Nixon v. Condon Brief on the Merits in Support of the Petitioner, L.A. Nixon
Public Court Documents
November 21, 1931
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Nixon v. Condon Brief on the Merits in Support of the Petitioner, L.A. Nixon, 1931. ec5ee4a7-bf9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/8defb8a7-988b-4679-bc50-db0602fda7bc/nixon-v-condon-brief-on-the-merits-in-support-of-the-petitioner-la-nixon. Accessed October 29, 2025.
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^ujiremr (£ourt o f tlf* Httiirb
OCTOBER TERM, 1931
No. 265
L. A. NIXON,
Petitioner
against
JAMES CONDON AND C. H. KOLLE,
Respondents
BRIEF ON THE MERITS IN SUPPORT OF THE
PETITIONER, L. A. NIXON
J. ALSTON ATKINS,
CARTER W. WESLEY,
Attorneys for Movants
J. M. NABRIT, Jr.,
NABRIT, ATKINS and WESLEY
Of Counsel
I N D E X
PAGE
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF 1
CERTIFICATE OF COUNSEL ......................................... 3
BRIEF ON THE MERITS .................................................. 4
Decisions Below ............................................................ 4
Jurisdiction ........................ 4
Statement of the Case ................................................. 5
ARGUMENT:
Summary ........................................................................ 8
Detailed Argument ...................................................... 10
POINTS:
1. The statute is unconstitutional because, on its
face, it creates an arbitrary, unreasonable, and un
fair classification, which denies to plaintiff the
equal protection of the laws ................................... 10
2. The statute is unconstitutional because, as inter
preted by the state courts and the lower Federal
Courts, it recognizes an unconstitutional discrimi
nation against plaintiff and all other qualified
Negroes ........................................................................ 11
3. The purpose and intent of the Legislature in pass
ing the statute was to accomplish by indirect ac
tion that which the Supreme Court of the United
States had held in Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U. S.
536, it was without power to do by direct enact
ment .............................;................................................ 12
Judicial Knowledge ................................................... 13
Intent Shown by Emergency Clause ...................... 14
\
ii
Intent Shown by Legislative Debate ...................... 15
Intent Shown by Historical Facts ........................... 17
History of Effort To Bar Negroes From Demo
cratic Primaries ........................................................ 17
PAGE
4. The statute is unconstitutional because in its ope
ration, it is used as one of the instrumentalities by
which, with the approval of the State of Texas,
the plaintiff and all other qualified Negroes are
deprived of their legal right to vote in the statu
tory primary election involved in this case............ 20
5. The resolution is no defense to this suit because
plaintiff had a legal right to vote in said election
and defendants’ action in depriving him of that le
gal right was a legal w rong....................................... 21
6. The State of Texas could not by statute grant
immunity to defendants from the consequences of
that wrong (Nixon v. Herndon, supra), and, a for
tiori, the State Democratic Executive Committee,
whether it be a creature of the State or merely a
body of private individuals, has no power to grant
such immunity ............................................................ 21
7. The jurisdictional power of Federal Courts to
grant relief in any case is not limited to the en
forcement of Federal rights or to acts done either
by State Officers or in the execution of state
power ........................................................................... 23
8. The disfranchisement of plaintiff and other quali
fied Negroes disclosed by the record violates the
15th Amendment, because citizens of one race
iii
were guaranteed by law the right to vote in the
statutory election involved in this case, while
plaintiff and other qualified Negroes were not..... 24
9. This Court should decide all of the questions in
volved in this case, especially those pertaining to
the “inherent power” and “private individuals”
arguments, in order to prevent a multiplicity of
suits and to prevent undue hardship upon plaintiff
PAGE
and all other qualified Negroes in Texas ................25
CONCLUSION ...................................................................... 26
CASES CITED
Bailey v. Alabama, 219 U. S. 219 ....................................... 20
Blethen v. Bonner, 52 S. W. 571 ......................................... 14
Bliley v. West, 42 Fed (2nd) 101 ................................. 4, 12
Chicago v. Kendall, 266 U. S. 9 4 ......................................... 4
Civil Rights Cases, 109 U. S. 3 ........................................... 22
Clancy v. Clough, —Tex— , 30 S. W. (2nd) 569 .............. 21
Columbus R. Co. v. Columbus, 249 U. S. 399 .................. 4
Connole v. Norfolk, etc., 216 Fed 823 ............................... 13
Connolly v. Union Sewer Pipe Co., 184 U. S. 540..........10, 11
Ex Parte Davidson, 57 Fed 883 ........................................... 14
Faris v. Hope, 298 Fed 727 ................................................. 13
Green v. Ry., 244 U. S. 499 ................................................... 4
Grigsby v. Harris, 27 Fed (2nd) 942 ............................... 25
Kaye v. May, 296 Fed 450 .................................................. 13
Knower v. Haines, 31 Fed 513 ........................................... 13
L. and N. Ry. v. Garrett, 231 U. S. 298, ............................ 24
Lamar v. Micou, 114 U. S. 218 ........................................... 13
\
IV
PAGE
Love v. The City Democratic Committee, No. 438 in
Equity, U. S. Dist. Ct. at Houston ............................... 25
Love v. Wilcox et al, — Tex— , 28 S. W. (2nd) 515 10, 17,
21, 24
M. K. T. Ry. v. Mcllhaney, 129 S. W. 153 ........................ 14
Mills v. Green, 159 U. S. 651 ............................................... 13
Muller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 4 1 2 ........................................... 14
Nixon v. Condon, et al, 49 Fed (2nd) 1012.... 4, 5, 8, 21, 22
Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U. S. 536 ......................5, 9, 12, 13, 14
15, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26
Quinn v. United States, 238 U. S. 347 ............................... 15
Quon Wing v. Kirkendall, 223 U. S. 59 ............................ 13
Rose Mfg. Co. v. Western Union Tel. Co., 251
S. W. 337 ........................................................................... 14
Siles v. L. and N. Railway, 213 U. S. 175 ......................... 24
Simpson v. United States, 252 U. S. 547 ............................ 14
State v. Meharg, 287 S. W. 670 .....................................14, 26
Southern Ry. Co. v. Greene, 216 U. S. 400 ........................ 11
Swafford v. Templeton, 185 U. S. 487 ............................. 5
Truax v. Corrigan, 257 U. S. 312 ....................................... 11
United States v. Reese, 92 U. S. 2 1 4 .............................. 5, 24
United States v. Sanders, 290 Fed 428 ............................ 14
United States v. Wallace, 279 Fed. 401 ............................ 14
Weaver v. Palmer Bros. Co., 270 U. S. 402 ........................ 13
West v. Bliley, 33 Fed (2nd) 177 ....................................... 12
White v. Lubbock, et al., —Tex— , 30 S. W. (2nd) 722... 10,
12, 21, 24, 25
Wiley v. Sinkler, 179 U. S. 58 ............................................. 5
V
PAGE
Wiley v. Webber, et al, No. 432 in Equity, U. S. Dist. Ct.
at San Antonio .................................................................. 25
Williams v. Castleman, 247 S. W. 263 ............................... 14
Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356 ............................ 11, 21
REFERENCES TO CONSTITUTION
Constitution of the United States:
Fourteenth Amendment ....................................8, 14, 15
Fifteenth Amendment .........................................8, 9, 24
UNITED STATES STATUTORY REFERENCES
Judicial Code:
Section 24 (1) ................................................................ 4
Section 24 (11) .............................................................. 5
Section 24 (12) .............................................................. 5
Section 24 (14) ............................................................ 5
United States Code:
Title 8, Section 31 ........................................................ 5
Title 8, Section 43 ......................................................... 5
TEXAS STATUTORY REFERENCES
Revised Civil Statutes of 1925:
Article 2642 .................................................................... 27
Article 3002 ...................................................................... 6
Articles 3100 to 3153 (inclusive) ............................ 5
Article 3104 .................................................................... 6
Article 3105 .................................................................... 6
Article 3107 ........................ 6, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 20
Title 49, Chapters 1 to 9 (inclusive) .......................... 26
Resolutions of Democratic State Executive
Committee ................................................................. 7
Laws of 1927:
Chapter 67 ...................................................................... 6
House Journal:
First Called Session of the 40th Legislature 15, 16
&uprrmr (fimirt of tlje Unitpfc &tatro
OCTOBER TERM, 1931
No. 265
L. A. NIXON,
Petitioner,
against
JAMES CONDON AND C. H. KOLLE,
Respondents.
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF ON THE
MERITS, AND BRIEF ATTACHED THERETO,
IN SUPPORT OF THE PETITIONER,
L. A. NIXON
TO THE HONORABLE THE CHIEF JUSTICE AND
ASSOCIATE JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT
OF THE UNITED STATES:
C. N. Love, Julius White, The Houston Informer and Tex
as Freeman, and their attorneys herein, individually and on
behalf of all other Negroes in the City of Houston, in Har
ris County, and the State of Texas, who are not otherwise
represented, hereby respectfully move this Honorable Court
for leave to file, as amici curiae, the brief hereto attached,
as a brief upon the merits in the above styled and number
ed cause, in support of the petitioner, L. A. Nixon.
In support of this motion movants respectfully show that
there are in their opinion important arguments and mat
ters, pertinent to the issues involved in this case, which
have not heretofore or otherwise been called to the atten-
should have before it in deciding this case upon the merits.
■— ^ / ?'•.
As evidence thereof, without asking the Court to read the
2
entire brief for this purpose, movants call attention to Point
No. 1 in said brief, which is hereby incorporated into this
motion by reference.
WHEREFORE, premises considered, movants pray that
this Honorable Court may grant them leave to file the brief
attached hereto as a brief upon the merits, in support of the
petitioner, L. A. Nixon.
Dated November 18, A.
C. N. LOVE
JULIUS WHITE
THE HOUSTON^FORMER AND TEXAS
FREEMAN
By G. H. WEBS
J. ALSTON ATKII
One of Attorneys for Mbvants
Office and Post Office Address
409 Smith Street, Houston, Texas.
THE STATE OF TEXAS
COUNTY OF HARRIS
Before me, the undersigned authority, on this day per
sonally appeared C. N. Love, Julius White, G. H. Webster,
and J. Alston Atkins, who, having been by me first duly
sworn, on their oaths depose and say:
That they are the identical persons who executed the
within and foregoing motion, and that the allegations there
in set forth are true, according to their best knowledge and
belief.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this JJie l£th day of
November, A. D., 1931.
LELAND D. EWING'
I Notary Public in and for Harris County,
Texas.
(SEAL)
My commission expires June 1, 1933.
t
3
CERTIFICATE OF COUNSEL
I hereby certify that in my opinion the foregoing motion
for leave to file brief is well founded in law, and is filed in
good faith and not for delay.
J. ALSTON ATKIT
One of Attorri^ys fbr/
&ujjr*mr (Enurt of tlje Initeii States
OCTOBER TERM, 1931
No. 265
L. A. NIXON,
Petitioner,
against
JAMES CONDON AND C. H. KOLLE,
Respondents.
BRIEF ON THE MERITS IN SUPPORT OF THE
PETITIONER, L. A. NIXON
DECISIONS BELOW
The decisions in the courts below, which are sought to be
reversed here, are: Nixon v. Condon et al., 34 Fed. (2nd)
464, and Nixon v. Condon et al., 49 Fed (2nd) 1012.
JURISDICTION
There are at least three grounds upon which jurisdiction
may be sustained in this case:
1. That the matter in controversy exceeds in val
ue the sum of $3,000 and involves a substantial
Federal question. Sec. 24 (1) of the Judicial Code;
Chicago v. Kendall, 266 U. S. 94; Green v. Ry. 244
U. S. 499; Columbus R. Co. v. Columbus 249 U. S.
399.
That there is at least a substantial Federal question in
volved is indicated by the fact that the Circuit Court of Ap
peals for the Fourth Circuit has held to be unconstitutional
a state statute similar to the one alleged in this case to be
unconstitutional. Bliley v. West, 42 Fed (2nd) 101.
2. That the controversy involves rights created
by the Constitution and laws of the United States,
and is, therefore, in its “ essence Federal,” “ however
4
5
much wanting in merit may be the averments
which it is claimed establish the violation of the
Federal right.” Swafford v. Templeton, 185 U. S.
487.
The right to vote for senator and representatives in Con
gress is created by the Constitution and laws of the United
States. Wiley v. Sinkler, 179 U. S. 58; Swafford v. Temple
ton, supra.
The right to “ exemption from discrimination in the exer
cise of the elective franchise on account of race, color, or
previous condition of servitude” is also created by such
Constitution and laws. United States v. Reese, 92 U. S.
214.
These two Federal rights are the foundation of this con
troversy.
3. That this is a suit to recover damages for the
deprivation of one of the civil rights, namely, the
right to vote. Judicial Code, Sec. 24 (11) (12)
(14); Secs. 31, 43, Title 8, United States Code; Nix
on v. Herndon, 273 U. S. 536.
Even the Circuit Court of Appeals in the instant case
concedes that plaintiff had a legal right to vote in the pri
mary election involved in this case.
“ It is of course to be conceded, since the decision
in Nixon v. Herndon, supra, that the right of a qua
lified citizen to vote extends to primary elections as
well as to general elections.” Nixon v. Condon et
al., 49 Fed. (2nd) 1012, 1013.
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
By the Election Laws of Texas, Title 50, Chapter 13,
Articles 3100 to 3153, Revised Civil Statutes, the State re
quired that there be held on July 28, 1928, an election for
the purpose of nominating candidates for representatives in
the United States Congress, for United States senator, and
for state, county, district, and precinct officers in the State
of Texas. With great particularity, these statutes set
6
forth the time, place, and method of holding such election,
and the requirements for participation therein.
The defendants were election judges of said election,
their offices being created by said Election Laws (Article
3104); and as such judges, they were clothed by statute
(Articles 3002 and 3105 of said Election Laws) with, among
others, the following sovereign powers of the state of Tex
as: To administer oaths; to act with the same power as a
district judge to enforce order and keep the peace; to ap
point special peace officers; to issue warrants of arrest for
felony, misdemeanor or breach of peace; to authorize con
finement of persons arrested to jail; to compel observance
of law against loitering or electioneering within 100 feet
of polling places; to arrest or cause to be arrested anyone
carrying voters to polls contrary to law.
No private individual or organization has any such pow
ers as these.
The plaintiff was a member of the Democratic Party and
a duly qualified elector and voter under the laws of the
State of Texas, except that he was a Negro, and he attempt
ed to vote in said election.
The defendants denied plaintiff the right to vote in said
election, defending their action under the following statute
and resolution:
Chapter 67 of the Laws of 1927, passed by 1st called
session of 40th Legislature of Texas, which is now Article
3107 of the Revised Civil Statutes of Texas:
“ AUTHORIZING POLITICAL PARTIES THROUGH
STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES TO
PRESCRIBE QUALIFICATIONS
OF THEIR MEMBERS
(H. B. No. 57)
Chapter 67
“ An act to repeal Article 3107 of Chapter 13 of
the Revised Civil Statutes of Texas, and substitut
7
ing in its place a new article providing that every
political party in this State through its State Execu
tive Committee shall have the power to prescribe the
qualifications of its own members and shall in its
own way determine who shall be qualified to vote
or otherwise participate in such political party, and
declaring an emergency.
“ Be it enacted by the Legislature of the State of
Texas:
“ Section 1. That Article 3107 of Chanter 13 of
the Revised Civil Statutes of Texas be and the same
is hereby repealed and a new article is hereby en
acted so as to hereafter read as follows:
‘Article 3107. Every political partv in this State
through its State Executive Committee shall have
the power to prescribe the qualifications of its own
members and shall in its own way determine who
shall be qualified to vote or otherwise participate
in such political party: provided that no person shall
ever be denied the right to participate in a nrimarv
in this State because of former political views or
affiliations or because of membership or non-mem
bership in organizations other than the political par
ty.’
“ Sec. 2. The fact that the Supreme Court of 1he
United States has recently held Article 3107 invalid,
creates an emergency and an imperative public
necessity that the Constitutional Rule requiring bills
to be read on three several days in each House be
suspended and said rule is hereby suspended, and
that this Act shall take effect and be in force from
and after its passage, and it is so enacted.
“ Aproved June 7, 1927
“ Effective 90 days after adjournment.”
Resolution passed by the State Democratic Executive
Committee of Texas pursuant to the power either conferred
or recognized by the above quoted statute:
“ Resolved: That all white Democrats who are
qualified under the Constitution and laws of
Texas and who subscribe to the statutory pledge
provided in Article 3110, Revised Civil Statutes of
Texas, and none other, be allowed to participate in
8
the primary elections to be held July 28, 1928, and
August 25, 1928, and further, that the Chairman
and Secretary of the State Democratic Executive
Committee be directed to forward to each Democrat
ic County Chairman in Texas a copy of this resolu
tion for observance.”
Thereupon, plaintiff brought this suit for damages in the
sum of five thousand dollars ($5,000) for the legal wrong
done to him by defendants in depriving him of his legal
right to vote in said election; the plaintiff alleging that the
above statute and resolution were no defense and that they
violated his rights under the 14th and 15th Amendments to
the Constitution of the United States.
The District Court sustained a motion to dismiss, 34 Fed
(2nd) 464, and the Circuit Court of Appeals sustained the
decision of the District Court, 49 Fed (2nd) 1012.
Questions:
1. Is the above statute constitutional?
2. Is the above resolution a valid defense to this action?
3. Does the disfranchisement of plaintiff and the other
Negroes disclosed by the record violate the 15th Amend
ment?
ARGUMENT
SUMMARY:
1. The statute is unconstitutional because,
(a) On its face it creates an arbitrary, unreasonable, and
unfair classification, which denies to plaintiff and all
other qualified Negroes the equal protection of the
laws.
(b) As interpreted by the state courts and the lower
Federal Courts in Texas, it recognizes and enforces
an unconstitutional discrimination against plaintiff
and all other qualifed Negroes.
(c) The purpose and intent of the Legislature in passing
9
the statute was to accomplish by indirect action that
which the Supreme Court of the United States had
held in Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U. S. 536, it was with
out power to do by direct enactment.
(d) In operation the statute is used as one of the instru
mentalities, with the approval of the State of Texas,
by which the plaintiff and all other qualified Negroes
are deprived of their legal right to vote in the statu
tory primary election involved in this case.
2. The resolution is no defense to this action.
(a) Plaintiff had a legal right to vote in said election,
and defendants’ action in depriving him of that right
was a legal wrong.
(b) The State of Texas could not by statute grant im
munity to defendants from the consequences of that
wrong and, a fortiori, the State Democratic Execu
tive Committee, whether it be a creature of the
State, or merely a body of private individuals, could
not grant such immunity.
(c) The jurisdictional power of Federal Courts to grant
relief in any case is not limited to the enforcement of
Federal rights or to acts done either by State offi
cers, or in the execution of State power.
3. The disfranchisement of plaintiff and other qualified
Negroes disclosed by the record, violates the 15th
Amendment because citizens of one race were guaran
teed by law the right to vote in the statutory election
involved in this case, while plaintiff and other qualified
Negroes were not.
4. This Court should decide all of the questions involved
in this case, especially those pertaining to the “ inherent
power” and “ private individuals” arguments, in order
to prevent a multiplicity of suits and to prevent undue
10
hardship upon plaintiff and all other qualified Negroes
in Texas.
DETAILED ARGUMENT:
POINT I
The statute is unconstitutional because, on its face, it
creates an arbitrary, unreasonable, and unfair classification,
which denies to plaintiff the equal protection of the laws.
It provides:
“ Every political party in this State through its
State Executive Committee shall have the power to
prescribe the qualifications of its own members and
shall in its own way determine who shall be quali
fied to vote or otherwise participate in such political
party; provided that no person shall ever be denied
the right to participate in a primary in this State
because of former political views or affiliations or
because of membership or non-membership in or
ganizations other than the political party.”
The excepting provision “ that no person shall ever be de
nied the right to participate in a primary in this State be
cause of former political views or affiliations or because of
membership or non-membership in organizations other than
the political party” has been sustained by the Supreme
Court of Texas as forbidding the exclusion of a person who
neither had supported the Democratic Candidates in toto in
the past nor would promise absolutely to do so in the future.
Love v. Wilcox et al., — Tex.— , 28 S. W. (2nd) 515.
Likewise the power to exclude Negroes under the general
power either conferred or recognized by the statute has
been sustained by the Court of Civil Appeals of Texas, at
Galveston, in a case in which it was the court of last resort.
White v. Lubbock et al.
— Tex— , 30 S. W. (2nd) 722
In Connolly v. Union Sewer Pipe Co., 184 U. S. 540,
an anti-trust statute was held invalid under the equal
11
protection clause because it contained the excepting provi
sion that it should “ not apply to agricultural products or
live stock while in the hands of the producer or raiser.”
In the Connolly Case this court said at page 558:
“ But upon this general question we have said that
that the guarantee of the equal protection of the
laws means ‘that no person or class of persons shall
be denied the same protection of the laws which is
enjoyed by other persons or other classes in the
same place and in like circumstances.’ Missouri v.
Lewis, 101 U. S. 22, 31.”
The denial of equal protection is clear.
“ Immunity granted to a class, however limited,
having the effect to deprive another class, however
limited, of a personal or property right, is just as
clearly a denial of equal protection of the laws to the
latter class as if the immunity were in favor of, or
the deprivation of right permitted worked against a
larger class.” Truax v. Corrigan, 257 U. S. 312,
333.
“ The equal protection of the laws is a pledge of
the protection of equal laws.” Yick Wo v. Hopkins,
118 U. S. 356, 369.
“ While reasonable classification is permitted,
without doing violence to the equal protection of the
laws, such classification must be based upon some
real and substantial distinction, bearing a reason
able and just relation to the things in respect to
which such classification is imposed; and classifica
tion cannot be arbitrarily made without any sub
stantial basis.”
Southern Ry. Co. v. Greene
216 U. S. 400, 417.
What could be more unfair, arbitrary, unreasonable, and
unjust than the exemption in this case which forbids the
exclusion of disloyal white Democrats, while permitting the
exclusion of Negro Democrats on the ground of race and
color alone?
POINT II
The statute is unconstitutional because, as interpreted
12
by the state courts and the lower Federal courts, it recog
nizes an unconstitutional discrimination against plaintiff
and all other qualified Negroes.
That the state law sought to be declared unconstitutional
in this case does recognize and protect the power of the
State Democratic Executive Committee to deprive Negroes
of their legal rights upon the ground of color alone is clear.
In the case of White v. Lubbock, —Tex.— , 30 S. W. (2nd)
722, it is held that the resolution involved in this case was
a “ valid exercise through its proper officers of such party’s
inherent power, (recognized, but not created by R. S. Arti
cle 3107) * * * ” In that case the Court of Civil Appeals
was the court of last resort in Texas.
In the instant case, the Circuit Court of Appeals held
“ The act of 1927 was not needed to confer such power, it
merely recognized a power that already existed.”
As to the power of the State of Texas, thus to recognize
and protect the State Democratic Executive Committee in
depriving Negroes of their legal right to vote in the Texas
statutory primary the holding of Judge Groner in West v.
Bliley, 33 Fed (2nd) 177, 180, which was adopted by the
Circuit Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in Bliley v.
West, 42 Fed (2nd) 101, is pertinent:
“That a law which recognizes or which authorizes
a discrimatory test or standard does curtail and sub
vert them (“ the provisions of the Constitution and
the rights of voters” ) there can be no doubt, and
such a law is therefore in conflict with the Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitu
tion of the United States.”
POINT III
The purpose and intent of the Legislature in passing the
statute was to accomplish by indirect action that which the
Supreme Court of the United States had held in Nixon v.
13
Herndon, 273 U. S. 536, it was without power to do by di
rect enactment.
The statute was passed as an emergency measure, and
the reason therefor is stated in Section 2 of the Act as fol
lows:
“The fact that the Supreme Court of the United
States has recently held Article 3107 invalid, creates
an emergency and an imperative public necessity
that the Constitutional Rule requiring bills to be
read on three several days in each House be suspend
ed and said rule is hereby suspended, and that this
Act shall take effect and be in force from and after
its passage, and it is so enacted.”
Judicial Knowledge
In the first place we mention the fact that the Supreme
Court of the United States has held that a statute’s or
law’s “ invalidity may be shown by things which will be ju
dicially noticed.” Weaver v. Palmer Bros. Co., 270 U. S.
402, 410, but it has also been held that, unless these mat
ters and things to be judicially noticed are called by counsel
to the attention of the court, it will not notice them. “ There
are many things that courts would notice if brought before
them that beforehand they do not know.” Mr. Justice
Holmes in Quong Wing v. Kirkendall, 223 U. S. 59, 64.
The Federal Courts will take judicial notice of the laws
of every state. Mills v. Green, 159 U. S. 651; Lamar v. Mi-
cou, 114 U. S. 218.
The Federal Courts take judicial notice of those laws
created by statute or judicial decisions. Faris v. Hope, 298
Fed 727; Kaye v. May, 296 Fed 450; Knower v. Haines, 31
Fed 513.
Federal Courts will take judicial notice of legislative
journals. Connole v. Norfolk, etc., 216 Fed 823.
Federal Courts take judicial notice of historical facts.
14
Simpson v. United States, 252 U. S. 547; United States v.
Wallace, 279 Fed 401; Ex Parte Davidson, 57 Fed 883.
Texas cases to the same effect are: Blethen v. Bonner, 52
S. W. 571; Williams v. Castelman, 247 S. W. 263.
Federal Courts take judicial notice of matters of common
knowledge. Muller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412; United States
v. Sanders, 290 Fed 428. Texas cases to same effect are:
State v. Meharg, 287 S. W. 670; M. K. T. Ry. v. Mellhaney,
129 S. W. 153; Rose Mfg. Co. v. Western Union Tel. Co., 251
S. W. 337.
Intent Shown By Emergency Clause
Prior to the decision in Nixon v. Herndon, supra, old
Article 3107 of the Revised Civil Statutes of Texas read as
follows, and contained no other provision:
“ In no event shall a Negro be eligible to participate in a
Democratic party primary election held in the State of Tex
as, and should a Negro vote in a Democratic primary elec
tion, such ballot shall be void and election officials shall not
count the same.”
This old Article 3107 dealt with only one subject, namely,
the exclusion of Negroes from voting in the Texas Demo
cratic primaries.
The said case of Nixon v. Herndon dealt with only one
subject, namely, the legal right of Negroes to vote in the
Texas Democratic primaries and the validity under the 14th
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of said
old Article 3107, which sought to deprive Negroes of that
right.
Upon the decision by the Supreme Court in said case of
Nixon v. Herndon that Negroes had a legal right to vote in
the Texas Democratic primaries and that old Article 3107,
which sought to deprive them of that right, was a violation
15
of the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States, the 1st Called Ses
sion of the 40th Legislature of Texas passed new Article
3107, which is in controversy in this suit, stating in the
face of the new Artcle 3107 that the reason for its prompt
passage was that the Supreme Court of the United States
had created, by the said case of Nixon v. Herndon, “an
emergency and an imperative public necessity” ; which, we
believe, shows on its face that the intent of the Legislature
was nothing more than to circumvent, if possible, the deci
sion of the Supreme Court of the United States in the said
case of Nixon v. Herndon, and, if our belief is well founded,
said new Article 3107, under Quinn v. United States, 238 U.
S. 347, is just as unconstitutional as if the intent to exclude
Negroes had been in words stated on the face of the Article
itself.
Intent Shown By Legislative Debate
The debate in the Texas House of Representatives upon
the passage of said new Article 3107, which was House Bill
No. 57, we believe, shows that the purpose of passing said
Article was to circumvent, if possible, the decision of the
Supreme Court of the United States in said case of Nixon
v. Herndon.
The House Journal of the 1st called Session of the 40th
Legislature of Texas shows the following:
At page 302, Representative Faulk said: “ I voted against
House Bill No. 57 because it confers too much authority on
thirty-one members. I sought to amend the bill by provid
ing that these thirty-one men shall never prescribe proper
ty holding as a qualification of voting. As passed, the act
empowers the State Executive Committee to prescribe with
out limit the qualifications of a voter, and they have ample
power under the act to say that a man must be a Methodist,
16
a Mason, and a millionaire. This savors of autocracy and
I will not sanction it by my vote. I will support any rea
sonable bill to curb the negro vote.”
On the same page, Representative Stout said: “ I voted
‘nay’ on House Bill No. 57 for the following reasons:
“ In the first place, it is doubtful if the bill will accomplish
its purpose, in view of the recent holding of the Supreme
Court of the Unted States.
“ On the other hand, admitting for the sake of argument
that it would do so, then I am not willing to turn my gov
ernment over to a small number of men who compose the
State Executive Committee.
“ The South has always handled the ‘nigger’ in a satis
factory manner, and I believe that it will continue to do so.
“ In my humble judgment, it is far more dangerous to
entrust our whole political destiny to a few men than the
scare of the negro question would ever be. It is a matter
of common knowledge that we, the people of Texas, have
always voted our prejudices too often in the past. I fear
that the pendulum might swing too far one way or the oth
er, and that the day might come back when a few clicks
and klans might run out the unterrified Democrats, or that
the unterrified Democrats might get in the saddle and oust
the kluckers, as they came close to doing in the past.
“ I believe the whole affair makes a mountain out of
nothingness, and that it is un-American and un-Democratic.
I had rather take my chances on handling the ‘nigger’ than
I would on thirty-one men who would have final authority
to determine who should vote and who should not vote, and
who should be a Democrat or not be a Democrat.
“ The Constitution of Texas prescribes the qualifications
of a voter—about that there can be no doubt. The Su
preme Court has held a ‘nigger’ can vote under the present
primary law. About that there can be no doubt. If the
17
primary election is an ‘election’ in the proper and legal
sense, then a ‘nigger’ can vote, and no law can stop him.
“ If a primary is not an election, as our Texas courts have
said in the past, the State Executive Committee would have
the same blanket authority to judge the qualifications of its
own members, as does the Baptist Church. It could ostracise
a man at will and set up a standard to suit itself. In that
respect and to that extent we would be going back to the
days of crowns and jeweled baubles of Bolsheviki Russia.
“ It was Abraham Lincoln who said, ‘The heart of the
American people has never failed in a great crisis, and it
never will.’ To that philosophy I conform, when the whole
people have a chance to record their sentiments. But I am
not willing to trust my government and politics to what
could very easily become an oligarchy.”
Intent Shown By Historical Facts
Senator Thomas B. Love, who was a member of the Texas
Senate when said Article 3107 was passed, filed a brief,
signed by himself, in the Supreme Court of Texas, in the
case of Love v. Wilcox, 28 S. W. (2nd) 515, upon which the
Supreme Court granted him relief in that case, in which he
set out, in the following historical statement, the fact, that
said new Article 3107 had “ no other purpose whatsoever”
than “ to provide, if possible, other means by which negroes
could be barred from participation, both as candidates and
as voters, in the primary elections of the Democratic party,
which would stand the test of the courts” :
“HISTORY OF EFFORT TO BAR NEGROES FROM
DEMOCRATIC PRIMARIES”
“ Prior to 1903, there was no law in Texas regulating
primary elections or party nominations, and such elections
and nominations, and the control and regulations of all af
18
fairs of political parties was vested entirely in party con
ventions and executive committees. In that year, 1903, the
Texas Legislature, for the first time, provided for regulat
ing party primary elections and conventions, and party af
fairs, by law, through the passage of the first Terrell Elec
tion Law, which completely divested party conventions and
committees of the control theretofore exercised by them.
“ From the beginning of election legislation, the questions
of barring or admitting negroes in Democratic primary elec
tions was an important one, some counties, through their
representatives, desiring that negroes be allowed to vote in
Democratic primaries, while others strenuously insisted
that they should be barred by statewide law. The first
Terrell election law relegated this subject to the party
executive committees of the various counties by the follow
ing provision:
‘The County Executive Committee of the party
holding any primary election may prescribe addi
tional qualifications necessary to participate there
in;’ (see Section 94, p. 150, Acts of the First Called
Session, 28th Legislature, 1903.)
“ When the Terrell Election Law was generally revised by
the Twenty-ninth Legislature in 1905, this same provision
was re-enacted in the following language:
‘The Executive Committee of any party for any
county may prescribe additional qualifications for
voters in such primary not inconsistent with this
Act.’
“ This same provision, in the same words, was re-enacted
in the codification of the Revised Statutes of 1911, (see
Art. 3093, R. C. S. 1911) and remained in force until 1923.
“ Thus, from 1903 until 1923, just twenty years, the elec
tion laws of Texas provided that all qualified voters should
be qualified to vote in any party primary, upon taking the
Drescribed party test, and provided no other statewide quali
19
fications whatever for primary election voters, but, in ef
fect, enabled a political party in any county to bar negroes
if it saw fit to do so by prescribing ‘additional qualfica-
tons.’
“Original Enactment of Article 3107”
“ The Second Called Session of the Texas Legislature, in
1923, enacted a Statute amending Art. 3093, R. C. S. 1911,
designed specifically to bar Negroes from participating in
primary elections of the Democratic party in every county
in Texas, which afterward w'as codified as Art. 3107, R. C.
S. of 1925, and which read as follows:
‘Art. 3107: In no event shall a negro be eligible
to participate in a Democratic primary election held
in the State of Texas, and should a negro vote in a
Democratic primary election, such ballot shall be
void and election officers shall not count the same.’
“Article 3107 Held Unconstitutional”
“ It was the obvious purpose of this enactment to bar ne
groes not only from voting, but from participating in any
way, either as voters or as candidates, in Democratic pri
maries.
“ This Statute passed in 1923 was declared to be uncon
stitutional and void by the Supreme Court of the United
States, in 1927, in the case of Nixon v. Herndon, et al, Vol
ume 47, Supreme Court Reporter, page 446.
“Article 3107 Amended in 1927 so as to Give the State
Executive Committee Whatever Power
It Now Possesses”
“The Fortieth Legislature in its First Called Session held
in 1927, having in mind that, this Statute of 1923 had been
invalidated by the Courts, and desiring to provide, if pos
sible, other means by which negroes could be barred from
participation, both as candidates and as voters, in the pri
mary elections of the Democratic party, which would stand
V
20
the test of the Courts, and having no other purpose what
soever, passed a statute amending said Article 3107 so as
to read as follows:
‘Art. 3107: Every political party in this State,
through its State Executive Committee shall have
the power to prescribe the qualifications of its own
members, and shall in its own way, determine who
shall be qualified to vote or otherwise participate in
such political party; provided, that no person shall
ever be denied the right to participate in a primary
in this State because of former political views or af-
fliations, or because of membership or non-member
ship in organizations other than the political par
ty’.”
We close this point with the following quotation from a
decision by this Court:
“What the State may not do directly, it may not
do indirectly.” Bailey v. Alabama 219 U. S. 219.
POINT IV
The statute is unconstitutional because in its operation, it
is used as one of the instrumentalities by which, with the
approval of the State of Texas, the plaintiff and all other
qualified Negroes are deprived of their legal right to vote
in the statutory primary election involved in this case.
“ Without imputing any actual motive to oppress,
we must consider the natural operation of the
statute here in question (Henderson v. Mayor, 92
U. S. 268), and it is apparent that it furnishes a con
venient instrument for the coercion which the Con
stitution and the act of Congress forbid.” Bailey
v. Alabama, supra.
It is a matter of common and historical knowledge in
Texas that, under this statute and its predecessors, nobody
has been excluded from participation in the statutory pri
mary elections except Negroes.
It is also a fact that this practice has been sustained by
the Appellate Courts of Texas.
21
Love v. Wilcox et al, supra
White v. Lubbock et al, supra
In Clancy v. Clough, — Tex.— 30 S. W. (2nd) 569, the
Court of Civil Appeals at Galveston held that the party
committee was without power to place upon the statutory
primary ballot “ any pledge other than that prescribed by
the statute or one containing the additional word ‘white’ be
fore the word ‘Democrat’ in the pledge prescribed by the
statute.”
This Court has held that:
“Though the law itself be fair on its face and im
partial in appearance, yet, if it is applied and ad
ministered by public authority with an evil eye and
an unequal hand, so as practically to make unjust
and illegal discriminations between persons in simi
lar circumstances, material to their rights, the de
nial of equal justice is still within the prohibition of
the Constituton.” Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S.
356.
POINT V
The resolution is no defense to this suit because plaintiff
had a legal right to vote in said election, and defendants’
action in depriving him of that legal right was a legal
wrong.
This was determined by this Court in Nixon v. Herndon,
273 U. S. 536, and is conceded by the Circuit Court of Ap
peals in the instant case. On this point, the Court said:
“ It is of course to be conceded, since the decision
in Nixon v. Herndon, supra, that the right of a qua
lified citizen to vote extends to primary elections as
well as to general elections.” Nixon v. Condon, et
al. 49 Fed (2nd) 1012, 1013.
POINT VI
The State of Texas could not by statute grant immunity
to defendants from the consequences of that wrong (Nixon
v. Herndon, supra), and, a fortiori, the State Democratic
22
Executive Committee, whether it be a creature of the State
or merely a body of private individuals, has no power to
grant such immunity.
If a creature of the State, Nixon v. Herndon, supra, defi
nitely denies power to grant such immunity.
The Circuit Court of Appeals in this case based its deci
sion upon these grounds:
“ The distinction between appellants’ cases, the
one under the 1923 statute and the other under the
1927 statute, is that he was denied the permission
to vote in the former by state statute, and in the lat
ter by resolution of the State Democratic Executive
Committee.”
“A political party is a voluntary association, and
as such has the inherent power to prescribe the qua
lifications of its members. The act of 1927 was not
needed to confer such power; it merely recognized a
power that already existed.”
(a) The “private individuals” argument.
The following quotation from the opinion of this
court in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U. S. 3, is a con
clusive answer to this argument:
“ In this connection it is proper to state that civil
rights, such as are guaranteed by the Constitution
against State aggression, cannot be impaired by the
wrongful acts of individuals, unsupported by State
authority in the shape of laws, customs, or judicial
or executive proceedings. The wrongful act of an in
dividual, unsupported by any such authority, is sim
ply a private wrong, or a crime of that individual; an
invasion of the rights of the injured party, it is true,
whether they affect his person, his property, or his
reputation; but if not sanctioned in some way by the
State, or not done under State authority, his rights
remain in full force, and may presumably be vindi
23
cated by resort to the laws of the State for redress.
An individual cannot deprive a man of his right to
vote, to hold property, to buy and sell, to sue in the
Courts, or to be a witness or a juror; he may, by force
or fraud, interfere with the enjoyment of the right
in a particular case; he may commit an assault
against the person, or commit murder, or use ruffian
violence at the polls or slander the good name of a
fellow citizen; but, unless protected in these wrong
ful acts by some shield of State law or State authori
ty, he cannot destroy or injure the right; he will only
render himself amenable to satisfaction or punish
ment; and amenable therefor to the laws of the State
where the wrongful acts are committed.”
(b) The “ inherent power” argument.
An analysis of Nixon v. Herndon, supra, is a com
plete answer to this argument.
After this court had stricken down the state statute held
unconstitutional in Nixon v. Herndon, supra, the defendants
were left with the same power that they have in this case.
The statute disposed of, if the defendants had “ inherent
power” beyond statutory control to exclude plaintiff, this
Court would not have granted relief. The fact that this
Court did not recognize any such power shows that none
existed. Defendants in this case being identical in capacity
with defendants in Nixon v. Herndon, they have no greater
powers than were there recognized.
POINT VII
The jurisdictional power of Federal Courts to grant relief
in any case is not limited to the enforcement of Federal
rights or to acts done either by State officers or in the exe
cution of state power.
This proposition has become almost axiomatic; and it is
24
settled that, once the jurisdiction of the Federal Court at
taches, it has jurisdictional power to grant whatever re
lief, whether State or Federal, may be disclosed by the rec
ord.
Siles v. L. and N. Railway
213 U. S. 175, 191
L. and N. Ry. v. Garrett
231 U. S .298,304
The assumption by the lower courts in this case that they
could not grant relief against the deprivation of the right,
which the Circuit Court of Appeals said existed, simply be
cause the deprivation was not by the State, is, therefore,
clearly unfounded. Indeed, inquiry into the capacity of the
defendants is immaterial, there being other grounds of
jurisdiction than that they are state officers. That the de
fendants in this case are also identical in capacity with the
defendants in Nixon v. Herndon, supra, would also seem to
settle this matter.
POINT VIII
The disfranchisement of plaintiff and other qualified Ne
groes disclosed by the record violates the 15th Amendment,
because citizens of one race were guaranteed by law the
right to vote in the statutory election involved in this case,
while plaintiff and other qualified Negroes were not.
That these are the facts is clear from the decisions of the
Texas appellate courts in Love v. Wilcox and White v. Lub
bock, supra, and from the facts within the judicial knowl
edge of this Court.
Construing the 15th Amendment, this Court has held:
“ If citizens of one race having certain qualifica
tions are permitted by law to vote, those of another
having the same qualifications must be.”
United States v. Reese
92 U. S. 214
25
POINT IX
This Court should decide all of the questions involved in
this case, especially those pertaining to the “inherent pow
er” and “private individuals” arguments, in order to pre
vent a multiplicity of suits and to prevent undue hardship
upon plaintiff and all other qualified Negroes in Texas.
It took plaintiff about three years to get a decision from
this Court in Nixon v. Herndon, supra, and it has taken him
about an equal period to get this case before this court.
The expense involved in getting cases before this Court is
no easy thing for Negroes to raise, who, as a matter of com
mon knowledge, are generally poor. The delay causes ir
reparable damage, in that more than one election goes by
before a decision can be had.
The reluctance of the Texas State Courts and of the low
er Federal Courts to go beyond the compelling literal lan
guage of this court in granting relief to Negroes from the
deprivation of their franchise rights seems clear from a
careful study of the cases deciding the question, all of
which have uniformly denied relief. In addition to the cas
es already referred to, the following may be cited:
Grigsby v. Harris
27 Fed (2nd) 942
Wiley v. Weber, et al
No. 432 in Equity, U. S. Dist. Ct. at San Antonio.
Love v. The City Democratic Committee
No. 438 in Equity, U. S. Dist.
Ct. at Houston.
“ I am not disturbed as to what the Supreme
Court of the United States in the omnipotence of its
judicial power may hold on the question in some fu
ture opinion, but I am not disposed to lead the way
to a change in its present views upon this question
by anticipating that they will be changed or modifi
ed in some future opinion.”
Chief Justice Pleasants, Concurring in
White v. Lubbock, supra
26
It is clear, we submit, that, if this court merely strikes
down the statute in this case, as it did in Nixon v. Herndon,
supra, and does not say in specific words that relief is
granted because neither defendants nor the State Demo
cratic Executive Committee, whether viewed as state offi
cers or private individuals, have “ inherent power” to
destroy the legal rights of plaintiff to vote in the statutory
election here involved, then plaintiff and all other qualified
Negro voters will be faced with these “ private individuals”
and “ inherent power” arguments anew, and will be forced
at great expense and delay, and with a multiplicity of suits,
to try these questions out all over again.
We trust that this Court may see fit to so decide these
questions as to prevent this undue hardship.
Conclusion
In State v. Meharg, 287 S. W. 670, a Texas Court of Civil
Appeals said:
“ Indeed, it is a matter of common knowledge in
this State that a Democratic primary election held
in accordance with our statutes is virtually decisive
of the question as to who shall be elected at the gen
eral election. In other words, barring certain ex
ceptions, a primary election is equivalent to a gen
eral election.”
Those to whom are entrusted legislative powers in the
State of Texas, therefore, feel that they owe no allegiance
or duty to the Negroes of the State, in that they have been
effectively excluded from participation in the primary elec
tions “held in accordance wth our statutes.”
As typical of what the fruits are, we mention what atti
tude these legislators have taken toward providing educa
tional opportunities for the Negro citizens of Texas. See
Title 49, Chapters 1 to 9, inclusive, of the Texas Revised
Civil Statutes.
27
Exclusively for the white youths of the State, the follow
ing educational institutions are provided:
1. A State University, which must and does have “ the
departments of a first-class university.”
2. An Agricultural and Mechanical College “ for in
struction in agriculture, the mechanical arts, and the
natural sciences connected therewith.”
3. John Tarleton Agricultural College, which “ shall
rank as a Junior Agricultural College.”
4. North Texas Junior Agricultural College.
5. College of Industrial Arts.
6. Texas Technological College.
7. School of Mines and Metallurgy.
8. Sam Houston State Teachers’ College.
9. North Texas State Teachers’ College.
10. Southwest Texas State Teachers’ College.
11. Texas College of Arts and Industries.
For Negro youth, there is provided the Prairie View State
Normal and Industrial College, and nothing more. In the
words of the statute (Art. 2642), it is limited to a “ four-
year college course of classical and scientific studies.” This
is the typical attitude of legislators whose election may not
be affected by the votes of the Negroes of the State, who
constitute about one-sixth of the total population.
WHEREFORE, premises considered, we pray that this
Honorable Court may here reverse the decisions of the Cir
cuit Court of Appeals and the District Court.
Respectfully submitted,
J. ALSTON ATKINS
CARTER W. WESLEY
Attorneys for Movants.
J. M. NABRIT, Jr.
NABRIT, ATKINS AND WESLEY
Of Counsel