Motion for Leave to File and Brief for the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law as Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
February 12, 1979
33 pages
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Case Files, Bolden v. Mobile Hardbacks and Appendices. Motion for Leave to File and Brief for the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law as Amicus Curiae, 1979. 0f12c55a-cdcd-ef11-b8e8-7c1e520b5bae. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/8e9712e3-39a5-427d-b0d3-ab5dc189df07/motion-for-leave-to-file-and-brief-for-the-lawyers-committee-for-civil-rights-under-law-as-amicus-curiae. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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CRAWFORD, BLACKSHER, FIGURES & BROWN
ATTORNEYS AT LAW
1407 DAVIS AVENUE
: a rw MOBILE, ALABAMA 36603
VERNON Z, CRAWFORD
JAMES U, BLACKSHER
MICHAEL A. FIGLIRES TELEPHONE 432-1691
W. CLINTON BROWN, JR. AREA CODE (208)
GREGORY B, STEIN
LARRY T. MENEFEE
SAMUEL F. IRBY, JR.
February 12, 1979
Honorable Virgil Pittman
United States District Judge
United States District Court
Post Office Box 465
Mobile, Alabama 36601
RE: Belden v. City of Mobile,
Dear Judge Pittman:
Enclosed for your information are copies of the Supreme Court
briefs filed by the City of Mobile, the Mobile County School
Board, the Plaintiffs-Appellees in the School Board case, and
the Justice Department's Amicus Curiae Brief.
Best regards.
Very Respectfully,
CRAWFORD, BLACKSHER, FIGURES AND BROWN
pd
Igmes U. Blacksher
All counsel (w/o enc)
IN THE
Supreme mut of the Wnited States
OCTOBER TERM, 1978
No. 77-1844
CITY OF MOBILE, ALABAMA, et al.,
- Appellants,
WILEY L. BOLDEN, et al.,
Appellees.
On Appeal from the United States
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE
AND
BRIEF FOR THE LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW AS AMICUS CURIAE
CHARLES A. BANE
THOMAS D. BARR
Co-Chairmen
NORMAN REDLICH
Trustee
FRANK R. PARKER
Staff Attorney
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
Civi. RIGHTS UNDER Law
720 Milner Building
210 South Lamar Street
Jackson, Mississippi 39201
(601) 948-5400
ROBERT A. MURPHY
Staff Attorney
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
CiviL RIGHTS UNDER LAw
733 Fifteenth Street, N.W.
Suite 520
Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 628-6700
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
WILSON - EPES PRINTING CoO., INC. - 789-0096 - WASHINGTON, D.C. 20001
IN THE
Supreme Cut of the uited States
OCTOBER TERM, 1978
No. 77-1844
CITY OF MOBILE, ALABAMA, et al.,
Appellants,
Vv.
WILEY L. BOLDEN, et al.,
Appellees.
On Appeal from the United States
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE
The Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law,
proposed amicus curiae herein, respectfully seeks leave
of this Court to file the attached brief in order to assist
the Court in resolving the constitutional questions pre-
sented in this voting rights case.
As set forth in the attached brief, the Lawyers’ Com-
mittee has been intimately involved for a number of
years in voting rights litigation on behalf of minority-
race voters, and we have participated, both as amicus
curiae and as the representative of parties, in many of
this Court’s important voting rights cases. The instant
case is of particular concern to us, involving the effect
of at-large voting schemes on the participation of mi-
nority voters in the electoral process. We bring to this
case a familiarity with, and understanding of, the ap-
plicable decisions of this Court. We also bring to this
case—as a result of our extensive litigation in this area
—a close familiarity with the exclusionary purpose and
effect at-large municipal voting has had on minority
participation in municipal government, particularly in
the South where most of our litigation has taken place.
By filing this brief, we wish to present to the Court
a perspective based on our litigation experience in the
South which is not likely to be presented by any of the
parties.
Appellees have consented to the filing of this brief.
Consent was sought from appellants, but not granted.
WHEREFORE, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil
Rights Under Law respectfully moves that its brief
amicus curiae be filed in this case.
January 10, 1979.
Respectfully submitted,
CHARLES A. BANE
THOMAS D. BARR
Co-Chairmen
NORMAN REDLICH
Trustee
FRANK R. PARKER
Staff Attorney
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
Civi RIGHTS UNDER LAw
720 Milner Building
210 South Lamar Street
Jackson, Mississippi 39201
(601) 948-5400
ROBERT A. MURPHY
Staff Attorney
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
CiviL RIGHTS UNDER LAW
733 Fifteenth Street, N.W.
Suite 520
Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 628-6700
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
TABLE OF CONTENTS
E33 EB RE 0 Dien iolesee blame aim Jy
I. AT-LARGE ELECTIONS IN MUNICIPALI-
IL
111.
TIES IN WHICH MINORITY VOTERS HAVE
BEEN DENIED EQUAL ACCESS TO THE
POLITICAL PROCESS AND IN WHICH MI-
NORITY VOTERS HAVE HAD LESS OPPOR-
TUNITY THAN WHITES TO BLECT CITY
COUNCIL MEMBERS OF THEIR CHOICE
UNCONSTITUTIONALLY DILUTE, MINI-
MIZE, AND CANCEL OUT BLACK VOTING
SD NG RH iio rziiir te nr isissis setacshasacsssainssrss
AS OUR EXPERIENCE IN MISSISSIPPI IN-
DICATES, THE FIFTH CIRCUIT'S DECI-
SION IN THIS CASE IS CORRECT AND
SHOULD BE AR RMD ci arcoess-rreecicocss
PLAINTIFFS CHALLENGING AT-LARGE
MUNICIPAL VOTING SHOULD NOT BE RE-
QUIRED TO PROVE THAT THE AT-LARGE
SYSTEM WAS ADOPTED FOR A SPECIFIC
RACIAL PURPOSE IF THE PROOF SHOWS
THAT AT-LARGE MUNICIPAL VOTING
HAS BEEN MAINTAINED TO EXCLUDE
BLACK REPRESENTATION OR OPERATES,
IN THE FACE OF A PAST HISTORY OF
EXCLUSION OF MINORITIES FROM THE
POLITICAL PROCESS, TO DENY BLACK
VOTERS THE OPPORTUNITY TO ELECT
CANDIDATES OF THEIRCHOICE ..................
CONCLUSION |... cis rst t-ssrsosoa~srcisess stor siotrrosss
Page
11
16
20
II
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES Page
Allen v. State Board of Elections, 393 U.S. 544
BL a Sala ee ily 11,43
Avery v. Midland County, 390 U.S. 474 (1968) 11
Boker Vv. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962) ......... c..cnie. 19
Black Voters Vv. McDonough, 565 F.2d 1 (1st Cir.
50g PEER Bet pn LC DM 8
Bolden v. City of Mobile, Ala., 571 F.2d 238 (5th
431 Le HERE a a ee 11
Burns V. Richardson, 384 U.8..73.41966)................ 4
Chapman V..Meier, 420 U.S. I (1975)... .cccoieicinen. 10
City of Richmond Vv. United States, 422 U.S. 358
ES Male a aE SRE 2
Connor. Ny. Finch, 431 1.8. 407 (1977) ..coreinsneerncises 2.10, 15
Corder v. Kirksey, 585 F.2d 708 (5th Cir. 1978) .... 10
Dallas County v. Reese, 421 U.S. 477 (1975).......... 4,9
Dove Vv. Moore, 539 F.2d 1152 (8th Cir. 1976) .... 8
Fast Carroll Parish School Bd. v. Marshall, 424
U.S 830 L10T0Y fi... comicerariciae. red isemine ian bine srs 3,8,10
Fairley v. Patterson and Bunton V. Patterson, de-
cided sub nom. Allen v. State Board of Elections,
BOS U.S. 544 (1960y a. 24
Forison V. Dorsey,.379.1U.8..433 (1965) ................. 4
Georgia Vv. United States, 411 U.S. 526 (1973) ...___. 3
Kendrick v. Walder, 527 F.2d 44 (7th Cir. 1975) .. 8
Kilgarlin V..Hill, 3806 U.S. 120. (1967) .-....ccorircivmennns 10
Kirksey v. Board of Supervisors of Hinds County,
Mississippt, 554 F.2d 139 (5th Cir. 1977), cert.
dented, 434 U.S. 968 £1977) corn. occrenernse imonionys 9
Nashville, C. & St. Louis R. Co. v. Walters, 294
RMSE DR bons BIRO Ce 18
Nevett v. Sides, 571 F.2d 209 (5th Cir. 1978) ........ 11
Paige v. Gray, 538 F.2d 1108 (5th Cir. 1976) ........ 8
Parnell v. Rapides Parish Police Jury, 563 F.2d
180 (Bh Clr. A077) sueccortier omssrociseitrmpogrivarsssss sion: 8
Perry v. City of Opelousas, 515 F.2d 639 (5th Cir.
2 50600 BIG IR RE CS TH 8
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ..................... 4, #819
III
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
Seals v. Quarterly County Court, 526 F.2d 216 (6th
Cle 1978) «as 8
Stewart v. Waller, 404 F. Supp. 206 (N.D. Miss.
By 5,12,13, 14
Washington Vv. Davis, 426 1U.8.229 (1976) ............... 17,18
Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124 (1971) ....4,8,9,12,16
White Vv. Regester, 412 U.S. 7155 (1973) ................ passim
Wise Vv. Lipscomb, No. 77-5629 (June 22, 1978) .._._..... 2,7,10
Zimmer V. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (5th Cir.
1973), aff’d on other grounds sub nom. Fast
Carroll Parish Police Jury v. Marshall, 424 U.S.
686 (1976)... a a 8, 10
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Banzhaf, Multi-Member Electoral Districts—Do
they Violate the “One Man, One Vote” Principle,
73 Yale LJ. 1309:(1966) .... c.cink tii bien oan. 5
Bonapfel, Minority Challenges to At-Large FElec-
tions: The Dilution Problem, 10 Ga. L. Rev. 353
(1876)... a 10
Carpeneti, Legislative Apportionment: Multi-
Member Districts and Fair Representation, 120
U. Pal. Bev. 606 (1972) ........ionsi sn ive. 5
Sloane, “Good Government” and the Politics of
Race, 17 SOCIAL PROBLEMS 156 (1969) ......... 5
UNITED STATES COMMISSION ON CIVIL
RIGHTS, POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
coesy. 5, 13
WASHINGTON RESEARCH PROJECT, THE
SHAMEFUL BLIGHT: THE SURVIVAL OF
RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN VOTING IN
THR SOUTH (1972)... "= = a
IN THE
Supreme mut of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1978
No. 77-1844
CITY OF MOBILE, ALABAMA, et al.,
Appellants,
V.
WILEY L. BOLDEN, et al.,
Appellees.
On Appeal from the United States
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
BRIEF FOR THE LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
CIVIL RIGHTS UNDER LAW AS AMICUS CURIAE
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE
The Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law
was organized in 1963 at the request of the President
of the United States to involve private attorneys through-
out the country in the national effort to assure civil
rights to all Americans. The Committee’s membership
today includes two former Attorneys General, ten past
Presidents of the American Bar Association, a number
of law school deans, and many of the Nation’s leading
2
lawyers. Through its national office in Washington, D.C.,
and offices in Jackson, Mississippi, and eight other cities,
the Lawyers’ Committee over the past fifteen years has
enlisted the services of over a thousand members of the
private bar in addressing the legal problems of minori-
ties and the poor in voting, employment, education, hous-
ing, municipal services, the administration of justice,
and law enforcement.
In the past, the Lawyers’ Committee has filed briefs
amicus curiae by consent of the parties or by leave of
this Court in a number of important civil rights cases.
The interest of the Lawyers’ Committee in this case
arises from its dedication to and interest in the full
and effective enforcement and administration of the Na-
tion’s constitutional and statutory provisions securing the
voting rights of minorities. As a result of providing
legal representation to litigants in voting rights cases
for the past thirteen years, the Committee has gained
considerable experience and expertise in problems of
racial discrimination relating to the voting rights of
minority citizens, and in the requirements and guaran-
tees of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and
the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Attorneys associated with
the Lawyers’ Committee represented the minority plain-
tiffs in two of the first four cases to reach this Court
on the scope of the requirements of § 5 of the Voting
Rights Act of 1965, Fairley v. Patterson and Bunton
Vv. Patterson, decided sub nom. Allen v. State Board of
Elections, 393 U.S. 544 (1969), and have provided con-
tinuing representation since 1970 to the plaintiff voters
in the Mississippi state legislative reapportionment case,
in which this Court has rendered five decisions in this
decade, the latest of which was Connor v. Finch, 431 U.S.
407 (1977). The Committee also represented the mi-
nority voters in City of Richmond v. United States, 422
U.S. 358 (1975); and, we filed amicus briefs in Wise
3
Vv. Lipscomb, No. 77-529 (June 22, 1978); East Carroll
Parish School Bd. v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976), and
Georgia Vv. United States, 411 U.S. 526 (1973).
In this case the Committee is interested in (1) the
constitutional and Federal statutory implications of the
exclusion of minority representation in municipal gov-
ernment by at-large municipal voting in majority white
communities, (2) the applicability to at-large municipal
elections, of the principles announced by this Court in
White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973), that at-large
voting unconstitutionally dilutes black voting strength
when blacks have been denied equal access to the po-
litical process, and (3) the question of the applicability
of the racial purpose requirements to an at-large munici-
pal voting system which has been in effect for a long
time. In addition, attorneys associated with the Jack-
son, Mississippi office of the Lawyers’ Committee cur-
rently have pending four cases challenging at-large mu-
nicipal elections for city council members, and the de-
cision of the Court in this case is likely to have a direct
impact on the decisions in those cases.
Because of our extensive and intimate involvement
in voting rights cases involving state legislatures, coun-
ties, and municipalities, our extensive knowledge of the
case law in the area, and our familiarity with the ex-
clusionary purpose and effect at-large municipal voting
has had on minority participation in municipal govern-
ment, particularly in the South, we have a perspective on
this case which has not been presented by the petitioners,
and which will not be presented in its entirety by the
respondents.
The Lawyers’ Committee therefore files this brief as
friend of the Court urging affirmance of the judgment
below.
4
DISCUSSION
I. AT-LARGE ELECTIONS IN MUNICIPALITIES IN
WHICH MINORITY VOTERS HAVE BEEN DE-
NIED EQUAL ACCESS TO THE POLITICAL
PROCESS AND IN WHICH MINORITY VOTERS
HAVE HAD LESS OPPORTUNITY THAN WHITES
TO ELECT CITY COUNCIL MEMBERS OF THEIR
CHOICE UNCONSTITUTIONALLY DILUTE, MIN-
IMIZE, AND CANCEL OUT BLACK VOTING
STRENGTH.
While at-large elections are “not per se illegal under
the Equal Protection Clause,” Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403
U.S. 124, 142 (1971), the Court has repeatedly held
that at-large voting is unconstitutional when “designedly
or otherwise, a multi-member constituency apportionment
scheme, under the circumstances of a particular case,
would operate to minimize or cancel out the voting
strength of racial or political elements of the voting
population.” (emphasis supplied) Burns Vv. Richardson,
384 U.S. 73, 88 (1966) ; Fortson v. Dorsey, 379 U.S. 433,
439 (1965) ; accord, Dallas County Vv. Reese, 421 U.S.
477, 480 (1975); White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755, 765
(1973) ; Whitcomb v. Chavis, supra, 403 U.S. at 143. In
Fairley v. Patterson, decided sub nom. Allen Vv. State
Board of Elections, 393 U.S. 544, 569 (1969), the Court
in considering whether a switch to at-large county super-
visor elections was subject to Federal preclearance under
§ 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 held:
The right to vote can be affected by a dilution of
voting power as well as by an absolute prohibition
on casting a ballot. See Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S.
533, 555. Voters who are members of a racial
minority might well be in the majority in one dis-
trict, but in a decided minority in the county as a
whole. This type of change could therefore nullify
their ability to elect the candidate of their choice
just as would prohibiting some of them from voting.
5
In many parts of the South—and possibly elsewhere—
at-large elections ‘“designedly or otherwise” are the last
vestige of racial segregation in voting. Although blacks
and other minorities in the South are now permitted to
register and vote in large numbers—primarily as a
result of the Voting Rights Act of 1965—at-large elec-
tions which dilute minority voting strength “nullify their
ability to elect the candidate of their choice just as would
prohibiting some of them from voting.”
In White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755, 766 (1973), aff’g
in relevant part, Graves V. Barnes, 343 F. Supp. 704
(W.D. Tex. 1972) (three-judge court), the Court held
that at-large elections unconstitutionally dilute minority
voting strength when plaintiffs have produced
evidence to support findings that the political pro-
cesses leading to nomination and election were not
equally open to participation by the group in ques-
1 WASHINGTON RESEARCH PROJECT, THE SHAMEFUL
BLIGHT: THE SURVIVAL OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN
VOTING IN THE SOUTH 109-26 (1972); UNITED STATES
COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTS, POLITICAL PARTICIPA-
TION 21-25 (1968) ; see also Carpeneti, Legislative Apportionment:
Multi-M ember Districts and Fair Representation, 120 U. Pa.L. Rev.
666 (1972); Banzhaf, Multi-Member Electoral Districts—Do they
Violate the “One Man, One Vote” Principle, 75 YALE L.J. 1309
(1966). There can be no doubt that in some instances at-large
municipal elections have been instituted for purposes of discrimina-
tion, e.g., Stewart v. Waller, 404 F. Supp. 206 (N.D. Miss. 1975)
(three-judge court) (1962 Mississippi statute requiring switch to
at-large municipal voting held unconstitutional as racially moti-
vated). In other instances, the justification advanced is to eliminate
ward politics and to promote government reform, but the effect on
minority participation is equally discriminatory:
In a fundamental sense, the Black American has fallen victim
of governmental reform. In their zeal for efficiency, democratic
government, and the elimination of corruption, the reformers
have led us to new political systems which operate to the detri-
ment of minority groups.
Sloane, “Good Government” and the Politics of Race, 17 SOCIAL
PROBLEMS 156, 174 (1969).
6
tion—that its members had less opportunity than did
other residents in the district to participate in the
political processes and to elect legislators of their
choice.
White held at-large voting for the Texas Legislature in
Dallas County unconstitutional on a showing of (1) ‘“the
history of official racial discrimination in Texas, which
at times touched the right of Negroes to register and
vote and to participate in the democratic processes”; (2)
Texas law “requiring a majority vote as a prerequisite
to nomination in a primary election”; (3) the “so-called
‘place’ rule limiting candidacy for legislative office from
a multi-member district to a specified ‘place’ on the
ticket”; (4) since Reconstruction, only two black can-
didates from Dallas County had been elected to the
House of Representatives, and these were the only two
blacks ever slated by the white-controlled Dallas Com-
mittee for Responsible Government (DCRG); and (5)
the DCRG did not require the support of black voters,
and “did not therefore exhibit good-faith concern for the
political and other needs and aspirations of the Negro
community.” 412 U.S. at 766-67.
The Court made similar findings with respect to
Mexican-American voters in Texas. The Court found
that the Mexican-American community of Bexar County
(San Antonio) was effectively removed from the political
processes on proof that it “had long suffered from, and
continues to suffer from, the results and effects of in-
vidious discrimination and treatment in the fields of
education, employment, economics, health, politics and
others”; that the state poll tax and restrictive voter
registration procedures had foreclosed effective political
participation; and that “the Bexar County legislative
delegation in the House was insufficiently responsive to
Mexican-American interests.” Id. at 767-69. Single-
member legislative districts were required “to remedy
‘the effects of past and present discrimination against
7
Mexican-Americans’ . . . and to bring the community into
the full stream of political life of the county and State
by encouraging their further registration, voting, and
other political activities.” Id. at 769.
White is the first case in which this Court struck
down at-large voting—there in multi-member legislative
districts—for unconstitutional dilution of minority vot-
ing strength. But in Wise v. Lipscomb, 46 U.S.L.W. 4777,
4781 (U.S. June 22, 1978) (No. 77-529), four Justices
noted that the Court had not yet decided whether the
principles of White v. Regester were applicable to munici-
pal governments. We believe that they are, and that no
significant distinction can be made between at-large
legislative voting and at-large municipal voting.
First, every Court of Appeals which has been pre-
sented with the issue has held the principles of White
equally applicable to at-large voting in county and mu-
nicipal government, and has sustained or rejected dilu-
tion challenges to local at-large voting depending on
2 The District Court’s judgment affirmed by this Court also rested
on evidence of racial bloc voting, 343 F. Supp. at 731, 732:
The population of the West Side of San Antonio tends to
vote overwhelmingly for Mexican-American candidates when
running against Anglo-Americans in party primary or special
elections, to split when Mexican-Americans run against each
other, and to support the Democratic Party nominee regardless
of ethnic background in the general elections. The record shows
that the Anglo-Americans tend to vote overwhelmingly against
Mexican-American candidates except in a general election when
they tend to vote for the Democratic Party nominee whoever
he may be although in a somewhat smaller proportion than
they vote for Anglo-American candidates. * * * It is not sug-
gested that minorities have a constitutional right to elect
candidates of their own race, but elections in which minority
candidates have run often provide the best evidence to deter-
mine whether votes are cast on racial lines. All these factors
confirm the fact that race is still an important issue in Bexar
County and that because of it, Mexican-Americans are frozen
into permanent political minorities destined for constant de-
feat at the hands of the controlling political majorities.
8
whether or not the White criteria had been met on the
facts of each individual case. Thus, the White v. Reg-
ester criteria have been applied to local at-large voting
challenges by the First,® Fifth,* Sixth,” Seventh, and
Eighth 7 Circuits.
Second, the reasoning of the Court’s decision in White
V. Regester is sound, and there is no good reason to
limit its application to at-large legislative elections.
Where—as in this case (423 F. Supp. at 393-94) —the
election law of the State applicable to municipal elections
requires at-large, citywide voting, city council members
must receive a majority vote for nomination or election,
and candidates are restricted to a place or number on the
ballot, blacks are effectively excluded from the oppor-
tunity to elect candidates of their choice to city govern-
ment in majority white communities where racial bloc
voting prevails—not “as a function of losing elections,”
Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124, 153 (1971), but as
a result of the “built-in bias” (id.) of the State’s elec-
toral mechanisms. Further, where—as here (423 F.
Supp. at 393) —in the past black citizens have been dis-
enfranchised by racially discriminatory state voter regis-
3 Black Voters v. McDonough, 565 F.2d 1 (1st Cir. 1977) (Boston
City School Committee).
t Parnell v. Rapides Parish Police Jury, 563 F.2d 180 (5th Cir.
1977) (parish police jury and school board) ; Paige v. Gray, 538 F.2d
1108 (5th Cir. 1976) (Albany, Ga., City Council) ; Perry v. City of
Opelousas, 515 F.2d 639 (5th Cir. 1975) (city council) ; Zimmer V.
McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (5th Cir. 1973) (en banc), aff’d on other
grounds sub nom. East Carroll Parish Police Jury v. Marshall, 424
U.S. 636 (1976) (parish policy jury and school board).
5 Seals v. Quarterly County Court, 526 F.2d 216 (6th Cir. 1975)
(Madison County, Tenn., county governing board).
8 Kendrick Vv. Wolder, 527 F.2d 44 (7th Cir. 1975) (Cairo, li,
City Commission).
7? Dove V. Moore, 539 F.2d 1152 (8th Cir. 1976) (Pine Bluff, Ark.,
City Council).
9
tration statutes and mechanisms, the requirement of at-
large municipal voting under these conditions unconstitu-
tionally perpetuates the past purposeful and intentional
exclusion of blacks from the political and electoral proc-
esses of the municipality, cf. Kirksey v. Board of Su-
pervisors of Hinds County, Mississippi, 554 F.2d 139
(5th Cir. 1977) (en banc), cert. denied, 434 U.S. 968
(1977), and distinguishes the exclusion of the disen-
franchised racial minority from exclusion of other in-
terest groups, cf. Whitcomb v. Chavis, supra, 403 U.S.
at 156. In addition, where—as the proof here shows
(423 F. Supp. at 389-92) —the at-large elected city gov-
ernment has been unresponsive to the needs and interests
of the minority community, the presumption that each
city commissioner represents and serves all of those who
elect him in citywide voting, cf. Dallas County V. Reese,
421 U.S. 477, 480 (1975), is overcome, and the exclusion
of minority representation goes to the heart of the
democratic process:
Racial minorities protest this institutionalized bar
to their effective exercise of political power. They
point out that, because of racial discrimination, they
have been and are being denied adequate educational,
employment, and housing opportunities and conse-
quently have common interests in these substantive
areas which are unique to them because of their race.
In a system dominated by the majority, racial mi-
norities complain, they are powerless to improve their
condition because the government in which they lack
representation and political influence is unconcerned
about their problems. In particular, racial minori-
ties urge that they must be given the opportunity to
elect members of their own race who, having experi-
enced similar difficulties, are more understanding of
the minority’s problems and better able to articulate
the minority’s viewpoint. Noting that in a ward sys-
tem they would be thus represented and able to ex-
ploit their political power, minorities contend that
10
an at-large electoral system which precludes this ac-
cess is invalid: the inability to elect a share of rep-
resentatives substantially proportionate to their num-
bers is alleged to be a denial of the effective rep-
resentation to which they are entitled under the
Constitution.®
Third, no meaningful distinction can be drawn be-
tween at-large legislative voting and at-large municipal
voting. Multi-member legislative districts “in logic of
analysis are merely one form of at-large voting . . .”
Zimmer Vv. McKeithen, supra, 485 F.2d 1315 (Clark, J.,
dissenting). While certain differences may exist in the
evils attributable to at-large legislative elections and
at-large municipal voting,” they are identical in their
one distinguishing feature—both multi-member districts
and citywide municipal voting “[allow] the majority to
defeat the minority on all fronts,” Kilgarlin v. Hill, 386
U.S. 120, 126 (1967) (Douglas, J., concurring). It is this
winner-take-all feature that permits the overrepresenta-
8 Bonapfel, Minority Challenges to At-Large Elections: The Dilu-
tion Problem, 10 Ga. L. Rev. 353, 360 (1976) (footnotes omitted).
9 In Corder Vv. Kirksey, 585 F.2d 708, 713 n. 11 (5th Cir. 1978),
the Fifth Circuit noted that there were certain differences between
multi-member legislative districts and local at-large districts. But
most of the recognized evils of multi-member legislative districts
cited by this Court for preferring single-member districts in court-
ordered legislative reapportionment plans are equally applicable to
at-large municipal voting. In court-ordered plans, single-member
districts are preferred “[b]ecause the practice of mutimember dis-
tricting can contribute to voter confusion, make legislative repre-
sentatives more remote from their constituents, and tend to sub-
merge electoral minorities and overrepresent electoral majorities
. .." Connor v. Finch, 431 U.S. 407, 415 (1977) ; see also, Chapman
V. Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 15-19 (1975). All of these disadvantageous
characteristics of multi-member legislative districts are shared by
at-large municipal voting, and the Court has held that single-member
districts are preferred in court-ordered plans in both cases involving
multi-member legislative districts and in cases involving at-large
county and municipal voting. Wise v. Lipscomb, 46 U.S.L.W. 4777,
4779 (U.S. June 22, 1978) (No. 77-529) ; East Carroll Parish School
Bd. v. Marshall, supra.
11
tion of the majority and the exclusion of the minority—
which might gain representation under single-member
districts—under both multi-member legislative districts
and at-large municipal voting.
Indeed, there is a close analogy with malapportioned
voting districts, since both at-large voting and malap-
portioned districts involve claims of dilution of voting
power. Allen Vv. State Board of Elections, supra, 393
U.S. at 569. The Court has not limited dilution claims
involving malapportionment to state legislative districts,
but has applied the dilution criteria based upon nu-
merically unequal districts to all “units of local govern-
ment having general governmental powers over the en-
tire geographic area served by the body,” Avery v. Mid-
land County, 390 U.S. 474, 485 (1968). It would be
anomalous indeed for the Court to sustain dilution chal-
lenges based on malapportionment of municipal voting
districts in the context of municipal voting to allow one
kind of dilution challenge—based on malapportioned mu-
nicipal voting districts—but not to allow another—based
on minimizing and cancelling out black voting strength.
Certainly nothing can be found in the Fourteenth Amend-
ment—which was enacted specifically to protect racial
minorities—which would support such a bizarre dis-
tinction.
II. AS OUR EXPERIENCE IN MISSISSIPPI INDI-
CATES, THE FIFTH CIRCUIT'S DECISION IN
THIS CASE IS CORRECT AND SHOULD BE
AFFIRMED.
The Fifth Circuit correctly decided that an at-large
municipal voting system is unconstitutional when it is
enacted for a racial purpose, maintained for a racial
purpose, or operates to deny the minority community
equal access to the electoral process. Bolden v. City of
Mobile, Ala., 571 F.2d 238 (5th Cir. 1978); see also,
Nevett v. Sides, 571 F.2d 209 (5th Cir. 1978). These
legal principles represent a proper application of the
12
holdings in this Court’s prior decisions in Whitcomb Vv.
Chavis, supra, and White Vv. Regester, supra.
The Fifth Circuit’s decision in this case addresses a
serious and continuing problem of exclusion of minority
representation from equal participation in municipal
government which exists throughout the South and pos-
sibly in some Northern communities as well. In Missis-
sippi, where we are familiar with local conditions be-
cause of our extensive voting rights litigation there, at-
large municipal voting has been both instituted and
maintained for purposes of minimizing and cancelling
out black voting strength. In 1962—after the first mas-
sive voter registration drives were getting underway—
the Mississippi Legislature enacted a statute, Miss. Laws,
1962, ch. 537, requiring all code charter municipalities
with a mayor-alderman form of government to switch
from ward to at-large, citywide election of aldermen.
Stewart v. Waller, 404 F. Supp. 206 (N.D. Miss. 1975)
(three-judge court). Prior to 1962, cities with popula-
tions over 10,000 were required to elect six aldermen by
ward and one at-large, and cities with populations under
10,000 had an option of electing four aldermen by ward
and one at-large, or of electing all five aldermen at-
large. An action was filed challenging the -constitu-
tionality of this statute. In 1975, on evidence showing
that “it was a foreseeable certainty that in many wards
in many municipalities the electorate would contain a
majority of black citizens” (404 F. Supp. at 213), and
that the author of the statute argued during the legis-
lative debates that “this is needed to maintain our south-
ern way of life” (id.), a three-judge District Court de-
clared the statute violative of the Fourteenth and Fif-
teenth Amendments for the reason that it was designed
“to forestall the possibility that black aldermen might in
some instances win election” and was passed with the
“intent to thwart the election of minority candidates
13
to the office of alderman.” Stewart v. Waller, supra,
404 F. Supp. at 214.
As a result of the Stewart injunction enjoining en-
forcement of the 1962 statute, 29 cities which had
switched to at-large elections were required to revert
to ward elections. In the 1977 municipal elections—the
first since the Stewart decision—twenty black aldermen
were elected for the first time to formerly all-white boards
of aldermen in fourteen cities covered by the Stewart
decree.
Similarly, after the passage of the Voting Rights Act
of 1965, 42 U.S.C. § 1973, allowing black citizens to
register and vote in large numbers in the South, the
Mississippi Legislature enacted several statutes requir-
ing and allowing county boards of supervisors and county
boards of education to switch from district to at-
large, countywide elections. See United States Commis-
sion on Civil Rights, POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
21-23 (1968). In Allen v. State Board of Elections,
supra, 393 U.S. at 569-70, this Court held that such
statutes were covered by the Federal preclearance re-
quirement of § 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42
U.S.C. §1973c, in part because of their potential for
diluting and minimizing minority voting strength. The
statutes were submitted to the Attorney General of the
United States, and an objection was lodged based upon
dilution of black voting strength.
These statutes were enacted purposefully and inten-
tionally to prevent the election of black candidates and
to deprive black voters of the opportunity to elect can-
didates of their choice. But as here when a municipality
maintains an at-large, citywide voting scheme for the
purpose of diluting black voting strength, the result is
the same and the constitutional rights of minority voters
are equally violated. In Mississippi, the Lawyers’ Com-
14
mittee has represented black voters in filing at-large
municipal voting challenges against ten Mississippi cities,
involving the cities of Aberdeen, Columbus, Greenville,
Greenwood, Hattiesburg, Hazlehurst, Jackson, Picayune,
West Point, and Yazoo City. In each instance, all mem-
bers of the city council were elected in at-large, citywide
voting, and despite the fact black candidates had run for
the city council, and blacks constituted more than 20%
of the voting population (but less than a registered ma-
jority), in only one instance! had any black candi-
date been elected to the city council when the suit
was filed. These municipalities—and others—are not
covered by the injunction issued in Stewart v. Waller,
supra, either because they have commission forms of
government or because they are private charter munici-
palities in which their at-large voting systems are not
mandated by state statute. Like Mobile, some of these
municipalities instituted at-large voting systems in the
early 1900’s; others are of more recent vintage. But
in each case, the maintenance of at-large municipal vot-
ing has resulted in the almost total exclusion of any
black representation in city government, although black
persons constitute 20% or more of the city population.
To the best of our knowledge, of the more than 1,300
elected city council members in Mississippi, only seven
10 In 1974 Mrs. Sarah Johnson was elected to the six-person Green-
ville City Council with less than a majority of the vote in a three-
person race. After these suits were filed, two black council members
were elected in at-large voting in Greenville (Mrs. Johnson was
reelected) and Picayune.
11 Because of White Vv. Regester and other related Fifth Circuit
decisions, six of the ten cases have been settled and single-member
ward districting plans have been substituted for all at-large elec-
tions. In each case, the new ward plans provide for two majority
black wards. In two cases, ward election plans went into effect for
the 1977 and 1978 municipal elections in West Point and Yazoo
City; in West Point one black alderman was elected to the pre-
viously all-white board of aldermen and in Yazoo City two black
aldermen were elected for the first time.
15
black city council members have been elected in at-large
voting from white majority constituencies or in ward
voting from white majority wards.
Under circumstances such as these, public officials in
the South can hardly claim to be unaware that the main-
tenance of at-large municipal voting schemes, particu-
larly in face of a recent past history of exclusion of black
citizens from the political process through disenfranchise-
ment, operates to dilute, minimize, and cancel out black
voting strength and to exclude the possibility of black
representation in municipal government, whatever the
particular form that municipal government may take.
In the circumstances of this case, the constitutional
claims of black voters and the findings of the District
Court that at-large municipal elections have been main-
tained for a racially discriminatory purpose and have
operated to exclude black representation should outweigh
the purely administrative claims of the city that a city-
wide perspective is needed in city government. In Connor
Vv. Finch, supra, the Mississippi Legislative reapportion-
ment case, the State official defendants made similar
claims that at-large voting in multi-member legislative
districts were needed to maintain a countywide per-
spective in the Legislature, but these arguments were
rejected by the Court last Term in rejecting pleas for
multi-member districts in a court-ordered plan, Connor
v. Finch, supra, 431 U.S. at 415. Many Mississippi
municipalities have been forced to abolish at-large vot-
ing and revert to ward elections, but no claim has been
made that this has destroyed or seriously impaired the
orderly functioning of municipal government.
16
ITI. PLAINTIFFS CHALLENGING AT-LARGE MUNICI-
PAL VOTING FOR DILUTION OF BLACK VOTING
STRENGTH SHOULD NOT BE REQUIRED TO
PROVE THAT THE AT-LARGE SYSTEM WAS
ADOPTED FOR A SPECIFIC RACIAL PURPOSE IF
THE PROOF SHOWS THAT AT-LARGE MUNICI-
PAL VOTING HAS BEEN MAINTAINED TO
EXCLUDE BLACK REPRESENTATION OR OPER-
ATES, IN THE FACE OF A PAST HISTORY OF
EXCLUSION OF MINORITIES FROM THE POLITI-
CAL PROCESS, TO DENY BLACK VOTERS THE
OPPORTUNITY TO ELECT CANDIDATES OF
THEIR CHOICE.
In White v. Regester, supra, a unanimous Court held
that at-large legislative voting in multi-member districts
is unconstitutional if plaintiffs produce evidence (412
U.S. at 766)
that the political processes leading to nomination and
election were not equally open to participation by the
group in question—that its members had less op-
portunity than did other residents in the district to
participate in the political processes and to elect
legislators of their choice. Whitcomb v. Chavis, su-
pra, at 149-50.
In neither Whitcomb nor White did the Court establish
a specific requirement that plaintiffs must prove that
the at-large system had been instituted for a racially
discriminatory purpose, if the proof showed that at-large
voting had operated to deny minority citizens an equal
opportunity to participate in the political and electoral
processes. Therefore, there seems to be no way for this
Court to reverse the decision of the Fifth Circuit in
this case without overruling this Court’s unanimous de-
cision in White.
In cases such as this, where the at-large voting scheme
was adopted with the commission form of government in
17
1911, a requirement that plaintiffs prove specific racial
intent with the adoption of at-large elections would place
an impossible burden on minority plaintiffs. Virtually
no witnesses to the change would be alive today, and
newspaper accounts may be nonexistent or unreliable.
Nor do this Court’s subsequent decisions governing the
Fourteenth Amendment racial purpose requirement re-
quire such a burden. Thus, in Washington v. Davis, 426
U.S. 229, 241-42 (1976), this Court was careful to say:
This is not to say that the necessary diserimina-
tory racial purpose must be express or appear on
the face of the statute, or that a law’s disproportion-
ate impact is irrelevant in cases involving Consti-
tution-based claims of racial discrimination. A stat-
ute, otherwise neutral on its face, must not be ap-
plied so as invidiously to discriminate on the basis
of race. Yick Wo. v. Hopkins, 118 US 356 (1886).
It is clear from the cases dealing with racial
discrimination in the selection of juries that the
systematic exclusion of Negroes is itself such an
“unequal application of the law . . . as to show
intentional discrimination.” Akins v. Texas, supra,
at 404. Smith v, Texas, 311 US 128 (1940) ; Pierre
Vv. Louisiana, 306 US 354 (1939) ; Neal v. Delaware,
103 US 370 (1881). A prima facie case of discrim-
inatory purpose may be proved as well by the ab-
sence of Negroes on a particular jury combined with
the failure of the jury commissioners to be informed
of eligible Negro jurors in a community, Hill Vv.
Texas, 316 US 400 (1942), or with racial non-
neutral selection procedures, Alexander v. Louisiana,
405 US 625 (1972); Avery Vv. Georgia, 345 US 559
(1953) ; Whitus v. Georgia, 385 US 545 (1967).
* * * *
Necessarily, an invidious discriminatory purpose
may often be inferred from the totality of the rele-
vant facts, including the fact, if it is true, that the
18
law bears more heavily on one race than another.
It is also not infrequently true that the discrimina-
tory impact—in the jury cases for example, the total
of seriously disproportionate exclusion of Negroes
from jury venires—may for all practical purposes
demonstrate unconstitutionality because in various
circumstances the discrimination is very difficult to
explain on nonracial grounds.
In looking at the scheme at issue here, both the Dis-
trict Court, after “an intensely local appraisal of [its]
design and impact”, White v. Regester, supra, 412 U.S.
at 769, and the Court of Appeals were convinced that
the evidence clearly demonstrated that at-large voting
in Mobile had been maintained for a racial discrimina-
tory purpose. It has operated for almost 70 years to
exclude black representation totally from Mobile’s gov-
erning body, and certainly the City Fathers could not be
ignorant of this preeminent fact. As Mr. Justice Stevens
wrote in his concurring opinion in Washington v. Davis,
supra, 426 U.S. at 253:
Frequently the most probative evidence of intent will
be objective evidence of what actually happened
rather than evidence describing the subjective state
of mind of the actor. For normally the actor is
presumed to have intended the natural consequences
of his deeds.
A requirement that plaintiffs must prove intentional
discrimination with the enactment of at-large voting
schemes also overlooks the firmly established principle of
constitutional law that a statute or official action may be
constitutional at the time it was adopted, but may be-
come unconstitutional over time as conditions change.
“A statute valid when enacted may become invalid by
change in the conditions to which it is applied.” Nash-
ville, C. & St. Louis R. Co. v. Walters, 294 U.S. 405,
415 (1935). Thus, in the reapportionment cases, a legis-
19
lative reapportionment plan which provided equi-populous
and perfectly valid districts when adopted may become
unconstitutional over time as a result of legislative in-
action in not responding to shifts of population which
render the legislative districts malapportioned. Reynolds
Vv. Sims, 377 U.8. 533 (1964); Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S.
186, 192-93 (1962).
Thus, in this case, even if the at-large voting scheme
was adopted in 1911 in a “race-proof” circumstance in
which there was no racial intent because Mobile blacks
were denied the right to vote, nevertheless the at-large
scheme became unconstitutional through legislative inac-
tion as blacks were later permitted to register and vote
and the city commission recognized that at-large elections
operated completely to deny black voters of Mobile the
opportunity to elect city council members of their choice
and to exclude black representation on the Mobile city
commission.
20
CONCLUSION
The judgment of the Court of Appeals should be
affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
CHARLES A. BANE
THOMAS D. BARR
Co-Chairmen
NORMAN REDLICH
Trustee
FRANK R. PARKER
Staff Attorney
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
Civi. RIGHTS UNDER LAw
720 Milner Building
210 South Lamar Street
Jackson, Mississippi 39201
(601) 948-5400
ROBERT A. MURPHY
Staff Attorney
LAWYERS’ COMMITTEE FOR
Civi. RIGHTS UNDER LAW
733 Fifteenth Street, N.W.
Suite 520
Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 628-6700
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae