, is the 
challenge before the black 
people and their leaders in 
America. The struggle calls for 
even greater resolution and 
dedication if they are to trans­
late past victories into a pro­
gram of action for the more 
difficult task of achieving ac­
tual equality—as against legal 
and constitutional proclama­
tions.

Bayard Rustin has offered 
the best explanation I have 
yet read of the origins of the 
“Back to Africa” movement 
among his people:

“There is a reason for this 
movement which has far less 
to do with the Negro’s rela­
tion to Africa than to Amer­
ica. The “Back to Africa’ and 
separatist tendencies are al­
ways strongest a t the very 
time when the Negro is most 
intensely dissatisfied with his 
lot in America. It is when the 
Negro has lost hope in Amer­
ica—and has lost his identity 
os an American—that he seeks 
to re-establish his identity and 
his roots as an African.

“This period of despair has 
historically followed hard up­
on a period of hope and of ef­
forts to become integrated— 
on the basis of full equality— 
into the economic, social and 
political life of the United 
States. The present separatist 
mood, as we know, has come 
after a decade in which the 
Negro achieved enormous and 
unprecedented gains through 
the civil rights struggle, and 
it has coincided with a right- 
wing reaction that has ob­
structed further measures to­
ward equality. The combina­
tion of progress, aroused 
hopes, frustration and despair 
has caused many Negroes to 
withdraw into separatism and 
to yearn for Africa.”

Rustin goes on to observe 
that this syndrome has oc­
curred three times in the 
past; ..in the early eighteen- 

' hundr^s, when the African

Methodist Episcopal Church 
was formed; in the late 19th 
century, when Booker T. 
Washington became famous, 
and in the nineteen-twenties, 
during the heyday of Marcus 
Garvey.

1  HAVE accepted the op­
portunity -to contribute this 
article, not as an apology 
for the Harlem incident, 
but because of my genuine 
concern about the relations 
between Africa and the black 
people in America. The 
achievement problems they 
face are of great interest to 
us in more than one way. In 
the first place, they are our 
cousins and we share together 
the black man’s fate in the . 
world. His complete libera­
tion is our joint concern be­
cause, as I have said, black 
people cannot be dully free if 
there remains any part of the 
globe where a black man is 
denied his rights. Second, the 
complete emancipation of - 
America’s blacks will influ­
ence the country’s policies in 
a way that can only lead to a 
better understanding of and 
sympathy for the cause of 
black people everywhere. And 
finally, a free and vigorous 
black community in the Unit­
ed States can, within its own 
organization, play a much 
more effective and practical 
role in helping African and 
other black nations meet some 
of their challenges of develop­
ment.

I have, since 1958, wit­
nessed the true potential of 
the black American in this 
regard. People like Ralph 
Bunche, Jackie Robinson, 
Harry Belafonte, Sidney Poi­
rier, Frank Montero, Bayard 
Rustin and the heads of such 
Negro institutions as Howard 
University, Tuskegee Institute 
and Morehouse, Morris Brown 
and Spelman Colleges in At­
lanta played a decisive part 
in my campaign for a students’ 
airlift to the United States. 
This program helped to bring 
over 1,000 students from 
Kenya and other parts of East 
and Central Africa to study in 
America; today, many of these , 
students are home, and a re ”  
providing the backbone for 
our new public service.

A number of Afro-American ' 
leaders in church and commu­
nity groups, like the Rev. 
James Robinson of New York, 
labor leaders like A. Philip 
Randolph and Maida Springer, 
and many black families 
across the United States took 
part in this unique experi­
ment in people-to-people in­
ternational cooperation. And 
there were, of course, many 
white Americans, like the late 
Senator Robert F. Kennedy 
and his brother. Senator Ed­
ward Kennedy; Theodore

Kheel, the attorney and me­
diator; the distinguished 
statesman, Averell Harriman; 
Dr. Buell Gallagher, the edu-, 
cator; I. W. Abel, the labor 
leader; and white institutions 
and families who contributed 
to it.

The point I am making, 
however, is that black people 
have the scope and capacity 
to join in the challenge of de­
velopment in Africa as free 
citizens in America. We need 
them there. I am not afraid 
of an exodus of black people 
from America to Africa be­
cause I know there will be no 
such exodus. I am, rather, con­
cerned that the emotion and 
effort needed to promote 
such a movement would lead 
to sterile debate and confusion

661 h av e  net found a  

single  A frican who 

believes in a  black  

dem and for a  separate  

state or for equolity  

through isolation.99

when there is an urgent need 
for unity and decisive leader­
ship.

The challenge of the black 
American was stated with 
great beauty by W. E. B. 
DuBois over a half a century 
ago:

“One ever feels this two- 
ness—an American, a Negro; 
two souls, two thoughts, two 
unreconciled strivings; two 
warring ideals in one dark 
body,-whose dogged strength 
alone keeps it from being tom 
asunder.

“The history of the Amer­
ican Negro is the history of 
this strife— t̂his longing to at­
tain self-conscious manhood, 
to merge his double self into 
a better and truer self. In this 
merging he wishes neither of 
the older selves to be lost. He 
would not Africanize America, 
for America has too much to 
teach the world and Africa. 
He would not bleach his Negro 
soul in a flood of white Amer­
icanism, for he knows that 
Negro blood has a message 
for the world. He simply 
wishes to make it possible for 
a man to be both a Negro and 
an American, without being 
cursed and spit upon by his 
fellows, without having fljg*- 
doors of Opportunity 
roughly in his,face.”



AN EARLY INCIDENT IN AMERICAN 
NECRO HISTORY— FOUR VIEWS

“The ex-slave Crispus Attucks was the first to give his 
life  in the Revolutionary War, as he tried to rally the 
Americans during the Boston Massacre of 1770.”—“Chron­
icles of Negro Protest,” compiled and edited by Bradford 
Chambers.

"When Attucks waved his cordwood club and urged the 
crowd forward, someone gave the order to fire and the 
British muskets cut down Attucks and four other Boston­
ians. Unlike Attucks, whose death made him the first 
martyr to American independence, another Negro named 
Andrew fled into a doorway as bullets flew that fateful 
evening.”—“Eyewitness: The Negro in American His­
tory,” by William L. Katz.

“And it is in this manner, this town [Boston] has often 
been treated; an Attucks from Framingham happening to 
be here shall sally out upon [Afs] thoughtless enterprises, 
at the head of such a rabble of Negroes, &c., as [be] can 
collect together.”—John Adams.

“W e don’t know whether Attucks was a Negro, a mulatto, 
an Indian, or even a runaway, and no one, of course, can 
assign the moment or the vein from which the ‘first blood" 
for independence spurted forth.”—Martin Duberman, pro­
fessor of history at Princeton.

American History 
(White Man's 
Version) Needs 
An Infusion of Soul
By C. VANN WOODWARD

dreamers of America as an idyllic 
Arcadia, the New Jerusalem, the 
Promised Land, the world’s new hope 
of rebirth, fulfillment and redemp­
tion. Before the dreamers came the 
discoverer of America, who returned 
from one of his voyages with a cargo 
of Indian slaves. After him came 
the explorers and colonizers who 
competed in the lucrative African 
slave trade and brought millions of 
slaves to the New World. It is, in 
fact, difficult to see how Europeans 
could have colonized America and 
exploited its resources otherwise.

David B. Davis, in his book “The 
Problem of Slavery in Western Cul­
ture,” has phrased the paradox per­
fectly: “How was one to reconcile 
the brute fact that slavery was an 
intrinsic part of the American experi­
ence with the image of the New 
World as uncorrupted nature, as a 
source of redemption from the bur­
dens of history, as a paradise which

promised fulfillment of man’s highest 
aspirations?”

One way of dealing with the prob­
lem was that of Hector St. John 
De Crbvecoeiur, who wrote the classic 
statement of the American idyll of 
democratic fulfillment. “What then 
is the American, this new man?” was 
his famous question. And his answer 
was; “He is either an European, or 
the descendant of an European. . . .” 
Crbvecoeur simply defined the Negro 
out of American identity. It is sig­
nificant that the tacit exclusion went 
unnoticed for nearly two centuries. 
Crbvecoeur’s precedent was widely 
followed in the writing of American 
history. It might be called the “in- 
visible man” solution.

JETLNOTHER way of dealing with 
Davis’s problem of brute fact and 
idyllic image was to recognize the 
Negro’s existence all right, but either 
to ignore moral conflicts and para­

doxes in moral values forced by his 
existence and status, or to attempt 
to reduce them to other and morally 
neutral categories of explanation. 
This might be called the moral-neu­
trality approach.

Neither the invisible-man solution 
nor the moral-neutrality approach is 
any longer acceptable. Moral engage­
ment ranging upward to total com­
mitment now predominates. This ap­
proach divides into overlapping, 
though distinguishable, categories. 
One of them is embraced in the gen­
eral class of paternalistic histori­
ography but divides broadly into 
Northern and Southern schools. 
Northern-type paternalism is usually 
the more self-conscious. One repre­
sentative of this school assures the 
Brother in Black that “Negroes are, 
after all, only white men with Mack 
skins, nothing more, nothing less,” 
endowed with all the putative white 
attributes of courage, manhood, re­

belliousness, and love of liberty. An­
other concedes the deplorable reality 
of the “Sambo personality,” but at­
tributes it to the potency of the plan­
tation master as white father image 
and other misfortunes.

The modem Southern paternalist, 
falling back on his regional heritage, 
takes to the role more naturally and 
with less self-conciousness. He dis­
avows the concept of the benevolent 
plantation school for Africans, but 
proceeds as if the school actually 
worked admirably, with some excep­
tions, and turned out graduates fully 
prepared for freedom and equality. 
Any shortcomings or failings on the 
part of the blacks are attributed to 
delinquencies of the “responsible” 
whites, the paternalists. These as­
sumptions result in a charitable pic­
ture of the freedom during emancipa­
tion and Reconstruction and the era 
following. Instead of a “white man 

(C o n t in u e d  o n  P a g e  1 0 8 )

AFRIL 20, 1969



THE DIARY OF: 
CF^LIEVARA !

IfsTI^DtCrORV j 
'/ \  ESSAY m  i

FJDEL CASl R() !

The Ramparts 
Story:
. . .  Um, Very 
Interesting

R A M  P A R T S

RAM PARTS
ITie Fictitious Freedom of the Press

(ai) advertising manN laiiuiili

S  P  R  1 X  G  • 1964
Br IAMBS RIDOEWAV

Af t e r  a  rocky journey from  a 
little  liberal C atholic journal 

^with a  circu lation  o f  4 ,000  in 
1964 to a  b ig-tim e, slick, m uck­
raking political m agazine w ith  250,000  
subscribers la st year. Reunparts is  in 
bankruptcy and struggling to  stay  
alive.

The San Francisco m agazine is  try­
in g  to  reorganize on  a m ore m odest 
scale so  th at it  can  continue. A  M ay 
issu e  is  on  the stan ds right now , all 
52  pages o f  it. B ut th e  financial 
pressures are severe, and the editors  
are finding it  d ifficu lt to  raise the  
$200,000 n ecessary  fo r  reorganiza­
tion .

In January, W arren H inckle 3d, 
th e  30-year-old  president and edi­
torial director, resigned from  Ram­
parts. He n ow  heads a  group o f  
N ew  Y ork reporters w ho say  th ey  
w ill start a publish ing conglom erate  
called  Scanlon’s  L iterary H ouse, Inc. 
H inckle ch o se  th e  “Scan lon’s”  nam e  
because he rem em bered people a t a  
Dublin pub m aking derogatory toasts

J A M E S  R ID G E W A Y  it an editor of the 
Washington newsletter Hard Times.

to  John Scanlon, a slacker in the  
Irish Republican Army. The com ­
pany w ill have o ff ic es  in N ew  York, 
San Francisco and Dublin. Pete  
Ham ill, the form er N e w  York Post 
colum nist, is  to  be the ed itor in 
residence in Dublin. H inckle says  
his n ew  firm w ill publish, beginning  
in June, a m agazine ca lled  Scan lon’s 
M onthly and devoted  to  m uckraking, 
develop  a subsidiary to  d istribute  
m agazines to  the co llege m arket, act 
a s agen t for authors w anting  to  pub­
lish  books, and se ll author’s articles 
to  b ig-tim e, high-paying m agazines. 
H inckle sa y s h e is  assured  o f  $1- 
m illion in investm ent funds. H e is 
looking a t an abandoned m acaroni 
fac tory  at the base o f  Telegraph Hill 
in San Francisco for a  m ain office.

R obert S d iee r  rem ains as  ed itor in 
ch ief o f  Ram parts. S cheer cam e out 
o f the N ew  L eft in the m iddle six ties. 
He w rote against the V ietnam  war, 
encouraged the B lack  Panthers to  
w rite artic les and books, go t the  
C ubans to  g ive Che’s  diaries to  Ram ­
parts, and persuaded Donald D uncan, 
a  Special Forces sergeant w h o  had

sickened  o f  the V ietnam  w ar, to  se t  
dow n h is w ar experiences.

But Ram parts w a s  scarcely  a radi­
cal politica l m agazine. W hat it did  
vras to  popularize for a  w id e group  
in  th e  population  trends and currents 
w h ich  th e  sm aller left-liberal politica l 
m agstzines had been  ta lk ing  about for  
years. V iet R eport had described  
h ow  M ichigan S ta te U n iversity  served  
as a  cover for C.I.A. agen ts w orking  
in  South  V ietnam . N obody listened . 
B ut w hen  Ram parts exposed  M .S.U., 
it w a s a  national scandal. A  year  
ahead o f  Ram parts, Congressm an  
W right Patm an had d isc losed  h ow  
the C.I.A, used dum m y foundations  
to  channel funds to  various groups 
it  w anted  to  support, and The N ation  
had picked  up a story on  h is com m it­
te e  hearings. The S tudents for  a  
D em ocratic S o ciety  had added to  it, 
in on e o f  their early  pam phlets, te ll­
ing  h ow  th e  N ational Student A sso ­
c iation  w a s  a  C.I.A. front. Nobody  
paid an y a tten tion . B ut w hen  Ram ­
parts to o k  ou t an  advertisem ent 
announcing its exposure o f  the N.S.A., 
the G ovenunent, from  the President 
on dow n, rocked.

Scheer se t  the politica l line, but it  
w a s H inckle’s  packaging and prom o­
tion  that sold  Ram parts. “I h ave no  
p olitics,” H inckle said  recentiy. Then  
he added: “ I hate m agazines.” His 
fasc ination  w a s  new spapering and he 
tried  to  run Ram parts am idst an  air 
o f  con tinuing crisis, a sort o f  super- 
agitated  c ity  room . In the end it  w as  
m ore like a w ire service than a  n ew s­
paper. The idea w ou ld  be to  w a it  
past th e  deadline, descend  into a 
bar, rip up all th e  cop y and rush  
to  a  telephone to  ta lk  to  som e w ould- 
be correspondent holed up in Bang­
k ok  or Stockholm . On the spot, th is  
lucky person could d ictate h is story  
to  H inckle w h o  then  w ou ld  rew rite  
it. Everyone a t Ranjparts adm ired  
H inckle’s  ability  to  rew rite stories, 
w h ich  he often  did at 3 A.M.

H inckle gtuned a  reputation  a s  a  
ch aracter a s  w e ll. T he m illionaires  
w h o bankrolled Ram parts w ere  a l­
w a y s  im pressed  b y  th e  w a y  h e  spent 
m oney, tak ing  them  to  lav ish  lunch­
eon s and en tertainm ents and paying  
for  th e  w h o le  w ith  their o w n  m oney. 
H inckle a lw a y s f lew  first c la ss  on  

(C o n tin u e d  o n  Page 36)

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



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American history needs an infusion of soul

(C o n t in u e d  f r o m  P a g e  3 3 )  
with a black skin,” the Negro 
is elected an honorary South­
erner 'by paternalists below 
the Potomac.

Moral preoccupations and 
problems shape the character 
of much that is written about 
the Negro and race rela­
tions by modem white his­
torians, but they are predomi­
nantly the preoccupations and 
problems of the white man. 
His conscience burdened with 
guilt over his own people’s 
record of injustice and brutal­
ity toward the black man, the 
white historian often writes in 
a mood of contrition and re­
morse as if in expiation of 
racial guilt or flagellation of 
the guilty.

This is not to deny to the 
historian the role of moral 
critic nor to dismiss what has 
been written out of deep con­
cern for moral values. The 
history of the Negro people 
and race relations has profited 
more from the insights and 
challenges of this type of 
writing in the last two decades 
than from the scholarship of 
the preceding and much longer 
era of moral neutrality and 
obtuseness.

C 3  r a n tin g  the value of 
the part white historians have 
played in this field, the Negro 
still has understandable causes 
for dissatisfaction. For how­
ever sympathetic they may be, 
white historians with few ex­
ceptions are primarily con­
cerned With the moral, social, 
political and economic prob­
lems of white men and their 

. past. They are prone to pre- 
j sent to the Negro as his his- 
I  tory the record of what the 
I  white man believed, thought, 
f legislated, did and did not do 
'  a b o u t  the Negro. The Negro 

1? ^  p a ^ v e  element, the man 
to wliom things happen. He 
is the abject rather than the 
subject of this kind of history. 
It is filled vrith the infamies 
and the philanthropies, the 
brutalities and the charities, 
the laws, customs, prejudices, 
policies, politics, crusades and 
wars of whites a b o u t  blacks.

“Racial attitudes” or “Amer­
ican attitudes” in a title mean 
white attitudes. “The Negro 
image” means the image in 
white minds. In this type of 
history, abolitionists, radical 
Republicans and carpetbag­
gers are all of the same 
pale pigmentation. Not until 
the civil-rights workers of the 
nineteen-sixties do the prime 
movers and shakers of Negro 
history take on a darker hue 
in the history books, and not 
in all of them at that.

Negro history in this tradi­

tion— and many Negro his­
torians themselves followed 
the tradition, virtually the 
only one available in univer­
sity seminars — was an en­
clave, a cause or a result, a 
commentary or an elaboj^tlon 
^^^ffK T usto iy**B lack  his- 
WPjrivus' wlilTe history. Denied 
a past of his own, the Negro 
was given to understand that 
whatever history and culture 
he possessed was supplied by 
his associatioii withJJie.dt>gu- 
llBWF rarji m jh^ , New_Wnrld 
Eft!criR''£uropean background. 
Thoroughly Europocentric in 
outlook, _American yyhites.suh- 
scribed 'TTlmplrtffv .to.-..,the 
myth tharEurgneap culture.

cn  T iv p r .
T^prmmgiy f;upprku:_4h«t nO
pTBpt PPl,l1d
rwfsure to.it. They also shared 
tRe European stereotypes, 
built up by three centuries of 
slave traders and elaborated 
by 19th- and 20th-century 
European imperialists, of an 
Africa of darkness, savagery, 
bestiality, and degradation. 
Not on'y was the African 
stripped of this degrading 
heritage on American, shores 
and left cultureless, a Black 
Adam in a new garden, but 
he was seen to be doubly 
fortunate in being rescued 
from naked barbarism and 
simultaneously clothed with 
a superior culture. The “myth 
of the Negro past” was that 
he had no past.

So compelling was this 
myth, so lacking any persua­
sive evidence to the contrary, 
so universally prevalent the 
stereotypes of Africa in their 
American wor’d that until 
very recently Negroes adopted 
them unquestioningly them­
selves. "W. E. B. Du Bois wrote 
of N.A.A.C.P. members with a 
“fierce repugnance toward 
anything African . . . Beyond 
this they felt themselves 
Americans, not Africans. They 
resented and feared any 
coupling with Africa.”

White friends of the Negro 
defended him against any 
slurs associating him with 
Africa as if against insult. 
And Negroes commonly used 
the words “African” and 
“black” as epithets of an op­
probrious sort. They were 
A m e r ic a n s  with nothing to do 
with Africa or its blackness, 
nakedness and savagery. 
Africa, like slavery, was some­
thing to be forgotten, denied, 
suppressed. With an older 
American pedigree and a far 
better claim than first and 
second generation Immigrants 
of other ethnic groups, Ne­
groes could protest the re­
moteness of their foreign 
origins and the exclusiveness

of their American identity. 
“Once for all,” wrote Du Bois 
in 1919, “let us realize that 
we are Americans, that we 
were brought here with the 
earliest settlers, and that the 
very sort of civilization from 
which we came made the com­
plete adoption of Western 
modes and customs impera­
tive if we were to survive at 
all. In brief, there is nothing 
so indigenous, so completely 
‘made in America’ as we.”

FEW years ago a French 
writer used the word “d e c o ­
lo n i s a t io n "  in the title of a 
book on the contemporary 
movement for Negro rights in 
America. While the analogy 
that this word suggests is mis­
leading in important respects, 
it does call attention to the 
wider environment of the na­
tional experience. The dis­
mantling of white supremacy 
since World War II has been 
a worldwide phenomenon. 
The adjustment of European 
powers to this revolution has 
appropriately been called de­
colonization, since this is the 
political effect it had on their 
many possessions in Asia, 
Africa and the Caribbean. The 
outward trappings, the polit­
ical symbols, the pomp and 
ceremony of decolonization 
doubtless contained a consid­
erable amount of collective 
ego gratification for the eth­
nic groups concerned.

But even more gratifying 
perhaps was the physical as 
well as symbolic withdrawal 
of the dominant whites, to­
gether with the debasement 
of their authority and the de­
struction of the hated para­
phernalia of exclusiveness and 
discrimination. (We know 
from the writings of Frantz 
Fanon and others how much 
of the colonial syndrome of 
dependency, inferiority and 
self-hatred lingered behind 
the new facade of national 
sovereignty and how little the 
life of the masses was af­
fected. But the gratifications 
were there, too, and for the 
ruling-class dlites these were 
no doubt considerable.)

The dismantling of whits 
supremacy was simultaneous­
ly taking place in the United 
States, but the process was 
accompanied by no such pomp 
and circumstance and no such 
debasement of white author­
ity and power. 'What did take 
place in America was far less 
dramatic. ' It came in the form 
of judicial decisions, legisla­
tive acts and executive orders 
by duly constituted authority 
that remained unshaken in the 
possession of power. It came 
with “all deliberate speed,” a

THE NEW YORK TIMES MACAZINE



speed so deliberate as to ap­
pear glacial or illusory.

The outward manifestations 
were the gradual disappear­
ance of the little signs. 
“White” and “Colored,” and 
the gradual appearance of 
token black faces in clubs, 
schools, universities and 
boards of directors. Some of 
the tokens were more impres­
sive; a Cabinet portfolio. 
Supreme Court appointmew
a seat in the Senate, the office 
of Mayor. By comparison 
with the immediately preced­
ing era in America these de­
velopments were striking in­
deed. But by contraiit with 
the rituals and symbols of 
decolonization in Africa and 
the Caribbean, they tdok on 
a much paler cast.

American Negro attitudes 
toward the ancestral home­
land changed profoundly. The 
traditional indifference or 
repugnance for things African, 
the shame and abhorrence of 
association with Africa, gave 
way to fascinated ipterest. 
illlilL a i l i r y ^ " - ’̂  of identi- 

The art, folklore, 
music, dance, even the speech 
and clothing of Africa have

66Negro Itisfery is 

Iqo im portant to be  

left entirely to 

Hegro historians.99

taken on a and
emotional significance for 
people who have never seen 
that continent and will never 
set foot on it. Instead of 
concealing marks of African 
identification, many young 
people increasingly emphasize, 
invent or exaggerate them in 
dress, speech or hair style.

We are destined to hear a 
great deal more about Africa 
from Afro-Americans as time 
goes on. This will find its 
way into historical writing 
and some manifestations may 
seem rather bizarre. Before 
we assume a posture of out­
rage or ridicule, it might be 
well to put this phenomenon 
into historical perspective.

assimilation of Euro­
pean ethnic groups in Amer­
ica throughout the history of 
immigration has not only been 
a story of deculturatlon and 
acculturation — the shedding 
of foreign ways and the adop- 

. tion of new values—it has 
also been a story of fierce 
struggles to assert and main­
tain ethnic interests and iden-

APRIL 20, 1969

tity. One key element in that 
struggle has been the group’s 
sense of its past. Each immi­
grant group of any size estab­
lished its historical societies 
and journals in which filiopi- 
etism has free rein. Not (inly 
the Norwegians but the Iri.sh 
and the Jews have contested 
with Italians the claim to the 
discovery of America.

These assertions of group 
^  pride in a common past,

mythic or real, have accom­
panied a strong urge for 
assimilation and integration 
in American society. In the 
opinion of the anthropologist 
Melville J. Herskovits “[to] 
the extent to which the past of 
a people is regarded as praise­
worthy, their own self-esteem 
will be high and the opinion 
of others will be favorable.”

Denied a praiseworthy pa.st 
or for that matter a past of 
any sort that is peculiarly 
their own, Negro Americans 
have consequently been denied 
such defenses and self-esteem 
as these resources have pro­
vided other and less vulner­
able American groups. Now 
that they are seeking to build 
defenses of their own and a 
past of their own, they are 
likely to repeat many of the
yenti^rej; in

■filiopietism in which other 
minorities have indulged.

One of their temptations 
will be to follow the example 
of their brothers in Africa now 
in search of national identity 
for brand-new nation states. 
Nationalists have always in­
voked history in their cause 
and abused it for their pur­
poses. No nations have been 
so prone to this use of his­
tory as new nations. Unable 
to rely on habituation of cus­
tom by which old states claim 
legitimacy and the loyalty of 
their citizens, newborn na­
tions (our own, for example) 
invoke history to justify their 
revolutions and the legitimacy 
of new rulers.

Like their American kin, 
the Africans had also been 
denied a past of their own, 
for European historians of the 
imperialist countries held tliat 
the continent, at least the sub- 
Saharan part, had no history 
before the coming of the 
white man. Historians of the 
new African states have not 
been backward in laying coun­
terclaims and asserting the 
antiquity of their history and 
its importance, even its cen­
trality in the human adven­
ture.

Inevitably some black pa­
triots have been carried away 
by their theme. One Ghanaian 
historian, for example, goes 
so far as to assert that Moses 
and Buddha were Egjrptian 
Negroes, that Christianity 
sprang from Sudanic tribes, 
and that Nietzsche, Bergson, 
Marx and the Existentialists 
were all reflections of Bantu

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philosophy. How much of 
this overwrought nationaii.sm 
of the emergent African states 
will take root in American 
soil remains to be seen. Al­
ready something like it has 
found expression in cults of 
black nationalism and is seek­
ing lodgement in the acad­
emies.

It seems possible that the 
new pride in Africa’s achieve­
ments, identification with its 
people and their history, and 
the discovery of ancestral 
roots in its culture could con­
tribute richly to the self-dis­
covery and positive group 
identity of a great American 
minority. What had been 
suppressed or regarded with 
shame in this American sub­
culture could now be openly 
expressed with confidence 
and pride.

The extent of African sur­
vivals in Negro-American cul­
ture has been debated for a 
generation by anthropologists. 
No doubt such survivals have 
been exaggerated and admit­
tedly there are fewer in the 
United States than in Latin 
America and the West Indies. 
But the acknowledged or im­
agined African survivals in 
religious and marital prac­
tices, in motor habits, in 
speaking, walking, burden 
carrying and dancing have 
gained new sanction and a 
swinging momentum.

I t seems to me that the 
reclaimed African heritage 
could give a third dimension 
to the tragically two-dimen­
sional man of the Du Bois 
metaphor. “One ever feels 
his two-ness,” he wrote, “an 
American, a  Negro; two souls, 
two thoughts, two unrecon­
ciled strivings; two warring 
ideals in one dark body. . .
Du Bois thought that “the 
history of the American Negro 
is the history of this strife,” 
and that “this double - con­
sciousness, this sense of always 
looking at one’s self through 
the eyes of others” was his 
tragedy. The recovery of an 
African past and a third di­
mension of identity might 
have a healing effect on the 
schizoid “two-ness,” the “two- 
soul” cleavage of the Negro 
mind.

*I^1ERE are, unhaw>ily, less 
desirable consequences con­
ceivable for the preoccupation 
with Africa as a clue to racial 
identity. For in the hands ol 
nationalist cults it can readily 
become a j g j is t i to /e  o f  skin 
color and exclusiveness, of 
alienation and withdrawal. It 
can foster a  new separatism, 
an inverted segfegalTUltra 
black apartheid. It can seek 
group solidarity and identity 
by the rejection of the White 
Devil and all his works simply 
because of white association.

This is part of what Erik 
Erikson meant by “negative 
identity,” the affirmation of 
identity by what one is not. 
With reference to that con­
cept, he remarked on “the 
unpleasant fact that our God- 
given identities often live off 
the degradation of others.” It 
would be one of the most 
appalling ironies of American 
history if the victims of this 
system of human debasement 
should in their own quest for 
identity become its imitators.

One manifestation of black 
nationalism in academic Ufe 
is the cry that
are truly qualif_________ _

_____the
In the spe- 

cial sense that, other things 
being equal, those who have 
imdergone an experience are 
best qualified to  imderstEmd 
it, there is some truth in this 
claim.

American history, the white 
man’s version, could profit 
from an infusion of “soul.” It 
could be an essential correc­
tive in line with the tradition 
of coimtervailing forces in 
American historiography. It 
was in that tradition that new 
immigrant historians revised 
first-family and old-stock his­
tory, that Jewish scholars 
challenged WASP interpreta­
tions, that Western challengers 
confronted New England com­
placencies, Yankee heretics 
upset Southern orthodoxies. 
Southern sk ^ tics  attacked 
Yankee myths, and since the 
beginning the younger gen­

eration assaulted the author­
ity of the old. Negro histor­
ians have an opportunity and 
a duty in the same tradition.

An obligation to be a cor­
rective influence is one thing, 
but a  mandate for the exclu­
sive pre-emption of a  subject 
by reason of racial qualifica­
tion is quite another. They 
cannot have it both ways. 
Either black history is an 
essential part of American 
history and must be included 
by all American historians, 
or else it is unessential and 
can be segregated and left to 
black historians.

But Negro history is too 
importEUit to  be left entirely to 
Negro historians. To disqualify 
historians from writing Negro 
history on the grounds of race 
is to  subscribe to an extreme 
brand of racism. It is to 
ignore not only the substantial 
corrective and revisionary 
contributions to Negro history 
made by white Americans, but 
also those of foreign white 
scholars such as Gilberto 
Freyre of Brazil, Fernando 
Ortiz of Cuba, Charles Verlin- 
den of Belgium and Gunnar 
Myrdal of Sweden. To export 
this idea of racial qualifica­
tions for writing history io 
Latin America is to expose its 
narrow parochialism. The 
United States is imique, so far 
as I know, in drawing an arbi^ 
trary line that classifies every­
one as either black or white 
and calls all people with any 
apparent African intermixture 
“Negroes.” The current usage

16th-<tntury Siamese bronze of Buddha.

THE HEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



of “black” as it is applied to a 
people, their culture, and their 
history in this country, is 
the unconscious adoption by 
“black" nationalists of a white 
myth peculiar to the United 
States.

* I* h e  fact is tha t there are 
few countries ieft in the New 
World that are not multiracial 
in population. In many of 
them racial intermixture and 
intermarriage are prevalent. 
To impose the rule of racial 
qualification for historians of 
such multiracial societies as 
those of Trinidad, Cuba, Ja­
maica, Brazil or Hawaii would 
be to leave them without a 
history. What passes for 
racial history is often the his­
tory of the relations between 
races—master and slave,, im­
perialist and colonist, exploiter 
and exploited, and all the po­
litical, economic, sexual and 
cultural relations and their 
infinitely varied intermixtures.

To leave all the history of 
these relations in the hands 
of the masters, the imperial­
ists or the exploiters would 
result in biased history. But 
to segregate historical sub­
jects along racial lines and 
pair them with racially quali­
fied historians would result in 
fantastically abstract history. 
This is all the more true since 
it is the relations, attitudes 
and interactions between 
races that are the most con­
troversial and perhaps the 
most significant aspects of 
racial history.

Some would maintain that 
the essential qualification is 
not racial but cultural, and 
that membership in the Afro- 
American subculture is essen­
tial to the understanding and 
interpretation of the subtleties 
of speech, cuisine, song, 
dance, folklore and music 
composing it. There may be 
truth in this. I am not about 
to suggest that the Caucasian 
is a black man with a white 
skin, for he is something less 
and something more than that. 
I am prepared to maintain, 
however, that so far as their 
culture is concerned, all Amer­
icans are part Negro. Some 
are more so than others, of 
course, but the essential quali­
fication is not color or race. 
When I said “all Americans,” 
unlike Crfevecoeur, I included 
Afro-Americans. They are 
part Negro too, but only part. 
So far as their culture is con­
cerned they are more Amer­
ican than Afro and far more 
alien in Africa than they are 
at home, as virtually all pil­
grims to Africa have discov­
ered.

Many old black families of 
Philadelphia and Boston are 
less African in culture than 
many whites of the South. The 
Southern white “accultura­
tion” began long ago and may 
be traced in the lamentations 
of planters that their children 
talked like Negroes, sang 
Negro songs, preferred Negro 
music at their dances and 
danced like Negroes. It was 
observed by travelers like

“Moses OR Mount Sinni/* woodcut 
by Hans Holbtin fht Younger.

“Like their American kin, the Africans had also 
been denied a past of their own. . . . Inevitably 
some black patriots have been carried away [re­
writing African history]. One Ghanaian histo­
rian, for example, goes so far as to assert that 
Moses and Buddha were Egyptian Negroes, and 
that Christianity sprang from . Sudanic tribes.”

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“The same Ghanaian historian suggested that 
Nietzsche, Bergson, Marx and the Existentia­
lists were all reflections of Bantu philosophy.
How much of this overwrought nationalism. . .  will 
take root in American soil remains to be seen.”

Frederick L. Olmsted, who 
was “struck with the close 
cohabitation and association 
of black and white . . . black 
and white faces constantly 
thrust out of doors to see 
the train go by.”

It is still a moot question 
whether white revivalist be­
havior — shouts, jerks, “un­
known tongues,” possession 
and the rest—is a reflex of 
Africanism or vice versa. 
Even the sophisticated Mary 
Boykin Chestnut, on attend­
ing a Negro church at her 
plantation, admitted that she 
“wept bitterly” and added 
that “I would very much have 
liked to shout, too.” But, as 
Herskovits says in his book 
“The Myth of the Negro Past,” 
“Whether Negroes borrowed 
from whites or whites from 
Negroes, in this or any other 
aspect of culture, it must al­
ways be remembered that the 
borrowing was never achieved 
without resultant change in 
whatever was borrowed.” If 
there was a “black experi­
ence” and a “white experi­
ence,” there was also a “gray 
experience.”

Modern white parents have 
a complaint that differs from 
that of the antebellum plant­
ers but resembles it. For 
where the old planters’ chil­
dren took on their African 
acculturation unconsciously by 
a process of osmosis, the con­
temporary collegiate swinger.

protester and rebel is a de­
liberate, assiduous, and often 
egregiously servile imitator. 
It was Langston Hughes’s 
lament that “you’ve taken my 
blues and gone . . .” and he 
was probably justified in his 
complaint in the same poem 
that “. . . you fixed ’em/ So 
they don’t  sound like me. . . .” 
But if so it was certainly for 
no lack of effort on the part 
of the young white imitator, 
“The M^ite Negro.” He is 
but the latest contribution to 
the “gray experience.”

WhrHETHER the revision of 
Negro history is undertaken 
by black historians or white 
historians, or preferably by 
both, they will be mindful of 
the need for correcting an­
cient indignities, ethnocentric 
slights and paternalistic pa­
tronizing, not to mention cal­
culated insults, callous indif­
ference and blind ignorance. 
They will want to see full 
justice done at long last to 
Negro achievements and con­
tributions, to black leaders 
and heroes, black slaves and 
freedmen, black poets and 
preachers.

As for white historians, I 
doubt that their contribution 
to this revision would best be 
guided by impulses of com­
pensatory exaggeration. The 
genuine achievements of 
Negro Americans throughout ■ 
our history are substantial

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



enough in view of the terrible 
handicaps under which they 
labored. They should receive 
the credit that they have been 
denied. But during the greater 
part of the struggle for power 
and place and fame that make 
up so much of history, black 
men were k ^ t  in chains and 
illiteracy and subject there­
after to crippling debasement 
and deprivation. The number 
of landmarks and monuments 
they were able to leave on 
the history of their country 
was necessarily limited.

It is a TpisOTiided form of 
white philMtnropy and pa- 
tenRfHSItrffiaTwould attempt 
to compensate by exaggerat­
ing or by the celebration of 
ever inorg^jObscure and de- 
servedly negiecied figures of 
the past. Equally misguided 
are impulses of self-flagella­
tion and guilt that encourage 
the deprecation of all things 
European or white in our 
civilization and turn its his­
tory into a chorus of men 
c u lp a s . The demagoguery, the 
cant and the charlatanry of 
historians in the service of a 
fashionable cause can a t times 
rival that of politicians.

The Negro historian in pres­
ent circumstances labors im- 
der a  special set of pressures 
and temptations. One that will 
require moral fiber to resist is 
the temptation to  gratify the 
white liberal’s masochistic 
cravings, his servile yeammgs 
to be punished. This is indeed 
a  tempting market, but his­

torians would do well to leave 
it to the theater of the absurd.

Another temptation is to 
give uninhibited voice to such 
sentiments as Du Bois ex­
pressed in his declaration: “I 
believe in the Negro race, in 
the beauty of its genius, the 
sweetness of its soul. . . .” 
A sincere sentiment, no doubt, 
but before releasing such pro­
nouncements for publication 
it might be advisable to sub­
stitute the word “white” for 
the word “Negro” and play it 
back for sound: “I believe in 
the w h i t e  race, in the beauty 
of its genius, the sweetness 
of its soul. . . .” At present, 
the celebratory impulse runs 
powerfully through the his­
toriography of this field. “Let 
us now praise famous men,” 
saith Ecclesiasticus.

Now is a time to do honor 
to heroes, justice to the ob­
scure and to demonstrate be­
yond doubt that the down­
trodden seethed constantly 
with resistance to  oppression 
and hostility to their oppres­
sors. Tbe demand for such 
history is understandable. But 
the historian will keep in 
mind that the stage of history 
was never peopled exclusive­
ly by heroes, villains and 
oppressed innocents, that 
scamps and time servers and 
antiheroes have always played 
their parts. He might be re­
minded also that the charla­
tans and knaves and rakehells 
of Malcolm X’s Harlem were 
probably as numerous as their

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Negro author and historian W.B.B. Du Bois.

“The reclaimed African heritage could give 
a third dimension to the tragically two- 
dimensional man of the Du Bois metaphor:
‘One ever feels his two-ness, an American, 
a Negro.. . . ’ A third dimension of identity 
might have a healing effect on the . . .  ‘two- 
soul’ cleavage of the Negro mind.”

white counterparts and repre­
sent a neglected field of Negro 
history.

It is to be hoped that white 
as well as black histortans 
will reserve some place for 
irony as well as for humor. 
If so they will risk the charge 
of heresy by pointing out in 
passing that Haiti, the first 
Negro republic of modern his­
tory, though bom of a slave 
rebellion, promptly established 
and for a long time main­
tained an oppressive system 
of forced labor remarkably 
similar to state slavery; that 
Liberia, the second Negro re­
public, named for liberty, 
dedicated to freedom and 
ruled by ex-slaves from the 
United States, established a 
flourishing African slave 
trade; that one sequel to the 
liberation of the black muti­
neers of the slave ship “Ami- 
stad” in 1841 with the aid of 
John Quincy Adams was that 
CinquS, the leader of the  ̂
liberated, returned to Africa 
and became a slave trader 
himself.

These instances are not 
adduced to alleviate the guilt j 
of the white man, who right-! 
fully bears the greater burden. 1 
In all the annals of Africa ] 
there could scarcely be a more 
ironic myth of history than 
that of the New World repub­
lic which reconciled human 
slavery with natural rights 
and equality and on the backs 
of black slaves set up as the 
New Jerusalem, the world’.s

best hope for freedom. The 
mythic African counterparts 
look pale beside the American 
example. They do serve, how­
ever, as reminders that the 
victims as well as the victors 
of the historical process are 
caught in the human predica­
ment.

J o s e p h  CONRAD once re­
marked that women, children 
and revolutionaries have no 
taste for irony. These are 
certainly not the most pro­
pitious times for the cultiva­
tion of that taste. Not only 
is it an abomination to revo­
lutionaries, but mixed motives, 
ambivalence, paradox and 
complexity in any department 
are equally suspect.

In times like these the his­
torian will be hard put to it 
to maintain his creed that tha 
righteousness of a cause is nol 
a license for arrogance, th a  
the passion for justice is noli 
a substitute for reason, th a t ' 
race and color are neither a 
qualification nor a disquali­
fication for historians, that 
myths, however therapeutic, 
are not to be confused with 
history, and that it is possible 
to be perfectly serious with­
out being oppressively solemn. 
To defend this position under 
the circumstances will require j 

certain amount of w hat/ 
some call “cool” and others! 
graceT—grace under pressure,^ 

^ h ic h  was Hemingway’s f i e f i -  
ution of courage. I

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



of objective journalism to report the 
news and give equal space to both 
sides in a controversy, and no doubt 
many reporters, who were personally 
skeptical about Garrison’s motives, 
saw it as their duty to report the 
official statements (or mimeographed 
handouts, as they often were) of a 
duly elected district attorney, even if 
it meant providing a public forum for 
a demagogue.

But more important for the pur­
poses of assessing the present state

of the assassination controversy is 
the fact that Garrison was aided by 
a number of critics of the Warren 
Report as well as by publications 
which had taken what amounted to 
an editorial policy against the Warren 
Commission. In evaluating the valid­
ity of the various charges which have 
been leveled against the commission, 
it is worthwhile to consider the ex­
tent to which those who made the 
charges aligned themselves with 
Garrison and the New Orleans fiasco.

The Warren Report critics have  
had their day, and it is now 
clear that the credibility el 
evidence is inseparable irem the 
credibility el investigators.

The example of Mark Lane, the 
New York lawyer who, by dint of his 
one-man crusade in defense of Lee 
Harvey Oswald, has deservedly 
claimed chief credit for having drawn 
public attention to questions about 
the assassination, is an instructive 
case in point.

MONTH after the assassination, 
well before the Warren Commission 
had even begun to examine the evi­
dence, Lane published a 10,000-word 
defense brief in Oswald’s behalf in 
The National Guardian. Then, assum­
ing the role of lawyer for Oswald’s 
ghost. Lane became something of a 
la tte r-day  lyceum type, addressing 
ever-increasing audiences in night­
clubs, theaters, college lecture halls 
and the like, drawing ominous infer­
ences and posing puzzling questions 
about the evidence. After the pub­
lication of the Warren Report in 
September, 1964, Lane expanded his 
defense brief into a book, “Rush to 
Judgment,’’ which he promoted on

the talk-show circuit and which be­
came a No. 1 best seller around the 
time that Garrison started launching 
his own investigation in December, 
1966. Soon after, news of Garrison’s 
probe became public and Lane went 
to New Orleans to consult the district 
attorney and to compare notes.

Shortly after that, in a speech be­
fore the Young Men’s Business Club 
of New Orleans, Lane declared that 
Jim Garrison had “presented his case 
to me detail by detail, incident by 
incident” and that it was an “iron­
clad case.” He went on to say that 
Garrison “knew who fired the shots 
that killed President Kennedy.” “how 
the plans were initiated,” “that a 
force that is a part of the American 
structure is involved,” and he confi­
dently predicted on the basis of his 
knowledge of Garrison’s “secret evi­
dence” that “the very foundations of 
this country will be shaken when the 
facts are disclosed in a New Orleans 
courtroom.” For the next two years 

(C o n tin u ed  o n  Page 115)

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........... ............ _ _ _ _ _ --------------------------------------------------------------



THE DEATH OP CRISPUS ATTDCKS— Ân artist's rendering of the American Negro's martyrdom in the Boston massacre of 1770.

W L L  who write or teach American 
history are aware by now of 

“  " t h e  demand for more attention 
to  the part that Negro people have 
played. It may come quietly from 
a distressed college dean, or it may 
come peremptorily and noisily from 
militant student protest. In any case 
the demand is insistent that moim 

^ojpr and niakej-oom. With what­
ever grace they can muster and 
whatever resources they command, 
historians as teachers are responding 
one way or another. New colleagues 
are recruited (black if humanly pos­
sible), new courses listed (“Black” or

C. V A N N  W O O D W A R D ,  Sterling 
Prolesof of History at yolc, is the 
president of the American Historical 
Association. This article is a condensed 
version of his presidential address to 
the annual meeting of the Organization 
of American Historians. The full test 
will be published in the June issue 
of The Journal of American History.

“Afro” in the title), new textbooks 
written, new lectures prepared. Or 
in a pinch, old colleagues may have 
to be pressured and reconditioned 
and old lectures hastily revised. The 
adjustment is often awkward and 
sometimes rather frantic, but Amer­
ican academic institutions are re­
sponding, each after its own style 
and fashion — clumsily, belatedly, 
heartily, or half-heartedlji, as the 
case may be.

We are concerned here, however, 
not with the institutional response 
and its problems nor even primarily 
with the social purpose and the over­
due ends of justice sought, as impor­
tant as these things unquestionably 
are. Rather we are concerned for 
the moment with the professional 
problems the movement poses, par­
ticularly with the impact, good, bad, 
or indifferent, it will have—is having, 
has had—upon the writing and re­
interpretation of American history.

Will it warp as much as it will cor­
rect? Will it substitute a new racism 
for an old? Will historians be able 
to absorb and control the outraged 
moral passions released and bend to 
the social purposes dictated without 
losing balance and betraying prin­
ciple? Or will the historian’s moral 
engagement compromise the integrity 
of his craft? Granting inevitable 
losses in detachment, will the gains 
in moral insight outbalance the 
losses?

On the positive side, certain cor­
rective influences may be scored up 
as incremental gain immediately ap­
parent. One consequence of having 
Negro critics or colleagues looking 
over one’s shoulder or having more 
Negro historians is that embarrassing 
white-supremacy and ethnocentric 
g a f f e s  are likely to become much 
rarer in the pages of respected his­
torians. This is not to say that the 
profession will thus be purged of

moral obtuseness and intellectual 
irresponsibility. These shortcomings 
are likely to remain constants in the 
historical profession as in other parts 
of the human community. But they 
are likely to find different forms of 
expression.

Negro history seems destined to 
remain the moral storm center of 
American historiography. It is hard 
to see how it could very well be 
otherwise, at least for some time to 
come. Slavery was, after all, the 
basic moral paradox of American 
history. It was what Dr. Samuel 
Johnson had in mind when he asked, 
“How is it that we hear the loudest 
yelps for liberty among the drivers 
of Negroes?” But the paradox is 
older and deeper than the temporary 
embarrassments of 1776, of slave­
holders yelping for liberty, writing 
the Declaration of Independence, and 
fighting for the natural rights of man.

Back of that were the European

THE HEW YORK TIMES MAGAZIHE



^^The first thing after we married, Lyndon asked me to learn 
the county seats of the counties his boss represented^^

The first years w ere  a t  a  little  one- 
room  school righ t up  the h ill from  
hom e called  Fern School. W e w ere  
ab out eigh t children, and all the  
grades w ere  tau gh t in  th e  sam e  
room . And then  h igh  sch ool in  Jef­
ferson  and in M arshall, w here I drove  
m yse lf back  and forth  th e  15 m iles  
to  sch ool for tw o  years, and St. 
M ary’s  School for  Girls in Dallas. 
And on  I w e n t to  th e  U n iversity o f  
T exas, and th at w a s  a  very  great step  
because I— ^well, I had  the feeling  th at  
all th e  d oors o f  th e  w orld  sw ung open;

W a sn ’t  i t  so m e th in g  un ttsua l fo r  a  
g ir l to  g o  to  th e  u n iv e r s ity  then?

Oh, no, n o t a t  all. O f the 6,000  
stu dent b ody a t  th at tim e, 1 don’t  
k now  h o w  m any g irls there w ere, but 
I w ou ld  sa y  a t  lea st a third and  
m aybe m ore.

Y ou sa id  y o u  w e re  d r iv in g  y o u r ­
s e lf  to  schoo l— w a s it  u n u su a l fo r  a  
g irl to  h a v e  a  car?

Y es, but i t  w a s  sim ply th e  fa c t  
th at liv ing  15 m iles o u t in  th e  coun­
try, it  w a s  an  aw ful chore for m y  
daddy to  h ave to  d elegate som e per­
son  from  h is b usiness to  take m e in 
and out.

So in a  w a y  th ere  w a s  a  certa in  
in d ep en d en ce  a lrea d y  d e v e lo p in g  in  
you?

Quite.

V V h EN d id  y o u  m e e t th e  P resi­
den t?

I suppose i t  w a s  because 1 w e n t  
to  th e  university , because there I 
m ade quite a  fe w  friends. A m ong  
them . G ene Boehringer, w h o  w a s  sec­
retary to  a  m em ber o f  th e  Texas  
Railroad C om m ission and had m any  
friends in  th e  politica l w orld. She w a s  
a friend o f  Lyndon’s  father, w h o  had  
been a  m em ber o f  th e  T exas L egis­
lature o ff and on  for 20  years. And  
she w as a lso  a  friend o f  Lyndon’s 
and probably had a num ber o f  dates, 
although th ey  w ere ju st friends, they  
both assured  me. And it  w a s  through  
her th at I m et him — in her b oss’s 
office, in  fact. N either o f u s quite

rem em bers the ex a c t date . . . m aybe  
the very  first day o f  Septem ber o f  
1934.

W a s i t  a  lo n g  courtsh ip?
N o. From  approxim ately th e  first 

o f Septem ber until w e  married on  
N ov. 17.

S o  h e ’s  rea lly  a  v e ry  fa s t  w orker?
Y es. W hen I m et him , he asked  m e  

fo r  a  date a t  b reakfast the n ex t  
m orning— and b reakfast turned out 
to  be a lso  about a  four-hour drive  
ou t in to  th e  country  in  w h ich  w e  
discussed  everyth ing about each  
other.

W as i t  lo ve  a t  f i r s t  s igh t?
N o t on  m y part. I t w a s  keen  

in terest and excitem ent. W hen I say  
w e  discussed  everyth ing, I m ean he  
to ld  m e a  great deal about h is job—  
h e w a s  a t  th at tim e secretary  to  
Congressm an [Richard M.] K leberg  
from  Corpus Christ!— and about h is  
in terests and h is fam ily. Then he  
asked m e if  I w ou ld  drive w ith  him  
to  m eet h is  m other and father.

O n th e  f ir s t  da te?
Y es. I think i t  w as probably— I’m  

trying to  rem em ber— 1 th ink  i t  w a s  
the n ex t day w e  w e n t to  see  h is  
m other and father, and I did not 
k now  w h at sort o f  you ng m an I had  
m et, I ju st k new  th a t he w a s differ­
en t from  anybody I’d ever  m et before  
—  m ore inten se and driving and, 
som ehow  or other, m ore alive.

In  ta lk in g  a b o u t h is  fob , i t  m u s t  
h a v e  a lrea d y  b e e n  c lea r  th a t  h e  w a s  
a n  a m b itio u s  person?

Yes. 1 w ou ld  sa y  certain ly am ­
bitious, bu t m ore a  person  w h o  w a s  
im m ersed, enthralled  in  doing h is job, 
and because i t  w a s  im portant to  him  
h e w anted  to  talk  about i t  to  som e­
on e th at he fe lt  he w a s  beginning  
to  like.

D id h e  e v e r  a s  a  y o u n g  m a n  like  
to  sa y  to  yo u , “I’d lik e  to  becom e  
P resid en t”?

N o, never, n ever (laughs). And 
then  I rem em ber so  d istin ctly  m eet­
ing  h is  m other and father and ju st  
seeing  how  m uch they  loved  him  and

h o w  m uch their liv es  centered  around  
him , and a lso  a  certain  question  in 
their ey e s  about “W ho are you?” and 
“W hat part do  you  play?” Then he 
asked m e to  g o  dow n to  m eet h is  
boss. C ongressm an K leberg [a grand­
son  o f  Richard King, founder o f the  
1,125,000-acre King Ranch], w hich  
w a s quite an  experience, because the  
K ing Ranch w a s  a  fabulous p lace  
then , a s  now , and presided  over  a t  
th at tim e b y a  w om an  o f  great 
authority— ^sort o f  a  head o f  the clan  
— Grandm other Kleberg, for  w hom  
m y hqsband had a  great adm iration, 
and I th ink  she liked  him , too.

OW, in  T e x a s  te rm s  y o u  rea lly  
liv e d  in  m u c h  m o re  sum ptuous su r­
ro u n d in g s th a n , I  p resu m e , th e  
Jo h n so n  fa m ily  did. H o w  d id  th is  
s tr ik e  y o u  a t  firs t?

W ell, Mr. Brandon, there w as  
nothing in m y background that 
w ould  h ave tatight m e to  seek  the  
sam e kind o f  econom ic leve l I had. 
O ne rather turned one’s  back on  
aim ing tow ard that, because there  
w a s a lw ays th e  thought th at w ith  
hard w ork  and ab ility  you  could  
arrive a t  ju st about anyw here you  
w an ted  to. H eaven know s, m y  father  
had com e up from  n o econom ic back­
ground to  a  very  solid  one, and as  
fo r  m y  husband’s  fam ily, h is  father  
had been  a  rancher, farm er and  
leg islator— th e la tter  is  a  very  sap­
p ing job  as regards m aking m oney—  
you  don’t  m ake an y —  and y e t  he 
loved  public service and h e p ut an  
aw ful lo t o f  tim e in  on  it. And h is  
fortunes had risen and fa llen  w ith  
th e  depressions and w ith  th e  slope  
o f the years, and a t the tim e I m et 
Lyndon th ey  w ere  o f  quite m odest 
m eans. That to  m e w a s  obvious and 
no barrier.

W h e n  d id  h e  p ro p o se  to  yo u , 
fina lly?

He and I are really  n o t quite sure, 
but I think it  w a s perhaps th e  second  
day— o f course, I didn’t  b elieve i t  I 
ju st thought— ^well, nobody in quite

such clear term s had m ade such  a  
proposal on  th e  second day, but I 
ju st couldn’t  b elieve th at h e  w ould  
be w illing  to  take such  a  chance any  
m ore than I w ould  a t  th at tim e.

H o w  o ld  w e re  y o u  then?
I w as 21.
A n d  h e  was?
T w enty-six .
D id y o u  d ec id e  to  w ait?
The decision  on  m y part w as, 

"We’ll w a it,” and on  h is part, “W e’ll 
go ahead pretty soon .”

^ \ , N D  th e n  y o u  g o t m arried , a nd  
h o w  so o n  d id  he  t r y  to  g e t  in to  
p o litic s  a fte r  tha t?

W ell, I w ou ld  say  th a t h e w a s  in 
p olitics, actually , w hen  I m et him , 
because being secretary to  a  Con­
gressm an  you  learn all about the job, 
and h is  b o ss  w a s  an  open and gen­
erous m an w h o  m ade it  possib le fo r  
him  to  exerc ise som e am ount o f  
in itiative and judgm ent.

A t any rate, w e  cam e to  W ashing­
ton , w e  lived  here from  right a fter  
the honeym oon in early D ecem ber o f  
1934 until th e  fo llow ing  July —  a t  
w hich  tim e he w a s  offered  b y  Presi­
dent R oosevelt, the job  o f  S ta te Di­
rector o f  the N ational Y outh A d­
m inistration  for  T exas, on e o f  those  
m any efforts o f  th e  early  D epression  
years to  help  yoim g fo lk s o f  high- 
school and co llege ag e  g e t  sk ills  and 
education . It w a s ju st tailored to  h is  
loves, and so  h e accepted  the job. W e  
cam e back to  T exas in  A ugust o f  ’35.

The period o f N.Y.A. w a s  on e o f  the  
richest and happ iest and m ost pro­
ductive o f our lives. It’s  remem bered  
w ith  great w arm th and sp ice and  
satisfaction. Lyndon w a s  in  th at until 
suddenly, in February o f  ’37, the  
Congressm an from  Tenth D istrict 
[Jam es P. Buchanan]— h is d istrict—  
died. Overnight h e  w a s  confronted  
w ith , "Shall I run for th is unexpired  
term? D o I tak e th e  plunge? D o I 
dare?”

T h en  h e  to o k  th e  f ir s t  p lu n g e  in to  
(C on tinued  on P a g e  1581

THt NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE, SEPTEMBER 10, l«B7 49



A Radical 
Speaks in Defense 

Of S.N.C.C.
By  s t a o g r t o h  l y m d

IN  the ey e s  o f  spokesm en  fo r  th e  
a n c ie n  reg im e, th e  em ergent rev­
olutionary reordering o f  so ciety  

appears a s  chaos. “The Old L eft,” 
ed itorialized  Tim e m agazine on  April 
28, “had a  program  for th e  future; 
th e  N ew  L eft's program  is  m ostly  a  
cry  o f  rage. . . . T hey have n o  pro­
gram  and th ey  do n ot w a n t on e.” 
Sim ilarly th e  recent disturbances in  
N ew ark and D etroit seem ed  to  m ost  
A m ericans ch aotic  happenings ap­
propriately characterized  by  adjec­
tives  such as  “irrational,” “sen se­
less ,” “indiscrim inate.” T he rioters 
th em selves w ere perceived  a s  a  face-

ST A U G H T O N  L Y N D  it an anistant 
profasior of histofy on leave from Yale. 
In 1965 he defied a State Department 
ban on travel to North Vietnam and 
Red China.

le ss  m ass. Their program  w a s  a s­
sum ed to  b e n onexisten t.

A  principal reason  w h y  A m erican  
so ciety  is  cracking in to  a  house di­
v ided  is th e  inab ility  o f  th ose  w h o  
govern  i t  to  deal w ith  th e  political 
philosophy im plicit in  th e  action s o f  
insurgent A m ericans. Their dom estic  
blindness is  a lso  th eir blindness to ­
w ard th e  w orld  a t  large; th ey  a s ­
sum e th at o n ly  a  so ciety  based  on  
private property can  be free, that 
orderly governm ent requires a  sy s ­
tem  o f  representation , th a t i t  is 
com m onsensica lly  obvious for speech  
to  be free b ut action  lim ited  by  
the w ill o f  th e  m ajority. W hen  
populations in  and ou t o f  th e  U nited  
S tates begin  to  p ut societies together  
on  d ifferent assum ptions, th ose  w ho  
presum e to  articu late th e  Am erican

50
THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



"In its political philosophy. SM.C.C. 
stems directly irom American tradition." 
asserts a well-known theorist of the Hew Lett. 
The advocacy of violence by its tieriest 
spokesmen, such as H. Rap Brown and Stokely 
Carmichael, "is also in the American grain."

purpose see these alternative order­
ings merely as subversive to the only 
ordering imaginable to them.

LEREIN lies the importance of 
whether the urban disturbances are 
called "riots” or "rebellions.” The 
difference between a "riot” and a 
"rebellion” is that a rebellion is as­
sumed to have goals. The physical 
incidents of riot and rebellion are 
very similar. An eyewitness would 
perceive much the same events in 
either case; people running through 
the streets: orators haranguing spon­
taneous assemblages; the precinct 
police station stoned or the home of 
the distributor of stamps sacked; tea 
dmnped into the harbor or TV sets 
taken from certain stores; finally 
ehooting, mostly by uniformed repre-

StPTEMBER 10, 1M 7

sentatives of constituted authority, 
and bodies on the sidewalks.

Yet one such occurrence will be 
called a "riot,” defined by the dic­
tionary as “disorderly beh'avior,” be­
cause the eyewitness fails to see an 
ordering of action by intended goals. 
A similar happening, no different in 
its externals, may go into history as 
a “rebellion”—"open renunciation of 
the authority of the government to 
which one owes obedience”—if those 
who write the history empathize 
with the motives of the protagonists.

This is why black radicals insist 
on the term “rebellion” or “revolt” 
("a casting off of allegiance; . . .  a 
movement or expression of vigorous 
dissent or refusal to accept”) rather 
than the term "riot.” They perceive 

(C o n t in u e d  o n  P a g e  148)

Illustrations on these pa^es from 
material published by the Student 
Non*Vlol€nt Coordinating Committee.



7 Years Alter Independence

The Congo Is Still an Active Volcano
B y HENRY TANNER

K in s h a s a , the Congo. 
GCVWTELCOME, amiable tourists, 

W M  to the land of hospitality,” 
one of the big billboards 

on the road from the airport pro­
claims, “visit the interior [and see] 
picturesque falls, pygmies and vol­
canoes in eruption.”

The Congo has always been strong 
on symbolism. In July, 1960, when 
the army mutinied a few days after 
independence and most of the Bel­
gians rushed to the airport and the 
Congo River ferry to leave the 
country, the last movie shown a t the 
new downtown theater was “The 
Gorilla Is Waiting for You.” The 
marquee stayed up for months, an

H E N R Y  T A N N E R  of The Time, report­
ed on the Congo in its early days of in­
dependence and returned for several 
weehs in July and August to cover the 
uprising of mercenaries there.

accurate expression of the parting 
emotions of those who had le ft

Today, seven years later, the 
Congo is still a volcano given to 
sudden, furious eruptions. But it has 
not “reverted to the jungle" as many 
predicted. Neither the worst fears of 
the whites nor the fondest dreams of 
the Congolese have come true.

The regime of Gen. Joseph Desire 
Mobutu is beset by difficulties and 
surrounded by threats. White mer­
cenaries, mostly Belgians and French­
men, have occupied Bukavii, a city 
on the country’s eastern border, and 
their presence, like that of a foreign 
body in any system, is poisoning the 
whole of the country.

The Congolese are more suspicious 
and afraid of the white man than 
ever. The white community, which in­
cludes between 45,000 and 55,000 
Belgians and many Greeks, Portu­
guese and Italians, is uncomfortable 
and afraid. Many foreigners have

made up their minds to leave. The 
country is no longer safe for them, 
they say. A mass exodus of whites 
would leave the economy in 
shambles.

The unfinished story of Moise 
Tshombe also poisons the air. Mobutu 
is committed to execute the former 
Premier, when, or if, he is extradited 
by the Algerians. But Tshombe’s exe­
cution, apart from unforeseeable 
consequences in the interior of the 
country, would set the moderates 
among West African leaders against 
Mobutu just as he thought he was on 
the point of being able to end the 
Congo’s traditional isolation within 
Africa.

The social situation, too, is ex­
plosive. Prices in the towns halve 
more than doubled as a result of a 
recent monetary reform which de­
valued the Congolese franc from 150 
to 500 to the dollar. Salaries have 
gone up very little if a t all. Some

observers fear famine and bread 
riots.

T ^ E  CONGO thus remains what it 
always was: a  huge, virtually un­
governable hunk of Africa, as large 
as the United States east of the Mis­
sissippi, held together by a  dozen 
airports, a network of teleprinter 
lines and an improved but still erratic 
army which, when aroused, is given 
to looting and indiscriminate murder. 
The cities look run-down, their dusty 
sidewalks littered with refuse.

In the copper capital of Lubum- 
bashi, the former Elisabethville, the 
European stores are bare and many 
have cracked windows that are held 
together by tape and wooden boards. 
In Kisangani, the former Stanley­
ville, the Congo’s third city, there is 
hardly a store that was not cleaned 
out entirely, except for the debris on 
the floor, during the looting that fol- 

(C o n tin u ed  o n  Page 142)

52 THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



SEPTIMBER 10, 1967

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A Radical Speaks in Defense of S.N.C.C. (Coni,)

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(F rom  P age 51)
order in the disorders. As Tom Hay­
den, staff member of the Newark 
Community Union Project and a 
founder of Students for a Democratic 
Society, has observed, those who 
rioted in Newark regarded what they 
did as a more rational relating of 
means to ends than anything avail­
able from the channels of decision­
making customary in quiet times.

It may help us to approach an un­
derstanding of the political philoso­
phy of the American resistance to 
existing authority if we attempt to 
relate it to the theory of revolution 
found in Locke, the Declaration of 
Independence and Abraham Lincoln’s 
first Inaugural Address.

1.
u n i  HIS country,” President Lin- 

X  coin said when he took over 
a government on the eve of dissolu­
tion, “belongs to  the people who in­
habit it. Whenever they shall grow 
weary of the existing government.

66SJI.C.C. is not. for the m enient 
at least, attem pting to overthrow  
the Government. The rioters have  
net gone downtown. They want 
control of these neighborhoods in  
which they are  a m aierity.99

they can exercise their constitutional 
right of amending it, or their revolu­
tionary right to dismember or over­
throw it.”

The harshest critic of Stokely Car­
michael will have to recognize some 
kinship between Lincoln’s affirma­
tion and Carmichael’s statement, re­
ported last October by the United 
Press, that “there is a higher law 
than the law of government. That’s 
the law of conscience.” Clearly Presi­
dent and peripatetic agitator agree 
that government cannot be the ulti­
mate arbiter of right and wrong. And 
well they might: for that way, surely 
we would all concur, lies Eichmann.

Nor can anyone deny that in his 
statement on the occasion of his ar­
rest, July 26, 1967, H. Rap Brown 
employed precisely the logic of the 
preamble to the Declaration of Inde- 
oendeDce*

“I am charged with inciting black 
people to commit an offense by way 
of protest against the law, a law 
which neither I nor any of my peo­
ple have any say in preparing. . . .

“I consider myself neither morally 
nor legally bound to obey laws made 
by a body in which I have no repre­
sentation. That the will of the peo­
ple is the basis of the authority of 
government is a principle universally 
acknowledged as sacred throughout 
the civilized world and constitutes 
the basic foundation of this country. 
It should be equally understandable 
that we, as black people, should 
adopt the attitude that we are neith­
er morally nor legally bound to obey 
laws which were not made with our 
consent and which seek to oppress 
us.”

This dignified statement was made 
the same day that Martin Luther 
King, Roy Wilkins, A. Philip Ran­
dolph and Whitney Young issued a 
joint public declaration so far aban­
doning the First Amendment that it 
urged that advocacy of riot or arson 
be punished as equivalent to the 
commission of those acts them­
selves.

There is one important difference 
between the political philosophy of 
the Declaration and that of Carmi­
chael and Brown. In classical demo­
cratic theory the right of revolution 
belonged only to majorities. This 
was one of the reasons that a bour­
geois gentleman like Locke could 
justify revolution with such confi­
dence.

“Nor let anyone say,” he wrote, 
“that mischief can arise . . .  as often 
as it shall please a busy head or tur­
bulent spirit to desire the alteration 
of the government. It is true such 
men may stir whenever they please, 
but it will be only to their own just 
ruin and perdition; for till the mis­
chief be grown general, and the ill 
designs of the rulers become visible, 
or their attempts sensible to the 
greater part, the people who are 
more disposed to suffer than right 
themselves by resistance are not apt 
to stir.” Locke’s majoritarian theory 
of revolution might appear to cut the 
theoretical ground from under the 
activists of the New Left in general, 
and of S.N.C.C. (the Student Non- 
Violent Coordinating Committee) in 
particular.

' '5 |^ T  a dispassionate observer 
might rebut as follows: In the first 
place, S.N.C.C. is not, for the mo­
ment at least, attempting to over­
throw the Government of the United 
States. The rioters have not gone 
downtown. What they want is con­
trol of those neighborhoods in which 
they constitute a majority. They ask, 
not that City Hall move over and 
make room for them, but that City 
Hall and especially City Hall’s police­
men stay out of where they are. 
Rap Brown’s argument that men can-

I4S THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



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SEPTEMOER 10, 1947 146



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SILVERSMITHS

198

not be bound by laws to which they 
have not given their consent would 
fit this situation perfectly, provided 
it  could be shown that such consent 
had not, in fact, been forthcoming. 
In the Deep South the prima facie 
case that whites have imposed on 
blacks a “law and order” expressive 
only of the wants of whites is over- 
wheliTjing.

In the second place, it is hardly 
the fault of Afro-Americans that 
they constitute a  minority in the 
United States. We white folks 
brought them here, and one of the 
persistent considerations in the 
minds of those who did the import­
ing was to  get enough black laborers 
to do their work for them but not so 
many that the laborers might suc­
cessfully revolt. What is the Afro- 
American supposed to do? It seems 
to him that his oppression is of that 
pervasiveness and degree which 
Locke said justified revolution on the 
part of those oppressed. Should he 
then not rebel because his numbers 
are few? That coimsel hardly fits 
with the tradition of white revolu­
tionaries who sought liberty or 
death. Whether or not he would 
concede the kinship, that is the tra­
dition to which Rap Brown belongs, 
as he stated when arrested:

“Neither imprisonment nor threats 
of death will sway me from the path 
that I have taken, nor will they sway 
others like me. For to men, freedom 
in their own land is the pinnacle of 
their ambitions; and nothing can 
turn men of conviction and a strong 
sense of freedom aside. More pow­
erful than my fear of the dreadful 
conditions to which I might be sub­
jected in prison is my hatred for the 
dread conditions to which my peo­
ple are subjected outside prisons 
throughout this coimtry.”

The fact of the matter is that men 
who feel as Brown feels find them­
selves precisely in the position of 
the revolutionary guerrilla. Having 
rejected, not merely this or that law, 
but the entire structure of authority 
in the country where they happened 
to  be bom, they are nevertheless 
powerless at present to overthrow 
the government which they reject. 
Their perspective must therefore be 
to live for an indefinite future under 
the nominal authority of a govern­
ment to which they no longer feel 
legally or morally bound.

* I h iS political philosophy of non­
cooperation is, after all, not so dif­
ferent from that to which many 
white Americans have felt them­
selves pushed by war crimes in Viet­
nam. A number of American pro­
fessors, including Noam Chomsky of 
the Massachusetts Institute of Tech­
nology, have drafted “A Call to Re­
sist Illegitimate Authority” which 
proceeds on the same premises as 
H. Rap Brown. The principles of

STOKELY CARMICHAEL at
a meeting in Washington. Says 
Lynd: “He seeks to  build 'a  soci­
ety in which the spirit of commu­
nity and humanistic love prevail.'"

the Nuremburg Tribunal constitute 
for the signers of this Call “com­
mitments to other countries and to 
Mankind [which] would claim our al­
legiance even if Congress should 
declare war.” (Just so S.N.C.C., fol­
lowing Malcolm X, now speaks of 
universal “human rights” rather than 
of the “civil rights” defined by 
American law.) Consciously or un­
consciously borrowing a turn of 
phrase from the preamble to the 
Declaration of Independence, the 
Call terms resistance to collusion 
with the wur and the encouragement 
of others to so resist “a legal right 
and a moral duty.” Brown ends his 
statement with the words: “Each 
time black human-rights workers are 
refused protection by the govern­
ment, that is anarchy. Each time a 
police officer shoots and kills a black 
teen-ager, that is urban crime. We 
see America for what it is, and we 
recognize our course of action.” The 
Call ends similarly: “Now is the 
time to resist.”

n.

IT may still be said that a justifi­
cation of revolution akin to Jef­

ferson’s  does not quite add up to a 
vision of the future.

True enough, in part that vision is

implicit in the actions of S.N.C.C. 
and S.D.S. (Students for a Demo­
cratic Society) organizers rather 
than fuliy articulated. For example, 
“the Movement” prefers to make its 
decisions by consensus, not by dele­
gating decision-making authority to 
representatives. Again, in contrast 
to  the sharp distinction in liberal 
democratic theory between thought 
and action, the Movement places a 
high premium on “putting your body 
where your mouth is,” which is to 
say, acting on what you believe. It 
should be easy enough for any mod­
erately sympathetic listener to extra­
polate these clues into a  sketch of 
future institutions.

Yet such extrapolation is hardly 
necessary. The “Port Huron State­
ment,” a statement of aims by S.D.S. 
in 1962, remains an accurate declara­
tion of what both S.D.S. and S.N.C.C. 
might do if they had power. It is 
regrettable that Time magazine, ap­
parently current regarding so much 
else, is five years behind the pub­
lished documentation in compre­
hending the New Left.

The Port Huron Statement lists a 
plethora of recommended programs 
which, if controversial, can hardly 
be considered irrational. They in­
clude the following:

“Universal controlled disarmament 
must replace deterrence and arms 
control as the national defense goal.”

“All present national entities—in­
cluding the Vietnams, the Koreas, 
the Chinas and the Germanys — 
should be members of the United 
Nations.”

“We should reverse the trend of 
aiding corrupt anti-Communist re­
gimes. To support dictators like 
Diem while trying to destroy ones 
like Castro will only enforce inter­
national cynicism about American 
‘principle’.”

“America should agree that public 
utilities, railroads, mines and plan­
tations, and other basic economic in­
stitutions should be in the control of 
national, not foreign, agencies. We 
should encourage our investors to 
turn over their foreign holdings (or 
a t least 50 per cent of the stock) to 
the national governments of the 
countries involved.”

“The First Amendment freedoms 
of speech, assembly, thought, reli­
gion and press should be seen as 
guarantees, not threats, to national 
security.. . .  The House Un-American 
Activities Committee, the Senate In­
ternal Security Committee, the loy­
alty oaths on Federal loans, the At­
torney General’s list of, subversive 
organizations, the Smith and McCar- 
ran Acts” should be abolished.

“A truly ‘public sector’ must be 
established, and its nature debated 
and planned.”

“Our monster cities, based histor­
ically on the need for mass labor.

THE HEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



A handful of people like Mary Carnwath 
are trying to keep our promise to the Indians. 
But they won’t make it without you.

T h e  H o p i In d ia n s ’ v illag e  of 
Shipaulovi in Arizona sits on land 
so poor, infertile and inhospitable 
th a t so far nobody has tried to take 
it aw ay from  them .

E lectricity  has not yet reached 
th e  Hopis. W ater m ust be hauled 
from  th ree miles away. Jobs are few 
and far away. Only poverty and des­
pair are close-by and in abundance.

Y et for the first tim e in genera­
tions, M ary  C arnw ath and people 
like her are stirring hope am ong the 
Hopis.

M a ry  C a rn w a th  w o rk s an d  
lives two thousand miles away, in 
M anhattan . H er own daughter is 
now grown-up, and through Save  
the Children Federation  she is spon­
soring one of the village girls, 8-year- 
old Grace M ahtew a.

T h e  M a h tew as (tw o  p a ren ts , 
th re e  ch ild ren , one g ra n d m o th e r  
an d  a  s is te r-in -la w ) live t ig h tly  
p ack ed  in a t in y  rock an d  m ud 
house. T he father who knows ranch ' 
w'ork bu t can’t find any most of the 
year, isn’t able to provide the fam ily 
with even the bare necessities.

G race, b rig h t, 
am bitious and in- 

W  d u str io u s. w ould
■  VIHIIb  H  have had
1  to  quit school as

soon as she w as 
old enough to do 
a day’s work. But. 

''fd because of M ary
Carnw ath, th a t w on't be necessary.

T h e  $ 1 2 .5 0  a m o n th  c o n tr ib ­
u ted  by M ary C arnw ath is provid­
ing a rem arkable num ber of things 
for Grace and her family.

Grace will have a chance to con­
tin u e  schooling . T h e  fam ily  has 
been able to m ake its home a little 
m ore livable. And with the money 
left over, together w ith funds from 
other sponsors, the village has been 
able to renovate a dilapidated build­
ing for use as a village center. T he 
center now has two m anual sewing 
m achines th a t are the beginnings of 
a small income-producing business. 
I t ’s only a small beginning. M ore 
m oney and more people like M ary 
C arnw ath are needed. W ith your 
help, perhaps this village program

will produce enough m oney to end 
the H opi’s need for help. T h a t is 
w hat Save the Children is all about.

Although contributions are de­
ductible, it’s not a charity. T he aim 
is not m erely to buy one child a few 
hot meals, a warm  coat and a new’ 
pair of shoes. Instead, your contribu­
tion is used to give the child, the fam ­
ily and the village a little  boost tha t 
m ay be  all they  need to s ta rt helping 
themselves.

Sponsors are desperately needed 
for o ther American Indian children 
—who suffer the  highest dis­
ease  ra te  and  w ho look for- 
ward to the shortest life span 
of any American group.

As a sponsor you will re­
ceive a photo of the child, regu­
lar reports on his progress and. 
if you wish, a chance to corre­
spond with him and his family.

M a ry  C a rn w a th  know s 
th a t she can’t save the world 
for S I 2.50 a m onth. Only a 
small corner of it. But, maybe 
th a t  is th e  w ay to  save th e

w orld. If th e re  are  enough  M a ry  
Carnw'aths. How about you?

Save the Children Federation  is 
registered with the U.S. S tate D epart­
m ent Advisory Com m ittee on Vol­
un tary  Foreign Aid. and a m em ber 
of the In ternational Union of Child 
Welfare. Financial sta tem ents and 
a n n u a l r e p o r ts  a re  a v a ila b le  on 
request.
Save T h e  Children F ederation  -
F ounded in 1932
N ational Sponsors ( partial list):
F aith  B aldw in, M rs. Jam es B ryan t Coriant.
Joan Crawford, Hon. Jam es A. Farley,
Jerry Lewis. F rank Sinatra, M rs. Earl W arren

Save The Children Federation
NORWALK. CONNECTICUT 06852 
I WISH TO SPONSOR AN AMERICAN INDIAN CHILD. 
ENCLOSED IS MY FIRST PAYMENT OF:
O  $12.50 MONTHLY □  $37.50 QUARTERLY
0  $75 SEMI-ANNUALLY □  $150 ANNUALLY
1 CANT SPONSOR A CHILD, BUT I'D LIKE TO HELP.
ENCLOSED IS A CONTRIBUTION OF $________ ___
O  SEND ME MORE INFORMATION.
NAME______________________________________________

CONTRIBUTIONS ARE U.S. INCOME TAX DEDUCTIBLE

SEPTEMBER 10, 1967



ANOTHER MESSAGE— Pages from a pamphlet on planning a farm cooperative, distributed by the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee. Formed

might now be humanized, broken 
into smaller communities, powered 
by nuclear energy, arranged accord­
ing to community decision.”

“Medical care must become rec­
ognized as a lifetime human right 
just as vital as food, shelter and 
clothing — the Federal Government 
should guarantee health insurance as 
a basic social service turning medi­
cal treatment into a social habit, not 
just an occasion of crisis.”

“No Federal cooperation with rac­
ism is tolerable—from financing of 
schools, to  the development of Fed­
erally supported industry, to the so­
cial gatherings of the President.”

Students and faculty “must wrest 
control of the educational process 
from the administrative bureauc­
racy.”

Such positive proposals as these 
were presented by the Port Huron 
Statement in the context of a funda­
mental program of “participatory 
democracy.” "We seek.” declared 
the student authors, “the establish­
ment of a democracy of individual 
participation . . . that the individual 
share in those social decisions deter­
mining the quality and direction of 
his life. . .

Participating democracy repre­
sented a corollary to S.N.C.C.’s 1960 
statement of purpose, which affirmed 
the need for “a social order of jus­
tice permeated by love” and took its 
stand on “the moral nature of human 
existence.” So, too, in every phase 
of its history, S.N.C.C. workers have

sought, in the words of the Port 
Huron Statement, “to encourage in­
dependence in men.”

The evident common ground, de­
spite all differences in experience, be­
tween these S.N.C.C. and S.D.S. state­
ments of purpose, makes rational the 
hope that what will ultimately emerge 
is an American radical movement led 
1^ black people but with participants 
both white and black. Stokely Car­
michael wrote as recently as 1966 
that the society S.N.C.C. seeks to 
build “is not a capitalist society. It 
is a  society in which the spirit of 
community and humanistic love pre­
vail.” We may yet see “white and 
black together” striving for that so­
ciety.

V \^ H A T  has changed since 1962 is 
not ends, but means. One sees this 
in the increasing toughness of slo­
gans. “Love” and “participatory 
democracy” have given way to “black- 
power,” “we won’t  go,” “resist,” “not 
with my life you don’t.” Nevertheless, 
each of these phrases seeks to articu­
late the underlying thought that per­
sons now excluded from our society’s 
decision-making — which means al­
most all Americans, but especially the 
young, the poor and those of dark 
skin — should assume control over 
their destinies. Even in 1962, as the 
Port Huron Statement noted, the 
civil-rights movement had “come to 
an impasse.” That impasse and our 
societ^s failure to overcome it ex­
plain why the hopeful and innocent

dreams of five years ago have meta­
morphosed into the hard-bitten strat­
egies of today.

111.

Lik e  any other guerrilla, the Afro- 
American in rebellion will seek 

allies where he can find them. E ^ e -  
rience, and more particularly experi­
ence (as he perceived it) of betrayal 
by white and black respectable Amer­
icans, leads him to seek such allies 
in the Third World overseas.

This perspective did not spring full- 
grown from the brows of Stokely 
Carmichael and Fidel Castro. It is not 
the invention of outside agitators. 
Those who vrish it did not exist ought 
to recall how they acted at the 
Democratic party convention in 1964, 
what their response was to Julian 
Bond’s unseating by the Legislature 
of Georgia, how quickly and publicly 
they protested (or failed to protest) 
the arrests of H. Rap Brown.

Some of us watched Robert Parris 
Moses, the principal S.N.C.C. leader 
in the Negro voter-registration drive 
in Mississippi, as experience took him 
step by step from an initial orienta­
tion to the use of electoral machinery 
and the cultivation of white allies 
toward embittered black nationalism. 
The turning point in Bob’s develop­
ment, so far as this outsider has been 
able to understand it, was when, on 
a visit to Africa in 1965, he saw a 
magazine published by the United 
States Information Agency. A center 
spread in the magazine showed pic­

tures of Moses and Mrs. Fannie Lou 
Hamer, the Mississippi civil-rights 
worker, over some such caption as; 
“Bob Moses and Mrs. Hamer leading 
delegates of the Mississippi Freedom 
Democratic party to their seats a t the 
Democratic party convention.” Bob 
felt not only that the magazine had 
lied in stating that the M.F.D.P. dele­
gates had been seated, but that it had 
used him, and those who had died in 
Mississippi as a result of his activity, 
to convey to the rest of the world 
that democracy still existed in a coun­
try which could produce Bob Moses. 
This experience blended with ac­
counts of Central Intelligence Agency 
machinations, as in Ghana which Bob 
visited shortly before the deposition 
of Nkrumah. Robert Moses, gentlest 
of men, returned to the United States 
convinced that no infamy or perfidy 
was beyond the capacities of “this 
country."

Others traveled the same road. As 
recently as the summer of 1964, this 
writer, then directing “freedom 
schools” for the Mississippi Summer 
Project, insisted that discussion of 
foreign policy be excluded from the 
curriculum of the schools because 
S.N.C.C. had no position on foreign 
policy. The trauma of the Democratic 
party convention, followed by the 
bombing of North Vietnam a half 
year later, set in motion a change. 
T he ' April, 1965, demonstration in 
Washington against the war in Viet­
nam, organized by Students for a

152 THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE





D em ocratic S ociety , had its  d istrict of 
Colum bia headquarters in  the S ^ .C .C . 
office . In July, 1965, N egroes in  Mc- 
Com b, M iss., w h ere  M oses had start­
ed  v o ter  registration  in  1961, issued  
th e  fo llow ing  sta tem ent o n  th e  occa­
sion  o f  th e  d eath  in  V ietnam  o f  John  
D. Shaw , 23  yea rs  old, w h o  had par­
ticipated  in  th e  1961 dem onstrations  
and sit-ins;

“H ere are fiv e  reasons w h y  N egroes  
should  n o t be in an y w ar figh ting  for  
Am erica;

“ I. N o  M ississippi N egroes should  
b e figh ting  in  V ietnam  fo r  th e  w h ite  
m an’s  freedom , until a ll th e  N egro  
peop le are free in M ississippi.

“2. N egro b o y s should  n ot honor  
the draft in  M ississippi. M others 
should  encourage their so n s n o t to  go.

“3. W e w ill ga in  respect and d ig­
n ity  a s  a  race o n ly  b y  forcing the  
U nited  S ta tes  G overnm ent and th e  
M ississippi governm ent to  com e w ith  
guns, dogs and trucks to  tak e our  
so n s a w ay  to  fig h t and be k illed  pro­
te ctin g  M ississippi, A labam a, G eorgia  
and Louisiana.

“4. N o one has a  righ t to  ask  us to  
risk  our liv es  and k ill o ther colored  
peop le in S anto  D om ingo and V iet­
nam  so  th a t th e  w h ite  Am erican can  
g e t richer. W e w ill be looked  upon  
a s  traitors b y  all th e  colored  peop le  
o f  the w orld  i f  the N egro peop le con ­
tinue to  figjjt and d ie w ith ou t a  
cause.

“5. L ast w e ek  a  w h ite  so ld ier from  
N ew  Jersey w a s  discharged  from  the  
Arm y because he refused  to  fig h t in  
V ietnam  and w e n t on  a  hxmger strike. 
N egro b o y s can  do th e  sam e th ing. 
W e can  w rite and ask  our son s if  
th ey  k n o w  w h a t th ey  are figh ting  for. 
If he answ ers ‘Freedom ,’ te ll him  
th at’s  w h at w e  are figh ting  for here 
in M ississippi. A nd i f  he sa y s  ‘D em oc­
racy ,’ te ll h im  th e  truth— ^we don’t  
k now  anyth ing about Com m unism , 
Socialism  and a ll that, b ut w e  d o  
k now  th at N egroes h ave caught hell 
here under th is  American Democ­
racy."

X m m idsum m er, 1965, th e  thrust o f  
th e  McComb sta tem ent still ran a t  
cross-purposes to  S.N.C.C.’s  d esire to  
w in  liberal w h ite  support for  its  e f­
fort to  ch allen ge th e  sea tin g  o f  the 
regular D em ocratic party C ongress­
m en  from  M ississippi. The W ash ing­
ton , D.C., o ffice  o f  th e  M ississippi 
Freedom  D em ocratic party repudiated  
th e  M cComb s ta tem e n t B ut w ith  the  
d efeat o f  the C ongressional chal­
len ge a  fe w  w eek s later, no  inhibition  
rem ained to  th e  expression  o f  S.N.C.C. 
d issen t to  Am erican foreign  policy. 
The S.N.C.C. sta ff joined  unanim ous­
ly  a t Christm as tim e, 1965, in  a  sta te­
m ent w hich  exp ressed  sym p ath y and  
support for th ose  “unw illing to  re­
spond to  th e  m ilitary draft." For 
the first tim e S.N.C.C. conceptualized

w h a t it  had been  doing for th e  past 
fiv e  years as a  “black  peop le’s  strug­
g le  for liberation  and self-determ ina­
tion .”

This then  laid th e  basis for a  com ­
parison  o f  th e  m urder o f  S.N.C.C. 
field  secretaries im protected  by Fed­
eral pow er to  the murder o f  people in 
Vietnam : “In each  case , th e  U. S. 
G overnm ent bears a  great part o f  the  
responsibility  for th ese deaths.” Just 
as, in  th e  perception  o f  S.N.C.C. sta ff  
m em bers, “election s in  th is country, 
in  th e  N orth a s  w e ll a s  th e  South, 
are n o t free,” so  overseas, “the abil-

fo llow ing  poem  w hich  she had w rit­
ten:

V ietnam : A  Poem  

We say we love our country 
We say other people love their 
country
We said that all men are brothers 
What would we call the war 
in Vietnam
Would we call that brotherly love 
Does the word freedom have a mean­

ing

H. RAP BROWN
holds a news confer­
ence. “ His argument 
is that men cannot 
be bound by laws to 
which they have not 
given their consent."

ity  and even  th e  desire o f  the U. S. 
G overnm ent to  guarantee free e lec­
tion s” w ere questionable. And  
therefore th e  conclusion; “W e m ain­
tain  th at our country’s cry o f  ‘pre­
serve freedom  in  th e  w orld ’ is  a  
hypocritical m ask  behind w hich  it  
squashes liberation m ovem ents w hich  
are n ot bound and refuse to  be bound  
by exped iency  o f  U. S. co ld  w ar  
policy."

A t the tim e, w h ite Southern lib­
erals, such  a s  the la te  Lillian Sm ith  
and th e  ed itors o f  The A tlan ta Con­
stitu tion , w ondered  aloud w h at ou t­
side ag itator had drafted  th e  S.N.C.C. 
statem ent. Theirs w a s a dangerous 
m isconception . H ow genu inely  the 
S.N.C.C. statem ent spoke for  rank- 
and-file N egro sen tim ent w a s sug­
gested  the n ex t year w hen  an  Am er­
ican  Friends Service C om m ittee em ­
ploye, in conversation  w ith  Mrs. Ida 
M ae Lawrence, a  leader o f  the em ­
battled  b lack p lantation  w orkers o f  
the M ississippi D elta, uncovered the

W hy do the history books say 
America is the
Land of Liberty a Free Country.
Then why do all mens Negro and 

White fight
the Vietnam and Korea why cant we 

be Americans
as North and South regardless of 
color
What does we have again 
the Vietnams?
Why are we fighting them?
Who are really the enemy?
Are Vietnam the enemy or we 
Americans enemies to ourselves.
If we are the same as Vietnams 
Why should we fight them?
They are poor too.
They wants freedom.
They wants to redster to vote.
Maybe the people in the Vietnam 
can’t redster to vote 
Just like us.

Thus, in its  politica l philosophy  
concern ing illeg itim ate authority  
both  a t hom e and abroad, S.N.C.C. 
stem s d irectly  from  long-standing  
A m erican tradition. The m ost e lo ­
q uent w h ite position  paper on  “the  
black  rebellion”  w a s  th a t issued  by  
S.D.S. It sim ply reprinted the pre­
am ble to  the D eclaration  o f Inde­
pendence.

S.N.C.C.’s  present ad vocacy  o f  v io ­
len ce  is  a lso  a ltogether in th e  Am eri­
can  grain. It ill b ecom es w h ite  
A m ericans to  rebuke S.N.C.C. for  
repudiating th at “p assive  obed ience” 
w hich  the leaders o f  the Am erican  
R evolution  th em selves so  m uch  
scorned.

Our inten tion, declared  B row n on  
Ju ly  26 , is  to  respond to  “counter­
revolutionary v io len ce  w ith  revolu­
tionary v io len ce, an  ey e  for  an  ey e , a  
too th  fo r  a tooth , and a  life  for a  life .” 
Is  th is sen tim ent essen tia lly  d ifferent 
from  th e im port o f  L ocke’s  question; 
“If the Innocent honest m an m u st  
q uietly  quit all he has, for peace’s 
sake, to  h im  w h o  w ill lay  v io len t  
hands upon it, I desire it  m ay b e con­
sidered  w h at a  k ind o f  peace  there  
w ill b e in  th e  w orld, w h ich  co n sists  
o n ly  in  v io len ce  and rapine, and  
w hich  is to  b e m aintained  on ly  for  
th e  b en efit o f  robbers and oppressors. 
W ho w ou ld  n ot th ink  it  an  adm irable 
p eace b etw ix t th e  m ighty  and the  
m ean w h en  the lam b w ith ou t resist­
an ce y ield ed  h is throat to  b e to m  by  
the im perious w olf?” And w hen  
Stokely  C arm ichael h in ts, purported­
ly , a t  th e  assassin ation  o f  P resident 
Johnson, m u st n ot th ose  w ords be  
cata logued  a long  w ith  Patrick H enry’s  
“Caesar had h is Brutus, C harles the  
F irst h is  Crom well, and G eorge the  
Third [here H enry w a s  interrupted  
by cries o f ‘Treason!’] m ay profit 
by their exam ple”?

N EVERTHELESS, I do n ot w ish  to  
c lo se  w ith  a  d efense o f  v io lence, 
w hether G eorge W ashington’s  or H. 
Rap B row n’s. For th e  political philos­
op hy o f  th o se  inten se you ng m en and  
w om en  regarded by th e  A m erican  
E stablishm ent a s  p urveyors o f  chaos  
and anarchy appears to  m e sparked, 
ab ove all, by  com passion . U ntil w e  
le t them  dow n, th ey  struggled  to  cre­
a te  a  “beloved  com m unity,” a  “band  
o f brothers standing in  a  circle o f  
love ,” in  th e  face o f  Southern sheriffs  
and police d ogs. D o w e  think them  
different persons now? If so, w e  are 
m istaken. There com es to  m y  m ind  
S.N.C.C. p o et laureate Charlie Cobb, 
and esp ecia lly  “Charlie’s  Poem ,” read  
a t the B erkeley teach-in  o f  May, 
1965, w h en  S.N.C.C. w a s  ha lfw ay  b e­
tw een  Freedom  Sum m er and Black  
Pow er. Here is  the concluding sec ­
tion:

so  cry not fust 
for jackson or reeb 
schwerner, goodman

SEPTSMBta 10, 1 M 7
15 5



GUNNAR M YRD A L— Âi a 1968 press conference. His 
"An American Dilemma," 1944, became an instant classic.

The Negro 
In America— 

Where Myrdal 
Went Wrong

By CARL N. DECLER

JUST as the second  W orld W ar w as  
reaching its  clim ax, another kind  
o f challenge for Am erican de­

m ocracy w a s flung before the Am eri­
can people. In 1944, Gunnar Myrdal, 
a Sw edish  econom ist, published in 
tw o  volum es a  m assive stu dy  o f  the 
N egro in the U nited  S tates. He ca lled  
it  “An Am erican D ilem m a.” The book  
w a s a c lassic  upon publication; its  
num erous tables, m any quotations  
from  hundreds o f books and inter­
v iew s, and m ass o f  detail becam e the  
stap le upon w hich  all subsequent 
studies o f  the N egro in the U nited  
S tates drew . One o f M yrdal’s co lla ­
borators, Arnold Rose, now  a profes­
sor of socio logy  a t the U n iversity  of 
M innesota, published a condensed  
version  under the title  “The Negro in 
A m erica.” R ose’s shorter volum e, and 
even  M yrdal’s original study, are n ot  
o n ly  still in print, but a “20th-anni- 
versary” ed ition  o f th e  book  w as  
issued  in  1962. The present year  
m arks a quarter o f a century since

C A R L  N . D E G LE R , professor o f history 
a t Stanford University, is writins a com ­
parative study o f slavery and race rela­
tions in the U n ited  States and Brazil.

“A n A m erican D ilem m a” appeared. 
H ow  do its  prognostications look  in  
the light o f  the N egro Revolution?

The appropriate p lace to  begin  in  
evaluating  the book is w ith  its  title. 
For, unlike the ca se  w ith  som e b ooks, 
M yrdal’s  title  w a s  c lo se ly  related to  
the conclusions h e arrived at a s  he  
pored over the m any sta ff studies  
and personal in vestigations th at w ere  
the basis for  h is w ork. Essentially , 
his argum ent w as that the depressed  
and segregated  socia l position  o f th e  
N egro in  the U nited S tates con sti­
tuted  a  vio lation  o f w h a t h e called  
the A m erican Creed o f  eq u ality  of 
opportunity.

Furthermore, he contended that 
A m ericans, m ore than m ost peop le  
o f W estern  cultures, d isliked having  
a  large gap  b etw een  their principles 
and their actions. C onsequently, de­
sp ite the ev idence he am assed  o f  the  
w a y s in  w h ich  N egroes had been  
denied the b enefits and excluded from  
the opportunities o f Am erican socie­
ty, h e  foresaw  im provem ent in  the  
future. Though h e recogn ized  that 
th e  average Am erican w a s  caught 
b etw een  h is professions o f equality

“ The most striking error of omission in MyrdaTs 
delineation of the course of race relations in the United 
States over the last quarter-century was his failure 
to recognize that the greatest peaceful pressure 
for change would come from Negroes in the South." Above, 
the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., center, at a 1965 rally.

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



and the actual, lo w  sta te  o f  the  
N egro, M yrdal saw  the w h ite  A m er­
ican  w orking to  rem ove or reso lve  
th at contradiction. T he Am erican, 
M yrdal w rote , “is  on  th e  average  
m ore o f  a  b eliever and a defender  
o f the fa ith  in  hum anity than the  
rest o f  the O ccidentals. It is  a rela­
t iv e ly  im portant m atter to  h im  to  b e  
true to  h is ideals and to  carry them  
out in  actual life .”

ERTAINLY anyone w h o  has  
lived  as  an  adult through the la st  
quarter o f a  century can  te s tify  to  
th e  enorm ous ch an ges th a t have  
taken p lace in  th e  p osition  o f  the  
N egro and the opportunities open  to  
black peop le . 'W^en M yrdal w rote, 
legal segregation  w a s  firm ly estab ­
lished  in the South and v irtually  un­
challenged  in  th e  courts; y e t  w ith in  
a decade th e  Suprem e Court w ou ld  
invoke the A m erican Creed to w h ich  
M yrdal referred,-strik ing dow n legal 
segregation  in  sch oo ls and soon  
thereafter throughout th e  social 
order. W hen M yrdal w rote, fe w  N e­
groes vo ted  in  the South, but today  
th e  N egro v o te  is  im portant enough

in th e  South to  e le c t local offic ia ls  
and even  sta te  representatives. N e­
groes w h o  exerc ise  the franchise are 
increasing  in  num ber and in influ ­
ence. Furtherm ore, the cau se o f the  
N egro has been  taken up b y three  
D em ocratic P residents w ith  ever  
m ounting v ig o r  and each  o f  them  has  
invoked  the Am erican Creed in  ad ­
van cing  h is  argum ents for civil-rights  
leg islation  and other efforts in behalf 
o f equality .

In h is book  M yrdal w rote  that the  
theory o f  racial inferiority, w h ich  for  
so  long w as respectable throughout 
th e  w h ite  population o f the country, 
w a s breaking dow n. “The gradual de­
struction  o f the popular theory  behind  
race prejudice is  th e  m ost im portant 
o f all socia l trends in  th e  field  of 
interracial relations,” he concluded. 
And tod ay  in 1969 i t  cannot be  
denied  th at all racists are on  the 
d efensive in  th e  U nited S tates. N ot  
even  G eorge W allace or L ester M ad­
d ox dares pub lic ly  to  indu lge in  
racist attack s on  N egroes as  Senator  
T heodore Bilbo o f  M ississippi and  
R epresentative John Rankin of A la­

bam a did rather regularly in  the 
nineteen-th irties and even  in  the  
early  n ineteen -forties.

A lthough M yrdal’s  em phasis w a s  
upon the con flict w ith in  the mind o f  
the w h ite  Am erican, h is  an a lysis did  
n ot ignore th e  role th a t the blacks 
th em selves w ou ld  p lay  in  bringing  
about an  end to  prejudice and d is ­
crim ination. Indeed, h e predicted  in­
creasing  m ilitance on  the part of 
b lacks, particu larly in  th e  South, 
w here h e  fo resa w  race riots soon  
after the w ar. A lw ays, how ever, he 
cam e back to  the pow er o f  the  
Creed. “P otentia lly  the N egro is  
strong,” h e  w rote. “He has, in  h is  
dem ands upon w h ite  A m ericans, the  
fundam ental la w  o f the land on  h is  
side . He has even  the better con­
sc ien ce o f h is w h ite  com patriots  
th em selves. He know s it; and the 
w h ite  A m erican  know s it, too .”

In another place, tow ard  th e  close  
o f h is w ork, he em phasized  th is  
them e even  m ore strongly . “The 
N egroes are a m inority and th ey  are  
poor and suppressed, but they  have  
the advantage th a t they  can  figh t 
w holehearted ly . The w h ites  h ave all

the pow er, but th ey  are sp lit in  their  
moral p ersonality. Their b etter  se lv es  
are w ith  the insurgents. The N egroes  
do not need  an y other a llies.” 

U nfortunately, w e  cannot easily  
learn how  M yrdal h im self fe e ls  about 
his predictions 25  years later. In the  
1962 ed ition  o f “A n Am erican D ilem ­
m a,” M yrdal w rote: “O ften  I have  
been challenged  during th ese  20  
years to  com e back and to review  m y  
findings in the ligh t o f all th a t has  
happened since I le ft  the scene of 
m y study. I h ave fe lt tem pted  to  do  
so . But I h ave found it  im possib le. . . . 
As I did n ot w an t to  express v iew s  
on a  subject on  w h ich  I could  no  
longer con stan tly  fo llo w  th e  d iscus­
sion, I h ave refrained from  m aking  
further com m ents on  the N egro issue  
and even  from  answ ering criticism s  
o f m y o w n  study,”

H ow ever, Arnold R ose has com ­
m ented  on  the ex ten t to  w h ich  Myr- 
dal’s  predictions have held  up. For 
the 1962 ed ition  R ose w rote a  “p o st­
script 20  years after” in  w hich  
h e found th e  correspondence b etw een  
history  and M yrdal’s earlier prognos- 

(Continued on Page 152)

"It is true that Myrdal recognized that racism existed 
in the North, but it is clear that he underestimated 
its virulence and persistence." Here, pickets outside 
a New York City Board of Education hearing in Brooklyn.

White construction workers in Pittsburgh last summer 
protest black workers’ demands. "M yrdal missed entirely 
the great fact of the nineteen-sixties— the outbreak of 
overt racial antagonism and violence in the cities
of the North____ In Myrdal’s mind there was no
doubt that labor unions would be one of the agencies 
acting to promote better opportunities for blacks.
But here, too, events have turned out differently."

DCCEMBER 7, 1969



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Where Myrdal went wrong

(Continued from Page 65) 
tications rem arkably close. 
“The change has been  so  rapid, 
and ca ste  and racism  so  
debilitated ,” R ose concluded  
in  1962, “th a t I ven ture to  
predict the end o f all form al 
segregation  and d iscrim ina­
tion  w ith in  a  decade, and the  
decline o f inform al segrega­
tion  and d iscrim ination  so  
th at it  w ou ld  be a m ere 
shadow  in  tw o  decades. The 
attitude o f prejudice m ight re­
m ain indefin itely , but it  w ill 
be on  th e  m inor order o f  
C atholic-Protestant prejudice  
w ith in  three decades. . . .  It 
w ould  on ly  b e  appropriate to  
gu ess  that m ost socio log ists  
w ould  find th ese  predictions 
‘op tim istic.’ But then , m ost  
socio log ists found th e  predic­
tion s contained  in  ‘A n Am er­
ican  D ilem m a’ o f  2 0  years  
a go  optim istic, and m ost o f  
th ese  predictions have since  
com e true.”

kUT h ave they? If on e  
m eans b y  com ing true that 
M yrdal predicted there w ould  
be im provem ent in  the N egro’s  
position , then , o f course, h is  
predictions h ave com e off. 
And if  one m eans th at w h ite  
gu ilt over  p a st oppression  of 
N egroes has been a  pow erfu l 
force help ing  to  rectify  past 
w rongs, then, too, M yrdal’s  
an a lysis has been  proved out. 
B ut th ese  are v er y  general 
te s ts  and n ot n ecessarily  the  
b est ones if  w e  ask  ou rselves  
w h at is  the relevance o f  Myr- 
dal’s study to  our o w n  tim e  
and the im m ediate future.

To begin  w ith , th e  m ost 
dram atic prediction  th at M yr­
dal m ade is a lm ost en tirely  
ignored  b y  th ose w h o  praise  
h is  prescience. M yrdal pre­
d icted  th at the postw ar era 
w ould  find n ot on ly  increasing  
tension  b etw een  the South and 
the N orth over th e  N egro and  
oth er questions, but that v io ­
len ce b etw een  b lacks and  
w h ites  w a s  h igh ly  like ly  in  
th e  South. W ith ev id en t agree­
m ent, M yrdal quoted a  Negro  
socia l scien tist w ho, in May, 
1943, predicted  serious race 
riots in  th e  South  w ith in  a  
year. T hat particular predic­
tion  not on ly  did n ot com e  
true, but the South  has experi­
enced  less  racial v io len ce than  
th e  N orth in the la st quarter- 
century. Indeed, because Myr­
dal a lw ays sa w  the South as 
s ign ificantly  m ore racist than  
the North, h is study did little  
to  prepare us for  w h at actu­
a lly  has happened in  race rela­
tion s in the U nited S tates.

It is true that Myrdal recog­

n ized  that racism  ex isted  in 
the N orth, b ut it  is  a lso  clear  
th a t he underestim ated  its 
viru lence and persistence. A  
historian  today cannot help  
but be struck  b y M yrdal’s  fa il­
ure to  recogn ize the strong  
h ostility  o f  N ortherners to ­
w ard N egroes all through  
A m erican h istory, but esp e­
cia lly  in  th e  19th century. 
Today w e  h ave the scholarly  
w orks o f Leon L itw ack, Eu­
g en e Berw anger, Forrest 
W ood and others docum ent­
ing  the segregation , d iscrim i­
nation  and sheer hatred of 
blacks in  th e  North both  
before and after the Civil War. 
T hese w orks, o f  course, w ere  
n ot available to  M yrdal, 
though  on e w ou ld  have  
thought th a t h is  m any re­
searchers w ou ld  h ave g iven  
him  som e inkling o f  th e  long  
history  o f  anti-N egro a ttitudes  
and practices in the North  
w hich  are still reflected  in  
contem porary intransigency  
am ong Northern w h ites  in  
regard to  jobs and housing.

D iscrim ination  occurs in  the 
North, M yrdal conceded, but 
public authorities o ffic ia lly  
do n ot condone it, a s  con­
trasted  w ith  the situation  in 
th e  South. A s a  consequence, 
he predicted: “A s private rela­
tion s are increasingly  b ecom ­
ing public relations, th e  w h ite  
Northerners w ill be w illin g  to  
g iv e  the N egro equality.” 
A fter the D etroit race riot of 
1943, w hich  M yrdal in  part 
accounted  fo r  by  referring to  
the large num ber o f Southern  
w h ites  in  that city , he w rote, 
“On the w h ole , i t  does not 
seem  like ly  that there w ill be  
further riots o f an y s ignificant 
d egree o f  v io len ce in  the  
N orth.” Today w e  h ave not 
o n ly  the h istorica l researches  
to  w arn us against an  easy  
assum ption  o f  w illin gn ess to  
concede racial equality, w e  
a lso  have the experience of 
resistance on  the part of 
Southern w h ites  to  school in­
tegration  and the resistance  
o f Northern w h ites  to  in te­
grated  housing.

In short, M yrdal’s book  
m issed  en tire ly  the great fac t  
o f th e  n in eteen -sixties— nam e­
ly, the outbreak o f  overt 
racial an tagon ism  and v io ­
len ce in  the c ities o f  the  
North. It is  true that the riots 
o f the n in eteen -sixties differ  
from  th ose o f  earlier years  
in  th at in  th e  m ore recent 
o n es N egroes took  the in itia­
tiv e  instead  o f  being victim s  
o f w h ite  attack s as  in  th e  
past. M yrdal n everth eless did 
n ot offer any clu es to  h is  
readers, for he thought that

outbreaks o f  v io len ce  by N e­
groes m ust com e in the South, 
n ot in th e  North.

“A n A m erican  D ilem m a” 
turned ou t to  be a poor pre­
dictor, too , in  its  identifica­
tion  o f  the forces m aking for  
change in  th e  d irection  of 
equality . In M yrdal’s  m ind  
there w a s  n o  doubt that the  
labor unions w ould  be one of 
the agen cies actin g  to  pro­
m ote b etter opportunities for  
biacks. But here, too, events  
h ave turned out differently. 
A lthough the top  echelon  o f  
th e  A.F.L.-C.I.O. still g iv es  lip  
service to  racial equality, the  
unions are n o  longer in  the  
forefront o f  th e  cause. In fact, 
a s recent new spaper reports 
m ake clear, organized  labor  
con stitu tes an  im portant op­
position  to  the open ing of 
certain  k inds o f jobs to  N e­
groes, such  a s  in  the con ­
struction  industry.

u NDOUBTEDLY, the m ost 
strik ing error o f om ission  in 
M yrdal’s  delineation  o f th e  
course o f race relations in  the  
U nited  S ta tes over the la st  
quarter-century w a s h is fa il­
ure to  recogn ize th at the  
g reatest peacefu l pressure for  
change w ou ld  com e from  N e­
groes in the South. The M ont­
gom ery bus strike o f  1955 
and the novel leadership  o f  
the Rev. M artin Luther King 
Jr.— a Southern B aptist m in is­
ter— had n o foreshadow ing in  
“A n Am erican D ilem m a.” Yet, 
as w e  can see  today, th ese  
tw o events are probably the  
m ost im portant o f all in  the  
history  o f the N egro R evolu­
tion; after 1955 th ings w ould  
never be the sam e again. The  
Southern N egro’s  p rotest end­
ed  for good  th e  old con ten ­
tion  o f  Southern w h ites  that 
on ly  “outside agitators”  ob­
jected  to  segregation . Negro  
p rotest b ecam e m ass p rotest 
throughout th e  country  for  
th e  first tim e.

One o f  the reasons that 
M yrdal could  n ot h ave fore­
seen  M ontgom ery and Martin 
Luther K ing is th at h e did 
n ot an ticipate a  successfu l 
N egro rights organization  
w ith ou t substantial w h ite  sup­
port. B asing h is judgm ent on  
the h istory  o f  N egro p rotest 
organizations, M yrdal noted  
in h is book  that the o n ly  suc­
cessfu l organ izations o f N e­
groes in the past had been  
th o se  invoking collaboration  
w ith  w h ites.

An even  m ore im portant 
reason w h y  he fa iled  to  fore­
see  M ontgom ery and King—

R EM EM B E R  T H E  NEEDIESTI

'W E NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



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and m uch o f  th at w hich  cam e  
after— is  that he m isread the 
role o f the church in the life  
o f the Southern N egro. It is 
true, as Prof. L etitia Brown  
and others h ave pointed  out, 
th at the N egro church is  
m ore than sim ply a religious  
institution , esp ecia lly  in  the  
South. It serves a s  a  focus  
o f N egro equaiitarian aspira­
tion s and organization . N ever­
th eless, it  draw s upon reli­
g ious ideas, concerns and 
leadership. It has, in  effec t, as  
Mrs. B row n has phrased it, 
tw o  leg s  on  w hich  i t  stands, 
one religious and on e secular. 
Its religious d im ensions, h o w ­
ever, ou ght n ot to  be ignored, 
as M yrdal seem s to h ave done.

A pparently, M yrdal found  
it d ifficu lt to  envision  religion  
as a p ositive  socia l fo rce  for, 
in com m enting on  churches in 
general, h e  w rote: “But fe w  
Christian churches h ave been, 
w hether in A m erica or e lse ­
w here, the spearheads o f  re­
form .” In m aking such  a judg­
m ent, he had to  overlook  the  
im portant role o f  churchm en  
and churches in the abolition ­
is t  m ovem ent, n o t to  m ention  
the Socia l Gospel m ovem ent 
in  th e  la te 19th and early 20th  
centuries in behalf o f  ec o ­
nom ic and socia l reform .

H e had even  low er exp ecta ­
tion s for the N egro church, 
w hich  h e p resented  as m ore 
o f a burden upon, than a 
veh ic le  for, the im provem ent

other m inisters o f the South­
ern Christian Leadership Con­
ference appealed to th e  Creed 
about w h ich  M yrdal w rote, 
but they, a s  Christian leaders, 
w ere quite overlooked by  
Myrdal as p oten tia l leaders of 
protest. O nce again, it  can  be 
said th at M yrdal’s m isreading  
o f th e  South  blinded h im  to  
th e  sources o f change w ith in  
th e  b lack  com m unity there. 
C ertainly on e o f the striking  
d ifferences b etw een  th e  black  
uprising in  the South and that 
in th e  North has been  th e  re­
lig ious fram ew ork and re­
lig ious leadership  o f  th e  for­
m er and their re lative absence  
in  th e  North.

i^ ^ Y R D A L ’S optim ism , h o w ­
ever, it seem s to  m e, is  the  
greatest w eakn ess In h is  book. 
It is  not on ly  a general op ­
tim ism  but a very  specific  
one, in  w h ich  h e is  a lm ost 
naive in  h is exp ectation s a s  to  
h o w  and w h en  prejudice and 
discrim ination  w ill end in  the  
U nited  States.

First o f a ll, le t  us look  at 
som e o f h is optim istic sta te­
m ents. It is  true th at he w as  
w riting in th e  m idst o f  the  
Second W orld W ar, that 
“good ” w ar in  w h ich  national 
division  w a s  at a  m inim um , 
w h ile We now  look  a t h is  
w ork  from  the m idst o f  an­
other k ind o f w ar, one in 
w hich  national self-esteem  is  
at a  lo w  point. N evertheless,

66M yrdal saw  prejudice as an  idea; 

if that id ea  could iie a ltered  or 

destroyed by education, then prejudice  

and discrim ination w ould disappeur.99

o f th e  N egro’s  position . A l­
though  poten tia lly  influential 
because o f  its  im portance in  
the life  o f the ordinary black, 
the N egro church, Myrdal 
w rote, “actua lly  . . .  is , on  the  
w hole, p assive  in  th e  field  of 
in tercaste pow er re lations.” 
A s an “instrum ent o f co llec­
tive action  to  im prove the  
N egro’s p osition  in A m erican  
so ciety  th e  church has been  
relatively  ineffic ient and unin- 
fluential. In th e  South  it has  
n ot taken a lead in  attack ing  
the caste  system  or even  in 
bringing about m inor reform s; 
in  th e  N orth it has on ly  o cca ­
sionally  been  a  strong force  
for socia l action .”

It is  true, o f course, that 
M artin Luther King and the

there w a s  a  sym pathy and 
indeed  an  adm iration for 
Am erican society  th at tod ay  
can on ly  b e described as  
startling. “A t th is poin t it 
m ust be observed,” he w rote, 
“that A m erica, relative to  all 
the other branches o f  W est­
ern civilization , is  m oralistic  
and ‘m oral-conscious.’ The or­
dinary Am erican is  th e  op­
posite o f a  cynic. . . . W e rec­
ogn ize the A m erican, w her­
ever w e  m eet him , as a  prac­
tica l idealist. Com pared w ith  
m em bers o f  other n ations o f  
W estern  civ ilization , th e  or­
dinary A m erican is a rational­
istic  being, and there are c lose  
relations b etw een  h is m oralism

R EM EM B E R  T H E  N EED IEST!

and his rationalism . Even ro­
m anticism , transcendentalism  
and m ystic ism  tend to  be. In 
the Am erican culture, ra­
tional, pragm atic and optim is­
tic .”

Even m ore praising o f  
A m ericans, but equally dubi­
ous, is  the “personal n ote” 
w ith  w hich  he c losed  h is  
study: “Behind all outw ard  
dissim ilarities, behind their  
contradictory valuations, ra­
tionalizations, v es ted  interests, 
group a lleg iances, and an i­
m osities, behind fears and de­
fen se  constructions, behind  
the role th ey  p lay  in life  and  
the mark th ey  w ear, peop le  
are all m uch a like on  a  fun­
dam ental level. And th ey  are 
all good  people. They w a n t to  
be rational and just. They all 
plead to. their con scien ce that 
th ey  m eant w e ll even  w hen  
th ings w e n t w rong. . . .  The 
w orld  catastrophe [the S ec­
ond W orld W ar] p laces tre­
m endous d ifficu lties in  our 
w a y  and m ay shake our con ­
fidence to  the depths. Y et w e  
have today in social science  
a greater trust in  th e  im- 
provability  o f m an and so ­
c ie ty  than w e  h ave ever had 
since the E nlightenm ent.”

From  th is  conception  o f  
m an M yrdal derived h is ideal­
istic  —  philosophically  speak­
in g —  conception  o f prejudice 
and d iscrim ination. Through­
out h is book, M yrdal m ade it  
clear th at he saw  prejudice as 
an idea; if  that idea could  
be a ltered  or d estroyed  by  
education  then  prejudice and  
discrim ination w ou ld  d isap­
pear. Thus a t th e  end o f his 
study he observed: “T he im ­
portant changes in th e  Negro  
problem  do n ot con sist o f, or 
have close  relations w ith , ‘s o ­
cial trends’ in th e  narrow er  
m eaning o f the term , but w ere  
m ade up o f  changes in  
peop le’s  b eliefs and va lua­
tion s.” The change, in  short, 
tak es p lace in  peop le’s  m inds.

S ince h e  believed  that 
A m ericans, o f  all W estern  
peoples, liked to  bring their  
practices as m uch as possib le  
into agreem ent w ith  their  
ideas, it w a s  a lso  inevitable, 
esp ecia lly  w hen N egroes put 
pressure on  the w h ite m a­
jority, that prejudice and d is­
crim ination w ou ld  disappear. 
For a s  he pointed  out a t the  
beginning o f his w ork, “even  
a poor and uneducated  w hite  
person in  som e isolated  and  
backw ard rural region in the  
Deep South, w ho is v io len tly  
prejudiced against the Negro  
and intent upon depriving him  
o f civ il rights and hum an in­
dependence has a lso  a  w h o le  
com partm ent in  the valu- 
ational sphere housing th e  en ­
tire Am erican Creed o f  lib ­
erty, equality, ju stice and fair  
opportunity for everybody. He

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAOAZINE



is  actua lly  a lso  a  good  Chris­
tian  and h onestly  devoted  to  
th e  ideal o f  hum an brother­
hood  and th e  G olden Rule. 
And th ese  m ore general va lu ­
a tion s— ^more general in the  
sen se  th a t th ey  refer to  all 
hum an beings— are, to  som e  
exten t, e ffec tiv e  in  shaping  
his behavior.”

F ' iNALLY, it  w a s on  th is  
foundation  o f  philosophical 
idealism  th a t M yrdal built his 
theory  o f socia l change, w hich  
h e ca lls  th e  “principle of 
cum ulation.” He fe lt so  
strongly  about th is exp lana­
tio n  o f h ow  prejudice and d is­
crim ination  deepen and how  
th ey  w eaken  that he devoted  
A ppendix Three to  its  exp li­
cation . A s th e  b est brief for­
m ulation  o f h is theory  in the  
ex ta n t literature, h e quoted  
from  Edw in R. Em bree’s 
“Brown A m erica” (1931). 
“There is  a  v iciou s circle in 
ca ste ,” Embree w rote. “A t 
the ou tset, th e  despised  group  
is  u sua lly  inferior in certain  
o f th e  accepted  standards of 
the controlling  class. Being  
inferior, m em bers o f th e  d e­
graded ca ste  are denied  the  
priv ileges and opportunities 
o f their fe llo w s and so  are  
pushed still further dow n and

66To m ake race prejudice principally  

class prejudice is to lose the insight 

into rea lity  that is im plied in  

concepts like caste or color prejudice.99

then  are regarded w ith  that 
m uch less  respect, and there­
fore are m ore rigorously d e­
n ied  advantages, and so  
around and around the vicious  
circle.” Myrdal h im self then  
com m ented; “To th is it should  
on ly  be added th at even  if  
the unw inding process is  
w orking w ith  tim e lags so  is  
th e  opposite m ovem ent. In 
sp ite o f the tim e lags, the  
theory o f th e  v icious circle is 
a cause rather for optim ism  
than for pessim ism . The 
cum ulative principle w orks  
both w a y s.”

T he theory is  w orth c lose  
exam ination  for upon its 
w orking M yrdal based h is pre­

d ictions for the resolution  of 
the Am erican dilem m a. Let us 
look  o n ly  a t the im plications  
o f the theory for the reduc­
tion o f prejudice, for that is 
w h at w e  h ave apparently w it­
n essed  over the la st 25  years.

The theory  sp ecifies th at as  
th e  N egro im proves h is p o­
sition— t̂hat is , lo ses  th ose  
characteristics that stam p  
him  as inferior, w hether they  
be low  incom e, poor housing, 
lo w  m orals, or w h at not— the  
w h ite  m an’s  attitude tow ard  
him  w ill change in th e  direc­
tion  o f  greater acceptance. 
Put th at w ay , th e  theory is 
hard to  d ifferentiate from  the

R EM EM B E R  T H E  N EED IEST!

v iew  advanced by Booker T. 
W ashington w hen  he advised  
N egroes to learn a trade, earn  
m ore m oney and be respec­
table. It is  the sam e principle  
that N egro co llege  presidents 
a ct upon w hen th ey  p lace  
high and rigid socia l restric­
tions upon their fem ale stu ­
dents in  order to  preserve  
them  at any c o st from the  
ta in t o f scandal; it is the sam e 
principle that th e  Negro  
bourgeoisie acts  upon w hen it 
eschew s w aterm elon, fa t back  
and collard greens.

I do n ot w an t to  be m is­
understood. I am  n ot criticiz­
ing Myrdal sim ply because he  
seem s to  be fo llow ing Booker
T. W ashington, though his 
defense o f  W ashington in “An 
A m erican D ilem m a” becom es  
m ore understandable on ce w e  
do recognize that fact. W hat 
I am  contending is  that the  
great flaw  o f W ashington’s  
recom m endations to  the N e­
gro o f  h is tim e w as not that 
he advocated  knuckling under 
to  the w h ite m an or th at he  
condoned segregation  or d is­
franchisem ent, for I do n ot be­
lieve  h e can  be fairly con v ict­
ed  o f any o f  these . 1 am  criti­
ciz in g  h is underestim ation  of 
the pow er o f racist thought 
am ong w hites. W ashington

sim ply confused  race w ith  
class. Judging from  h is public 
statem ents, W ashington  ap­
parently believed  th at racism  
w as a  sp ecies o f  c la ss  preju­
d ice and that w hen  the N egro’s 
class  position  im proved, th e  
traditional hostility  or d is­
crim ination w ould  decline.

M yrdal’s principle o f  cum u­
lation  su ggests the sam e  
th ing. U ndoubtedly, there are 
elem ents o f  class  in  race 
prejudice, but to  m ake race 
prejudice principally class  
prejudice is  to  lo se  the insigh t 
into reality  that is  im plied in  
concepts like ca ste  or color  
prejudice. T hese term s, rightly  
applied to  the racial situation  
in the U nited  S tates, recog­
n ize that class  and racial d is­
crim ination are tw o d ifferent 
phenom ena.

Ironically, throughout his 
book M yrdal m ade several 
criticism s, if  not a ttacks, on  
those— prim arily vu lgar M arx­
ists— ^who see  racial prejudice 
as sim ply a consequence o f  
econom ic exploitation . He re­
fused  to  perceive racial preju­
d ice or d iscrim ination a s  a de­
v ice o f capitalism  to  divide  
and exp lo it w orkers; instead, 
h e rightly insisted  upon race  
a s an independent socia l force. 
Indeed, w hen h e used  the

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w ord "caste” to  describe the  
N egro’s p osition  in  the U nited  
S tates he exp licitly  recognized  
th at the black’s  sta tus is 
som ething other than a class  
phenom enon. N evertheless, 
w hen  h e com es to  explaining  
how  prejudice and discrim ina­
tion  w ill end, w ith  h is prin­
cip le o f cum ulation, h e  fa lls  
back upon an essen tia lly  class  
defin ition  o f racial prejudice.

^ ^ S I D E  from  any intrinsic  
socio logica l or h istorical in ­
terest a  criticism  o f M yrdal’s 
theory o f prejudice m ay have, 
for us today, its  im portance  
lie s  in  the help  it p rovides in 
a ssessin g  th e  pred ictive pow er  
o f M yrdal’s  study. A s Myrdal 
describes the cum ulative prin­
ciple, there is  no stopping  
poin t short o f fu ll equality; so  
long as the N egro im proves 
his p osition , the w h ites w ill 
gain  an  increasingly  m ore fa ­
vorab le conception  o f him. 
Thus, th ose  w h o  h ave de­
scribed th e  M yrdal m odel as  
optim istic  h ave certa in ly  n ot 
m isread it. M yrdal does not 
say, to  be sure, how  long it  
takes for the “im provem ent” 
in  the N egro’s  behavior or p o­
sition  before w h ites  begin  to  
have a b etter v iew  o f him , 
though Myrdal does speak of 
tim e lags. But in  th e  long run 
M yrdal apparently saw  no  
lim it short o f  full equality. 
Certainly Arnold R ose, in  the  
“postscrip t” quoted  earlier, in ­
d icates th at such  is h is in ter­
pretation  o f th e  M yrdal m odel.

Y et as w e  survey th e  last 
25 years w h at do w e  learn  
about th e  va lue o f  that 
theory of prejudice? F irst of 
all, it  needs to  be said  that 
w hen  a  N egro im proves his 
position  or changes h is be­
havior to  m ake it  conform  to  
th at o f w h ites, there is  no cer­
ta in ty  at all that w h ites w ill 
appreciate th e  change. In­
deed, the h istory  o f N egro- 
w h ite relations in th e  South  
offers a good  deal o f  te s ti­
m ony th at th e  reaction  is  pre­
c ise ly  th e  opposite. W hat 
w h ite Southerners h ave tra­
d itionally  m eant by  an  "up­
p ity” N egro is  som eone w ho  
acts  like a w h ite. Even th e  
m ere acquisition  o f w ea lth  or 
education  w ith ou t an y threat­
en ing changes in  behavior to ­
w ard w h ites  has n ot alw ays  
m eant acceptance. In th e  
earthy w ords o f M alcolm  X: 
“D o you  k now  w h at w hite  
peop le call a  p rofessor w ho  
is  black? A  nigger!” And even  
w hen  there are class sources  
for w h ite hostility  tow ard Ne­
groes, the rem oval o f  th ose  
class d ifferences does not end 
th e  discrim ination, a s  m iddle- 
class N egroes find out w hen  
th ey  seek  housing in the  
suburbs.

But th e  M yrdal m odel has

A TIME OF TRIUM PH— The lawyers who led the 
legal fight against school segregation—from left, George 
E. C. Hayes, Thurgood Marshall (now a Supreme Court 
Justice himself) and James M. Narbit— leave the Supreme 
Court on May 17, 1954, after winning their landmark case.

a m ore ser ious flaw  than that. 
It ignores th e  fact th a t one of 
th e  sources o f prejudice and  
discrim ination  is  com petition  
for social status. It is  ax io ­
m atic th at one o f  the reasons  
w h y  m any w h ites  in sist upon  
caste  p ositions for b lacks is 
th at it  p laces a  social floor  
beneath  the w h ites; it  pro­
v ides sta tus through color if 
not by class.

If that is  true, then  it fo l­
lo w s  that w h en  th ose  w ho  
con stitu te the floor begin  to  
rise, th o se  im m ediately above, 
w h o  are in danger o f being  
displaced, w ill resist th e  up­
w ard m ovem ent. The form  
th at resistance often  tak es is 
greater em phasis upon racial 
discrim inations. In fact, w hat 
w e  k now  about the relation­
ship b etw een  socia l m obility  
and prejudice h istorica lly  con­
tradicts th e  M yrdal assum p­
tion  that as  N egroes rise eco ­
n om ically  th ey  w ill be m ore 
readily accepted  by w hites. 
Certainly th e  h istory  o f anti- 
Sem itism  in th e  U nited S tates  
and a  study o f Irish and Ger­
m an im m igrants in  the I9th  
century m ade som e years ago  
b y Prof. John H igham  su g­
g est th at rapid socia l m o­
b ility  results in  increased, 
n ot lessened , prejudice. M ore­
over, the Irish and the Jew s  
w ere n ot as readily identifi­
able as are N egroes.

Surely, the facts o f  Am eri­
can  life  in the la st 25  years  
dem onstrate th at im prove­
m ent in th e  econom ic status  
o f N egroes d oes not auto-

R EM EM B E R  T H E  N EED IEST!

m atically  translate itse lf into  
acceptance. The continued re­
sistan ce  in  the North to  open  
housing and th e  refusal of 
unionized  sk illed  w h ite  w ork ­
ers to  open their unions to  
N egroes su ggests th at social 
rivalry, not acceptance, is  the  
m ore likely  con sequence of 
upward m obility.

^ 5 t UDIES o f public opinion  
provide further ev idence that 
an  im proving position  for  
blacks does n ot result in in ­
creased  acceptance b y  w h ites. 
In A ugust o f  th is year  the  
G allup Poll reported th at 47  
per cen t o f w h ite h igh-school 
graduates and 49  per cen t of 
w h ite gram m ar-school grad­
uates th ought that school in­
tegration  w a s proceeding too  
rapidly; o n ly  25  per cen t and 
23 per cen t o f the sam e  
groups, respectively, thought 
it w a s m oving a t  th e  right 
pace. If the responses are  
classified  by  region, 46  per  
cent o f Northerners thought 
integration  w a s m oving too  
fa s t  and 25 per cen t thought 
it  w a s  progressing a t th e  de­
sirable rate; in  th e  South, the  
figures are 58  per cent and  
25 per cent. A  study o f “m id­
d le A m ericans” published  in  
O ctober o f th is year by N e w s­
w eek  revealed that on ly  one  
out o f four b lue- and w hite- 
collar w h ites approved fur­
ther racial integration  in 
schools. “G iven their choice,” 
th e  m agazine concluded, 
“nearly tw o-th irds w ou ld  im ­
prove N egro schools or let  
blacks run their ow n  schools.” 
If w e  look  briefly a t an-

IS6 THE NEW YORK TIMES M A6AZINE



other society  in  w hich Ne­
groes h ave constitu ted  a  large  
proportion o f  th e  population, 
w e find y e t  another basis for  
doubting the va lid ity  o f  
M yrdal’s  argum ent th at a b e­
lief in  equality  w ill rem ove  
prejudice and discrim ination. 
The h istory  of the b lack man  
in  Brazil is a t on ce sim ilar to  
and different from  th a t in  the  
U nited  S tates. In both  so ­
cie ties, large num bers o f N e­
groes cam e a s  slaves, and to ­
d ay Brazil has a greater pro­
portion  o f N egroes and mu- 
la tto es  in  its  population than  
th e  U nited S tates. On the  
other hand, Brazil’s experi­
en ce d iverges from  that o f  the 
U nited  S tates in  that legal 
segregation  and discrim ina­
tion  have not prevailed  there  
since colon ial tim es and only  
sporadically  then . M oreover, 
a t least since the colonial 
years, the officia l attitude of 
the G overnm ent and o f the  
society  has been  that racial 
prejudice sim ply does not 
e x is t in the country.

The actual racial situation  
in Brazil is  a  com plex one, 
w hich  cannot be adequately  
delineated  here. It is  su ffi­
cient for our purposes, h o w ­
ever, to  observe that recent 
studies by Brazilian and  
U nited  S tates socio log ists and  
anthropologists m ake it clear 
that the official version  of 
race relations in  th at coun­
try  is  at b est a  half-truth.

Perhaps th e  quickest w ay  
o f illustrating th e  situation  is 
to  observe that the v a st m a­
jority of b lacks are a t the 
bottom  o f the econom ic lad­
der in Brazil. Last year, for  
exam ple, a M inister in form er 
P resident Quadros’s  Cabinet 
reported that Quadros him ­
self had recogn ized  the esp e­
c ia lly  low  position  o f  the 
N egro in Brazil. Quadros told  
th e  M inister, w h o  happened  
to  be a N egro, “I desire to  
offer to  the Brazilian black  
th o se  cond itions w h ich  he has 
never had, th ose conditions of 
effec tiv e  socia l and econom ic  
integration, fin ally  to  afford  
him  the role w hich  is  h is by  
right in v iew  o f  his contribu­
tion to  our n ationality .”

M ore specifica lly , an  article  
in th e  respected  Rio de Ja­
neiro new spaper Jornal do 
Brasil in  1968 noted  that N e­
groes constitu ted  few er than  
2  per cen t o f  em ployes o f  the  
Federal G overnm ent and that 
“th e num ber o f N egro en ­
gineers, doctors, professors, 
law yers and econom ists is 
less  than 1 per cent o f the  
to ta l o f th ese  p rofessions.” 
The censu s o f 1940 found that 
in the c ity  o f S5o Paulo the  
proportion o f N egroes w ho  
w ere em ployers w a s one- 
th irteenth  o f  their proportion

R EM EM BER  T H E  NEEDIESTI

in the population; by w ay  of 
com parison  it  w as noted  that 
th e  proportion of em ployers 
w ho w ere Japanese and Chi­
n ese  (both re latively  recent 
im m igrant groups) w a s  double 
their proportion in  the gen ­
eral population.

In 1951, a censu s o f favelas 
— the shantytow ns o f the 
poor —  in R io  de Janeiro  
sh ow ed  that peop le o f color  
constitu ted  71 per cent o f the  
favela population  but on ly  29  
per cen t o f the general popu­
lation  o f the city. In 1968, a 
N egro w riter estim ated  that 
blacks w ere less  than a quar­
ter of the population  o f Rio 
de Janeiro, but m ade up tw o- 
thirds o f the population o f the  
favelas.

Jom al do Brasil pointed  out 
in 1968 that although people  
o f color in the old federal d is­
trict around Rio constitu ted  
about 23 per cent of the popu­
lation, their children m ade up 
on ly  12 per cen t of the pri­
m ary-school population, 10 
per cen t o f  the secondary- 
school children, and 3 per  
ce n t o f the superior-school 
(teacher-training institutions) 
population. Y et cosm opolitan  
Rio de Janeiro is  recognized  
as having less  discrim ination  
than th e  sm all tow ns and  
cities o f  the interior o f th e  
country. A s M ellor Fernandes, 
a  Brazilian hum orist has  
quipped: “There is  no color  
prejudice in Brazil; the Negro  
know s his p lace.”

* T h ESE few  figures and  
statem ents cannot do ju stice  
to  the com plexity o f the racial 
patterns o f  Brazil, especially  
if  th ey  are being  com pared  
w ith  th e  U nited S tates. But 
th e  point being m ade here is 
not th at race relations are the  
sam e in the tw o  societies, for  
they  are not. Rather, the poin t 
is th at the position  o f the N e­
gro in Brazil is  econom ically  
not m uch d ifferent from  that 
in  th e  U nited States.

T his observation  is  e s ­
pecially  true if it is  borne in 
m ind that in  Brazil a  m ulatto  
or light-skinned Negro is  not 
a Negro, as he is in the U nited  
States. In Brazil, a Negro is  
som eone w ithout any w hite  
ancestry. Thus, w h en  v isiting  
N orth A m ericans observe mu- 
la ttoes in re latively  high so ­
c ie ty  or econom ic p osition s in 
Brazil, such  persons are often  
incorrectly taken as a m eas­
ure o f  the opportunities open  
to  N egroes. This is w rong on  
a t least tw o  counts. For one  
th ing Brazilians m ake a  dis­
tinction  b etw een  light-skinned  
and dark-skinned people, g iv ­
ing m ore opportunities to  the  
form er than the latter; for an­
other, th e  presence o f one  
m ulatto' in a public or private

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DECEMBER 7, 1969



place does not autom atica lly  
open doors for others, as it 
w ould  in  the U n ited  States.

The poin t to  be draw n from  
th is brief exam ination  o f  the  
position  o f the N egro in Bra­
zil is  that there, a s  in the  
U nited  S tates, b lacks are con ­
centrated  at the bottom  o f the  
social and econom ic pyram ids. 
Y et ever  sin ce  the abolition  
o f s lavery  in 1888, all peop le  
— black, w h ite  and brow n—  
have been  accepted  a s  equal 
in th at country: segregation  
h as been  neither lega l nor ob­
vious. In short, the ideology  
o f equality  that M yrdal calls  
the A m erican Creed has been

in  their country. “Then, one  
w ill inquire, w hy does not our 
N egro revolt, like th e  North  
Am erican Negro?” asked Mar­
co s  Santarrita, a Brazilian  
w riter and journalist a tten d ­
ing  th e  conference. “For a 
very  sim ple reason; despite  
the persecutions and lynch- 
ings, the N orth  Am erican N e­
gro is  privileged  in com pari­
son  to  ours— h e tak es part in 
an econom ic and socia l struc­
ture that a llow s him  to  have  
an aw areness o f  h is problem s 
to  a d egree that ours does not 
dream  of. In th e  U nited  S tates, 
on  th e  contrary to  w h at o c ­
curs here, there is  a  com plete

operating in Brazil for a lm ost 
a century, y e t  there is n oth ­
ing  like full acceptance o f the  
Negro.

M oreover, functionally  it 
m akes little  difference w hether  
the low  econom ic sta tus of 
the N egro there is the result 
o f “class” or “ca ste ,” though  
it seem s clear for reasons that 
cannot be gone into here that 
color prejudice undoubtedly  
e x ists  in  Brazil. Brazil’s  a tti­
tu d es and practices tow ard  
peop le o f color, to  be sure, 
are n ot the sam e as those  
held by  N orth A m ericans. Nor  
is  the cu lture o f Brazil c lo se ly  
analogous to  that o f the  
U nited  S tates. Yet it  is  in ­
structive in th inking about 
th e  exp ectation s for M yrdal’s 
m odel to  recognize th at in 
Brazil, d esp ite the long ac­
ceptance o f the idea o f  racial 
equality, th e  N egro still lacks  
equality o f opportunity.

In fact, to som e B razilians 
the position  o f the N egro in 
their country is  w orse than  
th at o f th e  North A m erican  
Negro. A t a recent conference  
in Rio d e Janeiro devoted  to  
the lo t o f the Brazilian Negro  
80 years after abolition , a 
num ber of B razilians, both  
w h ite  and black, detailed  ex ­
am ples of color d iscrim ination

OECSMBER 1, 1969

N egro society , w ith  rich and  
pow erful groups w ho can  fi­
n ance journals, rev iew s, 
m ovies, etc. on ly  for th e  race, 
and thus h ave a t their d is­
posal a going  m achine to  pro­
v ide  every day additional rea­
son s for p rotest b y  colored  
citizen s —  w ith ou t counting, 
even , th e  fa c t th at the G overn­
m ent itse lf provides th e  indis­
pensable m inim um  for  this: 
literacy.”

I S a NTARRITA’S com pari­
son  serves to  introduce the  
final reason  for finding M yr­
dal’s “A n A m erican Dilem m a” 
n ot v indicated  b y  events. If 
there is  one th ing  that has 
been learned in  th e  past 
quarter-century, it is  that 
m erely rem oving barriers to  
N egro opportunity is  not 
enough if true equality o f  op­
portunity is  the goal. A s Lyn­
don Johnson phrased th e  
issu e  a t H oward U niversity  
in 1965, freedom  from  slavery  
is  n ot enough. “Y ou do n ot  
w ipe a w ay  the scars o f cen ­
turies by saying: ‘N ow , you  
are free to  go  w here you  
w an t, do as yo u  desire, and 
ch oose the leaders you  
p lease.’ Y ou do not take a  
m an w ho, for years, has been  
hobbled by chains, liberate

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^ COLORED ENTRANCE, ^ -
> ; , I n n d  O O D ' .  _  -  "  ■

him , bring him  to  the starting  
line o f the race, saying , ‘You  
are free to  com pete w ith  all 
the others,’ and still ju stly  be­
lieve  you  have been  com plete­
ly  fair. Thus it is  n ot enough  
to  open the ga tes  o f oppor­
tunity. All our citizen s m ust 
h ave the ab ility  to  w alk  
through th ose  gates. This is 
th e  n ext and m ore profound  
sta g e  o f the battle for civil 
rights.”

M yrdal did not anticipate  
the n ext stage . H is m odel of 
h ow  change w ou ld  tak e p lace  
did not en vision  the need  for  
com pensatory action . Y et it is  
evident from  the la st 25  years  
and from  the experience o f  
B razil th a t com pensatory  
m easures are required if the  
black m an is to  overcom e the  
burdens o f slavery and d is­
crim ination. M ore than that 
is  required.

The fundam ental lesson  is 
th at th e  tendency tow ard  
prejudice is constant. Myrdal 
m ay have been  right w hen he  
discounted  m ere econom ic ex ­
p lo itation  as a  prim ary source  
o f prejudice, but h e w as  
w rong, if  the h istorical ev i­
dence has any m eaning, w hen  
he assum ed that belief in 
equality  w ou ld  cause preju­
d ic e  or d iscrim ination to d is­
appear. O bservable physica l 
d ifferences b etw een  people  
encourage, or a t lea st provide  
the basis for, discrim ination. 
W hen in addition there are 
a lso  advantages o f status or 
w ealth  to be derived from  d is­
crim ination then  it w ill occur 
u nless active ly  countered.

A pparently, prejudice does  
n ot require even  social or 
econom ic advantage in  order 
to  be translated  in to  d is­
crim ination, as th e  an im osi­
ties  b etw een  m en of d ifferent 
color in A sia (M alays and 
C hinese in  Singapore, for e x ­
am ple) as w ell as in  North

and South A m erica and  
Europe rem ind us. In 1903, in 
“Souls o f Black Folk,” W . E. 
B. Du B ois prophesied  th at  
th e  question  o f  the 20th  cen ­
tury w ou ld  be the question  o f  
th e  color line. He w a s  right, 
but n ot en tirely in the w ay  
he intended. The problem  is 
not sim ply a m atter o f  black  
versus w h ite.

I h e  im plication  to  be 
draw n from  all o f th is is that 
prejudice based  on  color or 
appearance does not have to  
be learned, though it certain ly  
can be. A fter noting  th at d if­
ferences in  co lor am ong  
peop les can  b e expected  to  
lead  “tow ard str ife b etw een  
the light and th e  dark,” Ken­
neth  J. Gergen, an authority  
on color sym bolism , observed  
that “each n ew  generation  
m ay h ave to  learn an ew  the  
irrational b asis o f their an­
tipathy. W hile race prejudice 
m ay b e to  som e exten t 
learned, persons m ay a lso  
h ave to  be taught not to  be  
prejudiced.”

A s M yrdal pointed  out, 
equality is  an  Am erican value  
and one w hich  today right­
fu lly  en joys w ider application  
and adherance from  govern­
m ent and society  than ever  
before, desp ite th e  fa c t th at  
i t  fa lls  short o f com plete a c ­
ceptance. Y et as the U nited  
S tates experience o f th e  last 
25 years and that o f Brazil 
ought to  w arn us, the m ere 
ex isten ce  o f or b elief in  the  
ideal o f equality is  n o t enough  
to h ave i t  fu lly  practiced. It 
needs to  be nurtured b y so ­
ciety , supported by individu­
als and enforced  by law . W e  
need  to  be trained  to  prac­
tice  equality and held  to  that 
practice. The price o f  equality, 
it  w ould  seem , like the price 
o f liberty, is  eternal v ig i­
lance. ■

THE NEW YOKK TIMES MAGAZINE



The Case for 
Two Americas 

—One Black,
One White

B y  RO B ER T S . BROW NE

A North Carolina picket.

"'“-it'-  ̂ »

A g r o w i n g  am bivalence am ong  
N egroes is  creating a  great 
deal o f  confusion  both  w ith in  

the b lack com m unity itse lf and w ith in  
th ose segm ents o f the w h ite com m un­
ity  th at are attem pting to  relate to  
the blacks. It arises from  the ques­
tion  o f w hether A m erican N egroes are 
a cultural group significantly  d istinct 
from  th e m ajority cu lture on an ethnic 
rather than a socio-econom ic basis.

If one b elieves the answ er to  this 
is  y es , on e is  likely to  favor th e  cul­
tural d istin ctiveness and to  vigorous­
ly  oppose efforts to  m inim ize or sub­
m erge the differences. If, on  the 
other hand, one believes there are no  
cultural d ifferences b etw een  blacks 
and w h ites or that the d ifferences are 
m inim al or transitory, then one is 
likely  to  resist em phasis on  the d if­
ferences and to  favor accentuation  of 
the sim arities. T hose tw o currents 
in the b lack com m unity are sym bo­
lized, perhaps oversim plified , b y  the 
factional labels o f  separatists and in- 
tegrationists.

The separatist w ou ld  argue that 
N egro’s  forem ost grievance cannot be 
so lved  by g iv ing  him  access to  more 
gadgets— although th is is  certain ly a  
part o f the solution— ^but that 
greatest need  is  o f  the spirit, thi 
m ust have an opportunity to  reclaim  
his group ind ividuality and h ave that 
ind ividuality recognized  as equal w ith  
other m ajor cultural groups in the 
w orld. —  -

The integrationist w ou ld  argue that 
w h at th e  N egro w ants, principally, is 
ex a c tly  w hat the w h ites w an t— that 
is, to  be “ in” in Am erican society. 
and that operationally  th is mean! 
providing the Negro w ith  employ! 
m ent, incom e, housing and educa] 
tion  com parable to that o f th e  white: 
H aving achieved  th is, the other a: 
pects o f  the N egro's problem o f ii 
feriority w ill disappear. I

R O B E R T  S. B R O W N E , assistant profes­
sor o f econom ics a t Fairle igh Dickinson 
University, was a member o f the execu­
tive com m ittee o f the Newark B lack Pow­
er Conference last summer. H is  article 
derives from  a debate  w ith Bayard Rustin 
before the Nationa l Com munity Relations 
Adv isory Council.

X  h e  origins o f th is d ichotom y are 
e a sily  identified. T he physical char­
acteristics w hich distinguish  blacks 
from  wihites are obvious enough; the  
long h istory  o f slavery  and the pOst- 
em ancipation  exclusion  o f  the blacks 
from  so  m any facets o f  A m erican s  
ciety  are equally undeniable. Wheth 
observable behavioral differences 1 
tw een  b lacks and the w h ite majon  
are attributable to  th is specid histo  
o f the b lack m an in  Am erict or to  i

TH€ NEW YORK TIMES MAGAINE



n ent. Follow ing Robert K ennedy’s  
assassin ation , N ickerson  brought in  
tw o  top  K ennedy p ress a ides w h o  
sharply scored  R esnick  for  h is  a l­
leged  hatred o f th e  Senator. R esnick  
resented  i t  and fo r  th e  la s t tw o  
w e ek s o f  the cam paign  h e and N ick­
erson w ere in the gu tter over  the  
issu e . They g o t th e  h ead lines but 
O’D w yer, w h o  sim ply  observed  that 
the w h ole th ing w a s  ch ildish, g o t the  
v otes .

V V h a t e v e r  th e  reasons for  
O’D w yer’s  su ccess, in  th e  flu sh  o f  
th e  v ictory  h e  w a s  rediscovered  b y  
th o se  he had served  for so  long. “The 
tim es seem  to  h ave caught up  w ith  
m e,” h e  sa y s w ith  q u iet sa tisfaction . 
And h is  support, h e  b elieves, far tran­
scend s the le ft w ing.

“This m iserable, im m oral w ar has  
radicalized  th e  country,” he says. 
“T he peop le w o n ’t  stand fo r  th e  old  
politics; they  h ave repudiated i t  a t  
every  opportunity th is year  and I b e­
liev e  th ey  w ill con tinue to  do so .”

Even if the country  has been  radi­
ca lized , O’D w yer’s  ch an ces to  b eat 
Senator Javits are classica lly  long- 
shot. B ut a t  p resen t th at does n ot 
appear a s  im portant, som ehow , as  
the quality  o f  th e  response h e has  
been receiving. Candidates generally  
experience a  popularity b inge after  
a prim ary w in . Perhaps b ecause  
O’D w yer seem ed  to  h ave noth ing g o ­
ing  for  h im  before th e  election , th e  
reaction  has “phenom enon” w ritten  
all over it.

Even th ose  w h o  w ill n o t v o te  for  
him  appear unw illing to  a ttack  him .

Indeed, th e  m ention  o f  h is nam e  
often  results in  kudos; “Stand-up  
guy, stick s b y  h is  principles, breath  
o f fresh  air, a lw a y s for th e  poor, 
honest, honorable, n o t a  politician , 
decent, decent, d ecent . . . .”

That perhaps accounts for O’D w yer’s 
current popularity am ong th e  im por­
ta n t “but vo ters”— those w h o  d is­
agree w ith  a  candidate on  th e  issues  
b ut w ill v o te  for h im  because h e is 
a good  fe llow .

A  w e ek  ago a  veteran  c ity  d etec­
tiv e  w a s  d iscussing  O’D w yer a t a 
bar across th e  s treet from  th e M an­
hattan  Crim inal C ourt building.

“I th ink  h e’s  to o  dam n left-w in g ,” 
th e  s leu th  said. “He’s  a lw a y s de­
fend ing the crim inal elem ent, the  
Com m ies and th e  rest o f  ’em; you  
k now  w h at I’m  talk ing  about. I

n ever g o  a long w ith  w h at he does.” 
But. “B ut h e’s  a stand-up guy, 

sa y s  w h a t h e  m eans. I’ll v o te  for  
him . W hy not?”

W hy not?
A Republican barber sneered.
“H is brother Bill, th e  M ayor, he  

sto le  the c ity  blind. W ho do you  
th ink  he le ft h is m on ey  to?”

But. “But I w a n t to end th e  lousy  
w ar. O’D w yer’s  b est on  th e  war. 
M aybe I’ll v o te  for him . W hat the  
h ell. I’d o f  k ep t th e  m oney to o .” 

W hy not?
“H e’s the president o f  the N ational 

L aw yers Guild. W hat e lse  do you  
h ave to  know ?” a  c ity  judge re­
m arked th e  other day.

But. “B ut he’s a d ecent gu y and  
I suppose he’s  g o t m y vote . Sure, 
w h y  not?”

Paul O’D w yer, too ling  up to  Har­
lem  to  encourage the strik ing Cali­
fornia grape p ickers on  a  recent Fri­
day n ight in h is  green  Ford w ith  its  
usual entourage o f  em pty seats, w as  
asked about th e  Law yers Guild, a 
radical-leaning organization  a lw ays  
in  h ot w a ter  w ith  R ed-hunters.

“ ’T is funny som eone should  say  
th at,” h e said  in  h is m ild b ut pro­
nounced brogue. “I w a s  president of 
th e  G uild. B ut I quit in  1947.” 

B ecause it  w a s— too  radical?
“N o, no, o f  course n ot,” O’D w yer  

said. “I w an ted  them  to condem n  
the C zech  purge o f  the Jew s, and I 
told  them  I didn’t  w an t it sen t to  
com m ittee or an y n onsense like that. 
W ell, th ey  w ou ldn’t  do it, so  there  
w a s noth ing to  do but quit.”

Paul O’D w yer does n ot b elieve in 
“boring from  w ith in ,” a  poin t h e  up­
dated  recently  w h en  asked b y  a  TV  
interview er for h is v iew s on  Richard  
N ixon’s  m em bership in  a  segregated  
N ew  Jersey country club. 

“R eprehensible,” O’D w yer said.
B ut N ixon  said h e w ou ld  “w ork  

from  w ith in ” to  change th e  ban on  
J ew s and N egroes.

O’D w yer threw  back  h is head, w ith  
its  m ane o f  w h ite  hair streaked  
w ith  b lack, and broke up laughing. 
‘T’d  like to  see  p recise ly  w h at Mr. 
N ixon  did from  w ith in . . . .  I think  
i t ’s  ludicrous.”

] ^ ^ O R E  representative than ludi­
crous w a s  the fact th at the judge  
w ho m ade th e  crack  about the Law­
yers Guild had no idea th at O’D w yer  
had quit over  a purge o f  Jew s. It has  
a lw ays been O’D w yer’s  sty le  to  op­
erate a s  stea lth ily  a s  a  Mafioso w hen  
w orking against injustice. “There’s  
nobody in  or ou t o f  public life  w ho  
operates like Paul,” sa y s W illiam  
Kunstler, th e  civil-rights law yer w h o  

(Continued on Page 38)



Poor People’s marcher. New York. A demonstrator in Memphis.

cial d ifferences in life  sty le  is  argu­
able. W hat is  n o t arguable, how ever,

(is  th at a t  th e  tim e o f  the s lave  trade, 
the b lacks arrrived in  A m erica w ith  
a  cultural background and life  sty le  
quite d istinct from  th at o f the w h ites, 

i A lthough there w as perhaps a s  m uch  
d iversity am ong th ese  Africans from  

[ w id ely  scattered  portions o f  their na- 
[ tiv e  con tin en t as  there w a s  am ong  
I  the settlers from  Europe, the differ- 
I- en ces b etw een  the tw o  racial groups 

w a s unquestionably far greater, a s  
attested  by the different roles they  
w ere to  p lay  in  the society .

Over th is h istory  there seem s to  
be little  d isagreem ent. The d ispute  

■ arises from  h o w  one v iew s  w h at hap­
pened a fter th e  b lacks reached  
th is continent. The integrationist 
w ould  focus on  their transform ation  
in to  im itators o f  the European c iv ili­
zation . European cloth ing  w a s  im ­
posed  on  the slaves, eventually  their  
languages w ere forgotten, the African  
hom eland receded ever further into  
the background.

Certainly after 1808, w hen  the  
s lave trade w a s o ffic ia lly  term inated, 
thus cutting o ff fresh  injections of 
African culture, the Europeanizing o f  
the b lacks proceeded apace. W ith 
em ancipation, the Federal C onstitu­
tion recognized the legal m anhood of

the b lacks, citizenship  w a s  conferred  
on th e  ex-slave , and the N egro began  
h is  arduous struggle fo r  socia l, eco ­
nom ic and political acceptance into  
th e  Am erican m ainstream .

T ^ H E  separatist, how ever, tak es the  
position  th at the cultural transform a­
tion  o f the b lack  m an w a s  n ot com ­
plete. W hereas th e  integrationist 
m ore or le ss  accep ts the destruction  
o f the original culture o f  the African  
sla v es  as a  /a it accompli— ^whether he  
fe e ls  it  to  have been  m orally repre 
hensib le or not— the separatist is  
likely  to  harbor a vagu e resentm ent 
tow ard the w h ites for having perpe­
trated  th is  cultural genocide; he 
w ould  nurture w h atever v estig e s  m ay  
h ave survived  the North Am erican  
experience and w ould  encourage a  
renaissance o f th ese  lo st characteris­
tics. In effect, he is  sen sitive to  an 
identity cr isis w h ich  presum ably does  
n ot ex ist in  the mind o f the integra­
tionist.

The separatist appears to  be ro­
m antic and even  reactionary to  m any  
observers. On the other hand, h is  
v iew p oin t squares w ith  m ankind’s  
m ost fundam ental instinct— the in­
stin ct for survival. W ith so  powerful 
a stim ulus, and w ith  the oppressive  
tendencies o f w h ite society , one could

have a lm ost predicted the em ergence  
o f the b lack  separatist m ovem ent. 
M illions o f  b lack parents have been  
confronted w ith  the poignant agony  
o f raising black, kinky-haired ch il­
dren in  a society  w here the standard  
o f beauty is  a m ilk-w hite sk in  and  
long, straight hair. To convince a 
black child th at she is  beautiful w hen  
every  channel o f value form ation in 
the society  is  te lling  her the opposite  
is  a  heart-rending and w ell-n igh  im ­
possib le task.

It is  a challenge' w hich confronts 
ail N egroes, irrespective o f their so ­
cial and econom ic class, but the dif­
ficu lty  o f dealing w ith  it  is  likely  to  
vary w ith  the degree to  w hich  the  
fam ily leads an integrated  ex istence. 
A  b lack  child in a  predom inantly  
black school m ay realize that she  
doesn’t  look  like the p ictures in the  
books, m agazines and TV advertise­
m ents, but a t least she looks like her 
schoolm ates and neighbors. The black  
child in a predom inantly w h ite school 
and neighborhood lacks even  th is  
basis for identification.

This identity problem  is, o f  course, 
not peculiar to  the Negro, nor is  it  
lim ited to  questions o f physical ap­
pearance. M inorities o f  all sorts en­
counter it in one form or another—  

{Continued on Page 50)

Even if reol inte­
gration is possible, 
a black separatist 
argues, it can 
only lead to a 
"white blackman." 
For the Negro, the 
best solution is 
"a  complete divorce 
of the two races."

AUGUST 11, 1968



VISTAs in Navajoland
B y  O E R TR O D E SA M U ELS

Fort Defiance, Ariz.

A  FEW sheep  and d ogs w ere  n o s­
in g  am ong th e  Utter and sparse  
grass o f  W hite M esa, a  barren  

m ountaintop  on  th e  N avajo reserva­
tio n  here, w h en  C arolyn D om sic paid  
th e  M artin fam ily  a  v is it . Carolyn is  
22, a  blond registered  nurse from  
C leveland. O hio, and a VISTA vo lun ­
teer. T he M artins and their n ine ch il­
dren live  in a  fram e h ouse and a  hogan  
(h o-goh n ), a  s ix - s id e d  w in dow less  
building o f  earth, lo g s  and grass;

G ER T R U D E  S A M U E L S , • itaff writer 
for The Timet Megextne, spent several 
weeks on the Navajo reservation, where 
she took the accompanying pictures.

th ey  h ave n o  electr ic ity , no running  
w ater, no  san itary  facilities.

Three o f  th e  children, barefoot, 
ragged, ran to  m eet “M arble E yes,” 
a s  th ey  call tall, b lue-eyed  Carolyn. 
She exam ined  their tongues and ears 
and cleaned th e  sores on  their feet. 
M ixing E nglish  and N avajo w ords, 
she soothed  them  as th ey  struggled  
and cried. Their you ng  m other, in  
red jacket and long co tton  sldrt, 
hurried up, com plaining— t̂he ch il­
dren had fever, sh e  had n o aspirin. 
Carolyn provided som e.

Aspirin and cough  m edicine are  
the o n ly  m edical supp lies th at VISTA  
(V olunteers in  S ervice to  Am erica) 
g iv es  Carolyn to  w ork  w ith . She

w rote  to  fam ily  and friends and ob­
tained  m edicated  soap, neom ycin  and  
other basic supplies. Carolyn fe e ls  it  
w ould  b e preferable to  h ave a  d oc­
tor’s  supervision  in  her w ork, "but 
there isn’t  a  d octor up  here,” she  
says, adding w ith  her co o l sm ile. “I 
don’t th ink  anyone’s going  to  su e  m e.” 

Carolyn D om sic arrived on  the  
reservation  la s t Decem ber. She is  
on e o f  36 m en  and w om en  from  
VISTA w h o  are seeking to  bring d o­
m estic  P eace Corps b en efits to  the  
A m erican N avajo. And though sh e is  
succeed ing to  a greater d egree than  
m any o f  her co lleagu es (sh e has, for  
exam ple, been  elected  to  th e  Com mu­
n ity  A ction  C om m ittee o f  her d istrict.

a  rare honor and rew ard for  her  
ach ievem ents), sh e  h as k now n the  
frustrations th at have p lagued th e  
three-year-old  project since its  in ­
ception .

In theory, th e  VISTA N avajo pro­
gram  is both  practical and idealistic; 
in  practice, it  h as been  ratlier less  
than perfect. Progress has been  held  
back by th e  basic d istrust o f the  
Indian for th e  w h ite  m an, b y  the ' 
im m aturity o f  som e o f  the volunteers  
and by a  m ultitude o f  bureaucratic 
confusions.

M  ORE than 11,000 A m ericans 
h ave entered  VISTA since  i t  w a s e s ­
tablished  b y  th e  E conom ic Oppor-

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



told  Leonard L yons th at h is  
brother Paul w a s  the b est  
argum ent aga inst birth con­
trol), O’D w yer’s  loya lty  is  not 
surprising. B ut it is  fierce, 
and it reveals itse lf in m any  
w ays.

W hen Ed Sullivan, w ho had  
been an  intim ate o f  B ill-o’s, 
attacked  h im  in a  colum n for  
go ing  to  M exico, Paul whipped  
o ff a telegram : “And did you  
fee l th at w a y  w h ile you  w ere  
drinking h is liquor?”

Y ears later, w hen  Sullivan  
exp lained  th at' h e  had been  
annoyed  because Bill had lied  
to  him  w hen  he said  h e w ou ld  
n ot marry Sloan Sim pson, 
and again w hen  h e said h e  
w ould  n o t run for a second  
term , Paul replied: “I’ll a s­
sum e everyth ing you  say  is 
true. B ut he w a s you r friend."

O’DWYER is a lw ays being  
asked w here h is  liberalism , or 
radicalism , stem s from . He is 
som ew hat vagu e about it—  
and w h y  not?— but h e sup­
p oses  it  stem s from  the “Brit­
ish  tyranny” in  the Old 
Country.

For its  flow ering , how ever, 
he h as no h esitation  in cred it­
ing h is  octogenarian  law

partner, Oscar Bernstien. 
“H e’s  a  great m an, th e  best 
law yer I ever  k n ew ,” O’D w yer  
says. “And h e gave m e m y  
education  in life  a s  w ell as  
law . He’d h ave th ese  m agn ifi­
ce n t peop le a t  h is h ouse—  
H eyw ood  Broun, John L. 
L ew is, Lillian H eilm an, D oro­
thy  Parker— and I’d s it  there  
a t their feet. T he ideas that 
floated  through th at apart­
m ent— it w a s great, just 
great.”

O’D w yer h im self is  h ighly  
respected  a t th e  Bar. He is 
often  referred to  as  a  labor  
law yer in the new spapers, but 
he m akes it a p o in t to  correct 
th is im pression.

“I try n eg ligen ce cases, a c ­
cid en t ca ses ,” he says. “That’s 
95 per ce n t o f  m y w ork. I’v e  
tried  som e ca se s  for  union  
offic ia ls, u sually  w hen  th ey ’re 
about to  g o  to  jail, like M ike 
Quill and John DeLury. In­
junction  su its, that kind of 
th ing, court w ork. But I’m not 
a labor law yer. I don’t even  
know — Î sw ear I don’t know  
— w h ere the o ff ic e  o f the N a­
tional Labor R elations Board  
is. I refer a ll th e  labor cases  
to  Phil Sipser. H e’s  a labor  
law yer.”

S ipser has other ideas:

“Paul’s crazy. Sure he doesn ’t 
k n o w  about N.L.R.B. stuff. 
That’s technical business. But 
he’s  b etter than 99 per cent 
o f the labor law yers in tow n. 
He’s been  involved  w ith  the  
brew ers, the bakers, th e  tran­
sit w orkers, the san itation  
m en —  w h at’s he talking  
about?”

Labor law yer or not, 
O’D w yer h as for so  long been  
an a lly  o f  the trade-union  
m ovem ent th at h is nam e is  
a lm ost synonym ous w ith  
p icket lines. W as an yone sur­
prised w hen he gave up TV 
exposure a fe w  d ays after the  
prim ary because he w ou ldn’t 
cross a p icket line? “If the  
Arabs w ere p icketing  Rat- 
ner’s, b ecause M enachem  B e­
gin, the old Irgun leader, w a s  
having a  d inner in h is honor, 
Paul w ou ld  m aybe— maybe—  
cross the line ,” on e old friend  
said. “And even  then  he’d ask  
if they  w ere d ishw ashers.”

w.ELL, then , does he think  
h e can beat Jacob Javits?  
D oes he think M cCarthy can  
tak e Hubert Humphrey?

The boys a t the Lion’s 
Head, a  pub in  G reenw ich  
V illage, w ere putting th is  to  
him  tlie  other night, in  a m an­

ner so  respectful a s  forever  
to  slander their reputations 
as cyn ics.

“W ell, fe lla s,” he said, “n o­
body thought I could take the  
prim ary. It w ou ld  be either  
N ickerson  or R esnick, and  
O’D w yer w a s there for the  
ride, a  spoiler. But for the  
first tim e in  200 years, w e  
have a revolution  go ing  in 
the country. The door w as  
open; the w a y  w as there.

“N ow  they say  I rode in 
on M cCarthy’s  coatta ils. I 
don’t  think so. N o, ’tisn ’t  so. 
I do n o t disparage him  w hen  
I say  so; h e is  a  great man  
and h is v ictory  w a s  m agnifi­
cent. But I held  m y ow n . I 
ran ahead o f him  in the b lack  
d istricts and I did b etter in 
Brooklyn.

“M cCarthy w ill g e t the  
nom ination . The peop le are 
afraid, death ly  afraid, for our 
country. W e didn’t com e th is  
far, w e  d idn’t  start ou t agginst  
Lyndon Johnson, to  g e t  h is  
tw in  brother a s  a cand idate.”

H e reiterated  w h at he has  
been  saying  for m onths, that 
under no cond itions w ou ld  he  
support Hubert Hum phrey.

But w h a t if  H um phrey is 
nom inated?

“I w o n ’t hear you  talk  
about losin g  n ow ,” he said. 
“I w on ’t  hear you . If w e  con ­
sider the hypothesis now;'- 
w e ’ll falter. If I w ere sure it 
w ould  be Hum phrey, I don’t  
know  w h at I’d do, but I’d 
sure as hell not be on m y  
w a y  to  C hicago.”

Finally, w h ile the fe llow s  
a t the, n ex t table began a 
la te-n ight Irish sing-song, 
som ebody g o t up the nerve. 
“Paul, I love y a ,” he said, 
“y ou  k now  I lo v e  ya . But, 
Paul, yo u ’re talk ing through  
your hat.”

Paul O’D w yer sm iled  and  
recited “th e  on ly  good poem  
Arthur O’Shaughnessy ever  
w rote” :

We are the music-makers.
And we are the dreamers of 

dreams,
Wandering by lone sea-breakers. 

And sitting by desolate 
streams;

World-losers and world-forsakers. 
On whom the pale moon 

gleams:
Yet we are the movers and 

shakers
Of the world forever, it  seems.

The old  gunrunner g o t up 
and w e n t hom e to  sleep . He 
m ay n ot drink, b ut h e isn ’t  
Irish for noth ing. ■

The fact that Grossinger’s has an 18-hole championship golf course, 8 all-weather 
tennis courts, a 50-meter outdoor Olympic pool, a 25-meter indoor pool, a mile-long 
lake, 2 health clubs, a baseball field, handball and shuffleboard courts, and a horseshoe 

pitching area (whew) doesn’t stop many of our guests 
,-^^from doing nothing

A year-round resort for around fifty years 
Grossinger, N.Y. 12734 

Direct Line from N.Y.C.— 565-4500 
or see your Travel Agent 

/  . Jennie Grossinger, Chairman of the Board
Paul Grossinger, President

Grossinger’s is a beautiful, peaceful spot 
in the mountains. And so, if you’re not that interested 
in sports, it’s very easy to  enjoy the scenery 
and entertainment.

AUGUST 11, 1968



GET IT ALL..
SAILING 
GOLFING 
SWIMMING 
HIKING 
SKIING 
FISHING 
TENNIS
HORSEBACK 
RIDING
TEEN-AGE 
CENTER

AT
H E M L O C K  F A R M S
THE ALL SEASON VACATION HOME COMMUNITY

In addition to  all the on -property  recreational 
facilities, you 'll also find urban com forts, includ­
ing year-round w ate r supply and paved roads, 
fire and security protection and trash removal. 
A nd rem em ber, th e  am ount o f m oney you n o w  
spend (and can never recover) on a brief annual 
vacation, can cover your A N N U A L  cost o f o w n ­
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HEMLOCK FARMS HAWLEY, PENNA.

The case for 
two Americas

(Continued from Page 13) 
the immigrant who speaks 
with an accent, the Jewish 
child who doesn’t  celebrate 
Christmas, the vegetarian who 
shuns meat. But for the Negro 
the problem has a special di­
mension, for in the American 
ethos a black man is not only 
"different,” he is classed as 
ugly and inferior.

This is not an easy situa­
tion to deal with, and the 
manner in which a Negro 
chooses to handle it will be 
both determined by, and a 
determinant of, his larger po­
litical outlook. He can deal 
with it as an integrationist, 
accepting his child as being 
ugly by prevailing standards 
and urging him to excel in 
other ways to prove his 
worth; or he can deal with it 
as a black nationalist, telling 
the child that he is not a 
freak but rather part of a 
larger international commu­
nity of black-skinned, kinky- 
haired people who have a 
beauty of their own, a glor­
ious history and a great 
future.

In short, he can replace 
shame with pride, inferiority 
with dignity, by imbuing the 
child with what is coming to 
be known as black national­
ism. The growing popularity 
of this latter viewpoint is evi­
denced by the appearance of 
"natural” hair styles among 
Negro youth and the surge of 
interest in African and Negro 
culture and history.

Black Power may not be the 
ideal slogan to describe this 
new self-image the black 
American is developing, for to 
guilt-ridden whites the slogan 
conjures up violence, anarchy 
and revenge. To frustrated 
blacks, however, it symbolizes 
unity and a newly found pride 
in the blackness with which 
the Creator endowed us and 
which we realize must always 
be our mark of identification. 
Heretofore this blackness has 
been a stigma, a curse with 
which we were born. Black 
Power means that this curse 
will henceforth be a badge of 
pride rather than of scorn. It 
marks the end of an era in 
which black men devoted 
themselves to pathetic at­
tempts to be white men and 
inaugurates an era in which 
black people will set their own 
standards of beauty, conduct 
and accomplishment.

X  S this new black conscious­
ness in Irreconcilable conflict 
with the larger American so­
ciety? In a sense, the heart of 
the American cultural problem 
has always been the need to 
harmonize the inherent con-

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THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



tradiction b etw een  racial (or 
national) identity and integra­
tion  into the m elting p ot 
w hich  w as A m erica. In the  
century since the Civil War, 
the society  has m ade little  e f­
fort to  afford the b lack  m inor­
ity  a sen se  o f  racial pride and  
independence w h ile a t the 
sam e tim e accepting  it  a s  a 
full participant. N ow  that the  
im plications o f  th is failure are 
becom ing apparent, the black  
com m unity seem s to  be sa y ­
ing, “Forget it! W e’ll so lve  our 
ow n problem s.” Integration, 
w hich  never had a  high prior­
ity  am ong the b lack m asses, 
is  now  being w ritten  o ff  by 
them  a s n ot on ly  unattain­
able but actually  harmful, 
driving a w edge b etw een  them  
and the so-called  Negro dlite.

To th ese  developm ents has 
been added the m om entous  
realization  by  m any o f  the  
“integrated” N egroes that, in 
the U .S., full integration  can  
o n ly  m ean full assim ilation—  
a lo ss  o f racial identity. This 
sobering prospect has caused  
m any a  b lack integrationist to  
p ause and reflect, even  as 
h ave his sim ilarly challenged  
Jew ish  counterparts.

Thus, w ith in  th e  b lack  com - 
~m unity there are tw o separate  

challenges to  the traditional 
integration  p olicy  w h ich  has 
long con stitu ted  the m ajor ob­
jective o f established  Negro  
leadership. There is  general 
skepticism  th at the N egro will 
enjoy full acceptance into  
A m erican society  even  a fter  
having transform ed h im self 
into a  w h ite blackm an; and  
there is  the longer-range  
doubt that com plete integra­
tion  w ould  prove to  b e really  
desirable, even  if it  should  
som ehow  be achieved, for its  
price m ight be the tota l ab­
sorption and d isappearance o f  
the race— a sort o f  pain less  
genocide.

U nderstandably, it is  the  
black m asses w h o  h ave m ost 
vociferously  articulated  the  
dangers o f  assim ilation, for  
th ey  have w atched  w ith  alarm  
a s th e  m ore fortunate am ong  
their ranks have gradually  
risen  to  the top  o n ly  to be 
prom ptly “integrated” into the  
w h ite  com m unity —  absorbed  
in to another culture, o ften  
w ith  undisguised  contem pt tor 
all that had p reviously con sti­
tu ted  their racial and cultural 
heritage.

A lso, it w as the b lack m asses  
w h o first perceived  that inte­
gration  actually  increases the  
w h ite com m unity’s control 
over the black on e by destroy­
ing b lack institutions, absorb­
ing b lack leadership and m ak­
ing its in terests coincide w ith  
th ose o f the w hite, com m unity. 
The international “brain drain” 
has its counterpart in the 
black com m unity, w hich  is

con stan tly  being denuded of 
its  best-trained  peop le and  
m any o f its  natural leaders. 
Black institu tion s o f all sorts 
— colleges, new spapers, banks, 
even  com m unity organizations  
— are all losin g  their better  
people to the n ew ly  available  
open ings in w h ite establish ­
m ents, This low ers the qual­
ity  o f  the N egro organizations  
and in som e cases cau ses their  
dem ise or increases their de­
pendence on  w h ites  for sur­
vival. Such injurious, if  unin­
tended, side effec ts  o f integra­
tion  h ave been fe lt in a lm ost 
every layer o f  the b lack com ­
m unity.

If th is analysis o f  the in- 
tegration ist-separatist conflict 
exhausted  the case , w e  might 
conclude th at the problem s 
h ave all been  d ealt w ith  be­
fore by other im m igrant groups 
in Am erica. (It w ould  be an  
erroneous conclusion , for w hile  
other groups m ay have en ­
countered  sim ilar problem s, 
their so lutions do n ot w ork  
for us, a las.) But there re­
m ains y e t  another factor  
w hich  is  cooling  the N egro’s  
enthusiasm  for the integra­
tion ist path— he is becom ing  
distrustfu l o f  h is fe llow  A m er­
icans.

A m erican culture is 
on e o f th e  you ngest in the  
w orld. Furthermore, as has 
been  pointed out repeatedly  
in recent years, it  is  essen tia l­
ly  a cu lture w hich  approves 
o f v io len ce, indeed  en joys it. 
M ilitary expenditures absorb  
roughly half o f the national 
budget. V iolence predom inates 
on  the TV screen, and to y s of 
vio len ce are best-se lling  item s  
during the annual rites for the  
m uch praised but little  im i­
tated  Prince o f  Peace. In V iet­
nam  the zeal w ith  w hich  
A m erica has pursued its e f­
fort to  destroy a poor and il­
literate peasantry has aston ­
ished  civ ilized  peop le around  
the globe.

In such an  atm osphere the 
Negro is  understandably ap­
prehensive about the fate his 
w h ite com patriots m ight have 
in store for him . The veiled  
threat by President Johnson  
a t the tim e o f  the 1966 riots, 
suggesting  that riots m ight 
b eget pogrom s and pointing  
out that N egroes are only 10 
per cen t o f the population, 
w as n ot lo s t on  m ost blacks. 
It enraged them , but it w a s  a 
sobering thought.

The m anner in w h ich  Ger­
m any herded the Jew s into  
concentration  cam ps and u lti­
m ately  into ovens w as a  so l­
em n w arning to m inority  
peop les everyw here. The ca s­
u alness w ith  w hich Am erica  
exterm inated  the Indians and 
later interned the Japanese

su ggests that there is no cause  
for the Negro to  feel com pla­
cent about his security in the
U.S. He finds little  con so la ­
tion in the assurance that if 
it does b ecom e necessary  to  
place him  in concentration  
cam ps it w ill on ly  be to  pro­
tect him  from  uncontrollable  
w hites. “P rotective iiicarcera- 
tion ,” to  u se  governm ental 
jargon.

The very fa c t that such  a l­
tern atives are becom ing seri­
ous top ics o f  d iscussion  has 
exposed  the N egro’s already  
raw  and sen sitive p sych e to  
y e t another heretofore unfelt 
vulnerability  —  the insecurity  
w hich  he su ffers a s  a resu lt o f  
having no hom eland w hich  he 
can h onestly  feel is  his ow n. 
Am ong the m ajor ethno-cul­
tural groups in the w orld, he 
is  unique in th is respect.

A s the Jew ish  drama during 
and fo llow ing W orld W ar II 
painfu lly  dem onstrated, a  na­
tional hom eland is a  primor­
dial and urgent need  for a 
people, even  though its  bene­
fits  are not a lw ays readily  
m easured. For som e, the  
hom eland is a  v ita l p lace o f  
refuge from the strains o f  a 
life  led  too  long in a foreign  
environm ent. For others, the  
need to live in the hom eland  
is  considerably le ss  intense  
than the need for m erely  
know ing that such  a hom e­
land ex ists . The b enefit to  the  
expatriate is  p sychological, a 
sen se  o f security in know ing  
that he belongs to a  cu ltural­
ly  and politica lly  identifiable  
com m unity. N o doubt th is phe­
nom enon large ly  accounts for 
the fa c t that both the W est 
Indian N egro and the Puerto 
Rican exh ib it considerably  
m ore self-assurance than the  
Am erican Negro, for both  
W est Indian and Puerto Rican  
have ties to  identifiable hom e­
lands w h ich  honor and pre­
serve their cultural heritage.

I t  has been  m arveled that 
w e Am erican N egroes, alm ost 
alone am ong the cultural 
groups o f the w orld, exhibit 
no sen se  o f nationhood. Per­
haps it is true th at w e  lack  
this sense, but there seem s  
little  doubt that the absence  
o f a  hom eland exacts a  se ­
vere if  unconscious price from  
our psyche. T heoretically our 
hom eland is the U.S.A. W e 
pledge a lleg iance to  the Stars 
and S tripes and sing  the na­
tional anthem . But from the  
age w hen  w e  first begin to  
sen se that w e  are som ehow  
“different,” that w e  are v ic ­
tim ized , these rituals begin  to  
m ean less  to  us than to  our 
w hite com patriots. For m any 
o f us they becom e form w ith ­
out substance; for others they  
becom e a  cruel and bitter 

(Continued on Page 56)

S T E R I M  #  B R O T H E R S

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TO A WOMAN’S 
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you. Played up in a  vivid stained gloss print, done in 
luxurious Ultrella, the weightless new acetate-nylon 
blend that wash-and-wears like a wonderful dream. 
Short, chic jacket closes over a  square necked, front 
pleated dress with self-belt. Teal blue or brown print, 
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AUGUST 11, 1968



Paris blackout
By GLORIA EMERSON

Yves Saint Laurent liked fringe. His newest dress—in a col­
lection where trousers were preferred—drips with black fringe. 
The Paisley-print cashmere is worn like a soft, easy sweater. 
Around the head, a narrow braid of hair.

In the storm of black sequins, one of the most striking designs 
was this dress with a wide, low neckline and a little-nothing 
waist wrapped in a stiff, satin belt by Gerard Pipart of Nina 
Ricci. Black veiling, a new trend, covered the face and hair.

THE HEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



IH D V S T R in L  M ETA L BO O K CA SES, purchased second-hand and painted white, hold books and 
office supplies in the home studio of Mr. and Mrs. Yung Wang, both architects. Mrs. Wang chose a 
solid-core oak door for a work table top and a pair of restaurant table pedestals for the base.

W ALL-TO-W ALL SH ELV IN G  in the home office of Mr. and Mrs. Stanley Maurer, 
architects, is made of stair treads that have been doweled to vertical wood dividers 
to reduce sagging. Drawings and supplies are stored on the lower shelves and in cup­
boards. The enormous fir desk with an off-white linoleum top is their own design.



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P.O. Box 4124, New York, N. Y. 10017

The separa tist m ovem ent so 
ia r  is m ore  local than national

(C ontinued from  Page 51) 
m ockery o f our d ign ity  and  
good  sense; for relatively fe w  
o f us do th ey  retain a s ign ifi­
cance in any w a y  com parable  
to  their hold on  our w h ite  
brethren.

The recent com ing in to  in­
dependence o f  m any African  
s ta tes  stim ulated  som e specu­
lation  am ong N egroes th at in ­
dependent Africa m ight be­
com e the hom eland they so  
desperately needed. A fe w  
m ade the journey and experi­
enced  a n ew ly  found sen se  of 
com m unity and racial dignity. 
For m any w ho w ent, how ever, 
the gratify ing  racial fraternity  
w hich  they  experienced  w as  
in su ffic ien t to  com pensate for 
the cultural estrangem ent a c­
com panying it. They had been  
aw ay from  A frica too  long  
and the d ifferences in  lan­
guage, food  and custom  barred 
them  from  the “at hom e” fe e l­
ing th ey  w ere eagerly seeking. 
Sym bolically , independent A f­
rica could serve them  as a  
hom eland; practically , it could  
not. Their search continues—  
a search for a p lace w here  
they can experience the secu ­
rity  w h ich  com es from  being  
a part o f  the m ajority culture, 
free at last from the inhibit­
ing effec ts  o f cultural repres­
sion, from  cultural tim idity  
and sham e.

I f  w e  h ave been  separated  
from  Africa for so  long that 
w e are no longer quite a t ease  
there, w e  are left w ith  only  
on e p lace to  m ake our hom e, 
and th at is  in th is land to  
w hich  w e  w ere- brought in 
chains. Justice w ou ld  indicate  
such  a  so lution  in any case, 
for it  is  North A m erica, not 
Africa, into w hich our toil 
and effort have been  poured. 
This land is our rightful hom e  
and w e are w e ll w ith in  our 
rights in  dem anding an  oppor­
tun ity  to  enjoy it on  the sam e  
term s a s  the other im m igrants 
w h o h ave helped to  develop  
it. S ince few  w h ites w ill deny  
the ju stice o f th is claim , it is 
paradoxical that w e  are o f­
fered the option o f  exercising  
th is birthright on ly  on the  
cond ition  that w e  abandon our 
culture, deny our race and in­
tegrate ourselves into the 
w h ite com m unity.

The “accepted” N egro, the  
“integrated” N egro are mere 
euphem ism s w hich  hide a cruel 
and re len tless cultural de­
struction  that is som etim es  
agon izing to  the m iddle-class 
Negro but is  becom ing intol­
erable to  the b lack  m asses. A 
Negro w ho refuses to yield  his 
identity and to  ape the w h ite

m odel finds he can  survive in 
dignity on ly  by rejecting the  
entire w h ite society , w h ich  
m ust u ltim ately m ean chal­
lenging the law  and the law - 
enforcem ent m echanism s. On 
the other hand, if he abandons 
his cultural heritage and suc­
cum bs to  the lure o f  integra­
tion, he risks certain  rejection  
and hum iliation a long the  
w ay, w ith  absolu te ly  no guar­
antee o f ever ach ieving com ­
p lete acceptance. That such  
u nsatistactory op tions are  
leading to  a lm ost continuous  
disruption and dislocation  o f  
our society  should hardly be 
cause for surprise.

FORMAL partition ing o f  
the U nited  S tates into tw o  to ­
ta lly  separate and independent 
nations, on e w h ite and one  
black, o ffers on e w a y  out 
o f th is tragic situation. M any  
w ill condem n it  a s  a  de­
fea tist solution , but w hat they  
se e ' as d efeatism  m ay better  
be described as a  frank facing  
up to  the realities o f Am eri­
can society , A  society  is sta ­
b le on ly  to  the ex ten t that 
there e x is ts  a basic core of 
value judgm ents that are un­
th inkingly accepted  by the  
great bulk o f its  m em bers. In­
creasingly, N egroes are dem ­
onstrating th at they  do not 
accept the com m on core of 
values w hich underlies Am er­
ica, either because they  had  
little  to  do w ith  drafting  
it or because th ey  feel it  is 
w eighted  against their inter­
ests. The a lleged  dispropor­
tionately  large num ber o f N e­
gro law  v io lators, o f unw ed  
m others, o f illeg itim ate ch il­
dren, of nonw orking adults 
m ay be indicators that there  
is no com m unity of values  
such as has been  supposed, 
although I am n ot unaw are o f  
facia l socio-econom ic reasons  
for th ese  sta tistic s also.

But w h atever the reason  
for observed  behavioral differ­
ences, there is  clearly no rea­
son  w hy the Negro should not 
have h is ow n  ideas about 
w h at the societal organization  
should be. The A nglo-Saxon  
.system o f organizing human 
relationships has certain ly not 
proved itse lf to  be superior to  
all other system s, and the N e­
gro is  likely  to  be m ore a cu te­
ly  aw are o f th is fact than are 
m ost Am ericans.

Certainly partition w ould  
entail enorm ous initial hard­
ships. But th ese difficu lties  
and th ese hardships should be 
w eighed  against the prospects 
o f prolonged and intensified  
racial str ife  stretching for  

(Continued on Page 60)

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



W f e T l  p a y y o u ^ U ) 0  

t D c o o l o f l P
\vath^^^p\lCMl*and Ice^i^eam

s
s

Whip’n Chili 
aad Ice Cream Surprise /

Prepare 1 package straw- j  
berry Whip’n Chill; spoon i 
into a large bowl. Chill at |  

least 1 hour. Just before 
serving, top with straw­

berries and strawberry ice 
cream. Makes 6 serving!

Whip’n Chili Ice Cream Soda
Prepare 1 package vanilla 

. Whip’n Chill as directed on 
package; add 1 bottle (12 oz.) 
chilled ginger ale and beat 
until blended. Serve immedi­

ately in 4 tali glasses with 
vanilla ice cream.

Whip’n Chill 
Banana 

Split
Prepare 1 

package each 
of chocolate and 

lemon Whip’n Chill 
and chill in small, deep bowls 

at least 4 hours. Split bananas 
and top with scoops of ice 

cream and both Whip’n Chill 
flavors. Garnish as desired.

Makes 4 servings.

£et $1.00, fill out this certificate and 
send it with'8 boxtof® from any flavor 
Whip’n Chill Deluxe Dessert Mix and the 
brand name clipped from any size con-

I tainer of your favorite ide cream. (For 500 
send 5 boxtops and the ice 
cream brand name.) Your re­
fund and additional Whip’n 
Chtfl and ice cream recipes will 
be sent to you by return mail.

Mail To; Whip’n Chill/Ice Cream Offer ^
PO. Box 2061, Kankakee, HI. 60901.

O $1.001 enclose 8 Whip’n Chill boxtops plus the 
brand name from a container of ice cream 
(any kind).
□  S0f( I enclose S Whip’n Chill boxtops plus the 
brand name from a container of ice cream 
(any hind).
OfoAlmdaed one to a family. Offer void where 
taxed, prohibited or restricted. Offer expires Oc-

(Continued from Page 56) 
years into the future. Indeed, the 
social fabric o f A m erica is  far more 
likely  to  be able to  w ithstand  the  
strains o f a partition ing o f  th e  coun­
try than th ose o f  an  extended  race 
war.

On the other hand, if  it  happened  
that th e  principle o f  partition w ere  
accepted  by  m ost Am ericans w ithout 
a period o f prolonged v io lence, it  is  
possib le th at on ly  voluntary transfers 
o f population w ould  be necessary. 
N o one need be forced  to m ove  
against h is w ill.

This unprecedented challenging o f  
the “conventional w isdom ” on  the  
racial question  is  causing consider­
able consternation  w ith in  the w hite  
com m unity, especia lly  the w h ite lib­
eral com m unity, w hich  has long fe lt  
itse lf to  be the sponsor and guardian  
o f the blacks. The situation  is further 
confused  because the challenges to  
the orthodox integrationist v iew s are  
being projected by persons w hose  
roots are authentica lly  w ith in  the  
black com m unity— w hereas the in te­
gration ist spokesm en o f the past 
have often  been  persons w h ose cre­
dentia ls w ere partly w hite-bestow ed. 
This situation  is  further aggravated  
by the classical intergenerational 
problem  —  w ith  b lack youth  seizing  
the lead  in speaking out for national­
ism  and separatism  w hereas their  
elders look  on askance, a develop­
m ent w h ich  has a t least a partial 
parallel in  the contem porary w hite  
com m uiiity, w here youth  is  increas­
ingly strident in  its  dem ands for  
thoroughgoing revision  o f  our social 
institutions.

I F on e inquires about the spokes­
m en for th e  n ew  black nationalism , 
or for separatism , one d iscovers that 
the m ovem ent is locally  based  rather 
than nationally  organized. In the San  
Francisco B ay area th e  B lack Parither 
party is  w ell know n a s  a leader in 
w inning recognition for the black  
com m unity. Its tactic  is  to  operate  
via a  separate political party for 
black people, a strategy  I suspect w e  
w ill hear a  great deal m ore o f  in the  
future. The w ork o f the Black M us­
lim s is w ell know n and perhaps more 
national in scope than that o f  any  
other black-nationalist group. Out o f  
D etroit there is  the M alcolm  X Soci­
ety, led by attorney M ilton Henry, 
w h ose m em bers reject their U.S. citi­
zenship  and are claim ing five South­
ern sta tes for the creation o f a  n ew  
black republic. Another major leader 
in D etroit is  the Rev. Albert Cleage, 
w ho is  develop ing a  considerable fo l­
low ing for h is preachings o f black  
dignity and w ho has a lso  experim ent­
ed  w ith  a black political party, thus 
far w ithout success.

The black students a t w h ite co l­
leges are one h ighly articulate group  
seeking for som e national organiza­
tional form. A  grow ing num ber o f  
black educators are a lso groping to­
ward som e sort o f nationally  coordi­
nated body to  lend strength to their 
local efforts to  develop  educational 
system s better tailored to  the needs

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



g f l ^ i n t e r n a t i o n a l  h o m e  fu rn ishings
N E W  Y O R K , B O S T O N , LOS A N G E LE S

mm

ot IntBrnStiOnSl, Dining fables and 
chairs, sofas, occasional chairs, 

cabinets and chests, desks, occasional 
tables, lamps, rugs and accessories 

a t wonderful savhgs. Sale items 
reduced 10% to 50%

DAILY AN D  SATU RD AY 10-6. M O N D A Y  A N D  TH URSD AY EVEN IN G S  'T IL 8:30

440 PARK AVENUE SO. (CORNER 30TH ST) MU 4-1155

m ils/
W e’re miley big on Monsanto's Actionweor 
and Weor-Doted fobrics. Mothers ore mitey 
big on Weor-Doted’s one year guarantee 
or your money back. Giris are mitey big 
on the look. Tops, from $3. Perma- 
pants, from $5. 3-6x, 7-14, Preteens.
At your favorite store. Mitey Miss,
112 West 34th Street,
New York ICXIOI.

"THE WALL OF RESPECT"— Another section of the giant outdoor mural 
on Chicago's South Side pictured on the cover of this issue. Among black 
American figures portrayed here are Marcus Garvey, Malcolm X, Stokely 
Carmichael, Muhammad All and musicians Thelonious Monk and John Coltrane.

o f the b lack child. U nder the  
nam e o f A ssociation  o f Afro- 
Am erican Educators, th ey  re­
cen tly  held  a national confer­
en ce  in C hicago w hich  w a s  
attended  b y several hundred  
public school teachers and co l­
leg e  and com m unity w orkers  
from  all over the country.

This is  n o t to  say  that every  
black teacher or parent-teach­
er group w hich  favors com ­
m unity control o f sch oo ls is  
n ecessarily  sym pathetic to  
black  separatism . N everthe­
less , the m ove tow ard decen­
tralized  control over public 
schools, a t  lea st in th e  larger 
urban areas, derives from  an 
abandoning o f  the idea o f  in ­
tegration  in  the sch oo ls and 
a decision  to  bring to the  
gh etto  the b est education  that 
can be obtained.

Sim ilarly, a grow ing num ­
ber of com m unity-based  or­

gan izations are being form ed  
to  facilitate the econom ic d e­
velopm ent o f  the ghetto, to  
replace ab sen tee business pro­
prietors and landlords w ith  
black entrepreneurs and resi­
dent ow nersi A gain, th ese  e f­
for ts are n ot to ta lly  separa­
tist, for th ey  operate w ith in  
the fram ew ork o f the p resent 
national society , b ut they  
build on  th e  separatism  w hich  
already e x ists  in the society  
rather than attem pt to  elim i­
nate it.

To a b lack w h o  sees  sa lva­
tion  for th e  b lack m an o n ly  in 
a com plete divorce o f the tw o  
races, th ese efforts a t ghetto  
im provem ent appear futile, 
perhaps ev e n  harm ful. To oth ­
ers, convinced  th at coex isten ce  
w ith  w h ite  Am erica is  p ossi­
b le w ith in  the national fram e­
w ork  if on ly  the w h ites  perm it 
the N egro to  develop  a s  he

w ish es (and by h is ow n  hand  
rather than in  accordance  
w ith  a w h ite-con ceived  and 
w h ite - adm inistered  p a tte rn ), 
such p h ysica lly  and econom i­
ca lly  upgraded b lack enclaves  
w ill be v iew ed  a s  desirable  
steps forward.

Finally, th ose b lacks w ho  
still feel th at integration  is  in 
som e sen se  both acceptable  
and p ossib le w ill con tinue to  
strive for th e  color-blind soci- 
iety . W hen, if  ever, th ese  three 
strands o f  thought w ill con ­
verge, I cannot predict. M ean­
w hile , how ever, concerned  
w h ites  w ish ing  to  w ork  w ith  
th e  b lack  com m unity should  
be prepared to  encounter  
m any rebuffs. They should  
keep  ever in m ind th at the  
black  com m unity does not 
have a h om ogenous v is io n  of 
its  ow n predicam ent a t th is  
crucial jim cture. ■

0*3

SOLUTIONS TO LAST WEEK'S PUZZLES

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



SlreJ&tu Jlork Ma0asine DECEMBER 14, 1969

S tu m  of a  w a r— A G.J. uniler fire  in  a  V ie tnam ese  rice  Held: 1966

The Sixties: 
'This Slum of a Decade'
By RICHARD H. ROVE»E

Be f o r e  th e  s ix t ie s ,  if m e m o ry  se r v e s , th o se  o f  
u s  w h o  re jec te d  th e  d o g m a tic  a n d  th e  d o ctr i­
n a ire  a s  in c o m p a tib le  w ith  th e  sea r ch  fo r  truth  

w e r e  s im ila r ly  h o s t i le  to  a n y  a p o ca ly p tic  v ie w  o f  hu ­
m an  ex p e r ie n c e  and h is to ry — th a t is , to  a n y  in terp re­
ta tio n  th a t led  to  ce rta in  ca ta c ly sm  o r  A rm aged d on . 
It se e m e d  a  form  o f  e x trem ism — it w a s  de trap, ah is-  
to r ic a l, d e te rm in ist , n eu ro tic . T rue, th er e  w e r e  n u c lea r  
w e a p o n s  in  o v era b u n d a n t su p p ly  th en , a n d  in  th e  la te  
fo r ties  and  ea r ly  f if t ie s , w h e n  S ta lin  g o v er n e d  in  M o s­
c o w  and  p ro p o n e n ts  o f  “p r e v e n t iv e ” or “p re-em p tiv e” 
w a r  w e r e  n o w  an d  th en  to  b e  e n co u n ter ed  h ere , so m e  
o f  u s  fe lt  co n str a in ed  to  p o in t o u t th a t th e  en d  cou ld  
c o m e  a t a n y  m o m en t u n le s s  ce rta in  s te p s  w e r e  ta k en  
— or if c e r ta in  s te p s  w e r e  ta k en . B ut th e  a n x ie tie s  o f  
th o se  d a y s  sp ran g  fr o m  n o  p articu lar  v ie w  o f  h isto ry ;  
th e y  se e m e d  s o lid ly  b a sed  on  em pirica l a n a ly s is  o f  
th e  a v a ila b le  data .

R IC H A R D  H , R O VERS writes the "Letter From Washington" 
column for The New Yorher and is the author of "The American 
Establishment."

A t a n y  rate, S ta lin  d ie d  in  1953 and  w a s  su c c e e d e d  
b y  m en  o f  ap paren t c ir cu m sp e ctio n  (n o t th a t, in  re tro ­
sp ect , h e  w a s  e n tire ly  la ck in g  in  th a t ad m irab le  q u a l­
ity ) , and  le s s  w a s  h eard  o f  p rev e n t iv e  w a r . B y  th e  
la te  f if t ie s , w e  a n tia p o c a ly p tic s  w e r e  b a ck  o n  th e  
track . E ise n h o w e r  and  K hrush ch ev  w e r e  sa y in g  th a t  
n u c le a r  w a r  had b e c o m e  u n th in k a b le , and i t  w a s  p o s ­
s ib le  to  a rg u e (a s  to  so m e  e x te n t  it  s t i l l  is )  th a t th e  
u lt im a te  w e a p o n  h ad  p ro v ed  a  b le s s in g  o f  so r ts  s in c e  
it  w a s  c le a r ly  th e  b e s t  d ete rre n t to  g en er a l w a r  ev e r  
k n o w n .

B ut b efo r e  th e  s ix t ie s  w e r e  v e r y  fa r  a lo n g , so m e ­
th in g  v e r y  m u ch  lik e  an  a p o c a ly p t ic  m ood  se iz e d  a  
g re a t m a n y  p eo p le  w h o  h ad  u p  to  th e n  regard ed  it 
a s  a sy m p to m  o f  n u ttin e s s . I s a y  th is  w ith o u t h a v in g  
d o n e  an y  ser io u s  resea rch  o n  th e  su b je c t , b u t I am  
su re  th a t e v id e n c e  is  a b u n d a n t in  e v e r y  d ep a rtm en t  
o f  ou r cu ltu re  an d  th a t a m a ss in g  i t  co u ld  p ro v id e  
u se fu l w o r k  fo r  a n y  n um ber o f  Ph .D . ca n d id a te s . I 
k n o w  th a t I, a s  a  sh a k y  if  n o t e n tire ly  sh o o k -u p  su r­
v iv o r  o f  th e  d eca d e  (a s  w e ll , a la s , o f  m ore o th er



The decade now ending has been one in which simple intellectual 
honesty compelled us to face up to the strong possibility that we

B ites to r  a  la lle n  lea d e r , St, M a tthew 's C a thedra l, W ashington: 1963
R obert K en n e d y  Mrs. John F. K en n e d y  E dw ard  K en n e d y  

Jam es Sueh lnelo ss  S a rg en t S h r ive r  S te p h en  Sm ith
L yndon  Johnson M rs. Johnson Luci L yn d a

Mrs. M artin  L u th er  K in g  Jr. b y  th e  b ier  
of h e r  sla in  husband: 1968

d e c a d e s  th a n  I ca r e  to  th in k  a b o u t) an d  a s  an  a m a teu r ish  b u t  
n e v e r th e le s s  p ra ctic in g  h isto r ia n , ca n  b ea r  p erso n a l w itn e s s  to  
it. T he m o o d  h it  m e  w ith  an  a lm o s t in c a p a c ita tin g  fo r c e  so m e  
s ix  or s e v e n  y ea r s  ag o . Or perh ap s, s in c e  I c a n n o t b e  p r e c ise  
a b o u t th e  tim e , i t  m ig h t b e  b e tte r  to  sa y  th a t i t  d id  n o t h it  m e  
s o  m u ch  a s  cr ee p  o v er  m e  and p ro d u ce n ear-para lysis .

X J p  to  th en , I h ad  g o n e  a b o u t m y  b u s in e ss , a s  in  g en era l I 
s t i l l  do, w ith  rather l itt le  in  th e  w a y  o f  m e ta p h y s ica l b a ggage. 
L ike Mr. J u s tic e  H olm es, I tr a v e led  m ore co m fo rta b ly  th a t w a y , 
a n d  I em u la te d  h im  b y  lim itin g  m y  “tr u th s” to  “w h a t I ca n ’t 
h elp  th in k in g .” B ut I n o w  re a liz e  th a t I w a s  su sta in e d  th ro u g h ­
ou t— ^more su b c o n sc io u s ly  th an  o th er w ise , I th in k — b y  a  k ind  
o f  so c ia l  D a rw in ism , a  n o t v e r y  c le a r ly  fo r m u la ted  b e lie f  th a t  
m an, th o u g h  m ore o fte n  th a n  n o t  a  p la y e r  in  tra g ed y , cou ld  
a n d  w o u ld  so m e h o w , a s  W illiam  F au lk n er (h ard ly  a  so c ia l D ar­
w in is t )  h ad  sa id , “p rev a il.”

I  d o u b t if  I e v e r  tr ie d  to  d efe n d  th is  v ie w , ev e n  to  m y se lf . 
H ad I d o n e  so , I m ig h t h a v e  d isc o v ere d  th a t i t  w a s  p rob ab ly  
n o t so  m u ch  a  “v ie w ” a s  it  w a s  an  a ssu m p tio n  n e c e ssa r y  to  
m y  life  a s  a  w r ite r  o f  th e  so r t I w a s  and  am . O ne h a s  a  n eed  
to  b e lie v e  in  th e  fu tu re  if  o n e  is  to  p o k e  a rou n d  in  th e  p a s t  or  
in  th e  p rese n t. O th erw ise , w h y  b other?  W h y bother?— I m u st, 
in  th e  p a st  f e w  y ea r s , h a v e  sp e n t sev e ra l th o u sa n d  m an -h ours  
w o r ry in g  th is  q u e stio n  b efo r e  th ru stin g  i t  a s id e  and  a tta ck in g  
th e  ty p ew riter .

T he d eca d e  n o w  d raw in g  to  a  c lo s e  (a c tu a lly , i t  h a s m ore

th an  a  y e a r  to  run, b u t ou r A rabic n um era ls cr e a te  th e  illu sio n  
th a t th e  se v e n t ie s  w ill s ta r t in a  f e w  w e e k s )  h a s b een  o n e  in  
w h ic h  s im p le  in te lle c tu a l h o n e s ty  co m p e lle d  u s to  fa c e  up  to  
th e  str o n g  p o ss ib ility  th a t w e  h um ans a re  ju st  a b o u t a t  th e  
en d  o f  ou r d a y s, th a t our p rob lem s o f  su rv iv a l, th o u g h  m o s t  
o f th em  y ie ld  to  a b stra c t a n a ly s is  and a b stra c t so lu tio n , w ill  
n o t  b e  so lv e d  b e c a u se  w e  are s im p ly  to o  hum an  to  d ea l w ith  
th em . T he o n e  th a t con ce rn ed  u s th e  m o s t b efo r e  th e  s ix t ie s —  
n u c le a r  h o lo c a u st— is  s t ill  p erh ap s th e  g r a v e st a n d  far  graver  
to d a y  than  i t  ap peared  to  b e  10 or 12 y e a r s  a g o . For a  tim e, 
o n e  co u ld  b e  rea so n a b ly  c o n fid e n t th a t arm s co n tr o l and lim ita ­
tio n , e v e n  d isarm am ent, co u ld  b e  a cc o m p lish ed  if  th e  p o litic a l  
w ill  to  d o  so  e x is te d  and  co u ld  b e  m ob ilized . T he w il l  th en  
did  see m  to  e x is t , and o u t o f  it ca m e th e  1963 test-b a n  trea ty .

It m a y  s t i l l  e x is t , b u t in  a  v e r y  sh o rt tim e—-m aybe ju s t  a 
m a tter  o f  w e e k s  or m o n th s— th e  te c h n o lo g y  o f  p rod u ction  w ill  
h a v e  o u tp a ced , for  a  t im e  a t  le a s t  a n d  p o ssib ly  fo rev er , th e  
te c h n o lo g y  o f  in sp e c tio n  and  v er ifica tio n , w ith o u t w h ich  a n y  
a g re em e n t on  lim ita tio n  is  im p o ssib le . M oreover, a s  th e  w e a p o n s  
m u ltip ly  in  num ber, so  d o  th e  p o ssib ilit ie s  fo r  th e ir  m isca lc u ­
la ted  or in a d v er ten t u se , and, in d eed , a s  P rof. G eorge W ald  o f  
H arvard  h as p o in te d  o u t, w h e n  th e  p o ssib ilit ie s  fo r  d isa ster  
rea ch  a  certa in  p o in t, d isa ste r  b e c o m e s  a  p rob ab ility .

S till, I d o  n o t  th in k  th a t ou r n ear-despa ir  in  th e  la te  s ix t ie s  
e x is ts  prim arily  b e c a u se  o f  th e  d an ger o f  n u c le a r  w ar. I rather  
th in k  i t  w o u ld  e x is t , and  m ig h t b e  p rofou n der s t ill , if  th e  a to m  
h ad  n e v e r  b een  sp lit . It is , a s  I s e e  it, a  re sp o n se  to  d ev elo p -

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



humans are just about at the end of our days, that our problems 
of survival will not be solved because we are simply too human . . .

The Robert F. K e n n e d y  tu n e ra l tra in  passes  ihrougrh B altim ore  sta tion  
in  its slow  progress  from K ew  Y o rk  to W ashington: 1968

m erits th a t h a v e  b een  in  th e  m a k in g  fo r  ce n tu r ie s , b u t w h o se  
im p ort— f̂or a  v a r ie ty  o f  re a so n s— h a s o n ly  r e c e n tly  c o m e to  th e  
fo r e fr o n t o f  o u r  m in d s and  c o n sc io u sn e ss . W e sta r ted  to  fo u l  
o u r h um an  n e s t  a g e s  a g o . It is  o n ly  th e  “p o p u la tio n  ex p lo s io n ” 
th a t h a s led  u s  to  co n s id e r  th e  co n se q u e n c e s . B ut th a t ex p lo s io n  
w a s  fo r e se e a b le  lo n g  b efo r e  th e  o n e  a t A lam ogordo .

S e n se le s s  w a r s  a re  n o th in g  n ew , and  V ietn am  is  n o t th e  o n ly  
p la c e  w h er e  o n e  is  b e in g  fo u g h t to d a y . B ut V ietnam , w h ich  fo r  
A m erica n s a t  le a s t  is  th e  su p r em e e v e n t o f  th e  d eca d e, is  th e  
f ir s t  w a r  in  w h ic h  w e  h a v e  h ad  to  a ck n o w led g e  th a t w e , to o , are  
ca p a b le  o f  u tte r ly  s e n s e le s s  ca r n a g e  and  in ca p a b le  up  t o  n o w  
o f  b rin g in g  in te ll ig e n c e  to  b ear upon  it.

R ac ism — w h ich  is  r e a lly  th e  h um an  fe a r  and  h atred  o f  “o th e r ­
n e s s ” in  a lm o s t a n y  form — is  a  cu r se  o f  g re a t a n tiq u ity  and, I 
fear , o n e  o f  p r e se n t u n iv er sa lity . B ut i t  w a s  n o t u n til th e  s ix t ie s  
th a t w e  b eg a n  to  s e e  h o w  it  m ig h t d e str o y  a  c iv iliza tio n . (W e  
h ad  th e  e x a m p le  o f  N a z i G erm any, b u t it  w a s  H itler’s  lu s t  for  
co n q u e s t  ra ther  th an  h is  a n ti-S em itism  th a t redu ced  h is  R eich  
to  ru b ble.) S p len d id  lead ers a s  w e ll  a s  u n sp len d id  m islea d er s  
h a v e  a lw a y s  in v ite d  a s sa ss in a tio n . In th is  d eca d e, it  h as b een  
d em o n str a ted  th a t a  n a tio n  ca n  be a lm o st b ere ft o f  lead ersh ip  
b y  th e  h and s o f  a  f e w  k illers .

In th e  s ix t ie s  w e  h a v e  c o m e to  se e  th a t our te c h n o lo g y —  
e v e ry th in g  from  a  te le sc o p ic  g u n s ig h t to  a  lea k y  su pertan ker, 
w ith  a  g re a t d ea l in  b e tw e e n — h a s m ad e u s  and  ou r w o r ld  far  
m ore v u ln er a b le  th a n  w e  h ad  im a g in e d  i t  to  b e . If th is  is  th e  
c a se , it  is  m ore a  r e fle c tio n  on  ou r fa ilu r es  o f  im a g in a tio n  than

o n  tr iu m p h s o f  im a g in a tio n , th e  fo r e m o st o f  w h ich  is  ou r te c h ­
n o lo g y . B ut th e  o n ly  th in g  re a lly  n e w  am o n g  th e  ca u se s  o f  ou r  
a n x ie ty  is  o u r  b e la ted  a w a r e n e ss  o f  th e se  c a u se s , and  th e  m o st  
ch illin g  th o u g h t o f  alt is  th a t th ere  m u st b e— th er e  su re ly  are—  
o th er  c a u s e s  o f  w h ic h  ou r im p o v erish ed  im a g in a tio n s rem ain  
u naw are.

A.̂LL o f  u s  a liv e  to d a y  in  th e  “d ev e lo p ed ” co u n tr ies  g r e w  up  
w ith  te ch n o lo g y . A ll th e  c a u se s  o f  o u r  p rese n t la m en ts  cou ld  
h a v e  b een  fo r esee n , q u ite  e a s ily  fo r esee n , d eca d es  ago . G iven  
a fe w  fa c ts  a b o u t th e  ch em istry  o f  th e  en v iro n m en t and  th e  
im p a ct o n  it  o f  p o p u la tio n  an d  a d v a n c ed  te ch n o lo g y , a n y  m an  
o f  m o d e st  l ite r a c y  co u ld  h a v e  ch arted  th e  ro u te  from  th e  re ce n t  
p a st  to  th e  p rese n t and o n  to  th e  q u e stio n a b le  fu tu re . S om e, lik e  
T hom as R. M althus, ca m e fa ir ly  c lo se . T he a g o n ie s  o f  th e  c it ie s  
in  th e  la te  s ix t ie s  sh o u ld  h a v e  b een  p red icta b le  in  th e  m id dle  
y ea r s  o f  th e  D ep ressio n , if n o t  lo n g  b efore . T he h um an  co n d itio n  
a s  o f  to d a y  m a y  n o t h a v e  b een  p rec ise ly  d escr ib a b le  prior to  
ou r p rese n t ex p er ien ce  o f  it  (and  it  is  n o t, o f  cou rse , p r e c ise ly  
d escr ib a b le  to d a y ), b u t su re ly  th e  m ajor o u tlin e s  co u ld  h a v e  
b een  fo r esee n . A nd, in  fa c t, th e y  w ere; fo r  a lm o st e v e ry  ev e n t  
in  h isto ry , o n e  can  fin d  so m e ea r ly  p rop hecy , so m e  a d v a n ce  
w arn in g . B ut p rop h ets  are se ld o m  h onored , and  o fte n  fo r  g o o d  
rea so n , m a n y  o f  th em  b e in g  ce r tif ia b le  and  d isa g r eea b le  cranks. 
A n d  ev e n  w h en  th e y  are h o n o r ed  and  a n y th in g  b u t crank s, th eir  
m e ssa g e s  rarely  g e t  a cr o ss . W alter  L ippm an p u t V ietnam  on  th e  

(Continued on P age 66)

BECEMBER 14> 1 M 9



The Sixties:
A Cultural Revolution
By BENJAMIN DeMOTT

Ha r d  t im e s , c o n fu s in g  tim e s . A ll a t  o n c e — n o  w a r n in g s  o r  
tr e n d y  w in k s  from  th e  p a st— ^we w e r e  N e w  P eo p le , p u ttin g  
d em a n d s  t o  o u r se lv e s  a n d  to  l i f e  in  th e  la rg e  fo r  w h ich  

p r e c e d e n ts  d id n ’t  e x is t .  A nd  b e c a u se  th e  sc a le  o f  o u r tr a n s­
fo r m a tio n  c a u se d  in w a rd  ru p tu res, h arried  u s  in to  fe e lin g s  and  
e x p e c ta tio n s  th a t h ad  n o  n a m es , ou r n e r v e s  w e r e  sh a k y , w e  
sh u tt led  b e tw e e n  n o s ta lg ia  and  a  m a n ic  o p tim ism — b eh a v ed  a l­
w a y s  a s  th o u g h  o u t a t  so m e  ed g e .

I f  w e  g ra sp ed  ou r s itu a tio n , had a  c le a r  c o n c e p t  o f  w h e r e  w e  
w e r e  a n d  w h y , w e  m ig h t h a v e  su ffe r e d  le s s . B u t w h er e  co u ld  w e  
tu rn  fo r  c la r if ic a tio n ?  A m o n g  a  th o u sa n d  w o n d e rs , th e  p erio d  h a s  

b e e n  rem a rk a b le  fo r  th e  a b se n c e  
o f  a  fu lly  h u m a n e  g e n iu s  a m o n g  
th o s e  w h o  re p r esen t u s  to  our­
s e lv e s . V a s t  s te p -u p s  o f  p rod uc­
tio n  sch e d u le s  h a v e  o ccu rred  in  
th e  a r t-an d -cu ltu re-com m en tary  
in d u str ies , and  su b sta n tia l ta le n ts  
b rea th e  a m o n g  u s , p um p hard, 
f ig h t fo r  an d  w in  w id e  a u d ien ce s . 
Y e t n o  im a g e  o r  v o ca b u la r y  
a d eq u a te  to  th e  tr u th  o f  th e  a g e  
h as c o m e  forth . T h e n e e d  i s  for  
p e r sp e c tiv e  an d  co m p a r a tiv e  
e v a lu a tio n , a c t s  o f  co n s id e ra tio n  
and  a sse s sm e n t , a n d  w e ’v e  b een  
o ffe r e d  in ste a d — t̂he n o tio n  o f  
“b la m e” is  irre levan t: th e  w o r k  
p ro d u ced  p rob ab ly  co u ld  n o t  
h a v e  b e e n  o th e r w ise , g iv e n  th e  
t im e— d isc r e te  p a tc h e s  o f  in te n ­
s ity , sp e c ia l  p le a d in g  and  d e s ­
cr ip tio n , and  v ir tu a lly  n o  in ter ­
p reta tio n  w o r th  th e  n am e.

W ife -sw a p p in g  (John U p dik e), 
p r o te s t  m a rch es (N orm an  M ail­
er ), e x o t ic  th ea tr ica l an d  c in e ­
m a tic  en te r ta in m en ts  (S u san  
S o n ta g ), a c id -tr ip p in g  and  c o m ­
m u n e  l i f e  (T om  W o lfe )— th e se  
and  a  h un dred  o th e r  “ch a ra c ter ­

is t ic  p h e n o m en a ” o f  th e  y e a r s  a re  e v o k e d  in  e x a c tin g , o f te n  
e x c it in g  d eta il and  w ith  su p e r la tiv e  a t te n t iv e n e s s  to  p erso n a l re ­
sp o n se . B ut th e  p la c e  o f  th e  p h e n o m en a  in  m ora l h is to ry , th e  
in terr e la tio n sh ip s  am o n g  th em , th e  c h ie f  fo r c e s  and  p rin c ip les  
d ete rm in in g  th e  n atu re  o f  th e  em erg e n t n e w  se n s ib ility , are le ft  
u n d efin ed , a s  th o u g h  th e y ’re  “to o  im p o rta n t to  m a tter .” O ften , 
in  fa c t, th e  c a n t  and jargon  o f  th e  p eriod — c o p y w r ite r s’ ta g s  lik e

B E N JA M IN  D e M O T T  is a professor of Ensitsh at Amherst College. His 

most recent book is “ Supergrow/' a collection of essays.

E m erson  (1803-82} b eq u e a th e d  
a  m essage to th e  six ties

The Scene . . . Baby, it’s what’s happening . . . encounter group 
. . . enter the dialogue . . .  a  piece of the action . . . with i t . .  . 
Now generation— ap p ear to  c o n ta in  b e tte r  h in ts  to  ou r tr u th  th an  
d o e s  a n y  n o v e l, e s s a y  o r  p lay .

A n d  from  th is  fa ilu r e  o f  a rt a n d  in te lle c t  t o  n o u r ish  and  
illu m in a te  m a n y  p ro b le m s f lo w . O ne is  ou r re a d in ess  to  a cc ep t  
“ex p la n a t io n s” o f  th e  t im e s  th a t a c tu a lly  d eep en  th e  g en er a l 
c o n fu s io n . T here  is , fo r  in sta n c e , th e  h u g e ly  p o p u la r  d e lu s io n  
th a t th e  c e n tr a l d e v e lo p m e n t o f  th e  s ix t ie s  h a s b e e n  th e  w id e n ­
in g  o f  th e  gap  b e tw e e n  y o u th  and  e v e r y b o d y  e lse . T he y e a r ly  
p er io d ica l in d ic e s  d is c lo s e  th a t th re e  to  fo u r  t im e s  a s  m a n y  
w o r d s  are  n o w  b e in g  w r it te n  a b o u t y o u th  a s  w e r e  w r it te n  a  
d e c a d e  a g o . A n d  th e  s ta t is t ic  r e fle c ts  th e  g r o w th  o f  a  su p e r­
s t it io n  th a t th e  s to r y  o f  th e  a g e  m a y  s im p ly  b e  th e  s im u lta n e o u s  
a p p e a ra n ce o f  tw o  a g e s , tw o  d e c a d e s , tw o  w o r ld s— o n e  b e lo n g ­
in g  to  y o u n g  p e o p le  a n d  th e  o th e r  to  th e  r e s t  o f  u s— and  th a t  
th e  p rim e in f lu e n c e  on  b eh a v io r  an d  fe e lin g  in  b o th  w o r ld s  is  
th e  a tt itu d e  o f  ea c h  to w a rd  th e  oth er .

A  h a n d y  form ula: i t  p ro v id e s  a  m e a n s  o f  o rg a n iz in g  e v e n ts , 
ta s te s , g e s tu r e s . B u t if  th e  ord er th u s  e s ta b lish e d  is  c o n v en ien t, 
i t ’s  a lso  p rim itive: y o u  b u y  i t  o n ly  a t  th e  c o s t  o f  b lin d n e ss  to  
th e  e s s e n t ia l  u n ity  o f  th e  a g e . T he c o lle g e  se n io r  d em an d in g  th e  
“re stru ctu r in g ” o f  h is  co m m e n c e m e n t ce re m o n ie s , th e  co m p a n y  
p r e s id e n t s tr u g g lin g  to  “in v o lv e ” m in o r lin e  e x e c u t iv e s  in  to p -  
ec h e lo n  d e c is io n s , th e  g u err illa -th e a ter  p ro p a g a n d ist sn eer in g  a t 
o ld -s ty le  ra d ica ls  fo r  b e in g  “h u n g  up o n  w o r d s an d  a rg u fy in g ”—  
th e s e  c le a r ly  aren ’t  th e  sa m e  m an . Y e t ig n o r in g  th e  c o n n e c t io n s  
a m o n g  th e ir  a p p a ren tly  d isp a ra te  b eh a v io r s , p re ten d in g  th a t  th e  
ta sk  o f  cu ltu ra l in q u iry  a m o u n ts  to  fin d in g  o u t  “w h a t th e  y o u n g  
a re th in k in g ,” a s  th o u g h  th e  la tte r  liv ed  n o t a m o n g  u s  b u t on  
re m o te , in a c c e ss ib le  is la n d s , i s  a  m ista k e . “T he S ix t ie s” is  an  
age; w h a t’s  h ap p en ed , b aby , h a s  h ap p en ed  to  m en  a s  w e ll  a s  
babes; w e  c a n  in d ee d  s a y  “w e ,” and  th e  sn if f ish  fe a r  o f  d o in g  so  
c o n tin u e s  to  c o s t  u s  to  th is  day .

^ ) n e  o th e r  e x p e n s iv e  d e lu s io n  d em a n d s n o tic e — n a m ely , th e  
v ie w  th a t o u r n e w n e s s  is  a  fu n c tio n  o f  a n  u ne x a m p le d  fu r y  o f  
sen sa tio n -h u n tin g . E a sy  to  ad d u ce e v id e n c e  su p p o rtin g  th is  
th eo r y , to  b e  su re . S ix t ie s  p e o p le  h a v e  b e e n  tr ip p ers in  m a n y  
se n se s; th e  d e c a d e  s a w  in c re d ib le  e x p a n s io n s  o f  a ir  tr a v e l, m o te l  
ch a in s , to u r is t a g e n c ie s . T he m a n u fa ctu r e , o n  dem an d , o f  v a r ie ty  
g o e s  o n  w ith o u t p a u se  —  "Hair,”  “C he,”  “D io n y su s ,”  B reslin , 
C rist, R ex  R eed , B arbados, E leu thera , th e  A lg a rv e , A rthur, 
T rude’s, E le c tr ic  C ircus, B ea tle s, S to n es , D oors, to p le s s , b o tto m ­
le s s , b are  . . . A n d  it’s  u n d en ia b le  th a t th e  a g e  h a s cr ea te d  
v e h ic le s  a n d  in stru m en ts  o f  s e n sa tio n  o n  a n  order o f  a rou sa l 
p o w e r  n e v e r  b efo r e  le g it im iz e d  b y  th e  c o n se n t o f  a n  en tire  
so c ie ty . B ut w e  n e v e r th e le s s  s im p lify  o u r se lv e s , en sh rou d  ou r  
l iv e s  in  a  m is t  o f  m o r a liz in g , if  w e  a c c e p t as  a n  a d eq u a te  p er­
s p e c t iv e  w h a t in  fa c t  is  n o  m o re th an  a  s t y le  o f  se lf- la c er a tio n . 
W e are  n o t, in  th e  b road  m a ss, p ure se n sa tio n a lis ts , sn app ers-up  
o f u n c o n sid ere d  k icks; w ith o u t d en y in g  th e  ch a o s  and  th e

On its Hrst anniversary, fhe ea st e l  the B ro a d w a y  
" H a ir"  to o k  its  m essage to  C en tra l P ark:  1969

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE, DECEMBER 14, 1949



62
63

66
67



"W here is our center, what are our growing points, what 
actually has been happening in our lives? Mns.: Major c h a n g e s ..."

ex tr a v a g a n c e , i t  c a n  s t i l l  b e  c la im e d  th a t th e  a g e  h a s  m ore  
d ig n ity , p ro m ise  an d  in te lle c tu a l c o m p lica tio n  th a n  a n y  su ch  
fo r m u la  a llo w s .

^ A T h EREIN  l ie s  th e  co m p lica tio n ?  If w e  a re n ’t  o u t  fo r  s e n s a ­
t io n  a lo n e , w h a t  are  w e  after?  W h ere is  o u r  ce n te r , w h a t a re  
o u r  g r o w in g  p o in ts , w h a t  a c tu a lly  h a s  b e e n  h a p p en in g  in  our  
liv es?

B e s t  to  a n sw e r  fla tly : m ajor ch a n g e s  h a v e  b e e n  o cc u r rin g  in  
ou r s e n s e  o f  s e lf , t im e  an d  d a ilin e ss . F or o n e  th in g , w e ’v e  
b e c o m e  o b s e s s e d  w ith  E x p e r ien ce . (W e b eh a v e , th a t  is  to  sa y , 
a s  th o u g h  w e ’re d ete rm in ed  t o  c h a n g e  o u r  re la tio n  to  ou r

T h e  m ystic  E ast (h ere  in ca rn itte  in  a  vis ito r  
to  G reenwich Village^ h a d  a  m essage: 1967

e x p er ien ce , or to  h ave- o u r  “u su a l”  e x p e r ie n c e s  in  n e w  w a y s .)  
F or a n oth er , w e ’v e  c o m e  to  re lish  p lu ra lity  o f  s e lf . (W e b eh a v e  
a s  th o u g h  im p a tien t o r  b it te r  a t  e v e r y  str u c tu re , form , c o n v e n ­
tio n  and  p r a ctic e  th a t e d g e s  u s  to w a rd  s in g le n e ss  o f  v ie w  or  
“o p tio n ,” o r  th a t fo r c e s  u s  to  a c c e p t th is  o r  th a t s in g le  ro le  as  
th e  w h o le  tr u th  o f  ou r b e in g .) F or y e t  a n o th er , w e  se e m  to  b e  
s tr iv in g  to  fe e l  t im e  i t s e l f  o n  d if fe r e n t te rm s fr o m  th o s e  h ith e rto  
cu sto m a ry . (W e’re  a n x io u s  t o  sh e d  ord inary , linear, b e fo re-a n d -  
a fter , ca u se -a n d -e ffe c t  u n d er sta n d in g s o f  e v e n ts  e v e n  in  ou r  
p erso n a l liv e s . W e fe e l  d is ta s te  fo r  in w a rd  r e sp o n se  th a t’s 
in su ff ic ie n t ly  a liv e  to  T he M om en t, o r  th a t g lid e s  o v e r  ea c h  
in s ta n t a s  a  b e tw e e n n e ss— in  a n o th er  m in u te  i t ’ll  b e  t im e  to  g o  
to  w o r k , g o  to  d in n er, w r ite  ou r b roth er , m a k e  lo v e , d o  th e

d ish e s— rather th a n  liv in g  in to  it, in h a b it in g  it  a s  an  o cc a s io n , 
w ith o u t th o u g h t o f  a n te c e d e n ts  o r  c o n se q u e n c e s .)  A n d  fin a lly , 
w e ’v e  c o n c e iv e d  a  d e te s ta tio n  o f  th e  h ab itu a l. (W e a re  see k in g  
w a y s  o f  o p en in g  our m in d s a n d  ch a ra c ter s  to  th e  m u ltip lic ity  o f  
s itu a tio n s  th a t a re  e c h o e d  o r  to u c h e d  or a llu d ed  to  b y  a n y  o n e  
g iv e n  s itu a tio n . W e h o p e  to  re p la c e  h a b it— “th e  s h a c k le s  o f  th e  
fr ee ,” in  B ie rc e’s  g re a t d efin it io n — ^with a  c o n tin u a lly  r e n e w ed  
a le r tn e ss  to  p o ssib ility .)

A s  g o e s  w ith o u t sa y in g , la b e lin g  an d  c a te g o r iz in g  In th is  
m a n n er i s  p resu m p tu o u s: th e  c o n g e r ie s  o f  in e x p r e ss ib le  a tt i­
tu d es  and  a ssu m p tio n s  in  q u e stio n  is  d en se , in tr ica te , t ig h tly  
p ack ed — m o r e  so  th a n  a n y  c o n fid e n t arb itrary  lis t in g  ca n  su g ­
g e s t . A nd, a s  a lso  sh o u ld  g o  w ith o u t sa y in g , th e  v o ca b u la r y  
u se d  h e r e  to  n a m e th e  a s su m p tio n s  isn ’t  m u ch  fa v o r ed  b y  a n y  
o f  u s  w h o ’re ju s t  “g e t t in g  th rou gh  th e  d a y s” ca lled  th e  s ix tie s .  
W e d o n ’t  te ll  o u r se lv e s , “W e m u st ch a n g e  ou r re la tio n  to  ou r  
e x p e r ie n c e .” W e d on ’t sa y , “ I m u st fin d  a  n e w  w a y  o f  h a v in g  
m y  e x p e r ie n c e .” W e liv e  b y  n o  a b s tr a c t  fo r m u la s , w e  s im p ly  
ex p r e ss  ou r p r efere n c es . W e p erh ap s sa y , in  p la n n in g  a  p o litic a l  
m eetin g: “L et’s  n o t h a v e  s o  m a n y  sp e e c h e s  th is  tim e .” W e  
p erh ap s sa y , w h e n  ser v in g  o n  a  p arish  c o m m itte e  to  re in v ig o ra te  
a W A SP church: “ L et’s  h a v e  a  d if fe r e n t k in d  o f  s e r v ic e  a t  le a s t  
on ce . . .  . O nce a  m on th , m a y b e .” W e p erh ap s sa y  a t  co n fe ren ce s:  
“W h en  do w e  b rea k  in to  sm a ll grou p s?” W e p erh a p s sa y , if  
w e ’re a  g ir l and  b o y  p rep arin g  fo r  a  c o s tu m e  p a rty  (a  g irl in  a  
m in i d id  in  fa c t  sa y , H a llo w een  n ig h t, a t  H a stin g s  S ta tio n ery  in  
A m h erst, M ass., o v e r  b y  th e  g r e e tin g  ca r d s, to  h er  d a te ) , “Look, 
w h y  d on ’t  w e  ju st  c h a n g e  c lo th es?  I’ll g o  in  y o u r  s tu ff , y o u  
w e a r  m y  m in i.” A n d  it’s  c le a r ly  a  jum p fr o m  In n ocu ou s jo k es  o f  
th is  so r t  to  th e  so le m n  ap paratu s o f  h is to r ica l s ta tem e n t.

On o cc a s io n , th o u g h , w e  o u r se lv e s  d o  g r o w  m ore e x p lic it  or 
th eo r etic a l. C erta in  e x c e p tio n a l s itu a tio n s— or c o m m u n ity  p r e s ­
su res— ^have d raw n  fr o m  so m e  o f  u s  f la t  d ec la r a tio n s  th a t our  
a im  is  t o  c h a n g e  o u r  re la tio n  to  o u r e x p er ien ce . M id d le -c lass  
dru g u se r s  d o  sa y  a loud , fo r  ex a m p le , th a t th e y  u s e  dru gs, p o t  
o r  acid , in  ord er  to  c r e a te  s im u lta n e o u s ly  a  w h o lly  n e w  s e n s e  o f  
p erso n a l p o ssib ility , and  to  a lte r  th e  in n er  la n d sca p e  o f  t im e  so  
th a t e x p e r ie n c e  ca n  b e  o cc u p ied , k n o w n  in  it s  o w n  m o m en t-to -  
m o m e n t q u a lity , te x tu r e , d e lig h t, ra th er  th a n  a s  a  b ack drop  fo r  
p la n s, in te n tio n s , a n x ie tie s . A n d  i f  th e  m a jo rity  is  v a s t ly  le s s  
e x p lic it  th a n  th is  a b o u t i t s  in te n tio n s , if  th e  u n ity  o f  o u r  p ur­
p o s e s  e sc a p e s  m o s t o f  u s, w e  n e v e r th e le s s  d o  v en tu re  for th , t im e  
and t im e  o v er , o ld , y o u n g , m id d le  a ged , in  s itu a tio n s  o f  str ik in g  
ran ge, a n d  d o  th e  th in g  i ts e lf— arrange, th a t is , t o  h a v e  o u r  
ex p e r ie n c e  in  n e w  w a y s .

^ 5  OME o f  ou r co n tr iv a n ce s  are m a in ly  a m u sin g — fi t  m a tter  fo r  
N e w  Y orker ca r to o n s. T h e y  ta k e  th e  form  o f  h o m e ly  e f fo r t s  at 
e n er g iz in g  re cr ea tio n  o r  ca su a l r e la tio n s  w ith  o th er s , o r  a t  
in je c t in g  th e  v a lu e s  o f  su rp rise— o r e v e n  o f  m o d er a ted  risk —  
in to  c o m m o n p la ce  s itu a tio n s . T he lon g -h a ir  fad , fe m in iz a tio n  o f  
c o stu m e  an d  b eh a v io r , c o sm e tic s  fo r  m en . U n isex , etc.: h ere  is  
an  a tte m p t to  cr e a te  a  n e w  w a y  o f  h a v in g  th e  ex p e r ie n c e  o f  
m a sc u lin ity  (o r  fe m in in ity ). If fr eed o m  is  m o s t real w h e n  m o s t  
o n  tr ia l, th en  m a sc u lin ity  w il l  b e  m o s t p iq u a n tly  m a sc u lin e  
w h e n  s e t  in  c lo se r  a d ja ce n c y  to  it s  “o p p o s ite ” : le t  m e  h a v e  m y  

(Continued on Page 122)

W hy, e v e n  a  baircle could carry  
a  m essage, as w ith  th is 

B ed io rd -S tu yvesa n t g irl: J968

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE, DECEMBER 14, 1969



4

67
68 
69



r-”,v

The Story 
Of a Soldier 

Who Refused to Fire 
At Songmy

By JOSEPH 1.ELYVELD

iiffsr-va&cs.-.

As  has been  noted , m any young  
A m ericans h aven’t  ex a c tly  ral- 

“lied  to  th e  w a r in  Vietnam . 
One w h o  did w a s  M ichael Bernhardt, 
w h o dropped out o t  th e  U n iversity  
o f M iami in th e  m iddle o f  h is junior 
year w ith  the exp ress purpose o f  
te stin g  h is courage in  V ietnam  under 
fire. T hat w a s early  in 1967, a t a  
tim e w h en  resistance groups w ere  
sprouting across th e  country  and hun­
d red s—  later, thousands —  o f you ng  
m en his age w ere testing  their courage  
by incinerating their draft cards. The  
sp ectacle o f w iden ing opposition  to  
the w ar m ade little  im pression on  
him . M ost o f  the you ng  d issenters, 
h e to ld  him self, w ere m erely obeying  
a herd instinct, fo llow ing  the nearest 
crow d. Bernhardt prided h im self on  
being above th at and had w h at he 
n o w  som ew hat w onderingly ca lls  
“ab solu te fa ith ” in  h is G overnm ent’s  
virtue. But beyond that, he had al­
w a y s assum ed that h is generation  
w ould  have its  w ar th e  w a y  previous 
generations had theirs, th a t so ld ier­
ing w a s  a natural stage in the life  
cycle. V ietnam  for him  w a s  more 
than a duty. It w as a realization, an  
opportunity.

“I said, 'W ell, if you ’re go ing  to  
be a soldier, that’s w h at soldiers do, 
that’s  w h at th ey’re supposed  to  do,’ ” 
h e recalled  th e  other day as  he  
groped h is w a y  back  to  th e  reasons  
he had volunteered  for th e  war. 
“W hen the country’s involved  in a

JOSEPM L E L Y V E L D  is a reporter for 
The New York Times.

conflict, th a t’s w here a soldier is  sup­
posed  to  be. There’s  a  certain  am ount 
o f log ic in that, but a lo t o f people  
figure th at’s th e  p lace to  avoid. I 
could  never understand th at m yself. 
This w as m y bag. I’ve been  m ilitary  
all the w a y .”

Thus w hen  th e  Spring M obilization  
aga inst th e  w ar w a s staged  in  1967, 
Bernhardt w a s  at Fort Jackson in 
South Carolina, train ing to  excel in  
basic training. He shouldn’t  have had 
to  strain, for he had been  through m ost 
o f it before: in  R.O.T.C. a t M iami, 
w here h e had been  assigned  to  a 
counterinsurgency com pany th a t ac­
tu a lly  w a s  trained b y  Green Berets 
and w here he w a s  adm itted  to  the  
Pershing R ifles, R.O.T.C.’s  n ational 
honor society; and before th a t a t the  
LaSalle M ilitary A cadem y at Oak­
dale, L. I., a  C atholic school w here  
he w a s  tagged  “a sm all, determ ined  
gu y” in the yearbook. But Bernhardt 
w an ted  to  be a helicopter p ilot in  
V ietnam  and w a s  hoping to  com e  
out on  top  in basic training. H is m ar­
tia l fervor m ade up for  h is short 
stature: h e is  on ly  5-foot-4. H e re­
corded the second-h ighest rifle  score  
in  th e  en tire train ing com pany  
and the th ird -h ighest score on  the  
physica l train ing test. It w a s a m ajor 
disappointm ent w hen h is papers w ent  
astray  in the A rm y’s  bureaucracy  
and he lo s t ou t on helicopter train­
ing.

B y th e  tim e o f  the m arch on  th e  
P entagon in  O ctober, 1967, Bernhardt 
had been  through advanced infantry  
train ing and a special leadership  
course a t Fort M cClellan in Alabam a,

to  th e  ground throughout th e  30 m in­
u tes  or so  it took  to  k ill o ff 109, or 
300, or 400, or 567 (depending on  
you r estim ate) w om en , children and  
old m en d iscovered  in the first ham let 
the troops entered. “I ju st didn’t 
h ave any u se for it a t that tim e,” 
Bernhardt says.

Last m onth— th at is, 20  m onths 
after the event— w hen  Songm y cam e  
ou t o f  the obscurity th at had m ore 
than figuratively  shrouded it, Bern­
hardt— a drill sergeant now  a t Fort 
D ix— becam e th e  first alum nus o f  
Com pany C to  sta te  publicly w h at  
he had already stated  privately  to  
Array investigators; that, y es , it 
really  had happened and, no, there  
had been  no apparent reason  for it 
at all.

Nc

fo llow ed  by a  paratroop cou rse at 
Fort B enning in G eorgia, and w as  
undergoing special training a t  Sch o­
field  Barracks in H aw aii to  prepare 
h im self for  hazardous long-range  
reconnaissance m issions in Vietnam . 
The n ex t m onth , h e  joined  C om pany  
C o f th e  F irst B attalion, 11th Infantry  
Brigade, in  the A m erical D ivision , 
w h ich  im m ediately w a s  airlifted  
across the P acific to  a  p lace called  
D uepho.

^ ^ T  daw n on  March 1 6 ,1968 , Com ­
pany C arrived by  h elicopter a t a  v il­
lage b elieved  to  be a  V ietcong strong­
hold . T he v illage  w a s  called  Songm y  
and th e  com pany, Bernhardt says, w as  
under unam biguous orders to  de­
stroy  it  and a ll its  inhabitants. If th at  
is  the case , som e o f  its  m em bers 
w ere unhappy about th e  orders 
and w e n t through th e  m otion s of 
m assacre w ith  a m inim m n o f  real 
participation. One has said he con ­
centrated  on  sh ooting  p igs and  
chickens. A nother is  supposed  to  
have sh o t h im self in the fo o t to  get 
ou t o f  it. A  third reportedly dropped  
h is w eapon  after firing a t point- 
blank range into a group o f  civilians  
and refused  to  g o  on. But on ly  one, 
so  far as  is  n o w  know n, appears to  
have m ade a consp icuous sh ow  from  
the start o f  h is firm  refusal to  take  
part.

That w as M ichael Bernhardt— then  
a 21-year-old  private first class  and, 
beyond an y doubt, on e o f  th e  m ost  
high ly  m otivated  soldiers in  the unit 
— w ho sa y s h e kept h is rifle slung on  
his shoulder w ith  its  m uzzle pointing

I OTHING about th e  an tiw ar m ove­
m ent— the draft-card burnings, m o­
b ilizations or m arches— had m ore 
than grazed  Bernhardt’s  con sciou s­
n ess. E ven now , he is  quite sure that 
he w ou ld  v o te  for P resident N ixon  
aga inst an y conceivable peace can­
didate. It shouldn’t  be n ecessary  
even  to  m ention  th is, for there is no  
reason in the w orld  w h y  h is refusal 
to  g o  a long a t M ylai 4 , a s  th e  ham let 
w ith in  th e  v illa g e  o f  Songm y w as  
know n, should  be regarded as a 
p olitica l act. B ut Bernhardt finds  
his m otives con stan tly  questioned. 
A s h e phrases it, th is is  the question  
m ost o ften  put to  him  by th e  men  
in Com pany C and soldiers he m eets  
n o w  a t Fort Dix: “Are you  som e  
kind o f  a  nut?”

“On th e  p ost,” he remarked, “I 
h ave to  defend m y se lf for saying  
w h at I did u nless I’m  w ith  friends. 
If anyone ta lk s to  m e, I usually  
end up defending m yse lf and trying  
to  explain  w h y  it’s w rong to  sh oot  
up peop le like that. I’ve com e across  
peop le w h o  sa y  th ey’v e  done the  
sam e th ing. N o t on  such  a  large sca le  
— nobody cla im s to  b eat M ylai 4—  
but there are som e that have said  
th ey’v e  go tten  60 or so. Their b iggest 
d efense is th at it happens all the 
tim e, and th a t th at in  itse lf is  enough  
to  m ake it all right. . . .  I h ope that’s 
o n ly  talk .”

The w eekend  after h is n ew s con ­
ference a t Fort D ix, h e w e n t hom e to  
find even  h is fam ily  d ivided over  
w h at h e  had said. Bernhardt grew  
up in  Franklin Square, L. L, a con ­
servative M iddle Am erican com m u­
n ity  m ade up o f sm all, sim ilarly w ell- 
tended  h ouses w ith  big, sim ilar cars 
in their d rivew ays, som e o f  w h ich  
n ow  h ave “H onor A m erica” stickers  
on  their bum pers. The Bernhardt 
house, a prim , tw o-ton e job, green  
w ith  w h ite  gab les, has a  sm all silk  
banner w ith  a  b lue star on  it  hang-

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



►

At Wm. Wise & Son, Brooklyn & L. I.; Sogno, Rockefeller Center, N. Y. C.; 
Schwarzschlld Bros., Richmond, Va.; Hardy & Hayes, Pittsburgh, Pa.; Dodson, Inc. 
Spokane, Wash.; Long's, Boston, Mass.; Lake, Birmingham, Mich.; Kruckemeyer & 
Cohn, Evansville, Ind.; Argo & Lehne, Columbus, Ohio; Rosensweig’s, Phoenix. 
Ariz.; Newstedt Loring Andrews, Cincinnati, Ohio; Charles Schwartz & Son, Wash­
ington, D.C.; Thorpe & Co., Sioux City, Iowa or write DOXA, Syosset, N.Y. 11791.

Oii.LiiWB'ir’g 
1 ^  ^

Ask for a
“Quiet Man”

(equal parts 
Gallwey’s liqueur 
and Vodka 
stirred with ice, 
served on the 
rocks)

I n t e r n a t io n a l  
G o l d  M e d a l  W in n e r

Beautifully boxed 
for Gift Giving

Match this imported liqueur against any you’ve
ever tasted. G allw ey’s is a winner. D elicious straight or on the 
rocks. Add it to  hot or iced coffee with cream  for ‘out o f  this 
w orld’ Irish Coffee. Try it over vanilla or coffee ice cream. 
A ny way you try it, you’ll be delighted with your first taste. 

I m p o r t e d  B y  Laird & Co. Scobeyville, N. J. 70 Proof

D fC EM IE Il 14, 1969

he w ou ld  ch oose h is con vic­
tion s over h is experience, 
even  if he d iscovered  that his 
darkest fears about the Army 
and M ylai 4  w ere true.

“Y ou can’t  ju st say, ‘W ell, 
w e ’re not doing th is right’ 
and w alk  aw ay ,’’ h e said. 
“You go  out and you’re p lay­
ing  a lou sy  gam e so  you  
throw  everjdhing dow n and  
you  quit. T hat m ay m ake  
sen se  to  som e people, but it  
doesn’t  m ake sen se  to  m e. If 
you ’re trying to  w in , the idea  
is  to  correct w h at yo u ’re do­
ing  w rong.”

It is hard to  escape a fe e l­
ing  that th is is  m ore than  
one m an’s  opinion, that it 
m ay be a  d istin ctively  A m eri­
can  w a y  o f  looking a t the  
w orld. In other w ords, even  if 
M ylai 4  proved to be som e­
th ing  w orse than a dozen  so l­
diers going  berserk, w e  m ight 
still need  to  redeem  ourselves  
in ham let after ham let.

In th is regard, i t  is  in terest­
ing  to specu late about w h at  
m ight have happened had the 
story broken at once. The 
sam e day th a t C om pany C 
passed  through M ylai 4, Rob­
ert K ennedy aim ounced h is  
candidacy for the Presidency; 
tw o  w eek s later, Lyndon John­
son  w ithdrew  his. In th e  first 
speech  o f h is  cam paign, Ken­
ned y quoted  T acitus o n  Rome: 

“ They m ade a  desert, and 
called  it p eace .” To m any, the  
allusion  sounded shrill a t the 
tim e. But for o n e obscure  
ham let, o f w h ich  n ot m any  
m ore than 100 A m ericans had 
y e t heard, it  w a s an  altogether  
defin itive epitaph. ■

PICTURE CREDITS

DECLAN HAUN FROM BLACK STAR; 
THE NEW YORK TIMES (GEORGE 
TAMES); STEVE SCHAPIRO FROM 
B U C K  STAR; NASA; WHITE HOUSE 
OFFICIAL PHOTO; TOM MCCARTHY; 
BENNO FRIEDMAN FROM LIAISON; 
DAN McCOY FROM S U C K  STAR; 
ROWUND SCHERMAN FROM 
BETHEL; PICTORIAL PARADE; THE 
NEW YORK TIMES (GEORGE 
TAMES); CAMERA PRESS FROM FIX

TIMES (WILLIAM SAURO) 
2B-19-CAMERA PRESS FROM PIX; THE 

NEW YORK TIMES (JACK MANNING) 
3041—TIM KANTOR; VERNON SMITH 

FROM SCOPE 
33—TED CRONER

(GEORGE TAMES) 
S4—TED CRONER

71—ASSOCIATED PRESS 
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in-113—U.P.I.
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(U RRY  MORRIS)
12S-MICHAEL ALEXANDER 
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140—ASSOCIATED PRESS

Our Graduates 
Are In 
The Best 
Companies
Merce Cunningham anij Paul Taylor 
aren’t listed in Dun and Bradstreet, but 
their companies are among the elite 
of the dance world.
Understandably, they find our students 
trained to their exacting standards — 
outstanding members of their own 
companies have served either on the 
full-time dance faculty or as visiting 
instructors for the summer dance 
workshop.
Not all of our graduates are performers. 
They are teachers and choreographers. 
They are specialists, but they bring to 
their work the fullness and under­
standing which is the emphasis of a 
university education.

D E P A R T M E N T  O F  D A N C E  
C O L L E G E  O F  A R T S  A N D  SCIEN CES

ADELPHI UNIVERSITY
Garden City, Long Island, New York 
35 minutes from New York City 
For further information, write or phone: 
Public Information Department •
Adelphi University, Garden City, N. Y. 11530 
Phone: 516-747-2200



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when y o j give
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A cultural revolution

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Soda King has a wide mouth 
that "swallows”  ice cubes, chills 
water instantly, makes the best 
bubbly seltzer—(that’s the secret 
of good seltzer, ice cold water).

It’s easy to make sparkling, salt 
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For best results use Soda King 
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are packed with 5% extra power 
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Soda King and Super-Chargers 
are sold at most fine stores every­
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and other fine stores in your neighborhood

Whats a 
Daniel Jones?

^314 GRAND ST.

(Continued from Page 30) 
sexu a lity  as  con sciou s choice  
rather than as taken-for- 
granted, unopposable, un- 
confrontable bio-cultural con­
ditioning. Or again; the ta ste  
o f th e  so n s  and daughters 
o f the m iddle c lass for ta t­
tered  clo th es, w orn jeans, 
torn sh oes, soul m usic, coarse  
language, rucksacks, thum b­
ing— even  for stripping to  
bare skin, as at W oodstock  
— is exp ressive  o f  a yearning  
to  h ave th e  experience of 
m iddle-class life  in  a  fresh  
w ay, w ith  an  a llusion  to  the  
life  o f th e  field  hand or the 
w orkingm an or the savage, 
and w ith  a p ossib ility  vivid  
at every  m om ent, a t least in 
one’s  ow n  fantasy , o f  being  
taken for som eth ing th at (by  
objective defin ition) on e isn ’t.

there are countless  
com parable efforts— tentative, 
self-con scious, touching and  
hilarious by turns— to trans­
form  or ven tila te  fam iliar p at­
terns o f  experience. T he in­
tim idated you ng grow  beards 
and find a  n ew  w ay  to  have  
th e  experience o f intim idation  
— as intim idators rather than  
as the intim idated. Men 
sligh tly  older, stockbrokers or 
editors, grow  beards and live  
for  a m om ent, in a p assin g  
glance m et on  the street or 
subw ay, as figures m om en­
tarily prom oted to  eccen ­
tricity, individuality, m ystery. 
The fash ionab ly decorous find  
a n ew  w a y  o f com bining the  
experience o f being fash ion­
able w ith  th a t o f d isp laying  
sexual fury and abandon —  
The Scene, the pounding, rag­
ing  discotheque. The exp eri­
en ce o f the th eatergoer and  
m oviegoer is  com plicated  and 
“opened to  p ossib ility” b y  the  
invention  o f participatory  
theater and th e  art-sex  film . 
(The routine m oviegoing e x ­
perience occurs in a  n ew  w ay  
at “I A m  Curious (Y ellow )” 
because o f heightened  con ­
sciou sness am ong patrons of 
their adjacency to  each  other; 
the experience o f theater­
going  occurs in a n ew  w a y  a t  
“Hair” or La M ama or the  
Living or Open T heaters be­
cau se o f heightened  con­
sciou sness am ong the audi­
en ce  o f its  relations w ith  the  
p layers.) Even the m ost ordi­
nary activ ities— driving a car  
— are touched b y the en ergiz­
ing  spirit. And here as e lse ­
w here risks are offered  a t  a 
variety  o f levels. T he tim id  
can participate, w h ile  m otor­
ing, in the decade’s decal d ia­
logue— flags vs. flow ers, pa-

R EM EM B E R  T H E  N EED IEST!

tr iots v s . h ippies, on  w ind­
sh ie lds and hoods. (The p olit­
ic iza tion  o f  tourism .) The 
m ore daring can a ff ix  risqud 
bum per stickers and thereby  
p o sse ss  an  idea o f th em selves  
not m erely as traveling  or 
politick ing  but as, a t any  
given  m om ent, escalating  to  
Don Juanism .

Predictably, the influence of 
the n ew  im pulses and assum p­
tion s has produced —  even  
am ong “sa fe” m iddle-class 
peop le —  behavior th a t’s 
em pty, ugly  or pathetic: 
frivolous sexual indulgence, 
prom iscuity, group sexual 
“experim ents,” attem pts to  
restore lyric quality  to  hum­
drum dom estic ity  by  the  
gaudy device o f  The Affair. 
And predictably the influence  
o f the n ew  taste  is  ea siest to 
read in the ex o tic  trades and 
p rofessions. ’The intellectual 
journalist seeks to  change his 
relation  to  h is w ork  by cross­
ing  h is ob jective function  as 
a n oter o f  external events  
w ith  an  enterprise in self- 
analysis —  scrutiny o f the 
unique intricacies o f h is ow n  
response to  th e  occurrences 
“covered.” Painters and scu lp ­
tors for  their part aim a t  
altering their ow n  and their  
audience’s experience as ga l­
lery-goers b y  im pacting that 
experience w ith  the experi­
en ce o f  the superm arket or 
w ith  that o f th e  toyshop  or 
hobbyist’s  tool table. Directors 
like Julian B eck  and Richard 
Schechner sh ow  actors how  to  
alter the term s o f th eir e x ­
perience: no longer need  the  
actor im ita te  another person, 
play a “role,” learn a part. He 
can sim ultaneously a ct and be: 
by p resenting h is ow n nature, 
using  h is ow n  language, se t­
tin g  forth his ow n  feelings in 
a  dynam ic w ith  an audience, 
establish ing  relations in ac­
cordance w ith  m om entary  
sh ifts o f personal feeling , and  
thereby foreclosin g  no p ossi­
b ility  w ith in  him self. And  
sim ilar opportunities stem  
from  the n ew  term s o f re­
latedness b etw een  perform ers 
and audience throughout the 
w orlds o f show biz and sports 
— w itn ess  the exam ple o f the  
surprising intim acies o f the  
am azin’ M ets or th e  sw inging  
D oors w ith  their fans.

l * ^ n T  it’s n o t o n ly  in  exotic  
w orlds o f w ork  or leisure that 
m en labor to  invent n ew  w ays  
o f having fam iliar experience. 
That effort has touched  
A m erican culture in scores of 
unlikely p laces, from  th e con­
dom inium  and the conglom ­
erate to  the C atholic nunnery  
and priesthood. And because

the “m ovem ent,” to  speak of 
it as that, is universal, the 
econom ic consequences are 
overw helm ing. The desire to 
com bine plain locom otion  
w ith  adventure, “engagem ent 
w ith  reality ,” has recreated  
the fam ily car as M ustang or 
Cam aro and sold  10 m illion  
sports cars. The desire for 
access to  a v ision  of se lf as 
speculator, as w e ll as good  
provider, has sen t m illions of 
“little  m en” into the stock  
m arket and created  that fa ­
m iliar but still surprising sight 
— letter carriers a t rest before  
a brokerage - h ouse w indow  
studying the n oontim e ticker. 
Corporations able to  m anufac­
ture, for peop le im m ured in 
seem ingly  unchangeable s it­
uations, a  m eans o f m oving  
tow ard an alternative experi­
ence , expand im m ensely  —  
w itn ess  the grow th  o f Avon  
Products, w h ich  sells  th e  pos­
sibility  of Fatal W om anhood  
to h ousew ives unable to  “get 
out.” E veryw here the con ­
sum er pursues th e  m eans and 
im ages o f another life, a d if­
feren t tim e, a strange n ew  
w in dow  on experience. And  
the supplier’s ingenu ity  is 
breathtaking, as a ttested  by 
Tom W olfe’s account o f the  
con tents o f the novelist Ken 
K esey’s “house” :

“Day-Glo paint . . . Scandi- 
n avian -sty le b londe . . . huge  
floppy red hats . . . granny  
g la sses  . . . scu lpture o f  a 
hanged m an . . . Thunderbird, 
a great Thor-andrW otan beak­
ed m onster . . .  A  Kama Sutra 
sculpture . . . color film  . . . 
tape recorders . . . ”

The range o f m aterials 
m anufactured in th is country  
to  m eet th e  dem and for se lf­
transform ation and extension  
o f role has becom e so  extraor­
dinary, indeed, th at a w holly  
n ew  kind o f m ail-order ca ta ­
logue has la tely  begun to  
appear. O ne such— the 128- 
page “W hole Earth C atalogue” 
(1969) —  lists  thousands of 
com m ercially  produced prod­
u cts of u se to  ordinary men 
bent on  m oving beyond the 
lim its o f their training, job or 
profession  in order to  partici­
pate (by their ow n  effort) in 
th e  life  sty les  o f others —  
farm ers, geo log ists, foresters, 
you  nam e it.

N one o f  th is w ou ld  m atter  
greatly, o f  course— m uch o f  it 
w ould  seem  elig ib le  for only  
satiric regard— îf it  could be 
neatly  separated  from  the  
m ajor political events o f the  
decade. But as is o ften  true of 
alterations o f  sensib ility , the  
n ew  feeling  for “p ossib ility” 
and the n ew  dream o f plural

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



'T h e  T w is t"  seem ed fe  satisfy a  need; 1961

se lv es  can’t  be th u s separated. 
Throughout the six ties these  
forces had m easureless im ­
pact on public as w e ll as upon 
private life, and their influ­
en ce  grow s apace at this 
m om ent.

To speak o f the influence  
w ith appropriate balance is 
difficult; political acts have  
political content— indefensib le  
to  propose som e latter-day  
version  o f the old - sty le  
Freudian “m edical egotism ” 
w hich  substituted  chatter  
about n euroses and psychoses  
for political exp lanations of 
the course o f national affairs. 
For th at reason  it needs to be 
said aloud on ce more— about, 
say, the teachers and students  
w ho participated in the first 
teach-ins against the Vietnam  
w ar in 1964 and ’65, ven tures  
w h ose consequences for men  
and n ations still can’t  be fully  
accounted  —  that th ese w ere  
n ot trivial m en acting  out 
quirkish desires to  escape into  
the E nveloping Scene, or into  
The Unpredictable. They and' 
th ose w ho have since  fo llow ed  
them  w ere p assion ately  con ­
cerned to  alter w h at they  re­
garded as a sen seless , peri­
lous, im m oral course of ad­
venturism .

But true a s  this is, the s ix ­
ties  behavior o f teachers and 
stu dents does have psycho- 
cultural as w e ll as political 
ram ifications. The “politically  
concerned” m em ber o f  an 
Am erican faculty  knew  in for­
mer days w h at h is prescribed  
role w as: to  observe, to  m ake 
am using remarks. He m ight 
exam ine (ironically, in asides) 
the substance o f h is frustra­
tion  or im potence —  shrug it 
o ff in a glancing  com m entary  
in h is c lasses, noth ing more. 
During the teach-ins and in 
the earlier Cuban crisis ht 
and m any o f  his students

DECEMBER 14, W69

stepped beyond th ese lim its, 
reached out tow ard another  
self. N o longer a teacher in 
the orthodox form, neverthe­
less  he still taught; no longer  
a dissem inator or accum u­
lator of know ledge in the  
conventional fram e, he still 
pursued understanding. He 
passed  through the con ven ­
tional fram e w ith  h is stu ­
dents, advanced from  the 
w arehouse o f reported experi­
ence— graphs, charts, te x ts—  
and appeared now  as a 
grappler w ith  im m ediacy, a 
man bidding for influence in 
the shaping o f public policy  
even  in  the a ct o f  teaching, 
laboring to  p ossess  th e  teach­
er’s experience in a n ew  w ay.

p recisely th is deter­
m ination figured a t the center  
of the major political event of 
the decade. It is  th e  black  
m an’s declaration  o f his sense 
o f p ossib ility  that, m ore than  
any other s ingle force, has  
shaped th ese years. W hipped, 
lynched, scourged, m ocked, 
prisoned in hunger, h is ch il­
dren bom bed, h is hope de­
sp ised, the Am erican b lack  
w as the archetypal “lim ited  
se lf”: no m ovem ent feasib le, 
seem ingly, save from  despair  
to  a  junkie’s  high. The glory  
and terror o f the six ties is  the  
aw akened  appetite for n ew  
selfhood, n ew  understandings 
o f tim e, n ew  ground for be­
liev ing  in  th e  p liancy  o f ex ­
perience. on  the part o f  20  
m illion  black A m ericans. Their 
grasp o f  the m eaning of 
“open” experience lends a  
color o f  d ign ity  even  to  the  
m ost trivial venture in  se lf­
ex ten sion  e lsew here in  the  
culture. And noth ing is  m ore  
strik ing than that th ey  truly  
are dem anding m ultiplicity, 
w ill n ot trade o ff b lackness 
for w h iteness, w ill n ot su bsti­
tu te  one sim plicity for an-

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other. The aim  is to  add a 
n ew  se lf and participate in a 
n ew  life  w ith  no sacrifice of 
the old.

E veryw here in the culture, 
in  sum , the sam e them es  
sound: the w ill to  p ossess  
on e’s experience rather than  
be p ossessed  by it, th e  long­
ing  to  liv e  one’s ow n  life 
rather than be lived by it, the 
drive for a m ore various se lf­
hood than men have know n  
before. F ew  efforts to  sum ­
m arize th ose th em es con vey  
the energy, excitem en t and  
in ten sity  o f  the longing. 
( “There is  an  increased de­
m and b y all parts o f  the  
citizenry ,” sa y s th e  T eachers 
C ollege Center for Research  
and Education in A m erican  
Liberties, in m ild vo ice , “for 
participation  in d ecision ­
m aking in all areas o f  public 
and private institutional life.”) 
F ew  m en can  contem plate the  
n ew  dem ands w ith ou t contra­
d ictory  responses, fear and 
trem bling am ong them . But 
w h atever th e  response, the  
unity  o f  sen sib ility  lies b e­
yond  denial. Y oung, old, 
black, w h ite, rich and poor 
are pursuing the dream  o f a 
m ore v ita l experience. Pro­
pelled  often  by the b elief that 
if  w e  k now  the good, then w e  
m ust act the good, w e’re 
m oving from  p assive  to  active, 
from  “package to prove.” And 
a t the root o f our yearning  
stand th e  tw in  convictions; 
that w e  can b e more, as men, 
than w e’re perm itted  to  be by 
th e  rule o f  role and p rofes­
sion, and that the life  of 
dailiness and habit, the life  
th at lives us, p recedes us, di­
rects us to  th e  poin t o f sup­
pressing moral con scien ce and 
im agination, is in truth no life 
a t all.

F i n e , fine, sa y s a  voice: it’s 
a w a y  o f describing a cultural 
change. But w h y  did the  
change occur in the first 
place? All th at f ift ie s’ agon iz­
ing about C onform ity, Silent 
G eneration, e tc . And then  this 
sudden outbreak, th is dem and  
( if  you  w ill) for  m ore life, 
m ore se lv es , the open sen se  o f  
tim e and the rest: h ow  and 
w h y  did it  happen? Surely not 
a sim ple cyclica l p r o c e ss . . .

For philosophers o f the  
m edia th e  question  holds no  
m ysteries. N othing more nat­
ural, th ey  consider, than for 
peop le to  a sk  more o f them ­
selv es  now : m en are m ore, as 
m en, than th ey  used to  be. 
Through the centuries w e ’ve  
been extending ourselves  
steadily , touching and com ­
prehending life  at ever-greater  
distances from  our im m ediate  
p hysica l environm ent. Lately  
w e  press a b utton  and a w orld  
o f h ot ev en ts  pours in to  our 
con sciou sness —  at peace w e  
k now  war; in  the clean  suburb 
w e k now  the b lighted  ghetto; 
sober and rational w e  w atch

doom ed m en turn on; law- 
abiding and confident, w e  
w atch  the furtive cop  co llect 
his grease. A s w e  hold the 
paper in  our hands w e  know  
that som ew here on earth  an 
exc item en t y e t undream ed is 
tracked for us: hijackers
w hirled  across the sk y  are 
tied  to  us w ith  um bilical 
cab les. And the know ledge  
quickens our b elief in  a fasc i­
nating otherness th at could  
be, that w ill be, m om entarily  
ours. W hy w ou ld  w e  rest con ­
ten t in m ere is-ness? W hat 
can  our experience be but a 
cea seless  prodding by the 
dem ons o f Possibility?

N or do th e  philosophers 
stop  here. M arshall McLuhan 
argues that, because o f  its 
low -defin ition  p icture, TV has  
restructured the hum an mind, 
rem ade m ental interiors in the  
K antian sense, creating n ew  
aptitudes, n ew  schem a of 
perception, w h ich  in  turn  
foster generalized  enthusiasm  
for “involvem ent and partici­
pation” throughout the cu l­
ture . . .  “TV has affected  the 
to ta lity  o f  our lives, personal 
and socia l and p olitica l,” he 
w rites. “If the m edium  is of 
high defin ition, participation  
is low . If the m edium  is of 
low  intensity , the participa­
tion  is  h igh___ In 10 years
the n ew  ta stes  o f A m erica in 
cloth es, in food , in housing, 
in entertainm ent and in  v e ­
h ic les [w ill] express th e  n ew  
pattern o f . . .  do-it-yourself in­
vo lvem ent fostered  by th e  TV 
im age.”

A  m atch  for th e  ingenuity  
o f th is  sort o f  explanation  is 
found in the w ritings o f som e  
w h o propose ex isten tia l phi­
losophy as  a K ey In fluence on  
the age. S ince th e  philosophy  
asserts the precedence o f the  
person over th e  culturally  
fixed  function  or situation  
(so  runs th e  argum ent), and  
since its  them es are w e ll d if­
fused , is  it  not reasonable to  
fee l its  presence in the n ew  
in sistence on  a  m an’s  right to  
break free o f  the constrain ts  
o f special socia l or profes­
sional roles?

Perhaps— but the likelihood  
is  strong in any ca se  th at the  
engu lfing public ev en ts  o f the  
d ecade have had a shade  
m ore to  do w ith  our n ew  a tti­
tudes and p sych ology than  
the line count in th e  boob  
tube or th e  e ssa y s o f  M erleau- 
Ponty. A pow erful lesson  
taught by th e  V ietnam  w ar  
from  th e m id-sixties onward, 
for exam ple, w as th a t bureau­
crats, d iplom ats, generals and  
presidents w h o  a llow  th em ­
selv es  to  be locked into ortho­
dox, cu lturally  sanctioned pat­
terns o f thought and assum p­
tion  m ake fearfu l m istakes. 
M en cam e to  b elieve th at it 
w a s b ecause General W est­
m oreland w a s a general, a

R EM EM B E R  T H E  NEEDIESTI

m ilitary m an to  the core, that 
he could  n ot adm it to  scrutiny  
evidence that challenged his 
professional com petency. No 
ev en t in Am erican h istory  
ca st sterner doubt on the e ffi­
cacy  o f the lim ited profes­
sional se lf— on the usefu lness  
o f c le a r -e y e d , p aten t - haired, 
inhum anly effic ien t • defense  
secretaries, technicians, con ­
su ltants, advisers, m ilitary  
spokesm en— than the d isasters  
that fo llow ed  every  o ffic ia l op ­
tim istic  pronouncem ent about 
V ietnam  from  the m iddle s ix ­
tie s  onward.

B ecause m en o f  authority  
w ere inflexible, locked into  
Chief - Executivehood, because  
they  couldn’t  bring them selves  
to  b elieve in the upsurges of 
The Scene that destroy  care­
ful, sequential, cause-and- 
e ffec t narratives, hum an b e­
ings by the tens o f thousands  
w ere brutally slaughtered . 
W hat good therefore w as the  
perfected  p roficiency that took  
a m an to the top? W e had b e­
gun learning, in the fiftie s, to  
say  the phrase “The Estab­
lishm ent” in a ton e o f con ­
tem pt. In th ose  early  days 
the ch ief target w a s  a  cer­
tain  se lf - p rotectiveness, cau­
tion— and sn ootiness— in the  
w e ll p laced . B ut th e  w ar  
sh ow ed  The E stablishm ent 
forth  as a particular s ty le  of 
in tellectual blindness and em o­
tional rigidity: th ose  black  
su its, h ig h -r ise  collars, unc­
tuous assurances, fabled un­
dergraduate d istinctions at 
Harvard and Y ale, 1 9 -h ou r  
days, th ose in-group back-pat­
tin g  session s, a t  length  cam e  
to  appear, in  the ey es  o f p eo­
p le a t every  level o f  life, a s  a  
kind o f guarantee o f  se lf-lov ­
ing  self-deception . Lead us n ot 
in to  th a t tem ptation , so  w en t  
th e  general prayer; g iv e  us 
back our flexib ility .

ND the prayer for various­
ness, for a w a y  out o f  "struc­
tured experience,” w a s h uge­
ly  intensified  in the s ix ties  by  
th e  national traum as through  
w hich  w e  passed. In th e  m o­
m ents o f national sham e and 
grief and terror —  the k illing  
o f the K ennedys, o f M artin  
Luther King, M alcolm  X  —  a  
n ew  truth cam e b elated ly  but 
fiercely  hom e. Our fix ities  
w eren ’t ob jectionable sim ply  
b ecause th ey  w ere fixities: 
th ey  carried w ith in  them , un­
bek now n st to  the generations  
th at kept fa ith  w ith  them , a 
charge o f hum an unconcern  
and v iciou sn ess that p ositive­
ly  required a  d isavow al o f  
th e  past —  flat rejection  o f  
p ast claim s to  value, prin­
cip le or honor. For th e  seed  
o f our traum as, w hether a s­
sassination s or riots, seem ed  
invariably to  lie  in  racism , in  
a w illfu l determ ination  to  
treat m illions o f  hum an be­
ings as less  than hum an. The 
contem plation  o f the deaths

THt N fW  YORK TiMtS MAO-'^INE



"B lind  w a lk ,"  or n o n v e rb a l eommMinieation, 
a t E sa ien  In stitu te , California: 1967

o f  heroes, in short, opened a 
door for us on  our ow n  self- 
d ece it and on  the self-decep­
tion  practiced  by our fathers. 
N either they  nor w e  had told  
it  like it  w as. And th ey  w ere  
apparently all unaw are that 
because o f  their fan tasies  
and ob liv ioushess m illions 
suffered . They spoke of good ­
ness, o f socia l and fam ily  
values, o f m an’s responsibility  
to  man, th ey  spoke o f  com ­
m unity, fidelity , eth ics, honor 
before God, and never obliged  
th em selves to  glance a t the 
gap b etw een  their proclam a­
tion s and the actualities their  
uncaringness created. Their 
w a y  of inhabiting doctor- 
dom, law yer-dom , sober citi- 
zenhood, their w ays o f having  
the experience o f respectable  
m en, shut them  in a prison of 
se lf - love and unobservance; 
w ho am ong us could bear 
so  airless, priggish, m ean a 
chamber?

H a d  w e  had no help in 
ascertain ing the relevant facts, 
had the d iscoverers and rep­
resen tatives o f the Black E x­
perience not w ritten  their  
books, w e  m ight have been  
slow er to  ask  such questions. 
Dr. K ing’s dream  m ight have  
m oved us less, and lived  less  
vividly in m em ory, had Jam es 
Baldwin n ot w ritten  “The Fire 
N ext T im e,” or had there been  
no su ccessors— no C leaver, no 
LeRoi Jones—o r  had w e  been  
unprepared by the struggles, 
m arches, rides o f the fifties.

But w h at m atters here is 
th at the d iscovery of the  
Black Experience filled  us 
w ith  a sen se  that, if  w e  w ere  
connected  w ith  the history  
that shaped that experience, 
then  the connection  should be

R EM EM B E R  T H E  N EED IEST!

DCCEMBER 14, I9«»

broken. Let us no longer dress 
or a c t or fee l a s  our p redeces­
sors had done, le t u s no long­
er be educated  p assive ly  in 
lies as w e  had done, le t us 
no longer listen  p o lite ly  to  
the “authorities” sanctim oni­
ou sly  assuring us that history  
is  “im portant” or that the  
great w riters “m ust be m as­
tered” or that truth is tradi­
tion or th at virtue equals a 
stab le self. Our obligation  to  
the past, the credibility o f  
th ose w h o  spoke o f the d ig­
n ity  o f the departed —  blind 
men, crude unbelievers in the  
hum an spirit— th ese vanished, 
leaving  us freer o f the hand 
o f the p ast than any before  
us had been. Faith o f our fa ­
thers— w h at God could spon­
sor th at faith? H ow could w e  
be m en and go  on living in 
the old w ays in the old house?

And then  over and beyond  
all th is, though entangled  w ith  
i t  in subtle poten t w ays, there  
arose an unprecedented ou t­
cry against hum an dailiness 
itse lf. The outcry 1 speak  of 
isn ’t rationalized  as  an on­
slaught against moral obliv­
iousness. It appears also to  be 
beyond politics, dom estic or 
foreign, and w ithout philo­
sophical content. Its single  
thrust is  the claim  that m id­
d le-class life  is unredeem able 
not by virtue o f its  being evil 
but because it is beyond m eas­
ure boring.

The decade opened w ith  
pronouncem ents by Norman  
M ailer against the dreariness 
o f safe, habitual life and for  
v io len ce and brutality, even  
w hen  practiced by m indless 
teen -agers m urdering a help­
less  old man, as an escape  
from  deadly dailiness. W ell 
before the m iddle o f the d ec­
ade, a chorus o f sick  com ics  
and “black-hum or” novelists

w ere being applauded for so ­
cial com m entary issu ing  di­
rectly  from  p rofessed  d isgust 
w ith  every asp ect o f  habit- 
ridden m iddle-class life.

And, arguably more impor­
tant, w henever m id d le -c la ss  
experience w as represented at 
any length and w ith  any care 
in our period, the artist ob ­
durately refused  to include a 
detail o f feeling  that w ould  
hint at im aginative sa tisfac­
t io n s—  or openings o f possi­
bility  feasib le w ithin the m id­
dle life . Teaching a toddler to  
sw im , tor instance— a fam iliar  
cycle. C oaxed and reassured, 
m y child at length  jumps in 
laughing from  poolside, abso­
lute in  trust o f m y arms; a 
second  later she d iscovers that 
by doing m y bidding she can  
“sta y  up,” m ove; w atching in  
delight, I’m touched and fresh ­
ened. I see  I’m  trusted  and  
w orth  trusting, em ulated and 
w orth  em ulating . . . W hat a 
drag, says mod fiction , w hat 
sen tim entality , h ow  trivial 
. . .  In th e  dom estic pages  
o f John U pdike’s “C ouples,” 
no m other is radiated by the 
beauty  o f  her child  bathing  
in  the tub. N o father learns, 
w ith  a thrust o f  pride, o f h is  
son ’s m eeting a hard respon­
sib ility  w ell and tactfu lly . 
The insistence on boredom, 
w eariness, repetitiveness, bur­
densom eness is unrelenting; 
crankiness, leftovers, nagging, 
fa lsity , insufferable predicta­
b ility— these are presented  as 
the norm s o f th e  workaday- 
w eekend  cycle. G rown m en  
join together for a  recreation­
al gam e o f basketball in Mr. 
Updike’s novel— but, although  
the author is  a m aster at ren­
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slaking decent thirst. E very­
w here h is talk assures the  
reader There M ust Be More 
Than This, n ow here in the  
texture o f  dailiness can  he  
find a sudden, sw e et incre­
m ent of surprise, a  scene that 
perm its “m odest, s low , m olec­
ular, defin itive, social w ork,” 
or any other hope for re­
newal:

“Foxy . . . w as to experi­
en ce  th is sadness m any tim es, 
th is chronic sad ness o f la te  
Sunday afternoon, w hen the 
couples had exhausted  their 
gam e, basketball or beachgo­
ing or tenn is or touch  fo o t­
ball, and saw  an  evening  
w eigh ing upon them , an ev e­
n ing w ith ou t a gam e, an ev e­
n ing spent am ong flickering  
lam ps and cranky children  
and leftover food  and the nag­
ging half-read new spaper w ith  
its  w eary  portents and atroci­
ties , an evening w hen m ar­
riages closed  in upon them ­
selves, like flow ers from  
w hich  th e  sun  is w ithdraw n, 
an  evening giv ing  like a 
sm eared  w indow  on M onday  
and the long w eek  w hen  they  
m ust perform  again  their im ­
p ersonations o f  w orking men, 
o f stockbrokers and d entists  
and engineers, o f  m others and 
housekeepers, o f adults w ho  
are not th e  w orld’s  g u ests  but 
its  h o sts .”

W hether th e  w riters o f  this 
com m itm ent and assum ption  
w ere creators o f the age less  
than th ey  w ere its victim s  
can’t  be know n. W hether their 
vo ices  w ould  have su fficed  to  
persuade us o f  the u se less ­
n ess o f sequential, predictable, 
“closed -se lf” w ays o f having  
our experience, had there  
been no w ar and no b lack re­
bellion , w e  can’t  be certain. 
It’s clear, though, th at a  man  
w ho sought, in the popular 
literature o f  the six ties, an 
im age o f h is life  that allow ed  
for p ossib ility  and freshening  
w ith in  the co n tex t o f daili­
n ess, and w ithout lo ss  o f sta ­
b le selfhood , could  n ot have  
found it; in  th at w orld , so  
said the o ffic ia l w ord, it’s 
quite im possib le to  breathe.

] B u t , sa y s  another voice , 
is it im possible? Or, ask ing  
the question  in a d ifferent 
w ay, can  w e  tru ly  survive if 
w e persist in  our present di­
rection? Suppose w e  continue  
on our s ix ties  course, pressing  
for n ew  selves and n ew  w ays  
o f experiencing. W ill w e  be  
nourishing a  grow ing poin t 
for hum anness? Can a hum ane 
culture rise on  an y such foun­
dations?

For pessim ists several re­
m inders are o f use. One is  
that the ta ste  for Im m ediate  
E xperience and F lexib le Selves

R EM EM B E R  T H E  NEEDIESTI

is deeply in the Am erican  
grain. The belief in the pow er  
o f unm ediated experience to  
sh ow  men w here they err—  
and how  to  cope— w as pow er­
ful on  the Am erican frontier, 
and survives in the w ritings  
o f v irtually  every m ajor Am er­
ican th inker in our past. Again  
and again  in the pages of 
Thoreau, Em erson, W illiam  
Jam es, Peirce and D ew ey  
“pure” E xperience is 'in v o k ed  
as teacher, and again and  
again  th ese  sages  set forth  
a dem and for O penness. Habit, 
routin ized  life, fixed  m anners, 
conventions, custom s, the  
"usual daily  round” —  th ese  
block  us o ff from k now ledge  
and a lso  from  concern  for the  
lives o f th ose different from  
ourselves. Therefore (our na­
tiv e  sages concluded) there­
fore, shake free o f th e  dead­
en ing job or ritual, escape  
into the grace o f w h olen ess, 
fly  in the direction o f surprise  
and the unknow n— in that d i­
rection lie the true beginnings  
o f a man.

there is  far m ore to  
the return to  the ideal o f open  
experience than the inelucta­
b le A m erican-ness o f th e  thing. 
The return is itse lf a sym bol 
o f an  aw akened aw areness o f  
the lim its o f reason and o f  the  
danger that con stan t interven­
tion s o f in tellect b etw een  our­
selves and experience hide 
from us the truth o f our nat­
ural being, our deep con n ect­
ed ness w ith  the natural w orld  
that the technologica l mind 
has been  poisoning. And, more 
im portant than an y o f th is—  
for reasons already nam ed—  
there is  a moral and spiritual 
content to  the rejection  o f the  
structures o f the past w hich , 
though now  deprecated by  
everyone chic, has unshakable  
vigor and worth.

There are, how ever, im m ense  
problem s. The im m ediate e x ­
perience, m ultiple-selves cause  
contains w ith in  it  an  anti- 
nom ian, anti - intellectual fe ­
rocity that has thus far cre­
ated fears on ly  about the  
sa fe ty  o f institutions— univer­
sities, h igh  schools, leg isla ­
tures, churches, politica l con ­
ventions. But the ser iou s cause  
for alarm is the future of 
mind. The love of th e  Envel­
oping Scene as opposed  to or­
derly plodding narratives, fond­
n ess for variety  o f  se lf rather 
than for stability , p uts the  
very  idea o f mind under ex ­
traordinary strain. It is, after  
all, by an  act o f sequential 
reasoning that Norm an O. 
Brown and m any another 
characteristic vo ice  o f the s ix ­
tie s  arrived at their critique 
o f the lim its o f consecutive  
thought. Once inside the  
scene, utterly w ith ou t a fixed  
self, w ill our pow er to com -

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



pare, a ssess  and choose sur­
vive?

Toward the c lose  o f the s ix ­
tie s  m en began th inking pur­
posefu lly  on th ese problem s, 
aw are that “p lanning” w ould  
necessarily  henceforth  be in 
bad odor, y e t  unconvinced  
that the future could be m et 
w ith  any hope w h atever  
m inus the resources o f in tel­
lec t. One question  addressed  
w as; Can so ciety  b e reorgan­
ized  in a  m anner th at w ill 
accom m odate the ap petite for  
self-variousness and p ossib il­

and m inority group represen­
ta tives— barbers to  bankers—  
in cooperative p lanning and  
carrying out o f experim ental 
teach ing program s in dozens  
o f local com m unities around  
the nation.)

These w ere sm all begin­
n ings— but already som e s ig ­
n ificant truths appeared. It 
w as clear th a t m en on the  
con servative side, “defenders 
o f orthodox va lu es” (profes­
sional, socia l or academ ic), 
needed to  be d isabused o f  the  
w ishful notion  that heroic, do­

"I R m  Curious (Ye llow }"  
b ro u g h t out the curious: 1969

ity— w ithout insuring the on­
se t o f so cia l chaos? (A m ong  
the m ost brilliant suggestions  
w ere th ose  advanced by Profs. 
Donald O liver and Fred N ew - 
m ann in a  Harvard Education  
R eview  paper (1967) th at  
looked  tow ard  th e  invention  
o f a  w orld  in  w h ich  m en  
m ay m ove freely  a t an y point 
in  their p ost-pubescent lives  
into and a w ay  from  the 
roles o f  student, apprentice 
and professional.) A nother  
question  addressed w as: Can 
so ciety  be so  organized  as to  
perm it genu ine sim ultaneities  
o f role? Is it p ossib le to  cre­
a te  situations in  w h ich  w e  
can sim ultaneously  engage  
our resources as dom estic  
m an, political man, inquiring  
man? (The m ost im aginative  
effo rt in this d irection  in  the 
s ix ties  is  a  tw o-year-old  Of­
fice  o f Education venture in 
educational reform — ^Triple T, 
Training o f Teacher-Trainers. 
T he schem e has en listed  
scholars, professional instruc­
to rs  in  pedagogy and a  sig ­
n ificant segm en t o f laym en

or-die Last Stands for tradi­
tion  m ight still be feasib le. 
The m ovem ent o f  culture, 
w h at “had happened in the  
s ix ties ,” had happened so  
irreversibly, the changes o f a s­
sum ption and o f cultural te x ­
ture w ere so  thoroughgoing, 
th at the idea o f draw ing a  
line— thus far and no farther 
— w as a t b est com ic. The op­
tion  o f  Standing Pat w a s fore­
closed; there is  no in terest on  
th e  part o f  the “opposition” 
in  face-to-face struggle; w hen  
and if  traditionalists march  
forth to  an  im agined Fateful 
Encounter, th ey’ll find only  
g h o sts  and shadow s w aiting.

And on  the radical side, it 
becam e clear that th e  task  is 
som ehow  to  establish  that the  
reason for rehabilitating th e  
idea o f the stab le self, and 
th e  narrative a s  opposed  to  
the dram atic sen se  o f life, is 
to  insure the survival o f the  
hum an capacity to  have an 
experience. For as John D ew ey  
put it  years ago:

“Experiencing like breath­

ing is a rhythm  o f intakings  
and outgivings. Their su cces­
sion is punctuated and m ade 
a rhythm  by th e  ex istence  of 
intervals, periods in w hich  
one p hase is  ceasin g  and the 
other is inchoate and prepar­
ing. [W e com pare] th e  course  
o f a conscious experience to  
the alternate flights andperch- 
ings o f a bird. The flights are 
intim ately connected  w ith  one  
another; th ey  are not so  m any  
unrelated lightings succeeded  
by a  num ber o f equally un­
related hoppings. Each resting  
place in experience is an un­
dergoing in w hich  is absorbed  
and taken hom e the co n se­
quences o f prior doing, and, 
u nless th e  doing is  that o f  
utter caprice or sheer routine, 
each  doing carries in itse lf  
m eaning that has been  e x ­
tracted  and conserved , . . .  If 
w e m ove too  rapidly, w e  get  
aw ay  from  th e base o f  sup­
plies— o f accrued m eanings—  
and the experience is  flustered, 
thin and confused . If w e d aw ­
dle too  long a fter having e x ­
tracted a n et value, experi­
en ce perishes o f  inanition.”

D  ESPITE th e cultural revo­
lution, w e still p ossessed , for 
m ost o f  the six ties, a p oet o f  
“perchings,” a  b eliever in hu­
m an rhythm s w ho w a s capa­
ble o f shrew d d istinctions be­
tw een  caprice and routine, 
and firm in his feeling  for the 
ordinary universe —  and for 
the form s o f  ordinary human  
connectedness. Randall Jarrell 
(1914-1965) could w rite of or­
dinary life  th at it  w as a  m at­
ter o f  errands generating each  
other, often  a tiresom e sm all 
round, the pum ping o f a rusty  
pum p, w ater seem ing never to  
w an t to  rise— and he could  
then add that w ith in  the  
round, to  alert heads, cam e a 
chance to  act and perceive  
and receive, to  arrive a t an 
in ten sity  o f  im aginative e x ­
perience that itse lf con sti­
tu tes an  overflow ing and a 
deep release:

. . . sometimes 
The wheel turns of its own 

weight, the rusty 
Pump pumps over your

sweating face the clear 
Water, cold, so cold! You cup 

your hands
And gulp from them the 

dailiness of life.
The shadow  over us is  that 

w e seem , a t  the end o f the  
six ties, too  disposed  to  d is­
b elieve in  th at nourishm ent—  
alm ost convinced  it  can’t  be 
real. But w e  nevertheless pos­
sess  som e strength , a possib le  
w a y  forward. W e k now  that 
w ith in  the habitual life  are a 
thousand restraints upon fee l­
ing, concern, hum anness it­
self: our grow ing poin t is that 
w e have dared to  th ink  of 
casting  them  off. ■

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The reformers in brass hats

(Continued from Page 59) 
w ith  w hom  the Peruvians w ere  
m ore a t hom e than w ith  them .

Trujillo im m ediately looked  
like a city  w here a  revolution  
had taken  place. S logans w ere  
painted  everyw here, som e  
rem iniscent o f Cuba’s— “E lec­
tions. No; R evolution , Y es” ; 
som e not— “Peaceful R evolu­
tion .” There w ere m any draw ­
ings o f an  Indian head repre­
sen ting  Tupac Am aru, an In­
dian leader w ho m obilized  his 
peop le to  figh t the Spanish. 
(The slurred pronounciation  
o f h is nam e has b ecom e that 
o f the urban guerrillas of 
U ruguay —  los Tupamaros.) 
“Y ou k now  w h o  he is?” asked  
one o f th e  public relations  
m en. “He is the sym bol o f our 
revolution .” The largest one  
w a s draw n on  th e  sidew alk  
at the airport for V elasco  to  
see  w h en  he stepped  out of 
th e  building. A  say ing  o f  
Tupac Am aru’s had been  ap­
propriated by  V elasco  w hen  
h e announced the agrarian re­
form  law: “Peasant, the boss  
w ill n o  longer ea t o f your  
poverty .”

In Lima, one had im m edi­
a te ly  heard o f the tw o  tend­
encies w ith in  the regim e— the  
reform ists and th e  revolution ­
aries— and particular m in is­
ters and even  V elasco h im self 
w ere described a s  th e  m ost  
left. Gen. A rm ando A rtola, 
the M inister o f the Interior, 
w a s one o f th ese and he had 
gon e stum ping in th e  slum s 
o f Lima, ta lk in g  o f th e  re­
form s to  com e and prom ising  
th at Peru w ou ld  b ecom e the  
leader o f “the d isp ossessed  
countries o f Latin A m erica.” 
A strange role for generals 
and officers. They w ere now  
w orking c lo se ly  w ith  in tellec­
tuals, som e in the regim e or 
in th e  new spapers and w eek ­
lies  th a t supported it, w ho  
had belonged to  the Social 
P rogresista  Party, a loose  
coalition  o f liberals and neo- 
M arxists w h o’d hoped by e le c ­
toral m eans to accom plish  
the changes th at the guerrillas 
in  th e  sierra w anted.

In Trujillo, one could see  a 
push to  the left b y  those  
heartened by the nationaliza­
tion  o f  the huge sugar planta­
tion  under the agrarian reform  
law . T hose w h o  had hailed  
V elasco  in the p laza had a lso  
called for am n esty  for revolu­
tionaries still in jail, and  
chants such  as “Velasco  
seguro— A los yanqu is dale  
duro" (“S teady V elasco— Hit 
the Y ankees hard”) required  
on ly  the substitu tion  o f Fidel’s 
nam e for V elasco’s  to  dupli­
cate old Cuban ones. A t the

R EM EM B E R  T H E  N EED IEST!

agrarian reform  headquarters 
and in th e  p lantations and 
m ills there w ere th ose w ho  
fe lt sure "that the revolution  
w ould  take a m ore radical 
course than it had so  far. 
Their rationalization  took  the  
form — as it did w ith  the left- 
w in g  foreign  new spaperm en  
in Lima— ^that having decided  
on so  radical an action  as the  
confiscation  o f Standard Oil’s  
hold ings and the agrarian re­
form , the m ilitary rulers w ou ld  
b e forced  b y  th e  reaction  o f  
the o ligarchy and the U nited j 
S tates to  take further m eas- J  
ures to  protect the revolution . ^  
It w a s all bound to  com e, 
th ey  argued, and th ey  char­
acterized  it w ith  a  phrase 
that explained  for them  the  
caution  o f the regim e in m ov­
ing  so  slow ly: w h en  anyone  
asked  about a possib le urban  
reform  or w ondered  w h at the  
d eta ils  o f the banking reform  
w ould  be, th ey ’d raise a finger  
to  their lips and say, “Sh-h-h. 
D on’t m ake a racket!”— m ean­
ing, o f course, that th ey  w ere  
n ot going  to  be precipitate  
like th e  Cubans.

The adm inistrators at the  
three p lantations and m ills w e  
visited— tw o b elonging to  the  
G ildem eister fam ily o f Ger­
m an origin and one to  W . R. 
Grace & Co.— ^were, how ever, 
quite form al in  their exp lana­
tion o f the agrarian reform  
there. Each w as adm inistering  
the b usiness fo r  the sta te  until 
the w orkers in the m ills  and  
plantations w ere  ready to  run 
them  a s cooperatives. The 
workers had received  a 10 
per cen t increase in salaries. 
T hose due for retirem ent w ere  
assured that th ey  w ou ld  not 
lose their hom es in the com ­
pany tow ns, and w orkers’ 
classes  in cooperatives w ere  
being held tw ice  daily. In one  
case the cooperative w ould  
be form ed n o later than Febru­
ary, 1970; w ith  th e  others the 
date w as not certain, but 
la ter in Lima an im portant 
aide o f V elasco’s  assured m e 
all w ould be cooperatives  
w ith in  s ix  m onths.

S ince one o f th e  sugar cane  
plantations w a s the largest 
in the w orld, I asked  the  
adm inistrator if turning them  
in to cooperatives rather than  
sta te  enterprises w as not g o ­
ing  to  create a group o f  
privileged  w orkers am ong an 
im poverished  population, and 
thus cause unrest. He e x ­
plained th at 50 per cent o f  
the cooperatives’ profits 
w ould  go  to the sta te  and 
th at the law  stipulated  that, 
o f the rem aining 50 per cent, 
m uch had to  be se t  aside for  
im provem ent o f th e  lands 
and m ills and for investm ent

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



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'This slum of a decade'

(Continued from Page 27) 
schedu le as  soon  as  h e read  
th e  Truman D octrine.

N o, it  is  n o t th at w e  now  
fee l ou rselves threatened by  
forces n ew ly  loosed  on  the  
w orld  or by circum stances  
p reviou sly  unforeseen  or un­
foreseeable. It is  rather that 
in  th is decade incipient crises  
have seem ed to  lose their in- 
cip iency, if  th a t is  a leg iti­
m ate usage, and w e  h ave be­
com e, a lm ost o f  a  sudden, 
aw are o f  th eir num ber, their  
depths, and  their likely  re­
sistan ce  to  resolution . It m ay  
be th at our heightened  aw are­
n ess  is  w h at really  unnerves 
and anguishes us and creates  
a sen se  o f  fu tility  and help ­
lessn ess  n o t a ltogether w ar­
ranted  by  th e  facts, w hatever  
they are. In an y case , there  
i t  is, and the anguish  is  real, 
and so  is  th e  sen se  o f  gu ilt 
for our failures o f  anticipa­
tion . Perhaps our s lo w  m inds 
cou ld  h ave absorbed the rev­
elations and spread public 
know ledge if  h istory  had  
tim ed th ings differently, 
bringing us, say, a  con sciou s­
n ess  o f  population problem s 
in  on e decade, a  con sciou s­
n ess o f  pollution  the n ext  
decade, and so  on. It w as not 
to  be. W e had to  w a it for  
th is aw ful decade —  w h at

som eone, I forget w ho, re­
cen tly  c ^ le d  “th is slum  o f a 
decade” —  for aw areness to  
com e and to  com e in  a  great 
tum ble, a lm ost a ll a t once.

I t  has been an  aw ful dec­
ade, a  slum  of a  decade, but 
I th ink  it  has been m ore a 
tim e o f  co incidences than any  
so rt o f  h istorical progression. 
The a lienated  you ng  poin t to  
V ietnam  and racism  a s su ffi­
c ien t cau ses for their anger, 
and o f  course th ey  are right; 
th ey  a lso  speak  o f  m iddle- 
class hypocrisy  and the anach­
ronism s o f  the educational 
system . But th ese th ings are 
tenu ou sly  connected  w ith  one  
another, ex c ep t in  tim e, and  
alienation  is  a lso  a phenom ­
enon in countries a t peace  and  
w ith  insign ificant problem s o f  
race or ca ste . The Am erican  
m iddle c lass is  no m ore hypo­
critical now  than it  ever w as—  
if  anything, it is  less  so—-and 
if  the u niversities are failing  
th is generation  o f  students, 
they  failed  several earlier gen ­
erations in quite sim ilar w ays. 
W e are all g iven  to  pointing  
to  the im portance o f  te lev i­
sion  in shaping our attitudes  
tow ard the war, and it  has  
been im portant. B ut this, 
again, is  m ore coincidence  

(Continued on Page 71)

n n o m e y  G eneral M ileheli testU ying  
before a  S e n a te  group:  1969

IHE NEW YORK TIMES AliAeAZINE



T h e  m ernguratien  th a t  in  e iiee t  
inm igiirated  th e  decade:  1961

(C ontinued from Page 66) 
than anyth ing else . A  b loody  
ep isode in the h istory  o f  co lo ­
n ialism , or post- or n eo-colon i­
alism , took  p lace just a s  te le­
v ision , a  product o f  scien tific  
and technological develop­
m ent, cam e in to  its  ow n  as  
the prevalent m edium  o f com ­
m unication.

T he d ecade appears to  have  
a history, bu t the present ap­
pearance is, I think, m islead­
ing. In the m iddle years o f the  
s ix ties  three great Am ericans 
w ere gunned down: Except 
p ossib ly  in  th e  ca se  o f Martin 
Luther King Jr., the probable 
cau ses seem  rem ote from  the  
historic concerns and issues  
o f th e  decade. Lee H arvey Os­
w ald  seem s to  h ave had no  
grievances against John F. 
K ennedy excep t th at he w as  
everyth ing that O sw ald h im ­
se lf  w a s  not —  a  com m on  
cause for m urder dow n  
through the centuries. R obert 
K ennedy’s k iller w a s an Arab 
nationalist, perhaps insane. He 
w as o n ly  m arginally a prod­
u ct o f our culture; h is form a­
tive years w ere sp en t in one  
w hich  gave us the w ord a ssa s­
sin  and in w h ich  k illing  has  
a lw ays been  a  m ode o f  politi­
ca l action . He could have had  
n o  personal grievance against 
h is  v ictim  or an y particular  
politica l grievance. To serve  
h is cause, he m ight as  w ell 
have m urdered Richard N ixon  
o r  Hubert Hum phrey or J. Ed­
ga r H oover or G eorge Jesse l, 
W e can’t  ev e n  be sure about 
Jam es Earl Ray, excep t to  say

DECEMBER 14, 1949

that h is act w as as sen seless  
as the others because, if h is  
aim  w a s  to  dam age the m ove­
m ent King led, h is act w as n ot 
rationally calcu lated  to  ach ieve  
its  effec t. Q uite the opposite.

B ut perhaps th is is  part o f  
the p o in t about the six ties. 
B ecause the k illings w ere  all 
sen seless, and each in its  w ay  
destructive o f  hope, th ey  in­
tensified  our already w ell-d e­
veloped  sen se  o f  th e  absurd. 
Had th ey  been  spaced  out 
over a longer period o f  tim e, 
th ey  w ould  have been no  less  
tragic, bu t their im pact on  us 
m ight have been  d ifferent—  
le ss  traum atic and less  likely  
to  lead  us to  insupportable  
generalizations about w hat 
th ey  revealed  o f all our char­
acteristics.

I happen to  b elieve that w e  
as a peop le are not notably  
m ore v io len t than any other  
people and that w e  m ay even  
be s ligh tly  less  g iven  to  racial 
prejudice than certain others. 
But recent years have seen, 
in th is country, an uncom m on  
am ount o f  d om estic v io len ce  
and a lm ost unprecedented  
racial tension . Som etim es the  
racial tension  has occasioned, 
or been  accom panied  by, v io ­
lence, bu t w h en  that h as been  
th e  case  th e  v io len ce has been  
directed  m ore at the ghetto  
environm ent than a t th ose  
outside th e  gh etto . A t other  
tim es, the v io len ce has had  
other cau ses or n o  identifiable  
cause. Som e o f  the b lood iest

R EM EM B E R  T H E  N EED IEST!

Tliis is the cologne you splash on. 
After a bath. After a shower.
Any time you need a lift.
(Men also use it as an after shave.) 
This is the refreshant cologne. 
Made to refresh you.

J^ ^)IT he Refreshant Cologne.



o f  confrontations h ave had no  
ethn ic s ign ificance but have  
been  exp ression s o f  h ostility  
b etw een  classes— m iddle class, 
predom inantly w h ite  youths, 
ag a in st low er class , predom i­
nantly  w h ite  en forcers o f  
la w  and order. B ut an a lysis  
p rovides neither com fort nor  
rem edy. In  th e  six ties , it  has 
b een  dem onstrated  to  us— or 
w e  have dem onstrated  to  our­
se lv es— ^that w e  m ay never  
ach ieve th e  civ ility  and stab il­
ity  th at m akes a  so c ie ty  to ler­
able.

H ere, again, I suppose, is  a  
failure o f  anticipation, on e in  
w hich  social D arw inism  played  
a  large and m islead ing part. 
I recall th a t in  th e  period  that 
fo llow ed  th e  1954 Suprem e 
Court decision  on  desegrega­
tio n  o f  th e  schools, I fe lt and  
on o ccasion  w rote  th at a  day  
w ould  com e, and  fa irly  soon , 
w h en  th e  curse o f  segregation  
w oiild  b e shaken  o ff m ore or  
le ss  com pletely  and m ore 
or le ss  a ll a t  once. I  a i ^ e d  
from  a  fa lse  intuition  and 
from  fa lse  analogies. The anal­
og ies  w ere  anti-Sem itism  and  
th e  trade-union  m ovem ent. I 
had lived  through a tim e  in  
w h ich  Jew s had been  despised  
and rejected  and union  organ-

(Continued on Page 76) T V  shot v ie w e d  r e m d  th e  w orld: I9 S 3

A  — 16K Gold High FreqiMncy Observatory chronometer. Guaranteed accurate to within 1 min> 
ute a month. Self-winding. 39 Jewels. Date-dial. Water-resistant. 9500. B — 168 diamorKis. 14K 
gold. 93500. C - 1 4 K  gold bracelet watch. 9475. D - 1 4 K  gold bamboo design bracelet watch 
with giit d ial. 9350. E — 24 diamotKls. 14K gold cover-lid bracelet watch. 9650. F  — 14K gold. $125.

Other Girard Parregaux r

DECEMBER 14, 1949



(Continued from Page 73) 
izers clobbered and k illed. But 
the tim e had passed , and I 
had lived  on  in to  a period  in  
w hich  anti-Sem itism - had be­
com e sham eful even  in  circles 
in w h ich  it  had once flour­
ished  and in  w h ich  trade un­
ions w ere  as m uch a  part o f  
th e  econom ic order a s  th e  N a­
tional A ssocia tion  o f  M anu­
facturers and Chambers 
C om m erce. I w a s  sure tha(  ̂
w ould  live  to  s e e  not th e  en' 
o f racism  but the d ism antling  
o f its  u g ly  institution s.

I th ink  I continued  to  feel 
th at w a y  throughout th e  fif­
ties . reasoning, probably, th at  
the E isenhow er A dm inistration  
s im ply  lacked the w ill to  push  
over th e  decaying structures. 
Though I w a s  a t the tim e n o  
great adm irer o f  E isenhow er's 
successor, I thought th e  Ken­
ned y A dm inistration  could  
lead us in to  a  period o f  gen u ­
ine and w elcom e civ ility  and, 
hence, a  greater stab ility . I 
becam e som eth in g  o f  an  ad­
mirer, b ut I n o w  doubt th at it  
could h ave g iven  u s an y bet­
ter leadership than w e  have  
had.

ot
Ha- j  
n u ^ H

m

M orm e dead!, Sontli V ietnam :  1967
A  T all events, the s ix ties  
h ave been a period  o f  stead ily  
declin ing c iv ility  and m ount-

A ll cigais aren’t long.
Bering makes short aim medium long-filler cigars, too. 

M ore than 2 0  sizes in aU, from 3%  inches to  8%  inches. 
But B aing makes all these cigars, 15̂  and up, the 

same w ay: W ith  natural leaves of fo e  imported long-filler 
tobacco, laid the full4enrth. N ot w ith shrraded 

H ts of tobacco, pressed into place.
T h a i Bfong binds arm w r i^  the Ic m g ^ a  in 

natural tobacco leaves. N o machin&ioaade sheets 
recon^tuted tobacco w ith p ap ^  headstrips.

T he long and short of it is: Bering still 
makes cigars the w ay they used to  be made.^

For a dow er burning, coo la smoke.
A vailable in N atural, “ G rea i”

Candela or dadc M aduro wrappers.
L ifo t one up—fcff size. 
stiU make them the way w e used to  J

woottKA Y a u .  JA»VK

meW the lenĝ ths we go to, to make 
long-filler cig£ns.

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



•P residen t,
C asw ell-M assey Co. Ltd.

“For over a  century ,
C asw ell-M assey has 
been  m aking  superb  
soaps from  a  special­
ly  p rep ared  ex trac t 
o f w hale  oil — soaps 
u n rivaled  fo r rich­
ness, unm atched  fo r 
th e  sheer lu xury  of 
th e ir la ther. Today, 
the  dem and  fo r Cas­
w ell-M assey W hale Oil Soaps h as n ev er been  greater. A nd  it  is precisely  
w hen  these lev ia thans of la th e r are  a t th e ir p eak  of popu larity  th a t w e have 
decided to m ake no m ore. W ith  th is  pubhc  notice, w e are  ceasing p roduction  
o f C asw ell-M assey W hale Oil E x trac t Soaps. W h at p rom pts th is  unprece­
den ted  action  on our part?  T he real fea r th a t the  w hale, if  unpro tec ted , s tands 
in  m orta l danger o f extinction . A nd fa r be it  fo r us, A m erica’s oldest chem ists 
and  perfum ers, in  any  w ay  to encourage the h un ting  dow n of these  noble 
g ian ts o f the  deep, n o r to  p rec ip ita te  th e ir dem ise! H opefully , b y  stopping the 
m anufactu re  of W hale Oil Soaps, w e m ay encourage o thers in com m erce to 
fo llow  our exam ple and  thus Save The W hale.
REALIZING THE INCONVENIENCE SUCH A  DECISION M IGHT GIVE 
OUR LOYAL PA TRO NS, W E HAVE W ORKED LONG HOURS PRIOR TO 
TH IS ANNOUNCEM ENT TO  FIND A  REPLACEMENT W H IC H  W OULD 
DUPLICATE THE NATURAL QUALITIES OF W HALE OIL. W hat w e have 
now  com e up  w ith  is a  surprising  substance  derived  from  a natu ra l, vegetable 
source w hich  chem ically  and  physiologically  dup lica tes ou r fo rm er w hale  oil 
ex trac t and  w hich  w e have nam ed in  h o n o r of our friend, the  w hale, Vege- 
sperm . So, providentially , w e can continue to supply  a b a th  soap of rem ark ­
able beau ty , w ith  the  sam e abundance  o f rich  la th e r and  gentleness ra re  even 
am ongst the costliest of soaps. E ach h efty  oval o f our new  C asw ell-M assey 
V egesperm  B ath Soap w eighs approxim ately  6 ounces. It b u rsts  in to  billow s 
of cream y, sk in-drenching la th e r the  m om ent it touches w ater. A nd  our fra ­
grances—superb! N ine d ifferent scents, including one th a t w as actually  fa ­
vored  by  George W ashington and  d a te s  from  our founding in  1752. Thiese

in tense  fragrances las t till

L ast o f th e  W hale Oil Soaps.
the  very  las t sliver. A nd 
fo r each one th ere ’s a  love­
ly  color to  add  b eau ty  to 
y our bathroom . You’ll find

F irst o f th e  n ew  C asw ell-M assey 
V egesperm  B ath  Soap.

ou r n ew  V egesperm  soaps 
a t som e of the b est sto res 
and  shops. T hey cost som e 
$5.00 fo r th ree  large ovals 
n eatly  boxed. A nd  you 
have m y personal assu r­
ance th ey ’re  rem arkab ly  
like our W hale Oil Soaps 
of yore. E xcept th a t th e re ’s 
a w hale  of a  difference b e­
tw een  them !” 
C asw ell-M assey Co. Ltd. 
114 E. 25th St. N .Y .C . 10010

ing  instability . If our technol­
o gy  proves able to  overcom e  
the threats to  life w hich  have  
been so  largely its  creation, 
w e m ay live on to a  future 
w hich  w ill w itn ess th e  end of 
th e  dem ocratic experim ent. 
D em ocracy is in trouble today  
n ot o n ly  here but in  m any  
parts o f the w orld, including  
th ose countries w hich  gave  
birth to  it and fashioned its 
instrum entalities. In th is coun­
try, as o f  now , dem ocratic in ­
stitu tions are p retty  m uch  
intact, but they  are dem on­
strably inadequate and in­
creasingly vulnerable. For their  
sound w orking and their sur­
vival. they  require public con­
fidence, and th is confidence  
has been  eroding through  
m ost o f  th e  decade.

It is  n ot sim ply a  m atter o f  
th e  b lack  and the poor finding  
no help, or very  little  help, in 
them; if  th is w ere the only  
problem , reform  and adapta­
tion  m ight so lve  it. The dan­
g er  is  the sheer contem pt in 
w hich  dem ocratic ideals are 
held by, on  th e  one hand, 
m any o f the best o f  our young  
people, those w h o  should be 
getting  ready to  take over the 
institutions after another dec­
ade or so, and, on  the other, 
by th ose to  w hom  they are  
presently entrusted. Mark 
Rudd and Spiro A gnew  have 
quite a bit in com m on. Neither  
really  understands the func­
tion o f d issen t in a  free so ­
ciety; both think in slogans  
and com m unicate in invective. 
W e do n o m ore than w e  m ust 
w hen w e deplore and even  re­
strain th ose w h o  w an t to  de­
stroy  our universities instead  
o f try ing  to m ake them  serve  
us in m ore hum ane w ays. But 
th ey  are hardly m ore to  be  
condem ned than a  Congress 
capable o f enacting the Crime 
and Safe Streets Bill o f  1968 
or an A ttorney General o f the  
U nited S tates w ho, forgetting  
that this G overnm ent w as  
form ed in th e  first p lace to  
prom ote “the com m on w e l­
fare,” solem nly advises us 
that the Departm ent o f  Justice  
is  a  law  o ffice and n ot an 
agen cy o f “socia l im prove­
m ent.”

D e m o c r a c y  has always 
been in jeopardy, and I have 
no doubt that one could argue 
that in this country it has sur­
vived other threats to its ex­
istence just as grave as those 
I have mentioned. One could 
even maintain that in this 
decade and the last, American 
democracy has become more 
democatic and, at least insti­
tutionally, more responsive to 
the public will. Much progress 
toward social democracy has 
been made in the sixties. 
Steps have been taken to 
make the one-man-one-vote 
doctrine operable. Individual

liberties have been extended. 
But on ly  a  few  o f  th e  causes  
o f our an xieties can be dealt 
w ith  by even  the purest o f  
dem ocratic m eans.

N o refinem ent o f  the s y s ­
tem , or ex ten sion  o f individ­
ual liberty can be o f  m uch  
help in  ending the w ar in 
V ietnam  or in bringing about 
changes in a foreign  policy  
th at can  be said to  have, in  
large part, its  origins in a pas­
sion for dem ocracy and equal­
ity . And it  is  to  som e ex ten t  
because o f  th is kind o f  w eak­
n ess that w e  reached, a couple  
o f years ago , a  point a t  w hich  
a reporter for th is new spapa-, 
after having conducted  an ex ­
tensive survey o f  the attitudes  
o f co llege students, could  
w rite that “the m ost radical 
am ong them  displayed total 
scorn for individual liberties."

One can  grasp  som ething o f  
the reasons for th is scorn. 
Freedom  o f speech  isn ’t  much 
help in  stem m ing the flow  o f  
blood in  Vietnam . The Civil 
Liberties Union can  w in  all its 
battles in the courts, and in 
the process preserve th e  sem ­
blances o f dem ocracy, but it  
cannot m ake a  good  society  
or a civ ilization  w orthy o f its 
professed  ideals. A t the sam e  
tim e, no society  can be good  
or even  tolerable if  liberty is 
held in  contem pt by those  
w h o could use it m ost cre­
atively.

M any ot us proved w oefu lly  
lacking in foresight. Our hind­
sigh t is  probably better, but it 
too  m ay be flaw ed. It is  a b it 
easier to look  backward than  
to  look ahead, but if  anyone’s 
hindsight w ere  perfect, m ost 
historians w ou ld  have to  de­
velop  n ew  sk ills . The sixties, 
as I n ow  see  them , have been  
perfectly  aw ful. But m y field  
o f v ision  could be m uch broad­
er than it  is, and I am a pris­
oner o f  m y experience. If 
th ings w ork out as  I hope  
they  w ill, but deeply fear they  
w on ’t, I can see  som eone look­
ing  back  on th is decade a 
decade from  n ow , or tw o, or 
three, and seein g  in  it a period 
of great en lightenm ent and 
progress. It could be a great 
turning poin t in m any w a y s -  
the decade in w h ich  men per-1 
ceived  th e  threats to  th e ir ]  
earth ly environm ent and be­
gan to  elim inate them; the one |  
in w hich  the w a r in Vietnam , 
p recisely because o f its  g r e ^  
fo lly , taught m odem  m an ths 
political problem s are rarely 
so lved  by  m ilitary m eans; the  
one in  w h ich  dom estic v io - ^
lence led  to  th e  redress o f  
grievances and h ence to  the  
abandonm ent o f  violence; the  
one in w h ich  scien ce m ade 
th e  greatest and m ost life- 

. serving advances in human  
' h istory. A dversity m ay still 

have its  sw e et uses. I hope so.

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



S e c t i o n ^ 9  

u n d a y ,  J u l y  30,  196̂ 1

Serious Damage Doubted 
to the Nation’s Continuing 

Productive Capacity

TAXPAYERS HURT M O S I f

Rise in Insurance RaliSI 
Appears Almost Certaiti 

Following Surveys

By ROBERT A. WRIGHT
The econom ic aftermath of ffia 

riots in Newark, Detroit anS 
other cities will be difficult to  
discern in the customary gtan 
tistics.

D espite the widespread prop^ 
erty damage in the riot areas 
and the disruption of business 
operations— to say nothing of 
the human suffering in v o lv e d -  
econom ists do not expect the  
national econom y to  be hurt.

Yet the nation will pay a  
price. And this cost, unlike the  
real wounds inflicted in the  
riots, w ill be borne largely by  
Americans outside of the ghet-' 
toes— ^taxpayers.

W hether there are any tax  
increases specifically related to  
the riots or not, governm ent 
w ill pay the costs of quelling 
the riots and therefore, indirect-^ 
ly taxpayers.

Purchasers of insurance also  
will share the cost, as rates are 
almost certain to be increased, 
the industry believes.

Lesser Effect
But, while events in Detroit 

last w eek  m ay have had much 
in common w ith those in Viet­
nam, the civil commotion is not 
expected to  have much impact 
on the national econom y, as has 
the Asian war.

. spokesman for the Presi­
dent’s Council of Economic A4< 
visers said that, w hile the coun^ 
cil had made no thorough 
studies of the matter, the gross 
national product figures would  
not reflect the rash of riots.

Such periodic econom ic sta­
tistics as average factory worit 
week, personal income and 
w eekly auto production w ill re­
flect fee  riots, but only tempo­
rarily, the council spokesman  
said.

Auto assem blies fell by al­
m ost 50 per cent last w eek  be­
cause of the closing of plants in 
riot areas and absenteeism. But 
the producers’ changeover op­
erations to 1968 models also  
accounted for some of this de­
cline, and production figures 
for the year are unlikely to be  
changed because of last week’s  
closings.

Costs Must Be Set
Before it is determined just 

who w ill pay, the cost m ust be 
established, a process that w ill 
take some time.

Estimates of property loss in  
Detroit ranged last w eek  be­
tw een $200-million and $500- 
million, but those were admit­
tedly “horseback” guesses.

Insurance adjusters began en­
tering the riot areas of Detroit 
only last Thursday and their as­
sessm ents will take some time 
to collate.

In addition to insurance men, 
businessmen in general, inves­
tors and officials of municipal, 
state and the Federal Govern­
ment will spend many hours 
calculating the costs of the riots 
in the months ahead.

A spokesman for the Michi­
gan Budget Director’s office  
said, last w eek there w as yet  
“nothing like a solid estim ate” 
on the probable losses in taxes 
and other revenues to  the state 
and the city of Detroit. But fe e  
direct cost in extra expenditures 
by the state connected w ith the 
riots, while still incomplete, 
ranged close to a half a million 
dollars, the spokesman said.

The state e.stimates the cost 
of mobilizing the National Guard 
at $255,000. This cost ended 
when the troops were Federal­
ized, but the state calculated 
that it w as costing the national 
Government $140,000 a day to

Continued on Page 9, Co lum n 3



Economists
Continued From Page 1

maintain soldiers in Detroit at 
$27 a man a day.

It cost the state $175,000-to- 
$200,000 to provide state troop­
ers in riot work, m ostly in over­
time. Extra prison costs to the 
state are running $4,000-to- 
$5,000 a day.

But in the long term, states 
and cities hit by riots are likely 
to find it more costiy to bor­
row money.

Newark decided to  postpone 
a $15.08-million bond issue last 
w eek in the wake o f its riots. 
A city  spokesman said the 
m ove w as not related to the 
riots but to the softness of the 
market for tax-exem pt bonds. 
Nonetheless, som e market ob­
servers related the market ac­
tion to investor w ariness of 
municipal issues of potential 
riot areas generally.

Two bond rating houses, 
Standard & Poor’s Corporation 
and Moody’s Investors Service, 
had reduced Newark’s credit 
rating in recent months.

Costs and Quality
An officer of Moody’s said 

last w eek that he believed any 
effect on the secondary bond 
market from the riots would be 
temporary and that the riots 
had not led his company to 
re-examine the credit ratings of 
any of the cities h it by strife 
recently.

The reason, he said, w as that 
his com pany had anticipated 
such civil commotion in re­
vising downward the credit 
standing of cities w ith large 
proportions of disadvantaged 
citizens.

“The riots might affect the 
primary bond market as spe­
cialists come to realize that a 
few  hundred milion of ratables 
(assessed values for real prop­
erty forming a tax base) have 
gone up in some smoke,” the 
Moody’s executive said. “It 
would seem to be a deterrent 
to investors for the short term, 
although I haven’t  seen any 
evidence of this yet. But the 
riots have merely re-empha- 
sized the problems of our 
major core cities.”

The bond expert said that 
two basic things concerned the 
bond community in assessing  
credit standings: The increasing

costs to  cities in taking care 
of its  disadvantaged and the 
likelihood that, w ith larger per­
centages of the undereducated 
and poor in the population, a 
deterioration in the quality of 
local governments.

Much Not Insured
The same kind of reasons' are 

destined to encourage more 
businesses to move to suburban 
sites, thus intensifying the 
problems of the cities.

The small retail merchant is 
the businessman m ost directly 
hurt by riots and the one with 
the few est alternatives. Can­
cellations o f extended coverage, 
which provides insurance from 
riots, come en m asse after a riot.

Congress can expect increas­
ing pressure from these mer­
chants for Federal protection. 
The Jersey City Merchants 
Council, for one, wrote Presi­
dent Johnson last week urging 
passage of Senate bill S1484, 
which would establish a small- 
business crime protection in­
surance corporation that would

make extended coverage avail­
able to merchants who cannot 
obtain it elsewhere.

Insurance executives ques­
tioned last w eek  said that 
claims stemming from the riots 
would be paid. But it w as clear 
that settlem ents would repre­
sent only a  fraction of the 
total property losses because 
much of this w as not insured.

There appeared to be no ef­
fort by the insurance industry 
to avoid payment of cleiims on 
the ground that the riots were 
“insurrections,” which would 
cancel coverage. But it was 
indicated some claims might 
be contested.

Many theft claims, for in­
stance, are likely to be rejected 
because looting in many in­
stances took place long after 
a store w as set on fire. Most 
policies cover only thefts com­
mitted incident to a fire.

H. Clay Johnson, president 
of the Royal Globe Insurance 
Companies, noted that it was 
not possible to lump together 
claims in New Jersey and 
Michigan. He pointed out that 
Michigan law did not provide

legal means of recovering 
losses from a municipality on 
the ground that it w as negli­
gent in not preventing a  riot. 
In New Jersey, he said, munici­
palities were liable to  such 
action.

Another long-term effect of 
the riots w as cited by James 
L. Bentley Jr., Controller Gen­
eral of Georgia and head of the 
National Association of Insur­
ance Commissioners. Mr. Bent- 

said he w as concerned over 
the in s i^  
w ith d ^ H



R io ts  in  U .S . P ro d u c e  
S c a th in g  D is p a tc h e s  
I n  E u ro p e a n  P ape rs

‘Race H ate,’ ‘R evolt’ Headlined; 
Red Radio Tells' of ‘Massacre’; 
Parallels to Vietnam Cited i

By WILLIAM D. HARTLEY 
Staff Reporter of T h e  W a l l  S t r e e t  J o u r n a l  

LONDON—Europe thinks that practically 
all America is under siege.

The rioting in Detroit and the troubles in 
other cities are front-page news throughout 
Great Britain and the Continent. The headlines 
often are sensational, “Race Hate Frenzy 
Sweeps America/’ London’s Evening News 
headlines. “U.S.A.: The Blacks in Revolt, 
says Le Peuple in Brussels.

People here are convinced that the situation 
is as bad if not worse than what the papers are 
reporting. “I’m left with the impression that 
the white American is just kicking the hell out 
of the black American/’ says an American who 
lives in Switzerland and gets most of his news 
from the Geneva papers.

Those who listen to Communist broadcasts 
hear even worse reports. Radio Warsaw told 
listeners Tuesday night that “5,000 paratroop­
ers today began the brutal massacre of the 
Negro population” in the U.S. Radio Moscow 
says “pickedlii^sTif the regular Army” Lare in 
Detroit “to crush the uprising at any cost.” 
Comparison With Vietnam

Many Europeans draw parallels between 
what they consider savagery in Detroit and 
savagery in Vietnam. A cartoon in a British 
newspaper shows two Negro soldiers dashing 
across a field in Vietnam while agreeing 

This is wonderful training for civilian life.’
In discussing the Federal troops sent into 

Detroit, Radio Warsaw says, “Some of the sol­
diers boast that they have fought in Vietnam 
and have the necessary experience.” And a 
German newspaper asserts that the $40 million 
in rat-control funds voted down by Congress 
total “less than what the U.S. spends in Viet­
nam in 18 hours.”

The situation in the U.S. is the subject of 
endless debate and deliberation in shops 
homes and coffee houses throughout Europe 
Most think matters will get worse before they 
get better.
Sympathy Prevails

Some Europeans view the riots as Ameri­
cans’ just deserts. Says the Guardian, a liberal 
British paper, “The United States has always 
been a Solent society. In the days of the fron­
tier and. of Prohibition, in the arenas of poli­
tics, labor relations and civil rights, and in liq­
uor and gambling,”

But there is less of the once-automatic reac­
tion of scorn. Sympathy seems to prevail in the 
non-Communist nations, coupled sometimes 
with an introspective “it could happen here.’ 
“I think many Europeans understand that 
evitably in a society with many colored people 
things can flare up,” says a Swiss business­
man.

Some Britons now fear possible race riots in 
their coxintry, where about 2% of the popula­
tion is colored. Duncan Sandys, a former Con­
servative cabinet minister, has proposed that 
Britain immediately close its doors to Negro 
immigrants and even pay the fares of those 
Negroes who wish to return home. “We have 
already admitted more colored people than we 
can possibly assimilate, and others are arriv­
ing every day,” he says. Few people have at­
tacked his statement.
Violent Talk in England

Stokely Carmichael, the U.S. advocate of 
Black Power, just wound up a visit to England 
during which he advised Negroes to bum down 
British homes if they can’t otherwise get their 
way. In a speech Monday, a British Black Mus­
lim leader said, “Fear of these monkeys 
(whites) is nothing. If ever you see a white 
man lay hands on a black woman, kill him 
immediately.”

I Implications for Europe are seen in the U.S. 
rioting. Many people here feel that President 
Johnson’s preoccupation with Vietnam has al­
ready caused him to ignore Europe, and they 
eel the rioting will accentuate this situation. 
‘There are fears in Europe that their domestic 

problems might cause the Americans to return 
to isolationism,” says a German editorial.

The European reader is offered any number 
of interpretations as to the social and political 
changes the riots will bring in the U.S. The 
London Evening Standard’s man in Detroit 
says the riots probably will produce “reaction 
rigidity and perhaps a Republican Presidential 
candidate running on a platform of Negro 
suppression and merciless law enforcement.” 

But a correspondent for a Munich paper 
argues that President Johnson’s chances for 
reelection aren’t endangered. Most Americans 
want enither a liberal “who lavishes money on 
those bandits” nor a conservative who cuts off 
domestic welfare, he says.

About the only point the papers agree on is 
that, in the words of a French paper, “bitter 
struggles ai-e rhead.”



Riot^Repercussiohs: Violence Likely
To Have Broad Effect in Congress

Continued From  P age One 
feetly by a bill irately introduced this week by 
con.servative Rep. Louis Wyman (R., N.H.); it 

ould forever take away w'elfare checks and 
even Social Security benefits from convicted 
rioters. There’s no predictinp; whether such a 
bill would ever pass; the important thing is 
that Mr. Wyman thinks the idea would be popu­
lar.

President Johnson already has asked for 
$350 million over a two-year period for better 
equipment and training of local police forces. A 
measure providng $50 millon for only the first 
year will make a timely arrival on the House 
floor next week, and the current “law and 
order’ ’ fever makes it a good candidate for fat­
tening, despite the recent economy mood.

Complaints about the ineffectiveness of 
young National Guardsmen in street-corner 
combat with snipers have prompted some de­
mands for special riot training. The Federal 
Government now pays for most of the 48 paid 
drill periods and 15 days of summer camp at 
tended by Guardsmen each year; more riot, 
training would cut into the fixed time available 
lor learning more conventional military skills. 

Nevertheless, Sen. John Stennis (D., Miss.), 
member of the Senate Defense Appropria­

tions subcommittee, says it’s urgent that the 
training program prepare the Guard lor riot 
duty. One alternative to revamping the general 
training schedule, he says, could be creation of 
more military police units in the Guard; they 
could become specialists in riot suppression.

Sen. Thomas Dodd (D., Conn.) immediately 
seized on the ghetto gunfire as a new argument 
tor his long-stymied bill forbidding interstate 
sale of pistols and limiting mail-order pur­
chases of rifles and shotguns. Senate Majority 
Leader Mike Mansfield of Motnana, who has

Ling-Temco-Vought 
Unit Agrees to Buy 
Allied Radio for Stock
Both Firm s’ Directors, Holders 

M ust A pprove; Transaction’s

been among the Western Senators resisting Mr. 
Dodd, included “legitimate gun control legisla­
tion” on a list of antiriot measures he thinks 
should be considered. The new atmosphere 
makes it much more likely than before that a 
gun-control bill will be enacted; some Senators 
are talking of tacking it to the antiriot bll on 
the Senate floor.

Such “law and order” n^easures as police 
training, changes in the National Guard and 
gun control wouldn’t necessarily involve huge 
sums. But other proposals for relief of riot vic­
tims could mean considerable expense and 
therefore will be harder for the Administration 
and Congress to swallow.

One siich idea is the proposal of Sen. George 
Smathers (D., Fla.) for a “Small Business 
Crime Protection Insurance Corp.” The agency 
would insure the property of storekeepers 
riot-prone areas who now can’t get private in­
surance or who pay very high premiums. Mr 
Smathers concedes the Government could ge 
stuck with huge bills for damages but argues 
“If you get law and order back into effect, 
won’t cost any money.^' He says he’s bee: 
promised early hearings in the Senate Bankin 
Committee and predicts the bill will pasi 
though no action is scheduled yet.

The Vietnam war’s cost is especially fn i  
trating to Congressional liberals now, as 
seems to rule out the massive attack on slui 
housing and joblessness they think are rioting 
root cause. Jacob Javits, New York’s liber 
Republican, is calling for spending $3.5 bilii< 
a year on ghetto problems for the next 
years. Sen. Robert Kennedy, his Democrat 
colleague, wants to entice private employe! 
and housing contractors to slum areas with tV 
lure of special tax cuts, but Congress soon wi 
be asked to raise taxes instead.

The competition between the Vietnam w; 
and the domestic race war for added Goven 
ment spending is providing fresh talking-point 
for lawmakers with dovish views. In a speec 
this week calling for “herculean efforts” 
combat slum conditions, Republican S 
Charles Percy of Illinois concluded: “If w 
continue to spend $66 million a day trying 
‘save’ the 16 million people of South Vietnan 
while leaving the plight of 20 million urbai 
poor in our own country unresolved, then 
think we have our priorities terribly confused.



PWhite Racism’: Ghetto Violence 
Hardens Attitudes Toward Negro

Continued From  F irst Page  
the source of his information (Detroit authori­
ties say the rumor is groundless), and a youth 
asks to see a box of arraor-piercing shells.

A few weeks ago this store almost ran out of 
guns, so heavy ^a.s demand. Thirty-eight cali­
ber revolvers were completely sold out.

Police in Allen Park, which recently 
appropriated $12,000 for riot equipment, report 
a dramatic rise in weapons registration there. 
In the past several months, 40 to 50 guns have 
been registered each week, compared with less 
than 10 a week before the 1967 riot and not 
much more immediately afterward.

A burly, 18-year veteran of the Allen Park 
police force shakes his head sadly and says;

If this keeps going, it’ll be like the frontier 
days—everyone walking around with a gun 
strapped to his hip. I’m afraid that if some col­
ored guy’s car backfires, he’ll get shot before 
he gets outxof the neighborhood.^’

Detroit Police Commissioner Ray Girardin 
fears weapons stockpiling by both Negroes and 
whites will greatly compound police problems. 
He says: “Our main problem this summer 
could be keeping the kooks of both races from 
killing each other.”

The gun rush has extended widely. In the 
suburb of Centerline, for example, one shop 
had to put a sign in its window saying that it 
carried only .22-cal. rifles; it had been be­
sieged with queries about shotguns and re­
volvers. Detroit police claim “truckloads” of 
guns have been purchased in Toledo, 60 miles 
^ a y ,  and brought to the Detroit area.
Booming Business

Toledo wasn’t affected by the Detroit ban on 
gun sales, but some stores there closed any­
way. One was K*Mart, a chain discount outlet 
that stopped gun sales at 3 p.m. on Friday, 
April 5, the day after the King murder, at the 
request of Detroit police. Ralph Fischer, man­
ager of the sporting goods department, says he 
did more than five times his usual amount of 
gun business between 10 and 3. He ha<f to turn 
away 75 to 100 customers after his early clos­
ing.

Mr. Fischer says there wasn’t one Negro 
among his customers that day. He believes the 
booming business was traceable entirely to ra­
cial tension among whites.

The Toledo store sold 35 or 40 hand guns. 
Other sales included four automatic rifles and 
at least two M-1 carbines. “One woman bought 
ac whole shopping cart full of ammunition—ev­
erything from .22 cal. shells to 14-gauge shot­
gun shells. I couldn’t believe it,” says Mr. 
Fischer.

Many whiles wouldn’t think of buying weap­
ons, but this doesn’t mean they are not afraid 
or increasingly hostile toward Negroes. “When 
those militants on TV say, ‘Whitey, you’re 
going to burn,’ they’re saying it to me right in 
my own living room,” says one middle-man­
agement suburbanite employed by an auto 
firm. “The other day I heard one locaJ guy say 
he's got a^ta-and-new automatic Army rifle like 
'they’re using in Vietnam, and I thought about 
what I had—not even a big rubber band. I’ve 
got a wife, kids, a nice house, and this man 
tells me he’s got a weapon like that.”
Planning Escape

The suburbanite, who says he couldn’t hit a 
bam at 10 feet, won’t arm himself. But he says 
that “like most” of his neighbors, he is 
considering sending his family to stay with rel­
atives in the country during the summer. Other 
families are said to be planning “escape” 
routes.

Some whites say opinion on race has grown 
so polarized that sensible discussion is difficult 
Ed Levin, a Detroit businessman who de­
scribes himself as a “disillusioned liberal, 
says: “There’s alm<»t no room anymore on the 
middle ground. Say anything on race, and you 
wind up fingered as either a kook or a Commu 
nist.”

Local police forces and governments in the 
suburbs here reflect the jittery mood of in­
dividual citizens. Over • the past several 
months, police in suburbs with few or no Negro 
residents have been asking for—and getting- 
weapons for riot control, forming tactical plans 
for .suppressing riots and, in some cases, 
deputizing volunteers.

In Monroe County, 25 miles south of Detroit 
Sheriff Charles Harrington has more than 100 
extra men available for emergency duty; most 
are members of veterans’ organizations. They 

I have been formed into a riot-control auxiliary

The auxiliary has been used already; in the 
wake of recent disturbances in Detroit, mem­
bers were put on patrol duty from 6 p.m. until 
6 a.m. every night for almost a week.

In January, the suburb of Dearborn 
launched a ■ formal, municipally financed 
course to train housewives in the use of guns 
The instructor says that many women in the 
community were made apprehensive by the 
Detroit riots of 1967 and that “people are just 
simply uneasy about the lawlessness in 
society and want to learn to protect themselves 
from it.”

Dearborn, Warren and at least one other 
suburban town also have passed stop-and-frisk 
laws recently. These enable police to detain 
and search persons they deem suspicious, even 
though those persons may have done nothing 
unlawful. At the state level, the Michigan 
House has passed a bill granting local authori­
ties the right to declare a state of emergency 
in their areas if they feel that is required. If 
the bill becomes law, it will mean that the 
authorities can legally declare a curfew and 
close liquor and gun shops, among other 
things.
White Activiste Organizing

In the Detroit area, white militant groups 
seem more noticeable now. One is Break­
through, an “activist educational” organization 
that has been urging people to arm themselves 
and stock provisions. The head of the group, a 
municipal office worker named Donald Lob- 
singer, says Breakthrough has received many 
requests recently for its recommended list of 
food stocks and says with satisfaction that peo­
ple are “arming to the teeth.” Lobsinger 
currently awaiting sentencing following two 
convictions—one for assault and battery when 
his group tried to take part in a parade last 
year and another for disrupting a civil rights 
meeting.

Lobsinger believes the country is threatened 
by an international Commimist conspiracy, and 
he sees black power advocates as instruments 
of that conspiracy. He candidly admits, how­
ever, that aside from his “hard core” follow­
ers, many Breakthrough members may have 
motives ottier than anti-communism for be­
longing—and he does not discount the possiblli 
ty that some could explode in anger against 
Negroes and that he would not be able to con­
trol them.



nr f s , 1
' I  ' F ii 

1
©  !Q67 Do Jones '<Jj Company, Inc. A ll Rights Reserved.

k  ~k Eastkrn EnmuN W E D lS rE S D A Y , J U L Y  26, 196‘

Behind the Riots
-Some See Lawlessness, 
Violence as Response 
To Unfulfilled Hopes

’Callous’ Cong'i'ess, Vietnam 
Outlays Blamed; the Role 
Of Black Power Minimized

Are the Communists Involved?
A W a l l  S t iu u jt  J o u r n a l  y c t c s  I to u n d u ii

The sunimer of 10G7 may be.marhed by fu­
ture liistorians as the point in time when the 
American Negro finally lost all hope in the 
white man.

That, at least, is the dismal conclusion of 
scores of psychologists, sociologists, social 
workers, poverty worlccra, civil rights leaders 
and others as they try to understand the Iiorror 
of the past few days. It does not excuse the 
horror in the slightest, tiicy say, but how else 
to explain the scores of dead, the thousands of 
injured, the v'avc.s of looters and destroyers, 
the rattle of rifle fire and the flames of arson 
T-all striking the cities of the U.S. within a 
short space in this hottest of all summers?

\Miethcr this will indeed be the summer of 
lost hope depends, of course, on whether both 
Negroes and whites can learn anything new 
from the cuiTont chaos. It may be, some 
observers suggest, that this season will be 
remembered os a bitter but brief interlude in a 
decades-long but finally successful drive to­
ward real equality. But only time can tell if 
this is to be. Right now, it i.s po.ssible to so.y 
only that the deepest gulf divides black and 
white America and that it has opened to fright­
ening, obvious proi')orlion3 all at once.
A i''lash Point

No one knows precisely what makes any 
particular lime a flash point for racial turmoil. 
Hut the opinions and ob-wrvations of .scores of 
Negroes and whites f.-uniliar with ghetto moods

h lm v iii. Ih ic  r m tid _ l in v .>

been predicted.
Over the past few years, they claim, the 

Negro has .been given hope and then rebuffed, 
shown the iruits of an affluence he could not 
share, encouraged to uplift himself and then 

, blocked when he tried to move up a rung on the 
social and economic ladder. They paint a pic- 

' lure of mounting fury as the white man seemed 
■lately to turn much of his attention away from 
' the plight of the Negro.

In the eyes of some Negroes, there has not 
, only been neglect but insult. “The white com- 
,mimity can’t treat Muhammud AIL (Cassius 
.’Clay), Adam Clayton Powell and Julian Bond 

the way they have and not expect some re­
bound,” says Floyd McKi.ssick, national direc­
tor of the Congress of Racial Fexualiiy. Ho sees 
such “emasculation” of the black male as a 
spur to many ghetto youtlis to “prove- their 
manhood.” ,
A “Callous” Congress?

Whitney Young, executive director of tlie 
National Urban League, senses a growing “cal­
lousness” on the part of Congress that he be­
lieves has helped lay the groundwork for riots. 
“The lawmakers voted down civil rights legis­
lation last year, opposed a rat-control bill last 
week—mid then made a lot of Jokes about the 
measure,” he .says. “This frivolity isn’t de­
signed to end rioting.”

F'athpr Donald Mcllvaine, a white' priest 
who has been working wjUi the National’Asso­
ciation for the Advancement of Colored People- 
in Pittsburgh, as well as with a committee to 
end slum housing there, says Congress has 
failed to do anything positive. “They passed a 
riot bill—a personal attack on Stokely Carini- 
chael—and made a big gag out of something 
we really need (the rat-control bill),” he says.

To many sources, the war in Vietnam, by 
draining away national attention and resources 
from civil riglits and urban redevelopment, has 
heightened Negro re.sentment. Few analysts of 
the situation believe that lawles.s bands of loot­
ers and snipcr.s take lo the streets out of con­
scious outrage against this 'divei'sion. But 
many agree with the Rev. James P. Breeden, a 
Bo.ston minister and civil rights leader, that 
“the ironic contrast” between the nation’s abil­

i ty  to mobilize resources for Vietnam, and its

.seeming inability to do much for its cities and 
their residents, certainly helps breed more dis­
content. ' •
A IJniversUy Study

Just last month a research team at Bran- 
deis University in Waltham, Mass., ru.shcd out 
a preliminary report on studies it has been 
making of urban violence. One conclu.sion: The 
nation’s “huge investment in Vietnam has 
v/rought havoc” with a variety of new-Federal 
programs, such as the. war on poverty and the 
Model Cities plan, thus adding to Negro discon­
tent.

Most informed sources discount the idea 
that Black Power advocates and Communists 
have engineered the al;most-simultaneous riot­
ing in dozens of cities—though they don’t deny 
tliat both may have had some involvement in 
the trouble. Inflammatory speeches by H. Rap 
Brown and Stokely Carmichael of the Student 
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee have boon 
blamed by state and local officials for blowups 
in such places as Cambridge, Md., and Dayton, 
Ohio; however, while analysts concede that 
sucli statements may have contributed to a 
spirit of rebellion, they do not believe that they, 
created it.

!Mo.st analysts see Black Power' leaders as 
articulate spokesmen for Negro bitterness,' 
hatred and pride~but they don’t believe that 
Mes.srs. Carmichael, Brov/n or any of the other 
'members of the black extremist groups have 
originated the destructive emotions now evi­
dent among Negroes; rather, they are the 
products of them.

Few doubt, hov/cver, that as a slogan Black 
Power has seiwed as a rallying point for law­
lessness. “The tragedy of all this is that the 
gl^etto Negro has equated Black Power with 
violence,” says Barbara Joi'dan, a Texas state 
senator from Houston and a Negro herself. 
Others observe that for several years now 
“civil disobedience” has been countenanced by 
whites when it i.s practiced by leaders like 
Martin Luther King; ghetto youths, impatient 
for results, have extended such “civil disobecli- • 
enco” to embrace, arson, looting, sniping and 
ull other violent forms of protest in the name of 
Black Power.

Communists and Negroes organized into ex- !

(S
tremist political groupings don't appea,r to 
have had a leading role in the current troubles 
—at least as far as Investigators can ascertain 

,now. However, Washington intelligence gather- 
I era have identified Communist Party, members 
who egged on Negroe.s during racial violence in 

' Chicago in 1966 and Los Angeles in 196.̂ . And 
they claim leaders of the party’a" "youth arm 
were distributing posters in the Cleveland riots 

; last year.
Federal officials also say that radical politi- 

, cal groups have been active in Detroit for 
some time and that their membership in that 
riot-scarred metropolis is relatively large. The 
officials aren’t ready, however, to conclude 
that these organizations touched off the Detroit 

. violence, though they think they may have con- 
. tributed to it. Such groups evidently had little 
if anything to do with the big upheaval in New­
ark, according to the Federal men.

If it is wrong to put the major share of 
blame for racial turmoil on Black Power advo­
cates, Communi.sts and radical groupings 
within the Negro community, it i.s equally 
wrong to ascribe the riots to ju.st a handful of 
lawless bandits, as do some city fathers. Or so 
say many informed .sources.

. , Ghetto discontent, they claim, is far deeper
and far wider than that. Youths m.ay start Uie 
trouble, but a eon.siderable segment of the pop­
ulation either join.s them or checr.s them on in 
many riots, they say. To these observers, 
that’s just one more .sign that more Negroes, 
including many of those from whom ’’trouble” 
ordinarily wouldn’t be expected, are suffering 
from a deep-seated disillusionment and now 
feel that force is the only way to make the 
white man pay attention.

Paul Anthony, executive director of the 
Southern Regional Council, an Atlanta-based 
organization working for racial harmony, says: 
“These people who live in intolerable condi­
tions and know it have had their hopes raised 
very high. They have been told by the most au­
thoritative voices in the country, including the. 
Pre,sident, that there will be retraining tor bet­
ter jobs, that there will be better schools, bet­
ter housing. But the actual road map shows 
otherwise.”



*V^hite Racism'
Ghetto Violence Brings 
Hardening of A tti tu d e s ,^  
Toward Negro Gains H

Detroit Area Typifies Trend; 
Fearful Suburbanites Buy 
Guns, Suppoi't Tough Laws ^

Some Groups Work for Calm ^
----------

By George a . Nikolaiepf
Staff Reporter of T h e  W a l l  S t r e e t  J o u r n a l

DETROIT—Jack Gitre, 39, has a house In 
the suburbs here, a wife and five children, a 
good job as a salesman with a big manufactur­
ing firm—and a severe case of white backlash.
He admits it.

‘A couple of years ago it didn’t matter a 
hill of beans to me who moved in next door. I 
felt I couldn’t set myself up as a judge and say,
Buddy, you can’t live here’ because someone’s 

color was different. But now I’d just as soon 
have nothing to do with Negroes,” he says.

Last summer’s racial holocaust in Detroit 
sickened Mr. Gitre. Fresh outbreaks there and

other cities following the murder of Martin 
Luther King Jr. only reinforced his growing 
fear and anger. “If anyone is foolish enough to 
destroy his own home,” he says, “why in the 
name of God should I give him an opening or 
an opportunity to come and destroy mine?”

While the rioting and destruction that have 
hardened Mr. Gitre’s views have led some 
white Americans to conclude that a massive ef­
fort to improve the lot of the ghetto dweller is 
essential, there are clear signs that millions of 
other whites around the country have reacted 
like Mr. Gitre. The President’s civil disorders 
commission took note of this tendency in its 
March report and warned that “white racism 
is essentially responsible for the explosive mix­
ture” that has been building up in American cit­
ies. But heavy arms purchases by frightened 
and angry whites in many cities, the spread of 
rumors about planned “invasions” of the sub­
urbs and related developments point to a 
continuing buildup of white tension.

Hate Is Getting Big”
In few places is the tension more apparent 

than in Detroit and its suburbs. Many gun deal­
ers report unprecedented sales. There is some 
food hoarding. Police forces are piling up riot 
equipment, and laws and ordinances clearly 
aimed at riot suppression are being passed.
‘Hate is getting big,” says a clerk at a gun 

shop on the edge of Allen Park, a suburb south 
of Detroit.

Some residents find considerable irony in 
this. Though there were some minor racial inci­
dents in Detroit following Mr. King’s death, the 
city so far has escaped the serious trouble that 
has stricken so many other iirban centers in re­
cent weeks. Some citizens also find it ironic 
that white fear and hostility is building to such 
fever pitch in a city that only a year ago, be­
fore the huge summer riots here, viewed itself 
as a model of progressive race relations.

But no one denies that there has been a 
marked change in attitude among many whites 
here, and there is considerable fear that it can 
only breed more violence. Following the 
assassination of Mr. King, Detroit Mayor Je­
rome Cavanagh, recognizing the city’s mood, 
moved quickly and extensively to head off se­
rious trouble. Even though he lacked legal 
authority to do so, he declared a state of 
emergency, closed down gun and liquor stores 
and put more police on duty. Within an hour,
Gov. George Romney declared an official state 
of emergency in the entire Detroit met­
ropolitan area and clamped on a strict curfew.
The state of emergency remained in effect five 
days.
Rumor Control

A month before Mr. King’s death, Mayor 
Cavanagh, aware of rising racial tension, took 
to TV with a plea for civic calm. At that time, 
he established a “rumor bureau” to scotch 
false and inflammatory stories (the bureau 
handled over 1,000 calls in its first week), 
called a conference of mayors of neighboring 
towns and sought to settle the Detroit newspa­
per strike.

(That dispute has shut down all of the city’s 
dailies, and the mayor believes that the public 
is being deprived of important sources of fac­
tual information at a critical time. So far, how­
ever, there has been no sign of imminent set­
tlement. )

Private groups also are working hard to 
promote racial harmony and calm. One is 
considering an “antihysterical” campaign 
including billboard, radio, TV, and newspaper 
(when the papers publish) messages. But there 
is concern in this group that some of the tough, 
mocking ads proposed (“Buy a gun—be the 
first on your block to kill a neighbor”) may 
backfire and only create more tension.

Eleven different organizations, including the 
League of Women Voters, the Interfaith Coun­
cil and Anti-Defamation League of B’nai 
B’rith, have banded together to “deal with our ' 
present crisis and help people find a direction 
for positive constructive action.” And a group 
of Catholic priests and laymen already has 
aunched a program called “Focus—Summer 
Hope” featuring sermons on race relations and 
at-home discussions in 160 suburban parishes. 
Open-Housing Vote

Racial moderates here find such develop­
ments hopeful. They are also cheered by what 
happened in Birmingham, Mich., an upper-in- 
come suburb whose city commission last fall 
passed an open-housing measure. Opponents 
succeeded in getting the measure submitted to 
public referendum April 1; in the vast majority 
of cases, such laws fail when put to public vote,
D̂ut Birmingham residents gave their law a pa- 
 ̂er-thin majority after its supporters had 
waged a high-powered campaign for it»

The calmer whites, however, generally 
seem to be bucking an ever-stronger tide of 
emotionalism. A recent visit to the gunshop in 
Allen Park tells a good deal about the climate 
of fear in many parts of the metropolitan area.

The clerk, a balding, paunchy man, has the 
rapt attention of several customers when he 
says: “The word is that if there’s any trouble 
this summer and you see a black man in your 
neighborhood, shoot to kill and ask questions 
later. They (Negroes) are gonna send carloads 
of fire-bombers into the suburbs to suck the po­
lice out from the city.” His clients don’t ask 

P lease Turn to Page Ilf, Column 2



Riot Repercussions
Violence Seen Affecting- 
Congressional Attitudes 
On a Variety of Issues

Aid for Police, Gun Controls 
Gain Backing; Civil Rights,' 
War on Poverty in Trouble

Wave of Anti-Negro Feeling?

By Arlen J. Large
staff Reporter of T h e  W a l l  S t r e e t  J o u r n a l

WASHINGTON—For the moment an almost 
helpless Congress can only pretend to respond 
to the nation’s racial crisis, squirting at the 
riot flames with mere eyewash.

An early gesture will be enactment of the 
House-passed antiriot bill, now pending before 
the Senate Judiciary Committee. Another token 
will be some kind of subversive-hunting investi­
gation, with the lawmakers playing for maxi­
mum partisan advantage.

But more meaningful reaction to the flames 
in Detroit and this summer’s other riot- 
wracked cities will come eventually. All the old 
issues—civil rights, slum rebuilding, the war 
on poverty and even the Vietnam war abroad 
—will be transformed in one way or another by 
the ugly new race war at home. Society’s ma­
chinery for repression will be strengthened, 
with more money and muscle for the police, 
stricter gun controls and perhaps more riot 
training for the National Guard. IMoney chan­
neled into devastated neighborhoods may be di­
rected increasingly to storekeeper victims of 
riots, rather than for improvement of the living 
conditions of rioters.
Trouble for Mr. Johnson

The new legislative atmosphere will be 
more unfavorable than ever before for Presi­
dent Johnson. Congressional Democrats, 
gloomy about a tax increase and the seemingly 
endless Vietnam war, already were tending to 
stake out positions demonstrating indepen­
dence from the White House. The every-man- 
for-himself mood is bound to be heightened by 
the political judgment that Mr. Johnson’s Ad­
ministration is being hurt badly by the racial 
disorder.

‘There isn’t a man who’s been close to 
Johnson who could get reelected today,” said 

Democratic Senator at lunch with some 
colleagues this week. An o\’-erstatement per­
haps, but heads at the lunch table nodded 
glumly.

The legislative atmosphere also could be­
come rather hostile to Negroes, rioters and 
nonrioters alike, though racial tolerance has 
generally prevailed thus far. Early this week, 
most speakers on Capitol Hill were still careful 
to distinguish between violent and peaceful 
Negroes; Democratic Sen. Herman Talmadge 
of Georgia even paused during a denunciation 
of Black Power to praise Roy Wilkins of the 
National Association for the Advancement of 
Colored People—something that would have 
been suicide for a Southern politician only a 
few years ago.

But as the Adam Clayton Powell case 
showed this year, lawmakers are quick to re­
flect the feelings of constituents back home, 
and there are signs of an indiscriminate hard­
ening of anti-Negro sentiment among whites. 
Sen. Clifford Case, New Jersey’s liberal Repub­
lican, reports his mail after the Newark riots 
showed fear and hatred of Negroes in general, 
just as the rioters themselves lashed out at 
‘whitey” in general. Mr. Case fears this vi­

olent summer could split the nation ‘‘for all 
time into two warring camps,” unless a rem­
edy is found.
Inaction on Rights Bills

Even before the outbursts, Congress was re­
fusing to produce any important new civil 
rights legislation. Mr. Johnson’s proposed 
open-housing bill was lifeless and is more so 
now. Backers of a new system for picking Fed­
eral juries were working under a “judicial re­
form” label, fearing defeat if they called it a 
civil rights bill. The race riots now have made 
civil rights liberals more discouraged than 
ever.

In a coincidence in timing, a Senate sub­
committee this week approved a relatively 
minor measure giving the Government more 
power to enforce the ban on job discrimination 
against Negroes, but backers have little hope it 
can pass in the current climate of Congres­
sional opinion. “It just seems like we’re tilting 
with windmills with stuff like this,” says a pro­
ponent.

Ironically, it’s the movement of the antiriot 
bill through Congress that possibly could get 
one fragment of Mr. Johnson’s civil rights 
package moving also. Liberals contend that if 
Congress passes a law against the interstate 
movement of riot instigators, it should also 
enact the President’s proposal making it a 
Federal crime to interfere with Negroes trying 
to vote or attending integrated schools. An ef­
fort to couple the two measures failed in the 
House but could be tried again in the Senate.
A Handy Symbol

Despite prodding by Senate Republican 
Leader Everett Dirksen for fast action, the Ju­
diciary Committee yesterday decided Instead 
to hold a hearing on the antiriot bill, probably 
next week. Such skeptics as Edward Kennedy 
(D., Mass.) and Joseph Tydings (D., Md.) con­
tend yesterday’s FBI arrest of Student Nonvi­
olent Coordinating Committee Chairman Rap 
Brown on a Maryland charge of riot inciting 
shows a new law isn’t needed to jail trouble­
makers. (Mr. Brown was later released from 
Federal custody in Alexandria, Va.—and then 
was arrested by Virginia police.) But Congress 
ŝ grasping for ways to demonstrate its concern 

over the Negro revolt, and the antiriot bill is a 
handy symbol.

More lasting could be the rioting’s effect on 
Great Society programs popularly believed to 
benefit mainly Negroes. The war on poverty is 
the most vulnerable target. Already in deep 
trouble in the House, the program’s image has 
suffered further with Newark Mayor Hugh Ad- 
donizio’s charge that antipoverty workers in 
his city may have been involved in the rioting. 
The House Labor and Education Committee is 
investigating. True or not, the suspicion is apt 
to lead to tighter Federal control over the ac­
tivities of workers in local community action 
pjmgrams.

The combined welfare-racial backlash 
threatening the Great Society is illustrated per- 

Please Turn to Page 17, Column S



THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1966. L -l 23
AD VIRTISEM EKT ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT

[T 1$ NOT ENOUGH 
TO CONDEMN BLACK POWER

In light of recent discussions about tactics and goals 
of the civil rights movement I thought it might be 
helpful if  I could share some of my experience and 
thought.

The introduction of the slogan “Black Power” has 
caused substantial confusion and alarm. It arouses 
apprehension because some of its advocates approve 
the use of violence to force social change and with it, 
Negro separatism. Confusion arises because others 
use the same slogan to urge acquisition of political 
power in areas where Negroes are a majority. They 
limit violence to use in self-defense. I think the fol­
lowing points should be considered:

0  The slogan was an unwise choice at the outset. 
With the violent connotations that now attach to the 
words it has become dangerous and injurious. I have 
made it clear that for SCLC and myself adherence to 
nonviolence and Negro-White unity is an imperative. 
Our method is related to our objective. We have 
never sought the moral goal of freedom and equality 
by immoral means. Black supremacy or aggressive 
black violence is as invested with evil as white su­
premacy or white violence!

The slogan “Black Power” in its extremist’s sense 
is supported by but a tiny minority of Negroes.

, During the past weeks I have marched with more A an  
! 4o,OIH) Negroes in Mississippi and another 60 ,00 | ia  
'Chicago. It can safely be said that despite passionate 
^ n d  .emotional appeals for “Black Power” over 9D % 
lo|f these dedicated activists remained adherents ofithe 
time-tested principles of non-violence and interracial 
unity. i

Yet/it is not enough to condemn a new concept nol to 
be Complacent because its appeal is narrow. The ijew 
mood has arisen from real, not imaginary causes, th e  
mood expresses an angry frustration which is not 
limited to the few who use it  to justify violence. ]\|il- 
lions of Negroes are frustrated and angered because 
extravagant promises made less than a year ago are 
a shattered mockery today. When the 1965 voting 
rights law was signed it was proclaimed as the dai-n 
of freedom and the open door to opportunity. What 
was minimally required under the law was the ap­
pointment of hundreds of registrars and thousandspf 
Federal marshals to inhibit southern terror. Instead, 
fewer than forty registrars were appointed and not a 
single Federal law officer capable of making an arrest 
w as,sent into the south. As a consequence the old 
way of life —  economic coercion, terrorism, murder 
and inhuman contempt —  continued unabated.

In the northern ghettos, unemployment, housing dis­
crimination and slum schools constituted a towering- 
torture chamber to mock the Negro who tries to hopC. 
There have been accomplishments and some material 
gain. But these beginnings haye revealed how far -w;e 
have yet to go. The inconsistencies, resistance and 
faintheartedness of those in power give desperate 
Negroes the feeling that a real solution is hopelessly 
distant. . Many Negroes have given up faith in the 
white majority because “white power” with total con­
trol has left them emptyhanded.

Surrounded by an historic prosperity in the white 
society, taunted by empty promises, humiliated and 
deprived by the filth and decay of his ghetto home, 
some Negroes find violence alluring. They have con­
vinced themselves that it is the only method to shock 
and pressure the white majority to come to terms with 
an evil of staggering proportions.

I cannot question that these brutal facts of Negro life 
exist. I differ with the extremist solution. SCLC 
was the first Negro organization to offer mass non­
violent direct action as an effective alternative to vio­
lence. Our demonstrations, boycotts, civil disobedi­
ence and political action in Negro-White unity won 
significant victories. In our judgment it remains the 
method that can succeed. In this conviction the vast 
majority of Negroes are still with us. Even more 
than this, I confidently believe that the call for “Black 
Power” will rapidly diminish. Many of those who 
seek relief through its emotional catharsis will re­
turn to the disciplined ranks of nonviolent direct ac­
tion. The “Black Power” slogan comes not from a 
sense of strength but from a feeling of weakness and, 
desperation. It will vanish when Negroes are effec­
tively organized and supported by self-confidence.

Some established Negro leaders are bitterly denounc­
ing the black power advocates and urge that they be 
treated as untouchables. I think this will tend to in­
crease extremist behavior as it  convinces extremists 
that the more privileged Negro is joining the white 
oppressor to perpetuate poverty and discrimination. 
Some of the Negroes advocating violence argue that 
whepever one of their number is murdered or brutal­
ized, the white power structure appoints another 
middle class jNegro to a highly paid position. They 
then move to an equally fallacious position urging 
that the poor Negro turn against the “middle class” 
Negro. This mutual fostering of disunity is the road 
to disaster for all.

There may be no means of obviating all riots every­
where this summer. SCLC has, however, offered a 
constructive lesson in its recent actions. We, with 
others, were daring enough to march through Missis­
sippi to give disciplined expression to burning indig­
nation. In the face of cries of black power we helped 
to summon 60,000 Negroes in the sweltering slums of 
Chicago to assemble nonviolently for protest —  and 
they responded magnificently. The burden now shifts 
to the municipal, state and Federal authorities and 
all men in seats of power. If they continue to use our 
nonviolence as a cushion for complacency, the wrath 
of those suffering a long train of abuses will rise. 
The consequence can well be unmanageable and per­
sisting social disorder and moral disaster. How 
ironic it  is that in Chicago, four days of rioting were 
precipitated by the shutting of water hydrants; the 
authorities then found $10,000 for portable pools but 
meanwhile the State was spending $100,000 per day 
for the National Guard. America will have to see 
that the opulent life o | so many of its people cannot 
exist in tranquility if  other millions still languish in 
bitter poverty and hopelessness.

Negroes can still march down the path, of nonviolence 
and interracial amity if  white America will meet 
them with honest determination to rid society of its 
inequality and inhumanity. Negroes have to acquire 
a share of power so that they can act in their own 
interests as an independent social force —  so that they 
can develop in responsibility by learning the proper 
uses of power. The majority of Negroes want to 
share power to bring about a community in which 
neither power nor dignity will be colored black or 
white. They seek a community of justice and security 
so that their children will be able to identify with the 
American dream as equals and not through the bars 
of a grim slum prison. SCLC will continue its prin­
cipled quest to make these goals a reality.

Martin Luther King, Jr.

S C L C
A and mn-'ptQfii agtney

332 Aubum Avt., N.t., A tUnti, Gtergia 30303

M AR TIN  tU T H E R  KlN(3, Jr., Prei. 

RALPH  A B E R N A T H Y , VIm  Pr«>.-Tru>. 

This III pilit fgr br i  iroup if iiippirters.
i'lii.. iiins t .... .... ........— ....................... .......

REV. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. 
SCLC
332 Aubu.n Ave., N.E.
Atlanta, Ga. 30303

I am pleaijed to contribute $_ 

Name___ /____________________

Addreis_

City-—

to advance human dignity in the United States.

□  Keep n'e advised of your continued program.
1 (Please mate checks payable to SCLC.)

-State- -Zip-



' Bj lIKMtV KAVJIONT
The national flirector of the 

cjingress of Racial Equality 
idicated yesterday that Negro 
scontent with President John- 
tn's Vietnam policy might 
ave contributed to the recent 
rban racial outbursts.
Floyd B. McKissick, CORE'S 

t^unt-spoken direc:l;or, said Ne- 
living in ghettos were 

ffustratod and angiy” over re­
ports that the highest.percon- 

ige of ca.sualties in the Viet-

24 THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1966,

ACE UNREST LAID I President Is Host to a Letter Writer and His Family 

'0 VIETNAM POLICY L
^cKissick Says Negroes Are 

‘Frustrated and Angry’

HU war woiM N(?gro .soldiers, 
He criticized moderate civil 
'hts leaders and the press for 

liisreprtv enting” what 
ftaracterized as “the angry 
4wd” of the Negro community 
pward Washington’s policies, 

}.firticularly the recent increase 
ffjtho war effort.
Whitney M. Young Jr.v ex- 
:i5litive director of the National 
%ban League, said last week 

Saigon that only a small 
Inority of Negro civil rights 
iders had taken a position 

nst United States involve- 
^nt in Vietnam. But Mr. Me-
r̂ sick commented 

,.'A  small minority of civil 
•j^hts leaders could very well 
ncan a majority of black

'The implications of the war 
1 the Negro should heighten 
le involvement of the civil 
;hts movement in foreign pol- 

ify, Mr. McKissick suggested, 
derided the resentment 

roked among more moderate 
vil rights leaders over CORE’S 
creasingly bitter criticism of 
le Administration on the issue 
South Vietnam.
Finds *Widei î.ifild Anger’ 

"There has been widespread 
rustration and anger in the 

ghettos toward the war, toward 
Uie extension of the war and 
Toward the 4i!gh proportion of 
T'iegro losses in the war,” he 
declared in an interview,

! T o support his contention, he 
'Numerated several groups op­

posed to the war, such as Negro 
Women Enraged, which he said 
wka organized during the last 
Hree months "reflecting the 
omber mood the ghettos.” 

According to official statis­
t s .  18.3 per cent of the Army’s 
^ b a t  dead in the Vietnam  ̂

wiar have been Negroes, com-’ 
pired with a Negro enrollraent 
if 13.3 per cent. It is estimat- 
i  that there are 60.000 Negro 
,»vicemen in South Vietnam 
)«t of a total of about 300,000 
.\%ierican troops.
'^Tt is our feeling that the 
■'.ck man should gain more 

vSowlcdge and develop greater 
luonce in how American for- 
m policy is formulated,^’ he' 
riared. "We should speak the 
ith about those Issues and not 
afraid of those who resent 

ing criticized.”
M:r. McKissick called for 
^ater Negro militancy in for- 
\n affairs in an interview be- 
•e he joined a delegation of 

p^ce advocates on a fact-find- 
,r  ̂trip to Cambodia.

' Group Off to Cambodia
? By NAN ROBERTSON
 ̂ Special to The New York Times
IWASHINGTON, July 25 — 

A | diverse group calling itself 
fnericans Want To Know left 

a "fact-finding mission” to 
4i4mbodia tonight to determine 
V icther the Vietnam war is 

reading.
tt included Donald Duncan, a 

e :cran of 18 months in Viet-

f 1 who has denounced United 
tes policy there in t^̂ rson 
and in print as "a lie;” the noted 
aiUhor Kay Boylo; Floyd B. 

McKissick, the militant new na- 
udnal director of the Confess 
"'Racial Equality; Rabbi Is- 

1 S. Dresner of Temple 
Sllarey Shalom in Springfield. 
n {.I.: and Russell Johnson, New 
England peace education secrc- 

■y of the American Friends 
rvice Committee.
'Borman Eisner, who heads a 
nmercial printing organiza- 
n in Great Neck, L. I,, is ad­

ministrative secretary to the
mission. The group will spend 
orua week on the Cambodia--
Vietnam border.

Just before departure, the 
grbup held a news conference 
in\ the old Senate Office Build- 

under the auspices of Sena- 
tol- Wayne Morse of Oregon, an 
)l4>onent of United States ac- 
.iqns in Vietnam.
All except Mr. Johnson denied, 

le^pite sharp and persistent 
lucstioning, that they might be 
i 'ing to Cambodia with their 
ninds made up in advance.
( The United States has charged 
[hat the Vietcong is using 
Cambodia as an arms supply 
l|^ncl and a sanctuary, fleeing 

"  'vtr the border ahead of pursu- 
ngk American and South 

VieVnamese troops. Americans 
Warn: to Know appears to dis- 
put^this. Mr. Johnson said they 
may be going as "prejudiced 
witnfesos.”

Tlie group plans to publish 
eport on its findings and also 

iCHtify* if invited, before the 
Senate^^oreign RiTations Com­
mittee,'’of w'hich Mr. Morse is 
\ member.

Mr. ifIcKissick was asked 
he ^̂ as leaving the country 

at'a timeiof racial disturbances 
and the Cavil rights debate in 
Congress. He< answered that his 
■primary concern is peace and 

to do all we possibly can tc 
avoid escalation of the war’ 
and reduce the "ungodly per­
centage” of Negroes dying in 
Vietnam.

Mr.s. Miriam Levin of Wash­
ington, who was one of the 
founders of Women Strike for 
Peace in the early nineteen- 

xties, said the idea for the 
lis.sion had originated, with 

Dagmar Wilson, a leader of the 
latter group. They raised about 

15,000 from about 500 private 
contributions and a loan, she 

fiid. She put the membership 
f Americim.s Want to Know 
t 25 to 3*) person.s.
Members of the mis>ion .said 

lliat Prim u Norodom Sihanouk 
i Cambodis had pledged them 
nil cooperation and access to 
lie border.

RIGHTS BILL WINS 
FIRST HOUSE TEST

Continued From Page 1, Col, 8

United Press InternaUonaJjTelephoto

President Johnson show ing Kim and Freckles, W hite H ouse beagles, and Blanpo, h is  
collie, to  Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Pau lsen  and their children, from  left: C hristopher Allen, 
13; Larry, 10; Karin, 3; Ricky, 9, and L isa  Ann, 7. R icky had w ritten  letter to Prejsident.

WASHINGTON, July 25 
(APj—Ricky Paulsen, 9 year  ̂
old. got action when he sent 
a letter to President Johnson.

Ricky sent the President a 
letter on July 7 saying, "We 
would like to see your office 
but I know you are busy,with 
many affairs. I would like to 
ask you if there is any spe­
cific day and time we could 
come and '̂see you before the 
first- of August.”

Ricky explained that his 
family had been living in the 
Washington area for a year 
but was returning Aug. 1 to 
Ames, Iowa, where his father 
is a professor at Iowa State 
University. His father has 
been working as an agricul­
tural economist here for a 
year.

Today, the entire Paulsen

jCamily, father Arnold, mother 
Mary Lou and the five Paul­
sen children got shown about 
the White House by the 
President himself.

The tour included not only 
the President's office but also 
the White House gardens. The 
children got to play with the 
White House beagles, Freckles 
and Kim. Even the White 
House collie, Blanco, was on 
his best behavior. When the 
President commanded, "shake 
hands,” Blanco extended a 
paw for Karin Paulsen, 3.

Karin, the youngest of the 
Paulsens, appeared to be the 
the apple of Johnson’s eye. 
She held his hand as they 
walked about the gardens.

In his letter, Ricky said, 
"The most exciting thing that 
has happened [in Washing­

ton] was when you uijexpect- 
edly came to the Lincpln Me­
morial on Lincoln’s Birthday.

"As you were coming down 
from thb Memorial you saw 
my sister Karin an<J came 
over to talk with her and 
you also shook hands with my 
two brothers, my other sister, 
and I. For this I ajn very 
lucky because my parents 
said I probably would never 
see the President,” he con­
tinued.

A White House spokesman 
said the President had been 
delighted by Ricky’s letter 
and directed a phorie call 
to the Paulsens telling them 
to drop around today.

in addition to Karin and 
Ricky, the other Paulsen chil­
dren are Christopher.- Allen, 
13'; Larry, 10; Lisa Aiin, 7.

City Gets a Grant of $4-Million to Train Jobless
By JOHJf KIFNER

A. $4.2-million Federal grant 
to train jobless and unskilled 
youths in the Bedford-Stuyve-  ̂
sant section of Brooklyn was 
announced yesterday, but city 
antipoverty officials said they 
knew of no plans to put addi­
tional money into the racially 
troubled East New York sec- 
tion, _ , •

The id-monUi. program 
train youths 16’ t'o',21 years old 

skilled trades will be financed' 
jointly by the Department' 
of Health, E.ducation and Wel­
fare, the Labor Department and 
the Office of Economic Oppor­
tunity. It will be administered 
by Training’ Resources for 
Youth, Inc.,' under the Young' 
Men’s Christian Association.

The grant was announced in 
Washington by Senators Jacob
K. Javits and Robert F. Ken­
nedy. ,,

7m glad they’ve got the 
money in Bedford-Stuyvesant, 
but we really need it worse 
here,” said one East New York 
antipoverty worker yesterday.

Under the city's original $52- 
million request for antipoverty 
mon^Y the fiscal that 
began July 1, the Brownsville- 
East New York section Would 
have received $1,386,206.

"Taken together, they’re the 
worst areas in the city,” said 
Sidney L, Gardner, executive

Unskilled Yonths, 16r21, in 
Bedford-Stnyvesdnt to 

Benefit From Aid

secretary of the Council Against 
Poverty, "so they had the high­
est allocation of any com­
munity.” , ,

However, in cutting the city’s 
request to meet the $36-million 
Federal limit, the entire $10.2- 
million that had been set aside 
to develop community programs 
was abandoned, largely in favor 
of programs run by established 
institutions.

Frustration May Increase
City antipoverty officials are 

now concerned that when the 
summer program, designed to 
involve poor people in planning 
and operating neighborhood 
programs for the first time, 
ends in September there will be 
increased frustration.

Sargent Shriver, director of 
the Federal Office of Economic 
Opportunity, has extra funds to 
put into troubled areas. Such 
funds were used in the Watts 
section of Los Angeles, the 
scene of racial rioting in 1964.

"It’s a damned shame, that 
something like this has to 
happen in order to focus atten­
tion to the great needs in this

area,” said Frank ..Espada, vice 
president of the Council for a 
Bettfer East'New-York,'.after a 
meeting with angry ; Negro 
youths yesterday. ■ ,

The council’s •-storefront .of­
fice, at 594 Sutter Avenue, has 
been the center for peacemak­
ing efforts in the coi™unity 
The council, which is composed 
of 80 local, organizations, re­
ceived .$20,000 in city money 
late last winter to plan an anti­
poverty program for thfcneigh- 
borhood. f

The . council is now running 
the area’s first antipoverty ef­
fort, a 17-program, $350,000 
summer project that inj l̂udes a 
housing survey, remedial read' 
ing programs, the clearing of 
lots foî  vest pocket par|^ and a 
welfare recipients league.

“There’s 350 peoplel on the 
payroll—just a drop j in the 
bucket.” said . one worker, 
"There’s 85,000 people' in the 
target area.” f

The- Brownsville - East New 
York Community Progress Cen 
ter at 505 Sutter Avenue will 
receive about $900,00(J to run 
employment programs j and will 
employ 200 local residents as 
community aides and block- 
workers.'

Morale at the center is low, 
however, because several work­
ers have not been paid in eight 
weeks.

ments designed to ease the im­
pact of its most controversial 
provision, the section prohibit­
ing discrimination in the sale 
and rental of private housing.

The 21-day rule, adopted at 
the opening of the 89th Con­
gress in February, 1965, auth­
orizes the Speaker to recognize 
a committee chairman to bring 
up a bill without approval of 
the Rules Committee if that 
committee had not acted within 
21 days or had rejected a re­
quest for clearance of a bill.

Mr. Celler called the bill and 
the 'adoption of the 21-day rule 
procedure "essential and vital.” 

"We are not like lords of the 
manor, conferring a favor,” he 
declared. "We are guaranteeing 
the rights of people. If you were 
to talk to a man from outer 
space, could you hear yourself 
say that a man’s rights on this 
earth depend on the color of his 
skin?”

A vote against adoption of 
the 21-day rule, he said, would 
invite "violence in the streets,” 
precipitated by "irresponsible 
and intemperate Negro leaders, 
playing on the impatience of the 
Negro.”

Republicans Proiiest 
"If we don’t pass this rule we 

will be encouraging the militant 
voices,” Mr. Celler said.

Republicans, including Repre­
sentatives Gerald R. Ford of 
Michigan and Charles A. Hal- 
leck of Indiana, the current and 
former minority leaders, de­
nounced what they said was "an 
abuse” and "a misuse” of the 
21-day rule.

The Rules Committee does 
not deserve this kind of treat­
ment,” Mr. Ford declared.

Mr. Celler described that 
argument as one of "injured in­
nocence.”

But it was Mr. Smith who 
riveted the attention of the 
House with a charge that the 
Democratic leadership “intended 
to bypass” his committee by a 
violation of the spirit and in­
tent of the rule.”

If the House would defeat the 
21-day resolution, Mr. Smith 
said, the Rules Committee 
would hold hearings on the civil 
rights bill "promptly” and "im­
mediately” and give members 
"a chance to understand what 
is in it.”

Then, as a hush fell over the 
House, Mr. Smith referred di­
rectly to Mr. Celler.

Distressed by Celler

BUSINESS FADING 
IN EAST NEW YORK

Continued From Page 1, Col. 7

slain youth. Chief Inspector 
Sanford D. Garelik said yester­
day that the police patrols 
would be larger than usual in 
the area until the end of sum-

Merchants complained yester­
day that the tension in the 
area, the presence of extra 
police and publicity by news­
papers, radio and. television 
were keeping customers away.

Leonard Welsh, manager of 
Bernie’s Leader Sei’vice Station 
on New Lots Avenue, talked of 
hard times. "All the businesses 
around here—they’re all taking 

beating,” he said. "The cops 
block off the streets, and the 
radio tells people to stay out 
of East New York.”

Noting his own losses, Mr. 
Walsh added: "Last Saturday I 
sold 600 less gallons of gas than 
I usually do and repairs are 
dead.”

The counterman at a lunch­
eonette on New Lots Avenue 
said he was selling about two 
slabs of pastrami a day in sand­
wiches, compared with a normal 
total of 14 or 15 slabs of'the 
meat. He wa.s asked if the 
large contingent of patrolmen 
did not increa.se the number of 
customers.

"Yeah,” he replied, "but the 
cops aren’t spenders like people.” 

Brooklyn District Attorney 
Aaron E. Koota called a news 
conference at his office yester­
day to announce an "extensive 
investigation” of the disorders 
He said he would try to deter­
mine "whether they were spon­
taneous protests by local resi­
dents against living conditions 
or inflamed by profe^ional agi­
tators.”

Mr. Koota conferred by tele­
phone with Police Commission­
er Howard R. Leary and also 
met with Acting Chief of De- 
tectivpri James E. Knott and 
Deputy Inspector William 
Knapp of the Bureau of SpO' 
cial Service.s—the Police De- 
partmcnt'.s intelligence unit.

“Information in my posse.s- 
S ion  hRs prompted the in ve .s t i-  
gation.” Mr. Koota said, 
d o n 't  know whether or not it

will produce hard legal evidence 
for, a grand jury.”

The official said that It was 
"fair to assume I had evidence 
of sufficient gravity” to prompt 
the investigation. Asked if he 
could identify the . alleged out­
side groups, he replied; 
could, but I won’t.”

Bradford Street, al$o voiced 
concern,

Mrs. Hyacinth said', that she 
would not let her two children 
—Pierre, 6 years old, and Joan. 
5—stay out on the Streets alone 
and that, she, herself, would 

Tjnot stay outdoors after dusk, 
"We used to stay downstairs

He Said Elliot Golden, his (to 10 o’clock, but now before 
chief assistant, would be in lit gets dark, I’m getting in the 
charge of the investigation, [house with my kids,' I hope it 

Commissioner Leary said quiets down and comes back to
Saturday that the police had 
no evidence of outside influ­
ence in the disorders. A spokes­
man said yesterday that since 
the situation was under inves­
tigation by Mr.'Koota, the de­
partment would have no fur­
ther comment.

Charges of outside influence 
were made last night by the 
chairman of a meeting at the 
East New York Boys Club of 
100 New Lots residents,

"I mean real outside,” .said 
the chairman, Ralph Alfano. 
"Out-of-town cars, out-of-town 
money. It’s well organized. 'These 
kids didn’t dream these things 
up themselves.”

Money Donated
As the predominately white 

gathering broke up at 10:30
P.M., cash contributions for the 
family of Eric Dean, the slain 
11-year-old, were dropped into a 
cardboard grocery box. The 
group, which has no name, 
agreed to try to form block as­
sociations to deal with the prob-r 
lems of too few stop signs, lack 
of recreation facilities and lack 
of lights in parks.

There was some restlessness 
among the residents of East 
New York yesterday. One Ital- 
ian-American homeowner who 
had lived in the neighborhood 
for 25 years said he did not 
"have any intention of stay­
ing.”

"Thi.s used to be the coun­
try,” the man said sadly. 
'There used to be cows and 
horses and trolley , cars, and 
now it’s a jungle. We intended 
to move before, but this has 
clinched it.”

The man lives in the eastern 
end of East New York, where 
there Is tension between Ne­
groes and whites. In the west­
ern end there has been trouble 
between Negroes and Puerto 
Ricans.

Mrs. Ethel Hyacinth, a. Ne­
gro woman who Ijves at 604

civilization again.”

GRAND JURY CALLED 
IN CLEVELAND RIOTS

Spec'al to The New York Times
CLEVELAND, July 25—Com­

mon Pleas Judge Thomas J, 
Parrino ordered today a special 
grand jury session.' to investi­
gate the week of racial rioting 
in the Hough area- of the city 
and to try to determine its 
causes.

The investigation, which will 
open tomorrow, will call Mayor 
Ralph S. Locher and other city 
officials and the police and res­
idents of the charred area on 
the east side. The foreman of 
the grand jury is Louis B. 
Seltzer, retired editor of The 
Cleveland Press.

Also to be called to testify, 
it was said, are Safety Director 
John N. McCormick and Chief 
of Police Richard R. Wagner 
Barton R. Clausen, Urban Re- 
newai Director; • Clarence 
Gaines, Welfare Director, and 
community leaders and coun- 
cilmen from the area.

Second degree murder charges 
were filled today by County 
Prosecutor John. T. Corrigan 
again.st two men accused of the 
shotgun slayings of Benoris To­
ney, 29, in a parking lot last 
Saturday. They were Warren 
R. Lariche, 28, a truck driver, 
and Patsy C. Sabetta, 21, a 
laborer. Upon arraignment, both 
pleaded innocent.

Chief of Police Wagner said 
he welcomed the grand jury ac­
tion. He hf)'3' said he believed 
that extremist elements have 
had a hand in the rh.ts. He has 
tied the J.F.K. House, a store­
front recreation, center 
youth, to young arsonists. It 
was named for -Inmo (B’reedom) 
Kenyatta, President of Kenya.

"I was deeply distressed to 
hear the speech of my old friend 
from New York,” he said, 
"when he argued that instead of 
standing up and voting for what 
we believe in and doing what 
our oath of office requires us to 
do, we tremble in our seats and 
yield to the fear of the Negro 
revolution.

"If that is the kind of spirit 
that has come'to this country." 
ho continued, “and we are going 
to operate in the Congress on 
the theory'Of fear, on the theory 
of violence, on tihe theory of 
mobs, and so forth, then this is 
not the place to which I was 
first elected.

"I was distressed to hear all 
this talk about operating not 
on the righteousness of causes, 
but operating on the fear of this 
revolution that has been en­
couraged from high places until 
it has reached the point that un­
less somebody shows some cour­
age in this Congress and else­
where, we are going to have a 
situation where we operate un­
der the threat of political re­
prisals and revo‘luticmary emO' 
tions.

T was distressed when 1 sav 
the President address a joint 
session of this Congress and I 
heard him adopt the war cry 
of the Negro revolution, 
shall overcome, we shall over­
come,’ repeated time and time 
again, when we were about to 
consider a civil rights law.” 
(•President Johnson quoted the 
"we shall overcome” slogan of 
civil rights organizations in his 
voting rights message to Con­
gress on March 15,1965.)

Disturbed by the Court
"And I was deeply di.stres.sed 

to see members of the Supreme 
Court, sitting on the.se front 
seats, hearing discussed and ad­
vocated a piece of legislation 
the constitutionality of which 
they would be called to pass 
upon, applauding — applauding 
the revolutionary call that '■ 
shall overcome.’

"I was distressed a few days 
ago to see in the press—and not 
refuted—the statement by the 
Vice President of the United 
States that if he lived in a t' 
ment, in the ghettoes of the 
cities, he would have the spirit 
to lead a revolt.”

Then, in his first statement 
in the House acknowledging his 
defeat in the primary after 36 
years in Congress, Mr. Smith 
said:

"My friends, the political 
fates have decreed that when 
this Congress adjourns, I will 
leave you. I have few personal 
regrets about that.

Regrets Prevailing Spirit
"But I do hate to leave you 

with the spirit that seem.s to 
prevail and about which you 
are exhorted daily—do this or 
the Communists will iret mad 
at you; send millions of dollars 
to other countries or someone 
is going to get mad at you; 
give away your substance; for­
get the American people’s needs 
and wants and the great tax 
burden that is upon them and 
give to this and give to that 
and give to the other—out of 
fear, a tribute, if you please, 
to other areas of the world to 
placate them, in order to try to 
purchase their friendship.

"Now we come here with 
mobs in the streets, \ 
further .mob violence threat­
ened, and no word is spoken 
of the courage to defend the 
American way of government."

Before voting approval of the 
21-day rule, the House gave Mr. 
Smith a standing ovation of 
about half a minute.

There was a ripple of laugh­
ter in the House when Repre­
sentative Adam Clayton Powell. 
Democrat of Manhattan, did

In Clash on Bill HoUSC Roll-C
WASHINGTON, July 2l 

call vote by which the House 
and took up the civil rights b-

FOR THE PROPOSAL—200 
Democrafs—180

Long (Md.)Love (Ohio) McCarthy {N. Y.) 
McDowell (Del,)McFall (Calif.) McGrath (N. J.) McVicker Colo.) (
MacDonald (Mass.) 
Mackie (Mich.) Madden (!
Matsunaga (Hawaii) Meeds (Wash.) Minish (N. J.)
Mink (Hawaii) Moeller (Ohio)
Monagan (Conn.) Moorhead (Pa.) Morgan (Pa.)
Mutter (N.Y.) 
Murphy (Hi,) Murphy (N. Y.) Matcher (Ky.)Murphy (N. Matcher (K . Medzi (Mich.) 
Nix (Pa.) O'Brien (N. Y.) 
O'Hara (HI.) O'Hara (Mich.) Olson (Minn.) 
O’Neill (Mass.)Olson (Mir O’Neill (Ml Ottinger (N. Y.) 
“ ' i (Tex.) (N. J.). i (Ky.) 'hnben (Mass.) . 'ickle (Tex.) Pike (N, Y.) 
Price (Hi.) Pucinski (II

Pickle (Tex.) — :n, Y.) 
(Hi.). .. ski (III.) Rees (Calif.) Resnick (N.Y.; Reuss (Wis.)

Rodin ) (N.J.); (Colo.) 
(III.)

Rooney (Pa.) Rosenthal, (N.V Rostenkowski (

s International

H ow ard W . Sm ith
1 Hawkins (Calif.)

Hechler (W. Va.)

Holifieid (Calif.) Holland (Pa.) Haword(N. J.) Irwin (Conn.) Jacobs (Ind.) 
Joelson (N. J.) Johnson (Calif.) Johnson (Okla.) Karsten (Mo.)

Joelson (N. J.) Johnson (Calif., Johnson (Okla.) Karsten (Mo.) Karth (Minn.) Kastenmoier (W Kelley (N.Y.) 
King (Calif.) Kirwan (Ohio)
Krebs (N. J.)

Bates (Mass.) Bell (Calif.) 
Cleveland (N. Conte (Mass.) Corbett (Pa.)Conte (Mass.)" • (Pa.)(N.Y.) 

. . .  I (N.Y.) Harvey (Mich.) Horton (N.Y.) 
Kunkel (Pa.)

not answer the clerk’s repeated 1 Heistoski (N.j.) 
call of his name on the record 1 (Wash.) 
vote.

Mr. Powell was in New York 
on legal matters, it was later 
learned.

In addition to prohibiting dis­
crimination on grounds of race, 
religion -or national origin in 
about one-third of the existing 
60 million housing units in the 
country, the bill would forbid 
discrimination in the selection 
of state and Federal juries; 
strengthen the laws and penal­
ties for threatening, injuring or 
killing Negroes and civil rights 
workers of both races, and give 
the Justice Department author­
ity to seek civil injunctions 
against discrimination in schools, 
colleges and other Government 
facilities.

The next test vote on, the bill 
will come, perhaps by Wednes­
day, on a plan by propbfients of 
the open-housing provisions of 
Title IV to reduce its coverage 
by exempting from liability real 
estate brokers who are in d u c t­
ed by homeowners to dKcrim- 
inate in the sale or rental of 
housing. The compromise is de­
signed to gain votes.

But supporters of the open 
housing section, acknowledged 
today that the bitterest oppo­
nents of its provisions almost 
certainly would adopt "the par­
adoxical position” of voting 
against the significantly weak­
ening compromise. Their gam­
ble would be on the defeat of 
a completed bill that was too 
sweeping and as unacceptable to 
a majority of House members.

Roush (Ind.)Roybal (Caiit.)Ryan (N.Y.)
Sf. Germain (R.I St. Onge (Conn.) Scheuer (N.Y.) Schmidhauser (Iowa) 
Secrest (Ohio)Senner (Ariz.)
Shipley (111.)5 (Md.)Slack (W.Va.) 
Smith (Iowa) Staggers (W.Va.) Statbaum (Wis.) Steed (Okla.) 
Stratton (N.Y.) Stubblefield (Ky.)Sullivan (Mo.) Tenzer (N.Y.) 
Thomas (Tex.)

Todd (Mich.) 
Tunney (Calif.) Udal! (Ariz.) Uilman (Ore.) 
Van Deerlin (Cai Vanik (Ohio)..........0 (Pa.)(Mich,)ito (Pa.)

1 (Mich,) 
Waldie (Calif.) Weltner (Ga.) (Idaho)C. H. Wilson (Calif. 
Wolff (N.Y.)Yates (ill.)Young (Tex.) 

kepublicans—20
Kupferman (N.Y.)MacGregor (Minn.)
........ d (Calif.)(Md.)_____ ,.V\ass.)
Reid (N,Schweiki. .
Stafford (Vt,
Schweiker (Pa.) 
Stafford (Vt.) Tuooer (Me.)
Wydier (N.Y.)

Elliott Roosevelt Is Sued 
For $1.5-Million Over Loa

LOS ANGELES, July 
(AP)—Elliott Roosevelt, Ma^d 
of ■ Miami Beach and sc 
President Franklin D. Roose 
velt, was sued today for $1,545, 
000 over a deal to buy 
apartment building.

The suit charges, civil con 
spiracy and false representation 

was filed by Robert 
Petersen, 39 years old, whos 
Los Angeles company publisher 
magazines including Hot Rod 
Motor Life, Teen and Skii 
Diving.

The suit alleges that in Sep 
tember, 1964, when Mr. Petersei 
was planning to buy the Pacifit 
Plaza in nearby Santa Monica 
Mr. Roosevelt told him he coulc

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*



n ':.

i THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION, 'WeAncsday, April 10, 1968

Almost 20 0 ,00 0  Pay Tribute 
To Dr. Martin Luther King

Continued from Page 1

ther shared the pulpit for eight 
years, as the service there he­
w n  at 10:45 a.m. — 15 minutes 
bter than scheduled.

The 1,300 persons crammed 
inside the aging unpretentious 
Baptist church seemed to have 
their emotions strained near 
breaking as Dr. King’s boom­
ing and emotionally - pitched 
voice came to them by tape 
from Feb. 4;

“If any of you are around 
when I have to meet my day, 
I don’t want a long funeral. And 
if you get someone to deliver the 
eulogy, tell him not to talk too 
long. . . . Tell him not to 
mention that I have a Nobel 
Peace Prize. That isn’t impor­
tant. Tell them not to mention 
that I have three or four hun­
dred other awards. That’s not 
important. Tell them not to men­
tion where I went to school. I’d 
like someone to mention that 
day, that ‘Martin Luther King 
Jr. tried to give his life serving 
others.’ I’d like for someone to 
say that day, that ‘Martin Lu­
ther King Jr. tried to love some­
body.’ . . . Say that I am a 
drum major for justice.”

But the eyes of those that 
heard the text were already wet. 
When the Ebenezer choir sang, 
“Softly and Tenderly,” perhaps 
King’s f a v o r i t e  hymn, the 
mourners began to sob and dab 
their eyes.
EVERY VOICE

The chorus brought forth ev­
ery voice at its loudest and best 
—“Come home, come home, ye 
who are weary come home. 
Ernestly, tenderly Jesus is 
calling — calling, ‘Oh sinner, 
come home.’ ”

Mrs. King, her children, the 
Rev. and Mrs. Martin Lu­
ther King Sr., and the Rev. 
A. D. King, brother of the civil 
rights leader, were among those 
on the front row—in front of the 
African mahogany closed cof­
fin-topped with a c r o s s  of 
white carnations.

The Rev. Ralph David Aber­
nathy, King’s successor as head 
of the Southern Christian Lead­
ership Conference, presided at 
Ebenezer as well as leading the
t iarch with A. D, King and pre­

ding at Morehouse and the 
’cemetery.

In his prayer, Ebenezer As­
lant Pastor Ronald English, 
,d of King, “Here was one 

truly prepared to die . . . 
las shown us how to live 
he has shown us how to 
. . . History once more 

ed on its own. It couldn’t 
:ar the truth he spoke.”
The Rev. William Holmes Bor­

ders of Wheat Street Baptist 
Church read a portion of the 
90th Psalm and all of the 23rd 
Psalm.

The Rev. E. H. Dorsey of 
Tabernacle Baptist Church read 
the Beatitudes from the fifth 
chapter of Matthew.

Dr. L. H a r o l d  DeWolfe, 
who taught King at Boston Uni­
versity and is now at Wesley 
Theological Seminary in Wash­
ington, said that King “spc 
with the tongue of man and of 
angels” and his life exemplified 
“faith, hope and love.”

“What a legacy of love he has 
left.”

Mrs. Mary Gurley’s rendition 
of “My H e a v e n l y  Father 
Watches Over Me” also 
caused the congregation to say 
softly, “Yes, yes, yes.” 

Abernathy spoke of experi­
ences with King and pledged to 
fast “until I’m satisfied that I’m 
ready for the task at hand.” He 
said he had not eaten since last 
Thursday.
STREETS, UNED  

The family began what Aber­
nathy called “the pilgrimage” 
to the college at 12:30 p.m. A 
mass of persons were waiting 
outside the church, in the 
streets, on dirt banks and in 
yards and on porches. T h e  
streets were lined.

The 4.3-mile march had 
sombemess and a dignity rarely 
seen when even a fraction of 
that number of persons gather in 
one place. Many of the digni­
taries marched some or all of 
the way. Singer Harry Belafonte 
was near the front with the King 
family.

When the marchers reached 
Morehouse, as many as 100,000- 
persons were already there for 
the open air service in front 
of Harkness Hall.

Six tributes were eliminated 
because of earlier delays. The.se 
were to have been from Atlanta 
Mayor Ivan Allen; Robert Col­
lier, chairman of the Ebenezer 
Board of Deacons; the Most 
Rev. John J. Wright, bishop of 
Rttsburgh; Mrs. Rosa Parks, 
“mother” of the Montgomery 
movement; the Rev. J. E. Low­
ry, chairman of the SCLC 

ward, and the Rev. Andrew 
’oung, SCLC vice president.
The Rev. Thomas Kilgore of 

iOS Angeles delivered a prayer, 
“ tabbi Abraham Heschel of the 

[ewish Theological Seminary, 
ad from Isaiah 53:3-9, which 
ntains these words:
‘He is despised and rejected 
men, a  man of sorrows, and 
quainted with grief . . . Sure- 
he hath borne our griefs and

carried our sorrows: yet we did 
not esteem him stricken, smit­
ten of God, and afflicted. . . .” 

The Rev. Franklin C. Fry, 
chairman of the central com­
mittee of the World Council of 
Churches, read a portion of the 
Beatitudes.

The Ebenezer choir, the More­
house Glee Club and Mahalia 
Jackson provided the music, 
M i s s  Jackson san, “Precious 
Lord, Take My Hand.”

In his eulogy, Dr, Benjamin 
Mays, president emeritus of 
Morehouse College, closed by 
saying that “if physical death 
was the price he had to pay to 
rid America of prejudice and in­
justice, nothing could be more 
redemptive. To paraphrase the 
words of the immortal J o h n  
Fitzgerald Kennedy permit me 
to say that Martin Luther King 
Jr.’s unfinished work on earth 
must truly be our own.”

Mays spoke of King’s philoso­
phy of non-violent action, which 
did not stem from “fear or cow­
ardice. Moral courage was one 
of his noblest virtues.”

“. . .1 make bold to assert 
that it took more courage for 
K i n g  to practice nonviolence 
than it took his assassin to fire 
the fatal shot. The assassin is 
a coward: he committed his 
foul act and fled. When Martin 
Luther d i s o b e y e d  an unjust 
law, he accepted the conse­
quences of his action. He never 
ran away and he never begged 
for mercy,” Mays said.

“Perhaps he was more cour­
ageous than soldiers who fight 
and die on the battlefield. There 
is an element of compulsion in 
their dying,” Mays said. “But 
when Martin Luther faced death 
again and again, and finally 
embraced it, there was no ex­
ternal pressure.

“The man was loved by 
some and hated by others. If 
any man knew the meaning of 
suffering. King knew. House 
bombed; living day by day for 
13 years under constant threats 
of death; maliciously accused 
of being Communist; falsely ac­
cused of b e i n g  insincere and 
seeking the limelight for his own 
glory; stabbed by a member of 
his own race; slugged in a hotel 
lobby; jailed 30 times; occa­
sionally deeply hurt because 
friends betrayed him—and yet 
this man had no bitterness in 
his heart, no rancor in his soul, 
no revenge in his mind; and he 
went up and down the length 
and breadth of this world 
preaching nonviolence and the 
redemptive power of love.” 

Mays continued:
“If we all love Martin Luther 

King Jr., and respect him, as 
this crowd testifies, let us see 
to it that he did not die in 
vain; let us see to it that we 
do not dishonor his name by 
trying to solve our problems 
through rioting in the streets.” 

After the eulogy, everyone 
joined hands and sang, “We 
Shall Overcome.”

From there, the casket was 
taken to South View, a tem­
porary resting place for King, 
The family is undecided where 
the body will rest permanently.

Mrs. King was composed 
throughout the graveside ser­
vices, but did weep silently. 
Tears streamed down Aberna­
thy’s face as he said the final 
words over his former leader.

A much smaller crowd was on 
hand for the services at the 
cemetery, located about five 
miles from Morehouse College 
on Jonesboro Road, near Lake- 
wood Park and the Federal 
Penitentiary.

S taff  P hoto—C h a rle i Jackson

Funeral Cortege Marching with Casket of Dr. King (Arrow) Arrives at City Hall

Threats Shut Busmesses, Maddox Says
By DUANE RINER

Cloistered in his office with 
his wife at his side. Gov. Lester 
Maddox charged Tuesday that 
Atlanta businessmen had been 
harassed into closing their es­
tablishments for the funeral of 
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. by 
threats of arson and violence.

In the Capitol corridors, 160 
helmeted state troopers armed 
with shotguns and riot weapons 
alternately sat on metal folding 
chairs and stared out of doors 
and windows at the massive fu­
neral procession passing outside.

More t h a n  2,000 National 
Guardsmen were standing in 
readiness at Dobbins Air Force 
Base and elsewhere “just in 
case the city needs assistance,” 
Maddox revealed.

The U.S. and Georgia flags 
fluttered at half staff under al­
most cloudless skies, a decision 
by Secretary of State Ben W. 
Fortson Jr. that was not coun­
termanded by the governor—de­
spite pressures from segrega- 

“spoke tionists.
Although Fortson and the gov­

ernor discsused the flags Tues­
day, Maddox reportedly left the 
issue to the discretion of Fort­
son, who serves as Capitol cus­
todian. Fortson said he was fol­
lowing his long-standing prac-

proclamations to determine flag 
positions.

Shortly before Maddox deliv­
ered his blast at those, he said 
were intimidating businessmen, 
the governor himself decided to 
close the Capitol at 2 p.m. “for 
security reasons.”

Calls were made to depart­
ment heads informing tiiem of 
the decision. Maddox had said 
Monday that he had no inten­
tion of closing state offices. 
However, he said passage of 
the funeral procession on the 
Washington Street side of the 
Capitol crested so much “ten­
sion and excitement” that state 
employes weren’t getting much 
work done anyway.

Maddox said he had heard 
from businessmen and bankers 
that they were being pressed 
by telephone calls and personal 
visits to close “or their workers 
would be shot or their places 
burned.”

He said the reports “indicate 
to me there is a well-organized 
group” behind the threats.

Atlanta Detective Supt. Clinton 
Chafin confirmed that “there ap­
parently has been a series” of 
threatening calls. However, he 
described them as the work of 
cranks. “We’ve been getting 
calls about them for the past

tice of allowing presidential couple of days,” he added.

Maddox, meanwhile, said he 
was receiving long distance 
calls and telegrams at a steady 
clip commending him for not 
attending King’s funeral, not 
closing public schools or state 
offices. He admitted to “occa­
sional” calls critical of the ac­
tions.

Maddox, who arrived with his 
wife, Virginia, surrounded by a 
contingent of four well-armed 
state troopers, left the Capitol 
around 3 p.m. for;, a few hours 
at the governor’s mansion—also 
under reinforced security.

He was to leave at 6 p.m. for 
a speech in Jefferson.

Although the state trooper 
contingent was reduced follow­
ing the funeral procession. Col. 
R. H. Burson, director of the 
State Department of Public 
Safety, said “a goodly number” 
would be stationwi in the Capi­
tol “around the clock” w i t h  
others patrolling streets around 
the Capitol complex.

The 160 troopers were aug­
mented by 20 Game and Fish 
Commission rangers and an un­
determined number of agents 
from the State Revenue depart­
ment.

Burson said troopers not re­
maining at the Capitol would 
be on standby duty at the Geor­
gia Police Academy and De-

Fake Alarms, Broken Glass 
But No Major Trouble Here
By KEELER McCAR'TNEY
A series of false fire alarms 

and broken windows kept the 
police and fire departments 
busy Tuesday night in the 
metropolitan area. But no or­
gan ize disturbance occurred 
here.

One 11-year-old boy was found 
in possession of a Molotov cock­
tail on Peters Street SW. Ptl. 
E. 0 . Brown and J. T. Griffin 
said he insisted he found the 
home-made bomb in an aban­
doned auto.

Patrolmen said they destroy­
ed the bomb and turned the 
boy over to juvenile authorities. 
The bomb consisted of gasoline 
poured into a soft drink bottle 
and topped off with a paper 
wick.

A police wagon was struck 
with a tossed fire bomb on Hunt­
er Street near Mason-Turner 
Avenue where a group of per­
sons gathered to hear speeches 
by black power advocates.

The fire in the wagon was 
quickly put out. The police Task 
Force under Oapt. H o w a r d  
Baugh moved into the area and 
blocked traffic at Hunter and 
Ashby and Hunter and Chestnut 
until the crowd dispersed.

Police also reported a num­
ber of store windows broken in 
the Georgia Avenue area. One 
grocery store Beuhler’s Super­
market, had its front windows 
smashed by bricks.

According to Brianne Beesley,

one of those helping the Central 
Presby1:erian C toch  in its ef­
fort to coordinate the feeding 
and housing of out-of-town per­
sons attending Dr. Martin Luther 
King’s funeral, Beuhler’s Super' 
market contributed a l a r g e  
amount of food to feed these 
persons Tuesday night.

Several rocks were hurled in 
the Hunter Street section, but 
no one was injured and little 
damage was reported.

A lire at the rear door of a 
laundry and dry cleaning station 
at 2181 Verbena St. NW in the 
Dixie Hills Plaza badly damaged 
the door and resulted in some 
smoke damage inside, police 
said.

Rocks hurled from an over­
head bridge on Pryor Road SW 
smashed windows and wind­
shields in passing buses. A door 
glass was shattered in a store 
at Hunter Street and Mason- 
Turner Avenue and in a store 
in the 1300 block of Simson Road.

Rocks also were reported 
hurled in Marietta.

In Atlanta, fire alarms were 
turned in from the Georgia 
Avenue section on the south to 
Mason Avenue in the northeast 
area. Police said most of the 
alarms were false, but a few 
resulting from fire bombs were 
quickly extinguished.

Police were busy with routine 
calls earlier Tuesday during the 
last rites of Dr. Martin Luther 
King Jr.

Miss Vel Phillips, a member

of the Milwaukee, Wis. City 
Council, and a friend, Thalia 
Winfield arrived at Atlanta Air­
port early Tuesday.

They told police that a man 
driving a“ courtesy car” offered 
them a ride from the airport to 
Ebenezer Church where the body 
of Dr. King lay in state.

Detectives said they were told 
that Miss Phillips and Miss Win­
field got out to view the body 
and the man told them he would 
circle the block and pick them 
up. They said they viewed the 
body, waited two and a half 
hours for the man, then called 
police.

Miss Phillips lost two suit­
cases of clothing and $300, detect' 
fives said, and Miss Winfield' 
lost one suitcase of clothing.

A similar incident was 
ported at the Greater Spring- 
field Baptist Church, 721 Jones 
Ave. N’iV. Church officials told 
Patrolmen R. McKibbens and 
P. E. Nunnally two youths who 
said they were working with 
parade officials asked to use the 
church office.

The two were left alone in the 
office, police said. Later the of­
fice was found ransacked and a 
typewriter was missing.

Police continued a lookout for 
a tall man wanted for snatching 
a woman’s pocketbook as she 
left the chapel after viewing the 
body of Dr. King. Officers said 
the pocketbook was taken from 
Mrs. Ida Bfflingsly of 857 Fair- 
bum Road. It contained $2 and 
personal papers.

partment of Public Safety head­
quarters on Confederate Ave­
nue.

Declaring that he considered 
protection of state property “our 
first and primary responsibili­
ty,” Burson commented, “ I 
don’t suppose there are many 
state installations that haven’t 
been threatened — even State 
Patrol headquarters.” It was 
then that he said a beefed-up 
security force would be on duty 
at .thflL sf-’e.ainPr.’S' mansion on 
West PiBs~?'erry Road, NW.

Burson* said stationing of 
troopers in the Capitol—which 
resembledia fortress—was a de­
cision thaft was well along in 
planning before he heard from 
Maddox. “ He had no idea how 
many we were going to have, to 
tell you the truth.” Burson said 
Maddox had called for “ample” 
security of state property with­
out specifying a number.

Asked how long he planned to 
keep National Guardsmen in the 
Atlanta area, Maddox said he 
would “play it by ear. If we 
get through today without any 
problems it is our present in­
tention to release them Wednes­
day.”

Although several hundred— 
perhaps/1,000—National Guards­
men were at Dobbins Air Force 
Base, standing around the base 
or waiting beside trucks. State 
Adj. Gen. George J. Hearn re­
fused to disclose the number 
flown to the Atlanta area aboard 
C124 Globemasters.

Describing the move as a 
precaution, a spokesman for 
Hearn said no trouble was an­
ticipated after the funeral, “but 
if there is trouble, we intend to 
be ready.”

When state troopers first as­
sumed their Capitol posts, Bur­
son said the Capitol would be 
“the base for any operations 
during the day.” He said “about 
75” more troopers were on alert 
at nearby posts.

Lt. Gov. George T. Smith 
said prior to a conference with 
Maddox that he would attempt 
to persuade the governor to 
have as many of the troopers as 
possible placed inside the build­
ing .and not in view of marchers.

Most were behind Capitol 
doors when the march passed 
the Capitol in four giant waves 
grieving — but singing — hu­
manity.

Humble Throng Endured 
Long, Hot Wait for Funeral

By MARION GAINES
Black and white drank out of 

the same cup Tuesday at More­
house College—and were grate­
ful to do so.

It was a somber, subdued— 
and very thirsty — throng of 
thousands that waited in the 
burning sun for three hours for 
the start of the public funeral 
service for Dr. Martin Luther 
King Jr.

When water containers were 
passed around by members of 
the Black Action Committee at 
Morehouse, paper cups and 
empty soft drink bottles were 
tilled and passed around from 
hand to hand and shared by 
black and white alike.

Umbrellas sheltered some 
while others draped handker­
chiefs over their heads in a 
futile attempt to combat the 
heat. Hundreds fainted and 
had to be given first-aid treat­
ments on the spot. 
THOUSANDS THERE

At 12:40 p.m., the grassy 
cam|ius was already covered 
by thousands, and even the 
trees were filling up near the 
speakers’ platform set up in 
front of Harkness Hall.

“We’ve got a security prob­
lem here,” said a member of 
the program committee over 
the public address system. 
“You will have to get down out 
of the trees, please.”

Dr. King’s Voice 
Rings Out Again

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s voice rang again in Ebenezer 
Baptist Church Tuesday.

The recorded prophetic words of his last sermon at the 
church told his congregation what he wanted for a eulogy on his 
death. The recording was played at the request of his widow.

“Every now and then I guess we will think realistically 
about that day when we will be victimized with what is life’s 
final common denominator—that something we call death,” 
King said in an emotional sermon.

“We all think about it and every now and then I think 
about my own death and I think about my own funeral. And 
I don’t think about it in a morbid sense. And every now and then 
I ask myself what it is that I would want said and I leave the 
word to you this morning.

“If any of you are around when I have to meet my day, I 
don’t want a long funeral.

“And if you get somebody to deliver the eulogy tell him 
not to talk too long.

“And every now and then I wonder what I want him to say.
“Tell him not to mention that I have a Nobel Peace Prize— 

that isn’t important.
“Tell him not to mention that I have 300 or' 400 other 

awards—that’s not important. Tell him not to mention where I 
went to school.

“I’d like somebody to mention that day that Martin Luther 
King Jr. tried to give his life serving others.

“I’d like for somebody to say that day that Martin Luther 
King Jr. tried to love somebody.

“I want you to say that day that I tried to be right and to 
walk with them. I want you to be able to say that day that I 
did try to feed the hungry. I want you to be able to say that day 
that I did try in my life to clothe the naked. I want you to 
say on that day that I did try in my life to visit those who were 
in prison. And I want you to say that I tried to love and serve 
humanity.

“Yes, it you want to, say that I was a drum major. Say 
that I was a drum major for justice. Say that I was a drum 
major for peace. I was a drum major for righteousness.

“And all of the other shallow things will not matter.
“I won’t have any money to leave behind. I won’t have the 

fine and luxurious things of life to leave behind. But I just 
want to leave a committed life behind.

“And that is all I want to say. If I can help somebody as 
I pass along, if I can cheer somebody with a well song, if 
I can show somebody he’s traveling wrong, then my living will 
not be in vain,

“If I can do my duty as a Christian ought;
“If I can bring salvation to a world once wrought;
“If I can spread the message as the master taught,
“Then my living will not be in vain.
“Yes, Jesus, I want to be on your right or your left side— 

not for any selfish reason.
“I want to be on your right or left side—not in terms of 

some political kingdom or ambition.
“I just want to be there—in love and in justice and in truth 

and in commitment to others, so that we can make of this old 
world a new world.”

A dozen or so persons climbed 
down—but their tree seats were 
claimed by others two hours 
later with the arrival of the 
casket of the fallen civil rights 
leader.

On the root of the building 
next to Harkness Hall more 
than a dozen youths and meq. 
found precarious perches from 
which to view the ceremonies 
which got under way in a pre­
liminary fashion at 2:17 p.m, 
with a' medley of hymns, start­
ing with “Guide My Feet,” by 
the maroon-jacketed members 
of the Morehouse Glee Club.

The public-address system 
also was used during the after­
noon to ask tor someone to 
claim lost children—the first, 10- 
year-old Julia McBride, and 
then 9-year-old Steve Tuggle. 
KENNEDY ARRIVES 

The biggest stir came at 3:04 
p.m. when the Rev. Ralph Aber­
nathy, presiding, asked the 
crowd:

“Will you please make way 
for Sen. Robert Kennedy of 
New York to come to the plat­
form?”

There were cheers in the audi­
ence followed by quieter pleas 
of “Don’t cheer, this is a fu­
neral” and some mutterings of 
“It’s just politics.”

The Rev. Mr. Abernathy had 
to stop the proceedings at 3:25 
p.m. to announce that the area 
“to my right” of the platform 
“must be cleared.”

“There are too many people 
fainting over there,” he said.

The Rev. Andrew Young, ex­
ecutive secretary of Dr. King’s 
Southern Christian LeadersWp 
Conference, also directed the 
crowd in that area to “move 
back . . . take 10 steps back­
ward. T h i s  is a near emer­
gency.”
DISCOMFORT TO FAMILY

He explained that the crush 
of the crowd was “pressuring” 
the grieving King family seated 
below.

Abernathy promised; “ W e  
won’t proceed until it’s cleared— 
and please stop shaking hands 
with the family, please.” 

Another round of applause 
erupted at the conclusion of the 
s o u l f u l  singing of “Precious 
Lord, Take My Hand” by Ma­
halia Jackson,

In order to shorten the pro­
gram, which was running rather 
long, the Rev. Mr Abernathy ex­
plained that tributes to Dr. King 
by six persons would be elimi­
nated.

Instead, the six were simply 
introduced; Mayor Ivan Allen 
Jr.; Robert J. Collier, chairman 
of the board of deacons of Eb­
enezer Baptist Church; the Most 
Rev. John J. Wright, bishop 
of P i t t s b u r g h ;  Mrs. Rosa 
Parks, “mother” of the Mont­
gomery Movement; the Rev. J. 
E. Lowery, Chairman of the 
SCLC’s board of directors, and 
the Rev. Mr. Y ou ^  of SCLC.

Abernathy explained: “We are 
trying to shorten this program— 
so many pec^le are becoming 
ill.”



Widow Arrives at Church
Mrs. Martin Luther King Jr. is preceded by her brother-in- 
law, the Rev. A. D. Williams King, as they arrive at Eb- 
enezer Baptist Church Tuesday for the funeral of the slain  
civil rights leader. The Rev. Mr. King’s hand rests on the 
shoulder of Dexter King, one of Dr. King’s  two sons. (Staff 
Photo—Billy Downs)

Hungry Marchers 
Eat Tons of Food

By DIANE STEPP
At least 25,000 hungry marchers, m any who had not eaten  

since arriving in the city early Tuesday morning for Dr. Martin 
Luther King’s funeral, gobbled up tons of fried chicken, dough­
nuts, sandwiches, eggs and other food contributed by church 
groups, restaurants and businesses throughout the city.

Tired after the funeral pro­
cession from Ebenezer Baptist 
Church to the Morehouse Col­
lege campus, thousands filed 
into the dining rooms of sur­
rounding colleges, churches, 
and other hospitality centers 
seeking food since m ost Atlanta 
restaurants were closed for the 
day.

Many downtown A t l a n t a  
churches, which had prepared 
large quantities of food late 
Monday night in anticipation of 
large crowds, sent their food 
to the West Hunter Street Bap­
tist Church where it was distrib­
uted to other churches and 
Southern Christian Leadership 
Conference hospitality centers 
se t up in the Morehouse area.

Several of the surrounding 
c o l l e g e s ,  including Morris 
Brown, fed the hungry mourn­
ers from their supplies.

Central Presbyterian Church, 
located along the funeral route 
directly across from the Capi­
tol, reported feeding 4,000 to
5,000 persons breakfast and 
lunch.

“Most of them are real hun­
gry ,” a  cook at Rush Memorial 
Congregational Church reported 
at mid-afternoon T u e s d a y .  
“Many of them  are from out of 
town and haven’t been able to 
secure food. We’re feeding them  
what w e have, and have gone 
twice to get m ore.”

Central Presbyterian sent at 
least tour station wagons full of 
food to the main distribution 
center. West Hunter - S t r e e t  
Church, and kept their volun­
teer workers busy picking up 
food donations from local busi­

nesses. Church Women United 
prepared food Tuesday for those 
attending the funeral as well as 
other church groups.

Krispy Kreme Doughnut Co. 
d o n a te  150 dozen doughnuts 
early Monday morning and the 
Coca-C 0 1 a Co. contributed 
drinks. Much of the food was 
also being sent to hospitality 
centers in the Vine City area, 
said the Rev. Allison W illiams, 
pastor of Trinity Presbyterian  
Church, which also had food left 
over from  Monday night.

A spokesman at the West 
Hunter Church distribution,cen­
ter said that they were asking 
for volunteers to bring in food 
and added that com panies al­
ready had donated fruit, cakes 
and other goods.

Some of the colleges and 
churches opening their doors 
and kitchens to  m archers in the 
Morehouse area w e r e  Rush 
M e m o r i a l  Congregational 
Church, Spelman College, Mor­
ris Brown C o l l e g e ,  Warren 
Memorial Methodist C h u r c h ,  
Mt. Vernon Baptist Qiurch, In­
terdenominational Theological 
Center, Mt. M a  r i a h  Baptist 
Church and the West Hunter 
Street branch of SCLC.

A D VERTISEM EN T

Do FALSE TEETH
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ta s te .  H elps check  “ d e n tu re  b r e a th ” . 
D e n tu re s  t h a t  f i t  a re  e s se n t ia l to  
h e a l th .  See  yo u r  d e n tis t  reg u la rly . 
G e t PA ST EE T H  a t  a l l  d ru g  c o u n te rs .

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VOL.. 10 0 , No. 2 5 2  * * *  P . O. BOX 4 6 8 9

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200,000 Pdy Tribute to King
Johnson Sends New Note to Hanoi
U.S. Offers 
Alternate 
Talk Sites

B u n k e r D elivers
O ptim istic  R eport

By LEWIS GULICK 
CAMP DAVID, Md. liP)—Preisi- 

dent Lyndon B. Johnson an­
nounced Tuesday a new U.S. 
m essage to North Vietnam and 
received an optimistic report of 
progress in South Vietnam from 
the American ambassador there.

Except for a late afternoon 
visit from the retiring U.S. Pa­
cific commander, Adm. U.S. 
Grant Sharp, these develop­
ments wound up a one-day 
strategy session between the 
President and his top diplomatic 
and military advisers at this 
mountain retreat.

The new U.S. m essage to 
Hanoi, the second since the long 
deadlock over talks was broken 
nearly a week ago, dealt with 
alternate sites “which could be 
convenient to both sides” in 
starting preliminary p e a c e  
talks, the President disclo.sed.

Johnson also stressed accord 
among the Allies is the ticklish 
maneuverings leading toward 
possible negotiations with the 
Reds. He said, “We have con­
sulted with our Allies” about 
North Vietnam’s latest talks

Continued on Page. 15, Column 1

Leader 
Is Laid 
To Rest

2  M ules D raw

B ody in  W agon

S ta ff  P hoto— M arion C row s

Aerial View Show ŝ Casket of King (Arrow) and Thousands at Morehouse Ceremony

Kennedy Stirred 
Crowd the Most

By REMER TYSON
C onstitu tion  P olitical E ditor

Next to the funeral for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Sen. 
Robert F . Kennedy created the biggest stir in Atlanta Tuesday. 

Kennedy was one of several church until New York Sen
presidential aspirants who at­
tended the funeral

Wherever he went among the 
crowds gathered here, people 
cheered him, rushed up to shake 
his hands, pushed to touch his 
clothes, and, at one point, thou­
sands of them  mobbed him.

The m agic of the Kennedy 
nam e, with those gathered for 
the funeral, was obvious from 
the tim e several mem bers of 
the fam ily entered, Ebenezer 
Baptist Church for the private 
funeral services Tuesday morn­
ing.

A hum of excitem ent spread 
across the crowd outside the 
church on Auburn Avenue when 
the New York senator, his sis­
te r - in - la w , Jacqueline (Mrs. 
John F .) Kennedy, and his 
brother, Sen. Edward Kennedy 
of Massachusetts, appeared.

After the private services, the 
erow'd pressed toward the

Kennedy and his wife, Ethel, 
cam e outside and joined the 
march to Morehouse Coliege.

There were scream s of, 
“Bobby, Bobby!” from the 
crowd. For a  mom ent it ap­
peared that bedlam might break 
out as the crowd surged toward 
Kennedy.

Gov. Nelson Rockefeller and 
his wife, Happy, caused a ripple 
in the crowd, but the reaction 
failed to m atch that for Ken­
nedy. Rockefeller has said he 
will not seek the Republican 
nomination this year, but would 
accept a draft.

New York Mayor John Lind­
sey, a potential GOP candidate, 
passed out of the church almost 
unnoticed. So did Gov. George 
Romney of Michigan, who has 
taken him self out of the presi­
dential race.

Sen. Eugene McCarthy, gray- 

Contimied on P age 6, Column 1

By ALEX COFFIN
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., 

the grandson of a slave who 
lived to becom e a Nobel Peace  
Prize winner only to die by  
violence was laid to rest in his 
native Georgia Tuesday.

B e t w e e n  150,000 and 200,000 
persons according to police 
estim ates, took part in the 
dramatic, solemn and highly 
emotional march and services 
for King, who w as slain at 39 
by an assassin  in Memphis 
'Riursday. King’s  body was 
drawn across Atlanta in an old 
farm  wagon by two mules.

A host of'd ignitaries, includ­
ing Vice President Hubert 
Humphrey, Sen. and Mrs. Ro­
bert Kennedy, Sen. and M r s .  
Eugene McCarthy, form er Vice 
President Richard Nixon, Mrs. 
John F. Kennedy, Gov. Nelson 
Rockefeller, Gov. George Rom­
ney, and scores of other sena­
tors, representatives, as well 
as notables of religion, the civil 
rights, m ovem ent and show  
business were in Atlanta for 
the day of grief and m em ories.

The day began with a  late 
morning service at Dr. King’s  
Ebenezer Baptist Church, con­
tinued with the march of 4.3 
m iles to the Morehouse Col­
lege cam pus, where an open- 
air service w as held. The day  
w as nearing its end when King’s 
body was lowered into a  Geor­
gia m arble m ausoleum in South 
View cem etery on a  grassy  
slope within sight of Jonesboro 
Road.

The services and march were 
orderly, but som e persons did 
succumb to the 80-degree heat. 
’The m archers sang such songs 
as ‘We Shall Overcome”  and 
‘Ain’t Gonna Study War No 
More,” but when the marchers 
neared the Morehouse cam pus, 
they becam e silent.

More than 50,000 persons were 
standing outside the Ebenezer 
Church, where King and his fa-

Continued on P age 10, Column 1

Continued Iroin Page 1

aired and smaling, cam e out of 
;he church shortly after Ken-

TOOK COURAGE

2 PoHticians
Represented 
King’s State

By REMER ’TYSON
CnnsUInllon Political Editor

’The state of Georgia was rep­
resented at the funeral of slain  
civil rights leader Dr. Martin 

Luther King Jr. 
after all.

It took a  for- 
m  e r governor 
w i t h  courage 
and a gutsy at­
torney general 
to do it, but it 
was done.

Form er G o v .  
Carl E . Sanders 
and Atty. Gen. 

Remer Tyson Arthur K. Boi- 
ton attended the private services 
for Dr. King at Ebenezer 
Church.

Over at Ft. Maddox, in the 
office of the cuiTent governor, 
callers, inquiring whether the 
state had sent an official rep­
resentative were being told that

Comment and Analysis
the governor wasn't going to the 
funeral, no one was to repre.sent 
him or the state, and if any state 
official was there, he was there

nedy, but by that tim e the crowd! 
had begun to move. However, a |  
short, but spirited cheer from  
hillside across Auburn Avenue 
went up for McCarthy.

Vice President H u b e r t  H. 
Humphrey, representing Presi­
dent Lyndon B. Johnson and, 
also, a potential Democratic 
candidate for President, and 
leading Republican candidate 
R i c h a r d  M. Nixon left the 
church unnoticed by a side door. 
They departed Atlanta soon a f- | 
terward.

Kennedy, L i n d s e y ,  R ocke-1 
feller, Romney, and McCarthy, 
however, marched behind the 
mule-drawm hearse at least part 
of the 4.3 m iles to Morehouse 
College. Kennedy walked all the 
way.

Along the way, he w as almost 
withdrawn, but people clustered  
around him, shaking his hand. 
As the march moved along and 
the cluster drew tighter and 
bigger around Kennedy, women 
reached over shoulders in the 
crowd to touch him , and young 
women shrieked on the side­
walks: “It’s  him. I saw  him .”

As Kennedy walked down Fair 
Street toward the Morehouse 
College quadrangle, the end of 
the march, word spread that he 
was coming.

Though the public funeral ser­
vices were under way, thousands 
on the north side of the quad­
rangle surged to Fair Street to 
see Kennedy.

“That's him ,” cam e the fren­
zied cries.

Some people were already 
viewing the funeral services 
from limbs of elm  and dogwood 
trees, but others began spring­
ing and climbing into the trees I



visit from the retiring tl.S. Pa­
cific commander, Adm. U.S. 
Grant Sharp, these develop­
ments wound up a one-day 
strategy session between the 
President and his top diplomatic 
and military advisers at this 
mountain retreat.

The new U.S. message to 
Hanoi, the second since the long 
deadlock over talks was broken 
nearly a week ago, dealt with 
alternate sites “which could be 
convenient to both sides” in 
starting preliminary p e a c e  
talks, the President disclosed.

Johnson also stressed accord ! 
among the Allies is the ticklish I 
maneuverings leading toward | 
possible negotiations with the 
Reds. He said. “We have con- ■ 
suited with our Allies” about 
North Vietnam’s latest talks

Contimied on Page. 13, Column 1 Aerial View Sliow« Casket of King (Arrow) and Thousands at Morehouse Ceremony
t t a f f  Photo—M arlon Crow *

Kennedy Stirred 
Crowd the Most

By REMER TYSON
C onstitu tion  Political E ditor

Nesct to the funeral for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Sen. 
Robert F. Kennedy created the biggest stir in Atlanta Tuesday.

Kennedy was one of several 
presidential aspirants who at­
tended the funeral.

Wherever he went among the 
crowds gathered here, people 
cheered Mm, rushed up to shake 
his hands, pushed to touch his 
clothes, and, at one point, thou­
sands of them mobbed him.

The magic of the Kennedy 
name, with tho.se gathered for 
the funeral, was obvious from 
the time several members of 
the family entered Ebenezer 
Baptist Church for the private 
funeral services Tuesday morn­
ing.

A hum of excitement spread 
across the crowd outside the 
church on Auburn Avenue when 
the New York senator, his sis­
te r- in - la w , Jacqueline (Mrs.
John F.) Kennedy, and his 
brother, Sen. Edward Kennedy 
of Massachusetts, appeared.

After the private services, the 
crowd pressed toward the

Continued from Page 1

aired and smiling, came out of 
;he church shortly after Ken-

TOOK COURAGE

2 PoKticians 
Represented 
King’s State

By REMER TYSON
Constitotion Political Editor

The state of Georgia was rep­
resented at the funeral of slain 
civil rights leader Dr. Martin 

Luther King Jr. 
after all.

It took a  for- 
m e r governor 
w i t h  courage 
and a gutsy at­
torney general 
to do it, but it 
was done.

Former Gov.  
Carl E. Sanders 
and Atty. Gen. 

nem er Tyson Arthur K. Bol- 
ton attended the private services 
for Dr. King a t Ebenezer 
Church.

Over a t F t. Maddox, in the 
office of the current governor, 
callers, inquiring whether the 
state had sent an official rep­
resentative were being told tbat

Comment and Analysis
the governor wasn’t going to the 
funeral, no one was to represent 
him or the state, and if any state 
official was there, he was there 
as a private citizen.

Bolton and Sanders by no 
means were just private citi­
zens. They presented a symbol 
to the world that Dr. King’s 
native state, however its leaders 
m ay have disagreed with him, 
accorded him due respect, the 
most that Dr. King or any other 
fair m an would have asked.

That after all, was what Dr. 
King had sought—respect for 
mankind.

Bolton knows about respect 
for human beings, too. He 
fought in a war, nearly gave his 
life, and to this day is crippled 
from the wounds he suffered to 
help put down a doctrine that 
some men set themselves, ar­
bitrarily, above all others.

I t  was, therefore, not pleasant 
physically for Bolton, w'itii his 
bad legs, to enter into the crowd 
of thousands that had sur­
rounded the church.

Sanders was there for him to 
lean on; and, perhaps, they 
gave each other moral support, 
for going to the funeral will not 
rest easy with some political 
segments in Georgia.

Both of them stood during 
part of the three-hour service 
in the church. Standing with 
Ithem were some of the more 
noted officials in the United 
States, including g o v e r n o r s  
from several states, though not 
from Georgia.

Why did the two Georgians 
decide to present a symbol, 
though unofficial, that the state 
holds respect for its only son 
to be awarded the Nobel Prize?

Bolton said: “I just thought 
someone from the state ought 
to be there.”

By being there, they may 
have eased some anger; thus, 
saved some lives.

church until New York Sen. 
Kennedy and his wife, Ethel, 
came outside and joined the 
m arch to Morehouse College.

There were screams of, 
“Bobby, Bobby!” from the 
crowd. For a  moment it ap­
peared that bedlam might break 
out as the crowd surged toward 
Kennedy.

Gov. Nelson Rockefeller and 
his wife, Happy, caused a ripple 
in the crowd, but the reaction 
failed to m atch that for Ken­
nedy. Rockefeller has said he 
will not seek the Republican 
nomination this year, but would 
accept a draft.

New York Mayor John Lind­
sey, a potential GOP candidate, 
passed out of the church almost 
unnoticed. So did Gov. George 
Romney of Michigan, who has 
taken himself out of the presi­
dential race.

Sen. Eugene McCarthy, gray- 

Continned on Page 6, Column 1

nedy, but by that time the crowd| 
had begun to move. However, a 
short, but spirited cheer from a 
hillside across Auburn Avenue 
went up for McCarthy.

Vice President H u b e r t  H. 
Humphrey, representing Presi­
dent Lyndon B. Johnson and, 
also, a potential Democratic 
candidate for President, and 
leading Republican candidate 
R i c h a r d  M. Nixon left the 
church unnoticed by a side door. 
They departed Atlanta soon af­
terward.

Kennedy, L i n d s e y ,  Rocke­
feller, Romney, and McCarthy, 
however, marched behind the 
mule-drawn hearse at least part 
of the 4.3 miles to Morehouse 
College. Kennedy walked all the 
way.

Along the way, he was almost 
withdrawn, but p e ^ le  clustered 
around him, shaking his hand. 
As the m arch moved along and 
the cluster drew tighter and 
bigger around Kennedy, women 
reached over shoulders in the 
crowd to touch him, and young 
women shrieked on the side­
walks: “ It’s him. I  saw him.”

As Kennedy walked down Fair 
Street toward the Morehouse 
College quadrangle, the end of 
the march, word spread that he 
was coming.

Though the public funeral ser­
vices were under way, thousands 
on the north side of the quad­
rangle surged to F a ir Street to 
see Kennedy.

“That’s him,” came the fren­
zied cries.

Some people were already 
viewing the funeral services 
from limbs of elm and dogwood 
trees, but others began spring­
ing and climbing into the trees 
to get a look a t Kennedy.

They exhorted his name for 
President and applauded and 
cheered him as he, with the help 
of his staff aides and police, 
pusihed down the street through 
the quadrangle gate.

Then they mobbed him. Peo­
ple pushed and stepped on one 
another. Some executed the 
famous Kennedy leap, jumping 
up to look over h e a d s  and 
shoulders to get a glimpse of 
their political idol.

Kennedy did nothing more 
than walk along the streets to 
draw such attention. He seemed 
to be attempting to shy away 
from people, including news­
men, during the march.

Asked what Interpretation he 
placed on the large number of 
people who attended Dr. King’s 
funeral, he said, “ It’s an indi­
cation that there’s got to be 
some change.”

Gov. Rockefeller, in reply to 
the same question, said, “It’s 
an indication of the real out­
pouring of awareness and sense 
of conscience of the American 
people. We are all of the same 
country and the same people.”

Rockefeller added, “There’ll 
be a real rededication to the 
thinking of the founding fathers 
and of the Judea-Christian prin­
ciples.”

A host of dignitaries, Includ­
ing Vice President Hubert 
Humphrey, Sen. and Mrs. Ro­
bert Kennedy, Sen. and M r s .  
Eugene McCarthy, former Vice 
President Richard Nixon, Mrs. 
John F. Kennedy, Gov. Nelson 
Rockefeller, Gov. George Rom­
ney, and scores of other sena­
tors, representatives, as well
as notables of religion, the civil 
right! m o vem ea t a n d  ithaw 
business were in Atlanta for 
the day of grief and memories.

The day began with a  late 
morning service at Dr. King’s 
Ebenezer Baptist Church, con­
tinued with the m arch of 4.3 
miles to the Morehouse Col­
lege campus, where an open- 
a ir service was held. The day 
was nearing its end when King’s 
body was lowered into a  Geor­
gia marble mausoleum in South 
View cemetery on a  grassy 
slope within sight of Jonesboro 
Road.

The services and m arch were 
orderly, but some persons did 
succumb to the 80-degree heat. 
The m archers sang such songs 
as ‘We Shall Overcome” and 
‘Ain’t Gonna Study War No 
More,” but when the m archers 
neared the Morehouse campus, 
they became silent.

More than 50,000 persons were 
standing outside the Ebenezer 
Church, where King and his fa-

Continued on Page 10, Column 1



Maddox Urges Johnson to Drop Rights Plea
President Lyndon B . John­

son has been urged by Geor­
g ia ’s  governor not to ask Con­
gress for additional programs 
“that are nothing more than at­
tem pted bribes to buy law and 
order and good behavior.”

In a telegram  sent to the 
President Monday when it ap­
peared, Johnson would make 
an im m ediate appearance be­
fore Congress to appeal for ad­
ditional civil rights legislation,

Gov. Lester Maddox said that 
a request by Johnson “for any­
thing less than the demand that 
looting, rioting, injury and vio­
lent m urder cease im m ediately  
and law and order be restored  
will be useless and the wreck­
ing of Am erica w ill continue.” 

The President postponed his 
scheduled address on racial un­
rest until after Easter—if then. 
Originally planned for Monday 
night, the speech w as delayed  
until after the funeral of Dr.

Martin Luther King Jr. It was 
not im m ediately rescheduled.

Apparently concerned over 
the prospect of the passage of 
open housing legislation, Mad­
dox’s telegram  said: “P lease do 
not urge additional legislation  
that strikes down the right to 
private property, free enterprise 
and the authority of local offi­

cials at the local level of gov­
ernm ent.”

Maddox a lso asked Johnson 
“not to ask for more program s 
that have brought tragedy to 
Am erica. P lease denounce the 
Socialists and fraudulent rec­
ommendations of the riot probe 
com m ission that even now en­
courage increased violence.”



THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION
For 100 Years the South’s Standard ISewspaper

RALPH M cG ILL  Pablishat

Established Jime 16> 18<S8
Issued dally except New Year’ŝ  July 4,  Labor 

Day> Thanksslviii^ and Christmas. Second-class 
postage paid at Atlanta, Georgia.

The Atlanta Constitution (morning) and The 
Atlanta Constitution and The Atlanta Joomal (Suo-

PAGE 4

SUGBNE PATTERSON, frfrtor

day), published by Atlanta Newspap^, tne., 1(i 
ForsyOi St., NW. Atlanta, (jeorgia 30302.

Home delivered subscription rates ( in c lt^ ^

request. Single copies’ UaiLv, lOc, Sunday, 20c.

W EDNESDAY, APRIL 1 0 , 1 968

Let Us Continue
He died leading no arm ies in quest of The eulogy delivered by Dr. Benjamin 

em pire. He died in no seat of governm ental M ays, president em eritus of Morehouse Col- 
power. He died amidst no vast wealth. lege, offers worthy gdals for all of us:

He died trying to win econom ic justice for 
garbage collectors.

This m ission for the humble w as his last 
cam paign. It can be, if white and black 
Am ericans work together, a kind of beginning 
place.

For the unfinished work of Martin Luther 
King Jr .’s  life w as econom ic justice for the 
m en, women and children trapped in the 
ghettos, trapped in ignorance, trapped in 
poverty.

His next great crusade was to have been 
the poor people’s march on Washington. It had 
been criticized, including in these columns, on 
the grounds that it could trigger violence.

How mild that threat now seem s in light of 
the disorders that have erupted in more than 
a  hundred American cities, causing, literally  
and figuratively, a pall of smoke to hang 
over the nation’s capital.

And how inevitable that there will be a 
m arch on Washington and an encam pm ent 
there until Congress adopts an economic 
declaration of freedom.

Jobs, housing, a chance for dignity—these 
are the goals now. With the exception of open 
housing, there are few legal barriers left 
to remove. Open housing could be law in a 
m atter of m inutes if the House would approve 
a Senate amendment.

Econom ic justice will take more than 
acts of Congress. It w ill require good faith on 
the part of American business in helping open 
up new jobs.

We believe American business is waking to 
that responsibility. We believe the American 
private enterprise system  is capable of m eet­
ing the challenge, and we believe its survival 
m ay depend on it.

Sim ilarly, dem ocratic government in 
Am erica depends upon its ability to restore 
domestic tranquility. And that will require the 
cooperation of black and white Americans 
both. It is understandable that Dr. King's 
followers are all the more determined to press 
forward toward his goals. But let them;'not 
succumb to bitterness and forget his'methods 
—nonviolence and r e d e m p liv e lo W ; ^ ^ ^ ^ ^

“ . . . let us see to it that he did not die 
in vain; let us see to it that we do not dis­
honor his nam e by trying to solve our prob­
lem s through rioting in the streets. Violence 
was foreign to his nature.

“ He warned that continued' riots could 
produce a F ascist state.

“But let us see to it also that tlie condi­
tions that cause riots are promptly removed, 
as the President of the United States is trying 
to get us to do.

“Let black and white alike search their 
hearts; and if there be any prejudice in our 
hearts against any racial or ethnic group, let 
us exterm inate it and let us pray, as Martin 
Luther King Jr. would pray, if he could: 
‘B'ather, forgive them, for they know not 
what they do.’ ’’

Up to CongresB
If ever there were a tim e when this 

country needed an affirm ative response from 
Congress to the chaotic dom estic problems 
and injustices that threaten to tear this na­
tion apart, it is  today.

The House of Representatives has the op­
portunity to m ake that response today. It will 
vote on the civil rights bill with its open­
housing amendment that survived a  long and 
acrimonious debate in the Senate.

The vote today is expected to be close, but 
surely this bill m ust pass. It took all the 
votes and pressure reasonable and responsi­
ble men could m uster yesterday to pry it loose 
from the House Rules Committee where 
efforts were being m ade to send it to a 
conference com m ittee which w as expected  
either to kill or water down the open-housing 
provision.

The parliamentary m aneuvering apparent­
ly is just about over. Today we Yfill learn 
■whether a lethargic Congress, which in the 
past several months has refused to act on 
the many urgent issues that cannot wait 
much longer, will begin M  act responsib'

Eugene Patterson

A Memorial 
For Dr, King

Television doesn’t quite close the distance. 
You’ve got to" b e  inside the Ebenezer Baptist 
Churclv among this intensely human fam ily  

called the Negro people, a'Svthey^sing “ Softly and tenderly, Jesus 
is  calling” over the body of their dead brother—among them in 
the heat of the little church where tears mingle with perspira­
tion and the lips of the choir singers tremble.

You’ve got to sit between the mourners and touch shoulders 
with them in the crowd and feel the heat com e up through 
your shoes from the hot pavem ent as you march with them  
behind the casket dravm, with perfect fitness, by a two-mule 
wagon.

TV doesn’t catch it at all. On the contrary I think it symbolizes 
what the trouble is. You look at them from a distance. They are 
just a picture then. It gives you the illusion of knowing them. 
You do not know them  until you join them , and look them in 
the face, and white Am ericans have not done that yet.

You have to be there in the pews for the funeral of Martin 
Luther King Jr. to know the full truth—that we whites have 
com mitted the monstrous wrong of thrusting aw ay a  people we do 
not even know, and hurting them  out of our fear bom  of our 
ignorance. It is absurd to have been afraid of them.

Surely these are the gentlest of people, the m ost loving of 
people, the people of deepest forgiveness and faith in all of 
this land. And they have had so little, these worshipers whose 
humble red brick church is bare of all elegance, its planked-in 
staircases looking homemade though painted to a  loving neatness. 

* * *
We have treated them as if they were somehow dangerous— 

these loyal, warm, large-hearted, vulnerable neighbors of ours 
who have asked so little of Am erica, and received so m uch less. 
The dem agogues have slandered them until we have somehow  
blinded ourselves to the humble gift of friendship they have been 
offering. Their hateful, violent underclass, which is only a  
counterpart to the white violent underclass, has been seized upon 
by us as an unworthy excuse to libel their color.

You have to be among them  to receive the full impact of 
the stupid wrongs we have committed in our hearts and in our 
acts. Suddenly you realize these gentle folk were not eager to 
press demands for rights; they were afraid. As an act of will they 
still must quell fears we whites do not even comprehend before 
they can bring them selves to m ake challenges to the white man. 
And we, who do not even know them, dared to be outraged when 
Dr. King gave them courage by accepting our punishments, and 
finally our death. All of us, in one degree or another, belabored 
him for disordering our lives with bus boycotts and sit-ins, 
freedom rides and m arches. But now that these good and gentle 
people we m istreated can vote, and sit in waiting rooms, and 
cat lunch where they are hungry, and seat their children with 
dignity anywhere on a  bus, w e ought to be overcom e with bitter 
rem orse that w e would not see the justice of these things until 
he showed us.

We will not even now see the overwhelming injustice we 
continue to visit upon these people who still believe in us unless 
Dr. King’s death teaches us that we m ust hereafter be among 
them , and know them , and take their hands and walk with them  
as men whose friendship will ennoble us. Their faith in us runs 
deeper than the faith we have shown in ourselves, and we ought 
to be deeply ashamed of the cruelties we offered in return for 
such trust and love. Jobs, housing, education are only programs. 
Knowing and loving our neighbors is the needed m emorial to 
Dr. King. And that is so easy, when you are among them.



IRT]PH

M 'G IIL
Until Minds 
Are Changed

At the services for Dr. Mar­
tin Luther King and in m e­
morials about the country pre­

ceding the final 
rites, t h e r e  
were many ref­
erences to the
need to change 
men’s hearts. 
This figure of 
speech is one 
commonly used. 
Its meaning is 

jjjWell known, but 
i j i t  has become 

so glib a phrase 
that it perhaps needs exam i­
nation. Men’s h e a r t s  are
changed, scientists say, by
heavy deposits of cholesterol, by 
various diseases which impair 
vesse ls and valves of the heart, 
and by the processes of aging.

What must be changed, and 
what the figure of speech  
m eans must be changed 
m en ’s minds. Many centuries 
of history teach that minds 
change slowly and when a per­
sonal or vested interest, usual­
ly  econom ic or social, is con­
cerned, they change m ost re­
luctantly. This is why it always 
has been a falsity to say, in dis­
cussing the long pent-up injus­
tices of racial discrimination in 
Am erica, that legislation could 
do no good and that one must 
w ait on m en to change their 
hearts. This is  an evasion of 
reality.

Had it not been for legislation  
enacted by the Congress and for 
constitutional interpretations by 
the courts, there would have 
been no real change in racial 
attitudes in America. To be 
sure, there had been progress 
in this area, but it was moving 
with the speed of a glacier and 
its  speed would not have been 
greatly accelerated had we 
waited for m en’s  hearts to 
change.

The funeral services of Dr. 
King revealed, for exam ple, not

Continued on Page 7, Co lum n 1



House Votes Today on Senate Rights Bill
Continued from Page 1

mittee were reluctant to ap­
prove it.

On March 19, the Senate 
measure was saved In the. Rules 
Committee by the narrow mar­
gin of 8 to 7. In Tuesday’s vote, 
Reps. John B. Anderson, R-IU., 
and B. F. Sisk, D - Calif., 
switched to support it.

The committee decision Tues­
day to allow a floor vote came 
after a 68-minute debate in 
which liberals first defeated a 
motion by Rep. H. Allen Smith, 
R-Calif., to refer the bill to con­
ference.

After the closed-door vote ses­
sion, committee Chairman Wil­
liam H. Colmer, D-Miss., an­

nounced the decision as “a 
great disappointment to me,” 
but said he would go along with 
the majority of the panel.

Colmer immediately appointed 
Rep. Ray J. Madden, D-Ind., 
ranking Democrat on ihe Rules 
Committee and a leading pro­
ponent of the civil rights bill, 
to manage the measure on the 
floor Wednesday.

“I have never handled a reso­
lution that I oppose,” the Mis-

sissippian said, “and I don’t in­
tend to do so now.”

Before making its decision, 
the rules panel heard the last 
of its 12 scheduled witnesses. 
Rep. Charles E. Wiggins, R- 
Calif., who opposed the meas­
ure on what he called constitu­
tional grounds.

Wiggins said he thought state 
governments, n o t  Congress, 
should be asked to pass open­
housing legislation if it is need- 
id, or the U.S. government 

would pre-empt others and “the 
federal system will die.” 

Conservatives’ biggest fear 
Tuesday seemed to be that the 
rights package, which was con­
sidered in doubt one week ago, 
w o u l ^ b ^ s p O T e ^ o t ^ N ^ ^

tional emotion over the assassi­
nation of Dr. King.

Wiggins told newsmen in a 
press conference after his tes­
timony, “no legislation should 
be passed as a memorial to any­
body. This is totally unrelated 
to the emotional issue on the 
street.”

And Rep. Maston O’Neal, D- 
Ga., u rg^  in a floor speech 
Tuesday that House leaders de­
lay consideration of the rights 
bill until current rioting in U.S. 
cities has been quelled.

“We must have law and order 
first, and calm consideration 
afterward,” O’Neal said. “All 
emotion - packed legislation 
should be delayed for the voice 
of reason to be heard.”



8  T H E  A T L A N T A  C O N S T IT U T IO ff , Wedit«wl*r> April 10, 1968

NEGRO YOUTHS HERE PRINTED IT

Riots Hurt Me and You, Leaflet Told Throng
BY DUANE KINEE

“R i o t s  hurt me and you, 
baby.”

This simple and direct state­
ment on a  leaflet handed out 
befare and after the funeral of 
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was 
typical of efforts by Atlanta’s 
Negro youth—some college Stu­
dents, others at the other end 
of the spectrum—to help prevent 
violence in the wake of King’s 
slaying.

The effective warning that 
riots harm Negroes came from 
tile Young Men’s  CSvic League, 
a  Summerhill organization of ad­
mitted former troublemakers 
who spend their time these days

in efforts to quench potential 
racial flareups.

“We have come to the conclu­
sion that riots in this nation are 
detrimental to the human race, 
and we the people of tins com­
munity wUl have no part in them 
again,” said the leaflet.

“We know from past eiqjeri- 
ence that human beings, es­
pecially Negroes, suffer a great 
loss from these riots. We have 
decided that we will not listen 
to these people who speak. We 
know that humanity will suffer 
I^ysically, mentally and fi­
nancially in these riots. Let’s 
not participate,” the mass-pro­
duced plea continued.

And then there was the warn­
ing that outside instigators 
don’t get hurt in riots—“they 
bug out before the action starts. 
Don’t lisften to these people. 
Stay out of riots. We don’t want 
them.”

The leaflet was signed by 
Robert Lee Webb, the organiza­
tion’s president, and 20 others.

The Negro spiritual, “Go 
Down Moses,” was adapted into 
a modern-day call for non­
violence and distributed to per­
sons around the entrance to 
Ebenezer Baptist Church.

“Don’t carry guns, sticks or 
rocks,” went the adaptation.

“Prayer and marching vrill suf­
ficiently do.”

Clark College students also 
pleaded with young Negroes to 
refrain from “t h e  senseless 
looting, burning and wholesale 
vandalism which has taken 
place in our community.”

Raymond R u f f i n ,  project 
chairman, said notices were dis­
tributed on the Atlanta Uni­
versity C e n t e r  campuses, at 
Negro high schools, in housing 
projects and on the streets.

The Clark students took the 
action, he said, because “Black 
Power is in the air.”

T h e  paper distributed was 
headlined, “Operation Respect.”

Part of it read:
“If you truly believe in the 

principal of Dr. King who gave 
his life so that we may have a 
better life in America, the 
greatest homage you can pay 
to him is to refrain from the 
senseless looting, burning and 
wholesale vandalism which has 
taken place in our community.

“Dr. King stood for love and 
understanding among men of 
all races and creeds. He had 
a dream that one day black 
and white could live together 
in peace and harmony. If we 
truly respect him, our responsi­
bility, therefore, is to see that 
his A'eam becomes a reality. 
Violence is not and cannot be 
the answer.”

The Cemetery Is Called 
Too SmaU for His Spirit

By MARGARET HURST
The body of Martin Luther King Jr. was sealed bdiind walls 

of Georgia marble late Tuesday afternoon, but the message 
on the outside said, “Free at L ^t, FVee at Last, Thank God 
Almighty I’m Free at Last.”

“The cemetery is too small 
for his spirit—but we commit 
his body to the ground,” the 
Rev. Ralph Abernathy, King’s 
successor, said as he began the 
entombment service.

Mrs. King and her children 
sat dry-eyed beside singer 
Harry Belafonte during the 
brief service.

“The grave is too narrow for 
his soul, but we commit his 
body to the ground. No coffin, 
no crypt, no vault, no stone can 
hold his greatness, but we com­
mit his body to the ground,” 
the Rev. Mr. Abernathy said in 
a low voice as tears began to 
run down his face.
WAVERS SOME

Mrs. King’s composure wa­
vered slightly as the body was 
placed inside the crypt and 
she began to weep quietly.

Dr. King’s father, the Rev. 
Martin Luther King Sr., placed 
his head on the crypt and wept 
openly after the casket was 
placed inside.

In his short message, the 
Rev. Mr. Abernathy thanked 
God “who gave us a leader to 
heal the white man’s  sickness 
and the black man’s  slavery. 
GIVES raANKS

“We give thanks to God who 
gave us a peaceful warrior who 
bunt an army and a movement 
tiiat is mighfy without missiles, 
able without rockets, real with­
out bullets—an army tutored in 
living and loving and not in 
killing.

“We thank God for giving us 
a leader who was willing to die, 
but not willing to kill.”

The Rev. Mr. Abernathy then 
moved from the podium and 
stood cryiqg while a television 
cameraman removed a micro-



J 2  A T L A N T A  C O N S T T m T IO N , W edne iday, A p r i l  10, 1968

Highlights o f Dr. King’s Funeral and March

Aerial Tiew of March from Church to Morehouse

Pair of Mules Draw Wagon Bearing Casket Through Town

Young and Old Pay Trihnte at Morehouse College S ta ff  Pho to s—R obert C onne ih  M arion C row e, B illy  D ow ns, C h a rles  P ugh

Flower-Covered Casket of Dr. King Rests at Gravesite in South View Cemetery



§ ' W m m

W i l t  P a y s  R e s p e c ts
Professional basketball star Wilt (The Stilt) 
Chamberlain towers over other mourners 
during funeral observances for slain civil

rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. 
which were held in Atlanta Tuesday. (Staff 
Photo—Noel Davis)

H u n d r e d s  F a l l  i n  t h e  H e a t

THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION, Wedne»day, April 10, 1968

By DIANE STEPP
The sun took its toll Monday 

along the 4.3 mile funeral route 
from Ebenezer Baptist Church 
to Morehouse College as hun­
dreds of mourners fainted from 
heat and exhaustion.

Marchers were treated at sev­
en first-aid stations p o s te d  
along the parade route.

The situation was just as bad 
at Mordiouse College where 
hundreds more fainted while 
standing for hours in the sear­
ing sun.

Alan Godwin, director of safe­
ty services for the Metropoli­
tan Atlanta chapter of the Red 
Cross, said the victims were 
treated at the six first-aid sta­

tions setup on the Morehouse 
campus.

“Heat exhaustion and dehy­
dration” were the causes for 
the majority of faintings, said 
Godwin.

Temperatures climbed to the 
high 70s during the morning 
and reached a high of 80 de­
grees by early afternoon. To­
ward the end of the parade 
route, perspiration was stream­
ing down the faces of most and 
all seemed weary.

Many of the marchers had 
been on their feet since early 
Tuesday morning. Some had 
had very little to eat since ar­
riving in the city early Tuesday 
morning.

Twenty-five volunteer phy­
sicians from the Atlanta Medi­

cal Association kept busy reviv­
ing heat victims. Other help 
came from Red Cross and 
Grady Memorial Hospital vol­
unteers.

President of the medical as­
sociation, Calvin Brown, sta­
tioned himself at the More­
house College Infirmary, where 
he reported treating at least 
25 victims. One went into con­
vulsions, he said, and was hos­
pitalized.

Brown said that all 25 volun­
teer physicians had been kept

s s m B
R e c i p e  f o r  
h o m e m a d e  
m o n e y . . .

busy treating those who had 
fainted on the spot by admin­
istering ammonia and placing 
them in the proper shock posi­
tion.

“Most of these people have 
been on their feet since early 
morning,” said Brown, “and 
then walking across town in the

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N o w h e r e  t o  M o v e  

I n C r o w d L i k e T h a t
By REMER TYSON

Constitution Business Editor
“Man, you gotta move. You can’t stand here. Move over 

I there.”
“Man, I just moved from over 

1 there. They told me to move 
over here. They say I can’t 

I stand over there.”
“You can’t stand here.” 
“Where am I gonna go?” 
“Man, you gotta move. We 

I gotta clear this way.”
“Tell me where to go man.” 
“Today we ain’t gonna argue. 

I Not today. We ain’t gonna argue 
I today.”

“That’s right, man.”
And that’s the way it was in 

I front of the Ebenezer Baptist 
Church on Auburn Avenue in 
Atlanta for three hours Tuesday 
as acres of people shoved up to 
the church for a view of those 
coming and going to the private 
funeral service for Dr. Martin 

I Luther King Jr.
Down close to the church, 

I there was no place to go, and 
though there were scores of 
causes for loss of tempers, none 

I flared for more than a moment.
Floyd Patterson, once heavy- 

I weight champion of the world, 
had to fight to get inside of the 
church. Jim Brown, one of pro­
fessional football’s g r e a t e s t  
backs, had to do some broken- 

I field running.
Yet the people pressed up to 

I the church, beginning before 
110 a.m.

At 11:25, under a  glaring 
I spring sun, they began singing 
I hymns.

To get the two-mule wagon 
[backed up near the church to 
[take Dr. King’s body to More- 
I house College, members of the 
[Southern Christian Leadership 
I Conference locked arms and 
[formed a human wall to clear 
[the way.

Shortly afterward a hefty man 
[wearing a  label of the Chicago 
I nAACP moved into the crowd 
land began pleading, “Mrs. King 
■is going to march two blocks. 
I Please move down two blocks. 
[They’re going to load the body 
[on the wagon. Please march 
[that way for two blocks. That’s 
[not asking too much. Soul 
1 sister . . . soul brother . . .  we 
[can’t do a n y t h i n g  till you 
1 move.”

Nobody moved. There was no 
I way to go.

A few minutes later, several 
[ p o l i c e m e n  on motorcycles 
I moved in to clear a space be­

tween the church door and the 
I wagon. But the crowd soon 
[ closed in again.

At 11:50 a.m. the mules were 
[ brought up. They were blocked 
I away from the wagon.

A loudspeaker boomed: “Let 
[me have your attention. If you 
[don’t move back, I think that 
[mule will move you back.” 

They let the mule through. 
John Gardner, formerly sec- 

[retary of the U. S. Department 
[of Health, Education and Wel- 
[fare, stood in the sun and wiped 
[sweat from his brow.

Board members of SCLC be- 
[ gan forming another human 
I wall between the wagon and the 
[church door.

From inside t h e  church, 
[where services were being con- 
I ducted, over a loudspeaker 
[came the words: “Thousands of 
I impatient people in front of the 
[church say Martin belongs to 
[them.”

A loudspeaker said: “Board 
[ members, congressmen, sena- 
[tors, and others, will you step 
[ back please.”

The crowd, not trying to lis- 
[ten to the words coming from 
[inside the church, called for 
[ quiet. “Shut up, man,” boomed 
[a voice.

Then it was quiet. The body 
I was being brought out.



^ a f p h M c G i l l

Until Minds 
Are Changed

Continued from Page 1
merely an immense outpouring 
of respect and affection for Dr. 
Martin Luther King, but also a 
great demonstration of guilt 
feeling on the part of America. 
There was revealed, too, many 
examples of the most pragmatic 
politics, lacking in any other 
quality save pragmatism. One 
does not need to question those 
men who were sincere and those 
who were not. But only the most 
naive would fail to see in the 
tremendous attendance at Dr. 
King’s services in Atlanta the 
evidence there of increased 
“black power” in the nation’s 
politics. This is a healthy thing.

It was less than 10 years ago 
that the Negro had very little 
voting power. One of the real 
phenomenon of change brought 
about by law and the use of fed­
eral registrars has been the tre­
mendous increase in Negro vot­
ing. Southern resistance to civil 
rights has motivated Negro mi­
grants from the South, now 
gathered in the many cities 
about the country, to register 
and to take militant positions in 
behalf of equal rights for their 
people everywhere in the nation.

So it was not at all cynical 
but a perfectly reasonable and 
practical bit of politics that po­
litical leaders from states with 
large numbers of Negro voters 
should have been present at the 
services. One does not have to 
assume they were there for any 
reason save to pay respects to a 
man who had ^ood against vio­
lence. But, also, their political 
pragmatism should not be over­
looked.

Political Linhility
On the other side of the coin 

is the fact that no Southern 
elected senator or congressman 
was visible at Dr. King’s rites. 
Most of these men, of course, 
would have calculated their 
presence there as a political lia­
bility. Even those Southern poli­
ticians who made polite state­
ments of regret about his assas­
sination included many who pri­
vately were relieved that Dr. 
King was no Jonger alive. He 
had badly upset the status quo 
in their region. That his death 
has opened the doors for even 
more severe problems does not 
seem to occur to them.

Also on this side of the coin 
are those who charge that Dr. 
King, who preached nonvio­
lence, always created violence. 
This is a typical falsehood made 
into a stereotype indictment. Vi­
olence was thrown against them 
by police or local mobs who 
were bent on preventing any 
change in their positions 
their Southern way of life.

As an illustration, in South 
Carolina the chairman of the In­
dependent party of that state, a 
Mr. Maurice Bessinger, 
quoted as saying that Dr. King 
was shot in Memphis while he 
was “there to stir up hatred, 
violence and discord.” This is 

typical evasion of facts by 
Southern critics of Dr. King. He 
had committed no aggression 
and would have committed 
none. Yet, he was shot by a 
man who represented the tradi­
tional hates and resentments. 
Those who have not yet seen 
that it is necessary to change 
many more minds in America 
before we can have racial peace 
and racial progress are simply 
blind in the old manner to the 
reality of their own lives and 
communities. Everyone knows 
that great discriminations con­
tinue against many Negroes in 
America. Until m i n d s  are 
changed and these discrimina­
tions are moved, there can be 
no genuine peace.



6  THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION, Vedn«d*y, AprU 10, 1968
T h e  G r e a t ,  t h e  N e a r  G r e a t  a n d  t h e  L i t t l e  P e o p l e

The great, the near-great and 
the obscure “little people” came 
from all over the country to pay 
tribute to Martin Luther King 
Tuesday.

All three major television net­
works covered the services, 
both at E b e n e z e r  Baptist 
Church and on the Morehouse 
College campus, and the Tel- 
star satellite beamed the TV 
coverage to other parts of the 
world.

For the tens of thousands who 
could not get into the Auburn 
Avenue church, it was a long 
wait in the hot sun and a con­
stant effort to squeeze inch by 
inch closer to the narrow corri­
dor where the d i g n i t a r i e s  
walked in and out of the church 
and to see the old weather­
beaten country wagon on which 
two mules would pull the casket 
to the Morehouse campus.

Although the people were 
packed tightly, and officials had 
to constantly implore them to

S A M  

i lO P K IiS S

G E O H C IA  SC E A E
another,” and there seemed to 
have been little advance police 
plans to rope off and control the 
crowd, there was no disorder, 
no hot tempers.

One person commented, “If 
the mood of the crowd means 
anything, I don't feel we'll have 
any trouble here tonight, even 
if Stokely IS here.”

And Stokely Carmichael, the 
fiery Black Power leader was 
there. He arrived late and un­
heralded at the church and at 
first they would not admit him.

^  “Let Stokely in, let him in, 
let him in,” some in the crowd 
chanted, and they finally let 
him in. One nattily dressed 
man in a double-breasted suit 
c a l l e d  out ,  “Hey, Stokely, 
baby.”

As the many national fig­
ures struggled to get through 
the throngs to he church, none 
of them caused such excitement 
as did Sen. Robert Kennedy and 
Sen. Edward Kennedy.

Jacqueline Kennedy seemed 
almost frightened as the crowd 
surged toward her as she 
neared the church door.

Wilt Chamberlain, the seven- 
foot basketball star, easily stood 
out in the crowd but it seemed 
that he would never make it 
inside the church. But big Jii^ 
Brown, the former football 
great with the Cleveland Browns 
who now makes movies, slipped 
through easily.

Obedience to God’s law spares us the unpleasantness 
to which disobedience subjects us.

AT THE GRAND BALLROOM MARRIOTT MOTOR HOTEL COURTLAND AT CAIN STREET

H u m p h r e y  a n d M r s ,  K i n g
Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey speaks to Mrs. Martin 
Luther King Jr. in Ebenezer Baptist Church Tuesday. At 
left is Dr. King’s brother, the Rev. A. D. King. At center is 
Mrs. King’s younger daughter, Bernice, 5. (Associated 
Press Photo)

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■‘ATLANTA, GA., 30302, ^:^'EDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 7 , 1966

1 5  I n j u r e d  a s  

'’ ' o s s  R o c k s  a t  P o l i c e ,  S i n a s l i  C a r s  H e ; * e

Staff Photo—Robsr-t CcoReH
M a y o r  A IIeB  W a lk s  U p  Capitol AYeniie U r g ia g  N e g ro e s  to  D is p e r s e



^ T ic k y ,  T a c k y ’ W r i t t e n  

O n  G e o r g ia  S e n a te  E p is o d e
The Georgia Senate has been admired, reviled, sniffed at, yawned at 

and laughed at. And now it has been set to music. Raymond J. Meurer, 
one of the former owners of the Lone Ranger and a frequent visitor to 

Atlanta, passed this way a couple of days after the General Assembly adjourned and read 
in our newspaper about the “ticky-tacky” hullabaloo in the Senate.

So amused was Mr, Muerer 
that he immortalized the epi-

Bnh H a rre ll  M | sode with a song. Words by
Meurer, music by Donn Pres-

S o m e t h in g  G o o d  

F r o m  A l l  th e  B a d
Jerry Byington came out of the kitchen 

of Central Pre.sbyterian Church, stood on the 
loading dock Monday and said, “We’re going 
to have to stop accepting food. I bet we could feed 1,000 right 
now.” By breakfast Tuesday morning, Central had fed over 
,000 persons from out of state who had come to attend the 

eral of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
The action of Central Presbyterian is just one of many 
iples of cwnmunity, congregational and personal involve- 
as Atlanta responds in brotherhood to the tragedy of 
ces.

Dr. Randolph Taylor, pastor of Central, and his wife 
manned phones in separate offices while four women in a 
larger room handled paper work and tried to keep up with 
their phones. During a brief lull of ringing phones Dr. Taylor 
said, “The Southern Christian Leadership Conference contacted 
us and asked if we would help with the anticipated crush of 
out-of-town people. Of course, we would.”

* * *
THE OUTPOURING of concern, food and plain hard 

work was evident:
After staying up all of Monday night Assistant Pastor 

Z. N. Holler left for a few hours at home.
Mrs. Taylor said, “Now we have to get all of these chicken  ̂

cooked that were sent over by the Playboy Club.”
Ann Leach was trying to keep up with who had donated, 

what food. It was arriving too fast, from commercial firms 
and from private homes.

The Rev. Pete Peterson drove up in an enclosed truck 
that was packed to its roof with mattresses.

Mrs. Jerry Byington looked at the mattress and at the 
three flights of stairs to the gym where they had to be carried.

Mrs. George Bryan left the registration desk to help carry 
supplies into Central’s kitchen.

* ♦ ♦
DR. TAYLOR said, “We have been getting calls from pri­

vate homes, white homes,- homes in the northeast section ask­
ing if they can help by taking in out-of-town people here for 
the funeral.”

Earlier Mrs. Taylor had received a call from a woman 
who had described herself as a “heathen” because she didn’t 
belong to any church. The woman had requested that .even 
though a heathen she wanted to help. Mrs. Taylor informed 
the woman that she wasn’t acting like a heathen and she 
certainly could help.

Dr. Taylor looked out the office window at the mourning 
black draped on City Hall and said, “The response of just 
our little community here is gratifying.” He was talking about 
Central, The Shrine of the Immaculate Conception and Trinity 
Methodist Church, all within a block of each other, and the 
willingness of each to work day and night to provide food and 
rest for thousands.

* ♦ ♦
I LOOKED in Central’s cafeteria. There sat a lone man, 

an early arrival for the funeral. He had a red rose in his 
lapel. I introduced myself and N. H. Harris of Montgomery 
asked me to sit down and talk.

He rubbed his gray hair as he talked: “I was there when 
it all started in Montgomery. He was all we had . . . and 
he’s gone.” He talked about “the exodus” in 1916, explaining, 
“That was before your time. That was when we left the farms 
and started to come to the cities. I stevedored for 16 years 
and worked for the railroad over 30 years.”

We would have talked longer but a white family came 
into the cafeteria and asked Mr. Harris if he was ready to 
go. The woman explained to him, “You will be our guest 
while you stay in Atlanta.”

They left Central Presbyterian Church and walked to the 
late-model car. Then they drove away, the white family and 
the 90-year-old Mr. Harris. And I thought of what Mr. Harris 
had told me: “Something good has to come out of all this bad.”

ton.
This is the way it goes: 
“Someone said Ticky. . . . 

Somone said Tadcy. . . .  So 
let’s say Ticky Tacky Ticky 
Tacky too. . . . And if it’s 
Tickey. . . . And if it’s Tacky, 
. . It will be Tickey Tacky 

Ticky Tacky too. That’s the 
Georgia Leg ... Is ... la ... 
ture having its fun whfle you 
and I must work

i U l l l .  U U l l  III U I L I I  t j U l l S l  ft

1 h a v e  n e v e r  jo in e d  a  
c h u r c h , b e c a u s e  1 h a v e  n e v e r  
f e l t  th a t  1 c o u ld  l iv e  u p  to  i t, 
a n d  I  w o u ld  b e  a fr a id  to  b a c k ­
s lid e . I s  th is  r ig h t?  L .  K ,

To begin with, one shouldn’t

charge that there are too many 
hypocrites in the church is true, 
if by hypocrites, they mean 
those who are not perfect.

Christians are people who 
trust Christ for their Salvation, 
and have accepted His Cross 
as atonement for their sins, ac­
cording to the Scriptures. Since 
we are not saved by “deeds of

righteousness, bu t by His 
mercy,” a Christian is not per­
fect in conduct. This is not to 
say that Christians don’t live 
any better than anyone else. 
But it they do, it is Christ living 
in them, and His righteousness 
shining through their lives.

Even the great Paul called 
himself the “chief of sinners,”

‘My A-nswer;

join a church unless one has ac­
cepted Christ. There are too 
many people in the church now 
who are not committed to Him. 
But, if you have received Him, 
it would be wrong for you not

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and we are aU sinners saved by i would be forever lost—for no^ 
grace. If we waited until we one has ever earned or mesited 
were worthy of being saved, we the grace of God,

come! 
it’s fun!

WEDNESDAY 
FAMILY 
NIGHT 

free balloons

C A F E T E R I A S



i  <> THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION, ■WTedncsday, Sept. 7, 1966
^>hile he was trying to talk 

over a bull-horn he was drowned 
out bj' cries of “white devil, 
white devil” and r e p e a t e d  
chants of “black power, black 
power.”

Allen was replaced on top of 
the squad car by a bearded 
Negro identified by police as a 
SNCC member who shouted: 

In r ln d -  “Let’s clean up the street. TheinCllKl r _.____  . 1 Tiro Hirl

Tear Gas
At least 15 persons 

ing four policemen — were in- 
jured Tuesday afternoon when 
hundreds of Negroes rioted near 
the Atlanta Stadium after being 
egged on by members of the 
Student Non-Violent Coordinat­
ing Committee (SNCC) in the 
wake of the police shooting of a 
Negro auto theft suspect.

: Sixty-three persons Were ar­
rested before the riot was 
quelled.

The rioters ignored pleas of 
reason from Mayor Ivan Allen 
Jr., who braved thrown bricks in 
his efforts to restore peace, and 
were halted only when city po­
lice .fired warning shots in the 
air and discharged tear gas 
about two hours later.

As police reinforcements ar­
rived in the neighborhood, cen­
tered on Capitol Avenue and

only way is to start like we did 
today. The riots in Watts made 
people listen to their problems. 
Atlanta needs to be treated the 
same way . . . Atlanta is just a 
cracker town.”

The mayor, appearing amaz­
ingly calm as bricks and bottles 
flew over his head and police 
firing warning shots in return, 
began walking among the Ne­
groes, putting his hand on the 
arms of some, imploring them 
to “Please, let’s clear the 
streets.”

A few seemed persuaded and 
turned to leave but others 
shouted, “Kill us all. Kill us 
all.”
LOOSE TEAR GAS

Police then began flooding the 
neighborhood, after blocking all 
entrants to the section, andtpred on Uayuoi rtvcauc — -- .

Ormond Street SW, the officers ] started to break up the crowd 
. , . . . i____ rnrks and bottle:broke out shotguns — which ap­
peared to incense the crowd. 
WHY THE GUNS?

“Why the shotguns? Why the 
shotguns?” the crowd shouted.

“They’r e n o t  going to use 
them,” Mayor Allen replied in 
a shout. “They’re here to pro­
tect you.”

A number of Negro y o u t h s i 
shouted in answer, “Kill the 

iwhite bastards, kill the white!
; cops.”
! Some of the youths carried 
'.large clubs. Others rained rocks

i C onstitu tion  rep o r te rs  co v ­
ering  th is  s to ry  loere D ick  
H eb er t, K ee le r  M cC artney , 
M ich a e l D av is , B ill S h ipp  a nd  
C harles M oore.

and bottles at the officers, hit­
ting some.

The mob started to break up 
only when the officers began 
firing shots over their heads 
and firing tear gas.
CARS OVERTURNED

At the peak of the riot, one 
police car and a civihan’s car 
were overturned and members 
of the mob tried to overturn two 
paddy wagons. Police and the 
vehicles of white people were 
stoned as they drove through 
the area, and several wind-, 
shields were shattered. j

Shortly before midnight Mayor 
Allen surveyed the scene and 
said, “I think the people who, 
live here have gone to their

Suddenly rocks and bottles 
began raining on a group of 
policemen standing near an : 
armored police truck in the 
middle of the street. Several 
officers and newsmen ducked 
behind the truck to escape the 
barrage, but Mayor Allen stood 
unflinching in the center of the 
street and yelled for order.

Allen then said, “Get the 
shotguns,” and gave orders for 
warning shots to be fired. j
FIRE INTO AIR !

’ Tne Negroes began retreating . 
:as officers fired several rounds ! 
in the air and a policeman began 
handing out shotguns from the 
back of the armored truck. !

The mayor had talked calmly 
and courteously to the crowd, 
but he then became angiy. As 
the barrage of missiles con­
tinued, he stepped gingerly 
among the flying rocks and 
bricks and called for tear gas.

A Negro agitator who had 
ignored the mayor when he 
asked for his help in dispersing 
the mob rushed up and said, 
“I’ll talk to you now.”

; “No, sir,” retorted Allen. “If 
you want trouble now you can 
have it. I’m running this city.” 
HE’S THE BOSS 

“Yeah, I’m running it,” the 
mayor shouted back at a Negro 
w'ho cursed him. “There’re a lot 
of people in it who’re not very 
good, but I’m running it.” 

Meanwhile, police were chas­
ing several rock-throwing Ne­
groes down streets and firing

, " , . , . , ' tear eas to break up clusters ofhomes and qmet-has- been re- — - 
stored. I hope we have no more ^
trouble.”

He said his office plans no 
special effort in the riot-tom dis­
trict, other than, “continuation 
of the big efforts Atlanta has 
made.”

The riot started after an un­
identified Negro jerked Mayor 
Alien from atop a police car 
which was being rocked' by 
scores of Negroes while he was 
pleading with the crowd, “This 
is no way to solve a problem.”

Rep. John Hood, a Negro of the 
124th District, and William Mer­
ritt, a candidate for the House 
from the 123rd District, went to 
police headquarters e a r l i e r  
Tuesday to investigate the shoot­
ing incident. They talked with 
the police officers involved and 
read statements of witnesses.
■ Both said they felt, if the 
statements were given without 
duress, that the shooting was 
done in the line of duty.

The injured man was admitted 
to Grady Hospital with bullet 
wounds in the side and hip. He 
was taken to surgery and a hos­
pital spokesman said his in­
juries were termed poor.

Prather’s half brother, Em- 
mitt Boyd, 26, of 39 Ormond St., 
witnessed the shooting as did 
two other persons who were rid­
ing in a car with Prather.

Boyd, who was standing on the 
street at Capitol and Ormond, 
said he heard Patrolman Har­
ris shout halt to Prather be­
fore the shots were fired.

Willie Frank Alfred, 43, of 77 
Ormond St. and Tom Bush, 40, 
of 1041 Washington St. SW, who 
were passengers in a car with 
Prather, said Harris informed 
Prather he had a warrant charg­
ing him with auto larceny and 
also heard him shout “halt” as 
Prather jumped from the cat  ̂
and ran.
TOLD OF CHARGE 

Detective R. H. Kerr of the 
auto theft squad said he had a 
warrant charging Prather with 
auto theft and that he contacted 
Harris, a traffic court contempt 
officer, because Harris had ar­
rested Prather previously and. 
knew where he could be located.

They said they saw a car 
driven by Prather stop for a, 
traffic light at Capitol and Or­
mond. Harris called Prather by 
name and informed him that 
he had a warrant tor his arrest 
on charges of auto larceny.

Prather jumped from the car, 
ran behind a grocery store and 
then turned east on Ormond. 
Harris said he shouted “halt” 
several times and whefi Prather 
kept running, fired his service 
revolver three times.

Prather ran on to his home 
and collapsed on the front 
porch.

Kerr said he ran back to the 
police car a half block away 
to radio for an ambulance and 
by the time he got to the car 
a crowd of several hundred had 
gathered about Harris and the 
wounded man.

“I don’t know where they 
came from,” Kerr said.

Kerr placed a help call. Lt. 
W. K. Perry arrived and with 
the aid of other officers moved 
the injured man and white offi­
cers from the scene.

Records show Prather was 
sentenced to 6-8 years for auto 
theft in 1960, to serve 2-3, and 
in 1962, was given 3-5 years ,on 
auto theft charges to run con­
currently with his other'sen­
tence. He was given a condi­
tional release Feb. 18, 1965.

By night, the entire 750-man 
Atlanta police force was on duty 
and 100 state troopers were 
massed at-fJte Atlanta Stadium 
about four blocks away.

Mayor Allen left the area 
about 9 p.m. after telephoning 
Gov. Carl Sanders that the 
trouble was under control.
CALL FOR PROTEST 

The mayor, accompanied by 
Negro City Alderman Q, V. IVil- 
liamson and Rep. Hood, had 
gone to the scene after SNCC 
workers had called for a demon­
stration at 4 p.m.

Stokely Carmichael, SNCC 
chairman, earlier had visited the 
area where Negro car theft sus­

pect Harold Prather had been 
shot and told Negroes, “We’re 
gonna be back at 4 o’clock and 
tear this place up.” He said Ne­
groes were “tired of these racist 
police killing our people.” 

Prather, who had fled when 
police had tried to arrest him, 
was shot about 1:18 p.m.- 

After Carmichael’s visit, two 
SNCC members in a sound truck 
emblazoned with “black power” 
slogans toured the area exhort­
ing Negroes to gather and. 
protest the shooting.

“They were bringing different 
people into the area,” Sgt. G. J. 
Perry, a Negro police officer, 
said, “and they were saying the 
man had been shot while hand­
cuffed and that he was mur­
dered.”

Among the persons arrested 
were Willie Ware and Bob Wal- 

‘ton, identified as SNCC mem­
bers, who were charged with 
operating the “black power” 
sound truck without a permit.

I At the request of the mayor, 
the Rev. M. L. King Sr., father 
of the civil rights leader, and 
several -other Negro ministers I 
were rushed in police cars to the : 
scene but Allen and police had’ 
the situation under control by 
the time they arrived. The Rev.)- 
Mr. King’s son left earlier in 
the day for Chicago. j

“Can’t some of us call Stokely i 
and tell him we would like toi 
talk to him,” the Rev. Mr. King 
asked the mayor.
_ “He goes bejqre the trouble ' 

starts,” Allen replied. “I saw 
him leaving when I came up.” 

Earlier Tuesday, Carmichael 
led about 25 S.NCC members to 
Mayor Allen’s office to protest 
the arrest of 12 of their mem­
bers for participating in an un­
ruly anti-Viet Nam war demon­
stration at the 12th Army Corps 
headquarters here.

The demonstrators briefly 
blocked the door to the mayor’s 
office until he ordered them to 
clear the doorway. ■

Police identified . the injured

APPEAL IGNORED 
Later Tuesday night, a meet­

ing of more than 200 persons at 
Mt. Carmel Baptist Church on 
Glenn Street SW erupted into 
violence after an appeal for 
order by Hosea Williams, a top 
lieutenant jn the Southern Chris-, 
tian Leadership Conference.

The audience ignored pleas 
from Williams and a number of 
Negro ministers to restore 
order.

“Violence is not the answer,” 
Williams said. “Violence is the 
tool of the white Man and I re­
fuse to use it.
NOT BY VIOLENCE 

“Violence didn’t give us vie-1 
tory in'"Alabama and violence 
didn’t  get the civil rights bill 
for us,” Williams said.

His plea was repeatedly 
drowned out by shouts of “black 
power.”

Placards showing black pan­
thers, symbols of the militant 
branch of the civil rights move­
ment, w’ere raised and the 
crowd surged outside, where 
they immediately surrounded 
newsmen who were outside the 
church.



1 5  a r e  I n ju r e d  in  R io t in g  H e r e  
A s N e g r o e s  T o s s  E o c k s  a t P o lic e

Contimed from Page 1 '

NEWSMAN BEATEN 
ConsUt’oticm reporter Midiael

They were scheduied for trial 
St 2:50 p.m. Wednesday in  Mu- 
Ktcipai Court.
• As poiice were enforcing an 
jinofficia! curfew- at the riot 
scene iate Titesday night, tiiey 
stopped a car containing three 
Negroes after a detective saw- 
one of the men lean over and

seat,
“I toid him to straighten up, 

and he came up with a (pocket) 
radio,” the shotgun-armed de­
tective said. AU three men 
■fore arrested after tire detec-

Davis, sitting in tfse front seat of 
a WSB Radio news car, said he 
saw someone in the crowd raise 
a pistol. He and the driver, WSB 
newsman A n d y  Stiil, ducked as 
a ipistoi shot blasted out the rear 
window of the car;

StiU was beaten as he and 
Davis sought refuge in the 
church. The WSB ear was turned 
over bv the mob.

1 Davis called the police and 
I the crowd was quickly . dis- 
! pcrsftd.
: Mavor Allen was at the scene ttve found a loaded automata 
as order was restored and then pisto! on the flMrboard

Detectives C. l). Hestley and 
he returned to the area south of B. L. Barron were injured when 
tlie stadium, their car wrecked on Capitol

llie first four of 6,5 persons ‘ Avenue while en route to the 
brought in to poiice headatiar-l fifst help call, .Both were treat- 
lei-s frorn the *?ior' afd.a'WcteT'WHl GratJy-nircTrtTand-hruisasr 
booked .shortly before midnight i Patrolman Charles .R. Brown- 
on charges of failure to move I bie, 23, was hit in the face with 
on. Officers said the reraAining! a rock. He was treated at Grady 
59 would be charged as soon’as i
the arresting officers could be i' Detective R. A. Davis, 29, was 
located, j injured by an ejqjloding tear gas

The first four charged were ji gfenarfe- 
listed as Thomas Simmons, 24, || More than 1,50 police officers, 
of 943 Washington St, SW; Rob-!; armed with shotguns, pistols 
ert James Ifoe, 17, of 10 Griggs ' 1 and tear gas launchers, were 
Si.; John W. Edwards, 24. of 'jassembledinthestadiimpsrk- 
272 .Atlanta Ave, and James Ed-: ling lot early Wednesday and 
w-'ani-;. n f .’HR n.qv-son S !1  suneri?n-officer.s .said tbev were 

■ li"--!.... . C,

I Eariier, Police Chief .Herbert 
j Jenkins had placed the entire 
I department on two 12-bour shifts 
'oeginnmg at midnight Tuesday 
:-‘until furtnor notice,”

The .move was also necessi­
tated by the continuing Atlanta 
Fire department strike, during

, ... > it. £,f“^ i which policemen are being used 'shove something under the front jt;, -pg weakened fire-
i fighting force, • •



THE WASHINGTON POST, 
Thursday, June 13,~i968

T e s t  o f  P o o r  P e o p l e ’s  G o a l s
T h e  P o o r  P e o p le ’s  C a m ­

p a ig n  y e s te r d a y  i s s u e d  a  f u l l  
l is t in g  o f  i t s  d e m a n d s  fo r  ac­
tion b y  F e d e r a l  a g e n c ie s  a n d  
C o n g ress  t o  c o m b a t  p o v e r ty .

T h e  l is t in g  s p e c if ie s  th o s e  
d e m a n d s  th a t  i t  b e l ie v e s  
s h o u ld  b e  m e t  im m e d ia te ly  

i and th o s e  t h a t  sh o u ld  b e  
' ie tc te d  o n  d a r in g  th e  1969 fis-  
.;-.’cal y e a r , w h ic h  b e g in s  J u ly  

t. T h e  t e x t  o f  th e  d e m a n d s  
b '' fo llo w s :

I. FEDERAL AGENCIES 
Department of Agriculture— 

Immediate
1. Action on food pro- 

' grams, Including specifi-, 
cally;

Pood program in all 
_ 1000 neediest counties which 

’-i," have full participation 
of the poor.

b. Issuance of free food 
s<tainps to no-incoone and ex­
tremely low-income families, 
a sealing down of food 
stamp prices generally and 
an equitable distribution of 
amounts of food based on 
need rather than income.

c. Emergency distribution 
of supplementary food in 
the those counties among 
the 256 hunger counties, 
cited by the Citizens Board 
of Inquiry, whose present

. food programs fail to reach 
substantial numbers of the 
poor.

d. Immediate expansion of 
the quantity of commodities 
distributed and substantial 
improvement of the quality 
and variety of food given 
under the Commodity Dis­
tribution Program to insure' 
a balanced and nutritious 
diet to recipients.

e. Substantial increase in 
'  the number of free and re­

duced price school lunches . 
to needy children.

2. The Department should 
prepare specific guidelines 
and a timetable for imple­
mentation to be agreed 
upon by Poor People’s Cam­
paign representatives for 

■ ending discrimination in key 
: , farm programs, particularly
I •, /  Stabilization and Conserva- 

I  tion service. Farmers Home 
j /  Administration and Federal 
V Extension Service.

For Fiscal Year 1969
1. Request and strongly 

fight for appropriations 
under the Food Stamp and 
Commodity Distribution 

Programs sufficient to pro­
vide food for the 10.7 million 
persons determined by the 
Department to have seri­
ously inadequate diets.

2. Establish a continuing 
structure for involvement of 
the poor in planning and 
evaluating programs affect­
ing them.

3. Double the request for 
and fight for appropriations 
for increased cooperatives 
among rural Mexican-Amerl- 
can, Indian and Negro poor 
and establish a specific 
timetable and guidelines for 
establishing cooperatives 
among these groups.

4. Devise a plan to revise 
the present acreage diver­
sion policy and to provide 
more equitable distribution 
of funds to aid poor farm­
ers.
Office of Economic Oppor­

tunity—Immediate
1. OEO dhould immedi­

ately devise a plan whereby 
a specific number of promis­
ing subprofessionals at local 
levels can be brought up to 
the local, regional and na­
tional OEO staffs. OEO 
should establish a program 
analogous to the Federal 
Management Intern Pro­
gram for poor people and 
subprofessionals who have 
demonstrated skill in work­
ing with the poor. OEO 
should commit a specific 
percentage of consultant 
slots to the poor.

2. OEO, in consultation 
with a delegation of repre­
sentatives from the Poor 
People’s Campaign, should 
devise specific guidelines

for citizen participation and 
a simple appeals procedure 
and forum for all variety of: 
complaints.

3. OEO should immedi­
ately establish a stronger 
rural development staff and 
program with a technical as­
sistance staff for rural areas 
which lack trained profes­
sional personnel to institute 
and design programs. Such 
staffs should be available to 
come into communities and 
help the poor start pro­
grams and train local people 
to run them.

4. OEO should fight for 
the supplemental appropria­
tion bill for summer jobs 
and Head Start.

5. OEO should fight for 
the full requested funding 
of its program for the com­
ing fiscal year without any 
further eroding of the rights 
of the poor.

For Fiscai Year 1969
1. OEO should set up a 

peramnent “ombudsman” 
for the poor for continuous 
policing of its programs by 
those affected.

2. OEO must devise a 
budget for the following fis­
cal year (FY 1970) adequate 
to wage a serious battle 
against poverty rather than 
the p r e s e n t  Inadequate 
scrimmage.
Health, Education and Wel­

fare—Immediate
1. HEW should endorse 

and fight for legislation 
pending in this session of 
Congress that would relieve 
some of the worst aspects of 
the welfare system. It 
should fight particularly for 
the repeal of he “freeze” 
and compulsory work re­
quirements of the 1967 
Amendments to the Social 
Security Act, for mandatory 
provisions for support of 
families with unemployed 
fathers, and a Federal na­

tional minimum standard of 
welfare benefits.

2. HEW should act now to 
end by administrative deci­
sion state “man-in-the- 
house” rules and require 
states to continue to make 
full assistance payments 
during appeals from deci­
sions to reduce or terminate 
payments.

3. In light of the r ^ n t  
Supreme Court dec|pion, 
HEW should abolish free- 
dom-of-choice desegregstion 
plans and adopt clear gjiide- 
lines in consultation with 
representatives of theToor 
People’s Campaign which 
would require and result in 
the eradication of the<idual 
shcool systems in the sAth- 
ern states by the fall of 
1968.

4. HEW should devise a 
specific plan whereby school 
districts receiving Federal 
funds are required to pror - 
ide for participation of poor 
people in the design, devel­
opment, operation » d  eval­
uation of education pro­
grams. To enable such’-par-- 
ticipation to be effective; 
school districts must be re­
quired to make per-pupil ex­
penditure and pupil a^leve- 
ment data available to  local 
citizens. If legislation is 
needed to do any of this, 
then the administration 
should propose it irt: the 

Congress.
5. HEW must comfe up 

with a specific actioi^pro-
gram for bringing ademiate 
and essential health seiSuces 
to the poor and for radil^ly 
reducing the level of deaths 
among poor infants and 
their mothers.

For Fiscal Year 1961 
1.. HEW should devijM a 

comprehensive and sp^dfic 
plan and time.laligoi far-afaol- 
ishlng northern school seg­
regation.

SHEET 1 OF 2



2i HEW should devise a 
structure for specific num­
bers of the poor to partici­
pate in decision-making on 
progi^ms which affect their 
interests.

3. BEW should implement 
more experimental income 
maintenance programs in 
rural areas and on Indian 
reservations.

Department of Labor— 
Immediate

i'Cri^Lft'he Secretary of Labor 
■'Iffcwdd endorse and fight for 

pes^ge of a job bill this ses­
sion of Congress which will 
sedwtantially increase em- 
idlH^ent opportunities for 
^ ^ o o r  in both private and 

, i» i» c  sectors, such as the 
Clark Emergency Employ­
ment Act.

Z i The Secretary must re­
vise the operational guide­
lines and structure of the 

. exteting programs of the De- 
’ par& ent, in consultation 

with the poor, to insure full 
paVtlcipation of the poor in 
tile decision-making process 
as well as in employment 
opportunities at all levels, 
particularly m a n p o w e r  
training, the Concentrated 
Employment Program and 
the Employment Service. 
Specific numbers of the 
poor to be agreed upon 
should participate in pro­
gram planning and imple­
mentation.

For Fiscal Year 1969
1. The Department should 

establish a plan and time­
table for vigorous enforce­
ment of fair employment 
regulations. In particular, 
ways should be found for 
employment of specific 
numbers of poor and the mi­
nority groups in employ­
ment service commissions in 
each state.

2. More vigorous contract 
compliance should be imple­
mented to end discrimina­
tion.

S. Devise a comprehensive 
jobs package to eradicate 
unemployment.

Department of Justice
1. Greatly increase num- 

'bers of school suits against 
northern school districts.

2. Greatly Increase num­
ber of employment suits to 
end discrimination. 
H o u s i n g  and Urban

Development—^Immediate
1. Devise a specific struc­

ture and guidelines for in­
clusion of specific percent­
ages of poor people in the 
planning process of pro­
grams designed to help 
them, particularly model ci­
ties.

2. Specifically fight for 
passage of the pending hous­
ing bill in this session of 
Congress land insure that a 
majority of houses to he 
built under this legislation 
shall be for lowdncome 
groups. HUD must also sup­
port the amendment to the 
bill which requires that poor 
people be employed in the 
planning and construction 
of low-income housing to the 
greatest extent feasible. 
HUD must design machin­
ery that will b r i n g  poor 
people and eomtraotors to­
gether in the business of 
supplying housing.

3. Devise guidelines which 
will relocated or displaced 
pelocatd or displaced for 
for urban renewal programs 
until adequate housing is se­
cured.

4. Devise a  specific re­
cruitment program for Mex- 
ioan-Americans in policy­
making dccdsions both in the 
Southwest and in Washing­
ton.

For Fiscal Year 1969
1. Draw up a plan for es­

tablishment of new com­
munities with housing and

job opportunities for the 
poor in rural areas.

2. Devise specific guide­
lines for enforcement of the 
new Fair Housing Act of 
1968 in consultation with 
representatives from the 
Poor People’s Campaign.

Department of State
Establish an interagency 

committee consisting of rep­
resentatives of the poor and 
the Departments of State, 
Justice and Interior to study 
the question of legal owner­
ship of the disputed lands 
under the Treaty of Guada- 
lupe-Hldalgo.

Department of Interior
1. Devise a model schools 

system for Indian children 
in the communities where 
they live, with full commun­
ity control and full Federal 
responsibility for provision 
of adequate resources for 
such a system.

2. Devise a specific plan 
for creating jobs and hous­
ing on Indian reservations, 
and adequate assistance for 
Indians wishing to relocate 
in the cities.

LEGISLATIVE
PRIOEITIES

1. Passage of a  jobs bill 
(the Clark Emergency Em­
ployment Bill) providir for 
employment in prlvat md 
public sectors.

2. Passage of the pending 
housing bill.

3. Repeal of the “freeze” 
and compulsory work re­
quirements of the 1967 So­
cial Security Act enactment 
of mandatory provision for 
support of families with un­
employed fathers and of a 
Federal minimum standard 
of welfare.

4. Passage of the collec­
tive-bargaining legislation 
for farm workers.

5. Maintain level of appro­
priations requested for 
school lunch and breakfast

SHEET 2 of 2

programs, poverty program. 
Elementary and Secondary 
Education Act, and other so­
cial programs which affect 
the poor.

6. Take adequate legisla­
tive steps to supplement the 
ability of the Secretary of 
Agriculture to provide food 
for every hungry person by 
greatly increasing the ap­
propriation for the food 
stamp at(^ ,cpmp»0;^to pro­
grams, and rettfrtifffllofjtfc® 
Jaidts AjBendm^«4;7W'5i||!'

tion 32 to free $227 million 
for food programs this fiscal 
year.

For Fiscal Year 1969
1. Pass legislation provid­

ing a guairanteed annual in­
come as a matter of right 
for those who cannot or 
should not work.

2. Pass legislation ade­
quate to insure that every 
American citizen will have a 
decent job- a t

-and a detent house at rea­
sonable-cost...



L e a d e r s  L i s t  G o a l s  f o r  P o o r
By Wiljard Clopton Jr.

Washlnston Post Staff Writer
Leaders of the Poor Peo­

ple’s Campaign yesterday is­
sued a “basic” list of 49 de­
mands for Federal action, and

[ indicated they would consider 
ending their protest here if 
immediate action is taken on 
22 of the items.

i Major emphasis was placed 
on changes in Federal food 
programs, which were asked 
in four of the demands. Others 
concerned expanded Federal 
action to provide jobs, educa­
tion, health services and wel­
fare benefits.

The listing is a trimmed- 
down version of the original 

: set of more than 100 demands,
and represents an effort to 
sharpen the focus on the Cam­
paign’s underlying goal of al­
leviating poverty.

, The summary is also in- 
* tended as a blueprint for offi­

cial action to deal with the 
marchers’ specific grievances.

Campaign spokesmen have 
often complainted that news­
men were too much concerned 
with the protest’s visible as­
pects, such as conditions at 
Resurrection City, activities of 
demonstrators and rivalry 
among the various factions 
taking part in the crusade. 
Newsmen Briefed

In presenting the shortened 
list, the leaders acknowledged 
that they have been at fault 
for not keeping news media 
informed on their day-to-day 
negotiations with representa­
tives of the Government.

The summary was issued 
after a three-hour press brief­
ing Tuesday night, conducted 
by the Rev. Ralph David Aber­
nathy, president of the South­
ern Christian Leadership Con­
ference; the Rev, Andrew 
Young, the SCLC’s executive 
vice president, and Marian 
Wright, an attorney serving as 
liaison between the Campaign 
and Federal officials.

The basic list consists of 41 
demands for administrative 
action by Federal agencies 
and congressional passage of 
eight bills. The 22 key de­
mands are made up of 19 ad­
ministrative and three legisla­
tive items.
Food Programs Stressed

Four of the 22 concern Fed­
eral food pi'ograms, reflecting 
Mr. Abernathy’s view that 
hunger is the most critical sin­
gle Iss'ue of the Campaign.

The others call for funda­
mental changes in Federal pi'o- 
grams to provide jobs, educa­
tion, health services and 
fare benefits to : the poor 
for ̂ . grdaterj^gpjj^feasis 

~-roTving^JJlle-"poor in  ̂
makingr"’̂

Three of the 22 deal with de­
mands of the Campaign’s In­
dian and Mexican-.4merican 
contingents.

The three demands upon 
Congress include passage of a 
bill to create 2.4 million jobs 
over a four-year period; an­
other to generate $5.5 billion 
in new housing, and for repeal 
of new welfare amendments 
that would require mothers on 
relief to work and that would 
freeze Federal welfare contri­
butions at the Jan. 1, 1968 
level.

The housing bill is consid­
ered to have a good chance 
of passage this session and the 
jobs proposal may be acted on 
next year. Repeal of the wel­
fare amendments is viewed as 
doubtful, but a plan to delay 
imposition of the freeze for 
one year is pending.

Mr. Abernathy said his, 
strategy is to push hard for 
the administrative changes be­
tween now and Sunday’s “Soli­
darity Day” demonstration 
and then to concentrate on the 
legislative demands.

He said efforts this week 
would focus on the Depart­
ments of Agriculture, Labor, 
Housing and Urban Develop-

The Rev. Ralph Abernathy (left) presents 
to Joseph Robertson, assistant secretary

By Ken Feil—The Washington Post
of agriculture, the Poor People’s demands 
from Federal agencies and Congress.

ment; Health, Education and 
Welfare, and the Office of 
Economic Opportunity.

Mpst of the agencieo have 
already received the demands 
and several have made partial 
concessions. Yesterday, Cam­
paign officials began issuing a 
series of analyses of each 
agency’s responses and began 
with those of Agriculture and 
HEW.

Agriculture was praised for

starting food programs in a 
number of the Nation’s needi­
est counties and for increasing 
the amount of commodities 
distributed to the poor.

The Department was chided 
on several points, however, in­
cluding its failure to provide 
free food stamps for those 
most in need.

HEW Secretary Wilbur J. 
Cohen was hailed or taking 
steps to provide greater health

services for the poor 
call for a Federal welfare pro 
gram to eliminate region^ 
variations in the amount of i 
lief payments.

The Campaign critiqd 
noted, however, that Cohq 
had given only verbal endor 
ment for the national welfa 
plan and complained of wlj 
it called “the weaknesses ; 
indefiniteness” of many of, 
aseurances.



jam
eg a l ense

NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC. 
U n d  10 Columbus Circle, New York, N. Y. 10019 • JUdson 6-8397

M E M O R A N D U M

TO; Cooperating Attorneys and Students, V7ashington, D. C.

PROM: NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, 
The National Office for the Rights of the 
(NORI)

Inc. (LDF) 
Indigent

RE; Southern Christian Leadership C o n f e r e n c e  
Poor People's Campaign

(SCLC) —

DATE; April 3, 1968

Enclosed please find the Memorandum of Under­

standing v/hich I p.romised I Wvculd secure for you so that 

we could begin organization of the legal services in 

Washington, D. C. for the Poor People's Campaign. The 

memorandum is very brief, and I thought that a short 

covering letter could spell out, more fully, the relation­

ship we can establish.

Clearly, as you all know, there will be a 

serious need for legal resources in connection with the 

Campaign. The Campaign would be seriously hampered 

without maximum assistance from meinbers of the local 

Washington, D. C. Bar who understand the issues that 

Dr. King is raising, and see fully his need for competent, 

imaginative assistance.

Our organization is willing to work with all 

volunteers and provide the central coordination and 

organization of the legal resources. As I explained at 

our last meeting, this essentially, is for efficiency and

C o n tr ib u t io n s  a r e  d e d u c t ib l e  f o r  U . S .  i n c o m e  ta x  p u r p o s e s



to localize responsibility in a central place. In line 

with that aim, I have asked Professor Frank Reeves of the 

Howard University School of Law, and Marian Wright, one 

of our cooperating lawyers, previously based in Mississippi, 

to undertake the major share of the local responsibility.

A  a practical operating matter, we will be working in a 

cooperative relationship with individual lawyers who will 

be relating to specific problems or specific clients. We 

very much appreciate persons using their organizations to 

publicize this need for legal assistance. VJhile some 

organizations will wish to show their solidarity with 

Dr. King by formal endorsement, it is our view that it 

would be more efficient for lav/yers to make themselves 

available as individuals. This would preclude the 

necessity of returning to the organization for approval 

of any representation. (We contemplate also that some 

organizations may better act as the conduit for publicity 

about the legal needs if t h e y  are not asked for carte 

blanche endorsement.)

Shortly, we will be setting up a permanent 

office in Washington, D. C. which will be available to 

cooperating attorneys, and through which we will distri­

bute information to the public and news media. We will 

try to convey to you the specific plans of Dr. King as 

they are made. (We are preparing a list of projects to 

be undertaken— unfortunately, we do not have great detail 

at this time.) Shortly we will need a description of the 

particular specialties and interests of various volunteer

-  2 -



attorneys (criminal experience, experience in negotiation, 

with federal agencies, etc.).

Here's hoping that together we can make the 

contribution which will effectuate the best goals of the 

Poor People's Campaign.

-  3 -



16

C o l e m a n  O f f e r s  P l a n  
F o r  O p e n  E n r o l l m e n t

By GENE I. MAEROFF
Dr. James S. Coleman, the 

controversial sociologist who 
recently repudiated mandated 
busing for school desegregation 
after having provided research 
that supported busing, called 
yesterday for a new alterna­
tive; an open enrollment plan 
that would allow black stu­
dents to cross into, suburbs.

Speaking at the annual 
meeting of the College En­
trance Examination Board at 
the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, Dr. 
Coleman said that any young­
ster in a metropolitan area 
should be able to .attend the 
school of his choice as long 
as the receiving school has 
a smaller percentage of his 
race than the school he leaves,

“By this alternative,” he told 
the audience of high school 
and college officials, “neither

full equality is realized, nor 
- k  .the full -liberty of tbe-eeo- 

nomically advantaged to main­
tain homogeneous schools rea­
lized.”

Dr. Coleman described his 
plan—elements of which have 
appeared from time to time 
in proposals by others—as a 
middle ground that would pro­
mote desegregation without 
threatening the right of families 
to use neighborhood schools.

Assist For Desegregation
It was a report by Dr. Cole­

man in 1966 for the United 
States Office of Education that 
provided an underpinning for 
desegregation with its finding 
that children from disadvan­
taged backgrounds performed 
somewhat better when they at­
tended school with youngsters 
from more affluent homes.

But, earlier this year, Dr. 
Coleman, who is on the faculty 
of the University of Chicago, 
said that a new study he had 
conducted had convinced him 
that desegregation had led to 
white flight and brought about 
the resegregation of black 
youngstes.

He followed up his pro­
nouncements on white flight 
by filing an affidavit with the

cast over Dr. Coleman’s find­
ings on white flight, however, 
by an article in The New York 
Times in July in which the 
sociologist conceded that his 
public comments went beyond 
the scientific data he had gath­
ered.. Nonetheless, he main­
tained that the “over-ail impli 
cations” of his remarks were 
still valid.

Plan Open to Anyone
The open enrollment plan 

that Dr. Coleman discussed yes­
terday would be open to any 
student—black or white, resid­
ing in the city or the suburbs.

Each school would continue 
to serve its neighborhood and, 
in addition, accept outsiders 
up to about 20 per cent of 
its total enrollment. If the 
school were oversubscribed, the 
outsiders would be selected by 
lottery, Dr. Coleman proposed.

He said in an interview after 
the speech that black schools 
in the inner city would probab­
ly remain entirely black be­
cause whites would be unlikely 
to ask to attend them, but 
that the schools would benefit 
from smaller classes since some 
of their students would leave 
for the suburbs.

Every school district every­
where would be required to 
participate in the open enroll 
ment plan, according to Dr. 
Coleman. The money that the 
sending district would have 
spent on the child would follow 
him to the receiving district 
and the state would make up 
the difference and pay the 
transportation costs

The implementation of such 
a plan would depend on the 
adoption of state or Federal 
laws ordering school systems 
not to use district lines as 
barriers to attendance by out 
siders.

There seems to be little sen­
timent among lawmakers for 
the enactment of such statutes 
and without them there seems 
to be no way that school dis­
trict lines can be forcibly 
bridged.

Detroit Plan Barred
A recent ruling by the United 

States Supreme Court held that 
under current law a Federal 
District Court in Detroit could 
not compel suburban districts 
to accept students from the 
city.

Earlier this month, Repre­
sentative Richardson Preyer, e 
North Carolina Democrat, in­
troduced a bill in Congress, 
mentioned by Dr. Coleman, that 
would encourage—but not or 
der—states to permit interdis­
trict school transfers, as well 
as other voluntary desegrega­
tion measures

Dr. Coleman said that the 
open enrollment plan would 
be a vehicle by which blacks 
and poor whites, as well, could 
overcome the economic con­
straints that otherwise would 
prevent them from attending 
school in the suburbs,

“Boston is a marvelous case 
for this, the 49-year-old sociolo­
gist said in the interview. “It 
is a good example of : middle- 
class whites leaving the city 

lower-class whites and
Federal District Court in Bos-jblacks. People, in the suburbs 
ton in support of parties ar ! are telling people in the central 
guing that the two-way forced!city to integrate while they 
busing being used in Boston^sit out there protected by 
is an inappropriate desegrega-; school district lines.”
tion tool. ! -------

Dc. Coleman asserts that the; Ford View on Busing 
open enrollment plan he now I
advocates would be less likelyj WASHINGTON, Oct. 27 (UPI) 
to encourage white flight than|—President Ford has refused 
forced two-way busing because!for the time being to support 
whites who moved to the sub-!3 constitutional amendment 
ufbs would no longer be as-'banning busing for school des- 
sured that their children would '^nation, Senator John Tower, 
not have to go to school with [Republican of Texas, said to 
blacks. Some doubts were bay.

I Mr. Ford told Mr. Tower dur- 
ling a half-hour meeting at the 
I White House that he had or- 
Idered the Departments of Jus- 
Itice and Health, Education and 
Iwelfare “to extensively review 
lall other alternatives to forced 
Ibusing,” the Senator said at a 
Inews conference,

"The President didn’t feel 
Ithere has been an adequate test 
lin the Supreme Court to deter- 
|mine the validity of legislative 

administrative remedies 
Ishort of a constitutional 
[amendment,” Mr, Tower said 
I While he declined to support 
[such an amendment, Mr. Ford 
[did not oppose it, Mr. Tower 
Isaid.



S u p r e m e  C o u r t  
d e c is io n  o n  
s tu d e n t ’s r ig h ts
WASHINGTON, February 25: Public

school students earned the right to sue 
school board members for damages in cases 
where their constitutional rights have been 
violated in a 5-4 Supreme Court ruling 
released today. School board members who 
do not know the student's constitutional 
rights or who set out to punish students in 
spite of these rights can be sued as a result 
of this decision.

The majority opinion written by Justice 
Byron White offered "qualified immunity" to 
public school officials who act "sincerely" 
and who are informed about students' 
rights. White felt that these limitations were 
necessary if school discipline is to be 
maintained.

The four dissenting justices argued that 
the majority was imposing too high a 
"standard of care upon public schooi 
officials." Justice Lewis Powell suggested 
that the "constitutional rights" of students 
are only now being decided by the Supreme 
Court and that the Court was being "harsh" 
when it required school officials to know 
these rights.

This was the second Supreme Court 
decision to deal with students' rights this 
year. The earlier ruling required officials to 
hold , a hearing prior to a student's 
suspension or expulsion.



T h e  B la c k  C o n s e r v a t iv e s
T hey oppose school busing to promote 

integration. They consider affirmative 
action a failure. They believe minimum- 
wage laws and rent control can be coun­
terproductive. They want the government 
to stop coddling poor people with welfare 
and other, bureaucratic handouts. They are 
conservatives, obviously; surprisingly, they 
are also black.

Black conservatives are still a tiny 
band—pinstriped pillars in academia, busi­
ness and the professions. Yet they are now 
challenging the ideas and power of the civil- 
rights establishment—those blacks and 
whites who have spent years campaigning 
for government efforts to end discrimina­
tion and poverty. The conservatives believe 
that programs intended to help blacks have 
been converted into,self-sustaining bureau­
cratic empires with a vested interest in keep­
ing the poor poor. Black iconoclasts have 
increasingly chosen to “come out of the 
closet,” says one, partly because they now 
have friends at the White House. “This 
has got to be the start of some­
thing really important,” said 
Edwin Meese III, counselor to 
President Reagan, at a land­
mark gathering of black con- 
servativesin December. “Some 
of the people who purport to 
represent the black community 
[are] talking about the ideas of 
the last ten years. You are talk­
ing about the ideas of the next 
ten years and beyond.”

Leadership Struggle: The 
clash over ideas is rapidly 
evolving into a struggle for 
leadership: who speaks for 
American blacks? Hoover In­
stitution economist Thomas 
Sowell, the intellectual foun­
tainhead of the black conser­
vatives, insists that most 
blacks hold views “diametri­
cally opposed” to the ac­
knowledged leaders, whose 
theories are “vulnerable to ex­
posure to the truth.” NAACP 
executive director Benjamin 
Hooks responds that blacks 
display their true beliefs at the 
voting booth. “I don’t think 
Reagan received more than 5 
per cent of the black vote,” 
says Hooks.

A new Newsweek Poll of 
black opinion* provides am­
munition for both camps, al­
though on balance blacks re­

main traditionally liberal. More than half 
of those surveyed expect the situation of 
blacks to get worse under Reagan and near­
ly two-thirds consider welfare programs 
beneficial. But half of the respondents agree 
that school busing “has caused more dif-

A new group is 
challenging old 
civil-rights ideas, 
including quotas 
and school busing.

ficulties than it is worth," and two-thirds 
believe that Federal action has done noth­
ing for blacks in the area of jobs—or has 
actually hurt.

The battle over black conservative views 
has high stakes. Policies affecting blacks.

Blumensaadt—Ml

*For lhi.s NF.wswrliK Poll. The Gallup 
Organization interviewed a national sam­
ple of 1.015 adult blacks by telephone be­
tween Feb. 14 and Feb. 23. The margin 
of sampling error is plus or minus 3 per­
centage points. The NF.wswniiK Poll 
© 1981 Newsweek, Inc.

Bruce Hoertel Wally McNatnee—News
S o w e ll  (to p ), T h o m a s  a n d  W il l ia m s :  W h o  s p e a k s  f o r  b la c k s?

especially the millions of black poor, will 
significantly impinge on President Rea­
gan’s economic plans, and both sides intend 
to be heard. Shortly after the election, black 
leaders such as Hooks and the Urban 
League’s Vernon Jordan asked for and re­
ceived a meeting with Reagan. Sowell and 
San Francisco dentist Henry Lucas, the 
first black to serve on the Republican Na­
tional Committee, hurriedly organized a 
Black Alternatives Conference in San Fran­
cisco, which Me&e and White House do­
mestic adviser Martin Anderson eagerly 
attended. “In the past, the old-line civil- 
rights groups won no matter who was elect­
ed,” says Lucas. “Unless we provided an 
alternative, Ronald Reagan would have no 
choice but to deal with those same people.” 

Later this month, more than 300 blacks 
are expected to attend a similar meeting 
sponsored by the conservative Hoover In­
stitution of Palo Alto, Calif. Lucas hopes 
that they will found a national, mass-mem­
bership counterweight to the NAACP.

Some traditional black leaders 
charge that they will inevitably 
become “house niggers” to the 
Reagan Administration; says 
Lucas, simply: “That’s the 
chance we’ll have to take.” 
Plainly, the new organization 
must establish Veredibility 
among blacks before it can be­
come a forep, but if it does, 
the White House would be de­
lighted. And even liberal 
blacks fiercely opposed to the 
conservatives, such as Wash­
ington economist David Swin- 
ton, think the new group has 
a chance. “The fact is there is 
enough feeling [among blacks] 
that something needs to 
change, something needs to be 
done,” says Swinton. “If these 
guys get enough exposure, so 
that it appears their ideas have 
validity, why shouldn’t some 
people follow them?” 

‘Light-Skinned Elite’: So 
bitter is the struggle for intel­
lectual and political leadership 
that it has descended to per­
sonal attacks. Writing recently 
in The Washington Post, the 
dark-skinned Sowell (page 30), 
charged that a “light-skinned 
elite” of blacks had pressed 
policies designed to help them­
selves gain “access to 
whites”—such as opening sub­
urban housing to blacks who 
can afford it. The argument 
provoked some knowing nods 
in the black community, and 
scathing rebuttal as well. In a 
Washington Post article a few

NEWSWEEK/MARCH 9, 1981



N A T I O N A L  A F F A I R S

JOBS AND WELFARE
Do Federal welfare programs harm the black 
community by encouraging people to be de­
pendent on the government? Or is welfare 
beneficial because so many black people are 
poor and need it to survive?
Welfare programs harm the biack community 24  % 

Weifare programs are beneficial 63%

Don’t know 13%

Would it be good for the biack community 
if employers could hire teen-agers at iess 
than the minimum wage as  a way to reduce 
teen-age unemployment? Or would allowing 
teen-agers to be hired at iess than the mini­
mum wage harm the biack community by 
taking jobs away from adult workers?
Sub-minimum wage good 

Would take adult jobs away 

Don't know

46%

39%
15%

Which of the foilowing approaches do you 
think is the best way for the Federal gov­
ernment to deal with unemployment in the 
biack community?
Increase benefits for the unemployed 5%

Give tax breaks to business
for creating more jobs 36%

Spend more on Federal job-training
programs and public-service jobs 52  %

Don't know 7%

Ross Barnett, “but there is a long tradition 
of black conservatism on issues like law 
and order and morality, which stems from 
deep religious beliefs.” Today’s black con­
servatives, such as Sowell and Temple Uni­
versity economist Walter Williams, base 
their philosophy not on religion but on an 
abiding intellectual faith that big govern­
ment must inevitably fail and only the pri­
vate sector can provide salvation.

Sowell concedes that Federal legislative 
and judicial efforts in the '50s and ’60s 
benefited blacks substantially by outlawing 
segregation and the most blatant forms of 
discrimination. “There was a time when 
the civil-rights movement represented a lib­
erating force,” he says. “They got state 
governments off the backs of black people. 
But they got bogged down trying to make 
government a positive force.”

He is incensed by the “social reformers” 
who “don’t take seriously the ideas and 
interests of poor people.” Says Sowell: 
“Maybe people are poor not because they 
have made bad decisions, but because other 
people have made bad decisions for them. 
The liberals and civil-rights organizations 
have their own grand designs to impose 
on blacks. And the government is there 
to see you have no other choice. . . .  If 
you allow the people to decide, you elimi­
nate all the middlemen, the researchers, 
consultants and economists who fatten 
themselves at the expense of the poor.” 

Williams contends that the mainline 
black leadership has supported laws and 
struck alliances that benefit whites at the 
expense of blacks. “Black people don’t con­
stitute a competitive threat to IBM or to

General Motors, but they threaten carpen­
ters, plumbers and the like,” Williams says. 
“ Unions always have it in their interest 
to restrict entry . . . and black people don’t 
benefit.” Williams also condemns govern­
ment regulation and licensing. “The classic 
case is the taxicab business,” he says. “In 
New York City, to own and operate one 
taxi, you have to buy a license [whii, h cosin 
up to $68,000] that black people can’t af­
ford, In Washington [with no such ex­
pense], 80 per cent of the taxis are owned 
and operated by blacks.”

Productive Role: Government assist­
ance, Sowell maintains, debilitates people 
who could make it on their own. In his 
new book, “Ethnic America,” to be pub­
lished in June, he points to hundreds of 
small businesses successfully established 
during the Depression by the low-income 
followers of Harlem^S Father Divine and 
contrasts them with “the massive business 
failures under the government-sponsored 
black-capital programs of the '60s and 
’70s.” The accent on government aid makes 
the black economic picture look worse than 
it is, says business consultant Daniel Smith 
of Los Angeles, who notes that three-quar­
ters of all black families are n o t  receiving 
public assistance. “We must be careful,” 
Smith adds, “not to leave the impression 
among blacks and whites, particularly 
young ones, that blacks play no productive 
role in the economic life of this nation.” 

Just as insidious, say the jjOnservatives. 
are affirmative-action plans designed to 
help blacks catch up in jobs and education 
by giving them prefeSences over equally 
qualified whites. To make the point, Sowell

days later, former HEW Secretary Patricia 
Roberts Harris, herself a light-skinned 
black, said pigment politics was “obscene” 
reasoning, “Orwellian double-speak" and 
“South African-type racism,”

Ideological competition among blacks is 
hardly new. At the turn of the century, 
black leadership was split between Booker 
T. Washington, who emphasized “self 
help” and practical training, and W, E, 
B DuBois, who argued that a well-educated 
elite should lead the masses to an integrated 
society. “The image of the black commu­
nity is that it is a monolith,” says Columbia 
University political scientist Marguerite

Sowell: ‘A S elf-Instruc ted  Man?
He is a ghetto kid and a high-school 

dropout whose academic success defies the 
odds—a brilliantly iconoclastic thinker 
who has won sudden prominence as Ron­
ald Reagan’s favorite black intellectual. 
UCLA Prof. Thomas Sowell, 50, is a re­
spected scholar whose work, says Nobel 
laureate Milton Friedman, has earned him 
“a solid reputation not as a black econo­
mist, but as an economist,” But Sowell’s 
conservative views are manifestly unset­
tling to the nation’s black establishment. 
One NAACP leader recently said he could 
become the Administration’s “house nig- 
ger”-—and Sowell, in an ad hominem at­
tack of his own, lambasted black Demo­
crats Andrew Young and Patricia Roberts 
Harris as light-skinned elitists whose lead­
ership rested on a pretense of being 
“blacker than thou.” The controversy con­
firmed Sowell’s talent for bristling invec­
tive—and left some of his friends shaking 
their heads. “Tom is brilliant, but he’s 
totally unpredictable,” said one, Califor­
nia Republican Henry Lucas. "What he

did served no useful purpose. It was 
personal vendetta.” '

Sowell began bucking the system early 
A fourth grader when his family migrated 
from North Carolina to Harlem in thi 
1930s, he was demoted to third grade uh 
der a long-standing rule that pupils ar̂  
riving from the South’s separate-but-un- 
equal schools fall back a year to catcl 
up. But he defied his parents, appealei 
to the principal and proved his ability tc 
stay with his class. But despite his evideni 
intelligence, and his promotion to a specia 
class for gifted students, he dropped ou 
after ninth grade to get a job. He left homi 
at 17, still struggling to finish high schoo 
at night. He was “losing in every way,' 
he recalls, when he was drafted into thi 
Marines during the Korean War. Bui 
when his hitch was over, he used the G 
Bill to enroll at Howard University ii 
Washington, where he was quickly reo 
ognized as an exceptional student and eij 
couraged to transfer to Harvard. Afti 
a difficult first year, Sowell settled on eoi

NEWSWEEK/MARCH 9, 1981



H a s  Federa l-governm ent activ ity  In the  followiing 
a re a s  m ade th ings bette r fo r b lack  peop le , m ade 
th ings w o rse  o r not m ade  m uch  d iffe rence?

HOW BLACKS SEE THEIR CHANGING LOT
C o m p a re d  w ith  five  y ea rs  ago , d o  you  th ink  
the  s itua tion  o f b la c k  p eo p le  in th is  coun try  
today  is  better, w o rse  o r abo u t the  sam e?  
Better 30% Worse 29% Same 39%

Lo o k ing  ahead , d o  you  th ink  unde r P re s id en t 
R e a g a n  the  s itua tion  o f b la ck  p eo p le  w ill be 
better, w o rse  o r abo u t the  sam e?
Better 8% Worse S2% ~ Same 30%

If you  cou ld  find  the  h ou s ing  you  w an t and 
like, w ou ld  you  ra ther live  in a  n e ighborhood  
w ith  b la ck  fam ilie s, o r o n e  tha t h ad  bo th  b la ck  
fam ilie s  and  w h ite  fam ilie s?
Black families 10% Both black and white 79%

Better Worse
Not much 
Difference

Housing 47% 21% 29%

kduo«tl«n 6» ‘K« 14% 21%

Jeb ( 31% 36% 31%

Civil rights 41% 15% 37%

Health care 55% 13% 27%

A nutritious diet 42% 12% 35%

Don't knows not shown except where noted

assembles voluminous data to indicate that 
affirmative-action programs made little or 
no difference on college faculties. But the 
worst part for Sowell is that affirmative 
action stigmatizes people like him—blacks 
who have made it on their own. That com­
plaint is shared by Clarence Thomas, an 
assistant to Republican Sen. John Danforth 
of Missouri, who says his Yale Law School 
classmates always assumed—incorrectly— 
that he had been admitted under lowered 
standards: “It’s very difficult for people 
who come from my background [a poor 
Georgia home] to function when their peers 
think ‘these guys are affirmative-action 
lawyers’—or ‘affirmative-action construc­
tion workers’.”

Strict Discipline: The conservatives’ 
judgments on black education defy con­
ventional wisdom. Busing black children 
to school with whites is a terrible mistake, 
Sowell contends: it doesn’t help the black

kids and it makes white adults angry. He 
says the fastest way to improve black 
schools would be to impose strict discipline 
and kick out the small fraction of rowdies 
who disrupt education for the majority.

Sowell professes confidence in the black 
masses’ ability to pull themselves up by 
their own bootstraps. In “Ethnic America,” 
he theorizes that ghettoized urban blacks 
are like immigrants, having headed north 
in waves from the foreign world of the rural 
South only in this century. They are now 
in the second generation, he says, com­
parable to Irish-Americans of a century 
ago. Just as the Irish progressed rapidly 
in the third and fourth generations, without 
government aid, so can urban blacks.

To many black intellectuals, the conser­
vatives’ complaints seem simplistic and 
their solutions unreal. “We cannot separate 
the incredible gains.that have been made 
[by blacks] from the strong role that the

Ken Love

BUSING AND EDUCATION
D o  you  fe e l tha t b la ck  ch ild ren  d o  be tte r o r ' 
w o rse  If they  g o  to  s c h o o ls  w h ich  a re  ra c ia lly  
m ixed— or d o e sn ’t  it rnake  an y  difference?,,-^ i 

Do Do - ' No "
better 47% worse 6% ' difference 43%

H a s  s c h o o l bus ing  fo r in teg ra tion  b e e n  h e lp ­
fu l to  b la c k  ch ild ren  on  b a lan ce— o r h a s  it 
c a u se d  m o re  d ifficu ltie s  than  it is  w o rth?  ;;i 

Helpliil40% ' Caused difficulties 50%

government has played,” says economist 
Bernard Anderson of the University of 
Pennsylvania’s Wharton School. And, he 
says. Big Government itself is tbiJ single 
largest employer of middle-class blacks.

“The basic problems of ^he hard-core 
unemployed are too great to solve merely

nomics, wrote his senior honors thesis on 
the theories of Karl Marx and was gradu­
ated m a g n a  c u m  la u d e  in 1958.

He pursued his studies at Columbia 
and the University of Chicago under 
economist George Stigler, who then as 
now recognized Sowell’s fierce independ­
ence of mind. “He’s a self-instructed 
man,” Stigler says. “You didn’t tell him 
what to do.” A committed Marxist when 
he left Harvard, Sowell gradually turned 
to the right—but he was never, he insists, 
“bamboozled” by the free-market 
doctrines prevailing at Chica­
go, the fountainhead of con­
servative economics, nor by 
the zeal of such faculty stars 
as Friedman. Finishing his 
course work, he became some­
thing of an academic gyp­
sy, teaching at Rutgers, How­
ard, Cornell and Brandeis and 
working as a staff economist 
for the Labor Department and 
AT&T before settling at 
UCLA in 1970. By then he 
had already published more 
than a dozen articles and was

C la ss ro o m  a u to c r a t
Blumensaadt—Matrix

finishing his first book; he has now pub­
lished seven books and two more are on 
the way. “He really works,” says a UCLA 
colleague. “He’s a driven man, deter­
mined to make a substantial contribu­
tion.” He is currently on leave from 
UCLA as a senior fellow at the Hoover 
Institution in Palo Alto.

Mars: He is also a passionate defender 
of academic tradition—a classroom auto­
crat who can be brutally demanding of 
his students and a caustic critic of double 
standards for minorities, including blacks.

When black student militants 
rebelled at Cornell in the 1960s, 
Sowell refused to cancel classes 
or join the faculty debate over 
educational “relevance.” One 
colleague complained he 
seemed to be “a man from 
Mars,” and Sowell soon left the 
university in disgust. His un­
compromising opposition to 
paternalism may be rooted in 
what one friend sees as a deep 
distrust of well-intentioned 
whites, and it has led him more 
and more toward politics.

Sowell was high on the list for the Reagan 
Cabinet, and last year began to organize 
a coalition of black conservatives. But he , 
turned down the Cabinet post and recently 
reduced his role with the conservative 
group. Such active participation in poli­
tics, he says, would only damage his schol­
arly reputation. He zealously prizes his 
privacy. Though friends find him witty 
and gregarious in private, he is generally 
aloof to the point of reclusiveness. Di­
vorced and recently remarried, Sowell di­
vides his time between his family (he has 
custody of a son from his first marriage), 
his long-running passion for still photog­
raphy and his work.

Still, Sowell has already demonstrated 
his overriding point: that black opinion 
in the United States is neither monolithic 
nor rcHexively liberal. “Tom Sowell’s go­
ing to be a leader whether he wants to 
or not,” says Stigler. “He’s honest and 
thorough and he’s doing a great service 
to the nation—even if he turns out to be 
wrong.”

TOM MORGANTHAU wilh 
GERALD C. LUBENOW in San Francisco 

and SYLVESTER MONROE in Chicago

NEWSWEEK/MARCH 9, 1981



N A T I O N A L  A F F A I R S

with assistance to businesses,” says Colum­
bia University political scientist Charles 
Hamilton. “There are real reasons why 
businesses have fled urban areas and [tax] 
incentives alone won’t bring them back.” 
Wharton’s Anderson also disagrees that 
paying teen-agers a sub-minimum wage 
would increase employment. “You just give 
the employer the incentive to fire the father 
and hire the son,” he says.

The civil-rights establishment seems con­
fident that most blacks will not buy the 
conservative gospel. “The Thomas Sowells 
of the world have something to say and 
are looking for a constituency,” says the 
Urban League’s Jordan. “They don’t have 
it now and I doubt whether they will ever 
get it.” The NAACP’s Hooks thinks the 
conservative view amounts to giving up. 
“It is understandable that some black peo­
ple are tired of fighting, but this is no time 
to back down,” he says. “If you let one 
law be rolled back, you jeopardize others.”

Some black leaders who don’t agree in 
principle with the conservatives seem will­
ing to pay attention to their theories. For­
mer Manhattan borough president Percy 
Sutton, who flew in for the Black Alter­
natives Conference in San Francisco just 
“to see what a black conservative looks 
like,” later told the meeting: “I am a card- 
carrying NAACPer and a Democrat. But 
you can convert us depending on your ideas.. 
If they’re good, they can influence a lot 
of us.” And Mayor Tom Bradley of Los 
Angeles recently announced that he would 
allow his city to test a program allowing 
teen-agers to work at a sub-minimum wage.

Rupture: What both liberals and conser­
vatives fear most is a leadership dispute 
that would split the black community. For­
mer United Nations Ambassador Andrew 
Young, whom Sowell labeled part of the 
“light-skinned elite,” thinks black leaders 
have the responsibility “to create a majority 
in America that is sensitive to the problems 
of the less fortunate.” He doesn’t want a 
fight with Sowell, Young says, “because 
he and the black Republicans are not the 
enemy.” Senate aide Thomas also worries 
about a political rupture. “There is a real 
danger,” he says. “I don’t think we can 
alford a split among black people. We’ve 
got problems as it is without that.”

As the Newsweek Poll demonstrates, 
blacks clearly feel frustrated. Only 30 per 
cent of them think the situation of black 
people has improved in the past five years, 
compared to 70 per cent who felt that way 
in 1969. Like other Amcrican.s, they are 
divided on remedies, such as allirmative 
action and quotas. Fully 70 per cent believe 
that to make up for past discrimination, 
employers and colleges should guarantee 
places for blacks. Yet by a close 47-45 mar­
gin, they are split over whether blacks 
should l)e granted preferences over equally 
qualified whites. Although the poll sug­
gested some conservative tendencies among

3fg—Detroit Free Press
H a z e l  a t  th e  s to r e f r o n t  in  P o n t ia c :  A  s c h e m e  *to b r in g  d o w n  U .S . G o v e rn m e n t*

A  B l u e - C o l l a r  T a x  R e v o l t

The storefront in Pontiac, Mich., is 
an unlikely headquarters for a revolu­
tionary movement. And the windbreak- 
ered, ski-capped blue-collar workers 
who keep the place bustling hardly look 
hellbent on bringing down the United 
States Government. Yet they are all part 
of an organized tax boycott that has 
spread quickly beyond its extreme-right 
origins. As many as 5,000 of Michigan’s 
working class may already be involved, 
a number so crushing that the Internal 
Revenue Service admits it will be almost 
impossible to prosecute them all.

The boycott began with a grass-roots 
organization that claims Federal with­
holding taxes are illegal. “We the 
People—American Citizens Tribunal,” 
founded fourteen years ago, has won 
a toehold among autoworkers and other 
wage earners eager for tax relief. They 
changed their W-4 withholding forms— 
listing so many dependents that employ­
ers could not deduct any income taxes 
from their paychecks—then refused to 
file Federal income-tax returns or

claimed to owe nothing. Actually, the 
goals of ACT’S hard-core followers may 
go far beyond beating the IRS. “We want 
to bring down the unlawful government 
of the United States,” says founder Dean 
Hazel, 28, a worker at General Motors.

But the government is beginning to 
fight back. Although IRS spokesmen 
deny it, manpower has been beefed up 
to handle the huge number of tax-eva­
sion cases in the state. The IRg also 
is stepping up audits and warning pro­
testers that 47 people we^e convicted 
in 1979 for trying similar schemes. 
Some protest leaders worry that all the 
publicity will make it even harder for 
them to get dispassionate court hear­
ings in the future. And at least one 
movement veteran is even calling the 
whole thing a mistake. “I almost de­
stroyed my life,” sighs John Reeve, 40, 
a suburban Detroit tool-and-die maker 
whose claim to 99 exemptions cost him 
$30,000 and two months in prison. “I 
thought I was right. It didn’t work out 
that way.”

blacks, they remain solidly liberal. Asked 
to place themselves on the political spec­
trum, one-quarter chose the middle of the 
road, but only 15 per cent said they were 
right of center and 44 per cent veered left.

Black Americans will need considerable 
persuasion to adopt a Rcaganesque view. 
“So much of what the conservatives say 
is tied to a nostalgia we can’t share,” says 
Joel Dreyfu.ss, managing editor of Black 
Enterprise magazine. “We remember when 
a democratic free-enterprise system bru­
talized black people and excluded them 
from working.” And the black conserva­
tives know they have accepted a serious 
responsibility—and a risk that blacks will 
miss out on the desired “supply side” eco­

nomic growth if the civil-rights gains of 
the ’60s are not upheld. “My understanding 
is that the Reagan Administration is com­
mitted to enforcitig the anti-discrimination 
laws,” says Thomas. “But, oh God, I sure 
hope they don’t blow it. Because some of 
us would really have to eat crow, man— 
and without the ketchup.” Not simply to 
avoid embarrassing its black conservative 
supporters, but to do justice to both the 
potential and the problems of all black 
Americans, the Reagan Administration 
must show that ideas such as Sowell’s can 
be made to work.

JERROLD K. FOOTLICK with GERALD C. 
LUBENOW in San Francisco, DIANE WEATHERS in 

New York, JAMF̂  DOYLE and HOWARD FINEM AN 
in Washington and VERN E. SMITH in Atlanta

NEWSWEEK/MARCH 9, 1981



P a n e l  P r o p o s e s  B r o a d  C h a n g e s  i n  E d u c a t i o n  a n d  J o b  P r e p a r a t i o n
By GENE I. MAEROFF

A series of sweeping changes in public 
education, to give young people, particu­
larly those not bound for college, more 
options in the critical years from 16 to 21, 
was proposed yesterday by the Carnegie 
Council on Policy Studies in Higher 
Education.

The changes, aimed at making learn­
ing more palatable emd at easing the 
transition between education and work, 
are intended to help youths become re­
sponsible members of society at a time 
when increasing numbers of those not 
academically inclined are apparently 
being alienated.

“Young people who are failing to learn 
how to function effectively in a demo­
cratic society present a problem to the 
entire society,” says the 332-page report. 
“We all pay a price in terms of safety in 
our streets and our homes; in terms of 
heavy social costs for unemployment, 
law enforcement, and prisons; and in 
terms of the social malaise that stems in 
part from the recognition that we are not 
meeting the problems of many of our 
youth.”

The report is filled with a sense of ur­
gency arising out of the Carnegie Coun­
cil’s fear that, without drastic changes in 
schooling and job preparation, the nation 
is in danger of creating “a permanent un­
derclass, a self-peitietuating culture of 
poverty, a substantial ‘lumpen proletari­
at.’ ”

Council Will Soon Dissolve
In the last decade, the Carnegie Coun­

cil and its predecessor, the Carnegie 
Commission, have issued dozens of re­
ports on h i^ e r  education. The council, 
based in Berkeley, Calif., is a r^earch 
arm of the nonprofit Carnegie Founda­
tion for the Advancement of Teaching. 
The council, which is preparing to end its 
existence, is increasingly concerned 
about the 62.3 percent of youths not in 
school or college. The report directs in­
terest toward a group that has been 
largely overlooked in the great period of 
higher education expansion that the coun­
cil Itself helped promote. These are the 
main proposals:

9The end of compulsory schooling at 
the age of 16.

9A National Youth Service Foundation 
to give young people who do not go to

school or enter the work force or the mili­
tary a chance to serve their communities.

•lA National Education Fund from 
which people could draw financial c r ^ t s  
for schooling throughout their lives.

flHigh school-level work-study pro­
grams based on the college model.

^Federal incentives to move most 
vocational training out of high schools 
and into community colleges and job 
sites.
- ^Increased attention to the teaching of 
basic skills in high school, with $500 mil­
lion in new support from Title I of the Ele­
mentary and Secondary Education Act, 
which now is focused mostly on elemen­
tary schools.

Tlie recommended changes would cost 
the Government $1.4 billion to $1.9 billion, 
but the report said that the cost would be 
offset by “reducedsocial costs.”

‘Serious Inequities’ Found 
The lack of sufficient attention to the 

needs of young people not bound for col­
lege has left them unfulfilled by school 
and ill-prepared for the job market, ac­
cording to the report, entitled “Giving 
Youth a Better Chance: Options for 
Education and Work,” which is being 
published by Jossey-Bass.

“There are serious inequities between 
the increasing resources devoted by our 
society to young people enrolled in higher 
education and ttie much less adequate re­
sources allocated to those who do not en­
roll in college,” states the report, which 
was released at the New York City head­
quarters of the Carnegie Corporation, the 
council’s sponsor.

If adopted, the recommendations 
would make it easier for young people to 
drop out of school, but there would be 
planned programs for them, and the 
schools would continue to monitor them.

Vandals Give Students a Holiday
INDIANA, Pa., Nov. 27 (UPI) — About 

2,300 students in the Merion Center School 
District in northern Indiana County got 
the day off today because vandals had 
immobilized school buses. Black paint 
was sprayed on the windshields of 26 
buses parked in a garage.

The H om e Section  
Thursday in The N e w  York Tim es

Students who drop out without having 
shown they have mastered the basic 
skills would be referred for part-time in­
struction.

Those who remain in school would find 
it easier to get jobs, and though they may 
attend classes as few as three da3rs a 
week, their schooling would concentrate 
on reading, writing and mathematics, as 
well as encouraging work habits that 
could contribute to long-range success.

Focus on Inner Cities
“There is more at stake than success in 

reducing the number of young people 
whose destiny otherwise is poverty,” the 
report says. “The chronic truants and 
dropouts, especially in inner-city areas, 
are truly a ‘lost generation. ’ ’ ’

Three-quarters of the nation’s youth re­
main in high school long enou^ to get 
their diplomas, and one-h£df of those who 
graduate enter college. Statistics gath­
ered by the United States Bureau of the 
Census showed in 1978 that only 37.7 per­
cent of the 16-to-21 age group were en­
rolled in school or college.

Young people not wanting to pursue 
formal education would be able to join a 
large-scale youth service program simi­
lar to the Peace Corps or Vista. While in 
the youth service, they would get finan­
cial credits throu^ a National Education 
Fund that would help them pay for future 
educational costs, as the G.I. Bill does for 
veterans.

Elimination of the “deadly” routine of 
school is one of the goals of the Carnegie 
Council, which envisions smaller high 
schools where young people would be 
motivated by specialized studies organ­
ized around such themes as business, 
music or aeronautics.

The mission of two-year community 
colleges would be enlarged to include 
much of the vocational education now of­
fered in high schools. Furthermore, com­
munity colleges would take responsibility 
for maintaining a liaison with students in 
the two years after they leave high 
school, regardless of what ttie young peo­
ple do with their lives.

In total, the Carnegie Council proposes 
a coordinated approach in which high 
schools, colleges, employers, a national 
youth service and the military cooperate 
to let youths shift back and forth, all the 
while gaining skills and experience to 
equip them for a productive lives.

O c c u p a t i o n s  

O f  A m e r i c a n  

Y o u t h s
(A ged 16-21  years)

Source: Carnegie Commission

4 1 %  a r e  e m p l o y e d

3 8 %  a r e  In s c h o o l  
o r  college

•Not in labor force, not In school, 
not a homemaker, not In armed 
forces

(Sum is 101 percent because of rounding.) ■n»e New York Times/Nov. 28.1



TH E N E W  Y O R K  T IM E S, SATU RD AY, J U L Y  18, 1981

1
O p p o s i t i o n

Rights Activists Fear Desegregation W ill Be Slowed by Busing
B y NATHANIEL SHEPPARD Jr.

Civil rights activists are worried that 
progress in school desegregation w ill be 
slowed If President Reagan and Con­
gress are successful in their current ef-

In som e communities there has al- 
r e a ^  been retrenchment on longstand­
ing desegregation programs. Los An­
geles, for example, recently scrapped  
its  three-yearold busing program  In 
favor of a  voluntary program that, offi­
cia ls concede, is likely to bring about lit­
tle  desegregation.

Montgomery County, Md., which has  
had a  Quality Educatlon/R acial Bal­
ance plan since the 197D's, has decided to  
close 34 schools In the next five years. 
Anticipating that the decision would re­
quire an expanded busing program  to  
maintain present levels of desegrega- 
ticm, the school board decided instead  to  
double the percentage by w hich m i- 
n o tlN  eiuollment in district schools 
c ^ d  exceed the county average o f m i­
nority students.

Chicago and Yonkers B attles
Other cities, including Chicago and  

Yonkers, N.Y., have fought school de­
segregation for decades and little  deseg­
regation has resulted. The exodus of 
w hite students from Chicago has re ­
sulted in a  situation In which only token  
desegregation is now possible.

However, the civil rights activ ists say  
there are numerous cases of stab le d e­
segregation efforts in which student 
achievem ent has Increased, and these, 
-oupled with a solid body of law  that has

Vveloped around the issue, w ill prevent 
idespread dismantling of desegrega- 

o ro^m s.
te are now seeing an even  m ore  

s  attack on desegregation than

f  AMOdMadPnw
David S. T a te l:" What th is adm in­
istration is  doing is  a  serious threat 

todesegtegatlaa.”

Uiiltad PrcM tnt«nMiUoml
The Rev. Jesse  L. J ack son , rights  
leader: “ Busing Is ab so lu te ly  a  

code word tor desegregation .”

under the Nixon Administration,”  said  
David S. Tatel, who headed the O ffice 
for Civil Rights of the D epartm ent of 
Health, Education and W elfare in the 
Carter Administration.

'Responsible’ Officials E lsew here
“ What this Administration is  doing is  

a serious threat to desegregation,”  Mr. 
Tatel said, “but desegregation is  not 
dead. While the Federal Government 
has made it clear that it w ill not insist on 
school desegregation, there are enough

responsible city, state and school offi­
cials atKl courts who w ill take their re- 
sponsibill^seriously.”

With the election of a  m uch m ote  con­
servative Congress, “ there has been a 
dramatic increase in political oi^posi- 
tion to school desegregation and other 
social Issues,”  said W illiam L. Taylor of 
the Center forNatlonal P olicy  R eview , a  
civil rights research and advocacy or- 
gahication affiliated w ith  Catholic Uni' 
versity in Washington, D.C.

“We may see som e slow ing in the

progress being m ade," he sa id , “ but I 
am confident that there has been estab­
lished a substantial body of law  in the 
area that will protect the achievem ents 
that have been m ade.”

The threats to progress in  school de­
segregation cited by the tw o m en and 
others are embodied in the anti-busing 
efforts being waged in Congress and by 
the Reagan Admliiistratlon.

On June 9, the House, by a  vote of 265 
to U2, attached a  provision to the $2.3- 
blllion Justice D epartm ent authoriza­
tion bill, prohibiting the agency from fil­
ing any actions against school districts 
that would require the busing of stu­
dents to any s ^ o o l  other than the one 
closest to their hom es, except in cases 
where special education w as need id.

Senator Jesse A. H elm s, Republican 
of North Carolina, o f f e r ^  the sam e  
rider in the Senate and ly ia s s e d  by a 
vote of 45 to 30 on June 18. Then, Senator 
J. Bennett Johnston, Dem ocrat of 
Louisiaiu, offered an  additional amend­
ment that would bar Federal courts 
from issuing busing orders that would 
carry students more than fiv e  m iles or 
more than IS m inutes beyond the school 
closest to their hom es.

Action on the am ended rider has been 
blocked, however, b ecause o f a  filibus­
ter led by Senator Lowell P . W elcket 
Jr., Republican of Connecticut. -

. EducaUan Dept. L oses Pow er
The attacks on busing began vrlth the 

oposition of the Nixon Adm inistration td 
busing; it did not, o f course, begin  with 
the Reagan Adm inistration or the cur­
rent, m ote Conservative, m ore Republi­
can Congress. In 1978, tor exam ple. 
Senators Thomas F . E agleton , D e m »  
crat of Missouri and Joseph R . Biden 
Jr., Democrat of D elaw are, attached I  
successful restriction to the Department

For your information, from Public Affairs'.

of Education appropriations bill, pro­
hibiting the agency from  terminating 
funds to school d istricts where compli­
ance with desegregation  orders would 
require busing students to  schools be­
yond the one nearest to  their homes.

The acUon effec tively  took away from 
the agency Its m ost effective tool for 
forcing recalcitrant school districts into 
compliance with the law .

Proponents o f the new  restrictive 
proposals assert that the proposals are 
not designed to Inhibit school desegrega­
tion. Senator H elm s, for exam ple, says 
that the United States Constitution “for­
bids segregation but does not require ra­
c ia l balance in the nation’s  schools. ” 

"Schools should be open to  all per­
sons," he said through a  spokesman^ 
“but no student should be required to at­
tend a  school out o f h is n e lg h w rlK ^ . If 
a neighlwriiood happens to  be segregat­
ed, that’s  just a  fa c t w e  have to live 
with.”

No Alternative to  Busing  
The Reagan Adm inistration has 

ad d ^  to the controversy by coming out 
squarely against busing a s  a  tool for 
a c h ie : ^  school desegregation  without 
offering alternatives.

Officials have said  that the Adminis­
tration favors other Innovative strate­
gies, but when asked to  g iv e  som e exam­
ple, they have not done so. Asked to de­
fine the Adm inistration’s  policy on 
sctMol desegregation, the White House 
Office of Policy R eview  sa id , .’’Call the 
Justice D epartm ent.”

A spokesman a t Ju stice said  the clos­
est thing to  a  stra tegy  that he could 
think of w as the G overnm ent’s  proposal 
for a voluntiry desegregation  plan lor 
St.Louls.

There are 58,000 students In St. Louis, 
of whom 78 percent are black. The city  
developed a  desegregation plan but it 
left about half the c ity ’s  schools still seg­
regated, and school offic ia ls have said 
they have gone a s  far  a s  they  can with­
out a metropolitan area  plan that would 
Include 23 other school d istricts.



P o l l  F i n d s  R e a g a n ’ s  P r o g r a m  
R a i s e s  H o p e s  D e s p i t e  L o s s e s

ByADAMCLYMER
Am ericans generally  feel fliat Presi­

dent Reagan's program has hurt the  
ecxHXiiny so  far, and this (g)lniaa is  cost­
ing him s u i^ r t ,  according to  the latest 
New York T im es/C B S N ew s Poll.

But an  eren  larger percentage said  
that the program would eventually help  
d ie  couhtry, and a  m ajority said  they  
were p r q i a ^  to  w ait a t least another 
year before judging the im g ra m  a  suc­
cess or a  failure.

Fifty-one percent of those polled said  
they believedthat the pn^ ram  had hurt 
the econom y thus far. But 60 percent 
said they thought the President's ec o ­
nomic program woidd evo itu a lly  help

the nation; this included the half of 
those polled vrtio say  they expect unem­
ployment to hit their own fam ilies in the 
next year. Twm ty-six percent said they  
thought the Reagan program would hurt 
in the long run, and 14 percent had no 
opinion. I
' Despite this long-range hopefulness, 
the poll showed that the public holds the 
recession against Mr. Reagan. In the 
quarteiiy ^11, taken to m easure Mr. 
Reagan and his program a s he com ­
pletes his first year in the White House,

R e a g ^ ’s First Y e a r
F irst o f  s ix  articles.

overall approval a t  the Reagan job per­
formance din>ed to 49 percent, falling  
below 50 percent to r  the first tim e in 
T im es/C B S N ew s Polls.

With 49 percent o f the public approv­
ing of his handling of the Presidency and 
38 percent disapproving, Mr. Reagan  
stood weaker with the public than Presi­
dent Carter did a fter one year in office, 
w h ai 51 percent approved and 29 per­
cent disapproved. Four months ago, 53 
percrat voiced a i^roval of Mr. Reagan  
and 33 percent indicated disapproval. 

Right now the public answ er to  a  
lely version of the question he used  

President Carter in 1980 is  un­
favorable. Asked "Are you better off 

than you were <me year ago?” 37 
ircrot said yes, 62 percent said  no, and 

1 percent offered no answer.
The public’s  willingness to  w ait for

Continued on Page A20, Column 1



22 E T H B  N E W  Y O R K  T M B S ,

JfeUr Jlark
FoundidinlSSl

ADOLfK S. OCHS, Publitktr im-im 
ARTHUR HAYS SULZBERGER. PubUthar 1996>mi 

ORVIL E. DRYPOOS. Publiahtr mM96$

ARTHUR OCHS SULZBERGER, Publiaher
A. M. ROSENTHAL, Executive Editor 

’SBYMOU R TOPPING. Managing Editor 
ARTHUR OELB, Dtputy Managing Editor 

JAMES L GREENPIELD, ABsistont Managing Editor 
LOUIS SILVERSTEIN, Managing Editor

MAX PRANKEL, Editorial Page Editor 
JACK ROSENTHAL, Deputy Editorial Page Editor 

CHARLOTTE CURTIS, Aesociate Editor
TOM WICKER, Aeeociate Editor

JOHN D. POMFRET, Exee. V.P„ General Manager 
JOHN MORTIMER, Sr. V.P., Aaat. to General Manager 

DONALD A. NIZEN, Sr. V,P., Conaumer Marketing 
LANCE R. PRIMIS, Sr. V.P., Advertising 

J. A. RIGGS, JR., Sr, V.P, Operations 
JOHN M. 0;BRIEN, V.P, Controller 

ELISE J. ROSS, V.P., Systems

The People on the Edge
CSiristlna Nelson, a young mother from Mineral 

Point, Mo., had a job and wanted to keep it. Then 
why, asked John Hart of NBC News, did she quit? Be­
cause her baby daughter was sick. Working made 
her ineligible for medical coverage. By going onto 
welfare, she “got my Medicaid card back on her..,.. 
I had to take her into consideration over myself. My­
self, I’d rather work than be on welfare. ”

Christina Nelson personifies a whole class in 
American society. They are the working poor, the 
millions who work hard and long but don't earn quite 
enough to make it. They are the people on the edge, 
clutching at self-sufficiency and self-respect but 
needing a helping hand. Without it, they fall. And 
thus, a year into Ronald Reagan’s Presidency, 
Christina Nelson also personifies something else — 
the puzzling and cruel contradiction in his policy to­
ward the poor.

Conservatives are supposed to be against wel­
fare — and for work. Better to earn something and 
get some public assistance than to earn nothing and 
be wholly dependent. Yet that is not Ronald Rea­
gan’s philosophy.

He would probably bridle at. the suggestion that 
his policy is cruel. Does it not include a safety net for 
the “truly needy”? As two of his theoreticians, Rob­
ert Carleson and Kevin Hopkins, wrote last fall, 
“Those who are not physically able to support them­
selves should receive adequate benefits at all 
times.” But they mean the old and the disabled. They 
do not think Government has the money to help the 
"relatively poor.” Hence the contradiction.

Many welfare recipients work, and in the past. 
Government encouraged work by not reducing their 
welfare payments by the full amount of their earn­
ings. The Reagan Administration has eliminated 
even that modest incentive for 408,000 families and 
reduced it for 279,000 more. And it appears ready to 
chop further. The effect is not only cruel. It will very 
likely be costly. *

To see why, consider the situation of a Queens 
woman with three children who works full-time, 
earns $704 a month, and has also received a welfare

supplement of $190 and day care wor^ $160. Starting 
yesterday, under the new Reagan rules, those bene­
fits disappeared. What would you do if now faced 
with her choice?

If she continues to work, she will have to pay the 
$160 for day care, plus about $100 for transportation, 
lunch and work expenses. That shrinks her earnings 
to $444. But if she gives up her job, stays home with 
the children and goes completely on welfare, she 
would receive $438. Working full-time will net her 27 
cents a day.

Given that kind of choice, would it be surprising 
if many working poor people choose 100 percent wel­
fare over work? Should It be surprising if, as a result 
of Mr. Reagan’s supposed austerity, the drain on the 
public purse in crea ses?

The Administration seems dutifully aware of the 
danger. Its answer is workfare—to req u ire  people to 
work to qualify for welfare. “It’s not going to be a  
question of whether you work, but for whom,” one 

-budget official has said. Given the choice of raking 
leaves for the county or finding work in the private 
sector, he added, most people will try the latter.

There are, however, obvious defects in that con­
fident solution. Many of the people Involved are 
mothers whose young children not even the harshest 
Reaganaut would leave without supervision. But who 
will pay for day care? Besides, workfare does not de­
crease the cost of welfare. Even raking leaves re­
quires rakes. Even make-work requires overhead, 
equipment, supervisors. Who will pay for those?

Finally, the touching faith that the working poor 
can be driven to find "work in the private sector” 
comes up against one terrible question: what work in 
the private sector? Should not the budget man and 
his fellow philosophers lay cruel theory aside long 
enough to heed an even crueler reality? Unemploy­
ment has now risen to the second h ip est monthly 
level in 40 years.

It may have been utopian for Lyndon Johnson to 
think that poverty would disappear if the working 
poor, clutching at the edge, were given a helping 
hand. But Ronald Reagan has figu i^  out a way to 
make the working poor di^ppear: by stepping on 
their fingers.



A 2 0 T H E  N E W  YO R K  T IM E S, TU E SD A Y, J A N U A R Y  19, 1982

Poll Finds Reagan’s Economic Plan Raises Hopes
Continued From P age 1

Mr. Reagan’s  program to succeed, as he 
has urged the public to do, w as a key  
finding. Asked when the program shouid 
b e judged, only II percent said now or by 
June; 24 percent would g ive it another 
yM r, and the remainder either cited  
Icnger periods or had ho specific an­
swer. But along with that patience cam e  
a  negative reading on his handling of the 
problem; 42 percent approved and 48 
percent disapproved.

The poll also reflected am bivalence 
about Mr. Reagan’s handling of foreign 
pqUcy.

Outlook (m War Ambiguous
An issue that nagged h is 1980 cam ­

paign returned with vigor, a s  48 percent 
o f  £ e  1,540 voting-age Am ericans polled 
by telephone last week agreed that they  
were “ afraid Ronald Reagan might get 
u sin to a w a r .”

Evidence in the poll suggested that 
pertiaps a third of those questioned w ere  
relatively untroubled by the possible 
risk. E v « i so, the 48 percent who voiced  
fears of war constitute a group consider­
ably larger than the 39 percent who ex­
pressed such view s a t the end of the 1980 
cam paign, and w as much higher than 
the 33 percent who took that position in 
April of this year.

At the sam e tim e, however, a  steady  
52 percent of the public said they a|>- 
ptOved of the President’s  handling of 
fbreign policy, and there w as no evi- 
dence of signihcant dissatisfaction with  
the steps taken In reaction to m artial 
law In Poland. Half the public thought in 
general that Mr. Reagan displayed  
"about the right level of firm ness’’ In 
foreign policy. About a  fifth felt he was 
too weak and another fifth regarded him  
as too aggressive.

The implications of the poll were 
clearer for the Republican Party than 
for Mr. Reagan. Those polled said they  
aonsldered the D em ocrats, a lth o u ^

Nation’s ‘Most Important 
Problem’: Unemployment 
Surpasses Inflation 
In the Public’s View

The New YorkTlmes/Jan. 19,1982

narrowly, better able to  solve the coun­
try’s foremost problems.

The respondents were asked to nam e 
the nation’s  m ost important problem. 
Slxty-twopprcent cited the econom y, ei­
ther generally or in a  specific apea. 
Seventeen percent named unemploy­
m ent, which overtook inflation — l l s t ^  
by 11 percent — lor the first tim e in 
m any years as the major problem.

P o l l  I n v o l v e d  Q u e r i e s  t o  1 ,5 4 0
The latest New York T lm es/C BS  

News Poll is based on telephone intelt- 
views conducted from Jan. 11 through 
Jan. 15 with 1340 adults around the 
United States.

The sam ple of telephone exchanges 
called was selected by a  computer' 
from a complete list of exchanges in 
ttffi country. The exchanges were 
clKisen in such a  way as to insure that 
each re^on of the country w as repre­
sented in proportion to its  population. 
For each exchange, the telephone 
numbers were formed by random 
digits, thus permitting access to both 
listed and unlisted residential num­
bers.

The results have been weighted to 
take account of household size and to

adjust for variations in the sam ple re­
lating to region, race, sex , age and 
education.

In theory, it can be-sald that in 95 
cases out of 100 the results based on the 
entire sam ple differ by no more than 3 
percentage points in either direction 
from what would have been obtaiiied 
by interviewing all adult Americans. 
The error for sm aller subgroups is 
larger, depending m i  the number of 
sam ple cases in the subgroup.

The theoretical errors do not take 
into account a margin of additional 
error resulting from the various 
practical difficulties in taking any sur­
vey of public opinion.

Assisting The Tim es in its 1982 sur­
vey coverage is Dr. Michael R. Kagay 
of Princeton University.

Whatever problem w as named, each  
person polled w as asked which party  
could do the better job of solving it.

Thirty-six percent expressed prefer­
ence for the Dem ocrats, and 32 percent 
chose the Republicar^. Some polltakers 
regard this sequence as a  useful indica­
tor of politics to com e. When the sam e  
question was asked last Septem ber, 39 
percent picked the Republicans and 27 
percent picked the Democrats.

The poll also indicated a  slight m ove­
ment away from individual identifica­
tion with the Republican Party. For all 
of 1981, T im es/C B S News Polls found an 
average of 40 percent calling them ­
selves Republicans, or Republican-lean-' 
ing independents. In this poll, the R e­
publican share w as 37 percent. D em o­
crats, who totaled 49 percent of the pub­
lic in 1981, amounted to 51 percent in this 
poll. The Democratic change w as not 
statistically significant.

Support on Them atic Issues

Mr. Reagan’s  side of two prospective 
arguments on Capitol Hill has som e pub­
lic support. By a m argin of 63 percent to 
23 percent, the public said Congress had 
a greater responsibility than the Presi­
dent for balancing the budget. And the 
possibility of raising $8 billion a  year in , 
additional taxes on liquor, cigarettes ) 
and gasoline appeared to m eet public 
acceptance, with 3 Am ericans in 5

favoring more taxes on at least som e of 
those item sj when told such increases  
would “help balance the Federal budg­
et .”

The President’s  support rem ains 
strxmgest on the them atic, rather than 
specific, keys to his Administration. 
Seventy-two percent of those polled said  
they thought Mr. Reagan would be able  
to “see  to it that the United States is  re­
spected byothernations.”

That confidence w as also reflected in 
answers to two other new versions of the  
questions that Mr. Reagan posed in h is  
debate with Mr. Carter in Cleveland on 
Oct. 28, 1980, when, as the Republican 
Presidential nominee, he a s k ^  voters 
to reflect on the previous four years.

Asked ‘̂Is American, at least a s  re­
spected throughout the world as It w as 
one year ago?” 54 percent said yes and 
36 percent said no. Asked “ Do you feel 
that our security is  sa fe— that is , are w e  
at least as strong as w e were one year  
ago?” 70 percent said yes and 22 percent 
said no.

There were several reflections of cur­
rent unhappiness with the economy.

Unemployment w as the focus. Two 
out of three respondents said som eone 
they knew well w as out of work and ac­
tively seeking w ork; one in three said an 
adult in their household had been out of 
work in the last year, and three in  10 
said they thought that chances w ere  
“high” that an adult in the household 
would be out of a  job in the next year.

Tbey Still E xpect Im provement
But even in the group expecting a  

household m em ber to be out of a  job, 
half of those polled said they believed  
that Mr. Reagan’s  econom ic program  
would eventually help the country. 
Among the 32 percent of the public who 
expressed belief that thus far the pro­
gram had hurt the natimi, tw o out of five  
foresaw eventual help.

Republicans and those with fam ily Irr- 
com es of $40,000 and up w ere am w ig the 
most optim istic, w ith four o f five in each  
category expecting eventual Improve­
ment fnnn Mr. R eagan’s  program.

That h ip e s t  incom e category w as  
also among the m ost likely to approve of 
Mr. Reagan's handling of his job; '69 
percent of them  did. Thirty-nine percent 
of them thought that the P r^ id en t  
“cares a  great deal” about people like 
them selves. , • .

Mr. Reagan m ay  have reason to be 
grateful to this group for m ore than its 
opinions. Forty-two j^rcent of them  say  
they have more in savings and invest­
ments than they had a year ago, w hile 16 
percent said they had less. The theory 
behind his tax-cut program has alw ays 
been that high-income individuals 
would put their tax  cuts to productive 
use. For the public as a  whole, only 22 
percent said they now have more saved  
or invested than they did a  year ago. 
Thirty-two percent said they had less.

Uneven Spread on Slippage
The modest slippage in Mr. Reagan’s  

approval rating since Septem ber w as 
imevenly spread among different

Percentage of respandents 
whoaakiReagan’a 

- economic program-. - i

Rating the Current 
And Future Benefits 
Of Reagan’s  
Economic Program

...K ath elp ad  ...w n te v en -  
thecountry'a tuallyhelp 

economy the country’s  
lo far  economy

32% ' eo%
Biw Tr?: ; 32

64
ANNUAL INCOME

Leas then $10,000 21

:i{ T '-

64
4^i-84yean r n i m m M

PARTriOENTlFICATtON
Democrat t m m '
Independent
Repubitcen S3

ECONOMIC WORRIES
Those who eee high chance Of
unemployment In family bi 1 $82

REGION
Eimt 57
South W '  ■
Mfdwaet . ■ ■ '33 04 ..

'  A  m r - ' :' -'32 65
RATING OF REAGAN’S
OVERALL JOB PERFORMANCE

Those whocuirently approve 86
Those who currently dieiqspfova

Poli of 1,940 reapondant* conducted Jm . 11-19,1082.

The New York T lmaa/Ju. It, I tn

groups. For exam ple, 56 percent of the 
respondents 18 to 29 years of age ap­
proved, as 55 percent of them  had in Sep  ̂
tember. But approval from those b ^  
tween the ages of 45 and 64 d r o p p ^ to  39 
percent from 51 percent.

Fifty-five percent of whites appivved  
of Mr. Reagan's handling of his office. 
But only 8 percent of the black respond­
ents approved, down from 14 percent in 
September, n ils  is  the lowest approval 
rating from blacks that the T im es/C B S  
News Poll has ever found, and it is al­
most as low as fe e  Gallup Poll ever re­
corded. On one occasion last fall Gallup 
found 7 percent of blacks approving Mr. 
Reagan.

Black-white differences rem ained

strong on other quesUcms, too. For ex­
am ple, 32 percent of blacks and 64 per­
cent of whites expected eventual help  
for the econom y from his policies. Only 
one of the 127 blacks interviewed said  
that Mr. Reagan cared “a  great deal"  
about poor people. Nineteen percent of 
all whites interviewed did.

T o m o rro w : F e d e r a l is m .

Fire Guts Pilsen Brewery
PRAGUE, Jan. 18 (U P I) —  A fire de­

stroyed the 126-year-old Pilsen brewery 
on Sunday, the Czechoslovak p r ^  
agency said.



T H E  N E W  Y O R K  T IM E S , TU E SD A Y, J A N U A R Y  19, 1982 A 1 9

In Person!
Meet

William E Buckleji; Jr.
Editor, N ationa l Review ̂

Hô  **Firing Une” 
and Bestselling Aiitfior of 

MARCO POLO, IF YOU CAN

tomonow, January 2 0  
5 :3 0  - 7 :0 0  pm at our 

Hfth Avenue store

''W ill ia m  F. B u c k le y ,  J r . ,  is  a lm o s t  a lo n e  in  
u s in g  t h e  g e n u in e  p o l i t ic a l  m is c h ie f  a s  a  
s o m c e  o f  w i t  in  t h e  s p y  n o v e l.”

A n a to l e  B ro y a id N e u )  I h r k  T i m e s

W illia m  F  B u c k le y , J r .  a n d  B la c k fo rd  O a k e s

L a b o r  D e p t ,  P r o p o s e s  V o l u n t a r y  W o r k e r  S a f e t y  P l a n s

B y S E m S .K IN G
IpecWtoTbeNmYtrtTliim

WASHINGTON, Jan. 18 —  V oluntaiy  
worker protection plans that could  
elim inate many functions o f  the Occu- 
peticnal Safety and Health Adm inistra- 
tion were prapoeed today b y  th e  Depart­
m ent of Latwr.

In an announcement to b e  published in  
Tuesday's Fedeihl R c ^ ster , the depart- 
ment is  s e e in g  industry and union com ­
ments on the proposal, w hich includes 
these elements;

9In big industrial concerns, joint 
managemoit-worker com m ittees would  
establish health aiKl sa fe ty  ru les and 
senre a s  the Y ^ c le  for woluntary com - 
^dance with them.

c r b e  worker protection program s of 
large companies w ith proymi safety  
records would be accepted, and periodic 
OSHA in^iectians o f those com panies 
would end.

g ib e  department would a lso  "recog- 
trise" the ^ e t y  plans of sm all- to  m id­
sized employers in  low-hazard indus- 
tr iefw h o have good sa fe ty  records and 
dim inate m ost OSHA Inspectioos of 
them.

R ig litso lV o tk en
OSHA officials said that participatioa  

by a  company in any o f t h ^  program s 
would not affect oirrm it rights o f work­
ers to  complain about hazards.

f‘OSHA would, of com ae, retain the re­
sponsibility for handling com plaints al- 
i^ m g  im m inait danger,”  the agency  
said in the statem ent prepared for the  
Federal Register. “ But th e  agency  
would encourage other sa fe ty  and  
health complaints b e  handled through 
som e type of internal ccanplaint system  
by the m anagem ent-employee worksite 
com m ittee.”

The proposed program  would begin  
with several pilot [srojects in  com panies 
of various sizes. OSHA “m a y  choose”  in

the course of the tr ia l period to  elim i­
nate gm eral scheduled inspections of 
participating com panies, th e  agency  
said.

Companies that already h ave exten­
sive health and sa fe ty  p lans in  effect 
would not be required to  crea te  m anage­
ment-employee s u r v ^ a n c e  com m it­
tees, but in that ca se , OSHA would re­
quire managem ents to  inform  em ploy­
ees o f the safety requirem ents and the 
results they achieved. T he agency  
would a lso conduct annual audits of in­
dustry safety records and poll w otkers 
for their evaluation o f the program s.

In his Presidential cam paign . Presi­
dent Reagan frequently a t t a c im  OSHA, 
charging that it  w a s inefficient a s  well 
a s ineffective and often  d id  little  m m e  
than harass em ployers w ith  its  inspec­
tions and regulations. In the la s t year  
the new d ii« m )is  o f  the agen cy  have  
been scaling down som e of its  ̂ r a t i o n s  
and seeking to revise m any o f its  rules.

OSHA is (nerating in  the f isca l year  
1962 on a  budget of $192 m illion, s u b t ly  
less than the tnevious year . Vacancies 
in the inspector force have not been  
filled this year. In th e  24 s ta tes  that have  
s a f ^  arid health program s o f  their  
own, many Federal OSHA Inspectors 
have been withdrawn, leav in g  the states  
m charge with Federal supervision.

The 1970 act creating OSHA provided 
for voluntary program s, but no previous 
Administration established  them , Mark 
Cowan, Deputy A ssistant Secretary  for 
Occimaticnal Safety and H ealth , said in 
an interview. "The people w ho work 
there are in a  m uch b etter m i t i o n  to  
recognize safety and health hazards in 
the workplace and correct them ,”  he  
said.

The agent? had p laces for on ly  1,200 
inspectors who w ere supposed to  inspect 
more than 3 m illion w o i^ la c e s ,  be said.

"It would take u s  50 years to  cover 
every establishm ent,”  Mr. Cowan said.

“With the Inspection load  reduced 
through the voluntary program s, w e can 
concentrate on those industries who can­
not or wUl not correct their own health 
and safety hazards.”

Organized labor, w hich h as fre­
quently accused the R eagan Adminis­
tration of planning to  d ism antle OSHA 
or strip it o f its  enforcem ent powers, 
was skeptical o f the voluntary plan.

“Officially, w e’re opposed to  any 
voluntary arrangem ent that would take 
away the r i ^ t s  o f  w orkers under the 
act,”  said G eorge Taylor, an  A.F.L.- 
C.1.0. official who specia lizes in  health 
and safety m atters.

"The OSHA people insist that workers 
will be as well protected under the 
voluntary programs as th r̂ are now,” 
hesaid. “But ̂ r e ’sr» certainty of that 
in all instances. When there are serious 
frictions on other issues, the voluntary 
committees would have little chance of 
being effective. It’s doubtful that matt- 
agmnent, in those circumstances, would 
allow a committee to make any dedsion 
on health and safety that could cost 
them money."

OSHA is  ask ing for industry and labm  
comments on its  proposal by March 15; 
It hopes to publish final ru les for creat­
ing voluntary com m ittees by early sum-

T r i a l  H e a r s  o f  G a m i n g  a t  S p a
^ndal to Tbe New York Times

COMPTON, C alif., Jan. 18 —  A San 
Diego sherifTs lieutenant today revised 
earlier testim ony and sa id  h e  had wit­
nessed illegal gam bling a t  La Costa, the 
Southern California resort and heaith

In his testim ony Jan. 7, Lieut. Wilbur 
Sewell said that the only gam bling he 
had heard o f a t th e  resort in v o lv e  a 
contracton’ convention, and that that 
was reported to  the sh eriff by  L a Costa 
officials. He a lso  sa id  h e  had observed 
no organized critne a ctiv itie s there.

However, on  cross-exam ination today 
by Roy Grutman, a ttm n ey  fm  Pent­
house m agazfne. L ieutenant Sewell con­
ceded that be had told the s h e r iffs  office 
about heavy gam bling and possible 
prostitution a t  th e  resort w h ile he was 
em ployedthereasalockerroom attend- 
am  in 1968. H e quit La C osta in 1969 and 
jtdned the SherifTs-D ^iartm ait.

La Costa is  su ing Penthouse for $490 
million in libel dam ages for a  1975 arti­
cle asserting that organized crim e had 
connections to  the resort.

Lieutenant Sew ell sa id  that he had 
twice observed rigged blackjack gam es 
in the locker room  in w hich the victim s 
sustained h eavy losses. H e said the win­
ners split the profits.

The revised  testim ony cam e after 
Lieutenant Sew ell w as shown a  sheriff’s  
document setting  forth 1968 conversa­
tions that an  inform ant, identified only 
as “Bill the bartender,”  had with a  
deputy nam ed Paul Franklin.

Questioned about prostitution at the 
resort. Lieutenant Sew ell said that one 
patron had “ three m  four g irls vrith him  
all the tim e”  but that he had no idea if  
they w oiked at La Costa.

“ I recall te llin g  Sergeant Franklin 
about the gam bling,”  he said, “but not 
about the prostitution.”

Huge January 
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A31

ABROAD A T  HOME

God and Jonah at Yale
By A nthony Lewis

BOSTON, Sept. 9 —  The prophet 
Jonah, the Rev. Jerry Falwell, A. 
Bartlett G lam atti and William F. 
Buckley Jr.: what an unlikely
melange. B in there they all were the 
other 5 iy ,  riiixed up together in an en­
tertaining and Instructive episode — 
more instructive than at least one of 
them knew.

Mr. G iam atti, the president of Yale, 
began it w ith a  speech  to freshmen 
criticizing the Moral M ajority, the fun­
dam entalist political movem ent led by 
Mr. Falw ell. He said  that it and like 
groups w ere using “old intimidation 
and new technology”  in “ a  radical as­
sault” on d iversity and freedom in 
America:

"Angry at change, rigid in the appli­
cation of chauvinistic slogtuis, absolut- 
istic in m orality, they threaten 
tlurough political pressure or public de­
nunciation whoever dares to disagree 
with their authoritarian positions. 
Using television , direct m ail and eco­
nomic boycott, they  would sweep be­
fore them anyone who holds a  different 
opinion___

“Those voices of coercion speak not 
for liberty but for license, the license 
to divide in the nam e of patriotism , the 
license to deny in the nam e of Christi­
anity. And they have licensed a  new  
meaim ess of sp irit in our imid, a resur­
gent bigotry.”

Mr. B uddey, who first made his 
mark 30 years ago w ith “ God and Man 
at Y ale,”  could not remain silent 
about such heresy  a t his alm a mater. 
He wrote a  colum n in  disagreement 
with Mr. G iam atti, asking rtietorical- 
ly: “ Is it really  h is position that people 
reading the B ible are not free to enjoin 
its  m essages?”

Then Mr. Buckley fastened on a 
particular G iam atti phrase, the one 
about the conservative politico-reli­
gious groups being “angry at 
change.” Invoking the Bible to argue 
that there w as nothing wrong.with  
anger, he quoted from the Book of 
Jonah:

"And God said to Jonah, ‘Doest thou 
well to be angry?’ And he said, T do 
well to be angry, even  unto death.’ ”

But it is  a great m istake to quote the 
Bible im less you have at least a  dim  
sense of i ^ a t  it is  about. Mr. Buckley 
evidently ^ d  not understand what 
happens to be one of its  m ost beautiful 
and moving passages. He got the mes­
sage of the Book of Jonah exactly  
backwards. And it is a  m essage with 
much contemporary significance.

The Book of Jonah is known mostly 
for the “great a sh ,”  as the King 
James version ca lls  it, that swallows 
the prophet. But the real point of the 
story, and its beauty, lie  elsewhere.

Jonah takes his ill-fated voyage in 
trying to escape a  command of God: to 
go to the c ity  of Nineveh and preach 
that it  w ill be destroyed because of 
w ickedness. After God saves him from 
the fish, Jonah goes as ordered and 
predicts N ineveh’s  overthrow in 40 
days.

But the people of Nineveh believed 
the word o f God, and fasted, and 
turned from  evil. And God saw  them  
and forgave them . He did not destroy 
the city.

“But it d isp leased  Jonah exceeding­
ly ,” the B ib le says, “and he was very 
angry.”  He told God that that was ex­
actly  w hy he had tried to avoid the as­
signm ent, because he foresaw that 
God would b e too soft-hearted to carry 
out the prom ise of destruction: “For I 
knew that thou art a  gracious God, and 
m erciful, slow  to anger, and of great 
kindness, tuid repentest thee of the 
evil.”

Then Jonah w ent out of Ninevdi and 
waited to  se e  what would happ ^ . God 
m ade a  gourd grow — the Douay Ver­
sion calU  it ivy  — to g ive Jonah some 
shade. But the next day God caused 
the v ine to wither, and the sun beat on

‘B u t  it displeased 

J o n a h . . . a n d  h e  

w a s  v e r y  a n g r y ’

Jonah’s  head until he fainted. And 
then God asked, “ Doest thou well to be 
angry for the gourd?” And Jonah an­
s w e r ^ , “ I do w ell to be angry, even 
unto death .”

How petty is  Jonah’s anger, how 
selfish, how unworthy, lo s s  of face is 
not reason enough to be angry unto 
death: the death not of Jonah, after 
all, but of the people of Nineveh.

That is  the point of the Book of 
Jonah: that hum anity matters more 
than abstractions, that the true spirit 
of God is not relentless moralizing but 
forgiveness. And so today, if our secu­
lar society  is  to  work, it must have not 
angry certainties but a  willingness to 
respect the com m on humanity of peo­
ple with different view s.

“Then said  the Lord,” the Book of 
Jonah concludes, “ ‘Thou hast had pity 
on the gourd, for the which thou hast 
not labored, neither m adest it grow; 
which cam e up in a  night, and perished 
in a  night: And s lu ^ d  not I spare 
Nineveh, that great city, wherein are 
more than slxscore thousand persons 
that cannot discern between th ^ -  
r l^ t  hand and their left hand; and 
also m u d i ca ttle? ’ ”



Reagan Blames Inherited Inflation for Rise, 
But Others Cite Tight Money Policy of U.S.

By LEONARD SILK
Special to The New York Times

Associated Press
ADMITS ATTEMPTING TO KILL PO PE ; M ehm et All A gca, en closed  In a  bullet-proof booth, adm itted  during first 
d ay of trial yesterday In R om e that h e  had attem pted to kill P < ^  John P au l II In M ay In St. P eter’s  Square. P a g e  A3.

D e b a t e  O v e r  R i g h t s  o f  C h i l d r e n  I s  I n t e n s i f y i n g
By GLENN COLLINS

The children’s rights movement, a 
stepchild of the liberation struggles of 
the 1960's, has grown into a force affect-, 
ing the battle over billions of Federal^ 
dollars, a host of Government services, 
and an ever-increasing number of issues 
involving parents and the courts.

The movement, which has been tje- 
fined as everything from a worthy effort 
to insure children's maximum poteniial 
to an errant attempt to accelerate the 
breakup of the American family, is cur­
rently facing what its leaders call its 
greatest trial; the policies of the Reagan 
Administration. This circumstance fol­
lows an unparalleled decade of judicfal

legislative efforts to define chil­
dren's rights in relation to the state, the 

Jamily and the juvenile-justice system.
Among the children’s-rights concerns 

currently at issue is not only the ques­
tion of how early in life a child is entitled 
to human rights but also — in a time 
when parents worry that children are 
assuming adult awareness at earlier 
ages — how soon they should be entitled 
to the same rights as adults.

T h e  R i g h t s  o f  C h i l d r e n :  
A  D e c a d e  o f  C h a n g e
F ir st  o f  f iv e  artic les.

In Congress the argument centers on 
the battle over Federal expenditures for 
children and their families, estimated 
at $7.5 billion, that have been slated for 
cutting by the Reagan Administration. 
In the courts it concerns a multitude of 
new rulings involving criminal proceed­
ings, educational services and chil­
dren’s rights in an expanding number of 
custody battles.

The outcome of these debates will af­
fect the future of America’s 61.7 million 
children under the age of 18, who live in 
a society where statistics show a dra­
matic change in t |e  structure of fami-

Contlnued on P ^ e  B4, Column 3

OTTAWA, July 20 — Interest rates, 
once considered a topic that appealed 
mostly to financiers, have m ov^ to the 
top of the agenda of this summit confer­
ence of the leaders of the industrial 

world. ■
Economic,  , matic change is the ex- 
Anaiysis traordinary height of inter­

est rates in the United 
States, Japan and Western Europe and 
the danger they pose to the industrial 
world in rising unemployment and fall­
ing output.

For months now, the Europeans have 
singled out the United States, and 
particularly the monetary policies of the 
Reagan Administration, as the culprit 
behind the run-up in rates, and the re­
sulting disruptions that high rates jaave 
caused theireconomies.

Today, Secretary of the” Treasury 
Donald T. Regan quoted a striking state­
ment on the subject by Chancellor Hel­
mut Schmidt of West Germany. Chan­
cellor Schmidt, Mr. Regan recounted, 
recently told a meeting of the finance 
and economic ministers that interest 
rates in his country, at 15 to 16 percent, 
were “the highest rates of interest in

Germany since the birth of Christ, as far 
as real interest rates are concerned.”

By the “real” rate of interest, Mr. 
Schmidt meant the difference between 
the nominal rate charged by lenders — 
such as the 15 to 16 percent rate he cited 
— and the rate of inflation. Since the 
consumer price index in West Germany 
was rising at an annual rate of 5.8 per­
cent in the second quarter of 1981, this 
means that the real rate of interest there 
was roughly 10 percent.

Historically, economists have consid­
ered a real rate of interest of 2 or 3 per­
cent — the real sacrifice that lenders

Continued on Page D16, Column 3

gence < 
suspected t
of S2 m illion for sm uggll 
ters into South Africa.

' ended earlier th is year  with t 
I tions of three m en on Federal a n d !
I crim inal charges of conspiracy, 
i Federal law  enforcem ent officials say  
I the inquiry dem onstrated how New  
York has becom e a  center of illegal traf­
ficking in weapons and m ilitary equip­
ment, m ain ly  because of the c ity’s 
strategic location for international ship­
ment of cargo b y  a ir  and sea.

Although the Custom s Service investi­
gation began a s  one case , it soon blos­
som ed into tw o other conspiracies. And 
three other investigations — involving 
arm s d eals to  South Africa and to rebels 
opposing South A frica in Nam ibia —  
were aborted when other weapons 
traders becam e suspicious of the Gov­
ernm ent’s undercover informant.

D iscussing the grow ing arm s traffic

Continued on P age BS, Column 1

I N S I D E

Reagan Assails Dem ocrats 
The President ca lled  House Dem o­
cratic efforts to  retain  the minimum  
Social Security benefit “ opportunistic 
political m aneuvering.”  P age A13.

Channel 9 Proposes Move
RKO G eneral is  offering to m ove 
Channel 9 to N ew  Jersey  and concen­
trate on Jersey  new s to gain renewal 
of its broadcast license. P age B l.

Around Nation .....A lO
Books..... ...................CIO
B rid g e ...................... C15
Business Day ....D l-20
Chess ....i,..................C IS
Crossw onj................ C9
D ance.......................CIO
E d ito ria ls ............... AM
Education .......... C1.C5
Going Out Guide ....C 9  
M ovies.........................C7

M usic.....................C7-8
Notescm E^et̂ le ...B 7
O bituaries.............BIO
O p-Ed.....................A I5
Science Tiroes ...C l-5
S h illin g ...................D8
Sp o rts............... C1M4
S ty le .................  C6
Theaters..... ............C8
T V /R ad io ..... ......C IS
W eather .................. C4

News Sum m ary and index. Page B l
:sifiedi4ds.......1 AuloExchange................C14



S O U T H E A S T E R N  P U B L I C  E D U C A T I O N  P R O G R A M  

A M E R I C A N  F R I E N D S  S E R V I C E  C O M M I T T E E

401 Columbia Building 
Columbia, South Carolina 29201

803-252-0975

July 26, 1978

Mr. E ld ridge  McMillan  
D ire cto r
■ Southern Education Foundation 
811 Cypress S tree t, N.E. 
Atlanta, GA 30308

Dear Mac:

In  view o f  S E E 's  long -stand ing  in te re st  in  and a ss is ta n ce  to m inority  
p u b lic  school teachers, I  thought you might be in te re sted  in  the attached 
correspondence with the Educational Te sting  Se rv ice  regard ing the need 
to look  at and deal with negative consequences a r i s in g  from South 
C a ro l in a 's  use o f  the National Teacher 's  Examination.

Since:le ly ,

M. Hay&s M ize ll  
Associlate D ire cto r



K n r C ' A ' r i O . N A L  t e s t i n g  s e r \  i c i c ERINCE'I'ON. N.J. 0 8 5 4 0

A na Code 609 
9 2 1 -9 0 0 0

:.IHl E KDL CTESTSVC
J u ly  2 1 , 1978

Teacher Programs and Services

Mr. M. Hayes M iz e l1
A s s o c ia te  D ir ec to r
American F rien d s S e r v ic e  Committee
AOl Columbia B u ild in g
Colum bia, South C aro lin a  29201

Dear Mr. M iz e l1:

Your r e c e n t l e t t e r  to  Mrs. B r i t e l l ,  c o n ta in in g  s e v e r a l  su g g e ste d  
i n i t i a t i v e s  th a t  ETS cou ld  tak e  in  r e fe r e n c e  to  th e  u se  o f  th e  NTE in  
South C a r o lin a , was shared w ith  me s in c e  I am th e  new ly ap p o in ted  d ir e c to r  
o f  Teacher Programs and S e r v ic e s ,  w ith  r e s p o n s ib i l i t y  f o r  th e  NTE. I 
sh are Mrs. B r i t e l l ' s  e x p r e s s io n  o f  a p p r e c ia t io n ,  and ind eed th a t  o f  
M essrs. Solomon and T u rn b u ll, fo r  th e  th o u g h tfu ln e s s  o f  your l e t t e r ,  and 
would 1 i.ke to  comment on th e  s u g g e s t io n s  you made, w ith  th e  hope th a t  we can  
th en  d is c u s s  them a t  g r e a te r  le n g th .

Let me a s su r e  you from th e  o u t s e t  th a t  ETS sh a r es  your concern  fo r  th e  
s o c ia l  and e d u c a tio n a l c o n d it io n s  w hich a re  th e  ro o t o f  r e l a t i v e l y  low 
perform ance on th e  NTE by m in o rity  s tu d e n ts .  ETS to o k  no refu g e  in  th e  
Supreme Court d e c is io n  which upheld South C a r o lin a 's  u se  o f  th e  ex a m in a tio n s .  
On th e  c o n tr a r y , we began im m ed iately  d is c u s s in g  th e  need fo r  th e  deveiopm ent 
o f  a p lan  (perhaps j o i n t l y  by ETS and o th er  in s t i t u t i o n s  and a g e n c ie s )  fo r  
th e  improvement in  tea c h e r  ed u ca tio n  fo r  m in o r ity  g ro u p s . The d is c u s s io n s  
have led  t o  some a tte m p ts , which I w i l l  be d e s c r ib in g  l a t e r ,  to  in c r e a se  th e  
d ia lo g u e  betw een ETS and s t a f f  in m in o r ity  i n s t i t u t i o n s .

We sh a re  your in t e r e s t  in th e  improvement o f  m in o r ity  ed u ca to rs  in 
South C a r o lin a , both in  term s o f  in c r e a s in g  th e  number o f  m in o r ity  s tu d en ts  
who perform  s a t i s f a c t o r i l y  on th e  NTE and o f  a t t r a c t in g  more a b le  m in o rity  
s tu d e n ts  t o  th e  te a c h in g  p r o fe s s io n ,  but we d i f f e r  w ith  some o f  th e  s o lu t io n s  
you p rop ose . I have a ttem pted to  a d d ress  below  each o f  th e  p o in ts  you 
r a ise d  s e p a r a t e ly .

1) ETS would p ro v id e  o n - s i t e  te c h n ic a l a s s i s t a n c e  to  te a ch er  
t r a in in g  in s t i t u t io n s  in th e  s t a t e . . .  f o r  th e  purpose o f  
h e lp in g  them d ev e lo p  s p e c ia l  programs w hich would ad d ress  
th e  s tu d e n t sk i 11/kn ow led ge d e f i c i e n c i e s . . .  A more in t e n s iv e  
approach would be fo r  ETS to  p rov id e  fu nds and in -k in d  
s e r v i c e s . . .  to  in s t i t u t io n s  so  programs o f  th e  typ e  
d e scr ib e d  cou ld  be im plem ented.



Mr. M. Hayes Mizel1
July 21, 1978
Page 2

2)

ETS i s  g la d  to  p rov id e  te c h n ic a l a s s i s t a n c e  to  i n s t i t u t io n s  
in  South C arolin a  to  th e  e x te n t  p o s s i b le .  In f a c t ,  we have  
taken th e  i n i t i a t i v e  w ith  B en ed ict C o lle g e  and A lle n  U n iv e r s it y .  
The NTE Program D ir ec to r  and I r e c e n t ly  met w ith  some s t a f f  from  
th e s e  two in s t i t u t io n s  in  Columbia and h eld  e x p lo r a to r y  
c o n v e r s a t io n s  on th e  b e n e f it s  to  be d e r iv ed  from our e s t a b l is h in g  
a co n tin u o u s  working r e la t io n s h ip ,  and id e n t i fy in g  some problem  
a r ea s  w orthy o f  p u r s u it .  You m ight be in t e r e s t e d  to  know th a t  
th r e e  outcom es are  exp ected  from th e s e  c o n v e r s a t io n s :  (a) we
w i l l  do an a n a ly s is  o f  th e  perform ance o f  B e n e d ic t 's  s tu d e n ts  on 
a p r e v io u s  NTE a d m in is tr a tio n  and p r e se n t t h i s  to  t h e i r  s t a f f  
du rin g a s t a f f  r e t r e a t  in m id-A ugust; (b) a t  our s u g g e s t io n ,  
s t a f f  a t  B en ed ict w i l l  can vass th e  s t a f f s  a t  th e  o th e r  m in o r ity  
i n s t i t u t i o n s  in  South C arolina  and d eterm in e  t h e ir  in t e r e s t  in  
s e t t i n g  up a q u a si-co n so r tiu m  th a t would meet p e r io d ic a l ly  on 
m a tters  o f  mutual in t e r e s t ,  p a r t ic u la r ly  a s  th e s e  r e l a t e  to  
perform ance o f  s tu d e n ts  on v a r io u s  t e s t s ;  and (c ) th e  D ir ec to r  
o f  R esearch a t  B en ed ict w i l l  d ev e lo p  a r esea rch  d e s ig n ,  aimed 
a t  a s sa y in g  s tu d e n ts '  perform ance on a "pre-NTE" a sse ssm en t  
in s tru m en t, from th e  freshman year  through th e  s e n io r  y e a r .

During th e  co u rse  o f  th e s e  p u r s u it s  th e r e  w i l l  be a c t i v i t i e s  
whose c o s t s  we w i l l  u n d erw rite . S in ce  ETS i s  not a fu n d in g  
a g en cy , i t  i s  not in a p o s it io n  to  fund th e  developm ent o f  
s p e c ia l  program s, m a t e r ia ls ,  e t c .  to  th e  e x te n t  you s u g g e s t .
Of co u rse  we would be p lea sed  to  c o l la b o r a te  w ith  th e  i n s t i t u ­
t io n s  on a c t i v i t i e s  o f  j o in t  in t e r e s t .

A d d i t io n a lly ,  I have ta lk ed  w ith  two o th e r  so u rces  th a t  have an 
in t e r e s t  in id e n t ify in g  s o lu t io n s  t o  th e  myriad problem s th a t  
m in o r ity  in s t i t u t io n s  f a c e .  Dr. A lb e r t H. B err ia n , th e  P r e s id e n t  
o f  th e  I n s t i t u t e  fo r  S e r v ic e s  to  E ducation  (IS E ), and 
Dr. A lb er t N. W hiting , th e  C h an cellor  o f  North C aro lin a  C entral 
U n iv e r s ity  who i s  a ls o  th e  Chairman o f  th e  ETS Board o f  T r u s te e s .  
ISE has a lr e a d y  co n su lte d  w ith  s t a f f  from ETS on th e  developm ent 
o f  r ese a rc h  d e s ig n s  th a t would exam ine th e  m e r its  o f  in s tr u c t io n a l  
in te r v e n t io n  a t  v a r io u s  p o in ts  in a s tu d e n t 's  program. I t  is  
ex p ected  th a t such c o l la b o r a t iv e  e f f o r t s  w i l l  not o n ly  c o n tin u e ,  
but expand. Regarding my c o n ta c t  w ith  Dr. W h itin g , a fo llo w -u p  
m eeting i s  a n t ic ip a te d  in th e  f a l l  o f  t h i s  year  during w hich  
a ttem p ts  w i l l  be made to  c o n s id e r  th e  problem  o f  te a ch er  
e d u ca tio n  fo r  m in o rity  groups in d ep th .

ETS would d eve lop  a kind o f  "pre-NTE" a sse ssm en t in stru m en t 
w hich would be made a v a i la b le  to  te a c h e r  tr a in in g  i n s t i t u t io n s  
w ith o u t c o s t . . . .



Mr. M. Hayes Mtzell
July 21, 1978
Page 3

T here has been c o n s id e r a b le  in t e r e s t  e x p r essed  in t h i s  typ e  
o f  in stru m en t, p a r t ic u la r ly  in North C a r o lin a . I t is  
c o n c e iv a b le  th a t  th e  "pre-NTE" typ e  in stru m en t w i l l  be 
pursued a c t i v e l y ,  pending fu r th e r  d is c u s s io n s  w ith  North 
C a r o lin a , and w ith  some i n s t i t u t io n s  in  South C a r o lin a .
A lthough i t  i s  prem ature to  d is c u s s  th e  s p e c i f i c s  o f  such  
an in stru m en t, i t  i s  a c cu ra te  to  say th a t  i f  i t  comes in to  
b e in g , i t  i s  u n l ik e ly  th a t  ETS cou ld  o f f e r  th e  in stru m en t, 
accom panied by s c o r in g  and in t e r p r e t iv e  s e r v i c e s ,  on a 
w id esp read  b a s is  w ith o u t c o s t .

3) ETS would d ev e lo p  and o f f e r  a t  l e a s t  tw ic e  a y ea r  a h ig h ly
in t e n s iv e  c o u r s e __  to  s tr en g th e n  th e  s k i 1Is/k n o w led g e  o f
s tu d e n ts  who had p r e v io u s ly  f a i l e d  to  make a s a t i s f a c t o r y  
s c o r e  on th e  NTE.

Two p o in ts  can be made h ere . One, ETS has in v e s te d  in  th e  
developm ent o f  a b o o k le t on How To Take A T e s t .  The f in a l  
d r a f t  o f  th e  b o o k le t ,  which g iv e s  in s t r u c t io n  and p r a c t ic e  
t o  th e  u n in i t ia t e d  in th e  ta k in g  o f  s ta n d a r d ize d  t e s t s ,  has 
been w r it t e n ,  and i s  being review ed by s e v e r a l p u b lis h e r s  
in  ord er  to  determ in e  t h e ir  in t e r e s t  in  i t s  p u b lic a t io n .
T h is  b o o k le t ,  when p u b lis h e d , can be used in d ep en d en tly  by 
s tu d e n t s ,  or by i n s t i t u t io n s  w ish in g  to  h e lp  co u n se l s tu d e n ts  
on th e  p r in c ip le s  and s t r a t e g i e s  o f  ta k in g  sta n d a rd ized  t e s t s .  
S e c o n d ly , th e  ETS s t a f f  member who d ir e c te d  th e  d r a f t in g  o f  
th e  b o o k le t  has d evelop ed  a co u rse  (workshop) on t e s t  tak in g  
s k i l l s  which has a lr e a d y  been used by some South C arolin a  
i n s t i t u t i o n s .  It i s  a n t ic ip a te d  th a t even  more in s t i t u t io n s  
w i l l  p a r t ic ip a t e  in  t h i s  workshop in th e  f u tu r e .  As fo r  th e  
b o o k le t ,  a lth o u g h  no c o s t  has been s e t  y e t ,  i t  i s  ex p ected  
th a t  th e  s e l l i n g  p r ic e  w i l l  be minimal fo r  both in s t i t u t io n s  
and in d iv id u a ls .  R egarding th e  workshop, no ch arge  has been 
le v ie d  on th e  i n s t i t u t io n s  ta k in g  ad van tage o f  t h i s  s e r v ic e .

k )  ETS would d e v e lo p /h a v e  d eve lop ed  and s u p e r v is e  th e  im plem entation  
o f  an in t e n s iv e  p u b lic  ed u ca tio n  campaign w hich would s t r e s s  th e  
need fo r  m in o r ity  s tu d e n ts  t o  ch oose  a c a r e e r  in  p u b lic  ed u ca tio n  
in  South C a r o l in a . . . .

I b e l ie v e  i t  would be In a p p ro p r ia te  fo r  ETS to  condu ct a p u b lic  
e d u c a tio n  campaign o f  t h i s  ty p e . T h is ,  in  my o p in io n , i s  a 
r o le  th a t  should  be reserv ed  fo r  te a ch er  tr a in in g  i n s t i t u t io n s  
an d /o r  sch oo l d i s t r i c t s .  Beyond u su rp in g  th e  r o l e ( s )  th a t  
sh ou ld  be le g i t im a t e ly  reserv ed  fo r  someone e l s e ,  1 can s ee  
some danger in ETS a c t iv e ly  cam paigning fo r  in d iv id u a ls  to  
c o n s id e r  any s p e c i f i c  c a r e e r . For exam ple, one so u rce  e s t im a te s  
th a t  th e r e  wi l l  o n ly  be a .3% growth in  jo b s  fo r  sch oo l tea c h e rs  
and 2 .3 %  fo r  c o l le g e  p r o fe s s o r s  in 1985 a s  compared to  25^ fo r



Mr .  M. H a y e s  M I z e l l
J u l y  21,  1978
P a g e  k

lawyers, 39-9% for systems analysts, and 37.8% for doctors.
If this source is even partially correct, school teaching 
and college professorships hold little promise for prospective 
job seekers in the mid-1980's. Some could argue that it is 
irresponsible for ETS to counsel minority students to seek a 
profession whose growth is questionable, and whose earnings, 
in comparison with other professions, are meager.

5) ETS would establish a scholarship program which would underwrite 
a substantial portion of the cost of college education in 
South Carolina for minority students who intend to teach in
the state's public schools upon graduation.

Again, 1 believe this extends beyond ETS's role. Although 
there is merit in this suggestion, ETS is not a funding 
agency and is not equipped to underwrite scholarships in 
the manner you suggest. ETS does administer scholarship 
programs on a contractual basis for some states and other 
sponsors. However, the states and sponsors provide the 
scholarship funds and stipulate the criteria that should 
be used for selecting recipients as well as the manner in 
which the award should be made.

6) ETS would sponsor a public research study which would examine 
the future availability and role of qualified minority 
educators in South Carolina's public schools....

No Immediate plans exist for such research. However, the 
question you raised is an interesting one that will be 
discussed with the appropriate persons at ETS.

7) If none of the program concepts outlined—  are appropriate,
...ETS should delegate one or more members of its staff... 
to come to South Carolina for the purpose of determining how 
ETS might best proceed to help alleviate some of the negative 
consequences of South Carolina's use of the NTE.

As I have noted, some of the "program concepts" you outlined 
are similar to those that we have undertaken or are currently 
considering. Moreover, the Program Director for the NTE and 
I recently visited with staff at Benedict College and Allen Univ­
ersity, for the purpose you described. We plan to make a follow-up 
visit to Columbia in mid-August-to. discuss and analyze the performance 
of Benedict's students for a recent NTE administration. We are also 
seeking to bring together the administrative heads of the six minority 
institutions in South Carolina; these Individuals could meet 
periodically to identify problems, research and other issues that will 
assist in our efforts to seek resolution to current problems.



Mr .  M. H a y e s  M i z e l l
J u l y  21,  1978
P a g e  5

Since you were kind enough to offer to discuss In an exploratory context 
the suggestions you made In your letter, we hope there will be an opportunity 
for a meeting sometime soon during which these and other Ideas can be 
considered. Either Mrs. Brltell or I will phone you within the next ten days 
to see when would be a convenient time for such a discussion.

I apologize for the length of this response, but I do hope that it will 
result In a dialogue and an identification of approaches that will address 
our mutual interest in solving some of the problems of concern to minority 
Individuals In regard to teacher education and the NTE.

Sincerely,

William U. Harris 
Area Director
Teacher Programs and Services

WUH:sfc

Ms. Jenne K. Brltell 
Mr. Robert J. Solomon 
Mr. William W. Turnbull



S O U T H E A S T E R N  P U B L I C  E D U C A T I O N  P R O G R A M  
A M E R I C A N  F R I E N D S  S E R V I C E  C O M M I T T E E

4 0 1  C o lu m b ia  B u ild in g  
C o lu m b ia , S o u t h  C aro lin a  2 9 2 0 1

8 0 3 - 2 5 2 - 0 9 7 5

June 15, 1978

Ms. Jenne K. Britell 
Special Assistant 
Office of the President 
Educational Testing Service 
Princeton, N e w  Jersey 08540

Dear Jenne:

Now that the United States Supreme Court has upheld South 
Carolina's use of the National Teacher Examination, I would 
like to appeal to ETS's sense of corporate responsibility 
to take the initiative to deal with some of the negative 
consequences of how the state chooses to use the NTE.

As you know, the performance of many South Carolina minority 
students on the NTE has been very poor. This has raised 
serious concerns about the future of minority educators in 
this state. It is my belief that while the state's use of the 
NTE is partly responsible for this problem, there is another 
dimension that is less frequently acknowledged. Because 
most of the state's minority students have many more career 
options than has been true in the past, I think it is likely 
that many of the more able and talented minority students 
are choosing careers which are more lucrative and glamorous 
than public school teaching. Unlike the days when being 
a teacher, mortician, or minister provided the only semblance 
of status and economic security for black young adults, there 
are now a host of professional opportunities for the types 
of individuals who once would have become teachers.

Thus, there are at least two types of problems which the 
ETS should address: (1) What can be done to increase the number
of minority students who perform satisfactorily on the NTE?; 
and (2) What can be done to increase the number of truly able 
and talented minority students who take the NTE because they 
have decided to become professional educators in the public 
schools? I propose that the NTE develop and fund/operate 
a special project in South Carolina which will carry out one 
or more of the following types of activity:

(1) The ETS would provide on-site technical assistance 
to teacher training institutions in the state— with 
particular emphasis on those institutions with 
predominantly minority enrollments— for the purpose



of helping them develop special programs which would 
address the student skill/knowledge deficiencies 
which are most often responsible for inadequate 
performance on the NTE. Such programs would be focused 
on students enrolled in teacher preparation programs.
A  more intensive approach would be for ETS to provide 
the funds and in-kind services (development of special 
programs, materials, etc.) to institutions so programs 
of the type described could be implemented.

(2) The ETS would develop a kind of "pre-NTE" assessment 
instrument which would be made available to teacher 
training institutions without cost for the purpose 
of familiarizing students with the process of taking 
the NTE, with the type and format of questions asked, 
and to identify students' skill/knowledge deficiencies 
which could be remedied prior to the end of the 
students' senior year. ETS would also score and 
return this test to the institution and the. students 
without cost to either.

(3) The ETS would develop and offer at least twice a year 
a highly intensive course (of a length determined by 
ETS) to strengthen the skills/knowledge of students 
who had previously failed to make a satisfactory score 
on the NTE. This course would be made available without 
cost and would be scheduled so a student would 
complete it shortly before the NTE is scheduled to
be offered again.

(4) The ETS would develop/have developed and supervise 
the implementation of an intensive public education 
campaign which would stress the need for minority 
students to choose a career in public education in 
South Carolina. This campaign would make extensive 
use of posters, brochures, and public service 
announcements on radio and television. The campaign 
might emphasize the important and challenging 
opportunities for service to the children (particularly 
from the minority community) of the state. The 
campaign would be aimed at high school students and 
college freshmen, and their parents.

(5) The ETS would establish a scholarship program which 
would underwrite a substantial portion of the
cost of college education in South Carolina for 
minority students who intend to teach in the state's 
public schools upon graduation. The program would 
be competitive and scholarships would be awarded to 
able and talented students. A student would have to 
be enrolled in a teacher preparation curriculum eaqh 
year in order to receive each year's scholarship 
payment. The student would also make a commitment to 
teach for at least five years in the South Carolina 
schools in order to be eligible for the program.



(6) The ETS would sponsor a public policy research study 
which would examine the future availability and role 
of qualified minority educators in South Carolina's 
public schools. Attention would be given to barriers 
and opportunities which may restrict and expand the 
availability and role of minority educators in the 
state's schools. The study would make specific 
recommendations for actions that could be taken by the 
State Board of Education and the General Assembly
to assure, that the number of minority educators in 
the state's schools in future years is at least 
proportionally representative of the state's 
population.

(7) If none of the program concepts outlined above are 
considered appropriate, the ETS should delegate one or 
more members of its staff,- or employ consultants, to 
come to South Carolina for the purpose of determining 
how the ETS might best proceed to help alleviate some 
of the negative consequences of South Carolina's
use of the NTE. The ETS should then develop and_ 
implement an appropriate program recommended by its 
staff/consultants.

Subsequent- to a decision by ETS to develop a program 
for the purpose described above, but prior to the 
actual development of the program, the ETS should 
constitute an advisory committee composed of 
South Carolinians to provide counsel regarding the 
development of the program. The committee should 
continue to relate to the program so long as it 
exists. At least 51% of the committee should be 
composed of minority citizens of South Carolina.

These suggestions are based on the assumption that the ETS 
does not believe that the NTE should be used so as to have 
a negative effect on the individual futures or on the 
general availability of prospective minority educators.

Given some imagination and commitment it is certainly true 
that the State Board of Education could initiate any of the 
projects described above, or ones similar to them, .However, 
there is no indication that the Board has any such interest.

Some citizens of our state believe the use of the NTE should 
be discontinued or that the consideration of NTE scores 
should weigh less heavily in the certification process. 
However, in light of the Supreme Court decision the only 
hope of achieving these ends is through political organization 
and/or evolving attitudes which will no longer sanction the 
use of the NTE.

For the moment the ETS is in a potentially embarrassing 
position because it publishes and profits from a test which 
appears to be used in such a way as to cause the attrition 
of the number of minority educators in the state. It is my 
hope that the ETS will act to address this problem, even



though it is the State’s responsibility to recognize and 
address it. Perhaps some program initiative by ETS will serve 
as a model for subsequent State action. . •

I would appreciate it very much if you would bring the contents 
of this letter to the attention of Dr. Turnbull and Dr. Solomon. 
If anyone is interested in discussing any of the suggestions 
here solely in an exploratory context I would be happy to 
participate in such a discussion. By the way, in case it needs 
to be said, neither I nor the AFSC have any particular 
interest in sharing these thoughts; we aren't asking for money 
to run a program.

Please let me hear from you in the near future.

Sincerely,

M. Hayes Mizell 
Associate Director

cc: MHM/gaw



T eachers Face More T ests to  Make the  Grade
Some years back, and not so long 

ago, there were more teaching jobs 
than teachers to fill them. Public 
school administrators would search 
diligently for qualified candidates.

But now administrators have a dif­
ferent problem. Out of dozens or 
even hundreds of requests for one 
job, which applicant should be hired? 
Landing a job today is a major tri­
umph for a new graduate, a tribute 
to the individual’s ability and 
persistence.

In this highly competitive 
job market, educators are 
finding a greater need for 
standardized measures to 
assess competency. For this 
reason, as many states and 
local districts review their 
certification and selection 
policies, there is new inter­
est in the National Teacher 
Examinations, the standard­
ized secure tests conducted 
by ETS. "Twenty-one states 
now require some part or 
all of the NTE, and we are 
receiving many new inquir­
ies,” said Richard Majetic, NTE pro­
gram director.

The tests have been used since 
1950 as one measure of academic 
achievem ent for coilege seniors 
completing teacher education pro­
grams and for advanced candidates 
in specific fields. In 1976-77, approx­
imately 50 percent of the 140,000 
graduates of teacher-training insti­
tutions took the NTE.

Use of the examinations was re­
cently upheld in a major court test. 
In mid-January, the United States

Supreme Court affirmed- a federal 
district court decision approving the 
NTE for purposes of certification and 
promotion in the state of South Caro­
lina under both the equal protection 
clause of the Fourteenth Amend­
ment and Title VII of the 1964 Civil 
Rights Act.

The major controversy in the court 
case, which had been filed by the 
National Education Association, the

Teachers do make a difference.

South Carolina Education Associa­
tion, and the U.S. Justice Depart­
ment, surrounded allegations that 
the NTE were biased against minor­
ity candidates. Under cut-off scores 
established by the South Carolina 
Department of Education, a signifi­
cantly larger percentage of blacks 
who took the test failed to qualify, as 
compared with a smaller percentage 
of white applicants. The district court 
found, and the Supreme Court af­
firmed, that South Carolina did not 
intend to discriminate in its use of

the NTE. The court said: “Since we 
find that the NTE create classifica­
tions only on perm issible bases 
(presence or absence of knowledge 
or skill and ability in applying knowl­
edge), and that they are not used 
pursuant to any intent to discrimi­
nate, their use in making certification 
d ecisio ns by the State is proper 
and legal.”

That court also found, based on 
a validity study performed 
by ETS, that the test and its 
use in promotion at the local 
level met requirements un­
der Title VII of the Civil 
Rights Act of 1964.

For many years, ETS has 
been involved in research 
on probiems relating to ac­
tual and alleged bias in 
tests, test conditions, and 
other factors that night in­
fluence scores. Since 1969, 
the NTE program has fol­
lowed a general policy that 
involves inclusion of minori­
ties in the external commit­
tees that assist in develop­

ing the tests.
"Test questions are carefully re­

viewed to eliminate possible nega­
tive bias against minorities,” said 
Wiiliam Harris, newly appointed di­
rector of ETS Teacher Programs and 
Services. “The fact that some minor­
ity candidates score substantially 
lower is a reflection, not of test bias, 
but of educational difficulties that 
minority students have experienced.” 
Test results, he added, simply mirror 
the societal patterns that, over the 
years, kept minorities from receiving

Copyright © 1978 by Educational Testing Service. A ll rights reserved.



adequate educational opportunities.
One use of the NTE by South Caro­

lina, however, was strongly opposed 
by ETS. In 1974, ETS  notified the 
state that the contract would end as 
of August 1975, because South Caro­
lina's use of the scores for determin­
ing teachers’ salaries was consid­
ered by ETS to be a clear misuse of 
the tests’ purpose.

For three months, ETS  reported 
no scores to South Carolina. The 
state then agreed to three condi­
tions: a validity study of the NTE 
would be conducted; test scores 
would no longer be used as a means 
of classifying teachers for pay pur­
poses ; and a single classification sys­
tem would be applied to all teachers.

ETS organized a content validity 
study, which, based on the judg­
ments of 456 South Carolina college 
and university faculty, found the NTE 
to be a fair measure of the knowl­
edge imparted by the South Carolina 
teacher-training programs.

The content validity of the NTE 
was demonstrated by confirming the 
relationship between the test ques­
tions (their emphases and subjects) 
and the curriculum that the tests 
were intended to measure. Decisions 
were based on educators’ first-hand 
knowledge of college curricula.

Prior to the study, South Carolina 
had established 975, on a scale of 
600 to 1,800, as the minimum accept­
able score. The validity study deter-

Bin Harris 
director. As an exam ple, in 
1970 the New York State Legis­
lature approved the use of the 
NTE as an alternative to the 
New York Board of Examiners’ 
test. Yet recent news reports, 
charging that there are “illit­
erate” teachers in the city’s 
classrooms, have revealed the 
pitfalls of the'system presently 
in use.

The New York City school 
system uses a two-tiered plan 
forselecting its teachers; those 
who apply to schools with aca­
demically superior students 
(students whose reading scores 
are in the top 55 percent of all 
city schools) must take the 
Board of Examiners’ test, while

Cut-off Scores Have Their Pitfalls
teachers who submit applica­
tions to schools with lower- 
performance pupils may take 
the NTE.

Recent testim ony at New 
York Assembly Education Com­
mittee hearings has revealed, 
however, that teachers with 
extremely low NTE scores are 
frequently hired to work in the 
public schools. For example, 
candidates scoring in the bot­
tom five percent on the biology 
exam could get jobs.

Louis Yavner, a member of 
the New York State Board of 
Regents, contends that this use 
of the NTE increases the like­
lihood that low-scoring stu­
dents will be taught by teach­
ers who are less well-prepared, 
and that this is actually a polit­
ical move designed to give jobs 
to minorities. “The issue is that 
kids who are doing less well 
should not be taught by teach­
ers who are le ss w ell-pre­
pared,” said Yavner.

mined the different levels of perfor­
mance on the NTE for each subject 
area “required for certification in 
South Carolina and the minimum 
amount of knowledge to teach effec­
tively in a designated field.”

Cut-off scores are not established 
by ETS, but by users of the tests who 
set their own standards. ETS  encour­
ages them, however, to make proper 
and effective use of the NTE scores 
and to be aware of what the courts 
have approved concerning South 
Carolina before moving to establish 
minimum scores.

Based on the South Carolina mod­
el, ETS has conducted studies to 
validate minimum cut-off scores for 
North Carolina and California, and a 
similar study is under way in Louisi­
ana. Other states have requested 
these services as well.

The dispute over salaries, how­
ever, remains unresolved. The dis­
trict court did not order the state to 
upgrade "the salaries of some 900 
teachers whose compensation is 
based on the older classification 
system. According to NTE director 
Majetic, ETS feels very strongly, and 
the South Carolina Board of Educa­
tion agrees, that the upgrading 
should be done. ETS understands 
that the Board has made repeated 
requests for appropriation of monies 
for this purpose, and is disappointed



that the state legislature has thus far 
not acted on the requests.

The NTE are made up of what are 
called Common Examinations and 
Area Examinations. The Common 
Examinations, S'A hours long, pro­
vide a general appraisal of a pros­
pective teacher’s professional prep­
aration and academic achievement.

Each of the two-hour Area Exami­
nations measures the candidate’s 
knowledge of a specific field. There 
are currently 26 area examinations 
emphasizing reasoning and applica­
tion of principles rather than mere 
recall of specific facts. All questions 
are objective and multiple-choice.

The NTE are only one measure of 
teacher competence, and are intend­
ed for use in conjunction with other 
criteria in the certification and selec­

tion process. The exams are not de­
signed to measure teacher aptitude, 
interests, attitudes, motivation, or 
maturity. They are also not intended 
to be a measure of classroom teach­
ing performance, but rather of the 
academic knowledge basic to suc­
cessful teaching.

ETS recommends that the NTE 
not be used in decisions about re­
tention, hiring, or tenure of experi­
enced teachers. Many requests have 
been received for more teacher eval­
uation materials, and, in response, a 
manual and a training kit are cur­
rently being developed. Also, some 
improvements and revisions of the 
NTE are under consideration for the 
future. ETS will continue to explore 
the application of measurement to 
pre-service teacher education.



^mservative Economist Rides With the Reagan Tide
B ;  COLIN C A M P B E L L

"I woke up in Chicago and I’m  going 
to sleep in Washington,” Thomas Sowell 
said ^ eerfully yesterday as he de­
scended to street level in a crowjded 
elevator. Mr. Sowell, the conservative 
black economist, social theorist and po­
lemicist, had just given a  luncheon 
speech for 80 people at the private Cen- 
t ^  Club on West 43d Street.

They had gone to hear him  because 
M r. SoweH’s most prolific period— now 
— happens to coincide with the advent of 
Ronald Reagan and the resurgent politi­
cal and eomomic conservatism across 
the country that Mr. Reagan’s Adm inis­
tration ̂  ̂ d  to staitd for.

Twoboc*s by Mr. Sowell —  "M arkets  
and Minorities”  and “ Ethnic Am erica”  
—  have just been published, to much

praise from fellow conservatives and a  
lot of criticism, some of it bitter, from  
fellow blacte and from liberal intellec­
tuals.

As for his travels, M r. Sowell is indeed 
on the run. His home base is the conser­
vative Hoover Institution on W ar, Revo-, 
lution and Peace at Stanford University, 
in California. At lunch yesterday, M r. 
Sowell sat next to George Gilder, one of 
the Reagan Administration’s favorite 
ectmomists for the unabashed defense of 
capitalism he presents in  his recent 
book, ‘ 'Wealth and Poverty.”

Later in the day, Mr. Sowell was off to 
a speechmaking dinner at the Lehrman  
Institute in New York, ndiich was mod­
erated by William F . Buckley. After 
waking up in Washingttm this morning, 
M r. Sowell is schedule to appear before 
the Joint Economic Committed of Con­

gress, then give a private talk to about 
40 people from the Treasury Depart­
ment and the Office of Management and 
Budget. He will top off his East Coast 
tour with a Sunday aj^iearance on the 
televisiMi program, "M eet the Press.”

At the age of 51, M r. Sowell has be­
come very much a celebrity. But he is 
also the same iconoclast and tireless 
mocker of what he cmisiders entrenched 
liberal ideas that he has been for the 
past 15 years.

When asked yesterday if  there was 
any Cabinet position he would accept, he 
said, “ None.”  M r. Sowell was widely re­
ported last winter to have turned down 
an offer to become Secretary of Educa­
tion. He added, smiling, that he was 
ready to go further than Sherman: “ If I 
am appointed,”  he said, “ I w ill resign.”

Mr. Sowell tells jokds easily. H e looks

much younger than his age. And he ap­
pears toenj^  him self.

One of the main reasons for his tour, 
he said, is to help sell books. The organ­
izer of yesterday’s lunch was an organi­
zation called the International Center 
for Economic Policy Studies, a group 
based in New York and dedicated to the 
exploration and p n ^ g atio n  of free- 
market economics. It was this group 
that commissicmed M r. Sowell’s “ Mar­
kets and Minorities,”  published by 
Basic Books.

The author’s inrceasingly well-known 
style was plain yesterday, both during 
his short talk and in his answers to ques­
tions afterward. It is breezy, epigram­
matic and occasionally argumentative. 
Tte  wide range of his conservatism was

Continued on Page B l l

The New York TimM/Keith Meytn
Thomas Sowell outside the Coitury  
Club on West 43d Street yesterday.



Black Econom ist Rides R eagan Victory T id ^
Contliiued From Page 61

likewise plain, as was the depressing ef­
fect he seems to have on blacks who 
view the Reagan Administration as sim ­
ply bad news.

A  few examples:
flM r. Sowell said his chief intellectual 

interest was to question certain “ fore­
gone conclusions,”  such as that m i­
nority groups benefit more from  Gov­
ernment intervention than from  eco­
nomic competition, or that segregated 
schools are “ inherently m ferior.”  

qHe derided the idea that youngsters 
It all-black schools —  like the one he at- 
ended as a boy in Gastonia, N .C . —  
■eally wanted to go to school with 

lutes. If any whites had appeared at 
lis school, Mr. Sowell said, “ We’d have 

ondered what the hell they were doing

there.”
qHe insisted that many American m i­

nority groups hkd succeeded in fields 
that are exceptionally competitive, such 
as sports and entertainment.

qHe attacked affirmative action pro­
grams —  “quotas, in plain English,”  he 
said —  as impediments to economic 
prosperity even for the minority groups 
they are intended to aid.

qHe insisted that economic discrim i­
nation based on race was frequently un­
profitable for the discrimators and 
therefore difficult to sustain.

qHe defended the Administration’s 
plans to increase m ilitary spending on 
the grounds that dangerous enemies had 
been ignored before, and that “ I do not 
regard survival as o^ional.”

Most of his themes were ones that M r. 
Sowell has written about over a career 
that since the late 1960’s has moved

from teaching jobs at Brandeis Univer­
sity and the University of California to 
his current position as a senior fellow at 
the Hoover institution.

His reputation has become more con­
troversial as a wider audience has 
learned of his beliefs. To  conservatives, 
his ideas are thoughtful and refreshing. 
To many liberals, these .same ideas ap­
pear to be a defense by a  prominent 
black academic of the Administration’s 
cutbacks in social programs and of what 
some liberals perceive as aretreat from  
civil rights.

O ne'o f Mr. Sowell’s forthcoming 
books is entitled “ Pink and Brown Peo­
ple.” The author explained with a laugh 
that he liked the phrase not so much be­
cause it twitted stark racial and ideolog­
ical divisions —  white and black —  but 
because it was accurate.



"hofnas Cowellj "Affirmative Action" Reconsidered
N o  42.

PUBLIC INTEREST winter 1B7B

Tateing the standard academic requirement of a Ph.D. for a long-term career as 
a tenured p r o f e s s o r , ..both blacks and women are over-represented among 
a c a d e m i c s ...Blacks hold less thatn one percent of the P h . D . ’s but are more than 
two per cent ofthe academics. These figures are, of course, nowhere near the 
popthlation p r o p o r t i o s ,..butthey do suggest that the cause of "under-rep" is 
not necessarily employer discri,)^mination.

If the "affir action" program were merely inance, futile and costly, it. 
might dserve no more attentin than other govt programs of the same diexription. 
But it has side effects which are negative in the short tun and perhaps 
poisonous in the long run. t-Tfiiile doing little or nothj^x^ing to advance the 
positin of minorities and females, it creates the impressin that the hard- 
worn achievements of these groups are conferred benefix'ts. Especially in thecas' 
of blacks, this means perpetuating racism instead of allowing it to die a 
natural death or to fall before the march of millions advancing o all ec 
fronts in the wake of "eg op"laws and changing public opinion.

RiCHE
It has been the .American insistence upon an equality measured in freedom, 
indep and op that has characterized our s y s t e m . ..What women,blacks social 
engineers and all the rest of us might keep in mind as we examine the slogans 
of the day, esp those slogans of an egalitarian variety, isAristotle*s old 
pointthat a just and legitimate society is one in whichinequalities - of 
property, or station or power -are generally perceived by ^he citizenry
as necessary for the common g o o d ..... .The thrst of AA is all its forms is
toward the homogenized society in which all are absolutely equal, and yet the 
means of attainment is to be through special group identity. We are ail to be 
made identikical by treating various interest groups in non-indentical ways, 
giving some privilege and discriminating against others.

The course we now pursue iscalculated to enforce a peculiarly American 
version of a p a r t h e i d .... the egalitarian dream now pursued by AA programming 
on the campuses of Americafts colleges and universities is undercutting the 
very stnacture of the open society. The commendable quest for eg of op 
must not b e  confused w i t h  the shoddy, politicized quotas of AA.

Judge D. Dortch Warringer in case re Va Commonwealth Univ
civil rights steamroller bee white male denied job over 2 wom e n  no better 
qual

NATHAN GLAZER
12w; of 162 chrm of soc depts reported that they felt coerced to hire 
woman or min member regardless of whether best candidate

. .'.’Binple-minded commitment ofi the part of this govennment agency to one princi- 
4 ole testina for discrimination; equal representation," p 62

...the Fed civil rights enforcement agencies, w  their scheme of " a a" based 
on an estimate of "underutilization," and the courts, w  their strange 
definitions of "discrim’,' are engeged in a process of requirina all the 
magor employing institutions in the country to employ minorities in rough 
proportion to their presence in the population. 65

The downgrading of acts of discrimination in the legal and admin efforts to 
achieve euality for blacks and otner minority groups in favor of statistical 
natter-setting has some important consequences. It is one thing to read 
that an upstanding,hard-working, and ambitious young man has been turned down 
for a job", or a school admission, or a house because he is black.^ It is 
quite another to read that the percentage getting such a such a job, or buying 
houses in this place, or being admitted to this program is thus^and s o . ...The 
sense of concrete evil done which catvand does, arouse people disappears...
/it is one thing to be asked to fight discrimination against the compebent,
t  hard-working, and law-abiding; it is quite another to be asked to fight 
discrimination against the less compebent or incompetent and criminally 
inclined. The statistical emphasis leads to the latter. p57
No  one has given a very convincing explana of this tangle of pathology in t h e _ 
ghetto but itis h.ard to bel it is anything as simple as lack of jobs of discriit 
...Perhaps all of it can be attributed to past discim in empl,but that does 
not mean these problems can be presently reached by programs of preferent.hirin
bel in "virtual collause in traditional discriminatory patterns in the labotmrt 
--- - nderstood as granting not group rights but indiv rights..."44CRT Of lD64"was



1982

N ew  A x, 
Old Shield

By Frances Fox Piven 
and Richard A. Cloward

BOSTON —  The emergence of the 
welfare state was a momentous devel­
opment in United States history. It 
meant that people could turn to the 
Government to shield them from the 
insecurities and hardships of an uiue- 
strlcted market economy. The 
changes that led to this development 
may also protect it from the assault 
being led by President Reagan and his 
big-busin^s allies.

We ourselves do not underestimate 
M r. Reagan’s attempt to dismantle 
the programs that provide income, 
food, m edical care, and housing to the 
elderly, the poor, the disabled, and the 
unemployed. Nor do we underestimate 
his support in the corporate world. 
Nevertheless, we think that large 
numbers of Am ericans w ill defend 
these programs, both in  voting booths 
and in the streets.

Americans in  the late 20th century 
no longer accept the laissez-faire ideas 
of the late 19th century. People now be­
lieve they have a  right— a democratic 
right —  to m inim al economic well­
being, and they expect Government to 
ensure that right. Presidential rheto­
ric and legislative action will not ex­
tinguish that idea.

Ironically, business and industry 
helped greatly to pave the way for 
common people to use political rights 
to win economic rights from  Govern­
ment. Over the course of the 20th cen­
tury, corporate interests drew Govern­
ment into the economy in ever larger 
and more visible ways in order to aug­
ment profits. From  the regulatory 
agencies created at the turn of the cen- 
t ^  to reduce the cut-throat competi­
tion that plagued industry, to the 
sweeping protections and subsidies 
won at the depths of the Depression, to 
the array of post-World W ar II policies 
that promoted investment, sustained 
aggregate demand, and smoothed the 
way for investment overseas. Govern­
ment’s activities on behalf of business 
expanded enormously.

These interventions helped greatly 
to transform popular ideas about the 
proper relationship of the Government 
to the economy. Although the Govern­
ment had been involved with business 
from the beginning of the Republic, 
the increasing magnitude of its sup-, 
port began to expose it as a  principal 
actor in the economy. And if Govern­
ment was a  key actor, then the eco­
nomic w ell-bei^  of ordinary people 
was also a  matter of politics.

These emerging ideas strengthened 
people in their struggles to win eco­
nomic protection. The mass move­
ments of the 30’s and 60’s among the 
unemployed, industrial workers, the

elderly, blacks, and women revealed 
the power of this new conviction.

And they won. Economic and politi­
cal rights fused in  collective-bargain­
ing protections, in wage-and-hour 
laws, in  occupational health and 
safety standards, in civ il rights and af­
firmative-action guarantees, and in 
enviromnental protection. Economic 
rights were also affirmed as political 
rights in unemployment insurance, in 
pensions for the aged and disabled, in 
public welfare for the unemployable, 
and in medical, housing, and nutrition 
subsidies for the poor.

The tranformation of ideas that tm- 
dergirded these developments is now 
so complete that economic issues have 
come to dominate electoral politics. 
Unemployment is a paramount issue,, 
with the consequence that political in­
cumbents eager for re-election strive 
to coordinate the business cycle with 
the election cycle.

By staking his claim  to the Presi-; 
dency on the restoration of economic' 
well-being, M r. Reagan continually 
acknowledges the power of this idea. If 
the economy fails to make a full recov­
ery, he w ill be harshly judged. The re­
sulting sense of betra j^  coupled with-, 
worsening economic hardship could 
produce significant unrest.

To be sure, those hardest hit by the', 
cruelty of his policies have so far been, 
quiet. People at the bottom are vulner­
able to retaliation. They need some'- 
sense that they won’t be isolated and - 
repressed before they risk strikes,, 
riots, amd disruptive protests.

But such groups m ay gain hope from 
the tide of protest that is beginning to' 
rise among less-vulnerable, middle- 
class groups. Already, representatives' 
of women, minorities, workers, 
churches, ci-vil liberties groups, and- 
political parties (Including the Repub̂  ̂
lican Party) have begun to denounce 
the Administration’s policies. And, 
poor people’s protests are far less 
politically exposed when the antiwar" 
and enviromnental movements are'- 
also increasingly defiant.

The poor will also find allies in the 
welfare state itself. Social programs- 
ate staffed by millions of Government 
and private-sector professionals and. 
workers whose jobs link them to tens 
of millions of beneficiaries. These 
groups acted together to mount many 
of the protests of the 30’s and 60’s, for 
they have a  common stake in the jobs- 
and benefits provided by Federal pro­
grams. With slashed budgets, they 
may well coalesce in protest again.

Ronald Reagan’s policies continue 
to nourish the great 20th century belief 
that economic well-being is a matter of 
politics. And it is that belief that win 
ultimately defeat the big-business cru­
sade against Federal social programs..

Frances Fox Piven is professor of 
political science at Boston University.' 
Richard A. Cloward is professor of so­
cial work at Columbia University. 
They are authors, most recently, of 
"The New  C lass War: Reagan’s At­
tack on the Welfare State and Its Con­
sequences. ”

_________________________ A 2 7



THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY. JULY 21, 1981 r B 3

Tbe N«w York Tlim«/Cbest«r ir.
Protesten, some waving ham m ers and hatchets, demonstrating at tbe T ru m p  Tower and A .T .& T . building construction sites yesterday on E a s t  5(th Street

Minority Job Seekers Protest at T w o Building Sites
By SHAWN G. K E N N E D Y

About 500 black and Hispanic protest­
ers scuffled with the police yesterday 
during demonstrations at two m ajor 
midtown building sites on 56th Street, 
where the protesters said they were 
seeking jobs lor minority workers.

The demonstrations tied up midtown 
traffic lor about three hours as protest­
ers blocked intersections at 56th Street 
and Madison Avenue and at 56th Street 
and Fifth Avenue. Leaders of the group 
said the protesters were unemployed 
construction workers.

Mounted officers and about 75 police 
officers, some wielding nightsticks, 
kept the chanting demonstrators away 
from the construction workers, who had 
come down from their jobs at the Trum p  
Tower and A.T. & T. building projects to 
heckle the protesters.

Some on the construction crews 
hurled bottles, coffee, food and water at

the crowd below, while others went into 
the street and shouted at the demonstrar 
tors, who were chanting: “ We want jobs 
now,”  and “ We don’t work, then they 
don’t work.”

Four Officers Injured

Four police officers were injured, in­
cluding one who suffered a stab wound 
in the lower back, according to a spokes­
man for the Police Department.

The police were successful in keeping 
the two angry groups apart but each 
time something wtis thrown from a 
building the crowd pressed forward and 
the police moved in to push the demon­
strators back. No arrests were made.

The police and the office of M ario  
Merola, the Bronx District Attorney, 
have charged previously that members 
of a citywide group called B lack Eco­
nomic Survival had engaged in harass­
ment and intimidatitm tactics to get “ no

show” jobs for members of minority 
groups who would then “ kick back” 
money to the organization. But in a 
series of five trials over the last two 
years, members of the group were ac­
quitted of those charges and others 
stemming from other construction-site 
demonstrations.

The protesters yesterday said they 
were organized by groups including 
Black Economic Survival and a Brook­
lyn group called Free at Last. Those 
groups are seeking to increase the num­
ber of minority wofkers at m ajor con­
struction sites throughout the city by 50 
percent, their leaders say.

Meeting With Company Officers

“ Seventy-five percent of the people 
here are union members,”  said Ray 
Moses, assistant director of Staten Is­
land Black Economic Survival. “ But the 
Federal and state laws that are sup­

posed to give the black worker an equal 
shot at these jobs are being ignored.”

Natalie Davis, vice chairman of Black 
Economic Survival, said that members 
of the organization met with representa­
tives of the H.R.H . construction compa­
ny, the contractor for the Trum p Tower 
project, at the demonstration site yes­
terday to discuss their demands.

“ We are asking that the construction 
company hire more minorities to bring 
the level up to 33 percent and to put an 
equal opportunity officer at each project 
to assist in the hiring,”  M rs. Davis said. 
"We also want them to pay for the dam­
age to the bus their employees wrecked 
when we were there in J une. ’ ’

Last month, construction workers 
from the Tm m p Tower building site at­
tacked and heavily damaged a school 
bus that had. brought demonstrators to 
the site on Julie 16.

Mayor Koch denounced yesterday’s 
demonstration, calling it “ a case of ex­
tortion.”

“ We will not tolerate threats of vio­
lence or willingly stand by and let peo­
ple make demands, taking the law into 
their own hands,”  the M ayor said.

C itizen s Union S a ys C o u tm l 
V io la ted  Voting R ig h ts A c t

B y ED W ARD A. G A R G A N

The Citizens Union of New York City 
has charged the C ity  Council with re­
drawing Council district boundaries for 
the purpose of “ protecting white incum­
bents.”  And it asserts that the changes 
violate the Voting Rights Act of 1965 by 
diluting minority voting strength.

The charges were made in a letter to 
the Civil Rights Division of the Justice 
Department asking that the city’s redis­
tricting plan not be approved. Under the 
Voting Rights Act, the department is re­
quired to approve Council redistricting 
plans in the Bronx, Brooklyn and North­
ern Manhattan.

Alan Rothstein, the associate director 
of the Citizens Union, said, “ The Council 
drew Convoluted districts to protect its 
incumbents and divided up concentra­
tions of black and Hispanic residents —  
which are substantial and expanding, 
despite the Council’s claim s to the con­
trary —  so as to m inimize their im­
pact.”

Why It Delayed Its Comments
The executive director of the nonpar­

tisan organization, Vance Benguiat, 
said that although the city had sub­
mitted its report justifying the proposed 
boundaries on June 12, the Citizens 
Union delayed its comments until it had 
fully analyzed the report and until it 
could devise an alternative redistricting 
plan that it believed more closely con­
formed to the distribution of the city’s 
minority population.

Last month. M ayor Koch signed the 
City Council redistricting bill, which 
created two additional Council seats, 
raising the total to 35, while preserving 
the eight existing districts that have a 
predominantly m inority population.

Proponents of the Council plan main­
tained that it was impossible to draw 
more minority districts because black 
and Hispanic residents have become 
more dispersed throughout the city and 
that hence the m inority population of ex­
isting districts had declined.

Rebuts C o u i k U ’ s  Stand
This contention was assailed by the 

Citizens Union, which said that based on 
1980 census data “ areas with predomi­
nant minority population are not shrink­
ing but in fact are expanding.”

In offering what it described as an al­
ternative redistricting plan, the Citizens 
Union drew boundaries that it said 
would raise the number of minority dis­
tricts to 11.

The Citizens Union cited the 25th 
Councilmanic D istrict in Brooklyn —  
which, according to the 1980 census, has 
a minority population of 80 percent and 
which was “ drastically altered in a con­
voluted manner so that the minority 
population was reduced to under 60 per­
cent” —  as the “ most egregious exam­
ple of racial gerrymandering. ’ ’

John Wilson, a  spokesman for the Jus­

tice Department, said that comments 
from members of the affected a i^  were 
encouraged. He said the role of j^feCivil 
Rights Division was to determine 
whether the redistricting was ffliejimi- 
natory. A  decision must m a d e ^  the 
Attorney General within 60 daVim  the 
filing of the plan —  that is, bjntag. 11, 
Mr. Wilson said.

Theodore Silverman, Councilman 
from the 25th District, applauded the 
Council’s plan. “ The first thing is to 
keep each m ember in his district and 
proceed from there,”  M r. Silverman 
said. “ Whenever new lines arp,diawn, 
there is critic ism .”

A  Church W ins 
Battle on Taxfes

The New Yo rk  C ity Tax Sipm- 
mission has rtiled that a churrii 
on the Lower East Side does.flpt 
have to pay the taxes levied on its 
property after the small congre­
gation demolished its church 
building and planted a gardeiton 
the site seven years ago.

The church —  Trin ity  Lutheran 
—  had received tax bills dating 

. back to 1974 and totaling more 
than $11,000. The bills start^  ar­
riving after the congregation 
razed its aging frame chijtch 
building because the city had de­
clared it unsafe. Earlier this 
year, the city threatened to take 
over the church’s property at 
Ninth Street and Avenue B if  the 
bills were not paid.

City officials contended that the 
community garden planted on the 
property did not constitute tax-ex­
empt use of the land, and earlier 
efforts by the church to have the 
matter cleared up were unsuc­
cessful. The congregation contin­
ued to worship in the rectory on 
the lot adjacent to the site of the 
former church, and has held out­
door services on the vacant lot.

After extended correspondence 
and help from a lawyer and local 
political leaders, the Rev. Wil­
liam Purdy, pastor of the church 
since 1979, won a hearing from the 
tax commission in May. The 
minister was informed last Satur­
day that the commissirai had 
agreed that the land was tax-ex­
empt for the two years discussed 
during the hearing.

Now the congregation, with 
about 100 members, is planning a 
fund-raising campaign to recover 
some of the more than $2,000 in 

' legal fees spent arguing the case.

The New York Times
Construction workers at the A .T .&  T . site came down from their Jobs as demonstrators gathered in  the street

T he City
Court Clears W ay 
For Lottery Payoff

Justice Francis N. Pecora of State 
Supreme Court cleared the way yes- 
tertay  for a Manhattan woman to re­
ceive the first part of her $2.8 m illion  
lottery prize, even though a neighbor 
contends he should get half of it. The 
judge refused to tie up the money in  an 
escrow account until a claim  against 
Daysl Fernandez, 37 years old, by 
Christc?)her Pando, 17, is settled.

M r. Pando had sou^t an injunction 
to stop Mrs. Fernandez from spending 
the prize money and wanted the funds 
put in escrow until his claim  was set­
tled. He contended that Mrs. Fernan­
dez had promised to share the win­
nings with him, and that he had bought 
the ticket June 27 with her money but 
chose the winning number himself.

Justice Pecora, in refusing M r. Pan- 
do’s request, added that he could go 
ahead with a breach of contract suit to 
recover any money he felt due him. 
State Lottery officials said M rs. F e r­
nandez would soon receive the first in­
stallment In the prize, $200,000. (A P )

LOTTERY NUMBERS
July 20,1981

New York Numbers —  642 
New Jersey Pick-It — 211 
Connecticut Daily —  503

Search for Girl, 7,
Is Widened on S.I.

The search for a 7-year-old Staten Is­
land girl who disappikred last week —  
reportedly after buying a bar of soap 
at a delicatessen— was widened to in­
clude the waters of the K ill Van Kull.

Scuba divers searched near the k ill’s 
shores at the foot of Richmond A ve­
nue, across from Bayonne, N . J.

The search began last Wednesday 
following the disappearance of the 
girl. Holly Ann HugJiM. The police re­
ported no progress or new develop­
ments yesterday in the case. (A P )

Columbia’s Station 
Off the Air Again

An attempt by Columbia Universi­
ty’s radio station to transmit from the 
World Trade Center ended after 45 
minutes with station managers await­
ing a permit from the Federal Com­
munications Commission to broadcast 
from that site.

The student-run station, W KCR -FM , 
has been off the a ir since the failure 
Friday evening of its old transmitter 
in midtown Manhattan. It began 
transmitting from the Trade Center 
yesterday at 9:30 A.M., but left the air 
when told it “ didn’t have the clear­
ance” to broadcast, according to the 
general manager, Michael Silverstein. 

Mark Silverman, chief engineer for

WKCR, said station managers had 
been “ mistaken in interpreting F.C .C . ; 
regulations determining when a per- I 
mit went into effect.”  When the com­
mission told them of the mistake, he 
said, the broadcast was stopped.

WKCR officials said they hoped to 
repair the midtown transmitter and 
resume broadcasting today or tomor­
row.

Jury Votes N o Bill 
In Bronx Shooting

A Bronx County grand jury failed to 
return an indictment in the case of a 
police officer who shot and killed a 
man who was brandishing a machete. 
The jury held that the officer acted in 
the line of duty in the Ju ly  1 shooting.

The officer, Robert Cerrone, and his 
partner, Joseph Agrosta, were on a 
routine patrol at about 4:30 P .M . when 
they were sent to investigate a report 
that a man was waving a  machete in 
front of a residence at 2814 Harding 
Avenue.

The officers said they had ordered 
the man, Daniel Cedron, 36 years old, 
to drop the weapon. However, Officer 
Cerrone testified, M r. Cedron ad­
vanced on him with the machete. The 
officer then fired at him, striking him 
fourshots.

The Bronx District Attorney, M ario I 
Merola, said that the grand jury heard 
testimony from 18 witnesses and con­
sidered 18 pieces of evidence in its in­
vestigation of the shooting. (AP)



B 4 L + + THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, JULY 21, 1981

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Reagan Policies Intensify Debate on Child R ights
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lies and a shift in population that is 
transforming a nation of the young into 
a nation of the old.

According to a recent New York  
Times/CBS News Poll, there is support 
for childrens’ rights in a  number of 
areas but a belief that parents’ rights 
are supreme in many circumstances. In 
the sample of 1,487 voting-age Ameri­
cans, a 3-to-l majority favored the 
designation of a lawyer to represent 
children’s interests in divorce cases, 
and 68 percent said that juveniles should 
have the r l^ t to be tried by a jury. A  
2-to-l majority said that the Federal 
laws against kidnapping should apply 
when one parent “ steals”  a  child from 
the other in a divorce case.

The age of 18 was most frequently 
mentioned by those polled as the time 
whm parents should loosen the reins in 
a variety of matters, including the right 
to make decisions on medical treatment 
and the right to decide where and with 
whom to live. Although 65 percent of 
those polled believe in a  woman’s right 
to choose abortion, 63 percent said that 
girts under age 18 should not be allowed 
to have an abortion without p ar« iu l 
consent.

th e  poll suggests that Americans be­
lieve overwhelmingly that the roost im­
portant thing that children should get 
from their parnits is love, and from gov- 
enunent, education or training.

Some of the trends that are shaping 
children’s lives, and the discussion of 
children’s rights, are evident in a  vari­
ety of national statistics: 

qjhere are 61.7 million people in 
America under age 18 in a populaticm of 
226.5 million, according to the Census 
Bureau. This is 7.4 million fewer than in 
1970, when there were 69.1 million chil­
dren in a population of 2 0 3 million, rep­
resenting the changing age structure of 
the population.

qsome 76.6 percent of the children live 
with two parents, 18 percent live with 
their mothers and 1.7 percent with their 
fathers. Parents are getting divorced at 
twice the rate they did 20 years earlier, 
according to the National Center for 
Health Statistics. More children are in­
volved in marital breakups than ever 
before: 1.18 million in 1979, compared 
with 562,000 in 1963. As many as 100,000 
children were kidnawed by their par- 
ents last year in custody disputes.

qMore than 500,000 children are in fos­
ter care; 100,000 are in mental-h^lth, 
special-education and other facilities, 
and 87,000 under 18 are in prison, census 
and other estimates suggest.

q ihere were 711,142 reported cases of 
child abuse m 1979, the most recent year 
for which statistics are available, ac­
cording to the National Center on Child 
Abuse and Neglect. In 1979,164,400 run­
away children were taken into custody 
by the police, according to the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation.

‘The Fam ily Is Changing’
'The American fam ily is changing, 

and there has been a great deal more in­
tervention into fam ily affairs in the last 
15 years than in the last 500 years," said 
Henry Foster, professor emeritus at 
New York University Law School, who 
taught the first children’s rights course 
in this country in the 1960’s. “ But then, 
the family, school and religion have less 
authority than ever before. ’ ’

The question of whether children have 
any independently assm ib ie  rights has( 
long provoke divergent answers."

Representative of one school of think­
ing is the Rev. Jerry Falwell, founder of 
the Moral Majority. “ I believe that chil­
dren should be subservient to their par­
ents,”  he said. “ Children have the right 
to expect their parents to love them and 
to give them the correct discipline to de­
velop their character. They have the 
right to be punished properly when they 
do wrong, but never to be abused.”

“To my mind the first children's right 
is the right to a committed caretaker,”  
said Dr. Urie Bronfenbrenner, professor 
of psychology and human development 
at Cornell University. “ What kids need 
is someone who cares for them; this is 
the lesson of the hard facts of half a  cen­
tury of child-development research.”  

Joseph Goldstein, Sterling Professor 
of Law at Yale University, points out 
that “ the rights of a child can certainly 
merge with a fam ily’s  rights, and they 
may not be in cm flict at a ll.”

Uberatlonists and Child-Savers 
There have been two principal im­

pulses in the children’s rights move­
ment, according Robert Mnookin, pn> 
lessor of law at the University of Cali­
fornia at Berkeley. “ To simplify it 
greatly,”  he said, “ there have been the 
children’s Uberatlonists who believed 
that the way to salvation for children 
was to m ar^  down the same road that 
women and minorities have marched, 
giving children the same rights as 
adults. Then there have been the child- 
savers. The rights that they wanted to 
expand were the rules that permitted 
the state to assume a broader role in in­
tervening in the fam ily in cases of need. 
But I think it's im p i^ ib le  to Consider 
children’s rights without talking about 
how the law balances the power rela­
tionship between the child and the fami­
ly, the child and the state. ’’

It is no easy matter simply to define 
what a child is. Last year, when the 
Veterans Administration found it neces­
sary to define the word “ child" so that

SlieifeUiUork Sinwn/CBS NEWS PO LL

A tt itu d e s  on  
C h ild re n ’s  R igh ts

"When parents are getting divorced and having a dispute over 
the custody of a chiid, should the judge see to it that there is a 
lawyer who represents the child’s interest, or don't you think 
that's necessary?"

Percentage
who Mid

Lawyer No lawyer
AGEGROUP

18>29 years 60 16
30-44 years 65 26
45-64 years 62 28
65 and over 59 24

IDEOLOGY
Liberal 73 22
Moderate 72 21
Conservative 61 28

MARITAL STATUS
Married 66 26
Widowed 64 20
Divorced or separated 52 32
Never married 82 13

'' W hat is  th e  m o s t im portan t th ing
4hat ch ildren  sh o u ld  g e t  from th eir  p a r e n ts ? ’ ’

...................... . ‘-"I

M O R A L  T R A IN IN G

~  D IS C IP L IN E  a n d  S U P E R V I S I O N  

A D V IC E  

R E S P E C T  

T IM E

C O M M U N IC A T IO N  

L O V E  a n d  D IS C IP L IN E  

T R A IN IN G  

G O O D  E X A M P L E  

G O O D H O M E

benefits could be paid, it took 1,100 
words across two and a half columns in 
the Federal Register to do it. Legally 
children are defined as persons under 
the age of majority, which in most 
states is 18. States set the ages at which 
adulthood is achieved in activities like 
serving on a jury or buying liquor.

The concept of when a child begins to 
have rights is also currently at issue. A  
Senate subcommittee recently ap­
proved a so-called human life measure 
that states that life “ shall be deemed to 
exist from conception.”  The b ill’s sup­
porters argue that the 14th Ameixlment, 
which prohibits states from depriving 
persons of their rights without due pro­
cess of law, should be applied to unborn 
children. ITie bill was reported to the 
Senate Judiciary Committee for action.

The National Academy of Sciences 
addressed the issue of the rights of the 
fetus by adopting a resolution saying 
that the bill deals with a question “ to 
which science can provide no answer"; 
when the fetus becomes “ a person," the 
resolution said, “ must remain a  matter 
of moral or religious values.”

Much attention has also been given to 
a number of legal cases that have pitted 
children against parents. The most 
sensational was that in which Tom Han­
sen, a 24-year-old from Boulder, Colo., 
filed for $350,000 in damages in 1978

against his parents in what his lawyer 
called a “ malpractice of parenting”  
suit. It alleged neglect of his needs for 
clothing, food shelter and support at 
critical periods in his life. A  district 
court judge dismissed the case as with­
out merit.

A  13-Year4)ld Seeks Asylum
Child-versus-parent disputes have 

raised fundamental constitutional 
issues. One such recent case was that of 
Walter Polovchak, a  13-year-old Ukrain­
ian boy in Chicago who sought political 
asyluin rather than return with his emi­
grant parents to the Soviet Union. The 
case is being appealed after a juvenile 
court made Walter a ward of the state.

Representing the interests of children 
is not always a simple matter. “ For ex­
ample, some children want to be re­
turned to the very home where they 
have been [9iysically or sexually 
abused,”  said Prof. John J . Sampson of 
the University of Texas Law School. “ It 
isn’t always easy to know precisely 
what’s in the best interest of the child.”

Children’s rights are being defined in 
a new way in another legal arena, the 
Supreme Court of the United States. 
“ Since the 1960’s the Supreme Court has 
taken an extraordinary number of cases 
involved with children, families and the 
state,”  said Prof. R o b ^  A . Burt of the

How Poll W as Conducted
The latest New York Times/ 

CBS News Poll is based on tele­
phone interviews conducted June 
28-July 1 with 1,467 adults around 
the United States.

The sample of telephone ex­
changes called was selected by a 
computer from a complete list of 
exchanges in the country. The ex­
changes were chosen to insure 
that each region was represented 
in proportion to its population. 
For each exhange, the telephone 
numbers were formed by random 
digits, thus permitting access to 
both listed and unlisted residen­
tial numbers.

The results have been weighted 
to take account of household size 
and to adjust for variations in the 
sample relating to region, race, 
sex, age and education.

In theory, it can be said that in 
95 cases out of 100 the results 
based on the entire sample differ 
by no more than 3 percentage 
points in either direction from 
what would have been obtained 
by interviewing all adult Ameri­
cans. The error for sm aller sub­
groups is larger, depending on the 
number of sample cases in the 
subgroup.

The theoretical errors do not 
take into account a margin of 
additional error resulting from 
the various practical difficulties 
in taking any survey of public 
opinion.

Assisting The Times in its 1981 
survey coverage is Dr. Michael R. 
Kagay of Princeton University.

Yale University Law School. "1 taught 
family law before 1968, and there were 
hardly any cajes. Now it’s virtually a 
subcategory of constitutional law.”

Children’s  advocates point to the 
Court’s ruling in a  1967 case, In re Gault, 
as the beginning of the so-called revolu­
tion in children’s rights. The 8-1 decision 
held that childrrai have rights to due 
process in court proceedings, Including 
the right to a lawyer, to privilM e  
against self-incrimination, and the rt^ t  
to be tried before witnesses who could be 
cross-examined. Other rulings reflect­
ing the Supreme Court’s new activity in 
this area have involved the commit- 
m «it of children to mental Institutions, 
the rights of foster children to due pro­
cess, minors’ rights to abortion, medical 
services and freedom of expression, and 
other issues. One case, on standards of 
proof in the terffllnation of parental 
rt^ ts, is now before the Court.

“ However,”  said Professor Foster, 
“ some comments in Wisconsin v. 
Yoder, and some of the language in 
Gault, are just about the only things we 
have to make a  claim  for the cor^ tu- 
tlonal rights of minors.”

In the view of Professor MnoiAln of 
Berkeley, “ consideriiig the Supreme 
Court rulings is almost like listening to a 
fugue.”

He explained: “ You can discern three 
distinct themes: First, that parents 
have prim ary responsibility to raise 
children. Second, that the state has spe­
cial responsiblities for children, to inter­
vene and protect them. And third, that 
children as people have rights of their 
own aiMl have r i^ ts  as individuals in 
relation to the fam ily and in relation to 
the state. These themes ate constantly 
in conflict.”

Although the Gault ruling was impor­
tant in  establishing children’s proce­
dural rights in a  juvenile-delinquency 
context, “ the more important develop­
ment in  the area of children’s rights 
came In the area of legislative protec­
tions and services and their subsequent 
judicial enforcement,”  said Daniel Yo- 
halem, legal director for the Children’s 
Defense Fund in Washington. Federal 
programs have controlled the spending 
of billions of dollars for thin^ like the 
education of the handicapped, medical 
care and nutrition.

Thus the Reagan Administration’s 
budget proposals in Congress have be­
come a rallying point for those who hold 
that children have rights to services 
from the Government. Of some $16.4 bil­
lion budgeted in six  key Federal pro­
grams anecting children, the Adminis­
tration’s propmed cuts would (mine 
more-than $3.8 billion. Beyond the ques­
tion of budget cutting loom the Adminis­
tration’s attempts to place the categori­
cal grants forsome 500 Government pro­
grams into block grants that would be 
paid to the states, which could disburse 
Federal funds as they wish.

President Reagan has urged block 
granting as a  way to cut through com­
plex G^ ernm ent regulations and to 
give the states more autonomy in em­
ploying Federal funds. Representative 
Henry J. Hyde, Republican of Illinois, 
said, “ The states and localities are 
closer to the people, and it’s a good idea 
to give them more responsibility.”

Advocates of children’s rights counter 
that Federal statutes are necessary to 
curb abuses. ‘*I hope the statutes will be 
preserved,”  said Peter W. Forsythe, di­
rector of programs for children at the 
Edna McConnell C lark  Foundation in 
New York. “ It took 50 years to build 
them up, and if they’re wiped out there’s 
nothing to replace them.”

“ The best thing that can h a i^ n  for 
poor kids, and for all kids, is to have an 
economy that is clicking on all cylin­
ders,”  said Edwin L . Dale Jr., spokes­
man for the Office of Management and 
Budget.

Opponents of the cuts believe they will 
have a  devastating effect on children 
and families. “ 'The first and most signif­
icant asset of any nation is its children ”  
said Professrar Louis Levitt of the Wurz- 
weiler School of Social Work at Yeshiva 
University. “ The Reagan cuts are short­
sighted and cruel, and all of us will pay 
the price. We’ll have to live with these 
children for the next 60 years.”

Children have been seen and heard in 
the debate about their rights. ” The 
whole problem is that kids can’t vote for 
politicians —  so why should politicians 
do things for kids?”  said 13-year-old 
Jemiifer Avellino, a  reporter for Chil­
dren’s Express, a New York group that 
produces a triweekly syndicated newv 
paper column written by B- to 13-year- 
olds.

What is the future of the children's 
rights movement? Some advocates be­
lieve that America will be increasingly 
intolerant toward children as the ratio 
of young to old tips dramatically toward 
a proponderance of the aged by the end 
of the century.

But other children’s advocates see 
themselves as part of an ever-vltal c«i- 
tinuum of social reform. "I know the 
children’s-rights movement has a fu­
ture,”  M r. Y c ^ le m  said. “ What we’re 
doing here is simply the continuation of 
American efforts like the settlement- 
house movement and the compuIscH?- 
education movement. It will not go 
away, because it serves a need that is 
fundamental to each generation.”

Next: Foster care — children’s rights 
in relation to the state.

General Assembly A dopted Declaration on Children’s Rights
In November 1959 the United Nations 

General Assembly adopted the Declara­
tion of the Rights of the Child, which in­
corporates 10 principles, including the 
rights to a name, nationality, nutrition, 
shelter, medical care, love, fam ily and 
legal protections.

Although governments pay lip service 
to the declaration, it has no legal force. 
"It is tremendously important as a 
statement of principle, an anchor that 
pet^le can latch onto in agitating for 
legislation and developing policies,”  
said Danitsa Adjemovich, who was sen­
ior technical officer for the secretariat 
of the United Nations’ 1979 International 

i Year of the Child. To legal scholars the 
j impact of such bills of rights is debata- 
I ble. “ We can say we believe in a child’s 
I rights to love and affection, but the law 
I is much too crude a system of mech­
anisms to enforce this assertion," said

Robert Mnookin, professor of law at the 
University of California at Berkeley.

Children’s Rights Recent

Assertions about the rights of chidren 
are of relatively recent vintage. Not 
until 60 years after it was a crime to be 
cruel to animals did cruelty to children 
b^ome punishable by law in 19th-cen­
tury England. It was commonplace 
until after World War I, following a cen­
tury of efforts at child-welfare reform, 
to think that children had duties toward 
parents and society but no rights.

The current children’s rights move­
ment in America does not exist in an in­
ternational vacuum. Since 1973 Sweden 
has had a children’s ombudsman, con­
sidered a first.

In February. Norway established an 
office for a children’s ombudsman, the

Netherlands is working toward setting 
up a sim ilar office and the Spanish Gov­
ernment has expressed interest in the 
concept.

There are 1.5 billion children under 
the age of 15, according to estimates of 
the Population Reference Bureau in 
Washington. One in 10 children born in a 
single year dies of starvation, according 
to United Nations Children’s Fund 
statistics.

There are more than 65 million work­
ing children worldwide, according to the 
International Labor Office in Geneva. 
Children are working in mines and fac­
tories and as prostitutes; in some coun­
tries they are commonly sold or can be 
pledged to pay a debt.

In the United States, there are con­
flicting estimates, in the hundreds of 
thousands on the number of young chil­

dren working in migrant labor, in child 
prostitution or in the families of immi­
grants.

Editor of The Oakland Tribune 
Gets Added Role of Publisher
O A K LA N D , Calif., Ju ly 20 (AP) —  

Robert C. Maynard, editor of The Oak­
land Tribune-Eastbay Today, today was 
given the additional role of publisher of 
the two newspapers. i

Mr. Maynard, 44 years old, thus be­
comes the first black editor and pub­
lisher of a major metropolitan newspa­
per in the United States, the papers said.

He succeeds Albert Dolata. Mr. Dola- 
ta, 42, has been named a general execu­
tive with the Gannett Company, the par­
ent company. M r. Dolata will coordi­
nate E l  Diario La Prensa, which Gan­
nett recently agreed to acquire.



T U E S D A Y . J U L Y  21, 1981 . 

CopyrightC 1961 The New Y erii T im es S d e n c e T i i i i e s
W ith Education, 
A li ,  Style, 
Sports

S h e  JJieUr |Ia rk  Simeis^ L  Cl

Psychotherapists 
Focus on 
Final Sessions 
A s Crucial 
To Success

BjrDAVASOBEL

I I  ■ ■  T  Is pxsible to make the therapM tic situatian a  
substitute (Or life,”  said the B r lt i^  pajrchla* 
trist AntlMQr Starr in  his book "The A it  at

■ ■  Pajchotheiapy.”

But most therapists agree that there ought to be a life 
after peychotherapy. The crucia l question of how and 
w hentoendtherapsralwayaooinesiipwith^ecialur*  
genqr at this time of year as m any therapists take suro- 
m er vacations, creating a  tria l separation with their 
petients that, (or tome, presents much the same pahi 
that the ther^iy'a true end m ay create. ^

Fo r the patients, after perhaps three o r four years 
treatment, terminatian can be a tim e when a a ce « o o > l| k ^  
quered symptoms reappear, fanning feats and anxiety.

But the ptoMem of becoming too invoived in therapy 
is not just a problem for patients, aceotxUng to Dr. ^ 
Storr, who notes that there are m any therapists “wtbo 
have virtuaUy no life outside their hours of practice. ”

Even in the best of circumstances, the last phase of 
treatment is a dunealt one for the therairist, a  test of 
the therapy's value, as well as of the practitioner’s own 
professional worth and self-esteem. The sense of im . 
pending loss typically n ils the final sessions with talk of 
death.

L ike  the endgame in chess, terminatian is a  strategic 
move of great importance. F reud ian analysts may 
spend several moothi preparing patients for the day 
when sessions will end, while specialists in short4enn 
treatment modaUtles make terminatian the tocaa of 
their work from the begiming. A t best, terminatian is a 
natural outgrowth of progress, but it is  often forced 
prematurely by several factors, audh as one p a t^ s  
move to another d ty  or the patient's financial dreum- 
stances.

Because there are usually no obvious signi like the 
disappearance of a rash or a  drop In fever to signal the 
appnvriate point for conduding treatnMRt, the tim ii«  
of tenninatioa is determined by a  crude equation of the 
patient’s growth and what m any paopte caU “ analyst’s 
intuitlan.’ ’

"In  an ideal worid,”  Dr. Storr said, "paydiotherapy 
ought to go on for as long as is  necessary for the patient 
to feel that he understands sdiat kind of a person he Is 
and what forces have helped to shape h im ; that he can 
face the ordinary challenges of life as competenUy as 
anyoneelse,andtbatheiscapaMeoffutfUlingteUti(»- 
shlps with other human beings on equal tarms.’’

According to Dr. Paul Fink, chairm an of the d^Murt- 
ment of psydiiatry end human behavior at Jefferson 
Medical College In Philadelphia, “ sdMB the patient’s 

Continued on Page  C3

Dynamics of
Superconductivity
AndEiectricity
Electrical currents 
flowing through a wire 
encounter resistance, 
which generates heat 
and wastes energy.
However, at extremely 
low temperatures—  
around 23 degrees 
Kelvin or 418 degrees 
below zero Fahrenheit 
— electrical resistance 
hi certain
"superconducting" 
materials disappears.

E n gin eers T urn  
E xtrem e C old Into 

A lly  to Produce 
M ore P ow er

Scientists believe that 
vibrations of the nuclei of 
certain atoms slow down 
so much at low 
temperatures they 
synchronize vrith the 
passing waves of 
electrons inaflow of 
electric current. When 
this happens, resistance 
to electric current 
disappears.

r ORm ostttftheTOyeansiiiceitsdiscovery.snpercon- 
(hictivity— the ability of certain ultracold sobetances 
to conduct electricity without resistance— has been a  
sdantific curiosity beyond the read i of Industrial ex­

ploitation. But engineen now seem close to taming it as the 
basis of a new generation of energyeavlng power systems.

Growing coivsratlan between theoretical scientists eiqilor- 
ingthe ffootieis of losM em peratun physics and manufactur­
ers seeking energy savings has created industrial devices 
that many experts regard as fOrenmneis of a  new industrial 
revolution.

So far, the only proven w ay to achieve superconductivity is 
to cool varioue metals and carbon-based compounds to tem­
peratures ck»e to that of outer space. The difficulty of main­
taining euch extreme cold has been a  formidable obstacle, but

engineers have whittled it away with new m aterials and con­
tainment schemes.

Siqierconducting generatois recently built in  the United 
States, for example, by tiie General E lectric  Company and 
the Massadwsetts Institute of Technology, can  produce as 
much electricity as conventional generators twice their 
weight and size. The saving in energy needed to drive these 
generators is said to be enormous.

In Japan, superconducting magnets have been used to levi­
tate an experimental train above its ra ils  and drive It at great 
speed w itii minimal expenditure of energy. A  sim ilar mag­
netic propulsion system may some day be used to latinA  
satellites into orbit without the use of rockets. Higb«fflciency 
ore.separatiag ma(iilties may he built using superconducting 
magnms.

Superconductivity Is the basis of revututionaiy energy stor­
age systems under deveiapment at the Westinghouse Electric 

Continued Ml Page C2

W as the Dinosaur Actually Sprightly?
By BAYAR D W E B S T E R

w U e h w e i t ^ U
taaa,au gp M s
that It might have 
b ean ob le ion m  
Ukeaneetriefa.___

T h e  popular notion of the dinosaur pic­
tures a  ponderous, lumbering behe­
moth whose great hulk and weight 
and deliberate movements kept it 
from roaming far from its birthplace.

But if dinosaurs were so huge and clumsy, 
why do some of their anatomical features 
resemble those of modem animals who move 
rapidly and vigorously?

And if  dinosaurs were indeed homebodies, 
why have fossil discoveries in western North 
America shown that identical species man­

aged to appear in areas thousands of 
miles apart?

A  scientist at the Smithsonian 
Museum of Natural History in 
Washington thinks he m ay have 
found some of the answers. Dr. 
Nicholas Hotton, a  paleoblolt^ist 

udio has studied countless numbers of dino­
saur fossils and the sites where their bones 
were fotmd, believes that some diiMsaur spe­
cies migrated back and forth each year be­
tween locations as much as 2,000 m iles apart. 
He thinks the following events were acted out:

qsome 70 million to 75 million years ago in 
the Late Cretaceous Period, herds of two-foot­
ed, plant-eating hadrosaurs, a  group of duck­
billed dinosaurs that towered 10 to 20 feet 
above the ground and weighed iq> to e i^ t  
ttms, flourished in North Am erica. A fter the 
spring equinox the animals became aware 
that rising temperatures, longer daylight 
hours and new plant growth were moving 
northward and extending their foraging 
range. So th^ , too, moved steadily north­
ward in their search for food and warmth.

4 A s their long, powerful legs tixA  them 10 
to 20 miles a day, the hadrosaurs browsed on 
needles, twigs, fruits and seeds of the trees 
that covered vast areas of North Am erica. At 
the end of their spring migration in the A rctic  
Circle, they mated and laid their eggs. Then, 
the dinoeaur hatchlings could eitiier have ac­
companied the adults on the return trek 
southward, or, if they grew slowly, hiber-

O'wrnrs.PMi I
Contimied on Pqge C3

EDUCATION

After Steady R ise,
The Number of B lack  
Doctoral Students Falls

B y E D W A R D  B .F I S K E

T h e  hopes that were aroused in 
the early 1970’s  for a greater 
black presence on college and 
university faculties by me end 
otthecentuiy now seem to be fading.

After rising steadily in  the eariy 
part of the decade, the number of 
black students pursuing doctoral de­
grees is now on the decline —  both in 
absolute terms and as a  percentage of 
all Ifli.D. candidates.

Declining enthusiasm among cc^ 
leges for the recruiting of minorities b  
generalW cited as a  factor in the de­
cline. “There’s not a positive spirit 
now about affirm ative action pro­
grams.’’ said John B . Slaughter, a 
black engineer who last fall became 
director of the National Science Foun­
dation.

Other factors, however, are also 
clearly invi^ved. including the gener­
ally poor ^  prospects in college 
teaching, the recent phasing out of 
several important graduate fellowship 
programs and inadequate counseling 
of academically talented black stu­
dents as eariy as the high schooUevel.

Moreover, blacks v m  do go on to 
graduate study report that t l ^  often 
find a lack of understanding —  and 
thus of support —  among their peers. 
“ 1 was considered eccentric because I 
deckled to go to graduate school rather 
than law school,”  said Andrew 
Barnes, a Wesleyan University gradu­
ate who is now finishing up his doctor­
ate in eariy modern European histoiy 
at Princeton University.

There is no reliable data overa long 
period of time on the racial breakdown 
of doctoral candidates in  AnMrican

universities. There seems to be gen­
eral consensus, though, that during the 
late 1960’s  and eariy 1970’s the number 
of black doctmal candidates rose sig­
nificantly.

Accending to the Institute for the 
Study of Educational Policy, a re­
search center located at Howard Uni­
versity in Washington, the number of 
full-time b lack graduate students 
reached m ore than 65,000, or just 
under six percmit of the total, around 
1975 and 1976. Since then, however, 
both the numbers atid the percentages 
have been declining. Between 1976 and 
1978, the latest date for which figures 
are available, the percentage of blacks 
among Ph.D. candidates slipped from 
5.8 to 5.6 percent.

The figures show that enrollment of 
other minority groups is rising. His­
panic Americans, for example, went 
from 1.5 to 2.6 percent between 1974 
and 1978, while Asians rose from 1A  to 
2A percent during the same pmiod. 
Educators say that comparisons be­
tween the various m inori^  gnxqis are 
difficulL partly because the numerical 
base is so sm all and partly because 
there are numerous special circum­
stances. F o r  cultural and other rea- 
sens, for example, many students of 
Asian background pursue degrees in 
the physical sciences and math.

Figures from  the National Center 
for Education Statistics show that 
more than 1JOO blacks receive doctor­
ates each year and that the percentage 
of blacks among a ll doctoral degree re­
cipients rose from 3.6 to 3A percent be­
tween 1976 and 1979. Since a doctorate 
typically takes six to eight years to 
complete, these figures on degrees 
granted presumably reflect the in- 

Continuedon Page C2

FliiZS: Publishers cool to novetizations of movies, page C7, /  STAGE: Polanski acclaimed as Mozart in ’Amadeus,’ page C8 . 
BOOKS; Tracing the origins of Irish Christianity, page CIO./ DANCE: Martha Graham gets $25,000 award, page CIO.



C 2 THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, JULY 21, 1981

S c i e n c e  W a t c h
V i t a m in  D e f ic ie n c y ___________

■Some of the psychoactive drugs 
widely used to treat mental patients 
can create a riboflavin deficiency in 
lateratory animals, according to a 
study by researchers at Mem orial 
Sloen-Kettering Cancer Center and 
New York Hospitai-Comell Medical 
Cw ter.

Riboflavin, sometimes called vita­
min B2, is not used directly by the 
body but is converted to active forms 
by. the body's metabolism. Those 
fcHrns affect basic cell operations, 
brain function and the metabolism of 
other nutrients.

Chlorpromazine (Thorazine), used 
ill' controilii^ schizophrenia, blocked 
the conversion of riboflavin to its ac­

tive forms in laboratory rats when 
given in doses comparable to the doses 
used on mental {»tients. Imiinam ine  
(Tofranil) and amitryptiline (E lav il) , 
used in depression, did the same, 
though at doses proportionately higher 
than humans would receive.

Three-day tests showed a ll three 
d r i^  interfered with the conversion of 
riboflavin to its active forms in the 
body. Long-term administration —  
three weeks and seven weeks —  of 
chlorpromazine led to riboflavin defi­
ciency even in rats fed 30 times the 
recommended daily allowance of ribo­
flavin.

Or. Richard Rivlin, one of the re­
searchers, said there is “ no direct evi­
dence" that the drugs affect riboflavin 
metabolism in humans. But the stud­
ies raise the possibility, he sadd, that

"drug-induced nutritional deficiency 
may be an unrecognized and undesira­
ble result of drug therapy in m enUlly  
ill patients, especially when treatment 
is prolonged.”

The study by Dr. R iv lin , D r. John 
pinto and Dr. Yee Ping Huang was 
published in a recent issue of The Jour- 
nal of Clinical Investigatitm.

Growth Hormone
A  new screening test to determine 

which very short children could be­
come a few inches taller from injec­
tions of a growth-promoting hormone 
has been reported by a team of re­
searchers at Em ory University in At­
lanta.

The Atlanta doctors have found that 
children who are under the third per­

centile in current height and predicted 
adult height fall into four categories 
after a KWay course of injections with 
human growth hormone. The therapy 
is futile in three of those categories of a 
condition called NV SS, for normal- 
variant short stature.

But in the fourth group the response 
to the KWay course of injections “ pro­
vides a rapid method for identif^ng 
affected children who w ill benefit from 
long-term administration of human 
growth hormone," D r. Daniel Rud- 
man and his E m o ry  colleagues re­
ported in the Ju ly  16 issue of The New 
England Journal of Medicine.

Children with NVSS comprise up to 
50 percent of short children. The doc­
tors are now using the screening test to 
determine how m any among the NVSS 
group might benefit from  long-term

courses of human growth hormone, 
which is produced by the piiu iUry  
gland in the brain.

Those studies are critical because 
the supplies of human growth hormone 
are extremely lim ited, since it is de­
rived from brains collected in autop­
sies. Although researchers are trying 
to produce growth hormone in the 
laboratory by using recombinant DNA  
techniques, this form  of the product is 
not now available for general use.

Antagonistic Protons_____
One could almost say that Soviet- 

made antiprotons are to do battle with 
American protons.

Several weeks ago a  one-ton crate 
reached the Ferm i National Accelera­
tor Laboratory (Ferm ilab) in Batavia,

111., from the Institute for Nuclear 
Physics in Novosibirsk. In it were two 
lithium lenses to be used for the pro- 
ductimi of antiprotons at Fermilab.

Antiprotons are the antimatter 
counterparts of protons (hydrogen 
atom nuclei). They are sirnilar to 
protons, but with negative instead of 
positive electric charge.

The goal of the collaborative effort Is 
to [mxluce a beam of antiprotons that 
can collide head-on with Fermilab’s 
proton beam, producing particles an­
ticipated by theorists but never seen. 
As high-energy protons pass through 
the lithium they should become fo­
cused onto a  target, producing a beam 
of antiprotons. Norm al protons are 
also produced, but they can be mag­
netically separated from the antipro­
tons, which are kept in a storage ring 
until needed.

E n gin eers U se L o w  T em perature to D evelop  P ow er S y stem s
Continued From Page C l

Oimpany, the University of Wisconsin 
and elsewhere. Electric power compa­
nies look forward to superconducting 
transmission systems that would save 
njost of the energy now being lost from  
cmventional power lines in the form  of 
useless radiation and heat.

Superconductivity is used in  efforts 
to harness fusion energy, to explore 
the nature of matter, to detect subtle 
forms of brain-wave activity, to build 
potent beam weapons, to (^ ra te  ex­
tremely small, fast computer compo­
nents and in many other applications.

■ As director of the Ferm i National 
Accelerator LaboratcHy in  Batavia, 
111:, Leon M. Lederman is in charge of 
thg largest facility in the world for 
producing ultracold liquid helium, the 
refrigerant required to cool roost su- 
p erc^ u cting  devices.
CtdUing of Magnets

The Uquid helium plant at Ferm ilab  
will be used to chill superconducting 
magnets that will double the power of 
the Fermilab particle accelerator next 
year. Fermilab, which explores the 
structure of nuclear particles by mak­
ing them collide, is concerned m ainly 
with pure science. But the large-scale 
technology being developed there is 
likely to prove invaluable to future itt- 
dustries.

Recently, Fermilab sponsored a

symposium on superconductivity, at­
tended by experts frmn m ajor indus­
tries interested in superconductivity.

“ At this point,”  D r. Lederman s^ d, 
“ it’s hard to say whether we have 
more to tell them or the other way 
around. We’re all learning rapidly  
from each o ^ r .”

Formidable obstacles have p re­
vented the largeecale exploitation of 
superconductivity until recently.

The phenomenon was discovered in 
1911 by the Dutch physicist Heike Ka- 
m e r l i^  Onnes. He found that when 
mercury is chilled to 4.12 degrees Cel­
sius a b m  absolute zero, it loses all 
resistance to electricity. In fact, two 
years after he started a current in  a 
circuit made of ultracold m ercury, the 
current was still flowing undiinln- 
Ished.

Since then, science has come to un­
derstand that at extremely low tent- 
peratures vibrations of the nuclei of 
certain atoms slow down so much they 
synchronize with the passing waves of 
electrons in a flow of electric current. 
When this happens, resistance to elec­
tric currrot disapprars.

Even in 1911, many of the marvelous 
uses to which superconductivity might 
be put were obvious to scientists.

But science has been unable so fa r to 
prove that any substance can super­
conduct above a temperature of 23 de­
grees Kelvin— 418 degrees below zero 
Fahrenheit. Most superconductors 
must be cooled by liquid helium —  the

H E A LT H  C A R E /H O S P IT A L /M E O IC A L
EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES

THORACIC SURGEON
F L O R I D A

Opportunity exists for Board Certified Thoracic 
Surgeon with general surgery duties at this 

„ progressive GMSS VA Medical Center. Teaching 
opportunity with university affiliations; competi­
tive salary plus incentive pay commensurate with 
qualification. Excellent employment benefits in­
cluding 30 days paid vacation and 15 days sick 
leave per year; liberal life and health insurance 
benefits; malpractice insurance: retirement pro­
gram. Moving expenses paid, Lake City, "Flor­
ida's New Gateway City", is located in Northern 
Florida with a mild climate year round. Extensive 
outdoor recreation activities, reasonable cost of 
living, fine schools and nearby universities which 
provida opportunity for continuing education and 
cultural diversion. Florida license not required. 
Contact: „Chief Of Staff

VA Medical Center
Lake City, Florida 32055 

Tel. No. (904) 752-1400 Ext 212
An Equal Opportunity Employer

4

VKEPRESDDfT-OPERATIOIIS
An Upstate New York multMevet teaching health care 
facility with a speciality in the care of the aged artd 
chronically Hi is seeking a carxtidate to assum e sig­
nificant executive tevel responaibtlities in managing the 
operating departments that provide a high-standard of 
patient care. The position requires demonstrated senior 
level experience in ptertning, reeources utilization, txtd- 
getir)g and organizationai management. Expert man­
agement and leadership sK liis as vveli as health care ex­
perience are a must. Minimum quelificatk>ns include a 
M aster's degree ar»d four years experier>ce at a Senior 
Management Level in a heaHh care fac ility . Salary from 
mid to upper $30‘s commensurate with experience. 
Submit resume to:

Z 7054 TIMES 10108

R N / L P N ’ s
If you enjoy year round sun & year round outdoor 
bctivilies this might be the place tor you. Airfare 
guaranteed after 6 months continous em- 
■ ployment, Florida license by reciprocity. Excel- 
tent Benefits. 22 paid days off per year. Hospi­
talization insurarice & pension plan available. All 
shifts available in the geriatric long term care 
facility.

Apply;
North Miami Convalescence Home 

1255 N.E. 135th St.,
No. Miami, Fla, 33161 

or call collect,
Mrs. Machin 305-891-6850

WS&PA’S
nTSIQARS -board esrttfied 
Phyaiciana in madicino or surgery 

to conduct phy^l 
exawlnattcna A medical toltow- 
upa on employes. Salary $26.05 
per hour, benefits.
mmm ASSISTAIITS -sev­
eral NYS RegMered PA's with 2 
or more yers OKparience needed 
to conduct phyteed examlnatione 
& monitor itinees & ln|uriee of 
sanitation department employes. 
NYS drives lieenee required. Car 
provided to make home visits. 
Regulv 35 hours, opportunity for 
5 hours overtime par week. SaW 
ary up to $16,24d dependino 
upon exparienee 4 $1000 field 
diflerentiaL Excellent benefits. 
Sendreaumeto

Anthony J. Cttta, 
DIrootor of Health 

A Safety, 
Oapartmantof 

^nttation, 
Medical Division, 

137 C o n trast  
NY, NY 10013

EXECU nVB DIRECTO R ^
VNIHD CIRflKAIMIST
of Union County serving 
multiply hand lcapf^  infants 
through adults announces 
an opening for the position 
of ExecuMve D irector. 
Requirements include: N .J. 
principals ticenee; M .A. de­
gree in Special Ed . or relat­
ed rehabilitation fie ld ; 3 
years adminiatrative experi­
ence in interdieciplinary set­
ting in a rehab center with 
handicapped. Please send 
resume to:

Mr. Guy Pallanta 
246 Riverbend Rd, Berkeley 
, Heights. N J 07922 j

DIRECTOR OF SURGICAL SERVICES
New position for operating room suites, recovery 

^room in ambulatory surgery. Successful can- 
■dldate should be an RN with 10 years experience 
in the operating room or will consider candidates 
with an MHA and previous surgical experience. 
Duties include management of daily operations 
as well as budget, inventory control and liaison 
with physicians. Excellent salary and fringe ben­
efits. We are located in Tidewater Virginia which 
has a mild winter and enjoyable summers, 20 
minutes to ocean beaches and 2 hours to the 
mountains. Send confidential resume to:

Z 7008 TIMES 10108

DECUTIYE DIRECTOR 

OF ADMINISTRATION
I IM E IU IT IU IE U E N C T

Metropolitan area. 
Salary open. Full 
benefits. Master's de­
gree in health care ad­
ministration and 5 
years administrative 
experience required. 
Reply:
Z70S1 TIMES 10108

OlTRASOUNDTECNNiaAN
Cardiac and abdominal 
ultrasonography required. 
High salary. Professional 
Independent and oppor­
tunity for advancement. 
Call; 914-725-1661.

PHYSICAL THERAPIST
A 312-bed hospital in a North 
Central Iowa community o( 
32.000 needs a staff P.T. Salary 
starts at $18,869. Contact: Per. 
sonnet Dept., St. joseph Mercy 
Hospital, 84 Beaumont Oriva, 
Masco 6ty, Iowa 50401. Equal 
Opportunity Employer.

H4.R.-4MUVMSI
tianeXmadInliMS chiu^  
and e a  l«nlUw,|n in Imet4iclcll-

Supe^^^sxpe^iira°‘finSmi. Good salary and banents. PtwMW 
ceil Nancy Kar|), United Cere- 
heal PMty. 373 Clermont Ter 
race, Urien, HI 070*3. (lot I a s e u o a

only substance that does not freeze 
solid near the absolute zero. Helium  
gas condenses into liquid at 4.2 degrees 
Kelvin, that is, 4,2 degrees Celsius 
abotre absolute zero, o r 452 below zero 
on the Fahrrohelt scale.

Laboratories learned long ago bow 
to cool, store and use liquid helium. 
But the rivers of liquid helium re­
quired by large industries and trans- 
mission lines are another matter.

This is why Ferm ilab’s new helium  
liquefaction plant, which doubled the 
world’s capacity to make liquid 
helium when it went into operation last 
year, has attracted special industrial 
interest, it can produce 1,400 gallons of 
liquid helium an hour, en ou^  to con­
tinuously replenish losses from a four- 
mile pipeline bathing 1,000 four-ton 
magnets.

Each of the 21-foot-long magnets, 
which are designed to contain, band 
and focus a particle betun of one tril- 
Ilon electron-volts, is wound with 'Wire 
made from an alloy of niobium and ti­
tanium. They are so difficult to make 
that Fermilab was compelled to build 
its own magnet factory. Slight changes 
in the environment of a superconduct­
ing magnet can make it “ quench,”  or 
lose its superconductivity. If this hap­
pens while the magnet is  carrying a 
current of several thousand amperes 
and the excess energy is not instantly 
controlled, the magnet eitplodes like a 
bomb.

While engineers solve such large- 
scale problems, laboratory physicists 
are forcing temperatures down ever 
closer to the absolute zero. The third 
law of thermodynamics prohibits 
reaching absolute zero, but along the 
way toward that unattainable goal, 
scientists continue to discover strange 
phenomena.

Magnets used In physics research are most efficient when 
superconducting.

They have foimd, for instance, that 
sound travels in five different ways in 
ultracold helium. In ordinary liquids, 
sound travels only in  one way, through 
pressure waves that must work 
against friction. The newly discovered

forms of sound propagation depend on 
heat waves, frictionless pressure 
waves and other exotic mechanisms, 
discovery of which has helped fathom 
the fundamental nature of matter.

Helium, like meet other gases, can

be liquefied by compressing it, remov­
ing its heat of compression, and then 
letting it etqmnd rapidly. This cycle of 
compression and expansion Is the prin­
ciple of the ordinary kitchen refcigera- 
tor.

But to lower the temperature still 
further after a  gas has been liquefied, 
other techniques are required. One is 
evaporation, in  which the faster wav­
ing, and therefore hotter, molecules of 
gas above an evaporating liquid are 
continuonsly pumped away. This re­
duces the average si>eed of the mole­
cules remaining in  the system, and the 
temperature is reduced.
A  Different Refrigerator

A  somewhat sim ilar idea was behind 
the so-called dilution refrigerator in­
v i t e d  in 1962. When cooled to 0.88 de- 
grees Kelvin, liquid helium separates, 
like oil and vinegar, into two compo­
nents: ordinary helium (helium 4),' 
whose atoms have two protoos and two 
neutrons in  their nuclei, and helium 3, 
whose nuclei have two protons and 
only one neutron. B y  alternately mix­
ing and separating the two forms of 
helium, temperatures can be driven 
doom to five-thousandths of a  degree 
above absolute zero.

Still lower temperatures orere 
achieved recently in  Europe and the 
United States'using a technique called 
nuclear demagnetization that has re­
duced the temperature of atomic nu­
clei to less than one-millionth of a de­
gree above absolute zero.

But hoorever low a temperature may 
be achieved. It w ill never quite reach 
zero, and scientists are content that 
this is the case. “ Wouldn’t it be a pity 
if no new phenomena could be discov­
ered any longer because we had al­
ready reached absolute zero?”  one 
asked.

N um ber of B lack  D octoral S tudents F a lls
Continued From  Page  C l

creasing enrollment of black graduate 
students during the early 1970’s and 
are expected to level out and decline in 
the next few years.

Distribution of black doctorates 
among the various fields is imeven. 
Accoiding to the National Research 
Council, for example, blacks last year 
received 8.8 percent of doctorates 
awarded in education and 4.0 percent 
in the social sciences, but they re­
ceived only 0.9 percent in the physical 
sciences, 1.2 percent in engineering, 
and 1 Ji percent in the life sciences. 
Little Early Support

“ Black students tend to have Ixwr 
preparation in math and science at the 
high school level,”  commented Dr. 
Slaughter, "  and they have few role 
models with whom to identify. Thus 
they tend to be turned off at an early 
age.”

Higher education officials note that, 
in light of poor Job prospects for col­
lege teachers and a sharp decline in 
the number of Federal graduate fel­
lowships, the number of graduate stu­
dents of all kinds is declining. The de­
clining percentage of blacks within the

New Definition 
Of Death A ssailed

WASHINGTON, Ju ly  20 (U P I) —  A  
Roman Catholic bishop today chal­
lenged a Presidential commission’s 
call for a new definition of death, say­
ing the recommendation could be a  
“ stepping stone’’ toward euthanasia.

On July 9 the President’s Commis­
sion for me Study of Ethical Problems 
In Medicine and Biomedical and 
Behavioral Research recommended 
that (ingress and me states adopt uni­
form le^lation including “ irrevers­
ible cessation of all functions of me en­
tire brain, including the brain stem,’’ 
Eis a definition of death.

Most laws defining death have been 
based on me presence of breathing or a 
heartbeat. Because both “ ■vital signs”  
can now be continued by machines, 27 
states have passed statutes adding 
some form of “ brain death”  to meir 
definititms.

Bishop Edward Bryce, executive di­
rector of tite Roman Catiiolic Bishops’ 
Committee for Pro-life Activities, said 
that "mere is no demonstrated need 
for such laira’’ and that m e statute was 
“ not likely to resolve m e problem 
which prompted its formulation, that 
is, the problem of achieving uniform­
ity.’’

“ Third, and most important,”  he 
said, “ this legislation can become a 
stepping stone to laws which authorize 
eiimanasia (or comatose patients who 
are dying but not yet dead.’ ’

Bishop Bryce said that much of me 
support (or “ brain deam”  legislation 
had come from advocates of eumana- 
sla.

overall pool, though, clearly involves 
other factors as well.

Some say that the current political 
and social climate is not conducive to 
affirmative action and that enthu­
siasm has been dampened by the 1978 
decision by the U n it^  States Supreme 
Court in the Bakke case. The Court 
held that an affirm ative action pro­
gram of me medical school of the Uni­
versity of California at Davis had un­
constitutionally discrim inated against 
a white applicant on racial grounds.

Another factor has been the phasing 
out of several fellowship programs 
aimed specifically at black students. 
The Ford and Danforth Foundations, 
for example, have drastically cur­
tailed meir support of such programs, 
and last month the Southern Fellow­
ships Fund, which has awarded more 
than 3,000 scholarships annually to 
black graduate students since 1965, an­
nounced mat it was closing its doors.

“ If we had our way, we’d keep it 
going,”  Alexander Heard, president of 
the parent Council of Soumern Univer­
sities, told the Chronicle of Higher 
Education. “ But there is very little 
support today for that kind of pro­
gram.”
Some Special Efforts Persist

There are some conspicuous excep­
tions to these trends. Ohio State Uni­
versity, for example, offers 100 fellow­
ships a year to m inority students as 
well as omer forms of support, such as 
free tutorial assistance and grants to 
travel to meetings of professional aca­
demic associations. Eve ry  year it in­
vites 60 predominantly black or other 
minority colleges to send their five 
brightest seniors to the campus at the 
university’s expense for a three-day 
recruiting weekend.

At Princeton University David N. 
Redman, assistant dean of the gradu­
ate school, has begun traveling exten­
sively to recruit minority students, 
and the university exchanges names of 
talented minority undergraduates 
with 20 other major research universi­
ties.

Educational Testing Service, which 
administers the Graduate Record 
Examination, operates a Minority 
Graduate Student Locater Service mat 
over me last decade has provided the 
names of more than 23,(MO academi­
cally talented minority students to 182 
graduate schools, each of which pays a 
fee of $200 for the service.

Despite such efforts, however, even 
universities mat seek increased mi­
nority enrollments apparently face an 
uphill battle. Carol Gibson, director of 
education and career development for 
the National Urban League, said that 
a critical problem is the lack of “ men­
tors”  for talented black students as 
early as the Junior high school level.

“ Someone has to identify bright stu­
dents and begin to point mem in the di­
rection of graduate study,”  she said. 
"For whites this happens automatical­
ly. A faculty member will Invariably 
say that here is a person with good 
ideas who ought to join our club. ”
Black students who do find their way

A C A D E M I C  D E G R E E S  B Y  R A C E

Unciergraduate Doctoral Degrees

The New York T i*e« / Edwerd B. Flske
Black graduate students at Princeton University. Th e num ber of blacks 
pursuing P h .D .’s is declining mroughout the United States.

into graduate programs can invari­
ably cite someone who encouraged 
them in this direction, either a relative 
or a faculty member. “ Fo r me it was a 
psych professor,”  said Ronald Booker, 
a Bowdoin graduate who is studying 
biology at Princeton. "I  kept asking 
the wrong kind of questions, and he 
convinced me that I should be a re- 
search biologist.”

Aspiring black academics agree 
that me lack of ’’role models” with 
whom mey can identify is a problem. 
They also add that they face pressure 
to use their abilities in fields such as 
law and medicine, which not only pay

higher salaries but have more obvious 
practical relevance to the black popu- 
iationasawhole.

Students also say that teacher ex­
pectations are an obstacle at all levels, 
from grade school through graduate 
study itself. “ The assumption is that 
you're better at verbal areas than 
quantitative ones,”  said Claudia 
Isaac, who graduated from Bryn 
Mawr and is studying developmental 
economics at Princeton. "The profes­
sor in an economic theory course will 
do a simple algebraic equation and 
then turns his head to you to make sure 
youfollowed it.”



I s ,  TUESDAY, APRIL 20, 1982

\ingtotheHo.

Near Tegucigalpa, an Am erican m ilita  
youngsters wlM are being trained for

iiy

But in recent months, Washington’s 
attention has turned increasingly to 
Honduras’s relationship srith Nicara­
gua —  nht only to the potential threat of 
external attack and internal subversion 
posed to Honduras by the Sandinist re­
gime in Managua, but also to anti-San- 
dinist exile groups operating from Hon­
duran territory.

In Tegucigalpa, it is difficult to ccm- 
finn  United States press reports that 
the Central Intelligence Agency has de­
cided to work with Argentina in build­
ing up a  paramilitary force capable of 
attacking Cuban targets in Nicaragua 
and destabilizing the Sandinist Govern­
ment.

Frequent Raids Into Nicaragua
But the Honduran Arm y makes little 

effort to disguise its own collaboration 
with Nicaraguan exile gnxtps that 
launch frequent attacks into Nicaragua 
from camps near Hopduras’s southern 
tSorder.

Although the whereabouts of these 
camps is well known, none have been 
dismantled by  the Honduran authori­
ties. Rather, according to diplomatic 
Sburces, the Honduran Arm y provides 
exile bands with training and ammuni­
tion, while Honduran military patrols 
have occasionally protected rebel units 
fleeing back to this country, prompting 
clashes with Sandinist solihers.

Further, the Honduran A rm y  is be­
lieved to have concurred with Argoiti- 
na's decision to provide covert training 
and financing to anti-Sandinist groups. 
Two Argentine officers are now givmg 
jtju ts^ a ^ ie  Honduran Command and



THE NEW Y O R K  T IM E S , TUESDAY, APRIL 20, 1982 B 5

Koch and the Changes a State Race Has Wrought
B y C L Y D E  H A B E R M A N  

When Mayor Koch was asked one day 
last week what eHect the budget im­
passe in Albany would have on New 
Yo rk  City, he talked a  good d ^  about 
how the state was required to have a 
budget and said that he was confident it 

would eventually have one. 
In short, by his own admis- 

News Sion, the Mayor did not say 
Analysis very much.

"If you think I am  step­
ping lightly here, you are 

right,”  he said, with more than a  glint of 
amusement in his eyes.

That response contrasted notably 
with M r. Koch's comments a year ago, 
when Governor Carey and the Legisla­
ture were again mired in the sort of 
budget deadlock that has become an an- 
nmd ritual in Albany.

Then, the Mayor virtually thundered 
indignation, warning that if he did not 
ultimately get what he wanted in a state 
spending plan, he would have "no  
choice except to denounce it in the 
forum of public opinion.”

To many people in and out of govern­
ment, the big difference between last 
year’s situation and this year's is an ob­
vious one: M r. Koch is tunning for Gov­
ernor now and is not, as he put it last 
week, "interested in ̂ tting  involved in 
war.”

Some city officials argued that this 
time it made good fiscal sense for the 
Mayor to keep his counsel and not 
choose sides between M r. C a t^  and 
legislative leaders. But tqiparently it 
made good political sense, too. "I  have 
to work with them,”  M r. Koch said of 
the people in Albany. Besides, some of­
ficials suggested, the Mayor m ay not 
want to appear to be pleading the d ty ’s

C o u r t  t o  P i c k  M a s t e r  

T o  D r a w  a  N e w  M a p  

O f  D i s t r i c t s  i n  S t a t e

Cestimied From  Pag eB l

crowded courtroom, noted that the 
legislative leaders had violated the 
court’s March 26 order to adopt the re­
quired reapportionment by April 18.

The court had ruled last month that 
future elections would be invalid if they 
were held under the existing district 
lines, because substantial dlfferraces in 
the number of residents in the old dis­
tricts would violate the principle of one 
person, one vote.

However, the court’s reapportlon- 
ment order excluded the state’s special 
elections, which had already been 
scheduled for today to fill some existing 
vacancies.

Ruling Is First of Its Kind

TbaN n rY< riiT iaa/Fn ilR .Ca ind
M ayor Koch in  February as he as­

sailed Reagan budget prtyosals.

case overzealously because that could 
stir doubts about him upstate.

Last week’s response <xi the budget 
was but one of several signs of altered 
patterns in recent weeks as M r. Koch,

the Mayor, balances his responsibilities 
against the aspirations of M r. Koch, the 
c ^ i d a t e .

Many of the behavior changes are 
subtle and may not mean much, taken 
one at a time. In the aggregate, how­
ever, they are noticeable.

Jobs and Commuters

Lately, when boasting about the 
167,000 new private-sector Jobs added in 
the city over the last four years, the 
Mayor has gone out of his way to men­
tion how most of the positions went to 
commuters. He never used to do that.

Lately, he and his staff have enjoyed 
uncommonly cordial relations i^th 
Carol Bellamy, the City Council Presi­
dent, and her staff. Just a few months 
ago, he was calling her "a  horror show”  
in public. The fact that Miss Bellamy  
would inherit the m ayw alty in the 
event of a  Koch governorship would 
seem to be a factor.

Lately, M r. Koch has timed down his 
attacks on President Reagan’s domes­
tic program, forgoing the kinds of 
characterizations that drew many 
headlines not long ago —  "barbaric,”  
“ con Job,”  “ sham”  and “ shame.”

And the Mayor has spent consider­
ably less time lately in New York City, 
although so far he has been careful to 
confine most of his travels to evenings 
and weekends. He has been out of town 
for all or part of the day on 15 of the last 
30 days.

Who's Minding the Store?
Inevitably, questions arise about how 

much of an eye M r. Koch is keeping on 
the store back at City Hall.

A  close one, insist people near to him. 
They single out the Mayor’s capacity to 
work endless hours, imd they say he 
simply has expanded his day at either

end to accommodate his new interests. 
“ We get more calls real early o r real 
late,”  said one official.

Among political and governmental 
advisers to M r. Koch there is  a  sensi­
tivity to suggestions that the M ayo r—  
especially after the controversy over 
his Playboy interview— is deliberately 
stifling his speech, either to avoid 
gaffes or to appear “ statesmanlike”  as 
he seeks to enlarge his constituency.

hftich of M r. Koch’s public appeal, 
after all, is based on his reputation as a 
man willing to speak his mind whatever 
theconsequences.

A  Fam iliar Pattern 
Still, the Mayor's quiet demeanor of 

late is consistent with his behavior in  
past campaigns. He was quite subdued 
in  1977, when he first ran W  Mayor. It 
was only after taking office that he star­
tled many New Yorkers with his pen­
chant for the seemingly outrageous re­
mark, Last year he was quiet again dur­
ing his re-election campaign —  a  pat­
tern broken the very day after he won.

In private conversatioos, people in  
city government comment over and 
over on how the government appears to 
be “ on hold.”  New programs that are 
annouiKed, they say, have been worited 
upon fbr some time and are only now 
coming to fruition. What worries them, 
they add, is whether programs that will 
be needed in a few years are even being 
thought about these days:

Deputy Mayor Robert F .  Wagner Jr., 
whose Job it is to think about s ^  long- 
range projects, insists that new ones 
are under study— in education and hos­
pitals, for example.

“ So far, the gubernatorial race hasn’t 
cut into it,”  Wagner said. But, he 
added, “ it does make focusing on those 
long-term things kind of harder. ”

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B 6 T H E  NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, APRIL 20, 1982

I n c o m e  a n d  E d u c a t i o n  L e v e l s ,  1 9 8 0

M e d i a n  F a m i l y  I n c o m e

Annual, in thousands of dollars
L e v e l  o f  E d u c a t i o n
Percenfagaof those 25 and older 
who are high school graduates

Atian White Hia- Black Asian >White Black Hisp
panic* I j panic*

* Includes pfiont of any race Source; Census Bureau

T r e n d s  i n  N a t i o n a l i t y  a n d  E d u c a t i o n

P e r c e n t a g e  o f  P o p u l a t i o n  

B o r n  in  O t h e r  N a t i o n s

: Sourte:;Cen^ Sareaux;'

T h o s e  W h o  H a v e  C o m p l e t e d  

H i g h  S c h o o l
Percentage of those

Source. Census Bureau

Census R ep o rt Show s G ains 
In E ducation  an d  H ousing
CoathUKd From  Page 1

Tto New York Times/April JO, 1962

after World W ar II, M r. Chapman

Previously published in form ^ on  
from the 1980 census cam e from  the 
form every adult citizen was aske^ to 
fill out. That showed the numbers of 
people by race down to the neighbor­
hood level and other basic inform^ion  
about housdwlds and where people live. 
One of the major disclosures, made^last 
year, was the extent of the migration to 
the South and West and the fact that the 
population has been dispersing to the 
fr iz e s  of the metropolitan areas and to 
rural counties and sm all towns.

The information released today in 
printed tables added the followii^ di- 
mensims: j

Education
One of the most rapid changes 

tion has experienced since World 
is in educaticxi- The 1980 census 
first in history to show that in 
state a majority of the population had 
completed at least four years of high 
school. In 1960 only 41 percent had fin­
ished high school, and by 1970 53.2 per­
cent had. In 1980,66.3 percent nationally 
werehighschoolgraduates. j

Probably the most encouraging rise 
was among blacks, who had a  low 
educational level through m ^ t of 
American history. In 1960 only % per­
cent had finished high school, to d  in 
1970 34 percent had. B y  1980, SOie per­
cent were high school graduates. j

There was a  great disparity among 
the states, however. In Southern states 
such as Mississippi, Arkansas and 
North Carolina the percentage of high 
school graduates, both black to d  white, 
among those 25 and above was between 
54 and 56. In Alaska, 82 percent had high 
school diplomas, in  Utah 80 percent, in 
Connecticut 70.5, in New Jersey 67.8 and 
in New York 66.2.

For the New York metropolitan area 
the percentagie Was slightly less than 
that for the state, o r 63.5 percent. The 
Nassua-Suffolk metngwlitan area on 
Long Island, however, registered one of 
the highest levels, 75.6 percent.

The percentage w i&  four-year col­
l i e  degrees also showed an increase, 
from 11 percent in 1970 to 16.3 percent in 
1980.

percent. Furthermore, 65 percent of the 
workers said they drove to work alone. 
Only 20 percent reported they were 
members of car pools. A lm ost as many 
workers said they walked to their jobs 
as did those rode buses, trains or other 
public vehicles.

One of the reasons for the increased 
use of autmnobiles, some officials said, 
was the dispersal of much of the popula­
tion. Many people now live in  such re­
mote places that public transportation 
is not available.

There were, however, exceptions. In 
the New York area, for example, 43 per­
cent of workers r ^ r t e d  using public 
transportation, the highest rate in the 
nation. The figures were 18 percent in 
Chicago, 17 percent in  San Francisco 16 
percent in both Washington and Boston.

Foreign Birth

The New York Tim ^/April 20,1982

Transportation
In 1970, the Census Bureau deter­

mined from one of its surveys that 8.9 
percent of the population traveled to 
and from work by some form of public 
transportation. B y  1980 m any authori­
ties believed that rises in the price of 
gasoline would cause many ptople to 
use public transit.

But, according to the 1980 ctosus, use 
of public transit drof^red instead, to 6.3

In 1920,13J  percent of the population 
was born in another naticat. That per­
centage declined every decade until it 
reached 4.7 percent in  1970. But the in­
flux of aliens, legal and illegal, was so 
great in the 1970’s that by 1980 almost 14 
million, or 6.2 percent of the population 

: of 226 millicm, reported that they were 
bom abroad. That put the percentage 

ialmost back to the 1950 level, 6.9 per- 
icent. Census officials say that many 
i more pe<a>le boro in other countries did 
I not participate in the census.
' States with the largest percentages of 
foreign-bom residents were California, 
14.8; Hawto, 14; New Yo rk  13.4, Florida  
10.9, and New Jersey, 10.3. The New 
York City area had a 20.8 percent for­
eign-bom population, slightly behind 
the Los Angeles area, wiUCh had 21.6 
percent. '

In 1980, for the first time, the Census 
Bureau asked people what language 
they ̂ k e  in their homes. One of every 
10 said he spoken language other than 
English; for 48 percent of those the lan­
guage was Spanish. Although there 
were no statistics for comparison, offi­
cials believe the number of people 
speaking a  foreign language at home, 
like the number bom  abroad, is on the 
increase.

The bureau had previously reported 
that most of the new im migrants to this 
nation came from  A sian and Latin 
American countries. M any of them of 
are professional and business people, as 
shown by the fact that Asians in  1980 
had higher median incomes than white 
Americans.

Mobility
At the turn of the century, 78.8 per­

cent of the American people said they 
lived in the state in  which they were 
bom. That percentage declined slightly 
but steadily until 1970, when it reached 
68. In the 1970’s, the drop was more pre­

nw N ew YaritTlinu/Ta
Bruce  C h ap m an , left, d t iector o f the Census B u re au , w ith  R o g e r  Herrlot, 

head o f  bureau’s  j^ p u la d o n  division, at news conference in  W ash ington.

cipitous than in the past. B y  1980 the fig­
ure was 63.8 percent, largely, officials 
believe, because m any people moved 
from the Northeast and Middle West in 
that period for better job opportunities 
in the South and West and because 
many people tended to retire in  areas 
far from their homes.

Thus the West and the South had the 
lowest percentages of per^le bom  
there, Nevada had 21.3 percent, for ex­
ample. Northern states had the h ipe st  
percentage, with Petmsylvania having 
81 percent native p c^ aticm .

Jobless
Another question asked in  1980 for the 

first time was the num ber of weeks 
those in the work force were without 
jobs in the previous year. About 18.7 
percent, or 21.8 m illion, said they were 
unemployed for tme or more weeks. 
And of those experiencing some unem­
ployment, the average number of 
weeks without work was 14.5 for men 
and 13.5 for women.

Income
The cash income Americans receive 

is a subject the government records on 
a year-to-year basis through surveys. 
But the broader information gained 
through the census provides a  decade- 
todecade perspective.

After adjustment for inflation, the bu­
reau i^ r t e d ,  there was no significant 
change in median household income 
from 1969 to 1979, when it was $16,830.

But real per capita income Was up by 
18 percent, to $7,313. The reasmi for the 
difference was that households in 1979 
were much sm aller, with fewer chil­
dren and with more pec^le living alone. 
But sm aller households are more ex­
pensive to maintain per person. The 
oxiclusioo of most officials, therefore, 
is that income gain overall was very 
slight in the decade.

Families
In 1950, the average size of an Ameri­

can fam ily was 3.54. B y  1970 it was little 
changed, 3.57. In the 1970’s it tock a 
sharp drop to 3.27, partly because of a 
sharp rise in  one-parent families and 
lower birth rates.

In 1970 12.3 percent of families were 
headed by a single parent. B y 1980 the 
percentage had grown to 19.1. In New , 
York State, 24.3 percent of families, al- \ 
most a fourth of the total, had a single 
parent. That was the highest figure in 
the nation.

But the biggest increase was in the 
growth of nonfamily households, people 
living alone or with nonrelatives. Non­
fam ily households represented 26.7 per­
cent of a ll households in 1980, compared 
with 19.7 percent in 1970.



Female Academics Show Gains 
In Combating Sex Discrimination

B y D E N A K L E IM A N
F em ale academ ics, long unsuccessful 

in com bating what they say  is  w ide-scale 
sex  discrim ination on college cam puses, 
now appear to be m aking m ajor gains at 
institutions across the nation.

F or the first tim e, courts are ordering 
universities to  grant fem ale professors 
promotions, back pay, tenure and other 
affirm ative-action m easures designed to 
com pensate for discrim ination in the past 
and prevent its occurrence in the future.

W hile judges w ere once reluctant to 
pierce the inner sanctum  o f academ ia to 
dictate intem ai policy and peer review in 
such cases, today it appears that univer­
sities are no longer off-lim its.

"The penduliun seem s to be sh ifting,”  
said Sheldon E . Steinbach, general coun­
sel for the Am erican Council on Educa­
tion. ”

“ We’re  encouraged,”  said E leanor 
H olm es Norton, com m issioner of the Fed­
eral Equal Employment Opportunity 
Commission. “ We had been losing for so  
long. Finally w e’re winning som e cases."

Major victories for wom en have been  
granted recently at these institutions;

q U ie  University of Minnesota, where  
last April, in response to a  class-action  
su it, the university agreed in an out-of- 
court settlem ent to pay $100,000 in dam ­
ages to a  form er untenured chem istry  
professor. It also consented to the crea­
tion of a review panel that Includes a  rep­
resentative of the court.

qMuhlenberg College in Allentown, 
P a., where last February the United  
States Court of Appeals for the Third Cir­
cuit upheld a  lower-court decision that 
awarded tenure to a  physical education  
professor. This w as the first such ruling 
to date overturning a  college’s  choice to 
denytenure. 

qKeene State College in Keene, N .H .,

Continued on P age C4, Column 4



W om en in Academe
Continued From Page Al

w here last January the Supreme Court 
refused to consider a Federal court rul­
ing that found sex  discrim ination re­
sponsible for delaying the promotion of 
an education professor. She w as given  
back pay and legal fees.

9G «)rgia  Southwestern College in 
Am ericus, Ga.. where a Federal judge  
awarded $82,000 to six  fem ale m em bers 
of the faculty and ruled, although not 
asked to do so, that he was “ inclined to 
apply”  such relief “ system w ide” to the 
thousands of other women in the state  
university’s 31 other colleges.

While these decisions are being ap­
plauded by wom en’s groups across the 
nation, colleges and universities are  
voicing concern that the decisions m ay  
set a  precedent that could eventually  
underm ine their academ ic integrity. Of 
particular concern is the recent con­
sent decree a t the U niversity of Minne­
sota, which appears to take a  contro­
versial settlem ent reached a t Brown 
University one step further.

The Septem ber 1977 settlem ent at 
Brown, which has thus far cost the uni­
versity  $1.1 million, provided for, 
am ong other things, the creation of a  
special panel of faculty m em bers to re­
view  tenure decisions and promotions. 
At M innesota, there is a sim ilar provi­
sion, and the panel must include a  court 
representative. In light of this and  
other developm ents, college associa­
tions, school officials and others are  
urging universities and their faculties 
to resolve their difficulties without 
turning to outside agencies or the 
courts.

“ We’re concerned about the prece­
dent,” said Dr. Lesley Francis, an as­

sociate secretary of the Am erican As­
sociation of U niversity Professors. 
“The intrusion of the courts into the in­
ternal function of an institution m ay go  
beyond the balancing effec ts.”

Dallin H. Oaks, president of Brigham  
Young University in Provo, Utah, and 
one of the nation’s leading constitu­
tional law yers, said universities m ust 
first observe the law  and “ put their  
houses in order”  on their own for this 
strategy to be successful.

Still, at a  tim e when wom en in grow- 
■ ing numbers are seeking undergradu­

ate and graduate degrees across the 
nation, there are more sex  discrim ina­
tion cases pending in the courts than 
ever before, involving several universi­
ties, including Princeton, Cornell, the 
University of Pittsburgh, Kent State, 
and the City U niversity of N ew  York.

While individual p laintiffs have  
brought discrimination cases  against 
em ployers in the past, today F a ler a l 
agencies and groups of university  
wom en, bolstered by recent victories, 
are turning to class-action suits to com ­
bat system ic abuses that they sa y  w ar­
rant across-the-board rem edies.

The largest of these suits is  currently  
pending at the City University, where 
there is  a  claim  representing 5,000 fe­
m ale professors and those aspiring to 
the position who have charged that 
widespread discrimination has caused  
broad inequities in salary, tenure and 
academ ic rank throughout the institu­
tion’s  18 colleges.

Judith Vladeck, an attorney for the 
plaintiffs, has estim ated that the suit 
could cost the university tens of m il­
lions of dollars if her clients win. A trial 
on the salary issue w as com pleted last 
month before Judge Lee P. G agliardi in 
Federal D istrict Court in Manhattan.

Final briefs are scheduled to be sub­
m itted by the end of this month.

Yet despite the abundance of cases, 
it is still unclear what, if  any, wide- 
scale im pact the decisions have gener­
ally  had on the status of w om en at uni­
versities. According to the National 
Center for Education, wom en over the 
past decade have m ade significant 
^ains in the num ber of university-level 
academ ic positions they hold, but the 
gap between their sa laries and those of 
their m ale counterparts has w idenal.

The quest for equality, whether pur­
sued through the courts or elsew here, 
can be a  slow, painful and expensive  
battle.

“ Even if they win they are isolated  
from their p eers.” said B ernice Sand­
ler, director of the project on the status 
of women for the A ssociation of Ameri­
can Colleges. “ They are labeled as  
troublemakers.”



THE NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, MARCH 12, 1982

Poverty’s
V oguish
Stigm a

By Richard McGahey
Homeless men and women, young 

and sometimes violent street crim i­
nals, unwed teenaged mothers, long­
term welfare recipients —  all repre­
sent serious social problems. What, 
besides poverty, do they all have in 
common?

If you believe the latest vogue word 
maldng the rounds of the news media, 
all the% people are members of a sin­
gle group— the “ underclass.”

“ Underclass”  is a misleading and 
detractive label that lumps together 
distinct people with distinct problems. 
Although it sounds precise and scien­
tific, the term confounds analysis and 
social policy by shifting the debate 
away ftom the real problems —  bad 
jobs and racial discrimination.

Policymahers working with the dis­
torting “underclass”  notion are like 
marksmen who caimot clearly see the 
target and therefore can’t hit it accu­
rately.

“ Underclass”  is the latest in a long 
' line of labels that stigmatize poor peo­
ple for their poverty by focusing exclu­
sively on individual characteristics. 
Older terms include the “ undeserving 
poor,” , the “lumpenproletariat,” and 
the “ culture of poverty. ”

Today, “ underclass”  is often seen as 
synonymous with “ unemployable.”  
But even people with serious physical 
and mental handicaps can no longer be 
unambiguously described as “ unem­
ployable,”  as recent supported-work 
programs for blind and for mentally 
retaraed i>ersons have shown.

Most poor pec^ie can and do work. 
Fo r instance, women on welfare and 
street criminals are often thought of as 
pet^le who don’t work. Yet Bennett

Harrison, an economist at the Massa­
chusetts Institute of Technology, found 
that in a sample of families receiving 
some welfare over a five-year period, 
92 percent also received sonie money 
from legal jobs. And a survey by the 
Vera Institute of Justice found that 
only 4 percent of a random sample of 
people arrested lor felonies in Brook­
lyn never worked.

When the poor work, they work at 
jobs that are dead-end, sporadic, and 
low-paying —  what labor economists 
call “ secondary” jobs in a divided 
labor market, where “ prim ary”  jobs 
are the only ones that promise ad­
vancement, stability, and reasonable 
pay and benefits.

These secondary jobs are expanding 
faster than primary jobs. It is a com­
monplace to note that McDonald’s em­

ploys about two and a half times as 
many people as U.S. Steel. The num­
ber of people seeking even these sec­
ondary jobs has outstripped recent 
growth in jobs. With the current reces­
sion, the prospects for an increasing 
number of arty kind are dismal. This 
shift in the economic structure is cov­
ered up by reference to a growing “ un­
derclass”  of “ unemployables.”

The “underclass”  analysis also fails 
•in not connecting racial discrim ina­
tion to the structural economic prob­
lem. Nonwhites are more likely to be 
found in secondary jobs; the sporadic 
nature of these jobs results in higher.

unemployment and lower fam ily in­
come for them.

Specific policies must pierce the fog 
of the “ underclass”  label and confront 
the widely divergent realities of di­
verse groups of ttie poor. Those who 
are actually unemployable require so­
cial services that are appropriate to 
their particular handicaps, and ade­
quate income. Young women who head 
households alone need decent child 
care to allow them to work or adequate 
income subsidies to bring up their chil­
dren without working. Young people 
need programs to encourage school at­
tendance, while older, chronically

unemployed persons need better ex­
perience in prim ary jobs, not make- 
work and dead-end programs that con­
tinue to blame them for their 
poverty.

These policies w ill not be enough 
without redistributing income and 
creating prim ary jobs.

This may sound Utc^ian, but if the 
Reagan Administration can transfer 
more wealth to those who are already 
wealthy, then the rest of us need poli­
cies that will woik in  the other direc­
tion.

These problems w ill become more 
pressing during the next few years. 
When t o  economy generates jobs at 

.all, it generates more secondary jobs. 
And gutting of social programs to fund 
a d ^ e ro o s  and economically de­
structive m ilitary buildup will only in­
tensify domestic problems.

A  life of inadequate income, unsta­
ble work, and hustling to “ get over”  
will come to characterize the lives of 
many mote Americans.

Solutions require clear focus on the 
problems of inadequate employment, 
poverty, and discrimination.

We must not let talk of an “ under­
class” cloud our vision.

Richard McGahey, an economist at 
the Vera Institute of Justice, is to join 
New York University’s Urban Re­
search Center in April.



THE NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, APRIL 10, 1982
W ASHINGTON —  America is in the 

midst of a  devastating recession. A  
dozen or so states have unemploy­
ment rates of Depression-era magni­
tude. Rates of unemployment for 
blacks and youths are at or near the 
highest levels ever. Yet the Reagan 
Administration has done absolutely 
nothing about putting Americans back 
to work.

With a  little imagination, the United 
States could use this opportunity to 
launch a program that not only would 
attack the immediate unemployment 
problem but also begin to eradicate 
the cancer of structural and chronic 
unemployment.

The Congress should enact a Human 
Capital Development Act of 1982 de­
signed specifically to stimulate in ­
vestment in Am erica’s workforce —  
our most important and most ne­
glected resource.

The Government could get the 
$20 billion a year that would be needed 
to finance the act not by enlarging the 
Federal deficit but by stopping the 
most flagrant sops to the rich enacted 
last year. The money could be made 
available through a combination of in­
creasing the minimum tax, ending the 
sate of tax benefits, tightening report­
ing requirements for capital gains and 
interest and dividend income, closing 
some oil-company loopholes, and by 
imposing an import fee on oil from  
abroad.

The Human Capital Development 
Act would have immediate and long­
term aims. It would be focused both 
on ameliorating some of the human

T o Fight the R ecession, 
A  ‘Human Capital A ct’

By Peter B. Edelman
misery of the current recession and on 
laying the foundation for a  new Strat­
egy that would revitalize the economy 
by giving more people a stake in it. 
This investment in human capital 
would be hard-headed economic poli­
cy, not a handout.

The countercyclical segment of the 
program, which would get most of the 
mcmey while the recession persisted, 
would place the highest priority on 
people who already had exhausted 
their unemployment benefits. Some 
would be put to work in jobs to repair 
America’s decaying infrastructure; 
others would help maintain the public 
services that the Administration is 
bleeding dry; still others could un­
dergo job retraining while receiving 
modest stipends..This would not be a 
ditch-digging, make-work program, 
nor would it be a  capital-intensive 
public-works program with all the 
delays of such an approach; workers 
would be performing tasks that are 
vital to the maintenance and rebuild­
ing of the economy.

The short-riuige effort is not a new 
idea. In fact, it is not so very different 
from the Works Progress Administra­

tion. But, unlike the time it took to 
gear up in the 1930’s, today implemen­
tation could take place immediately. 
Local government manpower agen­
cies now exist a ll over the country. 
The public tasks that need to be per­
formed are known to them, and they, 
not Washington, would make the deci­
sions about the jobs that needed to be 
done first.

The workers employed would be 
largely experienced people who had 
been in the labor force and who de­
liver a day’s work for a day’s pay. This 
part of the program would remain in 
operation only until the recession 
abated and these people could get 
back to work in the private sector.

The long-range endeavor would be 
for young people and welfare recipi- 
ants who were unemployed even be­
fore the recession began. It would 
create training programs designed in 
partnership with business, and, where 
appropriate, would make use of tem­
porarily suteidized jobs in the private 
sector, particularly in small business. 
In return for the subsidies and for 
Federal funding of training, business 
would commit itself to hiring the pro­

gram’s graduates. Other funds would 
be devoted to the imperative task of 
improving the teaching of basic skills 
in secondary schools and teaching the 
new skills needed for the evolving job 
market. These elements have not 
been part of any previous program.

The long-range program would be 
based upon the idea that combating 
chronic unemployment of youths in the 
inner city is the key to breaking into the 
continuing cycle of dependency. Many 
young women who are currently having 
children at such an alarming rate are 
doing so because they see no other 
chance tor themselves in the job mar­
ket. Many young men don’t form a 
family these days because they know 
they can’t support it. Timely invest­
ment in these young p ^ le  would be an 
investment in creating families, a step 
that would keep welfare costs down and 
promote social stability.

There is a substantial agenda that 
needs to be addressed in order to rein­
vigorate, rebuild, and repair America. 
In 1982, however, nothing would distin­
guish progressive members of Congress 
more from the destructive policies of 
the Reagan Administration than to pro­
pose and fight for a genuine program to 
put America back to work. And for the 
longer run, nothing makes more sense 
as ecoiwmic policy than a maximum ef­
fort to invest in the development of our 
nation’s human capital.

Peter B. Edelman, a lawyer, was di­
rector of the New York State Division 
fo^outhfrom August 1975 to January



! During ^ c h U  H ^ ts  i^ I ii t io n  ot 
I the 1960’s, it became a commoi^lace 
'among American historians that the 
nation was experiencing its “ second 
Reconstiuctioa”  In the original 
Seconstmction, following the Q v i l  
War, Macks were accorded political 
equality, and the Government s o i^ t  
to impose interracial democracy upon 
theSouth.
j  Reconstiuctioo m s  overthrown in 
[the piditical upheaval known to histo­
rians as “ Redemption,”  vriiich re e s­
tablished local sdf-govenunent —  a  
euphemism for ndiite supremacy. 
Today, the second Reconstruction has 
i m  its course and we appear to be en­
tering the second Redemption.

w S o c j  never really repeats itself, 
but the parallels between that tim e  
and ours am  striking. In the tS70*s, 
large numbers of women deihanded 
constitutional re c e p tio n  of their 
rights (the vote), debates raged 
among economists over the money 
»qq>ly and a return to the gold stand­
ard (we returned to it, in 1879), and 
self-aiqxdnted guardians of p ^ U c  
morality sought to enforce the reading 
of the Bible in public schools.

There was evrai a taxpayers’ rebel­
lion. In response.to the vast expansion 
of social services, public schools, and 
state expedituies during Reconstruc­
tion, p n ^ rty  owners demanded that 
budgets be cut and the tax rate low­
ered.

Historians date the end of Rectm- 
stniction from the withdrawal of Fed-

Redem ption II
ByEricFoner

eral troops from the South in  1877, but 
gradual abandonment actually began 
eariier in the 1870’s. K u  K lu x  K lan tdo- 
lenee and a declining commitment in 
the North to racial equality led m ^  
reformers to conclude that social jus­
tice could n(X be achieved through 
law: Only hard worit and belt tighten­
ing cotdd help the poor.

With the threat of Federal interven­
tion removed, the South’s Redeemers, 
as they called themselves, enacted 
into law a 19tlHxntury version of stq>- 
ply-side economics. Their watchword 
was “ retrenchment”  »  taxes and 
state expenditures had to be slashed 
and slariied again. The result was an 
utter neglect of social responsibility by 
government.

Southern penitentiaries were dis­
mantled (it was cheaper to lease the 
convicts to private contractors); care 
of qrMians, the sick, and the insane of 
both races became shockingly inade­
quate. The budget axe fell most heav­
ily on the fledgling public school sys­
tems, especiaUy sd xn is  for blacks, 
which virtually disappeared in some 
states.

One area did escape the parsimoni­
ous hand of Redemption —  the mili­

tary. The South expanded and re­
equipped its state m ilitias, using them 
freely to o iforce new laws that in­
creased the dependoice of black ten­
ants on white landowners. Nationally, 
one of the first acts of the Federal Gov- 
emmentafter Redemption was the use 
of m il it ^  persoimel to crush a rail­
road strike.

A  new ̂ o-business attitude was re­
flected in the favors the Redeemers 
lavished on corporations through di­
rect subsidies and tax exemj^ons. 
Foreshadowing the outlook of today's 
Secretary of the Interior, Congress re­
pealed the Southern Homestead Act, 
adiich had reserved public lands for. 
black and vdiite settlers, and opened 
millions of acres to exploitation by 
lumber companies and railroads.

With Redemption, efforts to enforce 
laws promoting racial integration 
were abandoned. The 15th Amend­
ment, guaranteeing blacks’ voting 
rights, was reduced to a  mockery by 
economic and physical intimidation of 
black voters and by poll taxes. Blacks’ 
political power was also limited by 
more subtie means, some of which sur­
vive today: gerrymandering districts 
and the use of at-large elections.

In both the 19th and 30th centuries, a ! 
period of turbulent social change was 
succeeded by a  desire for “ stability,”  
followed in  turn by an open assault on 
achievements, enshrined in Federal 
law and the Constitution, that had ap­
peared irrevmsible.

Josei^ H. Rainey, a black Congress­
man from South Carolina, in his fore  ̂
well speech in 1879 sununed up the bal­
ance sheet of Redemption: “ Can the 
saving of a few thousand or hundreds' 
of thousands of dtdiars compensate for 
the loss of the political heritage of 
American citizens?”

If there is a lesson in a ll this, it is, a s , 
Thomas Wentworth Higginson. warned 
when he commanded a black regiment 
during the C iv il W ar: “ Btaaihitiflna_ 
m ay go backward.”  But vdien govem- 
rnmTaRhdangTfs social responsibil­
ities, prtfolems of racial and economic 
injustice do not sinqily go away. The 
first Redemption is  not merely a  his­
torical event: We still live with its con­
sequences — in our racial attitudes, in­
stitutions, and social dislocations.

Between the undoing ot Reconstruc­
tion and the modem civ il rights move­
ment, the better part of a century 
elaps^. Today, Americans may not 
have the Imdiry of another prolonged 
failure to come to grips with the legacy 
of 250 years of slavery and 100 of segre­
gation.

Eric Foner is professor of history at 
City College of the City University of 
New Vorfe.



Cen Finds More Blacks Living 
Inmrhs of Nation *s Large Cities \

Blacks ha*ased in numbers and 
as a percentbe total population in 
the suburbs ( large cities over the 
last decade, he same time whites 
were movinj  ̂ virtually all-white 
areas of newt and prosperity, ei­
ther in the su ring^ or outside the 
metropolitan r

An analysis ently released data 
from the 1980 shows that blacks 
have made iniince 1970 in many 
suburbs that Jg been considered 
hostile to thei.-ad been termed the 
“ white nooscjoid the inner city. 
Many of tho-irbs were declining 
economically^ population growth, 
even though t?>y have represented a 
step up fromn the decaying core 
cities.

Growth »ck Middle Class
The changcicted growth in the 

black middle since the 1960’s and 
the emergencmany black middle- 
class neighboi outside the central 
cities. In sutSis as Cleveland, St. 
Louis, PittsbuNewark, the District 
of Columbia ran Francisco, where 
the number oiks declined over the 
decade, the bnovement to the sub­
urbs seemed tt as intense as that of 
whites in previ ecades.

Except in soouthem suburbs, how­
ever, blacks itill a  small minority, 
less than 8 pet in  New York’s sub­
urbs, for examuid less than 6 percent 
in Chicago's.

The picture not be entirely clear 
until the Censureau completes stud­
ies of migratlattems, which take into 
consideratioi hs and deaths as well as 
the movemei people.

N everthel the figures showi

B y JO H N H E R B E R S
SptdiltaTIwNewYorkTIniw

where people lived in April 1970 and April 
1980 point up some significant changes: 

<IIn 38 metropolitan areas with popula­
tions of one million or more, the number 
of blacks living in suburbs grew to 3.7 
million in I W  from 2.3 million in 1970, a 
60 percent Increase. The black percent­
age of the total suburban population in 
those 38 statistical areas increased to 6.5 
percent, from 4.7 percent.

flin  the 41 metropolitan areas with 
populations of 500,000 to one million, a dif­
ferent picture emerged. In the suburbs 
there, blacks increased their numbers to 
907,000 from 726,000, a  rise of 25 percent. 
The percentage of blacks in those suburbs 
nevertheless declined slightly, to 3.1 per­
cent from 5.3. This group included a num­
ber of younger cities, some in the South.

flWith few exceptions, blacks have in­
creased in both numbers and percentage 
of population in all central cities with

Continued on Page 48, Column 1



THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, MAY 31, 1981

Census Finds More Blacks in Suburbs of Large Cities BiackPopuiationbystateandRegion
Continued From Page 1

more than 50,000 people, and in all re- 
gicns. M ajor cities with black majorities 
include Binningham , Wilmington, Del., 
the District of Columbia, Atlanta, New 
Orleans, Baltimore, Detroit, Newark, 
Gary, Ind., and Richmond.

flWhile the proportion of blacks was in­
creasing in the suburbs of Northern and 
Western cities, it was decreasing in many 
suburbs in the South, including those of 
Houston; Tam pa and Fort Lauderdale, 
Fla.; Memphis and Nashville; Birming­
ham, A la .; Jacksonville, Miss.; Char­
lotte, N .C ., and Greenville, S.C. Whites 
a p p ^  to be replacing or simply outnum­
bering blacks who live in rural areas that 
are b u r n in g  suburban.

Figures for 240 Areas
The census figures were based on the 

population in 240 Standard Metropolitan 
Statistical Areas, most having a central 
city surrounded by counties that are eco­
nomically interrelated with the city. The 
Census Bureau's suburban figures repre­
sent the population of those outer coun­
ties.

The census information outlines an­
other chapter in the history of American 
blacks, who throughout this century have 
remained one step behind whites in their 
migrations and pursuit of o{^rtunity.

In the early part of the century, most 
blacks lived on the farms and in the cities 
of the South, which was then severely de­
pressed economically. After World W ar 
II they migrated in great numbers to 
Northern cities just as the unskilled jobs 
there, which had been the basis for as­
similating other members of poor mi­
nority groups, were giving out. In the 
1970’s blacks increased their relative 
numbers in the troubled old cities and the 
declining industrial areas of the North, 
while many whites were moving to the 
South and West to take jobs and to retire.

H alf L ive in Central Cities
The 1980 Census figures showed that 

more than half the nation's blacks, 14.7 
million, lived in the central cities of 
metropolitan areas while six million 
others lived in the suburbs and rural 
fringes of those areas. Although the situa­
tion varies widely from city to city, the 
figures generally confirmed social scien­
tists' findings in the 1970’s that blacks 
were moving to well-defined nei^bor- 
hoods or corridors within the suburi».

In the Washington area, for example, 
the black movement from the District of 
Columbia was primarily into Prince 
George's County, Md., where the black 
population Increased by 156,000 over the 
decade while the white p i^ a tio n  de­
clined by 150,000. It was the same process 
that had been going on for decades in the 
cities: blacks replacing whites, who usu­
ally moved farther out.

A  number of surveys, however, showed 
that the black movement to the suburbs 
was largely a  phenomenon of the black 
middle class, which increased substan­
tially after the civil rights movement of 
the 1960's. In some cities, such as Roches­
ter, blacks in business and the profes­
sions live in relatively integrated places 
around the suburban perimeter, while in 
cities such as St. Louis there are sutetan- 
tiai black middle-class subdivisions in the 
black suburban corridor northeast of the 
city.

Movement of middle-class blacks to the 
suburbs has left high concentrations of 
poor in the inner cities.

In the II states of the Confederacy, the 
population of blacks increased sultetan- 
tially in the decade because they were no 
longer moving North in great numbers, 
but the influx of whites to that now-pros­

The Growing Number of B lacks in the Suburbs
Total blacks population and black percentage of total population in suburban areas
around major cities

—  I960 —  1970

Suburban Area
Total

Blacks

Black
PcLof

Pop.
Total

Blacks

Black
PcLot

Pop.
New York 156,291 7.6 123,143 5.9
Los Angeles 398,069 9.6 240,021 6.2
Chicago 230,827 5.6 129,794 3.6
Philadelphia 245,527 8.1 191,311 6.7
Detroit 131,478 4.2 99,314 3.4
San Francisco-Oakland 145,566 6.5 109,729 5.4
Daljas-Fort Worth 65,955 3.9 41,032 3.6
Houston 88,256 6.7 73,515 9.6
Boston 34,205 1.6 22,580 1.0
Nassau, L.l. 162,484 6.2 120,126 4.7
District of Columbia 404,814 16.7 179,428 8.3
St. Louis 201,348 10.6 125.242 7.0
Pittsburgh 73,790 4.0 65,845 3.5
Baltimore 125,721 9.1 69,914 6.0
Minneapoiis 8,308 0.6 2,408 ^2
Atlanta 215,909 13.5 92,440
Newark 225,770 13.8 147,447 ^8
Anaheim, Calif. 13,455 1.0 2,934 0.3
Cleveland 94,285 7.1 44,637 3.4
San Diego 26,752 2.7 9,245 1.4

Source: Census Bureau

pering region was so great that the per­
centage of blacks declined. And th ro u ^  
out the decade blacks were hardly notice­
able in the movement to the West, wlwre 
new jobs in mining, recreaticxi and 
energy were providing a bonanza of 
growth and prosperity for the Mountain 
and Pacific States.

Census figures released several 
months ago showed that the black pop^a- 
tiCHi in 1980 was 26.5 million, 11.7 percent 
of the total 226.4 million. In 1970 the black 
population, then 22.6 milliwi, constituted 
11.1 percent of the population. Blacks are 
by far the nation's largest racial minori­
ty.

The Regions
Twelve million blacte, about half of 

those nationwide, live in the 11 states of 
the Confederacy, stretching from Texas 
to Virginia. Mississippi continues to be 
the state with the highest percentage of 
blacks, but even though it has had an in­
crease of 71,000 blacks since 1970, the 
black percentage of the population de­
creased, to 35.2 percent from 36.8. The de­
cline has been going on for decades, but 
until 1970 it was caused by blacks leaving. 
Now It Is caused by whites moving in.

The decline is even more pronounced in 
Florida, where 1.3 million blacks make 
up 13.8 percent of the population, as 
against 15.3 percent 10 years earlidr.

States in the industrial North have ex­
perienced an increase in black p o t a ­
tion. New York has more blacks than any 
other state, 2.4 million in 1980. In 1970, 
blacks consUtuted 11.9 percent of the 
state's population. In 1980 it was 13.7.

In New Jersey, 925,000 blacks made up 
12.6 percent of the population in 1980, up 
from 10.7 percent in 1970. S im ilar in­
creases were recorded in such states as 
Illinois, Maryland, Michigan and Ohio.

So rapid has white growth been In the 
West that blacks there are now a sm aller 
percentage than ever. In 1970 they consti­

tuted 5.2 percent of the population. By  
1980 that percentage had dropped to 4.9 
percent. Migration of blacks to the West, 
like their migration to the North, seemed 
to have s Io w m  in the 1970's.

The Farms
Blacks left the Southern B lack Belt, 

which runs from eastern Texas to the V ir­
ginia Tidewater, by the millions from  
1950 through 1960 as farms became mech­
anized. In the 1970's the census figures 
showed that the movement slowed coiv- 
siderably. Officials in the Census Bureau 
and the Agriculture Department say 
there Is some evidence of a return migra­
tion of blacks from Northern industrial 
cities, but many are settling in Southern 
cities, not on the farms where they grew 
up.

The economic boom in the South has 
taken place largely in areas where there 
are not many blacks: in the Carolina 
Piedmont, a i(^  the Gu lf Coast and in the 
hill areas of Tennessee, A lat^ma, Missis­
sippi and Arkansas. In those areas the 
percentage of white population has in­
creased. The rich, flat farmlands con­
tinue to be an area of poverty for blacks 
who have remained.

The Cities
About half the black population now 

lives in the central cities of metropolitan 
areas of 500,000 or more.

In 1980 blacks constituted 27.4 percent 
of central-city population in metropolitan 
areas with p o ta t io n s  of a m illion and 
more, their strength ranging from 71 per­
cent in the District of Columbia to 1.6 per­
cent in Anaheim, Calif. A  decade earlier 
blacks constitute 23.9 percent of those 
central city populaticms.

But the big gain cam e in  the cities 
whose metropolitan areas had between 
500,000 and one million pet^le. In 1970, 
blacks constituted 15.4 percent of the 
population of those cities. B y  1980 they 
were 23 percent, showing strong 10-year 
gains in such cities as Rochester (25.8

percent in 1980), Memphis (48), Birming­
ham (55), Dayton (36.9), Akron (22.2), 
Richmond (51.3), Jersey C ity  (38.1), and 
Flint, Mich. (41.4).

Only a fifth of blacks now live outside 
m etn^ litan  areas.

The Suburbs
Almost every m ajor city  outside the 

South had an increase in  the number of 
blacks living in the suburbs from 1970 to 
1980. In New York, the percentage of sub­
urban blacks went up from 5.9 to 7.6 per­
cent; Los Angeles, 6.2 to 9.6; Chicago, 3.6 
to 5.6; Detroit, 6.7 to 8.1; St. Louis, 7.0 to
10.6, and the District of Columbia, 8.3 to
16.7.

But a check of the population figures in 
the suburban rings showed the black in­
creases to be uneven. In Northern cities 
the increases were mostly in older, close- 
in suburbs. In Chicago, for example, 
there weie large black increases in indus­
trial suburbs such as Evanston, Joliet 
and Waukegan. But in M cHenry County, 
which had 148,000 people and a growth 
rate for the decade of 32.4 percent, only 
108 blacks were counted.

Some of the blue-collar suburbs that 
drew national attention in the 1960's for 
refusal to accept blacks were still over­
whelmingly white. George Romney, for­
mer Secretary of Housing and Urban 
Development, raged in the Nixon Admin­
istration over the fa iliue of his efforts to 
introduce integrated housing to Warren, 
Mich., a Detroit suburb with a population 
of 161,000 in 1980. The Census Bureau 
counted 297 blacks there last year, almost 
a decade after M r. Romney's actirai. 
Dearborn, aimther publicized blue-collar 
holdout in the Detroit area, had 83 blacks 
among 90,666 others, according to 1980 
census figures.

But those were the exceptions. It was 
the new growth areas on the fringes of the 
metropolitan areas that almost uni­
formly reported virtually all-white popu­
lations. De  Kalb County, adjacent to At­
lanta, which has a number of older, high- 
income suburbs, increased its black 
population from 57,000 in 1970 to 131,000 in 
1 ^ . But in Forsythe County, on the 
iwrthern fringe of the Atlanta m etrt^ li- 
t ^  area, which grew by 65 percent in the 
past decade, only one black was counted 
among 27,958 people.

Memphis offers an example of a city 
whose suburbs are becoming whiter. The 
metropolitan area spread out into De Soto 
County, Miss., where over the decade the 
white population almost doubled. But the 
black peculation declined by about one- 
fourtjh in the county. The blacks, it was 
believed, moved to central-city Memphis, 
which in the same period increased its 
percentage of blacks from 39 to 48.

Rural Areas
In the 1970's, areas outside the metro­

politan regions grew faster than the cities 
and their suburbs. Nonmetropolitan 
counties are mostly rural and small town 
areas, while the metropolitan areas are 
mostly urban. The 1980 census found high 
rates of population growth in southern 
New Hampshire, the peninsula of Michi­
gan, the Appalachian Mountains of Ken­
tucky and West Virginia, northern Arkan­
sas and western deserts and mountain 
lands.

Calvin L. Beale of the Economics and 
Statistics Services of the Department of 
Agriculture said his analysis of the racial 
breakdown of population in nonmetro­
politan areas was not yet complete, but 
some trends were plain.

The new, rapid growth in rural areas 
and small towns, he said, " is  almost to. 
tally white." Many of those areas have 
had a decline in the number of blacks 
vdille the new growth has been almost all 
white.

—  1 9 8 0 -
Black 

Total PcLof 
Blacks Pop.

—  1970—  *  
Black & 

Tptal PcLof 
Blacks Pop. *

NORTHEAST %
CONNECTICUT 217,433 7.0 181,933 6.0 ^
MAINE 3,128 0.3 2,981 0.3 W
MASSACHUSETTS 221,279 3.9 176,364 3.1 a
NEW HAMPSHIRE 3,990 0.4 2,213 0.3 »
NEW JERSEY 924,786 12.6 767,309 10.7 5
NEW YORK 2,401,842 13.7 2,170,726 11.9 *
PENNSYLVANIA 1,047,609 8.8 1,014,866 8.6 s
RHODE ISLAND 27,584 2.9 25,643 2.7 «
VERMONT 1,135 0.2 761 0.2 s
TOTAL 4,848,786 9.9 4,342,796 8.9 S

NORTH CENTRAL
ILUNOIS 1,675,229 14.7 1,422,116 12.8 *
INDIANA 414,732 7.6 358,482 6.9
IOWA 41,700 1.4 33,904 1.2 -
KANSAS 126,127 5.3 107,955 4.8 •
MICHIGAN 1,198,710 12.9 994,765 11.2 1
MINNESOTA 53,342 1.3 34,255 0.9 V
MISSOURI 514,274 10.5 481,795 10.3 *
NEBRASKA 48,389 3.1 40,104 2.7 i
NORTH DAKOTA 2,568 0.4 2,471 0.4 -
OHIO 1,076,734 10.0 969,825 9.1 i
SOUTH DAKOTA 2,144 0.3 1,333 0.2 a
WISCONSIN 182,593 3.9 128,117 2.9 ;
TOTAL 5,336,542 9.1 4,575,122 8.1 1

SOUTH
ALABAMA 995,623 25.6 902,421 26.2 a
ARKANSAS 373,192 16.3 352,539 8 . 3 ?
DELAWARE 95,971 16.1 78,379 14.3 t
FLORIDA 1,342,478 13.8 1,039,087 15.3 i
GEORGIA 1,465,457 26.8 1,188,274 25.9 :
KENTUCKY 259,490 7.1 231,891 7.2 ■
LOUISIANA 1,237,263 29.4 1,086,102 29.8 ?
MARYUND 958,050 22.7 698,454 17.8 ■;
MISSISSIPPI 887,206 35.2 815,854 36.8 ^
NORTH CAROUNA 1,316,050 22.4 1,128,739 22.2 ;
OKLAHOMA 204,658 6.8 171,484 6.7 1
SOUTH CAROLINA 948,146 30.4 790,167 30.5 '
1ENNESSEE 725,949 15.8 620,636 15.7
TEXAS 1,710,250 12.0 1,399,832 12.5
VIRGINIA 1,008,311 18.9 860,518 18.5
WEST VIRGINIA 65,051 3.3 68,025 3.9 .
TOTAL 13,593,145 18.2 11,432,402 19.4 ;

WEST
m
«

ARIZONA 75,034 2.8 53,262 3.0 i
CALIFORNIA 1,819,282 7.7 1,397,975 7.0 !
COLORADO 101,702 3.5 . 66,288 3.0 r
IDAHO 2,716 0.3 2,139 0.3 1
MONTANA 1,786 0.2 2,083 0.3 '
NEVADA 50,791 6.4 27,858 5 . 7 ;
NEW MEXICO 24,042 1.8 19,324 1 .9 ;
OREGON 37,059 1.4 27,190 1 . 3 :
UTAH 9,225 0.6 6,356 0.6 ;
WASHINGTON 105,544 2.6 71,678 2.1 ;
WYOMING 3,364 0.7 2,659 0.8 ;
TOTAL 2,230,545 5.3 1,676,812 5.0 «
ALASKA 13,619 3.4 9,077 3.0 -
HAWAII 17,352 1.8 7,699 1.0 1

Source: Census Buremj r



Blanks in U.S. Are Becoming 
More Pessimistic, Polls Hint

Black Americans are grow ing in­
creasingly gloomy about the present 
condition of the nation and p essim istic  
about its future, according to analyses  
of several national polls and interviews 
with leading students of black opinion.

This trend is developing at a  tim e  
when many whites are returning to a  
traditionally American optim ism  about 
the future after taking an uncharacter­
istically  negative view of the nation in 
1979. The figures indicate that the differ­
ence cannot be explained by blacks 
lower economic status alone.

The poll data suggested, and several 
of the experts agreed, that President 
Reagan is an important factor in the dif­
ference. While hopes for his Adm inistra­
tion have buoyed many w hites’ v iew  of 
the nation’s future, the expectations of 
blacks, in general, have been depressed  
by their hostility toward h im .

Carl Holman, president of the N a­
tional Urban Coalition, said  that be- 
catise of the Administration’s  policies, 
including budget cuts, ‘‘B lacks feel 
them selves in a kind of Dunkirk posi­
tion.”

-Alvin F. Poussaint, an associate pro­
fessor of psychiatry at the Harvard  
M edical School and a  w riter on black  
thinking, said blacks saw Mr. Reagan  
as ‘‘no friend of black people” and 
feared the ‘‘country is going to turn its 
back on them ,”

ByADAM CLYM ER
Samuel DuBois Cook, president of D il­

lard University in New Orleans, said: 
“ Blacks are in a bag of serious pessi­
mism. A sense of hopelessness is  there. ’ ’ 

The racial differences in  v iew s of the 
country’s  situation are clearly  deline-



T H E  NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, AUGUST 24, 1981 B l l

Polls Suggests Growing Pessimism Ambng Blacks
Work E im es  

CBS NEWS P O L L

Continued From Page A1

ated in New York Tim es/C BS News 
P'olis and in studies by Market Opinion 
Research of Detroit, a company that 
polls for Republicans.

The Detroit company’s surveys, con­
ducted in September isra, indicate that 
81 percent of blacks and 78 percent of 
whites believed that the country, in gen­
eral; had “seriously gotten off on the 

track.” But by June 1981, when 69 
f«rcent of blacks held that view, 44 per­
cent of whites still held to that belief and 
^ 3>ercent thought things were “gerter- 
allygoing in the right direction.”

, In Tim es/C fiS News Polls conducted 
in November 1979 and this June, re­
spondents were asked to rate, on a scale  
of 1 to lOj both the nation and their per­
sonal lives for five years past, for the 
present and for five years in the future.

By either the national or personal 
Standard, the number of whites who saw  
improvement over the past and ex­
pected improvement in the future in­
creased from 1979 to 1981.

I ' '  ' R e ^ a n lsa F a c to r
- But in 1981 more blacks thought the 
f)reSent was worse than the past for 
them selves and for the nation than in 
197R'The proportion of blacks who be­
lieved their own or the nation’s future 
Would be better or worse stayed about 
flte'sam e, but there was a  sharp in- 
fcrfease in the number that believed the 
feture would be much worse.
-  The poll did not prove the reasons for 

■0^ difference, although it appeared sig- 
Aficant that 66 percent of the whites, 
eompared with 13 percent of the blacks, 
approved of Mr. Reagan’s handling of 
his job.

Blacks tend to attach greater impor- 
tSSnce to the Presidency than do whites, 
even before an Administration’s policies 
are made clear, according to polls con­
ducted by CBS News just before the 
inauguration of Jim m y Carter in 1977

and by The New York Times and CBS 
News just after Mr. Reagan w as sworn 
in last January. In each poll, 23 percent 
of the whites said the new P ^ id e n t  
would have a “great deal” of power to 
affect their daily lives as against 34 per­
cent of the blacks.

Last April, Andrew Kohut, president 
of the Gallup Organization, drew atten­
tion to a  Gallup Poll that indicated a  74 
percent approval rating among whites 
for Mr. Reagan as against a  25 percent 
endorsement from blacks. In a  mailing, 
Mr. Kohut wrote that the gap was “one 
of the l ^ e s t  differences in b lack / 
white attitudes toward a political figure 
everrecorded.”

In February, the Gallup Organization 
conducted a poll for N e w s w ^  m aga­
zine that indicated that 52 percent of 
blacks expected things would get worse 
lor them during Mr. Reagan’s Presiden­
cy, while only 8 percent said they  
thought things would get better.

An ABC News/W ashington Post Poll, 
taken in late February and early March, 
indicated that 4 percent of blacks b ^  
lieved that the Reagan Administration 
would do more lor blacks than the Car­
ter Administration had. Fifty-one per­
cent t h o t^ t  it would do less, and 31 per­
cent believed it would do about the 
sam e; the rest had no opinion.

Those expectations translated into 
more specific fears by June, when the 
Tim es/CBS News Poll showed that 76 
percent of blacks and only half as many 
whites, 38 percent, said they thought 
that Mr. Reagan’s budget cuts would 
hurt them personally.

Nicholas Tortorello, co-chairman of 
the polling company of Dresner, Morris 
and Tortorello, which conducts opinion 
surveys of blacks released by Data 
Black, said his findings also indicated 
growing black pessim ism , fear of riots 
and a general tone of a “ bad tim e lor 
blacks.” He attributed the feelings in 
large measure to fear about pn^ram  
cuts by the Administration.

Other authorities found additional

reasons. Julian Bond, a  Dem ocratic 
state senator from Atlanta, observed 
that “black Americans are pessim istic  
to begin with.” But he said he had found 
vHdespread hostility to Mr. Reagan and 
that many blacks had the attitude, “ If 
he does change things, it isn’t going to 
helpm eany.”

Mr. Cook said that, along with con­
cern about Mr. Reagan and a fear of a  
“countercivil rights revolution,” there 
were other concrete causes for blacks’ 
discouragement.

“The income gap has widened, rather 
than narrowed,” the university presi­
dent said, adding that there had been 
“significant improvement in unemploy­
ment lor whites, not blacks.” “ Even re­
cent gains in numbers of m edical school 
admissions and Ph.D .’s for blacks were 
receding,” he said.

‘Reality of Their Ctmditlon’
Mr. Holman said, “ I think black peo­

ple react to what they see  as the reality  
of their condition. ”

The difference between blacks’ expec­
tations and views of the present, and 
those of whites, are plainly attributable 
to race, not to poverty or other demo­
graphic factors, such as age, education, 
region or urbanity, according to an 
analysis of the T im es/C BS News data. 
The analysis was the work of Michael R. 
Kagay of Princeton University, The 
Tim es’s  polling consultant, and Clyde 
Tucker, assistant manager of surveys 
for the CBS News election and survey  
unit.

Adjusting the results for whites in the 
1981 poll to make them m atch blacks 
who were polled in term s of incom e and 
size of community where tiiey lived, the 
two demographic factors ifiost influen­
tial on the optimism-pessimism scale, 
did not make the results look the sam e. 
It narrowed the racial difference in ex­
pectations by about one-fifth.

Whatever the m ix of causes, the 1979 
and 1981 polls clearly indicated diverg­
ing opinions among whites and blacks 
about the country’s  present and future.

In 1 fovember 1979, 12 percent of the 
whi es rated the nation’s present condi­
tion better than in the past, while 65 per- 
cetrt thought it w as worse. The remain­
der, felt it w as the sam e or had no an­
swer. But by 1981, 34 percent of whites 
polled thought the nation’s  condition 
was better and 44 percent th o u ^ t it was 
worse.

For blacks, however, from 1979 to 1981 
the percentage who thought the present 
was worse than the past grew to 55 per- 
ca it from 40 percent, while the percent­
age who believed things w ere better 
stayed about the sam e, going to 17 per­
cent in 1981 from 21 percent in 1979.

On the nation’s ftiture, there w as no 
significant change in the percentage of 
blacks who foresaw improvem ent and 
those who expected deterioration, 
though their average ratings for the fu­
ture had becom e much lower. In 1981,22 
percent thought things would get better 
and 39 percent expected things to get 
worse.

But for whites, there was a  sharp re­
versal. In 1979, 25 percent of the whites 
polled believed the country would 1m 
better off in five years and 44 percent be­
lieved it would be worse off, but in 1981, 
49 percent believed the future would be 
better and 28 percent believed it would 
(>e worse.

Comparing their personal lives now 
with the past, whites showed no real 
change between the 1979 and 1981 polls. 
But in 1979,37 percent of the b lacks saw  
the present as better than five years 
earlier and 29 percent saw it as worse. In 
|1981, however, the balance had shifted; 
only 21 percent saw an improvement, 
while 47 percent said the present was 
worse than five years earlier.

In both polls, whites and blacks ex­
pected their own lives to improve. But 
while the black ratio stayed about the 
same, with 35 percent expecting im ­
provement and 24 percent deterioration 
in the 1981 poll, whites showed a 
stronger balance toward optim ism  in 
1981.

Average for whites d l D  
Average lor blacks 0  ' 0  ^ n C I  D i a C K S

TheQuaiity of Life: 
Changing Perspectives 
Between Whites



t o  t h e  U n w e d  

F o u n d  t o  H a v e  R i s e n  

B y  5 0 %  i n  1 0  Y e a r s

By The Associated Press

WASHINGTON, Oct. 25 —  Births to 
unwed women increased 50 percent in 
the l̂ast decade and now at least one of 
every six American babies is bom to an 
unmarried woman, according to Gov- 

I emment figures.
In 1979, the most recent year for which 

Icomprehensive national statistics were 
Icompiled, an estimated 597,800 babies 
Iwere bom to unwed women, accounting 
■or about 17 percent of all births. The 
lotai in 1970 was 399,000 babies, 10.7 per­
cent of all births for that year.

About 55 percent of all births to black 
women in 1979 were out of wedlock. Yet 
the increase in births among unwed 
teen-agers was significantly greater for 
whites than blacks, according to Fed­
eral Census and health statistics.

Women Waiting Longer to M arry

In New York City, more than one- 
third of the nearly 100,000 babies bom  
last year were bom to unwed women, 
according to the city’s Department of 
Health. Among teen-agers more than 75 
percent of the births last year were to 
unwed women.

Experts say the increase is largely a 
result of women waiting until they are 
older to marry. An unwed mother who 
decides to keep her child rather than

Continued on Page B l l ,  Column 1

I no longer have a  breakdown when my TV does. I 
no t from Granada TV nstaL Immediate free repairs or 
free loanw.—ADVT.



THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1981

A  Sixth of 1979 Births in U.S. 
W ere to Unmarried W om en

Continued From Page A1

having an abortion or putting the infant 
up for adoption, aiso suffers less  of a so­
cial stigm a now, they said.

“ It’s  clear that the propensity to keep 
out-of-wedlock children is rising,” said 
Kristin A. Moore, a specialist in teen­
age pregnancy and out-of-wedlock 
births at the Urban Institute in Wash­
ington. “This has always been true 
among blacks but it’s now true among 
whites. It’s more acceptable.”

Martin O’Connell, chief of fertility  
statistics at the Census Bureau, said  
about 71 percent of pregnant white teen­
agers in the late 1960’s and 70’s married 
before the birth of the child. By the late  
1970’s, that figure had fallen to 58 per­
cent, he said.

Pregnant black teen-agers also are  
more reluctant to marry now. A decade 
ago, 26 percent of them married before 
giving birth, by the late 1970’s, only 8 
percent did.

R ise in Childbearing Women
There are 6.4 million more wom en of 

childbearing age in the United States 
now than a decade ago, an increase of 4 
percent. But overall childbearing by un­
married women increased 6.1 percent 
over the sam e time, according to the Na­
tional Center for Health Statistics.

While figures for 1980 and 1981 were 
unavailable, Stephanie Ventura of the  
health statistics center said the rate of 
births to unwed women rose substan­
tially  from 1978 to 1979 and m ay still be 
on the upswing.

In 1970, 38 percent of all black babies 
were bom  out of wedlock; the figure 
rose to 55 percent in 1979. The percent­

age of white babies bom  to unwed 
women rose to 9.4 in 1979 from 5.7 in 
1970.

The center’s national estim ates were 
based on records from the District of Co­
lum bia and the 39 states that require a  
mother’s  marital status on the b i i^  cer­
tificate.

High Rate for Teen-Agers
The Urban Institute’s analysis of the 

figm es shows that 29 percent of births to  
white teen-agers and 83 percent of births 
to black teen-agers occurred outside of 
marriage.

Miss Moore said there were no figures 
to show how m any of the out-of-wedlock 
babies were put up for adoption. “But 
it’s pretty clear that there are fewer 
babies to adopt,” she said.

AVhile many young wom en are mtik- 
ing uninformed decisions about sexual 
intercourse and contraceptives. Miss 
Moore said, once they are pregnant they 
seem  to think more carefully about 
whether to have the child and marry.

“A pregnant teen-ager who m arries is  
more likely to drop out of school and 
have suteequent births soon,” Miss 
Moore said. “If she doesn’t marry, she 
is more likely to remain with her par­
ents, stay in school and is less likely to 
have suteequent births. ”

She said an unwed mother who fin­
ishes high school also w ta  less likely to 
go on welfare than women who dropp^  
out to have children.

Of the 1.1 million pregnancies among 
teen-agers each year, the Urban Insti­
tute says, 22 percent end in out-of-wed- 
lock births, 10 percent are m ade legiti­
m ate by marriage, 17 percent are post- 
marital conceptions, 13 percent end in 
miscarriage and 38 percent term inate in 
abortions.

O u t - o f - W e d l o c k  B i r t h s  b y  S t a t e
Babies born to unwed mothers as a percentage of all babies born In 197.9, the 
last year for which comprehensive figures are available. The 11 states that 
do not report out-of-wedlock birth statistics are not shown.

All Races White Black All Racea White Black

ALA. . 21.8% 5.4% 51.1% MO. 16.9% 8.7% 62.5%
ALASKA 13.9 7.8 19.2 NEB. 10.8 8.5 59.4
ARIZ. 17.1 12.9 48.9 N.H. 10.1 1.3 14.2
ARK. 19.6 7.7 54.3 N.J. 20.2 10.2 59.6
COLO. 12.3 11.0 38.8 N.C. 18.5 5.7 47.4
DEL. 22.9 10.3 63.1 N.D. 8.3 6.0 14.8
D.C. 55.6 13.4 64.0 OKU. 14.0 8.4 51.6
FLA. 22.4 9.6 58.4 ORE. 13.4 12.5 47.9
HAWAII 16.3 12.4 10.8 PA. 17.2 9.9 66.3
IDAHO 7.0 6.7 20.0 R.I. 14.3 11.5 55.3
ILL. 21.9 9.9 65.4 S.C. 12.9 5.9 45.7
IND. 14.6 9.4 57.1 S.D. 11.8 6.8 6.0
IOWA 9.4 8.2 52.8 TENN. 19.0 8.0 56.5
KAN. 11.8 8.1 51.6 UTAH 5.5 5.0 39.1
KY. 14.0 9.5 57.6 VT. 11.5 11.4 38.8
LA. 22.8 6.6 48.6 VA. 18.4 7.6 51.4
ME. 12.7 12.6 11.7 WASH. 12.6 11.1 40.1
MASS. 14.8 11.9 52.1 W. VA. 11.9 10.4 50.2
MINN. 10.5 6.8 52.7 WIS. 12.8 9.2 63.0
MISS. 27.2 5.1 50.8 WYO. 7.8 6.9 36.1

Out-of-Wedlock Births: 
Major Cities Compared
Out-of-wedlock births as a percentage 
of ail 1979 births in each city

All
Births

Out-of- Out-of- 
Wedlock Wedlock 
Births Potage.

Boston 7,411 2,689 36.6%
Chicago 54,738 24,322 44.4
Denver 7,971 2,047 25.7
Washington 9,512 5,293 55.6
Los Angeles 123,292 31,758 25.8
New York* 99,911 36,699 36.7
Seattle 5,861 1,099 18.8
* New York figures are for 1880from 
the city Health Departmant

Source; National Center tor Health Statistics



Deconstructing Brown
By Kenneth B. Clark

The Reagan Administration’s ac­
tions, which amount to a functional re­
peal of the Supreme Court’s Brown v. 
Board of Education decision in 1954, 
demonstrate that American racism  
may be deeper and more pervasive 
than we who celebrated the decision 
once dared to believe.

The Court, 28 years ago this week, 
handed down its historic ruling m 
Brown, declaring that state laws that' 
required or permitted racial segrega­
tion in public schools violated the 
equal-protection clause of the 14th 
Amendment. In simple and eloquent 
terms, understandable to laymen, the 
Court concluded “ that m the field of 
public education the doctrine of ‘sepa­
rate but equal’ has no place.’ ’

Initially, there were mtense objec­
tions by Southern politicians to this 
major step toward racial justice. 
There were strident calls for defiance, 
and dramatic blockii^s of school 
doors in an attempt to prevent black 
children from attending nonsegre- 
gated schools. In spite of these fo rm s, 
of quasi-anarchy, me Court remained 
firm. The inherent power and justice 
of Brown accelerated the momentum 
of the civil rights movement of the 
1960’s. This was the period of hope.

Within 10 years after Brown, 
progress in race relations was most 
marked m the South. Signs demand­
ing segregation in transportation, 
public accommodation and recreation 
were removed, and what were be­
lieved to be unchangeable racial cus­
toms and mores were changed with a 
minimum of violence. The substance 
of racial progress and the movement 
toward racial justice were demon­
strated by the 1964 C ivil Rights Act 
and the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

In the early 1970’s, the center of 
gravity of the civil rights movement 
began to move from Southern states to 
Northern cities. The resistance to fur­
ther racial progress changed from the 
more flagrant forms of Southern rac­
ism to the more complex, subtle and 
deep-seated racism of the North.

Many Northern liberals who were 
once allies in seeking positive racial 
changes in the South now publicly de­
scribed themselves as neo-conserva- 
tives. Some Northern mtellectuals 
and academics published articles 
against “ forced busing,’’ “ reverse 
discrimination,”  “ quotas,”  and they 
popularized other code words. They 
developed a fashionable new Orwel­
lian semantic as the rationale for 
maintenance of the racial status quo, 
if not regression in civil rights. They 
even dared to assert that the 1964 C ivil 
Right; Act itself prevented attempts 
to remedy past racial injustices and

exclusion. While Southern politicians 
and public officials were mrect and 
blatant in their rejection of Brown, 
some Northern intellectuals, educa­
tors and lawyers raised sophisticated 
arguments that the Brown mandate 
was not applicable to their de facto 
segregated schools in spite of damage 
to the children attending them.

Recent proposals to grant tuition tax 
credits to patents who decide to send 
their children to private schools; the 
reopening of litigation concerning 
whether to grant tax exemption to 
educational institutions that continue 
to practice various forms of racial dis­
crimination; legal attempts to halt 
school busing for purposes of desegre­
gation; the haste of some members of 
Congress to pass legislation preventing 
the courts from desegregating public 
schools —  all are parts of a sophisti­
cated pattern of retreat from Brown.

If successful, such policies w ill ac­
celerate the white middle class’s 
flight from the public schools and re­
sult in a racial caste system in educa­
tion. Private schools v^ l be predomi­
nantly, if  not exclusively, for whites, 
and public schools will be reserved lor 
rejected blacks.

If, out of deference to Northern 
forms of racism, the Federal Govern­
ment continues to pander to persistent 
racial double standards, it w ill further 
become an active partner in the per- 
petuaticm and reinforcement of the 
racism that Brown and the civil rights 
laws of the 1960’s sought to remedy.

Those of us who celebrated the 
Court’s decision and passage of the 
civil rights laws and who were optimis­
tic enough to believe that at long last 
America was ready to fulfill its prom­
ises of democracy to all citizens with­
out regard to race or color must now 
face the fact that racism still runs 
rampant.

As blacks made observable progress 
in the South, we failed to see and de­
velop methods lor coping with the more 
pernicious forms <rf Northern racism. 
We did not understand that, while the 
blatant form of Southern racism could 
not repeal Brown, the North’s insidi­
ous forms of racism could be most ef­
fective in retarding racial progress.

The irony of these attempts to re­
verse Brown, not to be celebrated but 
to be mourned 28 years later, is that 
not « ily  black Americans but all 
Americans will suffer if  the founda­
tions of our democracy are to be de­
stroyed on the altar of persistent rac­
ism.

Kenneth B. Clark, professor emeritus 
ofpsycholc^y at the City University of 
New York, is president of Clark, 
P h y^ , Clark and Harris, a human- 
relations consulting firm.



Making Equal Mean Equal in Colleges
L a st fa ll th er e  w e re  33,499 stu dents en ro lled  a t  

T ex a s  A  & M U n iv ersity , 32,197 o f  th em  w h ite . M ean­
w h ile  a t  T e x a s  Southern , an oth er  pub lic u n iv e r s ity , 
th er e  w e re  5,511 s tu d e n ts , 58 o f  th em  w hite. T h is  p a t­
te rn  o f r a c ia l sep a ra tio n  is  not a n  aberration  con fin ed  
to T e x a s . It ca n  b e  found in  18 s ta te s .

E ra d ic a tin g  th e se  v e s t ig e s  o f  J im  Crow la w s  is  o n e  
o f th e  u n p lea sa n t ch o res  inh er ited  b y  the R e a g a n  Ad­
m in istra tion , and th ere  is  so m e  co n cern  that E d u ca tio n  
S ecr eta r y  B e ll w ill w e a k e n  th e  en forcem en t effo rt . It 
w ou ld  b e  a  c o s t ly  m ista k e . R ecen t F ed era l p o lic y , 
though le s s  than  ze a lo u s, h as g ra d u a lly  induced s ta te s  
lik e  T ex a s  to  c o m e around. T o d o  le s s  w ould b e  to  coun­
te n a n ce  u n con sc ion ab le  b arriers in  education .

T he c o lle g e s  c r ea te d  for. m in o rities  su ffe r e d  for  
g en er a tio n s from  in ferior  fa c ilit ie s  and p o o rly  p a id  
fa c u lt ie s;  m a n y  s t i l l  do . T he C ivil R ights A c t o f  1964 
forbad e F ed er a l a id  to  h ig h er  ed u cation  s y s te m s  th at 
d isc r im in a te . B ut it  took  y e a r s  for th e  F ed eral co u rts  to  
ord er th e  e lim in a tio n  o f a ll tr a c e s  o f rac ia l d u a lism , to  
requ ire s ta te s  to  recru it m ore w h ites  for p rev io u s ly  
b la c k  u n iv er s it ie s  and to  forbid d u p lica tiv e  p ro g ra m s  
th a t p rolonged  th e  seg reg a tio n .

H o w ev er g ru d g in g ly , m o st s ta te s  h a v e  now  c o m e  
to  te rm s. N orth  C arolin a  and a  few  o th er s  s t ill  h a v e  
not. T e x a s , to  its  cr ed it, so u g h t to  a v er t a  con frontation  
w ith  a  r e m ed ia l p lan  th a t c a l ls  for a c c e le r a te d  re cr u it­
m e n t o f  b la c k s  and  H isp a n ic s  a t  the U n iv ers ity  o f  
T ex a s  and  T e x a s  A  & M . In ad d ition , th e  s ta te  i s  to  
sp en d  $20 m illio n  to  im p ro v e  T ex a s  Southern  and an­
o th er  b lack  p ub lic  u n iv e r s ity . P r a ir ie  V iew .

T h e N .A .A .C .P . L eg a l D e fen se  and E du cation  
F und  is  u n e a sy  ab out th e  T e x a s  accord . S o m e sch o o ls  
h a v e  not y e t  ad opted  firm  re cru itm en t sch ed u le s . T he  
p ro m ise  to  e l im in a te  d u p lic a tiv e  p ro g ra m s is  im p re­
c is e . And though  th e  p la n  w a s  p rep ared  b y M ark W hite, 
T e x a s ’s  D e m o cr a tic  A tto rn ey  G en era l, th e  R epu b lican  
G overnor, W illiam  C lem en ts , h a s  not y e t  en d orsed  it.

N e v e r th e le ss , th e  d e s ir e  o f  T ex a s o ff ic ia ls  to  look  
fo r  so lu tion s d em o n str a tes  th e  v a lu e  o f F ed er a l p res­
su re . W ithout it, re m e d y  w ou ld  b e le ft to  a ctio n  b y  un­
d erfunded  c iv il  r ig h ts  grou p s and ou tnum bered  o ff ic e ­
h o ld ers. T he d o ctr in e  o f  “ se p a r a te  but eq u a l”  ed u ca ­
tion , le t  a lo n e  se p a r a te  and  unequal, w a s  d isc red ite d  
long  ag o . R e a l e q u a lity  is  to o  fu n dam enta l a  princ ip le  
for an y  P re sid e n t to abandon.



-^Portsmouth
by Ms. D orothy Davis, Chairm an

The education com m ittee  has been 
w orking d iligen tly , in try in g  to find  
w ays to e lim in a te  some of our 
problem s in the Portsm outh school 
system , m a in ly  un justified expulsions 
and suspensions.

As fo r  th e  P o rts m o u th  School

October, 1975

Ms. Davis of Portsmouth
System, I feel it is declin ing, but I am  
not out just to knock the system . There  
are  quite a few  people in the P o rt­
smouth School System who agree but 
w ill not speak out because of the  
chance th a t they m ay  be jeopardizing  
th e ir  jobs, I can understand this. In a 
dem ocracy a person should be ab le  to 
voice th e ir  opinion w ithout being a fra id  
of putting th e ir jobs in jeopardy.

We do not w an t to w ork outside the  
system , w e w ant to w ork inside w ith  
the school o ffic ia ls , students, and  
parents.

expulsions and
fa r  Education, Assent bly o f  Portsmouth

I know m em bers of the com m ittee  
condemn the conduct fro m  unruly  
students but it seems th a t there  should 
be other w ays to punish the students 
other than putting them  on the streets. 
How does this help? Surely not the  
student.

I w onder w hat is w rong when 
children 2nd and 3rd grades a re  
suspended fo r not doing hom ew ork or 
for any reason. I would th ink the  
teacher should be able to cope w ith  
these young students and try  to find  
w hy these children have the problem s. 
W hat happened to detention? E x tra  
w ork?

I have also been told th a t the 
students don 't seem interested so the 
teacher loses interest in teaching. 
From  this statem ent it seems the 
student should or needs to m otivate  the  
teacher. I a lw ays thought the teacher 
should try  to m otivate  the student. The  
teacher has a job and I have alw ays  
been under the impression that he or 
she (teacher) was m otivated  when 
they decided to enter the fie ld  of 
education.

According to a survey conducted by 
th e  D e p a r tm e n t of H E W , B lack  
students a re  suspended m o re  often and  
for longer periods than any other 
ethnic group (nation w ide). We have  
reason to believe this is the case in 
Portsm outh also.

When the Superintendent of the 
Portsm outh Public school m akes a 
statem ent th at he thinks a child sould 
not have to attend (unless he desires) 
a fte r  the age of 14 or 15 or a fte r  he 
com pletes Junior high school, I think  
are a  parents should try  to w ork on the

The Epistle Page 7

suspensions
problem s w e a re  having and become 
m ore interested. If it even becomes 
m andatory  th a t a child  does not have to 
attend school a fte r  the above ages, 
then I feel th a t the em ploym ent ages 
w ill have to be low ered, but w h at child  
is ready or tra in e d  a t this age fo r any  
kind of em ploym ent or to re a lly  m ake  
this decision.

I am  very  interested in our children  
as a re  m any other parents. I know we 
have some parents th a t a re  not in- 
,terested but w e have qu ite  a few  th a t  
are  interested but they know nothing of 
the school rules and, in a lot of in­
stances they just don 't understand. 
They a re  not aw are  of the necessary  
steps they can and should take  to get 
th e ir children reinstated in school once 
they a re  suspended. H ere is an 
exam p le: A m other reported to me  
that her son was suspended and fin a lly  
put in the a lte rn a tiv e  school because a 
w hite g ir l said he put his arm s around  
her and stuck his hand under her 
blouse. She goes to the assistant 
princ ip a l, reports it to h im . She tells  
him  the boy was black and dressed in 
red but she goes into the ca fe te ria  and  
picks out a black boy dressed en tire ly  
d iffe ren t. The child was suspended and 
la te r he could not get back in school 
until the g ir l's  parents cam e from  
vacation. This happened a short tim e  
before school closed so when they  
suggested th at he attend the a lte r ­
native  school the m other agreed . She 
fe lt that he had no choice. This hap­
pened in a Junior High School. This w ill 
probably go in the child's record and it 
was rea lly  the g ir l's  w ord aga inst the 
boy.

Parents you and your students have  
rights . Please take advantage  ot them .



HEW  
relaxes 

discipline  
order

W A S H IN G T O N , D. C., 
October 9: The U. S.
D e p a r tm e n t of H e a lth ,  
Education, and W elfare  
to d a y  re la x e d  its S ep­
tem ber order (see October 
E P IS T L E , page 15) that 
schools must keep detailed  
records to show w hether 
b la c k  s tu d en ts  a re  
disciplined m ore severely  
than w hites.

D e s p ite  re c e n t in ­
d ic a tio n s  th a t  m in o r ity  
students a re  expelled and 
suspended u n fa ir ly , H E W  
b ac ked  dow n u n d er  
pressure fro m  protesting  
school adm in is tra tors . The  
N a tio n a l School B oard  
A s s o c ia tio n , sa id  th a t  
p o v e r ty  and  d is ru p t iv e  
fa m ily  life , ra th er than  
r a c ia l  b ia s , a re  the  
p r im a r y  causes fo r  
m in o rity  students being 
disciplined m ore by school 
authorities.



HEW investigates expulsions and suspensions
The D e p artm en t of H ea lth , Education and  

W elfa re  announced th a t it is investiqating  
th e  w id e s p re a d  school p ra c t ic e  of 

disciplin ing black studenfs m ore  severely  
than w hites. H E W  is req u irin g  a li pubiic  
educational system s to m a in ta in  m ore  
com plete records of d isc ip lin ary  actions, 
and V irg in ia  o ffic ia ls  a re  upset by the  
requ irem ent.

In a Septem ber 3 m em orandu m  to a ll 50 
state school superintendehts, H E W  said; 
" In  m any hundreds of school system s  
throughout the nation, m in o rity  ch ild ren  
are  receiving a disproportionate num ber of 
discipline actions in the fo rm  of expulsions  
and suspensions and a re  being suspended 
fo r  lo n g e r p erio d s  th a n  n o n m in o r ity  
c h ild re n ."

Under the C ivil Rights A ct, school 
d istricts  th at d iscrim in a te  on the basis of 
race or color could lose federal funds, w hich  
am ount to about every tenth do llar spent by 
local schools.

H E W  dem anded th a t for eve ry  student 
disciplined, the follow ing records m ust be 
kept for two years: race and sex o£ the  
student, the offense, the rep o rter of the  
offense, the person imposing the punish­
m ent, and a b rie f procedural h istory of the  
case.In  add ition, records m ust include an 
accounting of dropouts, cases re fe rre d  to 
courts and juvenile  au thorities , and a ll 
policy statem ents on d iscipline and how  
th e y  w e re  d is s e m in a te d  to  te a c h e rs ,  
parents and pupils.

The reason given by H E W  for this in ­

crease in p ap erw ork is th a t black students 
a re  being d iscrim inated  aga inst solely 
because of th e ir  color. Although V irg in ia  
school o ffic ia ls  agree th a t blacks a re  
disciplined m ore often than w hites, they  
strongly disagree th a t it is due to rac ia l bias 
according to the Virginian - Pilot. C h airm an  
V incent j .  ihom as of the State Board of 
Education says that "Such a b lanket charge  
(as H E W S 's) is not ap p ro p ria te  in m y p art 
of the s ta te ."  Thom as is fro m  N orfo lk . He 
insists th a t the causes of the d iff ic u lty  a re  
not ra c ia l, but a re  social problem s like  
poverty.

D r. W .E . C am pbell, State Superintendent 
of P u b lic  In s tru c tio n , u n o ff ic ia l ly  
"d e p lo res " the H E W  m em o. " I  th in k it is 
a rb itra ry , unnecessary and unreasonable ."

Congressman G. W illia m  W hitehurst, a 
fo rm e r educator, denounced the H E W  
m em o as "a  patent in su lt"  to school of­
fic ia ls . " I  don't th in k it deserves to be 
c o m p lie d  w it h , "  th e  R e p u b lic a n  
R epresentative added.

Both nationa lly  and in V irg in ia , blacks  
a re  suspended a t over tw ice  the ra te  of 
w hites.



. ..about suspensions 
and expulsions?

A m a jo r education problem  in m any  
Assem bly areas is the large num ber of 
students who a re  suspended or expelled  
fro m  school. M an y  sfudents seem to be sent 
fro m  school for m inor p ro b le m s .. Some 
students don't even know w hy they a re -  
being dismissed.

The num ber of black studenfs suspenaed 
and expelled is much h igher fhan the  
num ber of w h ite  students. A ll around the  
country people a re  beginning to w onder if 
suspensions and expulsions a re  being used 
as a tool to keep blacks out of public  
education.

According to a recent decision by the U. S. 
Suprem e Court, NO  S T U D E N T  M A Y  BE  
S U S P E N D E D  O R E X P E L L E D  W IT H O U T  
A F A IR  H E A R IN G  O N T H E  R EASO N S  
FO R T H E  D E C IS IO N . This hearing m ust 
include a chance for fhe student to g ive his 
or her exp lanation  of the problem .

If there seems to be a d e lib era te  e ffo rt to 
dismiss black students in o rder to keep 
them  out of school, the problem  can be 
taken to court. Contact your C h airm an  fo n  
Education im m ed ia te ly  and help h im  or her 
gather the in form ation  necessary in order  
to begin to investigate the situation.



Portsmouth 
expulsions’ 
complaint 

goes to HEW
P O R T S M O U T H , July 29: W ith the most 

recent data showing th a t during one school 
year over 1700 black students w ere  
suspended from  the Portsm outh Public  
School system , the Assem bly of Portsm outh  
today filed a com plaint w ith  the O ffice of 
Civil Rights of the U. S. D e p artm en t of 
H ealth, Education and W e lfa re  (H E W )  
requesting an investigation into suspension 
and expulsion practices and the tre a tm e n t  
blacks a llegedly  experience w ith in  the  
Portsm outh educational system .

This action follows several fu tile  attem p ts  
by black parents to m eet and w ork w ith  
school o ffic ia ls  on the disip line problem s in 
the public schools.

Parents charge that black students a re  
being suspended often as a f irs t  resort for 
m in o r o ffe n ses , w ith o u t due p ro ce ss , 
w ithout specific charges, and for excessive  
and som etim es indefin ite  periods of tim e. 
Statistics show th a t 82 per cent of a ll ex ­
pelled students a re  black.

D is ip linary actions besides the suspen­
sions and expulsions have included the  
changing of grades of report cards, 
w ithholding lunch tickets , the suspension of 
bus service (ca rry in g  only black students) 
for en tire  neighborhoods, various degrees of 
corporal punishment, and a t least one case 
of a student being locked in a closet for 
tw enty m inutes.

To pursue the problem , the Assem bly of 
C O N T IN U E D  ON P A G E  F IV E



P o r t s m o u t h

C O N T IN U E D  F R O M  P A G E  O N E

Portsm outh, proposed a m eeting between  
concerned students and parents and the 
school superintendent (D r. M . E. A lfo rd ), 
the assistant superintendent (M r . P. S. 
Belton), and the principals and assistant 
principals of those schools in  w hich most of 
the com plaints had been reg istered . Dr. 
A lford and M r. Belton agreed to m eet w ith  
the group on A p ril 29th, but a t D r. A lford 's  
request none of the principals  or assistant 
principals attended. The Superintendent 
then refused to discuss "p e rs o n a litie s"  in 
th e ir absence.

D r. A lford also refused to accept a letter 
containing a list of grievances and  
suggestions from  the Assem bly. He has not 
responded to  a s im ila r le tter w ritten  on M ay  
1st.

No response has been recieved from  a 
le tter sent to the C h airm an  of the Board of 
Educafion also on M ay  1st.

The report to H E W  expresses the concern 
th at in the black com m unity , a g rea t m any  
of the "pushouts" a re  seen as "v ic tim s  of 
continued resistance to desgragation ." The 
practice of suspensions and expulsions is 
considered m ore subtle and thus harder to 
prove than previous a ttem p ts  to m ain ta in  
the separation of black and w hite students.



Mr. John Hatcher, Speaker of the 
Assembly of Portsmouth.

HEW probe  
asked  by 
P ortsm outh

PORTSMOUTH, May 27: The Assembly of 
Portsmouth voted tonight to ask the Department 
of Health, Education, and Welfare to investigate 
the Portsmouth school system. With black 
students still being suspended unjustly and no 
satisfaction in sight from school officials. 
Assembly members felt they had no choice but 
to begin a legal battle.

The ringing voice of Mr. Speaker John 
Hatcher declaring "the ayes have it" gave full 
exression to the bold purpose of the Assembly. 
Mr. Al Tyler, President of the Assembly, urged 
Assembly members to continue to bring in 
suspension forms documenting discrimination to 
the Education Committee.

Earlier in the meeting Mr. Joseph Pettiford, 
"free at last” after thirteen months in jail, 
thanked the Assembly for its support during his 
imprisonment. The Attorney General has 
dropped the case after four trials. Mr. Pettiford, 
tall and well-dressed, appeared thoughtful as he 
spoke of his determination to work in the 
community to help youngsters stay out of 
trouble.

The Assembly of Portsmouth passed two 
other motions, one expressing the member's 
anger over a recent tax added to the water bill. 
Mr. Ernest Hardy, Chairman for Economic Devel­
opment, warned that the Assembly would have 
to work long and hard to force the City Council 
to repeal the tax.



E ducation  W orkshop  
looks to the Courts
PETERSBURG, April 19: "Students do not

shed their rights when they walk through the 
school door," noted Mr. Landon R. Miales of the 
Assembly of Gates and moderator for the 
Education Workshop. The rights of students and 
parents was the theme throughout the workshop.

Mr. Miales, a principal of an elementary school, 
discussed the new Supreme Court case which 
requires due process before a student can be 
suspended from school. Commenting on this 
important right, Mr. C. W. Womble, of the 
Assembly of Southampton, stated: "Parents
must now stand up and speak out for their 
children. The students and parents have these 
rights but they must use them."

Ms. Faustina Trent of the Assembly of Halifax 
suggested that every school system should write 
down exactly when a student could be suspended 
and pass it out to every parent and student. 
"Then everyone, black or white, should be 
suspended for doing the same thing. This is

where our children are hurt," she noted. Ms. Ruth 
Bailey of the Assembly of Surry stressed the 
important role the Assemblies should play in 
handling these problems with the school system.

Mr. Miales urged parents to make use of the 
Open Records law to insure that their child's 
records were accurate. Questionable reports in 
the records should be challenged because these 
records follow the student for the rest of his or her 
life. Information'was given also on the important 
role that Parent's Advisory Committees should be 
playing in setting up Title I programs.

Mr. James Sears, Chairman for Legal Affairs for 
the Assembly of Gates, explained how tests are 
used and sometimes abused by the school 
systems. Tests are used to place students into a 
role that few children escape. "Schools can use 
tests to channel students into a role so that all they 
can do when they come out is sweep the streets," 
noted Mr. Sears. He pointed out that there is no 
test that can accurately measure the child's true 
ability.

For instance, black children generally score 
lower on language tests than math tests. Some 
school systems have dropped the math test and 
use only the language test to place students into 
"slow " or "fast" classes. Mr. Sears stated: "I 
don't know if this suggests anything to you or 
not."



p a g e  10
EPISTLE

Mr. Gerald Harris tells the Assembly of system as seen from the viewpoint of a 
Portsmouth about the Portsmouth school student.

P ortsm ou th  schools
PORTSMOUTH, April 29: More than 100

people filled Neighborhood Facility in Portsmouth 
tonight to take action on their complaints about 
the public schools.

Organized and led by the Assembly, the 
meeting showed an aroused and aware black 
community "telling it like it is" to Portsmouth 
school officials. Dr. Alford, the School 
Superintendent, promised at the meeting to work 
with the Assembly and to allow Assembly 
members to enter the schools and speak freely to 
students. In the past, school officials had not 
allowed Assembly members to converse with 
students in school.

Mr. Al Tyler, Assembly President, said he was 
pleased with the meeting and that Ms. Dorothy 
Davis, Ms. Delores Jacobs, and Mr. Gerald Harris 
were all "just beautiful." He said, however, that 
he was disappointed by the evasive answers of the 
school officials and the absence of some of the 
principals invited to the meeting. The Assembly, 
he continued, would have to press to meet with 
the principals of nearly every school in Portsmouth

in order to, follow up the meeting.

Ms. Dorothy Davis, Chairman for Education, 
prepared for the meeting by collecting the facts 
about the suspensions and expulsions of black 
students. Fifty-eight per cent of the students in 
Portsmouth are black; 61 per cent of the 
suspensions are given to black students, and 82 
per cent of the expulsions. "If that's not 
prejudice, I don't know what is," said Mr. Harris, a 
student leader.

Mr. Gerald Harris (see his letter to the EPISTLE 
that appeared in January 1975) told the story of 
his harassment by teachers and school officials. 
Driven from the cafeteria by the stares and 
gestures of the teachers, he went outside to eat 
his lunch, only to be followed by two teachers in a 
truck who continued to shout and gesture at him. 
The assistant principal of the school, Mr. Harris 
and other Assembly members believe, allows this 
harassment of black students in the school. The 
Assembly is attempting to force this principal to 
resign.



Blacks suspended more o ften
PETEBSBURG, March 24: 1973-74 statistics on 

school suspensions revealed today that in all but 
one Assembly area, the percentage of black 
students suspended is higher than the percentage 
of white students suspended. The same is true for 
the percentages of expulsions.

In Assembly areas in Virginia, 63%  of all 
students suspended are black and 76%  of the 
students expelled are black. Yet only 56%  of the 
student population's black. That means black 
students are dismissed more often than white 
students.

In Assembly areas in North Carolina, 76%  of the 
suspensions are black. But only 65%  of the 
students enrolled are black. There are no figures 
on expulsions in those areas.

Only in Gates County, N.C. is the percentage of 
blacks suspended lower than the percentage of 
blacks enrolled in school. In the County, the 
school population is 65% black. The suspensions 
are only 48%  blacky________

The Assembly area with the highest percentage 
of blacks suspended is Appomattox County, Va. 
In Appomattox, 50% of the suspensions are black, 
with only 30%  of the students being black.

Though expulsions are not common, 
Goochland and Amelia Counties in Virginia each 
had six students expelled in 1973-74. In each, all 
six were black. Both Counties, however, have 
about an equal amount of white and black 
students.

There are many groups around the county who 
see the high rate of minority dismissals as a 
discriminatory action by school systems. They 
feel that schools try to discourage minority 
students from continuing their education by 
suspending or expelling them for minor causes.

The Assemblies feel black students are 
dismissed too often. They see the dismissals of a 
violation of their right to a good education. Each 
Assembly is now collecting cases of dismissals to 
refer to civil rights offices in Washington, D.C. I



„THIE ATLANTA (T>NS ITri'T ION. K Not. Ill, I 'IR 2

Changes in attitudes 
temper race dilemma

By Harry Aikmore
H urry  Ashm ore, th e  author o f  "H earts 

and M inds," published  ea rlie r  this year, 
delivered  these rem a rks  in a recen t a d ­
dress to the  Southern R egional Council.

Progress on the race front can be 
measured by the tempering of attitudes 
from one generation to the next

The fathers of my generation of white 
Southerners took their stand on what their 
preachers told them was biblically sanc­
tioned moral ground, reducing the region 
to poverty as they sacrificed self-interest 
on the altar of white supremacy.

My contemporaries, with no more 
valid claim to probity, concluded that they 
had rather abandon Jim Crow than pay the 
price required to maintain segregation in 
the face of mounting black protest

So it was that when Bull Connor un­
leashed police dogs and firehoses against 
black children in Birmingham, Jack 
Kennedy employed his Cabinet's corporate 
heavyweights to convince the Big Mules of 
the Alabama establishment that racial vio­
lence was bad for business.

After the "White Only" signs came down, 
the president told Martin Luther King Jr. and 
his aides: "I don’t think you should be totally 
harsh on Bull Connor. He's done as much for 
civil rights as anybody since Abraham Un- 
coln."

Those who labor in the vineyard of 
race relations are painfully aware of the 
circularity that has always characteriied 
public discussion of the basic Issue.

In Oie old days, the demonstrably In­
ferior social condition of the black minor­
ity was cited to justify the caste discrimi­
nation that perpetuaUd the inferior 
condition. And so the dogma of white su­
premacy came to prevail everywhere in 
the nation when blacks began to migrate 
from the South In substantiid numbers.

That ghost has been laid to rest by the 
enlargement of choice that is the not- 
Inconslderable legacy of the civil-righLs 
movement. When the federal courts struck 
down the barriers of Institutional segrega­
tion, a third of the black population 
promptly moved Into the malnstresm, vis­
ibly giving the He to the myth of inherent 
racial Inferiority.

In terms of educational attainment. In­
come level and types of employment, these 
blacks are eertifiably middle-class, and are 
more or less being accepted as such by their 
white counterparts.

The larger society — burdened as it is 
by the third of the black population still 
confined to a poverty-stricken underclaw 
— Is a long way from being free of the 
residue from the racist past. But the tem­
pering of restrictive majority attitudes has 
been sufficient to change the dimensioas of

the American dilemma.
This shows up most significantly in 

politics. Those of us who were on the front 
line in the early days of the civil-righLs 
movement may be appalled by the resur­
rection of George Wallace in Alabama.

But there is surely encouragement in 
the fact that he could re-enter the lists 
only by proclaiming himself a born-again 
integralionist, repentant of his race-baiting 
past and w.holly committed to advancing 
the welfare of the blacks whose votes he 
sought and won.

Then there is Ronald Reagan, whose 
political strategy writes off the black vote, 
but who hotly denies that his reactionary 
policies are tinged with racism.

If the president has rejected the 
dogma of white supremacy, however, he 
has fervently embraced the doctrine it pro­
duced — the old states’ rights federalism 
elaborated by our forefathers in defense of 
slavery and the second-class dtiienship 
that succeeded It.

The president's so-called "new" feder­
alism ignores not only the lessons of the 
bloodshot past, but the reality of contem­
porary demography, which renects the

The larger society —  burdened 
as it is by the third o f the black 
population still confined to a 
poverty-stricken underclass —  
is a long way from  being free  o f 
the residue from  the racist past.

transfer of the enduring race problem 
from the rural South to the center of the 
nation’s great cities, where it has produced 
what Is rightly labeled an urban crisis.

The black underclass is not trapped m 
Northern slums by institutionalized r.ice 
prejudice, but by a debilitating sclf-pcrpet 
uating culture of poverty that cannot 
possibly yield to the kind of social Danvi.n- 
ism in which the president places his faith.

We are long past the sharecropping 
days when blacks were kqpt In their plare 
so they could be exploited as a source o‘ 
cheap labor. Along with the Hispanics and 
poor whites who share its misery, tin 
black underclass has become surplus popu 
lation, a non-productive burden Increas 
ingly seen as intolerable in a shrinking 
economy.

The secular theology called Reaga­
nomics holds that this condition is of no 
concern to the federal government and can 
readily be disposed of by placing resp.insi- 
bllity for Us cure upon state and local au­
thorities, a.ssisted by the benign working of 
the private sector. That delusion cannot 
endure, and when it is finally dispelled 
there will be much work to do.



T H E  N E W  Y O R K  T IM E S . F R ID A Y, SE P T E M B E R  24, 1916

James Van Dm* Zee Institute

In the South and in Harlem, Tenacity

Booker T. Wiishington described the 
emancipated Afro-Americans asi a 
"simple pedple . . .  ifreed from slavery 
and with no -past.” He was wron§.

Familial and kin attachments forined
by slaves jjegularly revealed themselves 
ift the behavior of ex-slaves and their
poor Southern and North^n descend- 
anits--for example, those in Haflem—. 
between Emancipation and the Great 
Depression.

The painful economic and social 
costs extracted from them are well 
documented and need not be recounted. 
But that record is not evidence that 
the poor black family crumbled and 
tlmt a “pathological culture” thrived 
among the black poor.

At all moments in time— f̂rom an 
adult generation born in slavery and 
then freed to an adult generation about 
to be devastated by the Great Depres­
sion and by the "modernization” of 
Southern agriculture and by the chronic 
Northern unemployment— t̂he typical 
Afro-American family was lower class 
arid headed by two parents.
, Ex-slave adults valued legal mar­

riage. “God,” one said, “made mar­
riage hut de white folks made de law.” 
Sbe knew that antebellum law had not 
protected slave marriage. Persons like 
her legalized slave marriages every­
where in 1865 and 1866, after Eman­
cipation.

Few disclosed their conjugal ties as 
well as Marien and Elbert Williams. A 
North Carolina neighbor prepared an 
affidavit for them and carried it to a 
county clerk in 1866: 
t  E lb u r t &  M a rien  W illia m s  h a s  b ee n  
L iv in  to g e th e r  18 Yeas & We Both do 
a f f ir m  th a t  W e  do  w a n t  e a c h  o th e r  to  
L iv e  a s  m a n  &  w ife  th e  ba lanc  o f  L ife  
& b e in g  d isa b le  to  w a lk  & M a rien  b e in g  
in  th e  fa m ily  w a y  I  w ill  s e n d  th is  to  
y o u  &  y o u  w ill  p lea se  m a k e  i t  a ll 
W r ig h t  w i th  u s .

The Williamses, who could not write, 
marked the affidavit “X,” and thereby 
legalized a slave marriage. After that 
time, ex-slaves and their immediate 
descendants purchased marriage |i-

. cerises as regularly a l their Southern 
white neighbors.

Rural arid urban Southern black 
. families held together during Recon- 

rtructiori am} in.the decades preceding 
Northern migration. That is learned by 
sp y in g , the'-composition of 14,344 
Vi%inia, South Carolina, Alabama and 
Mississippi Afro-American households 
listed in the unpublished pages of the 

. 1880 Federal Census.
These -were ,-very poor blacks, much 

worse off trite the white rural and 
urban poor. Few rural blacks owned 
land.^or had skills. Most-^-about nine 
in;ten—were tenants, sharecroppers or 
faitn laborers. -Urban blacks were no 
better off. A. handful had middle-class ■ 
:sta|iis. Small numbers had skills. Most 
.r^at least four in fiver—were common 
day laborers and service workers.

Despite their poverty, more than 
nine in ten everywhere lived in house- 
hoids with an immediate family at their 
core; a husband and wife, or two 
parents and their children, or a single 
parent (usually a mother) with chil­
dren. A husband or father was present 
in most Southern Afro-American house­
holds in 1880, more so in rural (82 
to 86 percent) than in urban (69 to 74 
percent) settings.

Most poor households contained just 
an immediate family. Sometimes a 
lodger—rarely, more than two—lived 
with that family. So did blood kin, 
often older women but more usually 
grandchildren, nephews and nieces, and 
brothers and sisters of adult family 
heads. Some unmarried mothers head­
ed households, but most poor black 
women did not. They lived in house­
holds as grown daughters, wives or 
widowed parents.

Early 20th-century migrants to 
Northern cities—at first mostly single 
young adults and married couples (the 
grandchildren of young blacks emanci­
pated in 1865)—-came from such poor 
Southern black families. Their familial 
arrangements in Northern cities expose 
another misconception about the Afro- 
American poor: that migration and 
urbanization, per se, caused wide­
spread family dissolution among poor 
blacks. , ,

That did not happen among poor 
Southem-born blacks living in New

York City in 1925. The occupations 
and household status of nearly 60,000 
Manhattan blacks (mostly central Har­
lem residents and together totaling 
about one-third of the island's blacks) 
make that clear. About nine in ten men 
were day laborers, service workers and 
skilled wage earners. They were far 
poorer than otbeir working-class New 
Yorkers.

Their households differed from those 
of poor urban and rural Southern 
blacks in 1880. Enlarged households, 
often containing two or more families 
along with kin and umnarried lodgers, 
were far more common. But these 
adaptive responses to Northern urban 
poverty did not entail widespread 
family disorganization. The study of 
about 14,000 black households (mostly 
between 125th Street and 140th Street 
west of Lenox Avenue) shows the fol­
io-wing:

•  85 percent of these households— 
about six in seven—had at their core 
either a husband and wife or two 
parents and their children.

•  Households in which a husband 
was absent—especially those headed 
by young women—were relatively in­
significant. Three percent of all house­
holds were headed by women under 
30. And just 32 households among 
these nearly 60,000 blacks were headed 
by women under 30 and contained 
three or more children!

•  Older working-class men held 
their own as fathers. Three in four 
maies aged 45 and older were unskilled 
or service workers. And three in four 
households headed by men that old 
were headed by men with those occu­
pations.

•  Five in six children under the age 
of six lived with both parents.

Central Harlem was not Mecca in 
the 1920’s. But neither was it Sodom. 
The obstacle's to , decent living en­
countered by poor Harlem blacks are 
well known, but a “palholggical” fam­
ily life was not one of them. Their 
behavior makes that clear. On the eve 
of the Great Depression, the emerging 
black ghetto was not filled with broken 
and disorganized poor black families.

Far more family disorganization fol­
lowed the migration of the Southern 
black poor to Northern dties between

1940 and 1970 than before 1930. This 
evidence offers no comfort whatsoever 
to poor ghetto blacks in . 1976: men, 
women and children ravaged by insti­
tutional racism, chronic unemployment 
and welfare dependency. It cannot 
Instead, it shows that “historical” and 
“cultural” explanations for their dur- 
rent vulnerability and suffering are 
spurious. It directs attention to the 
recent failings of an economic and 
social system, not to its victims o r  
their grandparents and great-great- 
grandparents.

Early in this century, the black his­
torian and sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois 
complained that “sociologists gleefully 
count . . . bastards,” reminding them 
that “to be a poor man is hard, but 
to be a poor race in a land of dollars 
is the very bottom of hardships.” That 
is still true.

H e rb e r t G. G u tm a n , v i s i t in g  p ro fe s so r  
o f  h is to r y  a t  th e  C o lle g e  o f  W il l ia m  
a n d  M a ry , W ill ia m sb u rg , V a ., i i  a u th o r  
o f  th e  fo r th c o m in g  " T h e  B la c k  F a m ily  
in  S la v e ry  &  F ree d o m , 1 750-1925 ."  
T h is  is  th e  la s t  o f  th r e e  a r tic le s .



20E TH E N E W  YO RK  TIM ES, SUNDAY, F E B R U A R Y  8, 1981

Transitional Pains at the Ford Foundation
By KATHLEEN TELTSCH

Not I(»% after he settled into his im posing office as the 
new president of the Ford Foundation, Franklin A. Thomas 
ordered blinds for the floor to ceiling windows and installed 
a screen  o f decorative planters. In the days of McGeorge 
B u n ^ , Mr. Thom as’s  predecessor, the curious had an tmob- 
structed v iew  of the president, who w as frequently spotted 
with h is feet on the desk in relaxed ctmversation.

In sm all and in significant ways, Mr. Thom as is setting 
a new  sty le  a t the foundation. During h is 13-year presidency, 
Mr, B u ^ ,  a  former White House adviser accustom ed to 
shaping policy, reveled in using his position for public and 
often provocative pronouncements. Mr. Thom as, by con­
trast, has been reticent— maddeningly so, in the opinion of 
F i» d  d sservers and some members o f the staff, who have 
been w aiting 18 months for clear signals of »he new adminis­
tration’s  direction.

In vrttat has surely been one o f the longest transition 
periods for any large institution, Mr. Thom as has been al­
m ost totally  absorbed in a  painstaking analysis of every ac­
tiv ity  o f the foundation. Meanwhile, the h iatus has baffled 
officia ls in  the philanthropy circuit and, according to one 
foundation presittent, “ has caused disquiet am ong organlra- 
titms w hich look to Ford for grants and worry which pro­
gram s m ay  be phased out.’’

Basic Questions and Root Changes
To add to the uneasiness of his staff, Mr. Thom as seem s 

in no hurry to replace some senior Ford officia ls who have 
left s ince he arrived. There have been suggestions that the 
new  president wants to have his prelim inary biennial budg­
e t , to be subm itted in March, firmly in hand before naming 
senior officers — possibly to forestall com petition for re­
sources am ong the "barons.’’ Moreover, h is insistence that 
long-term  officers justify activities that have gone on for 
years seem s to have nettled som e adm inistrators accus­
tom ed to  the Bundy style of enunciating policy and leaving 
its  administratitm to others.

But a  number of foundaticm adm inistrators concede 
that an y changw ver causes trauma. An experienced official 
who is  retiring from Ford noted it w as tim e to  “ shake the 
roots and prune” at the 45-year-old foundation. Alexander 
Heard, who has headed Ford’s board since 1972, said that at 
the tim e o f Mr. Thomas’s  elea ion , the trustees feared he 
m ight m ake changes in a  rush. Instead, Mr. Heard says, 
“H e has taken his time, showed caution and that is  the right 
w ay.”  Although there has been talk that the trustees have 
rejected program s and high level candidates proposed by 
Mr. Thom as, Mr. Heard Insists that decisions have been 
worked out in conversational, not confrontational, matmer.

Mr. Thom as, who is 46 years old, seem s unperturbed by 
the ripples he has stirred. Soon after taking over, a t a m eet­
ing w ith h is  senior advisers, he bad pointedly told them, 
"I’m  not M ac, I’m  Frank.”  Recalling th is Incident recently,

Ideas & TrendsContinued

Ford
Foundation
Spending
Grants and 
projects 
approved 
(in midions 
of dollars)

Where the money went in 1980
National Affairs..............$30,896,485
Education..........   $11,052,476
Arts..............................$1,393,768
Public Broadcasting/ 

Communications............. $1,435,780
Resources and the *

Environment................ $4,857,979
Public. Policy and

Social Organization.... . $2,036,000
international ......  $34,414,669
General.................    $1,746,233

1 9 6 1 *8 2  *64 *66 *66 *70 '72 *74 *76 'TP

Source.- Ford foundation

The New York Times/ClMCter Hi|0ini Jr.
Franl^ln A . Thinnas

he sm ilingly suggested  that ‘ ‘maybe I w as ten subtle. ”
With assets  o l $2.2 billion. Ford is the country’s  w ealthi­

est foundation. Like other private philanthropies, it has seen  
inflation erode the value of its dollars, but by diversifying in­
vestm ents, it has been able this year, for the first tim e in 
several years, to maintain the level of grants without dip­
ping into capital. S till, pondering how Ford can  hope to 
make an  appreciable impact on the problem s it  has tried to 
address —  hunger and population pressures abroad, urban 
blight and societal inequalities a t hom e— Mr. Thom as said  
that h is l8-m 0nth review has been a  “ hum bling experi­
ence.”

During its y ears of peak prosperity and grandest am bi­
tions in the 60’s , the foundation had assets valued a t $4 bil­
lion and its annual grants topped $200 million. The slum p In 
the stock and se c u r it i^  m arkets in the 70’s  com pelled Mr. 
Bundy to reduce radically  both programs and staff, but the  
cutbacks w ere accom plished m ainly by “m iniaturizing,”  
rather than by fundam ental changes in direction.

The new president seem s to have just such changes in  
view. In his post, h e seem s to be d r a w ^  on tw o m ajor ca ­
reer experiences. During h is years as director o f B nxM yn’s  
Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoratiini Corporation, h e turned Hie 
experimental urban renew al program into a  nationally-

praised model in com m unity revitalization. And, h a v ^  
served as board director for a  number of large com panies, 
he is a lso intim ately fam iliar with the corporate world.

So far, a  closer relationship between business and foun­
dations is  em erging as one o f ffie hallmarks of the Thom as 
administration. In practical term s, th is translates into  
developing joint program s overseas to tackle such problem s 
as malnutrition and related  health needs in third world 
countries. "We could bring to the taU e our credibiUy, intel­
lectual focus and som e m oney,”  Mr. Thomas says. Adm it­
tedly, past abuses by multinational firm s have soured rela­
tions in som e countries, but Mr. Thomas argues that having  
Ford a s  a  senior partner could m ake such ventures work. 
Pushing the partnership approach at home, Ford last year  
joined with seven corporations and foundations to  form the  

, Local Initiatives Support Corporatitsi in an undertaking to  
revitalize decaying com m unities.

Mr. Thomas em phasizes that he favors th is type of 
“ hands on” activity, rather than “studies leading to  m ore 
studies.”  He also w ants to expand assistance a t  local com­
munity levels, arguing that aid  has to be supplied both at the 
top and at Hie bottom , “ the m acro blended with the m icro.”  
This com mitment is  reflected , for exam ple, in a  plan to pro­
vide outside financing for Bangladesh banking firm s and in­
duce them, to extend credits to  sm all, rural cooperaHves or 
to individual farm ers otherw ise unable to puithaise equip­
ment, fertilizer and high-yield seed.

“ Thomas essentia lly  is  a  doer, an organizer, m anager  
or arranger with a  great socia l cthisdousness, a s  m uch as  
Bundy's or m aybe m ore, but with a  very different sty le ,”  
says Harold Howe, a  Ford v ice  president who has w o r k ^  
with boHi men and w ill retire th is spring. In som e areas, Mr. 
Thomas is  advocating m ore intense engagem ent. In the 
past, the foundation has worked in r e c k o n  centers, help­
ing South-East Asian refugees with language training to 
ease resettlem ent. It is  considering stepped up aid  for MM- 
can refugees and help for M exican and ( ^ b b e a n  m igrants.

Another Thom as em phasis is  on wom en’s  issues. H e has 
doubled Ford’s  outlay for program s aim ed at advancing  
women’s  opportunities and has started to exam ine a ll Ford 
grants to determine their im pact on women. Closer to  hom e, 
he has approved the innovaUve practice of paid parental 
leaves for Ford em p li^ ees , to  perm it fathers a s  w ell a s  
mothers to spend tim e w ith newborn children.

But elsew here, Mr. Thom as thinks that Ford has ex­
tended itself beyond its  m eans. The foundaHon w ill continue 
devoting a  Hiird o f its  $100 m illion annual budget to  foreign  
aid, but large-scale support for population control is  being  
phased out because it  has entered the "world agenda'.* and is  
getting larger funds from  United NaHons agencies. Some 
overseas offices are probably going to be closed. “ We cannot 
do everything,”  Mr. Thom as says simply.

Commenting on the Thom as p h ilo ^ h y , W aldemar A. 
Nielsen, a  foundaHon consultant and author who has known 
all o l the Ford presidents, has said that Franklin Thom as 
seem s to be bringing to  the foundaHon “a  new perspecHve 
that is in harmony with the m ore pragmaHc. if not conserva­
tive mood in the country.”  H is  low-key sty le has puzzled 
som e, but Mr. Waldemar thinks Hmt Mr. Thomas ‘ ‘m ay  turn 
out to be the leadhig force in  pUlanthrojot in the years  
ahead,’ . .

T



34

Foundation Head Discovers 
Problems in Disbursements

To his dismay, J. Rcxlerick MacArthur, 
a Chicago businessman, has discovered 
that giving away millions of dollars annu­
ally can be a disheartening and frustrat­
ing experience.

The fortune in question was amassed 
from insurance and real-estate enter­
prises by his father, John D. MacArthur, 
who died three years ago. The elder Mr. 
MacArthur, who had established the John 
D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Founda­
tion with the fortune, left it up to his 
family and business associates to deter­
mine how to spend the money. The foun­
dation, which is among the four or five 
wealthiest endowments in the country, 
with assets of more than $800 million, 
gave away $42 millicn last year.

" I ’m saddened—saddened temporari­
ly, maybe—about the way we went about 
giving away the money,” said the 
younger Mr. MacArthur, a self-made mil­
lionaire who built his own fortune through 
a commemorative plate company called 
the Bradford Exchange.

More Than IM Grants Approved
"This foundation started out in such a 

promising way, but some of what we’re 
doing is so m^iocre,” he added, making 
it clear that he had differed with some of 
the other board members on a number of 
th e  more than 100 grants approved.

From the outset, J. Roderick MacAr­
thur had insisted that the Chicago-based 
philanthropy — whose assets he expects 
to go over $1 billion — should not pattern 
itself on such traditional Eastern leaders 
as the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations 
but be prepared to be more innovative 
and willing to "take risks.”

He is pleased that $18.3 million went to 
provide 82 acres of unspoiled shorefront 
in South Florida for the John D. MacAr­
thur Beach State Park, and $10 million or 
so for programs in mentai health and 
education. He is enthusiastic about the 
foundation’s decision to purchase Harp­
er’s, rescuing the 130-year-old publica- 
ti(MJ from a threatened closedown.

He also was the moving spirit behind 
an adventur^m e program to search out 
and subsidize a group of ^fted “MacAr­
thur Prize Fellows," freeing them from 
financial pressures to develop their artis­
tic or scientific talents. The first appoint­
ments are to be made this year.

Some Awards Criticized
But he asserted that other grants by the 

foundation were ill-conceived, inade­
quately investigated and awarded at ran­
dom. Too many were approved hurriedly 
in December, he said, to comply with 
Federal laws requiring foundations to 
spend all their income, or the equivalent 
of 5 percent of their assets, each year.

Some of those grants were "just plain 
dumb,” Mr. MacArthur said, adding that 
others were pushed by directors of the 
foundation’s 13-member board who 
wanted to assist a favorite think-tank or 
support a pet cause, or to aid those with 
whom they had personal connections.

His criticism appeared focused mainly 
on the foundation’s committee on general 
grants, headed by William E. Simon, Sec­
retary of the Treasury under President 
Richard M. Nixon.

By KATHLEEN TELTSCH
Mr. Simon declined to be interviewed, 

but foundation officials said he had ad­
hered to the foundation’s practice of nei­
ther proposing nor voting on grants to 
groups with which he was involved. How­
ever, it was conceded that he had argued 
vigorously in favor of such grants. Mr. 
MacArthur, while not a member of the 
committee, insisted on exercising his 
right to participate in its deliberations.

Funds for Olympic Group Opposed
Mr. MacArthur unsuccessfully opposed 

a  relatively small grant of $100,000 for the 
United States Olympic Committee, which 
will help make up for the dixjp in contri­
butions arising out of the United States 
boycott of the Moscow Games. And he 
disapproved of another grant of $35,000 
for a study of the advantages of a six-year 
Presidential term.

Mr. Simon is an official of both the 
Olympic committee and the Foundation 
to Study the Presidential and Congres­
sional Terms. He is an official, too, of the 
Hoover Institution on War, Revolution 
and Peace, which received a $425,000 
grant, and the Center for Strategic and 
International Studies at Georgetown Uni­
versity, which received direct grants of 
$75,000 and $67,500.

Dr. John E. Corbally, president of the 
foundation, conceded that there had been 
differences among the board members 
and a. number of heated arguments. 
“That’s good,” he said “because it shows 
no one is bashful about speaking out. ”

He denied that grants were voted with­
out sufficient appraisal, insisting that the 
board met far more frequently than cus­
tomary for foundation directors, averag­
ing one session each month.

The estate of the elder Mr. MacArthur, 
most of which went to the foundation, in­
cluded the Bankers Life and Casualty 
Company, 61 office buildings in New York 
City, real-estate holdings in Texas, Colo­
rado and California and factories, an oil­
drilling company and a number of banks 
and utilities.

Initially, the foundation was run by a 
board selected by the elder Mr. MacAr­
thur. The mernbers included his widow, 
son, three business associates — William
T. Kirby, Robert T. Ewing and Paul D. 
Doolen — and Paul Harvey, a radio com­
mentator whose programs were spon­
sored by Bankers Life. Mr. MacArthur 
left no specific instructions, reportedly 
saying he had no desire to run the philan­
thropy "from the grave.”

The board exp^ded by adding three 
prominent scientists — Dr. Murray Gell- 
Mann, Dr. Jcmas Salk and Dr. Jerome B. 
Wiesner — and Mr. Simon, Edward H. 
Levi, former Attorney General, and Gay­
lord Freeman, honorary chairman of the 
First National Bank, Chicago.

“I always feared events could turn us 
into an ordinaiy foundation,” the 
younger Mr. MacArthur says now. 
“ Right now we’re in a bleak period. In 
trying to avoid bureaucracy, we’ve 
brought other horrors on ourselves. We 
all agree we should not leave decisions to 
be made at the last minute. Next year, 
we’ve all promised to do better.”



Los Angeles, Almost 200, Ranks No. 2 Among Cities
By ROBERT LINDSEY

Specialto The New York Times

LOS ANGELES, Sept. 7 — At the age of 
199, it appears, Los Angeles has become 
No. 2. . ,

This sprawling city began a yearlong 
bicentennial celebration this weekend 
that will culminate with the commemora­
tion of the 200th anniversary of its found­
ing by 44 immigrants from Mexico on 
Sept. 4,1781. , i' M  ̂ V

As the civic celebration was beginning, 
preliminary estimates from the 1980 Cen­
sus were released indicating that Los An­
geles was now the nation’s second most 
populous city, eclipsing Chicago, which 
had held that distinction since 1890 when 
it passed Philadelphia to become the 
“S e c o n d C i ty . 'i  . "

While few people dwelled on the mat­
ter. there was a pattern in the turn of 
events: Los Angeles, a city founded by 
Mexicans, appeared to have become the

country’s second largest city largely be-1 
cause of a renewed wave of immigration 
from Mexico.

And as it began its bicentennial year, 
Los Angeles appeared to be on its way to 
becoming the nation’s first city where a 
majority of the population is made up of 
immigrants from Latin America and 
Asia or descendants of earlier immi­
grants from those regions of the world 
and Africa. .■
‘ -This city is still the Los Angeles of free­

ways. movie stars, earthquakes, palm 
trees and smog, of experimental ways of 
life and unorthodox religious cults and a 
seeminglyomnipresent, benign sun.. :

It remains perhaps the quintKsential 
American urban expression of the auto­
mobile, a city that seems to have been ex­
periencing a  real estate boom continu­
ously since the first land developers and 
hucksters came from “back East" a cen-

tury ago and began to turn a sun-blessed 
semidesert into one of the world’s largest 
metropolitan regions by importing water 
from mountain ranges 300 miles away.

It is the economic center of a region 
containing more than 10 million people 
that in the last decade has become the na­
tion’s major financial bridge to Asia, a 
visibly thriving city whose downtown is 
currently experiencing a rejuvenation in­
volving more than $1 billion worth of new 
construction. , • , , .

It is a cultural center that not only pro­
duces most of the world’s movies and 
prime-time television programming but, 
increasingly, exports original plays to 
Broadway, has a  world-class symphony 
orchestra whose musical director, Zubin 
Mehta, was recruited by the New York 
Philharmonic,' and is the setting for a 
planned major museum of contemporary 
art that promises to be one of the most

Continued on Page B8, Column 3

l  ■ '



ConfinUeti' From Page A1

ambitious museum projects . in any 
American city in decades.

Every summer, a 45-year^)ld southern 
California ritual recurs, when.some of the 
tens of thousands of migrants who moved 
west from Oklahoma, Texas, Iowa, Ne­
braska and elsewhere in the 1930’s gather 
at picnics to talk about old times.

But each year, there are fewer people 
at those pfcnics, because some of the mi­
grants haves died and others have decided 
to move out of California to escape the 
smog and congestion.

To fill their places, there is a new wave 
of migrants. Los Angeles is still attract­
ing people from other states, especially 
New York. But more and more, local offi­
cials say, the newcomers are from other 
countries.

“ It’s becoming a Hispanic city,” said 
Charles Drescher, director of the city’s 
Community Analysis and Planning Divi­
sion, which has estimated that the 1980 
Census will show that non-Hispanic 
whites now make up 44 percent of the 
population, as against 59 percent in 1970 
and 72 percent in 1960.

But he said that the changes went be­
yond the tide of immigrants from Mexico 
and other Latin-American countries who 
have been proi^lled northward by eco­
nomic deprivation and have changed the 
look and texture of life here.

He predicted that the census'would also 
document a sizable influx of immigrants 
from Taiwan, Korea, Vietnam, Cambo­
dia and other third-world countries in the 
1970’s. According to the local population 
researchers, it is this Latin and Asian im­
migration, occurring in a decade when 
more than one million non-Hispanic 
whites have left the city, that has allowed ■ 
Los Angeles to challenge Chicago for the 
position of the country’s second largest 
city, after New York.

Although both cities are contesting the 
figures as too low, the preliminary Cen­
sus Bureau data indicate that Los An­
geles now has about 152,000 more resi­
dents than Chicago. The figures show Los 
Angeles with a population of 2,878,039, 
about 62,000 more than in 1970, and Chi­
cago with a population of 2,725,295, about
644,000 fewer than in 1970.

Breakdown of Population
The city’s most recent estimates indi- 

’cate that whites make up 44 percent of the 
jxipulation; blacks, 21.5 ^ rcen t; His­
panic residents 28 percent and Asians and 
Pacific islanders about 7 percent.
’ The median age of the Hispanic resi­
dents is about' 19, and the rate at which 
they are increasing, through childbirth 
and immigration, has prompted some re­
searchers to predict that Latins could ac­
count for. more than half of the city’s 
population by the end of this decade. By 
the year 2000, they say, the Hispanic in­
flux could make Los Angeles the nation’s 
largest city. Hispanic pupils already 

.make up almost 40 percent of the student 
enrollment here.

The Spanish-speaking immigrants are 
becoming increasingly important eco­
nomically here, supporting not only re­
tailing establishments but providing the 
labor for a large garment industry, much 
of it operating in sweatshop conditions. 
The large Latin population is also eco­
nomically ■vl̂ al to the city’s school sys­
tem, whose white, population has plum­
meted in recent years. . /

The Latin residents have not yet trans­
lated . their numbers into political 
strength, but many people say they soon 
will.

“ It’s only a matter of time — it’s al­
ready begun,” Grace Montanez Davis, a 
Chicano, who is an aide to Mayor Tom 
Bradley, a black, said recently in an in­
terview.

Rivalry With New York
Although this is a city with a long his­

tory of self-promotion and civic booster- 
ism, the news that it appears to have 
passed Chicago in population is not likely 
to bring much local applause. Many peo­
ple here already believe that they live in 
the Second City and have considered New 
York as their natural rival.

According to some observers, many 
Angelenos, as the people here call them­
selves, have a kind of collective munici­

Cheryl Ladd, th e  ac tress , feed lhg M ayor Tom B radley a  p iece of birthday cak e at celebration

pal inferiority complex. They say this is 
especially true regarding New York 
City’s image of supposedly superior cul­
tural riches and greater economic impor­
tance, in contrast with Los Angeles’s 
reputation as a kind of vast, shallow tin­
sel tow n— “19 suburbs in search of a 
city,” as several generations of Eastern 
writers have depicted it.

The differences in reputations seem 
especially to trouble many of the New 
Yorkers who have moved here. A study 
by the Security Pacific Bank last year in­
dicated that about 16 percent of this re­
gion’s new residents in 1979 came from 
New York State.

For many displaced New Yorkers, a 
move here results in a kind of love-hate 
relationship involving the two cities, and 
they seem to be forever debating the 
cities’ relative merits. Many of them 
have been known to return to New York 
for quick visits to confirm their decision 
to move here, or to import items, ranging 
from Nedick's orange soda to New York 
pastrami, for comfort.

Neil Simon’s Solution
Neil Simon, the piaywright, moved 

here five years ago after tiring of New 
York’s problems but now divides his time 
between this city and Manhattan. Re­
cently he decided to try out his next play 
outside Los Angeles because of his dissat­
isfaction with reviews in The Los Angeles 
Times.

Sandy Fox, a Brooklyn-bom lawyer, 
holds a party each year at which 100 or so 
former New Yorkers nostalgically play 
stickball and other games from, their 
childhood.

Reflecting on the dispute over the 
cities’ respective cultural values, Gordon 
Davidson, a former New Yorker who runs 
this city’s respected Mark Taper Forum, 
an innovative theater organization here, 
said:

“ I’m bored with it. It’s a silly argu­
ment. There’s the problem of geographic 
sprawl, but there is a lot of activity that’s 
bubbling here in many areas in the per­
forming as well as the visual arts. The 
cultural situation in Los Angeles is differ­
ent than it is in the East. The East looked 
to, and benefited from, the cultural herit­
age of Europe, but it’s also been weighed 
down with it. Here we can benefit from 
the things that occur on the Pacific rim 
and take advantage of our Mexican and 
Hispanic influence. ’ ’

The bicentennial observance will in­
clude more than 150 community projects.

ranging from art shows to the commis-1 
sioning of a ballet and plays that stress 
the city’s history. Angelenos are trying to 
use the event to enhance the city’s image. 
Admittedly inspired by the image-build­
ing power of the “I Love New York” 
slogan, the bicentennial planners devised

theirown slogan: “L.A.’s the Place.” 
Margo Albert, the wife of Eddie Albert, 

the actor, is co-chairman of the celebra­
tion. “This will be a fine opportunity to 
show that Los Angeles is a great city in­
stead of ‘tinsel town,’ and all that flaky 
stuff.” she said. ,



A16 TH E NE W  YO RK  TIMES, THURSDAY, A P R IL  9, 1981

Rapid Rise in Students of Asian Origin 
Causing Problems at Berkeley Campus

By WALLACE TURNER
Special to tlie N*w York TimM 

BERKELEY, Calif., April 8 — In 15 
years the number of Asian students has 
quadrupled at the University of Califor­
nia campus here, leaving administrators 
worried about the future if the trend con­
tinues and leaving students frequently 
frustrated by language and culture prob­
lems.

While California has attracted thou­
sands of Asian immigrants in the last 
decade, in 1980 only 5.2 percent of the 
state’s p<q>ulation of 23.6 million was of 
Asian o r i ^ .  While several schools in the 
state have increased enrollments of 
Asian-origin students — Stanford Univer­
sity at 8.8 percrait of this year’s freshman 
class and the University of California at 
Los Angeles at 15.6 percent of its 31,000 
students—it is at Berkeley that the rapid 
growth has etcposed the problems., : , 

Some of the students whom the limver- 
slty categorizes as Asians complain that 
they are pushed into certain fields by 
counseling or by language difficulties and 
that after finishing s c l^ l  they find pro- 
fessiohal barriers to their advancement.

Vice Chancellor Roderic B. Park said 
of the Asians: “One preblem is that with 
present preferences fcey could come 
close to having only four departments 
here — enmneerlng, computer sciences, 
business aqialnistratlon and micro-eco­
nomics,!

Heavily Aslan
Ceiisus^guresVuggest that one factor 

in fliBenronlftaajt change at Berkeley is 
that Bfe the Bay Area 'counties, which 
produce 60 percent Of Berkeley’s stu­
dents, 8 percent of the population is of 
Asian OM^. San Francisco, long a cen­
ter of the state's Asiantorigin population, 
is 22 percent Asian

At most other CalifOmia'schooIs, deter­
mining the increase in Asilji enrollment 
is difficult because no ethnic breakdowns 
were made in'the past.

Today 20 peicent of the 21,000 Berkeley 
undergraduates are of Asian origin. The 
figure in 1966 was 5.2 percent, and cam­
pus administrators expect that by 1990 
enrollment may be 40 percent Asian.

Andy Wong, an engineering student 
who came to Berkeley with straight A’s 
from his San Francisco high school, said 
that he was bom in the United States but 
that his two brothers who were graduated 
from Berkeley — one an engineer, one a 
chemist—were bom in the Orient.

A member of the Asian Student Union, 
one of a score of campus organizations 
for Aslans, be said he bweved tbr: univer­
sity sKves as a training ground h r  low-

paid positions in some professions. In re­
sponse to a question, he compared the fu­
ture role of these students to that of the 
Chinese laborers who built the Central 
Pacific Railroad in the 19th century.

‘An Excess of Engineers’
“This school does turn out engineers 

and technical people like machines to fill 
a void,’’ he said. “Berkeley has produced 
an excess of engineers, and this can drive 
wages down.”

“That is an unfortunate attitude,” said 
Vice Chancellor Park. But Mr. Park said 
he had checked complaints about alleged 
nonadvancement of Asian graduates who 
went into accountancy. He said he found 
that “it was somewhat true — some 
never got off the bottom desk — and it 
was language related.”

Perhaps half or more of the Asians ei­
ther were immigrants to the United 
States as children or were bora to parents 
who had recently immigrated. Their 
English skills are low, but their perform­
ance in the mathematics and science sec­
tions of the Scholastic Aptitute Tests and 
in their high schools has been so high that 
in the averaging of scores and grades 
they overcome the weakness in English.

The Berkeley campus of the University 
of California is under more enrollment 
pressure than any other publicly sup­
ported university, its administrators be­
lieve. The state university’s policy is that 
a place will be found on one of the seven 
campuses for any California high school 
graduate in the top 12.5 percent of his 
class. The Berkeley campus, the most re­
nowned, referred 6,000 such applicants to 
other state campus^ this year.

Figures at Other Schools 
At Stanford University, the most pres­

tigious private school in northern Califor­
nia, 8.8 percent of the 1,500 freshmen said 
they were of Asian origin. The University 
of California at Los Angeles, the other big 
state university, has 32,000 students of 
whom 15.6 percent are classified as 
Asian. Estimated board, room and fees 
next year at the Berkeley campus total 
about $3,000, while at Stanford they ex­
ceed $10,000.

The state’s 1980 population was 23.6 
million, of which 76.1 percent was white, 
7.7 percent black, 5.2 percent Asian and 
19.1 percent of S p ^sh  origin.

A recent study showed that 39 percent 
of the Aslans graduating from California 
high schools were in the top 12.5 percent 
of their class and thus automatically eli­
gible for admission at one of the Univer­
sity of California campuses. This com­
pared with 16.5 percent of the white 
graduates, 5 percent of the blacks and 4.7

percent of graduates of Spanish origin.
“This is an incredibly high number,” 

Vice Chancellor Park said of the Asian 
eligibility figures. He said some of the 
reasons are a cultural fixation on educa­
tion’s advantages and a powerful family 
structure and a national Immigration 
policy that favors the professional class, 
whose members tend to push children 
into the university.

“In some families, there is indication 
that they time their immigration so the 
children can have two years in high 
school and then try to make it into Berke­
ley or some other top-rank institution,” 
he said.

Many Have Language Problems
Many of the Asian students have trou­

ble with language. No firm figures exist, 
but it is estimated by school administra­
tors that half or more of the Asians on the 
Berkeley campus either were child immi­
grants or are ̂ Id ren  of immigrants.

Ling-Chi Wang, coordinator of the 
Asian American studies program at 
Berkeley and a native of Chtoa who emi­
grated through Hong Kong in 1957, said: 
“The immigrtmts are interested in solv­
ing their reading and writing problems, 
not in the histo]^ of Asian e t i^ c  groups 
in the United States.”

Watson Laetsch, Vice Chancellor for 
undergraduate affairs, says Asian stu­
dents m d it frustrating to try to deal with 
the English fluency needs of the humani­
ties and social science courses.

Mr. Laetsch said the university’s pro­
grams for teaching English as a second 
language are overwhelmed by the grow­
ing Asian group. Students of Chinese ori­
gin make up 11.8 percent of total enroll­
ment, followed by those of Japanese ori­
gin at 4 percent, Korean and Filipino at 
1.6 percent each, and fractional percent­
ages of Thais and Vietnamese. Many of 
the Chinese are the so-called "ethnic Chi­
nese” who came to the United States 
from Asian countries outside China 
where their families had lived for genera­
tions.

Other Minorities Also Gain
One of a few foreign nationals among 

the Aslan students is Morita Yoshimitsu, 
a graduate of Osaka University in Japan. 
A member of the Association of Japanese 
Students and Friends, he said that 
“education here is very different. ” A can­
didate for a doctor of philosophy degree, 
he has been here four years and works as 
a teaching assistant in nuclear engineer­
ing. He said he finds more freedom and 
more responsibility for self-guidance 
among students here than in Japan.

The increase in Asian students here has

.4 The New York Times/Terence McCarthy
Students between classes at the University of California at Berkeley, where 

Aslans now account for 20 percent of the undergraduate student.

come at a time when affirmative action 
programs have also increased the enroll­
ments of blacks and Chicanos-Latlnos, 
who, however, have not won places 
nearly as fast as the Asians. Asked if the 
Asians were in effect squeezing out 
others, Mr. Laetsch said: “We don’t 
know. But that is the perception by some 
other ethnic groups. One of the things I 
woiry about is that if the number of 
Asians in the student body continues to in­
crease, there will be a  problem.”

He said some of the other groups are

particularly disturbed because the 
Asians’ excellence in mathematics opens 
up “the ‘glitter majors’ like computer 
science” for them.

While most of the Asians are admitted 
on merit by virtue of their scholastic 
skills, the university’s affirmative action 
program also admits some who come 
from what Mr. Laetsch described as “a 
large underclass, educationally, who do 
not fit the stereotype of being highly moti­
vated with strong family types; some of 
the Hong Kong people are street kids.”



v'UL. C , VI NO, 57 ★  i (

Minofiiy^Import
Civil-Rights Groups 
Face Tough Challenge 
In Bid to Regain Power

Inflation and the Recession 
■ Are Complicating Task 

Fate of SCLC and CORE

Resurgence of Overt Racism?

B y N eil  Maxw ell
s ta f f  R epor leT  o f  Th e Wai-i- Street  J ournal

A highlight of the 1960s civil-rights move­
ment was the massing of 25,000 of the faith­
ful on a mjiggy March morning in 1965 in 
front of the Alabama state capitol at Mont­
gomery. It was the triumphant conclusion of 
a 54-mile march from Selma to push for 
speedy passage of a federal voting-rights 
bill.

Celebrities added to the aura of the occa­
sion. Sammy Davis Jr. and Leonard Bern­
stein had performed the night before on a 
muddy field nearby. And that day Ralph 
Bunche, under secretary of the United Na­
tions, was on hand, along with the leaders of 
all the major civil-rights organizations: the 
National Association tor the Advancement of 
Colored People, the National Urban League, 
the Southern Christian Leadership Confer­
ence, the Congress of Racial Equality and 
the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Com 
mittee.

As Alabama Gov. George Wallace 
watched through the Venetian blinds of his 
office, the Rev.
Martin Luther 
King Jr. told fhe liV,l 
throng, "We ain't 
going to let nobody 
turn us around,"
In Washington,
President Johnson 
got the message.
Within days, he 
went to Congress 
for quick action on 
the bill, and it soon 
became law. It was a vivid demonstration of 
the power of a movement supported by most 
Americans.

Today, things are different. Three of the 
organizations that helped stage the March 
on Montgomery, the SCUJ, CORE and SNCC 
-are  hardly even shadows of their old 
selves. Mr. King's SCLC now mostly moni­
tors racial rhubarbs in rural Dixie towns. 
CORE is a voice that emanates sporadically 
from a small office in uptown Manhattan. 
SNCC, which originated the angry motto of 
"Bum, baby, burn," now exists only to col­
lect rent on its old headquarters in Atlanta. 
“ H ills and V a lley s”

One new organization has emerged as a 
spinoff of SCLC, the grandly named People 
United to Save Humdnity, whose main at­
tribute is the television charisma of its 
leader, the Rev. Jesse Jackson. The only 
black groups left with a national fn̂ ô vfng

"We've always had hills and valleys," 
says Benjamin L. Hooks, who was the first 
black Federal Communications Commission 
member and now is executive director of 
the NAACP. “We reached an emotional 
peak in the '60s that was impossible to sus­
tain, so we had a valley starting with the 

I election of Nixon. We expected that, but we 
didn’t expect it would last as long as it has.”

Black organizations face a long and diffi­
cult road in trying to recapture their power 
ami momentum. Inflation and the recession 
hate hurt them, black leaders say, and 
wl.ite attitudes toward blacks have changed. 
The attention-grabbing confrontation meth­
ods that were so successful in the '60s no 
loiiger are pertinent to the problems at 
hand, they add.

"The job is more difficult now by virtue 
of the state of the economy and a resur­
gence of overt racism” among whites, as­
serts John E. Jacob, executive vice presi­
dent of the Urban League, who was in 
charge while its executive director, Vernon 

' E. (Jordan, recuperated from gunshot 
woufids suffered last May. Mr. Jordan re­
sumed his position part time a few days 
■ago.l
“ C lin g in g  H um an J'lature”

' The NAACP’s M:', hooks says difficulties 
are hefehtened be-ruse, "instead of chang­
ing laws, we are bilking about changing hu- 

‘̂ ha^ipAure." He adds, “But this is still a 
»rfcsgw ^ty , and as long as (white) Amer- 
f^'^dbd'sivt like to hear that word,- It can’t 
deal with the problem."
- Mr. Hooks says that in the early days of 
the civil-rights movement, “we were fight­
ing for elemental things, like being able to 
eat at Walgreen's or ride the bus. White 
foiks in the North said, ‘Why the hell are 
they shooting fire hoses at those niggers just 
for that?’ and they supported us. Now they 
know that what we really want is a job, and 
they are beginning to perceiveJhat maybe 
it’s their job." v-

Another perspective on how the cml- 
rlghts movement has changed oversth^L 
years is offered by Andrew Young, the for* i 
mer Congressman and U.S. ambassador to 
the UN, who was one of Martin Luther 
King’s top strategists in the ’60s.

The 1950s, Mr. Young says, were “the 
days of the lawyer,” when basic laws re­
garding racial segregation were first suc­
cessfully challenged in court. With the ’60s 
came “the time of the preachers," who or­
ganized street demonstrations to attain pop­
ular legislative ends, he says. And the ’70s 
saw blacks move more into elective politics 
and into issues affecting business and the 
economy. .

“You almost can’t talk about civil righte 
anymore because it’s all so wrapped up in 
politics and business,” he says, “What we 
are seeing now is the creation of a black 
movement aimed at business and jobs.”
' That change has made the task of the 

black organizations tougher because the 
P lea se  Turn  to P age  29, C olum n  2



4 »/>  nil'. W A l.l .  S IK I',1 ,1  J O lI R N M ,,  
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Minority Report: Tough Qhallenge 
Faces Once-Strong Rights Groups'

C onlinued  F ro m  F irs t  P age  
jobs-and-money issue is more complex than 
past goals, observers say. Black organiza­
tions “have no cause celebre to rally to­
gether both the poor and middle-class blacks 
they need for support," says Steve Sultts, 
head of the Southern Regional Council, an 
Atlanta-based human-rights organization 
"It has presented a difficulty in finding a 
solid and continuing base."

Some black groups are faulted for per­
ceived organizational flaws. Mr. Young says 
the Urban League is "essentially a govern­
ment-financed organization" that “really 
Isn’t Independent.” (Federal funds for job 
training and other functions accounted for 
some $25 million of the group's 1979 budget 
of about $30 million and will provide a simi­
lar portion of this year’s.)

Mr. Young criticizes the NAACP’s lead­
ership. He believes that Mr. Hooks is at 
least as able as his predecessor, Roy Wil­
kins, but he asserts that the organization 
has “a reactionary, cruddy old board that 
hasn't done anything for 20 years and 
doesn’t want to now."

Margaret Bush Wilson, the NAACP's 
board chairman, disagrees. “Our board is 
not reactionary, and it is not cruddy,” she 
says. “It is run by responsible people with 
long experience. We’ve made significant 
contributions in many areas and continue to, 
and to say we aren’t is destructive and irre­
sponsible.”

In at least one way, Mr. Young says, 
black organizations are more potent than in 
the past-they have more access to top gov­
ernmental leaders. He points to the differ­
ences In achieving the Voting Rights Act of 
1965 and the Full Employment Act of 1978:

“We had gone to Washington in Decem­
ber 1964, and Johnson and Humphrey told us 
there was no chance of more legislation so 
soon after the civil-rights act of 1964,” he re­
calls. “When blacks started getting beat up 
and killed in Selma, they still wouldn’t do 
anything. It wasn’t until white folks were 
killed around there that the President finally 
took action.”

By contrast, he says, to push passage of 
the Humphrey-Hawkins “full-employment” 
legislation, “Coretta King, Vernon Jordan, 
Ben Hooks, the Black Congressional Caucus 
and others were able to sit down with Presi­
dent Carter and win his support.”

But ironically, nothing better illustrates 
current black frustrations than the after- 
math of the passage of the Humphrey-Hawk­
ins bill, which was hailed as the biggest 
black legislative victory of the ’70s. When it 
was passed two years ago, national unem­
ployment was 6%; unemployment now 
stands at 7.6%. Black unemployment was 
11.6% when the legislation was passed; now, 
it is 13.6%. ■ ' • ■
Urban League’s Experience

This turn of events has been most keenly 
felt at the Urban League, where the creation 
of jobs long has been the top priority. The 
inte^ated group (its chairman and 42% of 
its directors are white) has had a number of 
promising recent job programs disrupted by 
the sagging economy.

Last year, for Instance, David Mahoney, 
chairman of Norton §lmon Inc:;! jolned with 
the Urban League to encourage 1,000 of the 
largest U.S. corporations to hire 10 more 
black and other minority youths for each 
1,000 people they employed. If successful, 
the drive would have substantially sliced

joblessness among this chronically unem­
ployed group.' Many companies signed up 
and met or exceeded their quotas, but the 
deepening recession sent far more young 
blacks out of work than the corporations 
could put to work.

Black groups have met similar obstacles 
in trying to translate their voting-rights 
gains Into elective-victories.: The number of 
black voters rose to'about " nine million in 
1976 from six' million a decade earlier, and 
between 1970 and 1978 thei number of black 
elected officials tripled to 4,503. But blacks 
still hold fewer than 1% of all elective of­
fices in the U.S. even though they represent 
12% of the population.'

Black political frustration extends to the 
current presidential-campaign. Black lead­
ers contend that the black vote elected Mr. 
Carter in 1976 and can do it again this year, 
but they aren’t certain they want it to. But 
they like Republican candidate Ronald Rea­
gan less, and they see the alternatives of not 
voting or backing independent candidate 
John Anderson: as merely helping Mr. Rea- 
san. , ■ " ' I / ) , ; ■, , ;
Voter Drive ’ ’

still, the NAACP, for one, us spending 
$500,000 to register and turn out the black 
vote this year, up from $100,000 four years 
ago. Mr. Hooks says most of that money will 
go Into 33 congressional'districts that are 
more than 30% black. The chief targets will 
be House and Senate seats. “There are peo­
ple in there we have to defeat,” he says.

Financing such programs is getting more 
difficult for black groups, and higher costs 
are hitting civil-rights organizations hard. In 
the 1960s, Mr. King’s SCLC never had an an­
nual budget as high as $1 million. It de­
pended on Southern blacks opening their 
homes to staffers, which meant little ex­
pense for food or lodging.) But'Ml that has 
changed. ' ................

“Our highest-paid staffers'used to get 
$6,000 or $7,000 a year, and most just got 
$200 or $300 a month subsistence money,” 
says the Rev. Joseph Lowry, current head 
of SCLC. “Now we’ve got to compete with 
IBM and the post office, and you’re talking 
about $10,000 (a year) for a secretary.”-,

SCLC’s finances are so nebulous, Mr. 
Lowry says, he doesn’t keep up with the spe­
cifics, but he recalls that his budget this 
year is higher than last. He considers the 
question of how much higher academic, be­
cause “I don’t think we’ll make ft,” he says. 
The Urban League Budget  ̂ ■ -

He has company in this plight, because 
both the Urban League and the NAACP 
have had to trim their goals in expectation 
of tough fund raising. At the Urban League, 
operating-budget requests of $7.2 million for 
this year were cut to $6.6 million, and Mr. 
Jacob says, “I think we will raise the $6 mil­
lion, but the $600,000 new money (roughly 
the increase from last year) will be tough.” 
Most of the league’s operations money 
comes from more than 500 top U.S. compa­
nies, and they are being asked to raise the 
ante this year. .

Even if. the money" comes in, “it Isn’t, 
keeping up with Inflation,” Mr. Jacob says. 
"It is having a devastating effect. It isn’t 
like* The Wall Streg( Journal. TQiu can raise 
the price, but we. don’t have "anything'*to 
raise the price of.” '

Mr. Jacob says that to hold down costs,’ 
new hiring has been frozen, and lids have 
been placed on salary increaseSjlKpj^^JlS 
penses and most neyfafigulpm’̂ ht^urchases.^ 
The grouga<4JrMChe^av^bwn'put on no­
tice ?tha*the* "annual national midwinter 
meeting may not be held this year, to save 
afcmt $50,000. •.I'AliL: i - — .-



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exacting standards of quality.

The NAACP F uiu^
The NAACP has done such things as 

eliminate a department set up to deal with 
racial discrimination In news media, a move 
expected to save': about $200,000. The 
NAACP’s budget runs to about $6 million a' 
year, with half coming from Its 450,000 
members and the rest from corporations 
and foundations. There has been a budget 
deficit every year since 1978, according to 
public-relations director Paul Brock. "We’ve 
had to trim our sails, and it’s still very, very 
tight,” he says. "Our contributors are 
caught in a squeeze of their own.!’ ’

To help ease the squeeze, the NAACP re­
cently started accepting federal funds, a 
source it once frowned, upon, and it has just 
finished its first special campaign to raise $1 
million a year from corporations. That drive 
was headed by William M. Elllnghaus, pres­
ident of American Telephone & Telegraph 
Co., and used an outside fund raiser.

Tactically, the two big black organiza­
tions walk separate paths, with the Urban 
League more program- and advocacy-ori­
ented and the NAAQP more apt to fight its 
battles in court and through attempts to in­
fluence legislation. But their overall goal is 
the same. It is, as the Urban League’s Mr. 
Jacob puts it, "to create an open, pluralistic 
society with equal opportunity for all peo­
ple." ■' ^

Mrs. Wilson, the NAACP’s chairman, 
views it a little more Idealistically. She 
wants to see racism as remote as it was to 
her son, Robert, now 29, the day he started 
school at a newly integrated kindergarten in 
St. Louis. "Our neighbor was the principal 
of a black school, and when Robert came 
home, he asked how many white, children 
were in his class. Robert'told.film none- 
they were all Americans."



t S l a c k  : ^ t r a t e g i e s

Patricia Roberts Harris

Who Speaks for Black People?
Despite prejudice against Hispanics, the World 

War II concentration camps for Japanese, the ap­
palling treatment of other Asians earlier and con­
tinuing discrimination against American Indians, 
problems of race in the United States throughout 
our history have been primarily those involved in 
the determination of the role and status of per­
sons who acknowledge descent from black Afri­
can ancestors. One of the peculiarities of our con­
tinuing racial problem has been that assignment 
to the racial category of “black” (earlier “Negro”) 
describes a sociological designation as well as a 
genetic condition.

A second peculiarity is the recurring designation 
of certain blacks as “black leaders” as the result of 
their advocacy of equality for black persons. A 
Roger Baldwin or a Hubert Humphrey who es­
pouses similar goals for society is not designated as 
a "white leader” but as a “civil libertarian” and 
“Dolitical leader.”

rhe celebrity resulting from being accepted as 
a black leader has led to sometimes ludicrous, al­
ways sad battles among blacks for the dubious 
distinction of being acknowledged as the “valid” 
leader or spokesman for black concerns.

The latest manifestation of this struggle over 
who can and should speak for black people, and 
who ought to be listened to in the articulation of 
issues of black concern, resurrects claims of serious 
antagonisms resulting from differences of color 
and class within the black community. These dif­
ferences presumably disqualify persons at some 
undisclosed point on a racial spectrum from ex­
pressing valid opinions on racii issues. The first 
reaction to such use of South African apartheid 
concepts of racial gradations, combined with an 
e.xotic infusion of hlarxist class warfare notions, is 
to dismiss them as silly. A pragmatic black com­
munity will do so, because its members under­
stand that those who have been called “black lead­
ers” are in fact trying to lead white people to end 
their discrimination against black persons, and 
that their success as leaders depends on their abil­
ity to devise strategies to change the behavior of 
the white majority.

Allegations that black persons who are not 
ebony-hued and who are part of the middle class 
"cannot speak authoritatively on the needs of 
black people is intended as a signal to white peo­
ple that they can ignore those who exercise their 
First Amendment rights of expression and pro­
test If that expression comes from the grandchild 
■pf a college graduate or from a person who is 
carameT or vanilla-colored. It is again open sea­
son on the black middle class.

Interestingly, in an American society founded 
on the notion of economic and social upward 
mobility, only descendants of black slaves are 
castigated by whites and blacks when they 
achieve middle- or upper-class status. Black per­
sons who are middle class are likely to be sneered 
at if they express their concern for the achieve­
ment of equality for other blacks as well as for 
themselves, and if they do not. Imposition of a 
double standard of judgment of the middle-class 
black is especially apparent at this time, when the 
celebration of successful upward mobility is al­
most a tenet of the new administration.

P a tr ic ia  R o b e r ts  H a r r is  s e r v e d  a s  s e c r e ta r y  o f  
h e a lth  a n d  h u m a n  s e r v ic e s  a n d  h e a lth , e d u c a t io n  
a n d  w e l fa r e  a n d  a s  s e c r e ta r y  o f  h o u s in g  a n d  
u r b a n  d e v e lo p m e n t  in  th e  C a r te r  a d m in is tr a t io n .

The presence of second-, third-, fourth- and 
even fifth-generation middle-class blacks in lead­
ership positions today is the result of the success 
of a conscious strategy of the black community. 
That strategy was to develop and nurture an edu­
cated group of black men and women who could 
give broadly based leadership as teachers, doc­
tors, lawyers and artisans throughout this coun­
try. That some of this group are descended from 
blacks freed before the Civil War simply proves 
that those who start ahead have a head start. The 
vast majority of the white leaders of this country 
are second-, third-, fourth- and fifth-generation 
members of the middle class. Significant numbers 
of the members of the black middle class, at least 
in this century, have been brought up to believe 
that they have a duty of service to the black com­
munity that is an integral part of their lives as 
professionals. In addition, part of that responsi­
bility has always been to increase the ranks of the 
black middle class by the nurture and support of 
blacks not yet part of it.

The late Dr. W. E. B. DuBois expressed this 
goal in a speech at Fisk in 1933 in which he said: 
“We want. . .  to seek out the talented and gifted 
among our constituency, quite regardless of their 
wealth or position, and to fill this university and 
similar institutions with persons who have got

the education of his grandparent, but that he stood 
beside Martin Luther King Jr. as that descendant 
of the black middle class led the majority white 
community to move forward again in removing the 
legal vestiges of black slavery.

Argument a d  h o m in e m  may make for overlong 
cute articles that have the gossipy element of at­
tacking people well known in their communities. 
Such argument does not deal in any way with is­
sues of race and poverty that are not yet resolved.

It is obscene to suggest that opposition to cove­
nants against selling property to blacks and all of 
the currently existing devices to achieve the same 
racial exclusion from housing is a way for the 
black elite to escape the working-class blacks. 
Today, as in the past, the working-class black is 
disadvantaged by exclusion from neighborhoods 
he or she can afford.

I acknowledge that I am middle class. Although 
I now speak only for myself, I will continue to 
speak and work for the elimination of se^egated 
schools and of privileged white sanctuaries from 
which black families are excluded, even if this 
means that white and black children must ride 
buses to public schools as well as private schools 
(where they are fuUy acceptable if there is no. 
available private limousine).

I will continue to demand an answer to the

“The black middle class is as close to a true meritocracy as 
exists in this country, and that it isn’t any larger is the result 
of white excluMonary practices, not those of black people. ”

brains enough to take fullest advantage of what 
the university offers.”

DuBois’ own words uttered two years later con­
stitute the best response to deliberately false as­
sertions that he or others like him believe they 
could or should join white elites and ignore the 
needs of exploited working-class members of the 
black community. He said:

“Not by the development of upper classes anx­
ious to exploit the workers nor by the escape of 
individual genius into the white world, can we ef­
fect the salvation of our group in America. . . . 
We repudiate an enervating philosophy of Negro 
escape into an artificially privileged white race.”

Today’s black middle class is in large part a conse­
quence of the kind of strategy suggested by DuBois, 
and almost every educated hlack man over 40 in this 
country worked part or all of his way through school 
(usually by waiting tables and washing dishes at 
night after a hard day in school). Black women 
worked, too, in the cafeterias, the dean's office or 
wherever there was a respectable job.

Members of the black middle class, from the Ver­
non Jordans to the Walter Whites, have used their 
intellects as professionals and as advocates for their 
black brothers and sisters. That one looks black and 
another looked white has not added to or detracted 
from the effectiveness of their advocacy.

Ben Hooks and Jesse Jackson represent the or­
ganizations that they head, and they speak for 
the members of those organizations, who appear 
to be satisfied by their representation, since they 
continue to pay them.

What is important about Andrew Young is not

question of who wilt meet the needs of the un­
trained mother of two children under six (a typi­
cal welfare recipient), whose food stamp alloca­
tion is reduced, whose public housing rent contri­
bution is increased, whose day care center closes, 
whose promised CETA job disappears and whose 
child’s sore throat occurs when the state’s cap on 
Medicaid is reached. While the administration 
waits for the hoped-for psychological anti-infla­
tion results from balancing the budget, I will ask 
who buys the milk and pays the doctor of the 
poor black and Hispanic mothers on welfare.

I know that neither the states nor the cities have 
the resources to meet these real needs, and public 
relations efforts will not take care of poor black 
people whose support programs are being reduced 
from the shockingly inadequate levels that now 
exist to new low levels of cruel deprivation. I will 
continue to urge and argue that affirmative action, 
integration of housing, access to job training and 
equity of educational opportunity are a continu­
ing responsibility of the federal government be­
cause the Constitution assigns those responsibilities 
to the federal government and because these goals 
are right for tte country and its black citizens.

It is because I will not retreat from these posi­
tions and that other black persons who agree with 
me will not remain silent that I expect the attacks 
on our skin color, social class designations, ances­
try and motivation to continue. If there are no ra­
tional answers to serious questions about what 
will happen to poor black pople in the next few 
years, the only alternative is to throw up a smoke 
screen of irrelevant, silly and irrational discussion

of alleged 19-year-old “social leaders,” creole 
grandmothers and discredited stories of prejudice 
of black against black.

The record of the black middle class speaks for 
itself, and no amount of Orwellian doublespeak 
or South African-type racism can obscure the 
continuing validity of the leadership of that mid­
dle class from the time of Frederick Douglass to 
the present. The black middle class is as close to a 
true meritocracy as exists in this country, and 
that it isn’t any larger is the result of white exclu­
sionary practices, not those of black people.

The hurt and bitterness of newer- members of 
that middle class is misdirected to their-fellow 
blacks and should be redirected to the conditions 
that pull us all together, whatever our ideology, 
because the majority society believes that our ra- 
cial ancestry is more important than our ideas o r ^  
pur social class. - ̂

It is the majority white community that allows 
our status and roles to be determined and modi­
fied by our racial ancestry. Until racial ancestry is 
no more significant than naturally red hair in this 
society, there is only one shade of black, even 
though it may be found in different places and 
may not be readily apparent. There may be poor 
blacks and middle-class blacks, but there will be 
no truly free blacks until every black person is free 
of racial discrimination. Middle-class blacks un­
derstand this better than anyone else in this so­
ciety, which may explam why so many have main­
tained their sense of responsibility for the black 
cause, no matter how privileged or white they may 
appear to the ignorant or to the outsider.



i  i i p m a a  : > o u } e u

Blacker THamThou
. • ... « '. . . '. i ,

Mo8t wmte people are ur.aware of me internal 
social hist(»y of blacks and what it means in the 
struggle to t black leadership today. Throughout' 
the Western Hemisphere, those blacks wbow an-, 
cestoie somehow became tee during the era oi 
slavery had a head start in ecoaomic and social 
development So too did those who worked as 
house servants or in a few other special toles _ 
among slaves, for they absorbed more of the 
dominant'culture than did field hands. The de-, 
scendants of both special groups have historically 
been overrepresented among black leaders and 
among more,prosperous bteks generally. Their, 
descendants nave also typically been lighter in 
complexion than other blacks, for their ancestors’ 
closer association with whites took many forms.

Why is this history important today? Because 
the traditional light-skinned elite have found 
themselves increasingly challenged by rising 
members of the black masses. Generations of 
snobbishness 1^ the lighter-skiimed elite have 
left a legacy ofi hostility within the black com­
munity, which makes current issues difficult to 
resolve— or even discuss rationally— on their 
merits. Moreover, some members of the old elite 
have in recent times become converts to black­
ness— and, like other converts, are often the most 
extreme. Just as religious converts sometimes be­
come holier-than-thou, so these converts become 
blacker-than-thou. ■

Many of the giants of the black civil rights 
movement have been of this sort W. E. B. Du- 
Bois, who helf^ found the NAACP, epitomized 
the militant black leader who was not only dis­
tant from but snobbish toward the people in 
whose name he spoke. DuBois grew up among ed­
ucated whites in Massachusetts, and he and his 
white friends looked down on Irish working-class 
people. As a young man, DuBois had his first ex­
perience living among blacks, and he did not con­
descend to speak to the people in the barbershop 
where he had his hair cut In his heyday as a civil 
rights leader, DuBois lived at 409 Edgecombe Av­
enue in New York— then a stately apartment 
building with uniformed doormen and a separate 
(and by no means equal) entrance for the ser­
vants and delivery people through the basement

No small part of the historic clash between the 
followers of DuBois and those of Booker T. 
Washington was that DuBois’ followers were elite

The writer, a sm ior fellow at Stanford Univer­
sity’s Hoover Institution, is a m em ber o f Presi-' 
dent Reagan's Economic Policy Advisory Board.

“Much of the black elite’s 
demand for removing racial 
barriers was a demand that 
they be allowed to join the 
white elite and escape the 
black masses.”

B j  Fr&ncU Brennan

descendants of “free persons of color” and 
Booker T. Washington was “up from slavery.” 
Despite much caricaturing of their political posi­
tions in recent years, their substantive differences 
on the issues of their times were small and almost 
triviaL Their agendas were the same, even when 
their priorities were different. Many other leaders 
in other groups have cooperated despite much 
larger political differences.

In our own time, Andrew Young has thundered 
from the left on all sorts of issues, and always from 
a militant stance of being blacker-than-thou. He is 
a descendant of the privileged elite of New Orleans

— historically, the most snobbish of the black 
eUtea. (Light-skinned jazz great Jelly Roll Morton 
was disowned by his Creole grandmother for as­
sociating with common Negroes.) Andrew Young’s 
family has gone to college for generations, which is 
more than most white people can say. Young’s pri­
mary concern has been to defend tbe image of 
blacks— which is to say, to defend his own image 
in the white elite circles in which he moves. What 
happens to actual flesh-and-blood blacks seems 
never to have aroused the same fervor in Andrew 
Young. 'Though not a reticent man, he had rela­
tively little to say when thousands of Africans were 
tortured and slaughtered by Idi Amin and other 
tyrants. He saved his outbursts for those who 
sullied the image of blacks.

Historically, the black elite has been preoccu­
pied with symbolism rather than pragmatism. 
Like other human beings, they have been able to 
rationalize their special perspective and self-in­
terest as the general good. Much of their demand 
for removing racial barriers was a demand that 
they be allowed to join the white elite and escape 
the black masses. It would be hard to understand 
the zeal and resources that went into the battle 
against restrictive covenants (at a period of his­
tory when most blacks were too poor to buy a

house anywhere) without understanding that th 
was a way for the black elite to escape the bla;

Whatever the crosscurrents of motivations th 
moved the civil rights establishment, there wc 
areas of crying injustices—Jim Crow laws a; 
lynchings— where they made historic contrih 
tions tltet should never be forgotten. 'The po 
here is that there is no reason to expect th 
agendas and priorities to permanently coim. 
with those of the black masses in whose na 
they speak. Public opinion polls make it painfu 
clear that the two sets of black opinions are of; 
diametrically opposed.

Public opinion polls show that most bla 
favor tougher treatment of criminals. 1 
NAACP has gone in the opposite direction, : 
lowing the lead of white middle-class liber. 
Most blacks favor education vouchers that wo 
give them a choice of where to send their child: 
to school and some leverage in dealing with p , 
lie school bureaucrats. The black “leadership' 
totally opposed, for they have their own grz 
designs ttot could not be carried out if ev, 
black were free to make up his own mind. Cen; 
to the civil rights crusade is school busing— wh 
has never had majority support among bla 
and which has even been opposed by Ir 
NAACP chapters. Job quotas are another c 
rights organization crusade, but rejected by rr. 
blacks.

Black “leadership” in general does not depi 
on expressing the opinions of blacks but on h 
ing access to whites— in the media, in politics; 
in philanthropy. Whites who have a limited t 
to give to the problems of blacks need a 
familiar blacks they can turn to. 'The civil ri: 
organizations provide that convenience. ( 
fronted with the anomaly that black “spo.‘ 
men” regularly appear on television saying th: 
directly opposite to black public opinion, a v 
known newsman replied: “We can put Ben Hi 
and Jesse Jackson on television, but we can’t 
the Gallup PoU on television.”

For the moment, the conventional black It 
ership has a virtual monopoly on expressing w 
blacks are supposed to believe. But it is an ir 
cure monopoly. It is vulnerable to exposure to 
truth. And after years of being able to get by v 
a few clichk and charges of “racism” against 
critics, the old conventional leadership is in 
condition to conduct an intellectual battle t 
issues of substance. Smears and iimuendoes 
about all it has left. Some of those will be 
plored in a subsequent piece.



A T U R D A Y , M A R C H  13, i h s

Court Tells H.E.W . to Enforce 
School Integration in 16 States

By ERNEST HOLSENDOLPH
J >̂eclal to The New York Tim**

WASHINGTON, March 14- 
A Federal district judge ordered 
the Government today to move 
quickly to enforce school dese­
gregation requirements in 125 
school districts in 16 Southern 
and Border states.

Judge John H. Pratt also or­
dered the Department of 
Health, Education and Welfare 
to move firmly in 39 additional 
school districts where efforts 
to achieve voluntary desegrega­
tion have not been successful.

The court also ordered H.E.W. 
in its handling of future com­
plaints of segregation, to begin 
within seven months action 
that could lead to a cutoff 
of Federal funds for the non­
complying districts.

‘There appears to be an over 
reliance by H.E.W. on the use 
of voluntary negotiations over 
protracted time periods,” Judge 
Pratt said in his ruling, “and

reluctance in recent years 
to use the administrative sanc­
tion process where school dis­
tricts are known to be in non- 
compliance.”

Later, a spokesman at H.E.W. 
said that 25 of the 39 school 
districts listed in the Order were 
in compliance. The districts 
where cases are still unresolved, 
he said, are in Florida, Missis­
sippi, Missouri, South Carolina, 
Texas and West Virginia.

Judge Pratt’s ruling in a suit 
brought by the NAACP Legal 
Defense and Educational Fuad, 
Inc., comes only two days after 
the Civil Rights Commission 
issued a report urging the 
Government to withdraw Fe­
deral funds from public school 
districts that fail to desegregate 
their schools voluntarily.

60 Days to Act
The court said that the defen­

dants, H.E.W., must move with­
in 60 days to communicate 
with each of the 125 districts 
in question, putting them on 
notice that they must answer 
charges that there is a “sub­
stantial” racial disproportion 
in one or more of the schools 
within each district boundary.

The standard for deciding 
racial imbalance is a 20 per 
cent disproportion between the 
local minority pupils in the 
schools and the percentage in 
the entire school district.

North Carolina, Oklahoma, 
South Carolina, Tennesse e, 
Texas, Virginia and West Virgi­
nia.

Judge Pratt ordered on Feb. 
16, 1973, firmer action by the 
Government to obtain desegre­
gation of 85 other school dis­
tricts.

Thirty-nine of these districts 
have failed to resolve the prob­
lem more than 25 months after 
the issuance of the court’s or­
der, the opinion said, “but 
H.E.W. has not initiated en­
forcement proceedings against 
any of them.” i

The unresolved cases are in: 
districts in Arkansas, Florida,- 
Georgia, Maryland, Mississippi,: 
Missouri, North Carolina, South: 
Carolina, Texas and West Vir­
ginia.

No Comment From H.E.W.
Officials in the Office of Civil 

Rights at H.E.W. declined 
today to give any immediate' 
comment on the court ruling, j

In the,procedure ordered by' 
the court to handle future com­
plaints, H.E.W. must determine 
within 90 days whether dis-' 
tricts in question are out of 
compliance with the law.

If the district is m noncom- 
plianoe, there must be efforts 
within an additional 90-day 
period to -see voluntary com­
pliance. Where compliance is 
not secured within 180 days 
of the initial complaint, H.E.W. 
must commence in 30 days 
an enforcement proceeding 
“through administrative notice 
of hearing or any other means 
authorized by law.”

Since offending school dis­
tricts have at their disposal 
a time-consuming appeal pro­
cedure that could last a year 
or more, -the court order does 
not necessarily indicate a mas­
sive cut-off of funds in the 
short-term, according to legal 
observers.

But the actions mandated 
by the court, to begin the en­
forcement procedures, are con­
sidered likely to press many 
districts to move toward volun­
tary arrangements to correct 
the racial imbalance in their 
schools.

The court order does not 
affect desegregation programs

The 125 districts are in Ark-jin Northern schools, where the 
ansas, Delaware, Florida, Geor- Civil Rights Commission found 
gia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mary- desegregation activity to be 
land, Mississippi, Missouri,lrainimal compared to the South.

as that



COUNCIL ACTION IN BRIEF
Thei the Assemblies

Ef
rura

iP^Council for 
ports on:

A s^ lm b ly -gathe red  s ta t ist ic s  on 
expuL^xiPs^ and suspensions

to get doctors to come to 
eas

I of choosing local Electoral
ds

he Community Development Act 
The cooperative study 
The Assembly Buying Club 
The Assembly Employment Service

The Council welcomed four new 
Presidents who were taking their seats 
for the first time:

The Rev. John London of the 
Assembly of Perquimans

Ms. Delores Briggs of the Assembly  
of Ida Barbour

Mr. Al Tyler of the Assem bly of 
Portsmouth

Mr. W illis Ferebee of the Assembly 
of Camden

The Council passed the following 
motions without opposition;

That the Council assure that blacks 
are appointed to electroal Boards and 
that it take such steps as are necessary 
to correct ra c ia lly  m otivated  
irregularities in voting.

That the Council call upon the 
Department of Health, Education and 
Welfare to investigate racial inequities 
in our schools.

Rev. E. G. W illiams of Halifax County 
proclaims his support of Council ac­
tion.

M r. Isa ac  Battle, C h a irm an  for 
Education for the Council, makes a 
point.

Expulsions
(C ontinued fro m  p . 1)

Council, "and our children are really being 
sent home by droves every day."

The Rev. E. G . W illiam s , Pres ident of the  
Assem bly of H a lifa x , contended, " I f  you 
w ill study the record you w ill find  one thing  
in V irg in ia  and North C aro lina and th a t is 
they have not accepted in teg ratio n . And as 
long as you don't accept th a t you 're  gonna 
have these problem s . . . .  T h a t's  w here  the  
rub is ."  Council C h a irm an  for E m ­
ploym ent, Rev. W illiam s  also told the  
m em bers of the Council. "Th ese  people a re  
very  shrew d in getting rid  of us in the  
schools. And th ey 'll use any kind of excuse 
to get us out of th e re ."

Com plete statistics on the  expulsion and  
suspension of b la c k  s tu d e n ts  an d  
docum ented evidence of specific instances 
of d iscrim inatio n  has been gathered  by the  
Assem bly of Portsm outh. As one Council 
m em ber pointed out, this type of in ­
form ation  m ust be com piled by each  
Assem bly in o rder to call upon H E W  to  
investigate the situation in th a t p a rtic u la r  
county.



T H E  N E W  Y O R K  T IM E S. M

)ollege-Tuition Assistance for the Poor Is Proposed
By LEONARD BUDER

A plan to enable students 
from low-income families in the 
state to attend private colleges 
and universities with their tui­
tion paid for by public sources 
was proposed yesterday by the 
chairman of the Joint Legisla­
tive Committee on Higher Edu­
cation.

Assemblyman Milton Jonas, 
t h e  committee chairman, said 
mat the plan would help ease: 
the financial problems at pri- 
\ate institutions by filling ex-j 
isting student vacancies and; 
that it would also help reduce 
serious overcrowding at the 
State University as well as atl 
the City University.

Under the plan, “regional 
cooperative enrollment ' pro­
grams” would be established 
involving the state or city in­
stitutions, depending bn the 
area, and those private schools 
that wanted to partidipate.

Would Have Choice
Freshman “application pools” 

would be set up, limited to ap­
plicants from low-income fam­
ilies. Mr. Jonas said that “low 
income” should be defined on 
the basis of what data from 
the private cooperating insti­
tutions show to be the approxi­
mate income level below which 
students cannot afford to pay 
tuition. Student applicants 
would be required to meet the 
public institutions’ standards 
for admission—-under the City 
University’s open - admissions 
policy, all new high school 
graduates are eligible for ad­
mission—but would be given 
the choice of attending public 
institutions or private colleges, 
that had places for "pool fresh­
man.”

Students choosing private col­
leges would have their tuition 
covered by the State University 
or the City University, with the 
amount of payment equal to the 
cost that would have been in­
curred had the student been 
enrolled in a public institution. 
A deduction would be made for 
whatever State Scholar Incen­
tive grant the student receives.

Other features of the plan in­
clude the following:

•lAdmission to cooperating 
institutions would be based, in 
order, on student choice and 
performance in high school.

fTuition for pool freshmen 
would be identical at each par­
ticipating private institution, 
witii the amount established 
through negotiation and subject 
to approval by state and city 
budget offices.

^Regional committees would 
be set up to oversee the appli­
cation and admission process 
and other aspects of the pro­
gram.

?Pool students would receive 
academic degrees from the in-! 
stitutions they attend.

Mr. Jonas gave this example 
of how the plan would work: 

A student eligible to attend 
City University, which charges 
no full-time undergraduate tui­
tion, elects to go to a partici­

pating private, institution where, | Republican, is also a member of 
for the purpose of illustration,! the State Task Force on the Fi, 
the "pool” tuition has been setinancing of Higher Education-
at $1,700 a year. The student, 
because of his family’s low in­
come, would receive a state 
Scholar Incentive Award of 
$550 and the City University 
would pay the remaining $1,150.

The plan is, m effect, a state­
wide version of one that has 
been recently endorsed locally 
by the City University and 
private colleges and universities

called the Hurd Commission, 
after its chairman. Dr. T. Nor­
man Hurd—^which is expected 
to send its report to the Gover­
nor this week.

The legislator said he had 
made the proposal earlier to thi 
commission and expected it t( 
be included in the list of op­
tions in its report.

Mr. Jonas said he would alS' 
present his plan for further

here. Supporters of such an ar-[study to the joint legislativi 
rangement say that it would I committee’s speoial advisory 
also: help to give private institu-| committee of public and private 
tions a more economically [college and university official: 
mixed student body. ;and trustees when it meets ii
■ Mr. Jonas, a Nassau County I Albany tomorrow.



Council to call in HEW on school expulsions
Members assa il
double stan d ard

P E T E R S B U R G , June 28: "T h is  motion is 
ta lk ing  about students being suspended and  
expelled for nothing," procla im ed M r.  
Isaac Battle at the Council for the  
Assemblies m eeting today. The m otion, as 
passed by the Council, called for the  
Assemblies to bring in the D epartm en t of 
H ealth, Education and W e lfare  to in ­
v e s tig a te  the u n e q u al ex p u ls io n  and  
suspension of black students.

"W e cam e here to ta lk  about children and  
expulsions and suspensions fro m  school," 
asserted M r. Battle, President of the  
Assembly of G ates. He w ent on to exp la in , 
"W e 're  ta lk ing  about Johnny doing one 
thing and M a ry  doing the sam e thing and 
Johnny going home and M a ry  staying in 
school."

According to the Council, the reason 
b eh ind  the  e x p u ls io n s  is r a c ia l '  
d is c r im in a t io n . " T h e r e 's  v e ry  m uch  
discrim ination  in our school system s," M s. 
Delores Jacobs of Portsm outh told the

Continued on p. 5)



^Times*, Minority Employees 
Agree to Settle Bias Suit

By Alan Kohn \

A proposed settlement was filed in 
Federal court yesterday of a class 
action charging the N e w  Y o r k  T im e s  
with discriminating against Asians, 
blacks and Hlspanlcs in hiring, as­
signment, promotions and pay.

An analysis of what the proposed 
settlement Included indicated that 
the cost to the newspaper, estimated 
at more than $2 million, will be much- 
more than it coat the T im e s  in settle­
ment two years ago of a class action 
on behalf of women employees.- 

Women’s Suit
When the women’s ciass action 

was settled in 1978 (NYLJ, Oct. 10, 
1978), the newspaper agreed to pay a 
package totaling $350,000 to an es­
timated class of more than 560.

The proposed settlement in the 
current suit, R o s a r io  v .  N e w  Y o r k  
T im e s ,  which was filed in the U.S. 
D istric t Court for the Southern 
District of New York, is believed to 
affect 400 employees now working at 
the paper in various capacities.

The case was scheduled to go to 
trial this week before Judge Charles 
M. Metzner, of the Southern District 
C ou rt, and  the p la in ti f f s  had 
designated a list of seventy-one 
w itnesses to bolster its claim s.

Among the class members who w er^  
scheduled to testify were the follow­
ing:

Roger Wilkins, the first black to 
become a member of the news­
paper’s Editorial Board, who now is 
a columnist for the W a s h in g to n  S t a r . ’ 

f  ■ Earl Caldwell, a former reporter 
who now is a columnist for the D a i l y  
N e w s .

Paul Delaney, who this year was 
appointed Deputy National Editor of 
the T im e s .

Charlayne Hunter-Gault, who was 
the head of the newspaper’s Harlem 
Bureau and now is with the "McNeill- 
Uehrer Report" on WNET-Channel
13.

Reginald Stewart, the first black 
to become head of a  T im e s  domestic 
bureau, in Detroit.

Judith Cummings, a writer of the 
"Notes on People’) column in the 
newspaper.

Gerald F raser, a reporter of 
cultural news. • . .

Alvin Harvin, the new spapers 
only black sports reporter. ' ‘ .

Ronald Smothers, the first black 
to head the City Hall Bureau. ' ;

David Vidal, who was the one of
C o n tin u e d  o n  p a g e  S, c o lu m n  S



T k n e s -E m p lo y e e s
. C o n tin u e d  f r o m  p a g e . 1, c o l u m n  3

the first Hispanics to be assigned a s  a  
foreign correspondent.

Under terms of the proposed set­
tlement, the T im e s  agreed to deposit 
$749,000 in the Freedom National 
Bank, which with Interest would 
provide for the following:

• Pay the four named plaintiffs 
and the seventy-one designated 
witnesses a total of $285,000 over 
three years, starting Jan. 1, 1981.

• Pay over seven years a total of 
$400,000 to the newspaper’s Minority 
Caucus Affirmative Action Grant 
Fund. There was no indication what 
would be done with the money.

• Agree not to object to, and to
j  s ta te  , a s  reasonable,<~a;< requ est fo j tf  
|;o o u n se l' fe e s  and’ costS!bC$250,000 ,to 3  
i ’be p aid  o v e r 'a !  sev e n -y ea r  period,'^  
Sj Ju d ge; M etzner* w ould h ave to  ap-- 

p rove th e  requ est, w hich  w ould be 
paid  by th e  T im e s .

• Put into effect a plan that sets 
forth Interim and long-term goals for 
the placem ent of m inorities in 
various positions, including those in 
the e d ito ria l, business, sa le s , 
technical and advertising

Specific Implementation
To implement the plan for up­

grading members of the class, the 
newspaper agreed to provide three 
trainee positions over a period of five 
years at an estimated cost of $300,000 
and spend an estimated $75,000 in 
recruiting through minority news­
papers and in colleges.

The T im e s  also agreed to spend an 
estim ated $295,000 in hiring ad­
ditional personnel to train minorities 
and to increase and broaden its tui­
tion refund program at an estimated 
cost of $105,000, assuming about 10 
percent of the class takes advantage 
of this part of the settlement. The tui­
tion refund program would be in­
creased froiji $1,000 to $1,500 a year 
and restrictions that college studies 
be related to a person's job would be 
removed.

In addition, the newspaper agreed 
to provide four full scholarships, with 
preference to its employees, to jour­
nalism schools at an estimated cost 
over five years of $125,000.

Class Members’ Statement
In a press release in behalf of 

members of the class, it was stated 
that the “existence of the suit played 
a major role in compelling the T im e s  
to improve its hiring and promotion 
picture."

As one example, the press release 
claimed that before charges were 
filed in 1973 with the Federal Equal 
Employment Opportunity Commis­
sion, the newspaper did not employ 
any  m in o rity  m e m b ers  in its  
"highest manager category,” while 
currently 12.5 percent of such posi­
tions are held by minority members.

A press release by the newspaper 
pointed out that the proposed agree­
ment provided lor no back pay, 
promotions, hirings or reassign­
ments but only for "minor changes in 
the T i m e s ’s  affirm ative action 
program, which was.instituted in 
1973 and updated in 1978."

The press release also said that 
the proposed agreement stated that 
the T im e s  “has not been found guilty 
of any discriminatory hiring prac­
tices."

The plaintiffs are represented by 
Jonathan W. Lubell and Mary K. 
O’Melveny, of Cohn, Gllckstein, 
Lurie. Ostrin, Lubell & Lubell. The 
lawyers for the T im e s  are Joel C.



E A S T S A Y  /  ■

today/ L
0

B R E N D A  i - A N E -  
W O R T H I N G T O N

He made it through the day
At 8:30 Monday morning, Oakland’s acting 

school superintendent entered the thî d-floor. of­
fices of the school administration building in a 
dream-like state. .  ̂ ^

Those faces ... Robert Blackburn had seen 
them before. A file drawer was, open, just as he’d 
remembered it. The sounds ... the scents .. . all 
quite the same.  ̂ . ■ , .

Blackburn said later, “I  kept reminding my­
self that this was 1981 and I have to deal with 
issues in the context of the present and future, 
not from newsreels that I  have been carrying 
around in my head.” • -

Once'in his office, he asked a clerk to jeach 
him, how to use the phones. There were a lot
more buttons than he rem em ^red. ......-

, She, fob, was unfam iliar with them.
“You’ll have to excuse me, sir,” she said.

Tfttiun* p h ^  by Robert SonnaM

Acting school Superintendent Robert Blackburn

“I ’m a temporary worker brought in for just a 
while.” '’.i'.V \

“I  can understand that,” Bfackburn told her. 
“1 m yself am the Ke lly G irl of th^ Oakland 
school system ." .'iss 

i. Blackburn had beqri there before. The first ■ 
time was 11 years ago, in 1970, when he arrived 
as deputy to then-superintendent Marcus Foster. 
Three years later, in 1973, Blackburn was,wlth 
Foster when he was m ortally wounded in a hail 
of gunfire from  the Sym blonese Liberation 
Arm y. Blackburn, who had b ^ n  shot in 'th e  
abdomen during the attack, recovered , and was 
named acting superintendent It was a job he 
held until Ruth Love was hired in 1975. He 
assumed the deputy’s again and remained 
for two years before resigning to become a 
lecturer at the University of California at ^ rk e - 
ley.

-  T te ^pe rln te nd eW  iT a 'job  BlacV*^^^

W orM still Blackburn started the job in an

m e u b -rh  is .  t o p p y ™ " ; , S *  ’

®‘’“‘̂ T h r T e ^ a n d K ?S ^  ago, he trad ^  life on

Continued from Page D*1
;fhe difference is easy to spot Who wants to read 
labout the Lone Ranger,, when you can be him ?

In  1977, a coluninist wrote: “Bob Blackburn 
Jias spent much of his professional life walking in 

. ^m eone else’s shadow. He has perfected his 
phosen role as the Number Two man. He is the 
quintessential troubleshooter, the supporter, the 

, |ace most often seen in the background, over_ 
^.someohe else’s shoulder.” .

Blackburn still wants it that way;
. “A  lot of people look at life as a series of 

steps up a ladder, with the top step leading to 
retirement and demise. Instead of a career, I 
just want a series of jobs, each of which w ill help 

;;;;me reach my goals. . ' ; , ; “ 1 . , i / ^
. “M y 'goal is to live in a way that reduces ,/ ' 

' Injustice, to take stands againgt the inhuman use 
qf̂  human beings, and to increase in some.way : 

..Ihe realization of our country’s commitment to 
; equal rights.” * - , / ■

Blackburn, who majored in sociology and 
'education at Oberlin College, has beep associate 
director of the National, Conference of Christians 

, 'and Jews, and the, director of Peace Corps opera^ 
tions in Somalia. He was the director for inter» 

.'■ group' relations in Philadelphia before coming 
• here.
i ; “When you go through what I  have, it helps ■ ** 
jjou to take stock about what is most important ‘ 
ah your life. I  don’t feel I  have to prove anything / 

_ ̂  anyone about my professional competency. I  
'. am  beholden to nothing except my sense of duty.
J,1 can make every decision' without ' regard to . 

lo’ng-term career quests, professional loyalties or ] 
;;/friendships. , ' s
— •>- “If  I ’m tougher now, it’s because I  remem­
b e r  every day that though I-am  off in some 
‘■ central office building, the decisions I  make, or 
b o il to make, w ill have direct consequences for 
•'thousands of childreh.”. • '

TTiat’s 48,000, to be exact.; . . ,



Los Angeles, Almost 200, Ranks No. 2 Among Cities
By ROBERT LINDSEY

Special to The New York Times

, LOS ANGELES, Sept. 7 — At the age of 
199, it appears, Los Angeles has become 
No.2. - ..

This sprawling city began a yearlong 
bicentennial celebration this weekend 
that will culminate with the commemora­
tion of the 200th anniversary of its found­
ing by 44 immigrants from Mexico on 
Sept.4,1781..

As the civic celebration was beginning, 
preliminary estimates from the 1980 Cen­
sus were released indicating that Los An­
geles was now the nation’s second most 
populous city, eclipsing Chicago, which 
had held that distinction since 18W when 
it passed Philadelphia to become the 
“SwondCity.’V i  ^

While few people dwelled on the mat­
ter, there was a  pattern in the turn of 
events: Los Angeles,, a city foimded by 
Mexicans, appeared to have become the

country’s second largest city largely be­
cause of a renewed wave of immigration 
from Mexico.

And as it began its bicentennial year, 
Los Angeles appeared to be on its way to 
becoming the nation’s first city where a 
majority of the population is made up of 
immigrants from Latin America and 
Asia or descendants of earlier immi­
grants from those regions of the world 
and Africa. . . , ;, . v _

,This city is still the Los Angeles of free­
ways', movie stars, earthquakes, palm 
trees and smog, of experimental ways of 
life and unorthodox religious cults and a 
seemingly omnipresent, benign sun.. ■

£  s  . ■ Autos and Real Estate j  ‘ .
It remains perhap^ 'the quintessential 

American urban expression of the auto­
mobile, a city that seems ô have been ex­
periencing'a real estate boom continu­
ously since the first land developers and 
hucksters came from "back East” a cen­

tury ago and began to turn a sun-blessed 
semidesert into one of the world’s largest 
metropolitan regions by importing water 
from mountain ranges 300 miles away.

It is the economic center of a region 
containing more than 10 million people 
that in the last decade has become the na­
tion’s major financial bridge to Asia, a 
visibly thriving city whose downtown is 
currently experiencing a rejuvenation in­
volving more than $1 billion worth of new 
construction. , . ,

It is a cultural center that not only pro­
duces most of the world’s movies and 
prime-time television programming but, 
increasingly, exports original plays to 
Broadway, has a world-class symphony 
orchestra whose musical director, Zubin 
Mehta, was recruited by the New York 
Philharmonic, and is the setting for a 
planned major museum of contemporary 
art that promises to be one of the most

Continued on Page B8, Colunui 3



''tonSiwcd From Page A1

ambitious museum projects in any 
American city in decades.

Every summer, a 45-yearK)ld southern 
California ritual recurs, when some of the 
tens of thousands of migrants who moved 
west from Oklahoma, Texas, Iowa, Ne­
braska and elsewhere in the 1930’s gather 
at picnics to talk about old times.

But each year, there are fewer people 
at those picnics, because some of the mi­
grants have; died and others have decided 
to move out of California to escape the 
smog and congestion.

To fill their places, there is a new wave 
of migrants. Los Angeles is still attract­
ing people from other states, especially 
New York. But more and more, local offi­
cials say, the newcomers are from other 
countries. . . .

It’s becoming a Hispanic city,” said 
Charles Drescher, director of the city’s 
Community Analysis and Planning Divi­
sion, which has estimated that the 1980 
Census will show that non-Hispanic 
whites now make up 44 percent of the 
population, as against 59 percent in 1970 
and 72 percent in 1960.

But he said that the changes went be­
yond the tide of immigrants from Mexico 
and other Latin-American countries who 
have been propelled northward by eco­
nomic deprivation and have changed the 
took and texture of life here.

He predicted that the census would also 
document a sizable influx of immigrants 
from Taiwan, Korea, Vietnam, Cambo­
dia and other third-world countries in the 
1970’s. According to the local population 
researchers, it is this Latin and Asian im­
migration, occurring in a decade when 
more than one million non-Hispanic 
whites have left the city, that has allowed ■ 
Los Angeles to challenge Chicago for the 
position of the country’s second largest 
city, after New York.

Although both cities are contesting the 
figures as too low, the preliminary Cen­
sus Bureau data indicate that Los An­
geles now has about 152,000 more resi­
dents than Chicago. The figures show Los 
Angeles with a population of 2,878,039, 
about 62,000 more than in 1970, and Chi­
cago with a population of 2,725,295, atx)ut
644,000 fewer than in 1970.

Breakdown of Population 
The city’s most recent estimates indi­

cate that whites make up 44 percent of the 
population; blacks, 21.5 percent; His­
panic residents 28 percent and Asians and 
Pacific islanders about 7 percent.

The median age of the Hispanic resi­
dents is about 19, and the rate at which 
they are increasing, through childbirth 
and immigration, has prompted some re­
searchers to predict that Latins could ac­
count for; more than half of the city’s 
population by the end of this decade. By 
the year 2000, they say, the Hispanic in­
flux could make Los Angeles the nation’s 
largest city. Hispanic pupils already 

. make up almost 40 percent of the student 
enrollment here.
. The Spanish-speaking immigrants are 
becoming increasingly important eco­
nomically here, supporting not only re­
tailing establishments but providing the 
labor for a large garment industry, much 
of it operating in sweatshop conditions. 
The large Latin population is aiso eco­
nomically vHal to the city’s school sys­
tem, whose white population has plum, 
meted in recent years.

The Latin residents have not yet trans­
lated their numbers into political 
strength, but many people say they soon 
will.

“ It’s only a matter of time — it’s al­
ready begun,” Grace Montanez Davis, a 
Chicano, who is an aide to Mayor Tom 
Bradley, a black, said recently in an in­
terview.

R ivalry With New York
Although this is a city with a long his­

tory of self-promotion and civic booster- 
ism, the news that it appears to have 
passed Chicago in population is not likely 
to bring much local applause. Many peo­
ple here already believe that they live in 
the Second City and have considered New 
York as their natural rival.

According to some observers, many 
Angelenos, as the people here call them­
selves, have a kind of collective munici­

Cheryl Ladd, the ac tress , feedlfig  M ayor Tom  B radley a  p iece of birthday cak e a t celebratioti

pal inferiority complex. They say this is 
especially true regarding New York 
City’s image of supposedly superior cul­
tural riches and greater economic impor­
tance, in contrast with Los Angeles’s 
reputation as a kind of vast, shallow tin­
sel town — “19 suburbs in search of a 
city,” as several generations of Eastern 
writers have depicted it.

The differences in reputatioiis seem 
especially to trouble many of the New 
Yorkers who have moved here. A study 
by the Security Pacific Bank last year in­
dicated that about 16 percent of this re­
gion’s new residents in 1979 came from 
New York State.

For many displaced New Yorkers, a 
move here results in a kind of love-hate 
relationship involving the two cities, tmd 
they seem to be forever debating the 
cities’ relative merits. Many of them 
have been known to return to New York 
for quick visits to confirm their decision 
to move here, or to import items, ranging 
from Nedick’s orange soda to New York 
pastrami, for comfort.

Neil Simon’s Solution ■ .
Neil Simon, the playwright,’ moved 

here five years ago after tiring of New 
York’s problems but now divides his time 
between this city and Manhattan. Re­
cently he decided to try out his next play 
outside Los Angeles because of his dissat­
isfaction with reviews in The Los Angeles 
Times.

Sandy Fox, a Brooklyn-bom lawyer, 
holds a party each year at which 100 or so 
former New Yorkers nostalgically play 
stickball and other games from their 
childhood.

Reflecting on the dispute over the 
cities’ respective cultural values, Gordon 
Davidson, a former New Yorker who runs 
this city’s respected Mark Taper Forum, 
an innovative theater organization here, 
said:

" I ’m bored with it. It’s a silly argu­
ment. There’s the problem of geographic 
sprawl, but there is a lot of activity that’s 
bubbling here in many areas in the per­
forming as well as the visual arts. The 
cultural situation in Los Angeles is differ­
ent than it is in the East. The East looked 
to, and benefited from, the cultural herit­
age of Europe, but it’s also been weighed 
down with it. Here we can benefit from 
the things that occur on the Pacific rim 
and take advantage of our Mexican and 
Hispanic influence.”

The bicentennial observance will in­
clude more than 150 community projects.

ranging from art shows to the commis­
sioning of a ballet and plays that stress 
the city’s history. Angelenos are trying to 
use the event to enhance the city’s image. 
Admittedly inspired by the image-build­
ing power of the “ I Love New York” 
slogan, the bicentennial planners devised

their own slogan: "L.A.’s the Place.’’ 
Margo Albert, the wife of Eddie Albert, 

the actor, is co-chairman of the celebra­
tion. “This will be a fine opportunity to 
show that Los Angeles is a great city in­
stead of ‘tinsel town,’ and all that f  
stuff,” she said. ■ T '



C Q le m a ti  C n n c e d e s  V i e w s '  R a c e  D a t a
1 By ROBERT REINHOLD

Dr. James “J. Colomati, the 
sociologist who provoked na' 
tional debate recently by say­
ing hi.s new research showed 

'that Kourt-induced school de­
segregation had served only to 
sw e ll, the white exodus from 
the big cities —  now concedes 
that his public comments went 
beyond the scientific data he 
had gathered.

In answer to questions, he 
ackno-wledged that his study 
did not deal with busing, and 

That his arguments applied to 
trend^ in only two or ttoee 
Southern cities.

'Some of the things I said

fl’here is no doubt that major 
cities, in the North and South, 
have experienced massive 
"white flight” in recent years, 
that white resentment over 
"forced busing” has been in­
tense and that the inner city 
schools have been resegregated 
asi a result. And many believe 
that this flight is a direct re­
sponse to  judicial coercion. 
However, other factors may 
also be at work.

Suburbanization began long 
before school desegregation. 
The white middle class—^possi­
bly fleeing inferior housing, 
poor schools, crime, dirt or 
black neighbors— ĥad largely
abandoned Boston long before

w e n ljs^ ^ w h a ^ t “b e^ n d  7 h ;  J’̂ rtfal^J^^L re'^btack  en7“
data, . he said. Nonetheless, he have risen from 47 to  85

per cent in the public schools'maintained that the "over-all 
implications” of his remarks 
were still valid and that to 
make integration work, 
still need to find some mecha­
nism to  make it to people's 
interest to be Integrated.”

Dr. Coleman, a 48-year-oId 
professor at the University of 
Chicago, was the author of the 
landmark Coleman Report of 
1966, ’.which documented the 
effects' of school segregation 
and was often cited to justify 
IntegrAion orders. He was at 
Johns Hopkins University when 
he wrote the report.

His recent comments, said 
to have had deep impact in 
Washington, have been used by 
foes of further “forced” inte­
gration to oppose new busing 
orders. Meanwhile, disappoint­
ed civil rights leaders, who 
have long counted Dr. Coleman 
as ap ally, have been holding 
meetings to dispute the re-j 
search.

Dr,| Coleman’s contentions 
w ere'based on a purely statis­
tical 'study of trends in the 20

in, 15 years, no white child has 
ever been bused against his 
will.

Data Are Slim
Dr. Coleman’s recent state­

ments drew keen attention be-, 
cause he seemed to lend scien­
tific authority to what others 
could only suspect. Without' 
denying the possibility that 
court rulings do indeed exacer­
bate segregation, it is valid to  
ask if the new data support 
that notion. The data are very 
slim.

In his press statements. Dr. 
Coleman said the study showed 
that government actions to' en­
force desegregation have been 
offset by the “individual” ac­
tions of whites. "The most im-j 
portent result of this research 
i.s that the desegregation ac­
tions of the courts in larger 
cities have been such as to  
.speed that process by which' 
central cities become black and 
whites flee to the suburbs,” he 
told an interviewer from the 
National Obsei-ver.

And in an affidavit supplied 
to Boston parents opposing bus­
ing he said that when “court- 
ordered remedies” go beyond 
the redress of specific acts to

largest central city school dis- increase segregation “they have 
tricts from 1968 to 1973. The exacerbated the very racial | 
crux of his argument is that i-sblation have attempted!
integration in the first two ft* 0'''®!’̂ °™®- . I, j j ' .1 , ,Ih his scholarfy WHtiogs, Dt.:
years, 1968-1970, led directly to colem an has expressed his 
a substantial exodus of white views differently. In a paper' 
families in the following three delivered last April to the: 
years! 1970-1973, over and, American Educational Research! 

u 5 It. - - 'Asociation, he did not speak!movement to
that th i  “courts are prob- 

of a T ^  c i t ie s - r w W c h  key instrument o f
officials in each were ques- policy,
tioned by telephone —  could Analysis Not Complete 
find -no court-ordered busing. The study is part of a still 
rezoriing or any other kind of Incomplete and much larger an- 
coerced integration in any of alysis of American educational 
the cities during the 1969-1970 trends by the Urban Institute, 
period. Court suits were pend- jt is based purely on available 
ing in many, but desegregation Federal statistics and did not 
w as limited to a few m odest involve speaking to parents, 
open enrollment plans, used .teachers or pupils. It assessed 
m ostly by blacks. If there was trends in desegregation through 
“masJive and rapid'” desegre- f  specially constructed index 
gatioij, as Dr. Coleman'said, it measuring the school contact 
could: not have been due to children with white,
courthmposed remedies. ‘(standardized” to account for

Crosstown hu.sing as a rem- differing proportions of 
edy for segregation caused by .^tiitgs in each school .system, 
residential patterns became ^ jmjex Dr. Coleman
widespread only after April of segregation in the
197lri nearly a full year gfter States decreased from
Dr. Colem ans 1968-70 integra-.p 73 jggg ,, 55 j„ , 972. 
tion study ended -when th«| computations showed
Supreme Court upheld its use'.̂ j^ ĵ greatest drop occurred 
in tl}e Charlotte-Mecklenburg ĵ̂ g ggarheast and that segre- 
ruhng. . . gation rose slightly in the New

England and Middle Atlantic 
States. Broken down further, 
the numbers indicated that the 
decline of segregation within 
districts was partly offset by a 
drop in the number of blacks 
and Whites attending'Scht>ol''in- 
the same district. That is, whites 
were moving out, presumably to 
the white suburb.s.

This in iiself did not prove 
that integration causes flight. 
The flight could simply have 
bqen been a reflection of con-' 
tinued suburbanization and thel 
expansion of newly affluent 
black families into previously 
all-white city neighborhoods. ,

To sort out these factors,: 
Dr; Coleman resorted to spe­
cial techniques used by so­
cial scientists because, unlike 
natural scientists, they cannot 
conduct experiments under con- 
troljed laboratory conditions. 
To-^compensate for this, they 
artificially hold various factors 
constant through a statistical 
device called “multiple regres­
sion analysis.”

■With this technique. Dr. Cole­
man attempted to  find a sta­
tistical link between the drop 
in white population in the 20 
cities from 1970 to 1973 and 
the rise in proportion of blacks 
in the average white child’s 
class in the two preceding 
years.

■What he found was that an 
increase of 5 per cent in the 
average White child's black 
classmates would cause an addi­
tional 10 per cent of white fam­
ilies to je a v e —beyond the nor­
mal m ’' "ation for other rd'^sons.

I Only one o f the cities experi­
enced an increase of more than 
5 per cent in 1968-70. This was 

I Atlanta, which lost 52 per cent 
jof its w hites in 1970-1973. The 
jonly other cities undergoing 
{much integration, also South- 
lern, were Memphis and Houston 
I (4 per cent). This meant that 
p r . Coleman’s conclusions were 
based only on a few  cases, 

{since there was little or no 
lintegration observed in the re- 
{niainder of the 20 cities. He 
I conceded he was “quite wrong” 
to have called the integration 
“massive ’ where it occurred.

What did cause this integra­
tion? Dr. Coleman assumed that 
“nearly all changes in within- 
district desegration are due to 
some kind of local, stale or 
Federal governmental action.” 
There is little evidence this was 
the case during the study pe­
riod, '

There was no mandatory bus­
ing Tor integration in any of 
the 20 cities—which educate a 
total of 5-million pupils— in 
1968-1970. No busing or redis­
tricting was attempted in any 
of the five largest school dis­
tricts— New York City, Los An­
geles, Chicago, Philadelphia and 
Detroit. To this day, no system- 
wide busing has been used in 

.these cities, although Detroit 
is under order to start this fall 
even though blacks outnumber 
whites by 3-to-I.

Nor were there any integra­
tion attempts in Boston, Dallas, 
Washington, Cleveland, Mil­
waukee, Baltimore, St. Louis or 
Indianapolis. 'Voluntary plans, 
by which blacks could transfer 
to white schools were tried in 
Houston, San Diego and Co­
lumbus, with liUIe effect.

New Orleans, Memphis, 
Tampa and'Atlanta integrated 
their faculties, but pupils con­
tinued to attend largely segre­
gated neighborhood schools, 
Tampa w as thoroughly inte­
grated only in 1971 and Mem­
phis has been busing, but only 
since 1973.

Clouding the picture further 
is the fact that Dr. Coleman 
found no similar white flight 

jin, smaller cities, the size of 
i Denver or smaller. It is not 
{clear why this should be so..

:‘A Sharp Shift’ '
Dr. Coleman said in ihe 

interview that his study did not! 
deal with busing. It came dowpj 
to just a few Southern cities, { 
he said, and “one hesitates ipi 
speak 'on the basis of just a{ 
few cities.” But, he contended,' 
“it is a strong effect” and “thei 
burden of evidence suggest? 
that the kind of desegregation 
that occurred was countert- 
productive, even though the 
evidence is not unifonn.”

He maintained that although 
his study dealt only with de­
segregation in 1968-1970, the 
same patterns continued into 
the following years, 1970-1973. 
The implication was that th^ 
pace 0|f desegregation in those 
few cities quickened after 1970 
and that the white flight ob­
served, “may well have beep 
due to what happened after 
1970.” -

“Rapid rate is the key,” Dr, 
'Coleman said, “and it was 
i mostly after 1970, rather than 
{before, that it was rapid.”
! “But let’s get away from the 
term busing,” he said. “The 
only evidence I have is change 
in degree of segregation. This 
dropped enormously from 1968 
to 1973. However this came 
about, there was a rapid and 
sharp shift in the average 
white and black child’s school.”

And, he went on, if this 
caused' a substantial white exo­
dus, tlien the use of “blunt in­
struments,” such as court or­
ders, was likely to exacerbate it.
{ Social Policy Urged

However, there is evidence 
that white flight has been re-j 
versed in one of the cities Dr. j 
Coleman cited— Memphis. That 
city lost 46 per cent of itsl 
whites from 1970 to  1973. Al­
though a m assive busing pro­
gram is now under way there, 
school officials expect 5,000 
more students to enroll this 
fall than last, mostly white. 
They attribute this to the econ­
omy, which has made it diffi­
cult for white parents to  keep 
their children in private acade­
mies. 1

And: in Tampa, there was' 
nevei much white flight be-i 
cause the entire county (Hills-j 
borough) forms one school dis-| 
trict, and thus it is not possible 1 
to flee the district by moving 
to the suburbs.

"I am not committed to  say­
ing there will always be white 

{flight,” Dr. Coleman said. But 
he added that the amount ob- 
■served was “sufficiently strik- 
;ing” that it should be taken 
into account in setting public 

.policy.
I “I think we ought to be en- 
j gaging, in social policy to re- 
iduce rather than exacerbate 
it,” he said. He added that 
forcing white middle-class 
parents to send their children 
to school with lower-class 
blacks was something the 
w hites would not accept. A 
certain: amount of social class 
separation, he continued, is a 
“constraint that ought to be 
tolerated" in the interest of| 
preventing the cities from be­
coming all black.

All of this, he concedes, is 
interpretation that goes beyond 
his data. But he finds Hiese 
statistics convincing enough to 
recommend a new course as ■ 
the major Northern cities, like|| 
Detroit, face integration o ilers . : 
A better course, he said, | 
would be to achieve some in-! 
tegratftn by encouraging high-1 
achieving black students to ht-ll 
tend white schools. But tjiis|l 
implies that many schools 
would remain nearly all black,, 
a situation the courts are not' 
likely to accept. '■ ' .**'



u c a t io n
. •j'T’v-’; ' ' _'A. ■■ ..

-Crisis of.Public Higher Educatiomin Louisiana '
. 'rj"v. . •' . .•. 1.. -i.-r,:*.

College Desegregation in Florida v / ^  ’

T i  *' ‘ Depressive Illnessri  *' Depressive Illness- '  „  .
Problems of Diagnosis'in Children and Blacks ,

■*- /- i , 1 ^
^  T- < ,  V '  V '

/  Educating Jew ish  Children in  Weimar and Nati Germany 3-.



a critique of coleman
, m e y e r  w e i n b e r g

(First distributed at the 113th Annual Convention of 
the National Education Association, July 3, 1975,
Los AngeleSi California.)

On April 2, 1975, Dr. James S. Coleman read a paper 
on school integration before the annual meeting of the 
American Educational Research Association.* In it 
he reported that while school segregation had declined 
significantly from 1968 to 1972, all but a tiny 
portion of the change was concentrated in the South.
In the North as a whole, on the other hand, 
segregation rose slightly. Larger school districts 
experienced the least drop in segregation, medium and 
small districts, the most. This was a national pattern. 
Clearly, large cities have been least touched by 
desegregation.

Why is this so? Coleman argued it was an unintended 
consequence of govermnental policy aimed at 
achieving desegregation, not segregation. Individual 
white parents wealthy enough to  m ove beyond the 
reach of a desegregation plan to be effectuated by 
busing simply moved out of the affected district, 
usually to a suburb. H e described this m ovem ent as 
“flight”. The m ain responsibility for setting off such 
flight, according to Coleman, lay with the federal 
courts who had issued the desegregation orders. To  
counter such a tendency, Coleman stated, “there should 
have been far greater attention to the reactions of 
whites with the econom ic means to m ove.”-  A t the 
same time, while he called the courts probably “the 
worst instrument of social policy”  ̂ regarding 
desegregation, he also observed that other agencies of 
government had frequently failed to  initiate any other 
measures. Coleman called for greater cooperation in 
the future among various organs of government 
concerned with desegregation.

Coleman’s paper, or, rather, press accounts of it, 
quickly became an item of discussion. Popular 
attention focused on his argument that large scale 
busing was not achieving its goal of integrated 
education. Opponents of desegregation quickly quoted 
Coleman’s statements on busing; the Boston School 
Committee reproduced the text of the entire paper in 
its (unsuccessful) appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. 
Coleman himself was interviewed in Newsweek, the

Los Angeles Times, the National Observer, the New  
York Times, the Chicago Sun-Times, and probably 
elsewhere. In these interviews, Coleman repeated the 
main points of his paper but also went into a number 
of topics not discussed there. M ost critics of the 
Coleman paper appraised it in terms of its probable 
negative effect on the desegregation movement. Others 
criticized specific aspects of the research design and 
pointed to apparent internal inconsistencies in the 
paper.

Let us examine the structure of Coleman’s argument 
and evaluate the factual basis of his findings.

He contends that mass busing is frightening away 
white parents from the central cities. Docum entation  
for this statement is lacking in the paper or in the 
interviews. In the paper itself appears a set of 
calculations reporting differing proportions of white 
parents who assertedly would leave (or did leave) the 
school district if different proportions of black students 
were enrolled. These figures are not derived from the 
principal sourc’e of data lor (^oieman’s study, i.e.. ’ 
racial surveys of the u m ce  of Civil Rights o f the U.S. 
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. 
Perhaps they are based on national public opinion  
poll data gathered for general purposes in the past 
and now applied by Coleman to a new population. Or, 
perhaps Coleman’s staff conducted a new series of 
polls, which seems unlikely. In any event, the origin 
of these calculations is obscure and thus beyond  
independent venlication.

What do these calculations show? According to 
Coleman, one-fifth of white parents in a h^lf-whitp  ̂
half-black school district m oved out because nf a wi«;h 
t o OTOuTdesegregabon. This was triTe. he nf
fS r tw en ty Tafgesf school distr i ^  ia -tho country
d t f f m g T 9 7 U 7 ^ 3 ^

Tw o questions can be raised about this calculation. 
First, among this group of school districts, almost no  
desegregation or busing occurred during 197(5-1973. 
included are iNew York City, Los Angeles, Chicago, 
Philadelphia, Detroit, and others. If anything, 
segregation in the schools o f these cities increased. 
Second, even if white parents stated their intention of 
exiting cities, this  is not necessarily what they would  
have done. D tS^regatlon  studies have shown a large 
discrepancy between initial objections and later 
acceptance. Many fewer whites flee than complain, and 
many later accept who earlier objected. It is 
impossible to tell from Coleman’s data just hnw while 

Tlarents responded to judicial orders requiring 
—busing^ince almost none of the twenty districts he 

Stntlted required" sucE busing. Put even those few cases 
are-nt>rtreafed separately so  the reader is at sea in 
following the main argument of the paper.

In the absence of further documentation, Coleman’s 
contention that busing led to white flight must be 
judged not proven.

One of the most puzzling features of Coleman’s April, 
1975 paper is his failure to refer to any other study 
of white flight. The reader is left with a clear 
impression that Coleman’s is the only study yet made.
In fact, however, several excellent studies have been 
reported by other researchers. Uniformly, their findings 
are contrary to those of Coleman. None of the press 
interviewers of Coleman apparently even raised the 
question of other studies, thus strengthening the



misimpression of readers that Colem an’s was the sole  
study and his findings thus were unassailable.

(Desegregation research is a near-unique area of 
scholarly inquiry in that it has no literature. There 
are many individual studies but no real body of 
principal findings of which the great m ass of researchers 
are even aware. One social science journal after 
another will carry an article announcing a purportedly 
“new” finding which first saw the light years before 
tor which is ̂ contradicted by a number of earlier studies. 
Lack of awareness or of agreement does not establish 
that research findings are therefore untrustworthy, 
though som e writers pursue a darting wiU-of-the-wisp 
called “hard” research.)

What is perhaps the largest and m ost systematic 
empirical study o f white flight was com pleted in 1974  
by Cataldo and associates, under sponsorship of the 
National Science Foundation. A  random sample of 
white pafdais hi eight representative Florida county 
school districts was used. Over a two-year period, 
1971-1973 , only 3 .6  percent of white parents failed  
to send their chilchen to the schools to  which they 
had been assigned.

Since aU the state’s school districts are desegregated, 
there are no  enclaves of segregation. The only 
alternative to attendance in a desegregated public 
school is a private school. Financial ability counts 
heavily, as the researchers found. W hen the parents 
who refused to participate in desegregation —  the 
rejecters —  were arranged by income class, it was 
found that the rejection rate was seven percent for 
upper income persons, four percent for middle, and 
two percent for low-incom e respondents.

Cataldo found no evidence of a fixed “tipping-point”, 
i.e., a degree of black enrollment "which, if exceeded, 
produced white flight from  a school or ^strict. The 
percent of black enrollm ent did play a limited role, 
although not as an independent factor; thirty percent 
black seem ed to  function as a threshold "Parental 
rejection of desegregation i n c a s e d  significantly as this
threshold'w as exceeded. Yet, piack enrollment hevond 
thirty percent did not produce additional rejectlrin 
rates.-T il US, icjection rates did rise fro m tw o  to eight 
percent as the thirty percent black enrollment level 
was exceeded. Beyond that, however, a reverse effect 
operated. Rejection rates fell to four percent —  
nearer the level o f  low  rejecters than that of high 
rejecters —  as black enrollment rose above thirty 
percent. Intertwined was a separate social class effect. 
Low  incom e parents passing the thirty percent 
threshold rejected at a rate of four percent; high 
incom e parents, at a rate o f seventeen percent. 
High-incom e parents whose children were assigned 
to a school over thirty percent black had a large 
probability of rejecting.

B u sin g  was found to be entirely unrelated to the 
decision to reject. Parents whose children were slated 
fo be bused did not reject at a higher rate than parents 
whose children were not scheduled for busing. Neither 
below nor above the thirty percent threshold did 
busing make for more rejection. N or was racial 
prejudice found to influence significantly the 
rejection rate.

Initial opposition to desegregation declined, Cataldo 
and associates found, as time went on. White parents

grew accustom ed to  their children attending sc h o o ls !  
with black children. The thirty percent threshold bad.| 
not sufficed to prevent initial flight to som e white 
parents. The researchers observe that over a d d it io n a l  
time, ewn_,hjgbpr tjyesholds may becom e acceptable;! 
to white parents as a whole. In view of the findings, -'
of the Cataldo group, it would appear inndvifiahiff' 
to regard the egre,ss.Qf-W.hites-ardependent upon f
numencaTproportions of hjacL^inT

N o tipping point was found to be operating in F lo r id *  
Instead, there was a threshold effect that operated 
under varying conditions. Tipping and thnesholri are,%- 
however, very different conffiPfs. Tipping envisions jc 
a sudden flood of blacks tfTand whites out. Nothing ¥ ■ 

. o f the sort happened in Florida —  a state, by the w a y i  
which is more urban than Pennsylvania. Instead, a -I  
small trickle occurred. Admittedly, as the researchers §: 
concede, a biennial rate o f  3 .6  percent could cu m u la tj  
over a period of years into a sizeable outpouring. But ®  
then, it is at least equally possible that over a "similar 
span desegregation could blossom  into 
highly-productive integration.
This piece of research is noteworthy in another respect^ 
Desegregation in Florida occurs in a context of 
complete coverage. This is one reason for the 
quantitative lead of the South versus the North in 
desegregation during recent years; There are few  
places to hide. This fact has led many to  consider 
whether the creation of metropolitan school districts 
would not strengthen efforts to eliminate segregation 
in the urban North and South. That only about one 
out of thirty white parents in Florida chose to flee 
desegregation is an encouraging fact.
Luther Munford studied white flight under very 
different conditions —  in M ississippi when massive 
desegregation was implemented in 1970 by order of 
the Lf.S. Supreme Court. H e began his study believing 
in the existence o f a tipping point. Upon examining 
what actually happened in Mississippi, however, he" 
found no specific numerical level of black enrollment 
beyond which whites tended to accelerate their 
m ovem ent out of desegregated schools. In many 
districts, nearly all white children left specific public 
schools. The rate at which white exits occurred, 
however, was unrelated to the racial composition of 
those individual schools. ----------------



Instead, Munford found, “white children abandoned 
the public schools . . . [for private schools] roughly 
in proportion to  the percentage of black populations 
in each (U stm t. no more and no less.”-’’ In other words, 
the reasorr'tor leaving a certain school seem ed related 
to the racial situation in the school district as a whole 
rather than in that particular school.

For example, M unford studied changes of white 
enrollmeijt in schools of initially similar racial 
composition. (The-period covered January, 1970 when 
the'state’s schools desegregated and September, 1970, 
when the scope of whire flight first becam e clear.) In 
each enrollment category of similar schools, half or 
more of the schools increased in white enrollment over 
the initial period of desegregation." M ost notable, of 

_ twentv-fhrpp crhQols jn which whites cnnstitiited ten 
percent or less of enrollment. fourtemr~sCTtVlls~pfl/«^(i 
iiTwhite enrollment; live lost in whita-£JJfe5sieiit; 
and tou F slluwea~no change. These ^ anve.s are at odds 
with anytlppiiig-point hypothesis and would confound  
any numerical approach to white flight.

M unford also wondered whether his findings could be 
explained by the degree to which local community 
leaders supported or opposed desegregation. After 
examining the record of community response to 
desegregation in each of the counties studied, Munford 
found “the influpnrp r.f jp pmall and it
diminished »ver tim e.” In many counties, whites 
followed organized segregationists and withdrew their 
children from  the public schools; in some comparable 
counties other parents did not. Similarly, in som e places 
white community leaders solidly supporting 
desegregation of the public schools seemed to have 
an effect; elsewhere, they did not.

Why, then, was white flight linked to the black 
percentage of population in county school districts 
as a whole? M unford points to the growing nnliticnl 
sjgnificance of black majorities in the ^outh, and 
especially in M ississippi, in  a black-controlled county 
government, aU the schools would also be black- 
controlled. Whites were not fleeing black classmates 
so  much as seeking to escape the rule of a black  
government. Further, M'unfSTd' oflercd, they f^ r e d  that 
the teaching o f white supremacy would endU iiaer” 
such dfbhditions.---- —̂

M unford’s pessimism at this reality was tempered 
somewhat by the debility of the tipping hypothesis. If 
whites reserved the right not to be tipped, perhaps one 
day they might also decide to re-enter the public 
schools. Indeed, since Munford completed his 1971 
study, white children have continued to re-enter 
( “un-flee”?) the public schools of Mississippi, 
however slow the pace.

M unford’s study leaves us with the impression that 
there is no such unitary thing as “white flight.” What 
may appear as such when viewed from the global 
perspective of population statistics, seem s to decompose 
into special situations as the examples of Florida 
and M ississippi suggest.

Both Pontiac and Kalamazoo, Michigan, desegregated 
their schools in 1971. A  possible connection o'! 
desegregation and white flight in these two cities was 
explored by Bosco and Robin. They compared the 
pre-desegregation years of 1969 and 1970 with the 
desegregation period. During the first year of 
desegregatiion in Kalamazoo, the percentage of blacks

in the schools remained virtually unchanged with 
very few whites leaving the system. In Pontiac, on the 
other hand, during the same year black enrollm ent 
r o ^  4 .6  percent as many whites left the city." It 
should be noted that both cities were surrounded by 
numerous school districts that lacked desegregated 
schools and thus constituted viable alternatives for 
white parents seeking to  avoid desegregation. Yet, such 
alternatives were chosen by whites in Pontiac but not 
those in Kalamazoo. B osco and Robin, although they 
did not have adequate second-year data for Pontiac," 
gained the impression that white flight slowed during 
that time. Finally, they attribute the greater initial 
white flight in Pontiac not to som e ineluctable 
demographic force as to simply more e ffective protest 
techniques used by opponents of mandatory busing 
in that city.

Some inquiry has been made into white flight in 
Pasadena, California. Kurtz contends that desegregatoin 
there accelerated the white flight which had originated 
in a non-school context (e.g ., employm ent changes 
and a fall in the birth rate which had the same 
effect). During 1970-1972 , according to Kurtz, white 
flight in Pasadena doubled over the fevel of the 
previous two years in the absence of de.segregarirm.9 
Daring a federal court proCeeditig"ui 1974) Profe^or  
Jane Mercer testified that the white percentage in 
Pasadena schools had been falling for years prior to 
the 1970 desegregation plan, as in many school 
districts of the state which had not desegregated. The 
judge agreed with Professor Mercer and” held no 
evidence had been produced to nrove tli KT.rlirinl 
b oan frargu m en t that desegregation was in ten sify ing  
vyhite flight. (It is not possible for the present writer 
to com m ent since he has not read the Mercer 
testim ony.)

Two studies remain: one by Cochran and Uhlman 
and one by Koponen.

Cochran and Uhlman reviewed desegregation 
experience in North Carolina during 1967-1968. This 
was stiff the period of m ore or less token 
desegregation in the South. N ot surprisingly, therefore, 
they found that school desegregation was most 
extensive in counties with few blacks. Here 
exceedingly few  black children were admitted to white 
schools in which they constituted only a tiny 
percentage. After som e blacks were admitted, 
however, the addition of considerably more seem ed  
to make little difference. In other words, up to a 
threshold o f changing dimensions, increasing black 
enrollment tended to diminsh white enrollment. After  
a point, this trend was reversed. N either a specific 
threshold nor a tipping point was in*̂ euidaocp

A  final study was one m ade by Koponen in Hartford, 
Connecticut, nearly a decade ago. H e readily located  
black neighborhoods that were once white but he was 
unable to discover a single case of sudden changes in 
black enrollment which, as such, led to white flight 
from a specified school. Discussing one area of the 
city. Koponen emphasized that white flight from schools 
there was more likely to reflect avoidance of 
"educational inadequacy and excessive class size” 
than simply an escape from black children."’ He 
suggested, in fact, that the city's political leadership, 
eager to discredit desegregation by demonstrating its 
impracticality, were assigning large numbers of 
non-white children to*a~fevv schools rather than



assignj^ ^ n y  to  vacant seats avajlahlp in n»arby 
■^hite~5cliD0ls. While independent affirmation of this 
interpretation is lacking, its plausibility should give 
pause to the would-be analyst of white flight.

Studies by Cataldo, M unford, B osco and Robin, 
Mercer, and K oponen strongly support a view that 
massive white flight i.s an avoidable phenom enon. 
Coleman, w h o fa ile d  to  report any of these studies in 
his April, 1975 paper, represents white flight as an 
inevitable consequence of mandatory desegregation in 
the largest cities especially. This conclusion is highly 
unwarranted by evidence in his own paper as well as 
by evidence in the studies reported above.

Rather than attributing white flight to  federal court 
action, as Colem an does, a more balanced view would 
suggest that m uch white flight can be avoided 
altogether. Advance planning by school and 
comm unity can do much in this direction. Y ielding to 
anti-desegregation sentiments by failing to  implement 
court-ordered desegregation plans would make a 
mockery o f constitutional protection.

In his April, 1975 paper, Coleman stressed that he was 
concerned with an indirect effect of mandatory 
desegregation, i.e ., flow  fegal efforts to desegregate 
were allegedly creating m ore segregation. We have 
seen the untenability of C olem an’s argument in the 
face of his inadequate evidence, as weighed along with 
other research which he did not report. Yet, in nearly 
all his press interviews Colem an proceeded to express 
opinions on direcj effects of desegregation. It must be 
remembered that his paper did not deal with any 
such problems. Readers o f  his press interviews could 
not know this and consequently may well have 
believed that his interview opinion simply repeated 
those expressed earlier in the paper. This was by no 
means the case.

In an interview with the National Observer, for 
example, Colem an stated that by desegregating 
lower-class and middle-class students, a less favorable 
learning atmosphere might result. Specifically, he 
declared: “What sometim es happens . . .  is that 
characteristics of the lower-class black classroom —  
namely a high degree of disorder —  com e to take

over and constitute the values and characteristics of 
the integrated school.” Numerous empirical studies 
of actually-desegregated schools and classrooms, 
however, demonstrate that the opposite is far more 
typical." Since Coleman failed to refer to a specific 
school, it is difficult to weigh his statement. Measured 
against available studies, the statement cannot help 
but distort empirical reality.

Colem an’s analysis of proper and improper court 
action is based on an artificial distinction that long ago 
lost its theoretical cogency. This is the alleged 
difference between de facto and de jure segregation. 
The former is regarded as occurring by accident, 
without intention by school or government; the latter 
describes segregation ensuing from conscious, explicit 
design of an official body. A  decade or so ago this 
distinction pervaded discussions of school segregation. 
It was even thought that de facto was “northern” 
while —  de jure was “southern” . Since then, however, 
federal courts have uncovered evidence of sweeping ' 
de jure segregation in the North. Such cases include” 
Detroit, Indianapolis, Pontiac, Pasadena, Las Vegas, 
and many others. W hen Stockton, California was °  
recently found to have engaged in deliberate 
segregation, a high legal official o f  the state 
government opined that a good number of other 
districts could well be next in line.

Coleman, however, ignores this growing docum ented  
record and retains a distinction that was blurred at 
birth and has grown less distinct ever since. Every 
federal court order to desegregate, whether dealing 
with North or South, has been based on the existence 
of official segregation contrary to the 14th 
Amendment.

Coleman told the Los Angeles Times that “the court 
m ade a fundamental mistake by being more sociological 
than constitutional.” The statement is especially 
surprising coming from a well-known sociologist. 
Courts have never been “constitutional” w i r h n u r  
.Seing “soc io log icar  as well. Before the 1954 Brown 
■decision, the maintenance of segregation by the federal 
courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, was no less 
“sM iological” than “constitutional.” After all, court 
rulings m ust be tailored to fit the human society that 
happens to exist at the time. If that society happens 
to be changing, it is quite “constitutional” for the 
court to take the fact into account.

In an interview published in the New York Times, 
Coleman extended his legal theory. H e now criticized 
courts for not pursuing integration too energetically, 
but for integrating across class lines: “If integration 
(b y  court order) had been limited to racial integration,” 
said Coleman, “if there had not been an attempt to 
carry out widespread class integration, then the fear 
of incidents would have been much less, and the 
experience with integration would have been much 
more positive (em phasis added). T w o weeks earlier, 
he had told the Los Angeles Times that the courts’ 
error lay in attempting to deal with so-called de facto 
segregation. N ow , apparently, even this was n o  longer 
criticized. A  new target had been found.

In his original paper, Coleman had also raised the 
class^ issue. Since m ost of the white exodus probably 
consists of middle-class persons, he observed, 
integration necessarily consisted of blacks and 
working-class whites. This circumstance worked against,



» productive integration which, he implied, required 
middle-class children in order to  serve as cognitive 
models for the others. This contention came from  
Coleman’s famous 1966 report. But it is not supported 
by the overwhelming majority of empirical studies of 
desegregation. Instead, it is firmly established in the 
research that during desegregation white children 
continue to learn at their accustomed rate and, more 
times than not, black children’s achievement rises. In 
his April, 1975 paper, he said that white exodus 
“largely defeated” the goal of increasing black 
achievement. N ot a single b it of evidence was cited 
to support this*giscredited assertion!

Throughout his paper and the interviews, Coleman is 
highly critical of the courts. Twice he seemed to argue 
that the time had passed for federal courts to pursue 
desegregation so energetically. Coleman told Bryce 
Nelson of the Los Angeles Times that courts should 
take note that the “much greater commitment to school 
integration during the 1960’s has passed, and that 
such integration is no longer the first national priority.” 
(Los Angeles Times, May 29, 1975.) “When the will 
for integration does not exist.” he told Larry Tnoragiiia 
oTthe Chicago Sun-1 imes, “the imposition_of-it-bv 
tlTe COUfts dgesa-t-^ a l 'CTt

Coleman’s conflict with the courts seem s based 
essentially on his feeling that desegregation is no 
longer that important. It reflects a political rather than 
a social science judgment. True, his paper and 
interviews are marked by repeated statements affirming 
the desirability of further desegregation. H is wish to 
appease those white parents who fear desegregation, 
however, works against any continuation of 
desegregation. .

I The amount of “science”-in Coleman’s latest work is 
minimal. It offers the opponents of desegregation new 
ammunition while at the same time attempting to 
disarm those w ho would enlarge the nation’s 
constructive experience with desegregation. Research 
on actually desegregated schools tells us how promising 
such developments are for the equal education of all 
American youth. N ot to build on the growing mass 
of positive research results and to succumb to fears 
is to reject one of the m ost hopeful m ovem ent in 
our country’s educational history.

During the 1960’s, researchers came up with the 
concept of a tipping point. The clearest import of this 
theory was: go  slowly in desegregating. In m ore than 
one court, judges have agreed to permit all-black 
schools to remain segregated on the explicit ground 
to attempt to desegregate them would be fruitless; 
the tipping point would be exceeded at the outset and 
instability would result. W hites would flee and leave 
wholly black schools in their wake.

It is important to note that this hypothesis became 
popular during the early 1960s, a time of insignificant 
desegregation in the D eep South and North, with a 
'cry slight degree in a few border areas. It was a 
period of tokenism par excellence. Courts were not 
requiring desegregation plans to result in actual 
desegregation. Announcement of a willingness to 
desegregate was judged sufficient. Clearly, whatever 
desegregation occurred was greatly dependent on the 
sufferance of white parents and local school officials. 
Under these circumstances, even tokenism was

regarded as progress. Black children were not. in fact, 
accorded a legal right to attend. Thus concern of some 
observers and school people for not “rocking the 
boat” led to concern with an optimal percentage of 
black children. The optimality, however, was not based 
on educational so much as on a tactical consideration 
of how many minority children could be tolerated by 
politically salient elements in the communityT”

Today, the situation is far different. In 1972, for 
example, nearly 1.3 million white children attended 
predominantly minority schools.*- Many of these 
schools had stable enrollments in defiance of the 
tipping-point hypothesis. Additional millions of white 
children have black classmates in predominantly 
white schools. Judicial doctrine has shifted from  
declaring the right of individual children to select from 
among available schools to stressing the obligation of 
entire school systems to be non-discriminatory. 
Whether or not a school is racially identifiable has 
become the touchstone of successful desegregation.
The personal disposition of white parents is now  
irrelevant in determining the preferred racial 
composition of a school.

Coleman’s newest blast can only help us return to the 
dark days of free choice for whites to attend schools 
with their white neighbors only. It is contradicted by 
the' consbtutional necessities of the present. And it is 
contradicted by the main run of research. Thousands 
of black and white parents are finding ways to 
cooperate anew in helping educate all the children of 
all the people. Encouraging reports from desegregated 
schools underscore the great educational potential 
of desegregation. We must reject essentially destructive 
orientations such as James S. Coleman placed before 
the nation on April 2, 1975.

1. Jam es S. Colem an. “ Recent Trends in  School Integration.’’
2. Ibid., p . 21.
3. Ibid., p. 22.
4. Everett Cataldo, M ichael G a les , Deborah A thos, and 

Douglas G a tlin , “ Desegregation and W hite F light,* ’ 
Integrateducation. 13 (Jan u ary-Feb ru ary , 197 5 ), p. 3.

5. Lu th e r M unford , Black G ravity: Resegregation in 30 
Mississippi School Districts (Sen io r thesis, Princeton 
U nversity , A p ril 18, 197 1 ), p. x i (em phasis added).

6. Lu th e r M unford , “ W hite F lig h t from  Desegregation in 
M ississippi,”  Integrateducation, 11 (M ay-June . 1973) 
p. 20.

7. See entries under “ M ississippi”  in “ C hron ic le  o f Race ,
Sex, and Schools”  in issues o f Integrateducation since 
1971.

8. Jam es Bosco and S tanley Rob in , “ W hite F lig h t from  
Court-Ordered Busing,”  Urban Education. 9 (A p r il 
1974). p. 122.

9. H aro ld  K u rtz , “ Court Mandated Integration and W hite 
F lig h t in Lo s  Angeles C ounty ,”  p. 1426 in U .S . Congress. 
92nd, 2nd session. House o f Representatives, Com m ittee 
on the Ju d ic ia ry , Subcomm ittee N o . 5, School Busing 
Hearings, Pa rt 3, Seria l N o . 32 (W ashington. D .C .-  
G .P .O ., 1972).

10. N iilo  E .  Koponen, ‘T h e  M yth  o f a T ip p in g  Po int’ . ”  
Integrateducation. 4 (August-Septem ber, 1966) p. 13.

11. See chapters five, s ix , and seven. M eyer W einberg. 
Desegregation Research: An Appraisal, third edition, 
forthcom ing (W ritten  fo r the N ational Institute of 
E d ucato n ).

12. Unpublished data from  the Office o f C iv il Rights 
contained in 'T a l i ,  1972 R acia l and Ethn ic  Enro llm ent in 
Pub lic  E lem entary and Secondary Schools.”



EDUCATION

Second Thoughts
In 1966, the U.S. Office of Ediicaticni 

released the results of a massive study of 
equal educational opportunity for 
American children. Called the “Cole­
man report,” after chief researcher Dr. 
James S. Coleman, the study produced 
one finding that immediately captured 
widespread public attention: low'er- 
income black children, it show'ed, per­
formed demonstrably better in classes 
\v ith an economic and racial mix of 
students than did their peers in all-black 
classrooms. Civil-rights leaders seized 
on the Coleman report to bolster their 
demands for school desegregation—and 
as courts across the nation began to order 
communities to integrate their schools, 
the study was cited regularly as the 
rationale for large-scale busing.

But recently, Dr, Coleman has growm 
apprehensive about the uses to which 
his findings have been put. In his view, 
the courts ' have overstepped their 
bounds with mandatory busing. Segre­
gation enforced by discriminatory laws, 
he told New .SWEEK at his vacation home 
in Leadminc, W.Va., “must be reme­
died, and till courts are the appropriate 
agency.” But dc facto segregation, the 
University of Chicago sociologist ar­
gues, is another matter. With mandatory 
busing, he says, the courts may in fact 
have subverted their own goafs—in­
advertently creating a new kind of seg­
regation far. more insidious than that of 
the past.

Coleman’s fears are supported by his 
current studies for the Urban Institute, 
a Washington-based research group

w'hose findings will be pub­
lished early next year. lie  has 
been analyzing data collect­
ed fi'om the nation’s 70 larg­
est school districts from 1968 
to 1973, the period of the 
greatest pressure for deseg­
regation. During that period, 
he points out, schools in the 
South were transformed from 
the most segregated to the 
most integrated schools in 
the country. But by the end of 
1973, he reports, an alarming 
“resegregation” had begun, 
as W'hites abandoned city 
schools in vast numbers. At­
lanta’s elementary and sec­
ondary schools lost 52 per cent of their 
w'hite students. In Memphis, 43 per cent 
of the W'hite pupils vanished—into the 
suburbs or private schools. Coleman 
predicts precisely the same fate for large 
Northern cities like Boston, Denver and 
Detroit where large-scale busing has 
only recently begun.

Helplessness: The reasons for white 
flight, Coleman contends, extend far 
beyond simple bigotry. Many parents 
leave the cities because they feel that 
huge urban school systems are too cum­
bersome for control. For these people, 
court orders to bus their children away 
from neighborhood schools often prove 
to be merely the last straw' in a general 
feeling of helplessness. “The general 
tendency is for middle-class families to 
move out to what they see as better 
schools for the money,” Coleman re­
ports. “That tendency is increased if 
their kids are suddenly being bused into

Children boarding school bus in the South: Have the courts gone too far?

Coleman: Bigotry is not the only explanation

gh etto  areas for sch oo l w ith  low er-class  
k id s.” C o lem a n ’s stu d ie s  sh ow  that the  
W'hite fa m ilies  do not te n d  to m o v e w h en  
a m inority o f  lo w er-c la ss  ch ild ren  is 
b u se d  into th eir m id d le -c la ss  d istricts. 
A nd in  sm aller c itie s , he reports, w h ere  
racial and class d iffer en ce s  are n ot so  
sharp ly d efin ed , w'hite fligh t is rare.

If busing is not the answer to school 
desegregation, what is? Implicit in Cole­
man’s interpretation of his findings is the 
conclusion that no plan will work unless 
it elicits voluntary cooperation from 
blacks and whites. For one thing, he 
suggests, city school systems would do 
we'll to promote academic incentives that 
encourage whites to keep their children 
in city schools; specialized programs in 
art and science at innovative “magnet” 
schools are among the experiments he 
finds hopeful. He is also interested in 
experiments in.voluntary desegregation 
like one now being debated in the Wis­
consin state legislature. There, plans are 
afoot for creation of a new school district 
that would bring together schools of 
inner-city Milwaukee and tw'o middle- 
and upper-class suburbs. Even without 
compulsory busing, its sponsors hope, 
the Wisconsin program would achieve 
racial and socioeconomic balance in the 
classrooms by getting students from all 
areas to enroll iir district schools offering 
the programs best suited to them,

‘Enemy’: Coleman resents implications 
that he has deserted the cause of integra­
tion. “There’s been a feeling that any 
admission that desegregation in large 
cities has serious problems is giving in to 
the enemy,” he says. “ But it’s my feeling 
that it’s much more important to come 
out, five or ten years from now, with 
cities that have some degree of integra­
tion—not. despite the best intentions, 
with cities that are all black and suburbs 
that are all white,” If, as his findings 
suggest, busing is not the best means to 
the end, Coleman thinks the proponents 
of integration should get back to the 
drawing board. In the long run, he 
emphasizes, they must strive to find a 
workable desegregation plan—no matter 
how long it takes to put it into effect. 
—MERRILL SHEILS with DIANE CAMPER in Leadmine, W.Va.

N ew sw eek, Ju n e  2 3 , 1 9 7 5



libera l p rogram s o f  th e  J o h n so n  ep o ch  m a y  o n ly  
h a v e  p a v ed  th e  w a y  fo r  a  n e w  co n se r v a tism , fo r  
r e tre n c h m en t a n d  e v e n  re p r essio n .

T o  h is  ad m irers, J o h n so n  is  a  c o m p lex , m isu n ­
d e r sto o d  a n d  n o b le  f ig u r e  w h o  b o u n d  u p  th e  
w o u n d s  o f  th e  n a tio n  a fte r  th e  tr a g e d y  a t  D a lla s , 
b y  s h e e r  fo r c e  o f  w i l l  p u sh ed  m o r e n e e d e d  so c ia l  
le g is la tio n  th ro u g h  C o n g re ss  th a n  a n y  o f  h is  3 4  
p r e d e c e sso r s , w h o  sa v e d  fr eed o m  in  S o u th e a st  
A sia  an d  th e n  m a d e  th e  su p r em e sa c r if ic e  o f  h is  
o w n  p o lit ic a l ca r ee r  in  a  b o ld  m o v e  to  w in  th e  
p ea ce .

T o  o th er s  h e  is  a  ch a ra c ter  o u t o f  a  G reek  
W estern . A t f ir s t , h e  is  th e  m an  in  th e  b ig  ran ch  
h o u se , e le c te d  b y  th e  la r g e st  p o p u la r  m a jo r ity  in  
h is to ry , rich , p o w er fu l a n d  se e m in g ly  in v in c ib le . 
T hen , fe lle d  b y  h u b ris , a  v ic t im  o f  h is  o w n  tr a g ic  
f la w s , im p a led  b y  w a r , h e  r id es  o f f  fo r e v e r  in to  
C red ib ility  Gap, h is  n a m e to  b le a c h  in  th e  d e se r t  
w ith  th e  b o n e s  o f  th e  G reat S o c ie ty  b e n e a th  th e  
m e r c ile s s  g la r e  o f  h is to ry .

T hat, n e e d le s s  to  sa y , i s  n o t p r e c ise ly  th e  v ie w  
a t th e  W h ite  H ou se . T here h as b een  in  th a t e p i­
c e n te r  o f  p o w e r  in  re ce n t w e e k s  an  a tm o sp h er e  
o f  fo r ced  c h ee r  and  b u stle , tin g ed  w ith  u n r ea lity . 
B en ea th  th e  a p p ea ra n ce o f  b u s in e ss  a s  u su a l, 
h o w ev e r , co u ld  b e  o b serv e d  an  a ir o f  r e sig n a tio n , 
a  s e n s e  o f  d e/d  vu— and  a  w is tfu l fe e lin g  th a t it  
m ig h t so m e h o w  a ll h a v e  tu rn ed  o u t d iffer en tly .

^ J o T  th a t th er e  is  v er y  m u ch  t im e  fo r  in tro ­
s p e c t io n  b y  e ith e r  Mr. J o h n so n  o r  h is  s ta f f . T he  
p ro b le m s o f  th e  P re s id e n c y  cr o w d  in  and  d o  n o t  
s to p  e v e n  fo r  la m e d u c k s— a  r o le  fo r  w h ic h , in  
a n y  e v e n t , L yndon  J o h n so n  is  p rob ab ly  c o n ­
g e n ita lly  le s s  su ited  th an  a n y  P re s id e n t in  h is ­
tory . H e is  a lso  w e ll  a w a r e  th a t u n t il Jan . 2 0  h e  
re m a in s, in  p u rely  m ilita ry  te rm s, th e  m o s t  
p o w er fu l m an  o n  th e  p la n e t .

Y e t, th er e  is  a  p o ig n a n cy  to  a n y  P re sid e n t  
le a v in g  o ff ic e . M r. J o h n so n  w a s  o b v io u s ly  and  
g e n u in e ly  m o v e d  b y  a  p r iv a te  c e re m o n y  a t  th e  
C ab inet m e e tin g  o f  S ep t. 5.

“T h e P re s id e n t arrived  a t  11:18 A .M .,” th e  
m in u tes  o f  th e  m e e tin g  b eg in . “S ecr eta r y  R u sk  
re q u ested  a  fe w  m in u te s  s o  th a t th e  C ab inet  
m ig h t p r e se n t th e  P re s id e n t w ith  a  g i f t  m arkin g  
h is  6 0 th  b ir th d a y . T he S ecr eta r y  o ffere d  so m e  
b rie f rem ark s o n  b e h a lf o f  th e  C abinet:

" ‘T he o ff ic e  o f  th e  P re s id e n c y  r e p r esen ts  th e  
m a je s ty  o f  th is  la n d  an d  o f  ou r p eo p le . . . . T he  
sy m b o lic  a n d  rea l r e sp o n s ib ilit ie s  o f  th is  o ff ic e  
m a k e it  p resu m p tu o u s o f  a n y  o f  u s  to  e x p e c t  
th a t th e  o cc u p a n t is  a  h u m an  b ein g . W e, you r  
c o lle a g u e s , a re  o fte n  r e tic e n t to  s a y  w h a t w e  
fe e l  s o  s tr o n g ly . T hat r e tic e n c e  m a k es  y o u r s  a  
lo n e ly  job . T oday , M r. P re sid e n t, w e  w a n t to  
b reak  th ro u g h  th a t, to  s a y  so m e th in g  to  y o u .

“ ‘W e a re  a ll g r a te fu l a s  A m erica n s th a t y o u  
ra ised  th is  n a tio n  u p  a t  a  t im e  o f  terrib le  
tra g ed y . If w e  h a v e  p ro b le m s in  th is  co u n try  
th e y  a re  p ro b le m s o f  m o v e m en t, n o t o f  s ta g ­
n a tio n . It is  y o u r  lea d er sh ip  th a t h a s  carried  u s  
on . . . . W e a t  th is  ta b le  p erh ap s k n o w  th a t b e s t

o f  a ll. W e k n o w  th a t y o u  h a v e  ta k e n  g ig a n t ic  
a n d  h is to r ic  s te p s  a t  h o m e a n d  abroad . In  th e  
w o r ld  y o u  h a v e  h e lp e d  m e n  tu rn  a s id e  from  
h o s t ility  to  co o p er a tio n  an d  c o n ta c ts  fo r  fin d in g  
p ea ce . . . . W ith  th o s e  th o u g h ts , M r. P re sid e n t, 
a lt o f  u s  o ffe r  y o u  o u r  w a r m e s t b e s t  w is h e s  o n  
y o u r  6 0 th  b ir th d a y . W e o ffe r  th em  w ith  g re a t  
r e sp e c t  to  L ynd on  J o h n so n  th e  P re s id e n t and  
w ith  g r e a t a ffe c t io n  to  L ynd on  J o h n so n  th e  
m a n .’

“T h e C ab inet th en  p r e se n te d  th e  P re sid e n t  
w ith  a  s i lv e r  p en  s e t  an d  d e sk  b lo tte r , in sc r ib e d  
w ith  th e  n a m e s  o f  th e  C ab inet m e m b ers an d  a  
record  o f  th e  land m ark  la w s  p a sse d  in  th e  
J o h n so n  A d m in istra tion ."

In th e  dry , u n d er sta te d  la n g u a g e  o f  th e  m in ­
u te s , “ th e  P re sid e n t re sp o n d ed  b r ie fly  and  
w a r m ly , e x p r e ss in g  h is  a p p r ec ia tio n  fo r  th e  g if t  
a n d  h is  p erso n a l e s te e m  fo r  e v e r y  m e m b er ‘o f  
th is  d e v o te d  C a b in et’.”

A s o n e  w itn e s s  to  th e  e m o tio n a l C ab inet c e r e ­
m o n y  p u t it , th e  l is t  o f  G reat S o c ie ty  le g is la tio n  
fi l le d  “th e  w h o le  d am n  b lo tter .” A n d  a n  ex tra o r­
d in a ry  l is t  it  is— in c lu d in g  th e  C iv il R igh ts  A ct  
and th e  P o v e r ty  Program  in  1964, M edicare, 
F ederal a id  to  e d u ca tio n  and  th e  V o t in g  R igh ts  
b ill in  1965, M odel C itie s  an d  th e  D ep artm en t 
o f  T ran sporta tion  in  1966, Fair H o u sin g  a n d  th e  
ta x  b ill in  1968.

T h e b lo tter , h o w e v e r , d id  n o t l i s t  th e  T onk in  
G ulf R e so lu tio n  a m o n g  th e  a cc o m p lish m en ts  o f  
1964, fo r  Mr. J o h n so n  n e e d s  n o  re m in d er o f  th e  
w a r  en g ra v e d  in  s te r lin g  s ilv e r . It o v er sh a d o w s  
a ll e lse : i t  i s  l ite r a lly  th e  f ir s t  th in g  to  w h ic h  h e  
tu rn s h is  a tte n tio n  w h e n  h e  a w a k e s  ea c h  day , 
a n d  it  i s  n e v e r  v e r y  fa r  from  h is  th o u g h ts . I t is  
th e  r e a so n  h e  c h o s e  n o t  t o  run, i t  i s  th e  th ie f  o f  
h is  p o w er , an d  i t  c o lo r s  and  p erv a d es  h is  
a m b ig u o u s re la tio n sh ip  w ith  h is  p a rty ’s  P re si­
d en tia l n o m in e e , H ubert H . H um phrey.

lETNA M  is  L yndon  Jo h n so n ’s  w h ite  w h a le , 
and  h e  s t i l l  c h a se s  it , e v e n  in  th e  tw ilig h t  
m o n th s  o f  h is  P re sid e n c y . P erhap s b e c a u se  h e  
so o n  m u st lea v e , th e  th o u g h ts  f lo w  fr e e ly  a s  th e  
c lo c k  t ic k s .

H e b e lie v e d  th a t h is  d e c is io n  to  w ith d ra w  
b rou ght a b o u t th e  p e a c e  ta lk s  in  P aris. H e a lso  b e ­
lie v e d  th a t H anoi w a s  w a it in g  to  d ec id e  w h eth e r  
to  d ea l w ith  N ix o n , H um ph rey or L yndon  John­
so n , and h e  c lu n g  to  th e  p o ss ib ility  th a t H o Chi 
M inh w o u ld  c h o o se  to  d o  b u s in e ss  w ith  h im .

H e h oped  th a t i f  n o t  b efo r e  th e  e le c tio n , th en  
.a fter  N ov . 5  and  b e fo r e  n o o n  o f  Inaugu ration  
D ay, so m e th in g  w o u ld  turn  up in  P aris. H e w a s  
c o n v in c e d  th a t i f  N orth  V ietn a m  w a n te d  p ea ce , 
th e  n e g o tia tio n s  co u ld  m o v e  v e r y  rap id ly .

“T hey  [N orth  V ietnam ] h a v e  h ad  t o  m a k e  th e  
fu n d a m e n ta l d e c is io n  a s  to  w h e th e r  to  g o  w ith  
u s  o r  ou r su c c e sso r s ,” o n e  o f  Mr. J o h n so n ’s  k ey  
W h ite  H o u se  a d v ise r s  o n  V ietn a m  sa id  in  a  
re c e n t in terv ie w . “A s  lo n g  a s  M cC arthy w a s  
ru n nin g, th er e  w a s  n o  ch a n c e  fo r  p ro g re ss  in  

(Continued on Page 122)

Photographs by YO lC H l OKAM OTO

NOVEMBER 3, 1MB



T h e  b e s t  a l t e r n a t i v e  t o  e n d l e s s  s c h o o l  c r i s e s ,  

s a y s  a n  e x p e r t  i n  e d u c a t i o n ,  i s  t o  f o l l o w  

t h e  C a t h o l i c  p r e c e d e n t  a n d  h e l p  

b l a c k  n a t i o n a l i s t s  c r e a t e  t h e i r  o w n

P r i v a t e  S c h o o l s  

F o r  B l a c k  C h i l d r e n
B y  CH RISTO PH ER JEH C K S

T h e  public sch ool system  o f  
N ew  York Q ty  is  on  th e  brink 
o f collapse. N o com prom ise be­

tw een  the teachers’ union  and the 
school board is lik e ly  to reso lve the 
fundam ental con flicts b etw een  the  
school s ta ff and the ad vocates o f  
black  com m unity control. U ntil the  
b asic politica l fram ew ork o f  public  
education  in  N ew  Y ork C ity is  
altered , str ikes and b oycotts— or both  
— are like ly  to  recur on  an  annual 
basis.

. Nor is  N ew  York unique. It is  sim ­
p ly  first. A ll th e  forces w h ich  have  
brought N ew  Y ork C ity to  its  p resent 
condition  are a t w ork elsew here, and  
th e  N e w  Y ork story  w ill certain ly  
be repeated  in dozens o f  other major 
citie s  around th e  country during the  
n ex t decade.

The origin o f  the crisis is  sim ple. 
T he public schools h ave n ot been  
ab le to  teach  m ost b lack  children to  
read and w rite or to  add and sub­
tract com petently . This is  n o t the  
children’s fault. T hey are th e  v ictim s  
o f  socia l p ath ology far  beyond their  
control. N or is  it  the sch ools’ fault, 
fo r  schools a s  n o w  organized  cannot 
p ossib ly  o ffse t the m alignant effec ts  
o f grow ing up in  th e  ghetto . N one­
th eless, th e  fac t th at the schools can ­
n ot teach  b lack  children basic sk ills  
has m ade the rest o f th e  curriculum  
im w orkable and it  has le ft th e  ch il­
dren w ith  noth ing usefu l and creative

C H R IS TO P H ER  JE H C K S  is executive 
director of the Center for Educetionat 
Policy Research at Harvard, on leave 
from the Institute for Policy Studies in 
Washington. W ith David Riesman, he 
wrote "The Academic Revolution," pub­
lished last spring.

to  do fo r  s ix  hours a  day. G hetto  
sch oo ls have therefore becom e little  
m ore than custod ia l institutions for  
keep ing the children o ff th e  street. 
N obody, b lack or w h ite, really  know s  
w h at to  do about the situation.

The traditional argum ent o f  both  
black  and w h ite liberals w as th at the  
problem  could be so lved  by integrat­
ing  b lack  children into predom inantly  
w h ite  schools, but experience has 
sh ow n  th at m any w h ites  are reluc­
ta n t to  a llo w  th is, and that m any  
blacks are n ot w illing  to  m ove into  
w h ite  neighborhoods or bus their  
children across tow n  even  if  th e  op­
portun ity is  available. Furthermore, 
studies such a s  the one done in  N ew  
Y ork C ity by  D avid F ox have show n  
that m ost b lack  children’s academ ic  
perform ance im proves o n ly  a  little  
or n ot a t all in  integrated  schools. 
M ost peop le have therefore aban­
doned integration a s  a  solution , at 
lea st in  b ig cities.

M ost educators are n o w  concen­
trating on  “com pensatory” and “re­
m edial” program s to  bring academ ic  
com petence in all-black  sch ools up to  
the leve l o f  a ll-w h ite schools. U nfor­
tunately , none o f th ese  program s 
have proved con sisten tly  successfu l 
over any significant period. A  few  
gifted  principals seem  to  have cre­
ated  an  atm osphere w h ich  enables  
black  children to  learn as  m uch as 
w h ites in  other schools, but they  have  
done th is by  force o f personality  
rather than b y d evisin g  form ulas 
w hich  others could fo llow . Program s 
like M ore E ffective Schools in  N ew  
York C ity m ay eventually  prove m od­
erately  effective, but evalu ations to

date have n ot provided grounds for 
great optim ism .

The w idespread failure o f  both in ­
tegration  and com pensation  has con ­
vinced  som e b lack  n ationalists that 
the an sw er is  to  replace w h ite  prin­
cipals and teachers w ith  b lack  ones. 
But experience w ith  th is rem edy is 
a lso  d iscouraging. The sch ools in 
W ashington , D. C., for exam ple, have  
predom inantly b lack sta ffs, and y et  
their b lack  pupils learn no m ore than  
in  other cities. So, m any b lack m ili­
tan ts are n ow  arguing that the esse n ­
tial step  is  n o t to  hire b lack sta ffs  
but to  estab lish  b lack control over  
th e  schools. There is  little  evidence  
on e w a y  or the other on  th is score, 
but th e  sch oo ls in A m erica’s few  
predom inantly b lack tow ns are not 
esp ecia lly  distinguished .

* I ^ E  available ev idence su ggests  
th a t o n ly  a  really  extraordinary  
school can  h ave m uch influence on a 
child’s  academ ic com petence, be he 
black or w h ite. W ithin the range o f  
variation  found in Am erican public 
schools —  and by traditional criteria  
th is range is  quite broad —  the d iffer­
en ce b etw een  a  “good ” school and  
“bad” sch ool does n ot seem  to  m at­
ter very  m uch. Jam es S. Colem an’s 
m assive Equality o f  Educational Op­
portunity survey, conducted  for the
U.S. O ffice o f  Education, dem on­
strated  th is poin t in  1965. Colem an’s 
w ork  w as m uch criticized  on  m ethod­
ologica l grounds, but m ost subsequent 
analyses h ave confirm ed h is conclu ­
sions. Indeed, recent w ork  a t Harvard 
su ggests that Colem an probably over­
stated  th e  e ffec t o f  school quality  on  
student achievem ent. This m eans that 

(Continued on Page 132)



G H ETTO  SCHOOL — J.H.S.  271 in Ocean Hill- 
Brownsville during the teachers' strike. Clockwise from top, at a barricade outside the school, which remained open; a social studies class; in a corridor between classes; taking notes; an assistant principal addresses a math class while the teacher stands by.

k J O Y



D i c k  H a t c h e r  I s  D e f i n i t e l y

A  S o u l  M a y o r
B y  H A L HIGDON

Gary, Ind.

IT w a s  a sunny day in Septem ber. 
T he w ind  w a s  com ing from  the  
right d irection, th e  sou thw est, 

b low in g  th e  grim e from  the U. S. 
S tee l sm ok estacks o u t across the  
lake in stead  o f  over th e  city . Richard  
Gordon H atcher, h a tless  but w earing  
a  w e ll-ta ilo r e d  su it, ex ited  from  the  

'liow ritow n Y.M .C.A., w h ere in  h is  
spare m om en ts h e p lays tab le tenn is  
w ith  k ids from  th e neighborhood and  
w h ere h e  had ju st signed  a  proclam a­
tion  com m ending th e  Y .’s  Eagle-Scout 
program . G lancing up a t  the clear  
sky, h e  w aved  h is chauffeur a w ay  
and started  to  w a lk  th e  several 
b locks separating  him  from  C ity H all

H A L  H IG D O N  ii  <
•fho frequently reports

freelance writer 
>n political fisures.

w here h e  serves a s  m ayor o f  Gary, 
Ind., th e  first black m ayor o f  G aiy, 
and som e w ill te ll you  on e o f  the  
fir st honest m ayors o f  Gary.

The c ity  o f Gary, a  sort o f  in ­
dustrial suburb o f  C hicago, s its  at 
th e  b ase o f  Lake M ichigan, produces 
ste e l, and contains roughly 180,000  
people, m ore than h a lf o f  them  black. 
Founded in  1906 b y  U .S. S tee l (and  
nam ed for th a t com pany’s  board  
chairm an. Judge E lbert H. Gary), it 
is  a  c ity  o f  im m igrants: P oles, H un­
garians, Italians, G reeks, Serbs, 
C roats, M exicans, and m o st recently  
N egroes from  the South. It i s  a  city , 
in  fac t, a lm ost devoid  o f  a  m iddle  
c la ss  and th e  b ig-m oney peop le live  
in C hicago or th e  suburbs.

T he ou tlin e o f  Gary on  a m ap  
form s a  squat “T” w ith  w h ites  living

on  th e  three corners and b lacks  
jam m ed in to  th e  center, th e  so- 
called  M idtow n area. T ensions  
aboim d. N egroes con stitu te  about 56  
per cen t o f  Gary’s  population  but 
occup y o n ly  around 10 per ce n t o f  
its  habitab le land area. T he c ity ’s  
fat-incom e industries, in  addition  to  
stee l, have been  v ice  and graft. “Gary  
m ay n ot b e th e  w orld ’s  m ost cor­
rupt tow n,”  sa y s one veteran  re­
porter, “b ut i t  certa in ly  d eserves its  
p lace in  h istory.” Several Gary 
m ayors have been jailed  or arrested, 
th e  m ost recent being  G eorge  
Chacharis, con victed  o f graft w h ile  
still in  o ff ice  in  1962. W hen Richard
G. H atcher becam e m ayor on  Jan. 
1, 1968, after a  b itter  election  cam ­
paign  th at sp lit th e  c ity  racially , he  
seem ingly  had n ow here to  go  but up.

but h e  a lso  inherited , according to  
U rban L eague execu tive  d irector  
G eorge R. Coker, “all the problem s 
o f N ew  Y ork, Chicago, and Los 
A n geles m ultiplied  by  three.”

* I * h e  su cce ss  o f  M ayor H atcher in 
so lv in g  th ese  problem s m ay n o t be  
sta tist ica lly  m easurable fo r  years. In 
term s o f  in itiating  program s, how ­
ever, h is record h as been  im pressive. 
Federal and foundation  m oney has  
rained upon Gary since he took  o f­
fice . I t is  a s  though th e  c ity  is  being  
given  a s  m uch atten tion  a s  a  n ew ly  
em erging African nation. During the  
first four m onths o f  the H atcher ad­
m inistration , ou tside support totaled  
nearly  $12-m illion. This included a  
M odel C ity program  sponsored  b y  
th e  D epartm ent o f  H ousing and

THE NEW YORK TIMES MAQAZINE, NOVEMBER 3, 1968



H e  c a m e  i n  preach ing  c o n s e n s u s ,  
h e  g o e s  o u t  am id  d i s u n i t y

released  a  sta tem ent through  
the accounting  firm  o f H as­
k ins & S ells show ing the fam ­
ily ’s  net w orth  a t $3.4-m illion. 
Life m agazine put th e  fam ­
ily ’s a ssets  a t $14-m illion.

j R i  S an ex-President, Mr. 
Johnson w ill receive $80,000  
annually in  o ffice exp en ses, a  
pension  o f $25,000 a  year , a 
Secret Service detail, m edical 
services, and an  o ff ice  in the  
Federal B uilding in A ustin. He 

1 a lso  exp ects to  have an  of- 
L fice in the Johnson Library 
*  -‘httHding w h en  it is  com pleted  

a t th e  U n iversity o f T exas at 
A ustin. He m ay do som e  
teach ing at the Lyndon B. 
Johnson School o f Public-A f­
fairs, a lso  under construction  
a t the university, although he  
has been  overheard to  say, 
em phatically , “I w on ’t  teach  
an y 8 o ’clock  c la sses .” The 
tw o  buildings w ill co st $ H -  
m illion and are due to be 
com pleted  b y  1970.

Tom  Johnson, the D eputy  
W hite H ouse Press Secretary, 

( is  expected  to  g o  to  A ustin  
to  be the ex-President’s  e x ­
ecu tiv e  assistan t, and tw o  
W hite H ouse speechw riters, 
R obert L, H ardesty, a form er 
N ew  York adm an, and Harry 
J. M iddleton h ave signed on  as  
m em bers o f  th e  A ustin  staff. 

I “It’s  go ing  to  b e  a  terrible 
I decom pression  period,” one  

associa te  o f  the President pre- 
.  d ieted , “but from  w h at I can  
I  see , I th ink  he’ll survive it. 
■  I’v e  never heard h im  say  any- 
k  th ing  th at m akes m e fee l he  
B  is sorry for h im self. I think  
U h e  th inks that h istory  w ill 
B  v ind icate him .”
H  Som e o f  Mr. Johnson’s 
~ f r i e n d s  perceive w ith in  him  a  
-  strong streak  o f  fatalism , and  

a  w illin gn ess to  accep t th ings 
a s th ey  are. He a lso  is  a  man  
shaped, in considerable m eas­
ure, b y  the fundam entalist 
religious background o f  the  
T exas hill country. (V ery  
rarely, the fata lism  can be 
glim psed, a s  w hen  he m used  
about the assassin ation  o f  
P r e s id ^ t  K ennedy several 

— w e e l^  after D allas. Staring  
out o f  the w in dow  o f h is  
ranch hom e, he talked  to  a 
v is itor  ab out D iem  and Tru­
jillo, both o f  w hom  had also  
died v io len tly . W e took  care  
o f  them , he said; perhaps this 
tragedy w a s  som e k ind o f  ter­
rible retribution.)

Only Mr. Johnson really  
know s the answ er to  the cen ­
tral question  for him; H ow  he 
has com e to term s w ith  his 
decline in  the nation’s  esteem .

NOVEMBER 3, 1MB

SO v iv id ly  apparent in the 
contrast b etw een  1964 and  
1968. C ertainly fata lism  m ay  
b e on e answ er, and h is  con fi­
den ce in  th e  judgm ent o f  h is­
tory another. In addition, he  
is  convinced  that there are  
great forces in  the w orld that 
affect public opinion. W hen  
th ose forces are w ith  you , so  
are the people. W hen they  are 
not. . . .

B.(UT then, Lyndon Johnson  
cannot really accept the idea  
that h e is  unpopular. He reads 
a lo t about it, he see s  the  
p olls, but w hen  h e g o es  out 
and m akes a speech , a s  he  
did in  K entucky n ot long ago, 
he sees  on ly  happy faces. 
Perhaps it isn’t  true. And he 
com forts h im self w ith  a  three- 
page sta ff stu dy  o f polls, 
show ing that prior to  his 
w ithdraw al o f  March 31, he 
ran ahead o f  N ixon, W allace, 
M cCarthy, R ockefeller, Rea­
gan and Rom ney.

One Johnson a ssista n t w ho  
retains marked affection  for 
“the b oss,” as  h e is  know n  
colloquially  a t  the W hite 
H ouse, declared: “H e’s one  
o f the sm artest m en I’v e  ever  
seen. He’s  g o t so  m any w arts 
he’s  a lm ost a w art. But he’s  
a lso  capable o f great, rough  
com passion , d ign ity  and de­
cency.”

Lyndon Johnson, Tom  W ick­
er has w ritten , “w a s seldom  
ab le to catch th e  inner ear o f  
the peop le and m ake them  
listen . . . .  He w anted  to be 
loved , and often  acted  like it, 
but in  th e  long run he usual­
ly  g ave action  a  h igher pri­
ority  than affection .”

Fate gave Mr. Johnson great 
pow er. N ow  h e is  getting  
ready to  relinquish it, to  ride 
past the W hite H ouse into the 
pages o f h istory  a fter 37  years  
in W ashington. Perhaps h is  
inner thoughts about all this 
w ere b est reflected  w hen he 
suddenly turned to W alt Ros- 
to w  one day recently, and in 
the privacy o f the oval office  
declared:

“In th is job a m an m ust set  
a standard to  w h ich  he’s 
w orking. In m y case, it is 
w h at w ill m y grandchildren  
think w hen I’m buried out 
there under the tree on  the  
ranch? I think th ey  w ill be 
proud o f  tw o things. W hat I 
did for the N egro and seeing  
it through in V ietnam  for all 
o f A sia .”

The President looked a t  
R ostow  and added ruefully: 
“The N egro co st m e 15 points  
in the polls and V ietnam  cost  
m e 20.” ■

Now. ^
Get behind an 
A^C Grenadier.
W hen the m om en t is too  good  to let go... 
get beh in d  a m ild  tastin g  AMD G renadier. In  ligh t or dark  
w rapper, A6-C’s u n iq u e  b lend o f  fine im ported and  
choice dom estic  tobaccos pleases you w ith  flavor—and  
flavor is the reason A6-C sales con tin u e  to  soar these days. 
G et behin d an As-C G renadier (show n actual size).
Or choose a Panetela, Tony, or any on e o f AMD’s n in e  
oth er sizes and shapes.

Antonio y Cleopatra
Pack or box, you’re ahead behind an A5-C.



Y o u ’ll find 
R ound-the-C lock  

the cen tre  of a tten tio n  
a t these fine stores:

Attva;, Muhifeidcr's; Mocy's
Atlmlowii, Pa., Hess 
Atbwia. Davison-Paxon
BakenteM. Cal., The Broadway;
Bahhaorc. Md.. Hutzlers; Stewart's 
BcaunoBt. Texas, The White House 
Bedford. N.H., Filene's 
Berkeley, Cal., J. F. Hink A Son 
Biminsbam, Ala., Burger-Philips 
BostOM. :ifass., Filene's;

Jordan .Marsh Coinpany 
BeaMcf, Cido„ Neustvlcr’s 
BridietMrt. Co m ., D. M . Read. Inc. 
Brouklya, N.Y.. Abraham A Straus 
B«Balo,N.Y.,Adam.Meldrum A Anderson;

Wm. Hengerer Co.
Caaiea, Obi*, M. O'Neil Co.

Marshall Field A  Company
ClwbuuUl. Obio, McAlpins; Pogue's;

ligbee Compai

Cetwiabus, O l^ . Lazai 
l>alla», iesas, Sanger Harris 
Daavillc. UL, Meis Brothers 
Davenport. Iowa. M. L. Parker Co. 
Dayton, Ohio, Elder-Beerman Co.; 

Mike-kumfer Co.
Deeaiar, lU., Carson Pirie Scott A Co. 
Denver, Colo., The Denver; Neusteter’s 
D e l .\fofiies, Iowa, Younkets 
Detroit, Mkb., J. L. H u d ^  Co. 
ElUabetb, N . i„  Levy BrtMhcrs 
E l Paso, Texas, Popular Dry Goods 
Eric, Pa., Boston Store 
Evansville. Im I.. OeJong’s 
Eagcne, Or«„ Bon Murclw Russells 
Fort Landerdale, Fla., Jordan Marsh 
Fort Wayne, Ind.. C. & H. Sht,>e Co.;

Grand Rapiib. Mlcb., Herpoteheimer’s 
Harrlsborg, Pa., Bowman's 
Hartford, Conn., G. Fox A Co.; Sage Allen 
Honsion, Texas. FoWy's 
IndiBiuviolH, Ind., L. S. Ayres A Co.;

Wm. H. Block Co.; H. P. Wasson A Co. 
lackson, .Miss.. Kenoingum's 
Jacksonville, F la„ May Cohen’s 
Kansas Clfy, Yfo., Macy's 
KaoxvlUc, Tenn,. Milter’s lac.
Las Vems, Nev„ The Bn>adway 
Lexington. Ky*t The Stewart Dry Goods Co. 
lincobi. Neb., Gold’s; Miller A Pain
LMIc Rock, Arii^ The M. M. Coho Co.; 
Low  Bench, CaL, Tlve Broadway; Buffuni! 
Long Ish^ , N.Y., Genz
Los Angdes, CaL,

e Stewart Dry Goo^ Co.

.Yliaml. Fla., Jordan Marsh 
Milwaukee, Wls., Boston Store;

T. A. Chapman Co.; Gimbel-Schuster’s 
.YUnneapoKs. Mbm., Ikiyton Co.; 

Donaldson's; Power’s Go<^

New Yark CHy* Arnold Const; 
Bloomingdale’s; Franklin Si 
Gimbeb; Macy's; &ern's 

NorfoBt. Va., Rice’s 
OakbHHL Cat. H. C. Capweli A Co.

Blanche 
A  Co.;

I, Neb., Kilpatrick's; J. L. Brandcis

Peoria, IIL, Carson P irk  Scott A Co. 
Pbliadripbla. Pa„ The Blum Store; Boiiwit 

Tclkr; Gimbcis; drawbridge A  Ckithkr: 
John Wanamaker

Pbocan, A lii., t^amond’s; The Broadway
Ptllsbnritb. Pa.. Girobeis; Kaufm
PortlaML .YH.. Poricous Mitchell A Braun 
Pertbmd, Ore., Lipman-W''olfe; Meier AFrank 
Provide nee, R. The Shepard Company
Ouiacy, lU., N. n rinu  A  Sons; Hurley Shoe Co. 
Riebnaond, Va., Thaihimers 
Rochester, N.Y.. B. Forman Co.; Sibley’s
Rodiford, IB.. Chas. Wefse
Sacramento. Cal.. Macy's: Weinstock's

RansohofTs 
Santa Bmbara. Cal.. Robinson's 

The Broadway
t. Lonls, .Mo.. Famous Barr;

Salt Lake City. L'tah. Z.C.M.1 
San Antonio. Texas, Joske’s of Texas 
San Dkgo. Cal.. The Broad'
San FrancLvco. Cal., Empori 

M;tcy's; R-insohotTs. Inc.
San Jose, CaL. Hart’s 
Savannah. Ga.. Levy's 
Schenectady, N.Y'„ Carl Conmai. 
Scraaton. Pa.. Scranton Dry Goods 
Sioux City. Iowa, Y'ounker '
Spokane. Wash., Bon Mar« 
Springfield. Slavs.. Ft 
SpringReM. (Miiu. Ed 
Slockf "  ■ ~
Syract 
Tampi .
Terre Haute, lud.. Roots D. G. Co.

Sioux City, Iowa, Y'ounker'Davidson 
Spokane. Wash., Bon Marche 
S^lngheld. Slavs.. Forbes d
SpringReM. (Mil ------
Stockton. CaL._____ ___ , . _ . J, Inc.; Macy’s

•, N.V., Dcy Brothers A  Co. 
Tampn, Fla.. Maos Bros.
Ttdedo, OWe. The Lion Store

Washfamton. D.C.. Hecht Co.;
WiHWlward A  Lothrop 

Wauwatosa. Wb., Marshall Field A  Co. 
Worcester. >!»«.. Filene’s 
Youngsiowa, Ohio. C . M. McKetvey Co.

P r i v a t e  s c h o o l s  f o r  b l a c k  c h i l d r e n

(Continued from Page 30) 
th e  gap b etw een  b lack  and  
w h ite ch ildren’s  academ ic  
ach ievem ent is largely  if not 
entirely attributable to  factors  
over w h ich  sch ool boards 
h ave no control.

There are, o f course, both  
educators and scholars w ho  
d isagree w ith  th is conclusion , 
and w h o  argue that the  
sch oo ls  p lay a substantial 
role in perpetuating inequality  
b etw een  the races. Such sk ep ­
tics  m ust, how ever, explain  
tw o  fa c ts  docum ented  by the 
Colem an survey  and never  
seriously d isputed since.

i  IRST, Colem an’s  w ork  con­
firm ed previous studies sh ow ­
ing th a t even  before th ey  
enter sch ool b lack  children  
perform  far le ss  w ell on  
standard te s ts  than w h ite  ch il­
dren. The typ ical b lack  6-year- 
old in th e  urban North, for  
exam ple, scores b elow  five-  
s ix th s o f  all w h ite 6-year-olds 
on  te s ts  o f both  verbal and 
nonverbal ability . These te s ts  
ob viou sly  m easure perform ­
an ce on  task s w h ich  seem  
im portant to  educators and  
p sych o log ists, n o t task s w hich  
seem  im portant to  th e  ch il­
dren being tested  or m ost of 
their parents. But for pre­
c ise ly  th is  reason  th ey  provide  
a fairly accurate indication  
o f h ow  w e ll an y particular  
cultural group is like ly  to  do  
a t such  “w h ite  - m iddle - c la ss’’ 
gam es as reading and long  
division. In the case  o f  poor 
black  children, the te s ts  pre­
d ict disaster.

The prediction , m oreover, is  
all to o  accurate. T w elve years  
later, a fter th e  sch oo ls  have  
done their b est and their  
w orst, th e  typ ical b lack  18- 
year-old  in  th e  urban N orth is 
still scoring a t about the 15th 
p ercentile on  m ost standard  
tests. The sch oo ls in short, 
have n ot changed h is position  
one w a y  or the other. This 
obviously m eans that h is abso­
lute handicap h as grow n, for 
he is 12 years older and both  
h e and h is classm ates know  
far m ore than before, so  
there is  m ore room  for d iffer­
en tiation . Thus a first-grader  
w h o scores at th e  15th per­
cen tile  on  a verbal te s t is  less  
than a  year behind h is c la ss­
m ates; a 12th-grader w ho  
scores a t  th e  15th percentile  
is  m ore than three years be­
hind.

The second  fact w h ich  m ust 
be reckoned w ith  is  that w h ile  
black children go  to  m any  
different sorts o f schools, 
good  and bad, integrated  and  
segregated, rigidly authori­
tarian and relatively perm is­
sive , their mean achievem ent

level is  rem arkably sim ilar  
from  school to  school. By the  
sixth  grade, for exam ple, the  
typ ical low er - c lass N orthern  
black  child  is  ach ieving  a 
little  ab ove the fourth-grade  
lev e l. There is  a great deal of 
individual variation  around  
th is average, both because  
black low er-class fam ilies vary  
considerab ly in  th e  am ount of 
support th ey  g ive a  school 
child and because individual 
children d iffer in native ability. 
B ut th ere is  very  little  varia­
tion  from  on e school to  an­
oth er in such  children’s  aver­
ag e leve l o f ach ievem ent. The 
black  lo w e r -c la s s  average is 
w ith in  one grade level o f  the  
over - a ll b lack  low er - class  
average in 9 sch oo ls ou t o f 10. 
This uniform ly depressing p ic­
ture cannot be attributed to  
uniform ly depressing condi­
tion s in  the schools Colem an  
surveyed. M any o f these  
sch oo ls w ere predom inantly  
w hite, and som e had excellen t  
facilities, h igh ly  trained and  
experienced  teachers, rela­
t iv e ly  sm all c la sses  and high  
over-all lev e ls  o f  expenditure. 
These d ifferences sh ow  no  
con sisten t re lationship  to  the  
m ean ach ievem en t o f  black  
elem entary school pupils.

T he last w ord  has cer­
ta in ly  n o t been w ritten  on 
th is subject. Indeed, a  group  
a t Harvard is  p lanning an­
other w h o le  book on it. But 
at the m om ent I th ink  th e  ev i­
dence strongly  ind icates that 
d ifferences in  school ach ieve­
m ent are largely caused  by  
d ifferences b etw een  cultures, 
b etw een  com m unities, betw een  
socio-econom ic circum stances  
and b etw een  fam ilies— n ot by  
d ifferences b etw een  schools.

N one o f th is provides any  
adequate ex c u se  for th e  ou t­
rageous and appalling th ings  
w hich  are o ften  done in 
gh etto  schools. But it  does  
su g g est th at even  if  black  
sch oo ls  had th e  sam e re­
sources and th e  sam e degree  
o f responsibility  to  parents  
that the better suburban  
sch oo ls n ow  have, ghetto  
children w ou ld  still end up 
m uch less  academ ically  com ­
peten t than suburban children.

It fo llo w s th at the ped a­
gog ic failure o f the gh etto  
sch oo ls m ust n ot be blam ed  
prim arily on  the stupid ity oi 
m alice o f school boards or 
school adm inistrators. It m ust 
b e blam ed on  the w h ole  com ­
plex  o f  social arrangem ents 
w h o se cum ulative v iciousness  
creates a Harlem or a W atts. 
This m eans that, barring a 
general im provem ent in the 
social and econom ic positions  
o f black A m erica, b lack chil­

dren’s school ach ievem ent is  
unlikely  to  im prove m uch in  
the foreseeable future, no  
m atter w h o  runs the schools  
or how  th ey  are run.

Som e w ill ch allen ge th is  
depressing conclusion  on  the  
ground th at b lack  children’s 
ach ievem ent scores could  be 
substantia lly  im proved if  really  
radical changes w ere m ade in 
the character and organization  
o f b lack  schools. This m ay  
w e ll be true, but such changes  
are unlikely. N or is  it  clear  
th at th ey  w ou ld  be w orth  the  
cost. D espite a great deal o f  
popular m ythology, there is 
little  real ev idence that im ­
proving b lack  children’s  aca­
d em ic sk ills  w ou ld  help  any  
appreciable num ber o f  them  
to  escape p overty and pow er­
lessn ess.

On the contrary, studies by  
O tis D udley D uncan a t the 
U niversity o f M ichigan sug­
g e s t  th at academ ic com pe­
ten ce  probably exp la ins only  
10 per cen t or 15 per cen t of 
the variation s in  m en’s earn­
ings. R esearch by Stephan  
M ichelson  a t the Brookings 
Institution  likew ise indicates 
that staying  in  school is  not 
like ly  to  be m uch help to  a 
Negro w h o  w an ts to  break  
out o f poverty  u nless he stays  
through college.

I, N th ese  circum stances, it 
seem s to  m e th at w e  should  
v iew  the present urban school 
crisis prim arily as a political 
problem , and on ly  secondarily  
a s a  p edagogic one. So long  
a s m ilitant b lacks b elieve they  
are the v ictim s o f  a  consp ir­
acy  to  keep  their children  
stupid— and therefore subser­
v ien t— the political problem  
w ill rem ain insoluble. B ut if  
w e  encourage and a ss is t black  
parents w ith  such suspicions  
to  s e t  up their ow n  schools, 
w e  m ay be ab le to  avert d is­
aster.

These sch oo ls w ou ld  not, I 
predict, be either m ore or less  
su ccessfu l than ex istin g  public 
schools in teach ing th e  three 
R’s. B ut th at is  not th e  point. 
The poin t is  to  find a  political 
modus Vivendi w hich  is  to l­
erable to  ail sides. (A fter  
that, the struggle to  elim inate  
th e  gh etto  should probably  
concentrate on  other institu ­
tions, especia lly  corporate em ­
p loyers.) H ow , then, m ight 
independent, b lack - controlled  
schools help  create such a 
modus Vivendi?

The essentia l issu e  in the 
p olitics o f A m erican education  
has a lw ays been w hether lay ­
men or p rofessionals w ould  
control the schools. Conflict 
b etw een  th ese  tw o  groups has

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THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE



taken a  hundred form s. Pro­
fession a ls a lw ays w a n t more 
m oney for the schools, w h ile  
laym en a lm ost a lw ays w an t  
to  trim  the budget. Profes­
sionals a lm ost a lw ays w ant 
personnel hired and prom oted  
on the b a s is . o f  “fair” and 
“objective” criteria like d e­
grees, exam ination  results and  

^ sen iority . Laym en are inclined  
to  favor le ss  im personal cri­
teria, such as  w hether the  
individual has roots, w hether  
th ey  p ersonally k now  and  
trust him , w hether h e gets  on  
w ell w ith  his co lleagues, and  
so  forth. P rofessionals a lm ost 
n ever w an t anyone fired for 
any reason  w hatever, w hile  
laym en  are inclined  to  fire all 
sorts o f  people, for both good  
and bad reasons. Professionals  
w an t a  Curriculum w hich  re­
flec ts  their ow n  ideas about 
the w orld, and th is  often  
m eans a  curriculum  that em ­
bodies “liberal" ideas and  
values they  picked  up a t som e  
big university, la y m e n  fre­
q uently  op pose th is demand, 
in sistin g  th at th e  curriculum  
should  reflect conservative  
local m ores.

The developm ent o f  b ig-city  
public sch oo ls over th e  past 
century has been  marked b y a

steady  d ecline o f lay  control 
and an  increase in the pow er  
o f th e  professional staff. Until 
relatively  recently, th is has 
m eant th at control w a s exer­
cised  by adm inistrators. N ow  
th e  teach in g staff, represented  
by increasingly m ilitant unions 
and professional associations, 
has begun to  in sist on  its  
rights. This is, how ever, an  
intraprofessional dispute. It 
has done noth ing to  arrest 
the s t a f f s  continuing and  
largely  su ccessfu l resistance  
to  n onprofessional “interven­
tion” by parents, school-board  
m em bers and other laym en. 
About the on ly  th ing such  
laym en can  still decide in 
m ost b ig citie s  is  the over-all 
leve l o f expenditures.

The ex ten t to  w hich  the 
professional sta ff gets  its  w ay  
seem s to  be related  to  the size  
o f th e  adm inistrative unit in 
w hich  it  w orks. Laym en usu­
a lly  h ave m ore pow er in sm all 
school d istricts, w h ile  the  
s ta ff usually  has m ore pow er  
in b ig d istricts. Until relatively  
recently, m ost liberals saw  
th is a s  an  argum ent for bigger  
districts, since th ey  thought 
th a t th e  trouble w ith  Am eri­
can  education  w a s its  ex c es­
s ive  d eference to  local inter-

iliC iven  rac ia l and 

economic segregation 

in  housing, localism  

in education means 

de facto segregation 

in  schooling.99

ests  and its lack  o f  profes­
sionalism . In the p a st few  
years, how ever, liberals and  
radicals h ave suddenly joined  
conservatives in attack ing b ig­
ness, bureaucracy and the  
claim s o f  enterprise. M ost 
peop le on  th e  le ft are now  
calling for m ore participation, 
more responsiveness, more d e­
centralization , and less  “alien- 
ization .”

X j i BERAL th inking on  th is  
question  is  in large part a 
response to  b lack  nationalism . 
M ore and m ore N egroes b elieve  
there is  a  cau se-effect rela­

tionship  b etw een  the hegem ­
on y o f  w h at th ey  call "w hite  
m iddle - c la ss” (read p rofes­
sional-bureaucratic) va lues in 
their schools and the fa c t that 
their children learn so  little  in  
th ose schools. So th ey  think  
the b est w a y  to  im prove their  
children’s perform ance w ould  
be to  break the p ow er o f the  
professional staff. This, th ey  
rightly infer, requires Baikan- 
izing big - c ity  system s into  
m uch sm aller units, w hich  
w ill be m ore responsive to  
parental and neighborhood  
pressure. (There are, o f  
course, a lso  strictly  adm inis­
trative argum ents for break­
ing up system s as large as  
N ew  York C ity’s into units 
the s ize  of, say , R ochester. 
But that w ould  n ot do much  
for parental control.) So black  
m ilitan ts w an t to  strip the 
central board o f education  
and central adm inistrative  
sta ff o f authority, e le c t local 
boards, h ave these boards 
appoint local o ffic ia ls, and  
then le t these locally  ap­
pointed  offic ia ls operate local 
schools in p recisely th e  sam e  
w a y  that any sm all-tow n or 
suburban school system  does.

This schem e has been  a t­
tacked on  tw o grounds. First,

g iven  racial and econom ic seg ­
regation  in bousing, localism  
in education  m eans de facto 
segregation  in  schooiing. In 
N ew  Y ork City, for exam ple, 
alm ost everyone agrees the  
.so-called “Bundy Plan” w ould  
foreclose any serious effort 
to  reduce racial and econom ic  
segregation  in the schools. 
Furthermore, if  b ig-city school 
system s are broken up, the  
m ore a ffluent neighborhoods 
w ill presum ably pursue the  
log ic o f  B alkanization a step  
further b y  asking for fisca l as 
w e ll as adm inistrative au ton­
om y. This dem and w ould  be 
p olitica lly  difficu lt to resist. 
Y et if it w ere m et, the exp en ­
diture gap b etw een  Harlem  
and Q ueens w ould a lm ost cer­
ta in ly  becom e w ider than it 
now  is.

The second  com m on objec­
tion to  the B alkanization o f  
big-city school system s is that 
it w ould  produce m ore par­
ental “interference.” (The d is­
tinction  b etw een  “participa­
tion ” and “interference” is 
largely a m atter o f w here you  
think parents’ rights end and  
sta ff prerogatives begin.) 
Parental interference would, 
it is  plausibly argued, m ake it  
even  harder to  recruit sta ff

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NOVCMBER 3, 1968 133



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nUBCISlAEllTf—In a New York parochial school. The author suggests a parallel be

m em bers w h o se  v a lu es  are  
s ign ificantly  a t  odds w ith  the  
com m unity’s. T his w ou ld  m ake  
schools even  m ore h om oge­
n ized  and parochial than they  
now  are. Indeed, a  local d is­
trict w h ich  d oes n ot g iv e  its  
sta ff substantial autonom y is 
like ly  to  have som e d ifficu lty  
recruiting even  teachers w h o  
h ave grow n  up in  th e  neigh­
borhood and share th e  par­
en ts’ va lues, sim ply because  
m ost teachers do n ot w an t  
parents con stan tly  second- 
gu essing  them . O nce the first 
flu sh  o f  idea listic  enthusiasm  
had passed , loca lly  controlled  
schools in poor areas w ould  
probably h ave a harder tim e  
gettin g  sta ffs  than th ey  do  
now . Like sm all rural d istricts  
confronted  w ith  the sam e  
problem , sm all im poverished  
urban d istricts w ou ld  prob­
ab ly  have to  depend m ainly  
on  local peop le w h o  could not 
g et better jobs elsew here.

T hese tw o  argum ents 
aga inst local control o f  big- 
c ity  sch oo ls  naturally  carry 
little  w e igh t w ith  b lack  m ili­
tan ts. They h ave little  pa­
tien ce  w ith  th e  libera) claim  
th a t th e  w a y  to  m ake b lack  
children learn m ore is  to  g ive  
them  m ore w h ite  classm ates  
and m ore m iddie-class teach ­
ers from  Ivy L eague co lleges. 
W hen liberals op pose decen­
tralization  on  th e  grounds

th at it  w ou ld  leg itim ize segre­
gation , th e  b lack m ilitan ts an ­
sw er; “S o w hat? Integration  
is  a  m yth. W ho needs it?” 
W hen professional educators 
add th at decentralization  
w ou ld  create w orking condi­
tion s unacceptable to  h ighly  
trained (and therefore poten ­
tia lly  m ob ile) teachers, th e  
black  m ilitan ts again  answer: 
“So w hat? Teachers like that 
don’t  understand b lack  chil­
dren. W ho w a n ts  them?”

D .‘IFFERENCES o f opin ion  
like th is probably cannot be 
resolved  b y  “experim enta­
tion”— though m ore reliable  
inform ation  about the con se­
quences o f  various school 
p olic ies w ou ld  certain ly help. 
For reasons already indicated, 
the solution  m u st be political.

In seekin g such  a  solution , 
how ever, w e  should  hear in 
m ind th a t a  sim ilar crisis 
arose a  century a go  w hen  
Catholic im m igrants confront­
ed  a  public school system  run 
by and for  P rotestants. This 
crisis w a s  su ccessfu lly  re­
so lved  by  creating tw o  school 
system s, on e public and on e  
private.

It seem s to  m e that the 
sam e approach m ight be 
equally  appropriate again  to­
day. S ince such  an  idea is  
likely  to  shock  m ost liberals, 
it  m ay be u sefu l to  recall cer­
tain  n eg lected  features o f  the

parochial - school experim ent.
The m otives o f th e  Catholic 

im m igrants w h o  created  the^  
parochial-school system  w ere  
different in  m any im p ortm itl 
respects from  th e m otives o f  I 
th e  b lack  n ationalists w h o ' 
n o w  w an t their ow n  schools. 
N onetheless, there w ere  a lso  
im portant sim ilarities. Just as  
tod ay’s  b lack n ationalist d o e s l  
n ot w a n t h is children infectedJ  
by alien , w h ite “m iddle-class””  
va lues, so  m any devout CathJ 
o lic  im m igrants did n ot w ap  
th eir children to  im bibe t h i  
alien  v a lu es  o f  w h ite  Prote^' 
ta n t “first fam ilies.”  ̂
tod ay’s  bhick n a tk m g l^  
plores th e  public schools,
ure to  develop  pride and s?___
respect in  b lack  children, so, 
too , m any Irish im m igrants 
fe lt th ey  needed their ow n  
sch oo ls to  m ake their children  
fee l th at C atholicism  and Irish- 
n ess  w ere respectable rather 
than sham eful. And,^just as  
m any Mack parents n o w  w a  
to  g e t their children out 
public sch oo ls because the^  
feel th ese  sch oo ls do  
m aintain  proper d iscip line, s o ,l  
too , m any C atholics still say*  
th at their prim e reason  for 
send ing their children to  paro­
chial sch oo ls is  that the nuns 
m aintain  order and teach  chil­
dren “to  b ehave.”

W hy, then, did n o t devout 
C atholics press for B alkaniza­
tion o f b ig-city  sch ool sys-

THC NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE J



tween Catholic schools and Negro demands for local control.

r

terns? W hy did th ey  n ot turn 
their neighborhood sch ools in­
to b astions o f  the fa ith  rather 
than creating their ow n  sep ­
arate system ?

The answ er is  that there  
w ere very  fe w  neighborhoods 
in w h ich  literally  all the resi­
den ts w ere Catholic. Even  
w here everyone w a s  Catholic, 
not all C atholics w anted  their  
children educated  in self- 
consciou.sly Catholic schools. 

 ̂Som e C atholics, especia lly  
(th o se  o f  Irish ancestry , w ere  
lex tr em ely  susp icious o f  th e  An- 
Ig lo -P rotestan t m ajority, w ere  
► strongly  attached to  the  

church, and eager to  enroll 
their children in church  
schools. B ut others, o f  w hom  
Italian im m igrants w ere fair­
ly  typical, fe lt  a s  suspicious  
o f the Irish w h o  dom inated  
the church here as o f  the An­
glo-Saxons w ho dom inated the 
rest o f  Am erica. Such Cath­
o lics w ere often  anticlerical, 
and they  w anted  to send their 
children to  sch oo ls  w hich  
w ould  stick  to  the three R’s  
and sk ip  ideology.

Thus, even  in the m ost 
C atholic neighborhoods, there 
w a s a  large m inority w hich  
thought priests, nuns and  
th eo logy  had no p lace in the  
local schools. T his m inority  
allied  itse lf w ith  th e  Prot­
esta n t m ajority in other parts 
o f the sam e sta te. These sta te­
w ide m ajorities then kept

KOVEMBER 3, 19S8

Strict lim its on  local control, 
so  a s  to  prevent devout Cath­
o lics from im posing their  
v iew  o f  education  o n  local 
P rotestant (or la x  C atholic) 
m inorities. In particular, m ost  
sta te  con stitu tion s contain  
som e kind o f  prohibition  
against the introduction o f  
church personnel and teach ­
ing  into the local public  
schools. W hen th ey  do not, 
it is  on ly  because the Federal 
First A m endm ent w as thought 
su fficien t to  prevent th e  p os­
sibility .

^X^HIS poin ts to  a  d ifficu lty  
w ith  neighborhood control 
w hich  b lack  m ilitan ts have  
y e t to  face. B lacks are n ot a 
m ajority in m any o f  the areas 
w h ere th ey  live, a t lea st if  
th ese areas are defined  as  
large enough to  support a  full 
school system . Nor are black  
A m ericans o f  o n e  m ind about 
B alkanization and its  likely  
consequences. Som e b lack  
parents still b elieve in inte­
gration. They think the on ly  
w a y  to  g e t  the socia l and  
m aterial advantages they  
w an t is  to  stop  being w hat 
th ey  h ave a lw ays been , how ­
ever difficu lt and painful that 
m ay be, and becom e cultural­
ly  indistinguishable from  the 
w hite m ajority. T liey there­
fore w an t their children to  
attend integrated  schools, to  
study the sam e curriculum  as

9 w ays to lta k e  sounds 
w ithacassette

(" T h e E v ^ ^ ffilg T h in g r )

/ /

Taking sounds. It’s the newest 
kick. Makes picture-taking 
old hat. All you need is the 
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cassette taperecorder. Weighs 
only 3 pounds including bat­
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self-contained packet with 
two loops of tape all threaded 
and ready to go) you're ready 
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ties? As many as there are 
sounds to hear.
1 . T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  a  

b u s i n e s s  m e e t in g
You're at a client’s. You jot 
down an illegible note. In the 
meantime, you miss an im­
portant point. You have to call 
back and check. Much easier 
with a cassette. It has a per­
fect memory.
2 .  T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  a  

c la s s r o o m
"If Betty Boughta bought a bit 
of better butter," says teacher. 
Pupil repeats. “No," says 
teacher. Pupil can't hear his 
mistakes. A cassette would 
help. Students can take home 
teacher’s correct pronuncia­
tions and practice their 
French, Spanish, Italian. Or 
they can hear themselves 
expressing views on current 
events.
3 .  T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  a  

v a c a t io n
The megapolis. The horns. The 
drills. The sirens. The 
snatches of conversations. To 
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tell the folks back home. A 
cassette could do the telling 
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recording on cassettes gives 
you an instant, unforgettable 
record.
4 .  T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  a  p a r ty
A cassette perks up party 
poops. Moves wall-flowers. 
Makes "the life of the party" 
twice as funny. Just hearing 
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cantitilateacrowd.
5 .  T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  y o u r  

g l e e  c lu b , d r a m a t ic  g r o u p ,  

d is c u s s io n  g r o u p
Everybody is in fine voice. A 
soulful soliloquy. A stimulat­
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keep it with a cassette.

6 . T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  n a tu r e
Bird watchers turn bird 
hearers. Babbling brooks 
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cassette can bring the peace 
of the country to the city.
7 .  T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  l e c t u r e s
A brilliant lecture and you only 
remember a few gems. Take 
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hearing you'll discover more 
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in it.
8 . T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  y o u r  

o b s e r v a t io n s
A boon for writers. Who knows 
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anyway, capture your thoughts 
on a cassette. Fresh.
9 .  T a k e  s o u n d s  o f  y o u r  

fa m ily
In the nursery. In the den. At a 
backyard baseball game. At 
a picnic or outing. A cassette 
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it’s at.
9 ways? Hundreds. Space 
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It is.
Audiotape reproduces high 
frequencies brilliantly, (lows.

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You could say we’re worth 
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And if your interest is reel-to- 
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professionals do... use 
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F r e e  b o o k le t .

T h e  E v e r y t h in g  T h in g
Explains in 
more detail 
things you 
should know 
about cassettes.
To get your 
copy, write to 
Dept. 2 
Audio Devices, Inc.,
235 E. 42 St., New York 10017

L o o k  fo r  

t h i s  ^  

A u d io t a p e  

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CASSETTES & CARTRIDGES



T w o  k in d s  o i b la ck  parents: 
m tegra tion isis  a n d  nationalists

w h ite  children, and to  have  
teachers from  good co lleges  
(m ost o f  w hom  w ill be w h ite  
for the foreseeable future). 
W hat th ese fam ilies w an t is  
th u s very  sim ilar to  w h at the  
present professional s ta f fs  o f  
big-city  sch ool sy stem s w ant.

Other b lack  parents fee l 
th at they  can  n ever  b ecom e  
indistinguishable from  w hites, 
that a ttem pts to  acquire w h ite  
culture o n ly  m ake b lack  ch il­
dren fee l m iserable and in­
com petent, and that if such  
children are to  succeed  they  
w ill have to  develop  their ow n  
sty le . Such parents w an t their 
children to  attend  schools  
w hich  try to  develop  d istinc­
tiv e  b lack  v irtu es and b lack  
pride, and w hich  m aintain  the 
discip line w h ich  is  so  sorely  
lack ing in the public schools. 
This cannot, I fear, be recon­
ciled  w ith  w h at the present 

(p rofessiona l s ta f f w an ts (or 
[k n o w s h o w  to  do).

OR conven ience , I w ill label 
th e se  tw o sorts o f  b lack  par- 

nts “ integrationists” and “na- 
I tion a lists”— though th e  flavor  
^ o f  the d istinction  is  perhaps 
. b e t t e r  captured in the m ili- 
■  tants’ rhetorical d istinction  be- 
^  tw een  "N egroes” and  
L |' ‘b lacks.”

B alkanizing b ig-city  school 
I  system s w ould clearly  be a 
^ v ic t o r y  for the n ationalists at 
, the exp en se o f  the integra- 
, tion ists. S ch ools in predom ­

inantly b lack  neighborhoods 
w ould  a lm ost certainty end  
.up w ith  few er w hite students  
and teachers. Local control 

'ould a lso  m ake it easier for 
hite neighborhoods to resist 

open enrollm ent, busing and 
other d ev ices for helping black  
in tegrationists send their chil- 
Iren to  predom inantly w h ite  
chools. The curriculum m ight 
r  m ight not be substantially  
cvised  on ce b lack  neighbor- 
lood boards held pow er, but 
whatever revisions w ere m ade 
^ould certain ly p lease the na- 
ionalists m ore than the inte- 

ation ists.
Y et for th is very  reason  

itate leg islatures are unlikely  
o le t b lack  separatists exer­

c ise  com plete control over  
j'their” schools. Just as legis- 

tures earlier protected the 
l ig h ts  o f  Protestant and anti- 

lerical C atholic m inorities in 
levout Catholic com m unities, 

th ey  w ill a lm ost certainty  
irotect the rights o f  w h ite  

d b lack - in tegrationist mi- 
rities in predom inantly  
ck  neighborhoods.

If, for exam ple, the local 
icean Hill - Brow nsville board

N O VEM B iR  3, IM S

w in s control over the schools  
in that part o f N e w  York City, 
the N ew  Y ork S ta te L egisla­
ture w ill a lm ost surely  go  
a long w ith  union dem ands 
for tigh t lim its on  the local 
board’s right to  d iscrim inate  
against w h ites in hiring teach ­
ers and principals. (N o such  
discrim ination  appears to  
h ave taken p lace in Ocean  
H ill-B row nsville’s hiring of 
teachers, but th e  local board 
does seem  to  have had a 
strong and en tire ly  under­
standab le prejudice in  favor  
o f b lack  principals.) S ta te  
certification  requirem ents are 
a lso  likely  to  be str ic tly  en ­
forced, so  as to  restrict b lack  
local tx>ards to  h iring teachers  
w h o have enough respect for  
w hite cu lture and w hite stand­
ards o f com petence to have  
g o t through four or fiv e  years  
o f co llege . N e w  restrictions  
are a lso  like ly  to  be put on 
the curriculum , perhaps in 
the form  o f a la w  against 
teach ing "racial hatred,” so  as 
to  keep  LeRoi Jones, etc., out 
o f b lack  schools. Such action  
w ould  be defended on the 
sam e grounds as the rules 
barring religious teach ing in 
public schools.

R estrictions o f  this kind are 
both reasonable and n ecessary  
in public institutions w hich  
m ust serve every  child  in a 
com m unity, regardless o f  h is  
race or h is parents’ outlook  
on life. They are, how ever, 
like ly  to m ean that b lack na­
tion alists end up feeling  that, 
even  though th ey  have a m a­
jority on  the local board, th ey  
do n ot really  control their  
schools. O nce again, w h itey  
w ill have cheated  them o f  
their rightful pride. Local con ­
trol is, therefore, likely  to  en- 
rage the professional educa­
tors, w ork against the hopes 
and am bitions o f the integra­
tion-m inded b lack  and w hite  
parents, and y e t  end up leav­
ing  b lack  n ationalists as an­
gry as  ever. An alternative  
stra tegy  is  badly needed.

T P h E  b est alternative I can  
see  is  to  fo llow  the Catholic  
precedent and a llow  n ational­
ists  to  create their ow n  
private sch ools, ou tside the  
regular public system , and to 
encourage th is by  m aking  
such  sch ools elig ib le for sub­
stantia l tax  support.

The b ig-city  school system s  
could then rem ain largely  in 
the hands o f their professional 
sta ffs. (A  m ajor change in the  
distribution o f pow er betw een  
teachers and adm inistrators 
w ould still be required, and

Lcxrks really  haven ’t  
ch an g ed  m uch  
since 2^000 B .C .

T ill now;
The Egyptian lock pictured, circa 2,000 

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IDLEWILD LOCK & HARDWARE, 157-17 Rocfcaway 
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MIONE LOCKSMITH, 206-07 90th Ave.. Queens Village 
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BELLMORE LOCK SHOP, 2700 WUson Ave., Bellmoie 
CENTRE LOCK SHOP. 107 N. Park Ave., Rockville Centre 
^ H N  CONTI LOCKSMITH. 575 Merrick Rd.. Valley

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CONSTANT O. MAFFEY CQ. 99 Market St, Kenilworth 
NUT LEY KEY & LOCK CO., 507 Franklin Ave-, Nutley 
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WEST ESSEX LOCKSMITH. 182 Glenridge Ave., Moot- 
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Luscious, F rench.
R eady fo r action.
A ll you  do is reach  fo r th e  strip .
Zzzzip! T ake it off.
A nd  voila! A n  irres is tib le  bite-size cube 
of sm ooth , sp read ab le  F rench  C heese. 
G re a t  fo r  p a r t ie s .  P e r fe c t  fo r  sn a c k s . 
Look fo r  the  package w ith  all the  little  
laughing cow s.

Laugh ing  C o w  C h eezb its . Im p o rted  b y  N . D o rm an  & C om p an y , In c . 
73 H udson  S tree t, N e w  Y o rk , N e w  Y o rk  10013

ble than C atholics w ho at­
tended public schools. Indeed, 
the survey su ggested  that, all 
other th ings being equal, pa­
rochial sch ools had a m ore lib­
eralizing effec t on  C atholics 
than did public schools.

And sim ilarly, the Greeley- 
R ossi survey su ggests that the 
black  schools w ould  n ot have  
to  be especia lly  a ffluent to  do 
an acceptab le job. W hile the 
parochial sch oo ls spent far 
less  per pupil than the public 
schools, used  le ss  ex ten sive ly  
trained teachers, had m uch  
larger classes, w ere housed  in 
older buildings, had sm aller  
libraries and relied on a cur­
riculum  even  m ore m edieval 
than did the public schools, 
their alum ni did at least as  
w ell in w orld ly term s as pub­
lic-school C atholics.

All other th ings being  
equal, parochial-school Cath­
o lics ended up w ith  sligh tly  
m ore education  and slightly  
better jobs than public-school 
C atholics, The on ly  really  s ig ­
n ificant difference G reeley and 
R ossi found b etw een  the tw o  
groups w as that parochial 
school products w ere more 
m eticu lous and better in­
form ed about their religious  
obligations. This su ggests that 
fears for the future o f  black  
children in b lack - controlled  
sch ools m ay also be som e­
w h at exaggerated.

X  HE developm ent o f an  in ­
dependent b lack school system  
w ould  not so lve the problem s 
o f b lack children. I doubt, for 
exam ple, th at m any b lack  pri­
va te  schools could teach their  
children to  read appreciably  
better than w h ite - controlled  
public schools n ow  do. But

such sch ools w ould be an im­
portant instrum ent in the  
hands o f b lack  leaders w ho  
w an t to  develop  a  sen se  
o f com m unity solidarity and 
pride in the ghetto , ju st as 
the parochial sch ools have  
w orked for sim ilarly placed  
C atholics.

Equally im portant, perhaps, 
the ex isten ce  o f  independent 
black schools w ould  d iffuse  
th e  p resent a ttack  on profes­
sional control over the public  
system . This seem s the on ly  
p olitica lly  realistic course in 
a society  w here professional 
control, em ploye rights and  
bureaucratic procedures are 
as entrenched as th ey  are in 
Am erica. The b lack  com m u­
n ity  is  n o t strong enough to  
destroy the public-school bu­
reaucracy and staff. Even if  
it did, it now  has noth ing to  
put in  its  place.. W hat the 
black  com m unity could  do, 
how ever, w ould be to  develop  
an alternative —  and dem and  
tax  support for it.

Som e radicals w ho exp ect  
black  insurgency to  destroy  
the w hole professional hier­
archy in A m erica and create  
a n ew  sty le  o f participatoiY  
dem ocracy w ill regard this 
kind o f solution  as a cop-out. 
Som e conservatives w h ose  
primary concern is th at the  
low er orders not g e t ou t of 
hand w ill regard it as an un­
desirable concession  to  an­
archy. But for th ose  w ho  
value a  p luralistic society , the 
fact that such  a solution  
would, for the first tim e, g ive * 
large num bers o f n o n -C a th ­
olics a choice about w here  
they  send their children to  
school, ought, I think, to  ou t­
w eigh  all other objections. ■  j

P R IV A TE—A  second-grade arithmetic class at the Concord Baptist 
Church's school in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn. Since its opening in 
I960, it has accepted white and Oriental children, though this year 
it is all-black (some pupils are Catholics). Tuition is $30 a month.

THE HEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE