Jenkins v. Missouri Brief of Appellant Kansas City, MO School District
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1985
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Jenkins v. Missouri Brief of Appellant Kansas City, MO School District, 1985. b65eadc5-b59a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/95922c86-0371-4577-9c5f-61b08b104ea7/jenkins-v-missouri-brief-of-appellant-kansas-city-mo-school-district. Accessed November 19, 2025.
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In T he
Ittttvb ( ta r t of Appeals
F or the E ighth Circuit
No. 85-1765WM
No. 85-1949WM
Kalima J e n k in s , et a l ,
Appellants,
v.
State of Missouri, et a l ,
Appellees.
Appeal from the United States District Court for the
Western District of Missouri, Western Division,
Honorable Russell G. Clark, Chief Judge
BRIEF OF APPELLANT
KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI SCHOOL DISTRICT
James Borthwick
Shirley W. Keeler
Blackwell, Sanders, Matheny,
Weary & Lombardi
Five Crown Center
2480 Pershing Road
Kansas City, Missouri 64108
(816) 474-5700
David S. Tatel
Allen R, Snyder
Elliot M. Mincberg
Patricia A. Brannan
Hogan & Hartson
815 Connecticut Ave,, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006
(202) 331-4500
Attorneys for Appellant
Kansas City, Missouri
School District
W i l s o n - E p e s p r i n t i n g C o . . In c . - 7 8 9 - 0 0 9 6 - W a s h i n g t o n , d . c . 2 0 0 0 1
SUMMARY AND REQUEST FOR ORAL ARGUMENT
The court below correctly found that the State of Mis
souri created a racially dual system of schools and hous
ing in the Kansas City area before the Supreme Court’s
decision in Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483
(1954), and that vestiges of the dual system persist to
day. The court erred, however, in failing to order inter
district relief despite the interdistrict nature of the
State’s violations.
State law prior to 1954 required schools to be racially
segregated and established a separate black school sys
tem which operated on an area-wide basis, without re
gard to school district boundaries. Pursuant to these;
State laws, black children who lived in the many sub
urban school districts (“SSDs”) that had no black schools
had to travel to other districts, usually the Kansas City,
Missouri School District (“KCMSD”), over long distances
at great personal hardship to attend school. This inter
district transfer system and other State discriminatory
practices, such as State enforcement of racially restric
tive covenants, channeled black families to KCMSD and
discouraged them from living in SSDs. As a result, by
1954, 98% of all black school children in the area at
tended KCMSD, while the SSDs, which once had black
communities, had become virtually all white.
After Brown, the State did nothing to fulfill its consti
tutional obligation to dismantle the area-wide racially
dual system it created. Area school districts thus remain
racially identifiable today. The remedy approved by the
District Court will not correct this vestige of the dual
system. The court below rejected a metropolitan school
district consolidation plan proposed by KCMSD which
would have eliminated all vestiges of the dual system.
The court did so because it concluded that the SSDs had
not committed independent, intentional interdistrict vio
lations. This ruling disregards decisions of the Supreme
(i)
11
Court and this Circuit which hold that suburban districts
can be included in a metropolitan remedy where they
participated in and were affected by the State’s interdis
trict violations.
Because of the importance of these issues, Appellant
KCMSD requests 45 minutes for its oral argument.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
SUMMARY AND REQUEST FOR ORAL ARGU
MENT .................... ................................... ............ i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ...... .......................... . v
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT _______ _________ ix
STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES... ___________ x
STATEMENT OF THE CASE ................................ . 1
A. The Racially Dual Metropolitan System of Edu
cation in the Kansas City Area Prior to 1954.... 1
B. Failure to Dismantle the Metropolitan-Wide
Dual System After 1954 ____ __ _________ 12
C. Procedural History of This Litigation ................ 16
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .... .............................. 20
ARGUMENT ______ ________ _________ ________ 22
I. THE DISTRICT COURT’S REJECTION OF
INTERDISTRICT RELIEF AND DISMISSAL
OF THE SUBURBAN SCHOOL DISTRICT
DEFENDANTS WAS BASED ON THE ER
RONEOUS LEGAL CONCLUSION THAT IN
TERDISTRICT RELIEF REQUIRES PROOF
OF INDEPENDENT CONSTITUTIONAL
VIOLATIONS BY EACH AND EVERY SUB
URBAN DISTRICT PARTICIPATING IN
AND AFFECTED BY THE STATE’S INTER
DISTRICT CONSITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS.. 22
II. WHEN REVIEWED UNDER THE PROPER
LEGAL STANDARDS, THE EVIDENCE AND
FINDINGS CONCERNING THE STATE’S
CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS MAN
DATE INTERDISTRICT RELIEF.....______ 28
(iii)
IV
A. The Evidence and Findings Below Estab
lished that the State of Missouri Created
and Maintained a Metropolitan-Wide Dual
School System in the Kansas City Area___ 30
B. Because the State of Missouri Has Failed to
Fulfill Its Affirmative Duty to Dismantle Its
Pre-1954 Metropolitan-Wide Dual School Sys
tem, and Because the Vestiges of that Sys
tem Will Remain After Implementation of
the District Court’s Remedial Order, It Was
Error for the District Court to Rej ect Inter
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
Page
district Relief __ ____________ - ....- ...... 40
III. KCMSD HAS STANDING TO BRING THIS
ACTION AS A PARTY PLAINTIFF AND
SHOULD NOT HAVE BEEN REALIGNED
AS A DEFENDANT___ ___ ___________ 44
CONCLUSION _______ _____ ________ ____- ....-.... 49
V
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases Page
Adams v. United States, 620 F.2d 1277 (8th Cir.)
(en banc), cert, denied, 449 U.S. 826 (1980)....-passim
Akron Board of Education v. State Board of Edu
cation of Ohio, 490 F.2d 1285 (6th Cir.), cert.
denied, 417 U.S. 932 (1974)...........................xi, 46-47
Board of Education v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236 (1968).. 46
Board of School Directors of Milwaukee v. Wiscon
sin, No. 84-C-877 (E.D. Wis. Apr. 29, 1985) ....44-45, 46
Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, No. 3353-R
(E.D. Va. Aug. 31, 1984) ............. .................. 46
Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, 338 F.
Supp. 67 (E.D. Va.), rev’d on other grounds,
462 F.2d 1058 (4th Cir. 1972), aff’d by equally
divided court, 412 U.S. 92 (1973) (per curiam).. 46
Brewer v. Hoxie School District No. 46, 238 F.2d
91 (8th Cir. 1956) ........... ....................... xi, 45, 46, 47
Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294
(1955) ____________ __________ ___ - ...... 12
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483
(1954) ...................... ............................... ......... passim
Cape Girardeau School District No. 63 v. Frye,
225 S.W.2d 484 (Mo. App. 1949) .............. . 27
Columbus Board of Education v. Peniclc, 443 U.S.
449 (1979) ............... .............................. ........ 22, 40
Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958).................. . 22
Davis v. Board of School Commissioners, 402 U.S.
33 (1971) ................... ..................................... 43
Dayton Board of Education v. Brinkman, 443 U.S.
526 (1979) ....................................................40, 41, 43
Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study
Group, Inc., 438 U.S. 59 (1978) .................... 47
Evans v. Buchanan, 393 F. Supp. 428 (D. Del.),
aff’d, 423 U.S. 963 (1975) .......... ..............x, 26, 32, 34
Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430
(1968)......................................................... 22, 40, 44
Haney v. County Board of Education of Sevier
County, Arkansas, 410 F.2d 920 (8th Cir.
1969) ......... .... ............. ......................... ......... 27,31
VI
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
Hoots v. Pennsylvania, 672 F.2d 1107 (3d Cir.),
cert, denied, 459 U.S. 824 (1982) .................... 26
Keyes v. School District No. 1, 413 U.S. 189
(1973) ............................... ............................... 32,43
Larson v. Valente, 456 U.S. 228 (1982)...............~ 47
Lee v. Lee County Board of Education, 639 F.2d
1243 (5th Cir. 1981) .....„................. ................ 28
Liddell v. Missouri, 731 F.2d 1294 (8th Cir.), cert.
denied, 105 S. Ct. 82 (1984)____ ____ _____ 36
Liddell v. Board of Education of St. Louis, 677
F.2d 626 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 459 U.S. 877
(1982) .......... ........... ...................... ................. 22
Liddell v. Board of Education of St. Louis, 667
F.2d 643 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 454 U.S. 1081
(1981) ....... ........................... ............... ............ 23-24
Liddell v. Board of Education of St. Louis, No.
72-100C (4) (E.D. Mo. Sept. 24, 1981) .............. 46
Little Rock School District v. Pulaski County
School District No. 1, 584 F. Supp. 328 (E.D.
Ark. 1984), appeal pending, No. 85-1078-FA
(8th Cir.) .............. ............. ............................ xi, 46
Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267 (1977)............... 36, 46
Millikenv. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974) ________passim
Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States,
606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) (en banc), cert.
denied, 444 U.S. 1071 (1980) ..................... x, 24, 27, 31
Newburg Area Council, Inc. v. Board of Educa
tion of Louisville, Kentucky, 510 F.2d 1358 (6th
Cir. 1974), cert, denied, 421 U.S. 931 (1975) ....x, 31-32
Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925).... 45
Regents of the University of Minnesota v. Na
tional Collegiate Athletic Association, 560 F.2d
352 (8th Cir. 1977) ......................... ................. 45
Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948) ................ 9, 33
Simon v. Eastern Kentucky Welfare Rights Or
ganization, 426 U.S. 26 (1976)_______ ____ _ 47
Singleton v. Wulff, 428 U.S. 106 (1976) .............. 48
State v. County Court, 311 Mo. 167, 277 S.W. 934
(1925) ____ _________ 4
V l l
State ex rel. Morehead v. Cartivright, 122 Mo.
App. 257, 99 S.W. 48 (1907) ................ ....... 4
Swann v. Charlotte-MecJclenburg Board of Educa
tion, 402 U.S. 1 (1971) ...... ............... ..............passim
Taylor v. Ouachita Parish School Board, 648 F.2d
959 (5th Cir. 1981)........ .... .............................. 28
United States v. Board of School Commissioners
of Indianapolis, Indiana, 637 F.2d 1101 (7th
Cir.), cert, denied, 449 U.S. 838 (1980)..... ..... 34
United States v. Board of School Commissioners
of Indianapolis, Indiana, 573 F.2d 400 (7th
Cir.), cert, denied, 439 U.S. 824 (1978).......... x, 25, 26
United States v. Missouri, 363 F. Supp. 739 (E.D.
Mo. 1973), aff’d in relevant part, 515 F.2d 1365
(8th Cir.), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975)..... 22, 32
United States v. Missouri, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th
Cir.), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975)....x, 25, 27, 31
United States v. Texas, 321 F. Supp. 1043 (E.D.
Tex. 1970), aff’d in relevant part, 447 F.2d 441
(5th Cir. 1971), cert, denied, 404 U.S. 1016
(1972) ............. .................................................. x, 31
Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans
United for Separation of Church and State, Inc.,
454 U.S. 464 (1982) ___ _____ ______ __ _ 48
Washington v. Seattle School District No. 1, 458
U.S. 457 (1982)___ ___ _____ __________ __ 48
Weiss v. Leaon, 225 S.W.2d 127 (Mo. 1949)........... 33
Constitutions
U.S. Constitution Amendment XIV ................... 25, 27, 46
Mo. Const, of 1945 art. 9, § la ................... 2
Mo. Const, of 1875 art. 11, § 3 ... 2
Mo. Const, of 1865 art. 9, § 2 ..... 2
Statutes
28 U.S.C. § 1291 (1982)..... .. .............................. . ix
28 U.S.C. § 1331 (1982)..... .. ........................ ........ ix
28 U.S.C. § 1343 (1982)____ ix
1945 Mo. Laws 1699-1700 ___________________ 3
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
VIII
1929 Mo. Laws 382-83 ............................................ 3, 4
1921 Mo. Laws 611-13, 614, 626-27, 640-41............... 3, 4
1909 Mo. Laws 790-91 ................. ..... .................... 3
1897 Mo. Laws 219-20 ....... .......... .... .................... 3
1889 Mo. Laws § 8004, 226-27 ........................... 3, 4
1883 Mo. Laws 187 ............................. 3, 4
1874 Mo. Laws 163-64 ... .............. .......................... 3
1868 Mo. Laws 170 ... .............. ..................... ......... 3
1865 Mo. Laws 177, 255 .......................................... 3, 6
1847 Mo. Laws 103-104...... .......... ..................... . 2
Rules
Fed. R. Civ. P. 41 (b)______ _________________ 17
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
1. The decisions appealed from were rendered by
Chief Judge Russell G. Clark of the United States Dis
trict Court for the Western District of Missouri, West
ern Division, on October 6, 1978 (460 F. Supp. 421);
June 5, 1984 (unreported) ; September 17, 1984 (593
F. Supp. 1485) ; January 25, 1985 (unreported) ; and
June 14, 1985 (unreported to date).
2. The jurisdiction of the District Court was based
on 28 U.S.C. § 1331 (1982), because this action arises
under the Constitution and laws of the United States,
and 28 U.S.C. § 1343 (1982), because it seeks to redress
the deprivation, under color of State law, of rights se
cured by the Constitution and laws of the United States.
3. The jurisdiction of this Court is invoked pursuant
to 28 U.S.C. § 1291 (1982). Appellant Kansas City,
Missouri School District filed a timely notice of appeal
on July 23, 1985.
(ix)
X
STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES
1. Whether the District Court erred in rejecting inter-
district desegregation relief and dismissing the suburban
school district defendants by requiring proof of independ
ent constitutional violations by each suburban school dis
trict participating in and affected by the State’s inter
district constitutional violations.
Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974).
Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States,
606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) (en banc), cert, de
nied, 444 U.S. 1071 (1980).
Evans v. Buchanan, 393 F. Supp. 428 (D. Del.),
aff’d, 423 U.S. 963 (1975).
United States v. Board of School Commissioners of
Indianapolis, Indiana, 573 F.2d 400 (7th Cir.), cert,
denied, 439 U.S. 824 (1978).
2. Whether the District Court erred in failing to rec
ognize that the State of Missouri’s creation, maintenance,
and failure to dismantle its pre-1954 metropolitan-wide
racially dual school system requires interdistrict relief.
Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States,
606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) (en banc), cert, de
nied, 444 U.S. 1071 (1980).
United States v. Missouri, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.)
(en banc), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975).
Newburg Area Council, Inc. v. Board of Education
of Louisville, Kentucky, 510 F.2d 1358 (6th Cir.
1974), cert, denied, 421 U.S. 931 (1975).
United States v. Texas, 321 F. Supp. 1043 (E.D.
Tex. 1970), aff’d in relevant part, 447 F.2d 441 (5th
Cir. 1971), cert, denied, 404 U.S. 1016 (1972).
3. Whether the District Court erred in dismissing
KCMSD as a party plaintiff for lack of standing and
realigning it as a defendant.
X I
Brewer v. Hoxie School District No. U6, 238 F.2d 91
(8th Cir. 1956).
Akron Board of Education v. State Board of Educa
tion of Ohio, 490 F.2d 1285 (6th Cir.), cert, denied,
417 U.S. 932 (1974).
Little Rock School District v. Pulaski County School
District No. 1, 584 F. Supp. 328 (E.D. Ark. 1984),
appeal pending, No. 85-1078-EA (8th Cir.).
In T he
HmtFii (Enurt at Amalfi
F or the E ighth Circuit
No. 85-1765WM
No. 85-1949WM
Kalima J e n k in s , et al.,
Appellants,
State op Missouri, et al.,
_______ Appellees.
Appeal from the United States District Court for the
Western District of Missouri, Western Division,
Honorable Russell G. Clark, Chief Judge
BRIEF OF APPELLANT
KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI SCHOOL DISTRICT
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
A. The Racially Dual Metropolitan System of Education
in the Kansas City Area Prior to 1954.
As the court below found, the State of Missouri estab
lished by law a racially “dual school system” in which
“ [e]ach school district in Missouri participated” prior
to 1954.1 In the Kansas City metropolitan area,2 the sepa
rate school system for black children was implemented
on an area-wide basis without regard to school district
boundaries: black students were required to attend black
1 Jenkins v. Missouri, 593 F. Supp. 1485, 1490 (W.D. Mo. 1984)
(“Jenkins”) .
2 For purposes of this brief, the terras “Kansas City metropolitan
area” and “metropolitan area” refer to Jackson, Clay and Platte
counties in Missouri.
2
schools even if those schools were in districts other than
where the students lived. Area school districts and the
State cooperated with each other to transfer students and
take other necessary steps to maintain the dual system.3
The racially dual, metropolitan system had its origins
in State law prior to the Civil War. Until 1865, as this
Court has recognized, “Missouri prohibited the creation
or maintenance of schools for teaching black children to
read or write.” 4 Beginning in 1865, the Missouri legis
lature enacted a series of statutes permitting the educa
tion of blacks but requiring separate public schools for
black children.5 This State-mandated segregated system
was incorporated into the Missouri Constitution of 1945,
which explicitly required separate schools for “white and
colored children.” 6 State statutes requiring racial seg
regation in the public schools were not repealed until
1957, and school segregation “remained a part of the
state constitution until repealed in 1976.” 7
The State itself enforced and administered the legally
mandated racially dual system. This included a State
wide inspector of “Negro schools,” teachers and other
personnel who worked out of the inspector’s office and
supervised the curriculum and other details concerning
3 See pp. 3-5, infra.
4 Adams v. United States, 620 F.2d 1277, 1280 (8th Cir.) (en
banc), cert, denied, 449 U.S. 826 (1980). See 1847 Mo. Laws 103.
This statute also prohibited free blacks from settling in Missouri,
restricted religious and other meetings by blacks, and imposed
criminal penalties for the violation of any of its provisions. Id.
at 104. (All State laws and constitutional provisions cited herein,
except for current laws, are contained in Plaintiffs’ Exhibit (“PX”)
116A.)
5 See Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1460.
6 Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. See
Mo. Const, of 1945, art. 9, :§ la. Similar provisions were contained
in the 1865 and 1875 Missouri Constitutions. See Mo. Const, of 1865,
art. 9, § 2; Mo. Const, of 1875, art. 11, i § 3.
7 Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280. Accord, Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490.
3
schools maintained for black children, a statute requir
ing the Missouri State Superintendent of Schools to es
tablish and operate black schools where local districts
failed to do so, and other detailed laws, regulations, and
funding provisions for black schools.8
Pursuant to State law, the separate school system for
blacks operated on an interdistrict basis without regard
for school district boundaries. State law allowed a dis
trict to maintain schools for blacks only if a certain
minimum number of black students resided in the dis
trict.9 10 As of 1874, State legislation mandated that ad
joining districts with specified numbers of black students
combine to offer joint schools for black children 19 and
also authorized the transfer of black students to other
districts which had schools for them.11 Missouri law also
8 See, e.g., 1921 Mo. Laws 640-41 (establishing office of “State
Negro Inspector of Negro Schools”) ; 1874 Mo. Laws 164 (pro
viding that State Superintendent was to establish and operate
schools for blacks where districts failed to do so) ; Ex. K37 at 39-
40 (1946 Report of State Superintendent of Public Schools) (dis
cussing supervisory functions performed by “State Supervisor of
Negro Schools” and other personnel); Transcript (“Tr.”) 14,814
(Orfield) (discussing extensive State supervision over segregated
system of education in Missouri prior to 1954). Excerpts from the
testimony of Dr. Orfield, as well as Drs. Anderson, Tobin, Levine,
Olson and Weinberg are included in the Addendum filed by Appel
lants, at Section A.
9 This number varied over time from eight to 20. See, e.g., 1865
Mo. Laws 177; 1868 Mo. Laws 170; 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83.
10 1874 Mo. Laws 163-64. See also 1897 Mo. Laws 219-20 (per
mitting joinder of adjoining districts for the establishment of black
schools if the number of black students in either or both is less
than 25).
11 See, e.g., 1883 Mo. Laws 187; 1889 Mo. Laws § 8004; 1909 Mo.
Laws 790-91; 1921 Mo. Laws 611-13 and 626-27; 1929 Mo. Laws
382-83; 1945 Mo. Laws 1699-1700. See also Adams, 620 F.2d at
1280, 1294 n.27; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. As of 1929, State
legislation even permitted interdistrict transfers from districts
which had sufficient black students to form a black school, thus per
mitting a district to avoid creating black schools altogether even
where the requisite number of black children lived in the district.
See 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83.
4
required districts like KCMSD which maintained black
schools to accept black students from other districts.12 13
As of 1921, State statutes contained specific provisions
for payment for interdistrict transfers of black students.
Generally, they required that the home district pay some
tuition costs to the districts which received black trans
fers, although receiving districts were required to accept
transfer students regardless of whether tuition was paid.18
In the Kansas City area, therefore, separate schools for
black children were maintained only within KCMSD it
self and intermittently in some suburban areas which had
sufficient numbers of black students.14 * * * Under State law,
12 See State v. County Court, 311 Mo. 167, 277 S.W. 934 (1925);
see also 1883 Mo. Laws 187; 1889 Mo. Laws 226-27; 1921 Mo. Laws
614, 626-27. Although the District Court suggested that a school
district could refuse to accept black transfer students (June 5,
1984 Order at 11-12), it made no finding that any district ever
successfully did so. To the contrary, the Supreme Court of Missouri,
sitting en banc, stated in State v. County Court, that the City of
St. Louis wrongfully suspended a black transfer student from one
of its high schools for refusal of the transferring district to pay
tuition, because the student had a “right to attend a high school in
the City of St. Louis for colored children [which] is in no way
dependent upon the payment of the tuition incident thereto . . . .”
277 S.W. at 936.
13 See, e.g., State v. County Court; 1921 Mo. Laws 626-27; see
also 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83.
14See PX 39; Tr. 4,308-12 (Anderson). Because of the large
number of small school districts in the Kansas City area and the
wide dispersal of the black population in the late 19th and early
20th centuries, there was often an insufficient number of black
residents within a district to form a black school. See Tr. 4,182-84,
4,204-05 (Anderson) (noting that the State was subdivided into
approximately 8,000 districts up until 1954 and that, as a result,
the number of black children within a single district was often
not sufficient to support a separate black school). In addition,
school districts throughout the State often underestimated the
number of resident black children, thereby evading any legal obliga
tion to provide schools for black children. See Tr. 4,255-62, 4,272-73,
5,323-25 (Anderson). Accord, e.g., PX 210 (1921 Report of Missouri
State Superintendent of Public Schools) (there are not as many
black schools as there should be because some school boards feel
that “these people” should not be given a school if it can possibly
be avoided) ; State ex rel. Morehead v. Cartwright, 122 Mo. App.
257, 99 S.W. 48 (1907).
5
black children who lived in areas without black schools
had to travel to KCMSD or other districts to obtain an
education.15 As a result, many black students had to
make long and difficult daily trips to school which often
required that they leave home as early as 5:30 a.m., ar
rive long before school started or after school began, and
return home as late as 7 :45 p.m.16
In addition, the quality of education provided for blacks
was extremely poor, especially in suburban black schools,
which usually were rated second class or lower by the
15 The pattern of interdistrict transfers in the metropolitan area
is demonstrated on PX 37A, 37B, and 37E, which are overlays for
area maps (e.g., PX 5B) that show black enclaves, black schools,
and the direction of transfers and migration, respectively. See Tr.
14,817 (Orfield) (for black children, pre-1954 system of education
in Kansas City area “operated on a regional basis to force black
students to transfer wherever they were permitted to go to school
within the metropolitan area”)- Although numerous witnesses
testified concerning interdistrict transfers at trial, the evidence
also indicated that this testimony reflected only a fraction of the
number of black students who travelled to KCMSD or other dis
tricts to obtain an education. This was because many of the trans
fers went unrecorded, particularly prior to 1931 when tuition and
transportation costs were not paid on a reimbursement basis and
black students sought to establish residency in the receiving district
or to take other steps to avoid having to pay such costs as out-of
district students. See Tr. 4,313-14, 4,332-36, 5,855-58 (Anderson) ;
Tr. 2,110-11 (Fields). Examples of recorded interdistrict transfers
are included in PX 37E, PX 40, PX 1775 and at Tr. 420-22
(Shields) ; 1,747-48 (Charles) ; 1,773-75 (W hite); 541 (Winkfield) ;
608-10 (Bratton) ; 150-51 (Pratt) ; 1,604-14 (Briscoe) ; 1,645-48
(Snead) ; 802 (Porter); 2,130-33 (Harris) ; 2,163-67 (Robinson) ;
1,362-1371 (Jones) ; 626-28 (Tucker) ; 2,835 (Douglass) ; 1,830-34
(Patterson); 588 (Hudson); 1,294-98 (Strickland). Examples of
this interdistrict transfer evidence are set forth in the Addendum,
at Section B.l.
16 See, e.g., Tr. 1,362-71 (Jones) (describing long and difficult
trip to school and testifying that black students would often miss
first-hour class) ; Edwards dep. 59-60; Tr. 1,645-47 (Snead) ; Tr.
2,130-31 (Harris) ; Fields dep. 178-79. Examples of evidence of the
hardships suffered by blacks as the result of the interdistrict
school system for blacks are included the Addendum, at Section
B.l.
6
State of Missouri.17 The black schools that were estab
lished in suburban and rural areas closed frequently, par
ticularly since State law required black schools to close
for at least six months if specified minimum enrollments
were not maintained.18 Especially at the high school
level, the only consistently available comprehensive high
school for blacks in the area was Lincoln in KCMSD.19
For this reason, many black families split up, sent chil
dren to live with (or gave addresses of) friends or rela
tives in KCMSD, or moved to KCMSD itself, in order
to obtain a better education for their children in KCMSD
schools.20
17 See PX 39 at 2-6; PX 39A. Suburban black schools never
received accreditation from the independent North Central Associa
tion. Id. In contrast, black schools in KCMSD were consistently
rated first class by the State, and Lincoln High School in Kansas
City received North Central accredition for many years. PX 39
at 1. Record testimony from teachers and students in suburban
black schools prior to 1954 documented numerous specific instances
of poor quality schools for blacks, including schools with no
books, plumbing, or toilet facilities, and schools where black
teachers had to shovel coal or perform other janitorial jobs and
to use seventh and eighth graders to help “teach” younger children.
See, e.g., Tr. 1,631-36, 1,739-41 (Snead and Charles) (Pleasant
Hill) ; 1,466-69, 3,181-82 (Douglass and Jackson) (Parkville) ;
3,144-45, 2,777-81 (Pearl and Thornton) (Platte C ity); 2,830-34
(Douglas) (Parkville). When black parents protested, the solution
in some instances was to shut down the black school and send the
children to KCMSD. See Tr. 1,718-19 (Brisco); 3,748-49 (More
land) ; 4,311-12 (Anderson) ; PX 107 at 54-55. Testimony con
cerning poor quality schools for blacks in the SSDs, in contrast
with KCMSD, included in the Addendum, at Section B.3.
18 See, e.g., 1865 Mo. Laws 255; PX 39 at 2 (Lee’s Summit
“colored school” closed in 1910); id. at 3 (White Oak school in
North Kansas City closed in 1949 and was operated on an “inter
mittent” basis and “by subscription” in earlier years).
19 See Tr. 1,905-06 (Fields) ; 14,786 (Orfield) ; 2,242-43 (Curtis) ;
3,268-70 (Thurman). Dr. Anderson concluded that for blacks, as a
whole “from the establishment of Lincoln High School in 1887 to
1954, . . . this was a one high school area.” Tr. 4,334.
20See, e.g., Tr. 2,714 (Brown); 2,110-11 (Fields); 1,361-62
(Jones); 2,780 (Thornton); 9,438, 9,511 (Newsome); 1,201-04
7
A typical case was Beatrice Williams. She moved from
her parents’ home in Lee’s Summit to her aunt’s house in
KCMSD in order to continue her schooling when the
only black elementary school in Lee’s Summit closed in
1910, after she had completed fourth grade. Her mother
later moved to Kansas City to care for her when her
aunt died, with her father staying in Lee’s Summit to
work. Ms. Williams’ family thus was separated for seven
years so that she could complete her education through
her graduation in 1917 from Lincoln High School.21
The 1910 school closure in Lee’s Summit similarly
drove most other black families with school-age children
living there to other places, such as KCMSD, where their
children could receive an education. Few, if any, ever
returned to Lee’s Summit.212
Bettie Wellman’s family had a similar experience.
While living in Pleasant Hill in the 1930’s, her eldest
brother had to leave the family to live with an uncle
in Kansas City, Kansas—and be legally adopted by him—
in order to receive his high school education.28 By the
time Bettie Wellman reached high school age, her family
had moved to Clinton, which had an inferior three-year
black high school. After completing her Clinton educa-
(Williams) ; 1,086-87 (Harris) ; 1,147-48 (Bastin) ; 1,713-14
(Brisco) ; 1,806-07 (White) ; 2,684-85 (Brown) ; 1,027-28, 1,031-37,
1,060-61 (May) ; 2,499 (Griggsby) ; 3,532-33 (Bryant) ; 950 (Proc
tor) ; 1,686-90 (Wellman); 3,183-92 (Jackson); 3,599 (Thomas).
Many witnesses testified graphically concerning the hardships that
black families were forced to endure to provide better educational
opportunities for their children. See, e.g., Tr. 1,141-42 (Bastin)
(family had to separate so that children could obtain better educa
tion) ; Tr. 890 (Lobb) (family had to pay child’s room and board
in KCMSD) ; Tr. 126-28 (Pratt) (sisters lost contact with their
parents because they moved to their grandmother’s house in KCMSD
to attend school and began calling their mother “Miss Kita” because
of lack of contract with her). See generally PX 90. See also Ad
dendum, Sections B.l. and B.2.
21 Tr. 1,201-04 (Williams).
22 Tr. 1,209-12,1,216 (Williams).
2:3 Tr. 1,687-89 (Wellman).
8
tion, she had to leave her family to move in with an aunt
in KCMSD in order to complete her education at Lincoln
High School. Later, her mother moved the rest of the
family’s children to Kansas City so that they could all
receive the best possible education. Her father remained
in Clinton where he had employment, commuting to see
his family once a week on his day off from work, when
he could.24 25
The record is full of similar experiences told by other
blacks who found it necessary to leave the SSDs and move
to KCMSD to educate their children. Indeed, official
State reports as early as the 1920’s documented the fact
that black families were moving to the cities in Missouri
—including Kansas City—specifically because of the lack
of adequate schools for blacks in rural and suburban
areas and the better educational opportunities available
in the cities.26
Racial segregation in area schools was powerfully re
inforced by other types of segregation mandated or en
couraged by the State. Missouri State courts continued
24 Tr. 1,689-92 (Wellman).
25 See, e.g., Ex. K34 (1929 Report of Missouri State Superintend
ent of Public Schools) at 122, 123 (“high school opportunity for
[N]egro children is very limited” other than in St. Louis and
Kansas City; “84 percent of all the high school education in the
state” for blacks is provided in these cities although “less than half
the [N]egro population in the state” lives there; in light of poor
education for blacks in areas ouside the cities, “the pronounced drift
of the [Njegro population away from the farm to the city is
quite understandable”). Accord, Ex. K31 (1924 State report) at
197 (“[m]any [blacks in rural areas] leave to seek better educa
tional facilities for their children”) ; Ex. K28 (1914 State report)
at 25 (“shortsighted people are driving these [black] people to
towns in order to educate their children”) ; Ex. K30 (1922 State
report) at 31 (“[o]n account of the lack of school facilities in many
small towns and rural districts there is a desire on the part of the
[N]egro population to move to the larger cities”). See Adden
dum, Section D. See also Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490 (“[ u n
deniably, some blacks moved to districts, including the KCMSD,
that provided black schools”).
9
to enforce racially restrictive covenants until the 1950’s.26
Restrictive covenants made it impossible for black famil
ies to move into many areas of the SSDs, and restricted
expansion of those small black enclaves which had existed
in the SSDs since the 19th century.27 28 Moreover, as the
District Court found, Missouri established “separate in
stitutions for teaching black school teachers” and “for
higher education for blacks,” it provided that school
boards could establish “separate libraries, public parks
and playgrounds for blacks,” and it “made it a crime for
a person of % Negro blood to marry a wThite person.” 38
26 See Tr. 13,005 (judicial notice taken that racially restrictive
covenants “were in effect and were enforced in Missouri until in the
1950s”) ; Tr. 12,967, 13,041-45, 13,056 (Tobin) ; O’Flagherty dep.
13-15; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1497, 1503; Adams, 620 F.2d at
1291 n.21. The Supreme Court declared racially restrictive cove
nants unconstitutional in 1948. See Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S.
1 (1948).
27 PX 22, PX 22A (maps showing locations of residential areas
and restrictive covenants); Tr. 13,023-28 (Tobin). Indeed, partly
as a result of restrictive covenants, it was estimated that, between
1925 and 1940, “only 15 new houses were available to blacks through
out” Kansas City. Tr. 14,867 (Rabin).
28 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503. This racial segregation
was further reinforced by acts of violence against blacks in the
suburbs and by police harassment of blacks in white areas. See, e.g.,
Tr. 14,833 (Orfield) (proffered testimony) (in the early 20th
century, violence against blacks in white areas “tended to consoli
date the residential concentration, and that would contribute to the
school segregation that the city had to deal with later on”) . Plain
tiffs proffered evidence of specific incidents of such harassment and
their effects on black citizens. See, e.g., Tr. 498-99 (Waller) (blacks
left suburban areas for relative safety of Kansas City in reaction
to lynching of black citizen in Excelsior Springs, which was appar
ently condoned by local white law enforcement officials) ; 3,322-34
(Thurman) (three black families left suburban area after threat
by Ku Klux Klan against them when they attempted to enroll their
children in all-white schools) ; 2,260-67 (Curtis) (blacks in Blue
Springs were driven out by riot and burning of house by whites, and
city marshal “escorted out” blacks who attempted to come to town
thereafter); 5,068, 5,071 (Brooks) (blacks in white areas were
often stopped and arrested without cause). See Addendum, Section
B.4.
10
The District Court specifically found that such State
conduct placed “the State’s imprimatur on racial dis
crimination,” that “the State has encouraged racial dis
crimination by private individuals in the real estate,
banking and insurance industries,” and that “ [t]his has
and continues to have a significant effect on the dual
housing market in the Kansas City area.” 28 The Dis
trict Court further found that the dual housing market
“impacted blacks in the KCMSD and consequently caused
the public schools to swell in black enrollment” ; that
“there is an inextricable connection between schools and
housing” ; and that the availability of schools “ ‘may thus
influence the patterns of residential development of a
metropolitan area and have important impact on composi
tion of inner city neighborhoods.’ ” * 30
The State-sponsored racially dual system of schools and
housing, reinforced by other types of segregation, re
sulted in increased black concentration in KCMSD. The
20 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503. The record also reflected de
liberate decisions by the Kansas City Planning Commission, which
collaborated with State agencies, to designate areas as black en
claves and permissible areas into which blacks could move. See
Tr. 10,870-919 (Rabin). The Missouri State Real Estate Board
also promulgated codes of ethics which prohibited realtors from
introducing black families into white neighborhoods and subjected
realtors to loss of their licenses for violation of that ethical pro
vision. Tr. 13,038-45 (Tobin) ; PX 316.
30 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491. quoting Swann v. Charlotte-
Mecklenburg Bd. of Educ., 402 U.S. 1, 20-21 (1971). See also note
25, supra; Tr. 12,971-74, 13,037-43 (Tobin); Tr. 16,833-35,
16,913-15 (Weinberg) ; Tr. 14,804-08, 15,525-27 (Orfield) ; Tr.
7,714-15, 7,719-21 (Kain) (absent housing discrimination, many
more blacks would live in SSDs and fewer blacks would live in
KCMSD). Residential and school segregation reinforced each other.
For example, by segregating schools and preventing black teachers
from teaching in most of them, black teachers, who were virtually
the entire black middle class and thus had an important leadership
role, were discouraged from living in white areas such as the
SSDs. Tr. 14,795, 14,801-02 (Orfield).
11
evidence below showed, and the District Court agreed,
that black families left the SSDs and moved to KCMSD,
at least in part because of the State-sponsored racially
dual system of education and housing; the evidence also
showed and the District Court also found that blacks
moving to the metropolitan area chose to settle in
KCMSD rather than in the SSDs because of the avail
ability of schools and housing there.81
The city and its schools thus became increasingly black,
while the suburbs and their schools became increasingly
white. Between 1900 and 1950, the black population of
Kansas City more than tripled; at the same time, the
black population in the three counties outside Kansas
City dropped nearly by half.82 As a result, the percent
age of Kansas City area black residents who lived out
side the city itself dropped from more than 17% in 1900
to less than 4 % in 1950.31 32 33
31 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490, 1491, 1503; notes 25 and
30, supra-, Tr. 14,694, 14,782-87, 14,793-99, 14,804-08, 15,285-90
(Orfield) (blacks moving into the Kansas City area located where
black schools were located and were particularly drawn to KCMSD,
which thus became “a magnet for commercial and residential de
velopment for blacks,” and the State-sponsored dual system of
education and housing “would have inevitably lowered the tendency
for blacks to settle in [predominantly white suburban and rural
areas and] to remain there if they were settled and had children in
need of education.”) ; Tr. 4,310-20, 4,485-86 (Anderson) (black
families, particularly those with children, would tend not to move
into areas where schools were unavailable and left small rural
districts for Kansas City) ; Tr. 16,688-96 (Olson) (availability of
schools was a factor in leading blacks to settle in KCMSD); Tr.
16,833-71, 16,913-15 (Weinberg) (blacks migrating into the area
from outside Missouri chose to live in Kansas City because of the
availability of schools); Tr. 21,120-21 (Hawley) (availability of
schools is important in determining where people live once they
move to a new area) ; Tr. 12,396-97 (Shechter) (schooling is an
important factor in determining where blacks look for housing).
32 See PX 16B. Specifically, the black population in Kansas City
increased from 17,567 in 1900 to 55,682 in 1950, while the black
population outside Kansas City in Jackson, Clay, and Platte coun
ties declined by 44.7% from 3,687 in 1900 to 2,038 in 1950.
33 Id. Specifically, 3,687 of the area’s 21,254 black residents
(17.3%) lived outside Kansas City in Jackson, Clay, and Platte
12
These disparities were even more pronounced in the
schools. In 1900, black students were 6.8% of the stu
dent population in the three-county area outside KCMSD,
and 8.8% in KCMSD.34 By 1954, however, only .8% of
the school children in the SSDs were black, while the
KCMSD percentage had increased to 16.8%.35 Over 98%
of all black school children in the Kansas City metropoli
tan area attended school in KCMSD in 1954, while the
SSDs were virtually all-white.3'6
B. Failure to Dismantle the Metropolitan-Wide Dual
System After 1954.
Notwithstanding the Supreme Court’s command in
Brown,37 38 that State and local officials dismantle racially
dual school systems, Missouri’s Attorney General de
clared that it was the function of the courts and local
authorities, not the State, to desegregate the public
schools.*8 State laws and constitutional provisions were
Counties in 1900, while only 2,038 of 57,720 area black residents
(3.5%) lived outside Kansas City in 1950. This diminishing black
population in the SSDs is illustrated by PX 2, 3B, 5B, 6B, 7B, and
8B, a series of maps of the three-county area outside Kansas City,
which show the decreasing number of black enclaves from 1900 to
1960.
34 PX 49, 53E.
35 PX 49, 53H. The black student enumeration in the three-
county area outside Kansas City fell by over 70% (1,445 to 410)
from 1900 to 1950. PX 49A and 54. While the number of black
students in the SSDs was dropping, the number of white students in
the SSDs was increasing dramatically. In 1900, the total white
student population in the three counties outside Kansas City was
19,961. PX 54. By 1950, that population had more than doubled,
to 44,496. PX 49A. The KCMSD black student population nearly
tripled during the same period (2,971 to 8,068). PX 49.
33 PX 53H.
37 Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483 (1954), and Brown v. Bd.
of Educ., 349 U.S. 294 (1955).
38 Approximately six weeks after the Supreme Court’s decision
in Brown, the Missouri Attorney General rendered an opinion
(PX 2232) declaring State laws mandating segregated schools to be
13
announced as unenforceable, but remained on the books
for years—over 20 years in the case of the constitutional
provision requiring separate schools.8®
In the years following Brown, the State of Missouri
had numerous opportunities to promote significant de
segregation in the Kansas City area. For example, pro
posals to consolidate or reorganize school districts, nota
bly the Spainhower Plan in the late 1960’s, would have
significantly decreased segregation in the Kansas City
area,39 40 Other proposals called for State financial assist
ance for voluntary interdistrict transfers to promote de
unenforceable; however, neither that opinion nor any later opinion
discussed any obligation to dismantle the existing dual system or
to desegregate. Tr. 6,047-49 (Nystrand). Although the State itself
recognized as late as 1979 the “need for more substantial desegrega
tion, especially in our urban areas,” the State did not act affirma
tively to desegregate the dual interdistrict system. PX 1369; see
also Tr. 17,526 (Wasson). In the only policy statement on inter-
district desegregation ever adopted by the State Department of
Elementary and Secondary Education (PX 465), the State left the
matter entirely up to the local districts. Tr. 17,517-18 (Wasson).
See also Tr. 17,821, 17,827-34 (Walker) (head of State technical
assistance program designed to assist districts with problems of
race and sex discrimination believes desegregation is a local matter ;
budget included $20,000 for entire State) ; Tr. 17,939-40, 17,956-59
(Drake) (State never has withheld vocational funds for race dis
crimination although it has for sex discrimination). Examples of
testimony from State and local officials concerning the failure of
the State to take action to desegregate are included in the Adden
dum, Sections C.l. and C.2.
39 See Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280; p. 2, supra.
40 The Spainhower Plan (PX 504), proposed to the State legis
lature by the Missouri School District Reorganization Commission
chaired by James Spainhower, recommended the redrawing of
school district boundaries to create a series of 20 “super” school
districts throughout the State. Under the Spainhower plan, KCMSD
would have been part of a much larger Kansas City metropolitan
area school district. The consolidated school district would have
embraced many of the defendant suburban school districts in this
action and contributed significantly to desegregation in the area.
The plan never emerged from legislative committee. Tr. 6,093-96,
6.106-09 (Nystrand) ; 15,014-17 (Orfield).
14
segregation.41 Although the State of Missouri had used
its power, authority and resources to enforce racial seg
regation prior to Brown, after that decision it failed to
adopt these proposals or to take any other positive action
whatsoever to mandate desegregation in the Kansas City
area.42
In fact, some government actions after 1954 actually
perpetuated the pre-1954 interdistrict system. In the
Kansas City area, interdistrict transfers of black stu
dents continued until at least 1959.4'3 In addition, State
legislation and other actions made desegregative reor
ganization more difficult than before. For example, HB
171, enacted in 1957, limited the ability of KCMSD to ex
pand and acquire a more diverse non-minority population
as the Kansas City limits expanded.44 SB 29, enacted
in 1973, eliminated the ability of 10 citizens to petition
41 In 1979, HB 1717 was introduced in the State legislature to
make available State financial assistance to city and suburban
school districts that would participate in a wholly voluntary inter-
district desegregation measure modeled on a plan that had been
implemented in Milwaukee. The State Department of Elementary
and Secondary Education opposed the proposal which, like the Spain-
hower plan, died in committee. Tr. 17,437-41 (Bartman) ; Mallory
dep. at 76-79. One witness for the State acknowledged that the
Department has not supported any legislation that “would have had
the purpose or effect of causing school district desegregation . . .
since 1972.” Tr. 17,505 (Wasson).
42 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1505 (noting State’s “failure to
affirmatively act to eliminate the structure and effects of its past
dual system”). Accord, Tr. 2,020 (Fields), 3,071-72 (Bluford);
16,434, 16,437 (Levine); 17,022-24 (Travis). The SSDs also
failed to take any action from Brown to the time of trial to dis
mantle the metropolitan-wide dual system in which they partici
pated. Tr. 14,911-12 (Orfield).
43 See, e.g., June 5, 1984 Order at 79-80 (North Kansas City sent
black students to KCMSD after 1954) ; Tr. 2,843-49 (Douglass)
(Park Hill school district refused to desegregate and continued to
send black high school students out of the district through 1958-
59) ; Tr. 1,267-70 (Woods) (interdistrict transfers of black students
from Lee’s Summit to KCMSD continued until 1958 or 1959) ; Tr.
3,142-43 (Pearl) (interdistrict transfers of black students from
Parkville to Platte City until 1959-60). See Addendum, Section C.3.
44 Tr. 6,145-47 (Nystrand) ; Tr. 1,971-72 (Fields).
15
for school district annexation and instead required a
minimum of 10% of the voters in a district contiguous
to large city districts such as KCMSD.45 46
As the District Court found, moreover, the dual hous
ing market which the State helped create in the Kansas
City area “still exists to a large degree today.” The State,
however, has failed to grant authority to State agencies
with responsibility for housing “which could have aided
in the disestablishment of the dual school system which
it created.” 4,15 In fact, government officials continued to
record restrictive covenants in the Kansas City area until
at least I960,47 and such covenants had the continuing
effect of limiting housing opportunities for black citizens.48
45 Yet another change in State law in 1977 required that a pro
posed consolidation of school districts be approved by a majority
of voters in each district rather than a majority of the proposed
combined district. Tr. 6,159-60 (Nystrand). The cumulative effect
of these changes in State law was to make it more difficult for
KCMSD to acquire and secure an adequate non-minority population
to achieve meaningful desegregation. Id. Although KCMSD gen
erally expanded along with Kansas City from 1887 to 1950 (see
PX 35A-H), the city is now four times as large as KCMSD as a
result of city annexations after Brown which were not followed
by expansions of KCMSD. Id.
46 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491, 1503. See Tr. 4,700-02 (Smith)
(Kansas City Human Relations Comm’n without authority to act
on block busting complaints) ; Tr. 5,104-14 (Brooks) (State fair
housing statute discouraged complaints and was enforced by agency
which was understaffed and had serious backlogs) ; Plummer dep.
17-32 (same re statute) ; Tr. 13,141, 13,160, 13,163-64, 13,260-63
(Tobin) (proffered testimony) (State Divisions of Savings and
Loans and Finance failed to monitor on the basis of race and thus
could not control redlining) ; 13,128-33, 13,157-60 (Tobin) (prof
fered testimony) (same re Division of Insurance); 13,239-42
(Tobin) (citing numerous governmental causes for dual housing
market, including State location of subsidized housing).
47 See PX 1239A (last restrictive covenant recorded in Clay
County in 1960).
48 See Tr. 13,023-37 (Tobin); 1,316 (Strickland). See also
Wheeler dep. at 308-09 (race would have been a factor for blacks
trying to get a loan to buy a home outside KCMSD as late as
1970).
16
Both housing and schools in the Kansas City metropoli
tan area remain today as they were before Brown—highly
segregated. As of the 1980 census, 95% of the black
residents of the three-county area including Kansas City
lived in the city itself.49 In 1980, the three-county area
excluding Kansas City was only 1.3% black, while
Kansas City was 32.8% black.’50 Area schools reflect
similar disparities : KCMSD’s student population is 68.3%
black, while the SSDs are only 7% black.’51 52 * Over 88% of
the black school children in the metropolitan area at
tended school in KCMSD in 1980.5'2
C. Procedural History of This Litigation.
KCMSD initiated this lawsuit in 1977 because it recog
nized that the continuing vestiges of the State-mandated
dual system could not be effectively dismantled without
the participation of the State and other school districts
which were part of the area-wide dual system.®3 The
49 See PX 16B.
50 Id.
51 June 14, 1985 Order at 26; KCMSD Plan for Remedying
Vestiges of the Segregated Public School System (January 18,
1985 ) at 3-4.
52 PX 53G. Racial segregation is not the only vestige of the
former dual system. As the District Court also concluded, the
“inferior education indigenous of the [SJtate-compelled dual school
system has lingering effects” in KCMSD. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at
1492. See also, e.g., Order of June 14, 1985 at 4. Accord, Tr.
16,414-16, 16,420-22, 16,424-31, 16,457-59 (Levine) (the dual sys
tem had damaging effects on the attitudes, motivation, and socio
economic status of blacks, which persist today, and contributed to
a cycle of black poverty and poor achievement). See Addendum,
Section B.5.
63 See Complaint (filed May 26, 1977). As the District Court
found, KCMSD has undertaken significant desegregation efforts,
including adoption of a plan approved in 1977 by the Office for Civil
Rights of the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare
(“HEW”). See Order of June 14, 1985 at 26. Despite these efforts,
the District Court found that 24 KCMSD schools were “racially
isolated ” as of 1983-84 “with 90+% black enrollment,” and that
“[vjestiges of the dual system still remain.” Jenkins, 593 F. Supp.
at 1493. See also Order of June 14, 1985 at 27-28 (25 KCMSD
schools had 90+% black enrollment as of 1984-85). See Tr. 16,567-
79 (Holmes).
original complaint contended that the State, surrounding
school districts in Missouri and Kansas, and several fed
eral agencies had helped cause or had been a, part of the
system of racial segregation in the metropolitan area
schools. KCMSD, its board members and superintendent,
and school children in KCMSD schools brought the action
on behalf of themselves and the children attending
KCMSD schools.64
In 1978, the court below held that KCMSD lacked
standing, dismissed it as a plaintiff, and realigned it as
a defendant.5® After realignment, the remaining student
plaintiffs obtained separate counsel and filed an amended
complaint against KCMSD and the federal and Missouri
defendants named in the original complaint.5'8 KCMSD
sought to pursue its claims by filing a cross-claim against
the State, contending, as in the original complaint, that
the State failed to fulfill its duty to eliminate the vestiges
of the dual system.67
At the close of plaintiffs’ evidence at trial, the State,
the federal agency defendants, and the SSDs moved for
dismissal under Fed. R. Civ. P. 41(b).'68 The District 54 55 * 57 58 * * * * *
17
54 Complaint at 6-8. The original federal agency defendants in
cluded the Departments of Housing and Urban Development
(“HUD”), HEW, and Transportation. The State of Kansas and
suburban school districts in Kansas were also included as defend
ants in the original complaint.
55 See School Dist. of Kansas City, Missouri v. Missouri, 460
F. Supp. 421 (W.D. Mo. 1978). The 1978 order also dismissed the
Kansas defendants as parties.
66 See Amended Complaint (filed May 18, 1979).
57 See Answer and Cross-Claim of KCMSD (filed July 3, 1979).
KCMSD’s standing was challenged again, but this time the District
Court held that KCMSD had standing. See Memorandum and
Order of June 1, 1981 at 3-7. Prior to trial, the Department of
Transportation and one of the Missouri SSDs were dismissed vol
untarily. See Order of June 5, 1984 at 2.
58 Both the plaintiffs and KCMSD opposed the motion and argued,
inter alia, that the SSDs were part of and were affected by the
racially dual interdistrict system which the State created and failed
to dismantle. See KCMSD Memorandum in Opposition to Motions
for Dismissal (filed March 23, 1984) ; Plaintiffs’ Suggestions in
Response to Defendants’ Rule 41(b) Motions (filed May 26, 1984).
18
Court denied the motions of the State and HUD, but
granted the motions filed by HEW and the SSDs.5® The
court stated that plaintiffs had failed to show that each
individual SSD had acted in a racially discriminatory
manner that substantially caused racial segregation in
another district.60
Trial proceeded against the remaining defendants. On
September 17, 1984, after the close of all the evidence,
the District Court, found in favor of plaintiffs against
KCMSD and the State and in favor of KCMSD on its
cross-claim against the State.61 The court concluded, as
KCMSD itself contended, that vestiges of segregation re
mained within KCMSD schools.®2 The court found spe
cifically that the State had established the pre-1954 dual
school system, that its conduct had fostered the area-wide
dual housing market, that each school district had par
ticipated in the State-mandated dual system, and that
the State had failed to fulfill its duty to help dismantle
the dual system.®3
The remedial plans filed by KCMSD and the State
called for educational and other improvements to help al
leviate the vestiges of segregation in KCMSD. The
KCMSD plan also proposed that the court conduct pro
ceedings involving the SSDs leading to consolidation of
KCMSD with the surrounding school districts which were
part of the State-sponsored racially dual system.84 A * * * * * 82 83 84
59 See Orders of June 5, 1984 and July 16, 1984.
^ Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1488; June 5, 1984 Order at 45, 48,
51, 54, 59, 67, 74, 78, 83, 91, and 95.
el See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1488. The court also found for
HUD on plaintiffs’ claims against it. Id.
82 Id. at 1492,1493.
83 Id. at 1490,1491,1503-05.
84 KCMSD believes that an interdistrict consolidation plan in
volving only the Missouri defendants could, at least for the time
being, produce stable, effective desegregation and, accordingly, does
not appeal the dismissal of the Kansas defendants. See KCMSD
Plan for Remedying Vestiges of the Segregated Public School Sys-
19
single consolidated school district was proposed by KCMSD
as the only stable and effective remedy for the State’s in
terdistrict constitutional violations and for the school
segregation within KCMSD and the metropolitan area.85
On January 25, 1985, the District Court rejected
KCMSD’s plan on the basis of its previous rulings that
“there was no unconstitutional action” or “constitutional
violations by those [suburban] districts.” 188 Pursuant to
the January 25 Order, KCMSD submitted a revised plan
to be implemented with no change in school district
boundaries, although it continued to contend that a plan
limited to KCMSD was inadequate.
Following additional hearings, the District Court is
sued its remedial order on June 14, 1985.* 65 * 67 The Order
required the State and KCMSD to fund compensatory
and remedial educational programs and necessary capital
improvements in KCMSD schools. The State was also
tem (filed January 18, 1985). As the District Court specifically
noted, the Kansas defendants could be added at a later time if their
inclusion in a remedial order becomes necessary. See 460 F. Supp.
at 436.
65 See KCMSD Plan for Remedying Vestiges of the Segregated
Public School System (January 18, 1985) at 1-12. KCMSD pro
posed consolidation of KCMSD with the 11 surrounding districts.
The result would be to minimize the risk of “white flight.” Id.
at 17-18, 29-30. The plan included a feasibility study which
demonstrated that such consolidation could result in minority per
centages in almost all Kansas City area schools of 20-40%, thus
eliminating the racial identifiability of schools and school districts
in the Kansas City area. Id. at 39-40. The plan also included pro
visions for faculty desegregation, fair and equitable treatment of
students, financing and administration,
68 Order of January 25,1985 at 2.
67 KCMSD believes that the District Court’s June 14, 1985 Order
was erroneous in several respects. Of major concern is the inade
quacy of the amount of financing for desegregation. Because the
interdistrict relief requested by KCMSD in this appeal will afford
complete relief, however, KCMSD does not press herein its objec
tions to the June 14 Order.
20
ordered to fund voluntary interdistrict transfers between
KCMSD and any SSDs choosing to participate.68
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The District Court dismissed the suburban school dis
trict defendants and rejected interdistrict desegregation
relief because it erroneously believed that each suburban
district must be found to have committed an independent,
intentional act of racial discrimination before it could be
included in an interdistrict remedy. Under Supreme
Court and Eighth Circuit case law, however, interdis
trict relief is warranted if the SSDs were part of, and
were affected by, the State’s intentionally discriminatory
interdistrict system of segregated schools for black stu
dents. See Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717, 745 (1974).
The evidence below established that, prior to the Su
preme Court’s decision in Brown, the State created a
racially dual metropolitan-wide system of public educa
tion for blacks, which disregarded school district bound
aries. The evidence further demonstrated that the inter
district racially dual school system for blacks involved
the SSDs’ participation and affected their racial composi
tion.
The evidence also established that the State-mandated
dual school system prompted blacks living in the SSDs to
move into KCMSD where there were good black schools.
For the same reason, many more blacks moving to the
metropolitan area avoided the SSDs altogether and chose
to live in KCMSD. State-enforced racially restrictive
covenants also prevented black families from moving into
68 See Order of June 14, 1985. The District Court order also
approved the State’s request that a study be conducted of possible
additional intradistrict pupil reassignments within KCMSD, but the
court specifically noted that the “evidence is clear” that such re-
assignments at this time “will only serve to increase the instability
of the KCMSD and reduce the potential for desegregation.” Id.
at 31.
2 1
the SSDs. By the time of Brown, the public schools in
the Kansas City metropolitan area were rigidly segre
gated: Regardless of where black students lived in the
metropolitan area, most attended all black schools in
KCMSD; those few that did not attended one-race, in
ferior schools in the suburbs. In contrast, white students
throughout the metropolitan area attended white schools
where they lived.
The evidence further demonstrated that the State took
no action to dismantle the pre-1954 metropolitan-wide
racially dual system. To the contrary, the evidence
demonstrated that State action in the areas of education
and housing reinforced and perpetuated racial segrega
tion in the public schools. As a consequence, the vestiges
of the pre-1954 interdistrict dual system—racial identi-
fiability of Kansas City area school districts—remain to
day. Because of this, and because the District Court’s
June 14 Order does not provide a full and complete rem
edy for the segregated conditions created by the State,
it was error for the District Court to dismiss the SSDs
and to reject interdistrict relief.
The District Court also erred in dismissing KCMSD
as a plaintiff for lack of standing and realigning it as
a defendant because KCMSD has been injured by the
State’s unconstitutional conduct and may sue to fulfill its
affirmative duty to provide, and its students’ right to re
ceive, a non-segregated education.
2 2
ARGUMENT
I. THE DISTRICT COURT’S REJECTION OF INTER
DISTRICT RELIEF AND DISMISSAL OF THE
SUBURBAN SCHOOL DISTRICT DEFENDANTS
WAS BASED ON THE ERRONEOUS LEGAL CON
CLUSION THAT INTERDISTRICT RELIEF RE
QUIRES PROOF OF INDEPENDENT CONSTITU
TIONAL VIOLATIONS BY EACH AND EVERY
SUBURBAN DISTRICT PARTICIPATING IN AND
AFFECTED BY THE STATE’S INTERDISTRICT
CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS.
The District Court properly held the State of Missouri
defendants liable for the intentional creation of the
racially dual school system in the Kansas City metropol
itan area and for their failure to eradicate the vestiges
of that system after Brown.™ The District Court, how
ever, erroneously dismissed the SSDs and refused to
order interdistrict relief because it misapprehended the
legal standard applicable to interdistrict constitutional
violations and relief, as established by the Supreme Court
in Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974) (“Milliken
I ”).
The District Court believed that “ [t] he linchpin of
an interdistrict case, as declared by the Supreme Court,
is whether there has been a racially discriminatory act
by each defendant that substantially caused segregation
in another district. Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717, 69
69 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503-06. The Supreme Court has
left no doubt that the creators of de jure segregation are “ ‘clearly
charged with the affirmative duty to take whatever steps might be
necessary to convert to a unitary system in which racial discrimina
tion would be eliminated root and branch,’ ” Columbus Bd. of Educ.
v. Penick, 443 U.S. 449, 458-59 (1979), quoting Green v. County
School Bd., 391 U.S. 430, 437-38 (1968). The obligation to dis
mantle dual systems extends to the State as well as to school dis
tricts. Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1, 15-17 (1958) ; United States
v. Missouri, 363 F. Supp. 739, 747 (E.D. Mo. 1973), aff’d in rele
vant part, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951
(1975). Accord, Liddell v. Bd. of Educ. of St. Louis, 677 F.2d
626, 630 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 459 U.S. 877 (1982).
23
745 . . . 70 This reading of Milliken I is wrong. There
is no requirement in Milliken I or its progeny that each
suburban district must be found to have committed an in
dependent, intentional act of racial discrimination. Under
Supreme Court and Eighth Circuit case law, interdistrict
relief is warranted if, as in this case, the SSDs were
part of, and were affected by, the State’s intentionally
discriminatory interdistrict system of segregated schools
for black students.
In Milliken I itself, the Supreme Court held that it
is sufficient to show “that racially discriminatory acts
of the state or local school districts, or of a single school
district have been a substantial cause of interdistrict
segregation” ; although the Court in Milliken I recog
nized that proof of racially discriminatory acts by local
school districts is one way to establish a basis for an
interdistrict remedy, proof that “discriminatory acts of
the state . . . have been a substantial cause of interdis
trict segregation” is clearly stated as an alternate basis
for interdistrict relief.71 This Court similarly ex
pressed the standard for such relief in the St. Louis de
segregation case where it explained that “to the extent
any such segregation was imposed by the State or other
70 Order of June 5, 1984 at 5-6 (emphasis added). The District
Court reiterated its requirement of an intentional violation by each
SSD throughout its orders. For example, the court concluded at
the end of its findings with respect to each SSD that it would grant
the district’s motion to dismiss since the plaintiffs had “failed to
establish any intentional racially discriminatory act or omission
by these defendants which has had a substantial segregative effect
in any other school district,” Id. at 45 (Blue Springs), 48 (Center),
51 (Fort Osage), 54 (Grandview), 59 (Hickman Mills), 67 (Inde
pendence), 74 (Lee’s Summit), 78 (Liberty), 83 (North Kansas
City), 91 (Park Hill), and 95 (Raytown). In its order finding
liability against the State, the District Court similarly explained
that it dismissed the SSDs because “ [p]laintiffs simply failed to
show that those defendants had acted in a racially discriminatory
manner that substantially caused racial segregation in another
district.” Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1488.
71 Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 745 (emphasis added).
24
defendants, and to the extent those defendants have the
power to remedy the violation, it is proper for the dis
trict court to order them to take steps to do so.” 72
In applying Milliken I, this Court has recognized that
school districts may be included in an interdistrict rem
edy if they participated in and were affected by inter-
district segregation, even if they themselves had not
committed independent, intentionally discriminatory acts.
In Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States,
606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) {en banc), cert, denied,
444 U.S. 1071 (1980), the Court reviewed an interdis
trict remedy for the public schools of Conway County,
Arkansas. The district court had concluded that one of
the six school districts in the County (the East Side
School District) and a school in a second district (the
Center School in the Conway County District) “were
established by the State of Arkansas as black compo
nents of a dual school system in Conway County and
had been maintained as all-black vestiges of that [dual]
system.” 78 The district court ordered consolidation of
the East Side District with the Morrilton and Plumer-
ville Districts. These two outlying districts appealed,
arguing that, even assuming discriminatory action by
someone else had been shown, “since the government
made no showing that either Morrilton or Plumerville
participated in the development of the East Side District
as a segregated district, the District Court’s imposition
of interdistrict relief was unwarranted.” 74 75
This Court unanimously rejected the outlying districts’
argument “that- since there was no evidence implicating
them in a direct way with the establishment of the East
Side District, the court has no authority to order them
to remedy the state’s wrong” : 73
72 Liddell v. Bd. of Educ. of St. Louis, 667 F.2d 643, 651 (8th
Cir.), cert, denied, 454 U.S. 1081, 1091 (1981) (emphasis added).
73 Morrilton, 606 F.2d at 225.
74 Id.
75 Id. at 228 (footnote omitted).
25
This argument is clearly without merit since the
effects of the unconstitutional state action are felt
in both districts. As the Court stated in United
States v. Board of School Commissioners, 573 F.2d
400, 410 (7th Cir.), cert, denied sub nom. Bowen
v. United States, 439 U.S. 824 (1978) :
[Sjchool officials may not maintain that their
districts should be excluded from any interdis
trict remedy if they are found innocent of com
mitting any constitutional violations because
they should not be held responsible for the acts
of the state legislators or other state subdi
visions such as a local housing authority or a
zoning board. The commands of the Fourteenth
Amendment are directed at the state and can
not be avoided by a fragmentation of responsi
bility among various agents. Cooper v. Aaron,
358 U.S. 1, 15-17 (1958). If the state has con
tributed to the separation of the races, it has
the obligation to remedy the constitutional vio
lations. That remedy may include school dis
tricts which are its instrumentalities and which
were the product of the violation.78
The Court did not insist, as did the District Court here,
on “a racially discriminatory act by each defendant that
substantially caused segregation in another district.” 76 77
Accord, United States v. Missouri, 515 F.2d 1365, 1369
(8th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975)
(rejecting argument that a school district should be ex
cluded from an interdistrict remedy because “it has in
no way participated as a separate school district” in the
establishment of the boundaries creating a neighboring
segregated black district).
Courts in other circuits also have included school dis
tricts in interdistrict remedies without proof of inten
76 Id. at 228-29.
77 Order of June 5, 1984 at 5-6.
2 6
tional segregation by each district. In Evans v. Buchan
an, 393 F. Supp. 428 (D. Del.), aff’d, 423 U.S. 963
(1975), the Supreme Court affirmed a decision by a
three-judge court that consideration of interdistrict relief
for the Wilmington schools was appropriate under Mil-
liken I, even though the suburban districts had not com
mitted any independent, intentional constitutional viola
tions. The three-judge court concluded that interdistrict
relief is appropriate if “there have been racially dis
criminatory acts of the state or local school districts caus
ing inter-district segregation.” 393 F. Supp. at 432 (em
phasis added). Accord, e.g., Hoots v. Pennsylvania, 672
F.2d 1107, 1119-20 (3d Cir.), cert, denied, 459 U.S. 824
(1982) (multidistrict remedy ordered which affected
boundaries of surrounding districts because County and
State Boards of Education had intentionally created
identifiably black and white districts.) ; United States v.
Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis, Indiana,
573 F.2d 400, 410 (7th Cir.), cert, denied, 439 U.S. 824
(1978) (“suburban school officials may not maintain that
their districts should be excluded from any interdistrict
remedy if they are found innocent of committing any
constitutional violations . . . . If the state has contributed
to the separation of the races . . . . [the] remedy may
include school districts which are its instrumentalities and
which were the product of the violation” ).
The court below ignored these well-established prin
ciples. It apparently believed that proof of independent
constitutional violations by each SSD was necessary be
cause of the SSDs’ purported local autonomy, even
though there was proof of an interdistrict constitutional
violation by the State involving and affecting the SSDs.
This view was specifically rejected in Milliken I, in
which the Court concluded that where an interdistrict
violation has been shown, “the boundaries of separate and
autonomous school districts may be set aside by consoli
dating the separate units for remedial purposes or by
27
imposing a cross-district remedy. . . 78 79 This Court has
also made clear on three separate occasions that school
district lines will not stand in the way of an appropriate
interdistrict remedy for interdistrict school segregation.
As this Court explained in Haney v. County Board of
Education of Sevier County, Arkansas, 410 F.2d 920,
924-25 (8th Cir. 1969) :
State legislative district lines, congressional dis
tricts and other state political subdivisions have long
ago lost their mastery over the more desired effect
of protecting the equal rights of all citizens . . . .
Political subdivisions of the state are mere lines of
convenience for exercising divided governmental re
sponsibilities. They cannot serve to deny federal
rights.
This principle was applied to Missouri school districts in
United States v. Missouri.™
“Local autonomy” thus is irrelevant to the propriety
of an interdistrict remedy where, as here, an interdistrict
constitutional violation has been established as a matter
of law.80 The court below erred by requiring proof of
78 Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 744 (emphasis added).
79 515 F.2d 1365. See also Morrilton, 606 F.2d 222. The District
Court itself recognized, in its September 17, 1984 Order, that there
is nothing in Missouri law that would bar an interdistrict remedy,
such as consolidation of school districts:
There is nothing in the State Constitution which would prevent
the General Assembly from enacting legislation which would
give the State sole authority to establish school districts as it
sees fit. If such legislation is the only means by which the
State can fulfill its 14th Amendment obligations, then such
legislation is mandatory.
Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1504.
80 The District Court’s conclusion that school districts in Mis
souri are highly autonomous is a dubious legal proposition in any
event. Local school districts in Missouri are creatures and instru
mentalities of the State, and school district boards may exercise
only the authority expressly conferred by State statute or neces
sarily implied therefrom. Cape Girardeau School Dist. No. 63 v.
Frye, 225 S.W.2d 484, 488 (Mo. App. 1949). Of even greater
28
independent constitutional violations by each SSD.* 81 In
stead, it should have determined whether the SSDs were
part of or were affected by the State’s intentionally dis
criminatory areawide system of segregated schools for
black students. Had it done so, it would have concluded,
on the basis of the record and as discussed in Section II
below, that the State of Missouri’s constitutional viola
tions mandate interdistrict relief.
II. WHEN REVIEWED UNDER THE PROPER LEGAL
STANDARDS, THE EVIDENCE AND FINDINGS
CONCERNING THE STATE’S CONSTITUTIONAL
VIOLATIONS MANDATE INTERDISTRICT RE
LIEF.
The propriety of interdistrict relief in this case, as
discussed in Section I, does not depend upon whether
each SSD committed separate constitutional violations.
Instead, as in any desegregation case, the scope of the
remedy depends upon the overall nature and scope of the
violation.82 If the constitutional violation is interdistrict
importance, no significant local autonomy existed with respect to
the pre-1954 interdistrict school system for blacks. The school dis
tricts operated separate schools for blacks or sent black students
outside the district, at the command of the State, and receiving
districts were required to accept black transfer students. See
note 12, supra. Even the details of transfer funding and the
mechanics of consolidation were provided by the State.
81 The District Court relied on Lee v. Lee County Bd. of Educ.,
639 F.2d 1243 (5th Cir. 1981), and Taylor v. Ouachita Parish
School Bd., 648 F.2d 959 (5th Cir. 1981), for the proposition that
proof was required of intentional constitutional violations by each
suburban district. Order of June 5, 1984 at 96-97. Neither Lee nor
Taylor supports that proposition. In Lee, the Court found that the
evidence failed to demonstrate that the interdistrict conduct had
any “current segregative effect,” 639 F.2d at 1260. In Taylor,
the court found that the interdistrict transfers and related conduct
in that case were done with no discriminatory intent. 648 F.2d at
966. In the instant case, by contrast, both racial motivation and cur
rent segregative effect of the interdistrict dual system were shown.
See Section II, infra.
82 Swann, 402 U.S. at 16; accord, Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 744.
29
in scope, as in this case, then the remedy must be inter-
district as well.*3
The evidence below established area-wide, interdistrict
constitutional violations by the State in which the subur
ban districts participated and which affected them. Most
area school districts failed to provide schools for blacks,
and State law provided for transportation of black stu
dents in such districts to black schools in other districts.
Eestrictive covenants and other racially discriminatory
State policies prohibited blacks from living in many parts
of the metropolitan area. As a consequence, by the time
the Supreme Court rendered its decision in Brown in
1954, the public schools in the Kansas City metropolitan
area were rigidly segregated.83 84 The evidence further shows
that, following Brown, the State took no action to dis
mantle the pre-1954, metropolitan-wide interdistrict sys
tem, and that its vestiges remain today: More than
three-quarters of the black students in the Kansas City
metropolitan area attend predominantly black schools in
KCMSD, while most white students attend predominantly
white schools in the SSDs.85
It was thus error to dismiss the SSDs and to reject
interdistrict relief. The District Court should be directed
to: 1) rejoin the SSDs as defendants; 2) conduct inter
district remedial proceedings, in which the SSDs will have
the opportunity to rebut the evidence in the record that
they participated in and were affected by the State’s vio
lations and are needed in a remedy to correct those viola
tions; and 3) order an interdistrict remedy designed to
eliminate all vestiges of the former dual system in the
Kansas City area.
83 See Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 744-45.
84 <See PX 53H (for the 1953-54 school year, 29,058 children at
tended school in the SSDs; 242 were black).
85 See notes 126 and 127, infra.
30
A. The Evidence and Findings Below Established that
the State of Missouri Created and Maintained
a Metropolitan-Wide Dual School System in the
Kansas City Area.
The District Court judicially noticed, and uncontro
verted evidence established, that the State of Missouri
mandated racially segregated schools at the time of
Brown.8'6 The statutes that created the separate black
school system made it interdistrict in scope through such
devices as State-required and funded interdistrict trans
fers, State and suburban school district cooperation, and
school district consolidations.187 The District Court ac
knowledged that the SSD defendants which it dismissed
participated in the interdistrict dual system:
Each school district in Missouri participated in
this dual school system before it was declared un
constitutional in Brown I. Districts with an insuffi
cient number of blacks to maintain the state-required
separate school made interdistrict arrangements to
educate those children. Undeniably, some blacks
moved to districts, including the KCMSD, that pro
vided black schools.88
The evidence below showed that school district lines
were systematically ignored for purposes of the separate
school system for blacks which existed in the Kansas City
metropolitan area before 1954. As Dr. Gary Orfield
testified at trial, this system “operated on a regional
basis to force black students to transfer wherever they
were permitted to go to school within the metropolitan
area.” 189 The establishment and maintenance of this 86 87 88
86 See p. 1, supra.
87 See Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280 (“[Missouri] [statutes imple
menting- the constitutionally mandated segregation provided for
separate funding, separate enumerations, separate consolidated
‘colored’ school districts, and the interdistrict transfer of black
students”) . See pp. 3-4, supra.
88 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490.
88 Tr. 14,817 (Orfield). In contrast, Dr. Orfield explained, the
system of education for whites was “locally-based,” since schools
31
separate school system for blacks was thus the functional
equivalent of the boundary changes which this Court
relied upon to support interdistrict relief in Morrilton,
United States v. Missouri, and Haney. Before 1954,
black students in the Kansas City area were assigned
to school not on the basis of the boundary lines that the
State and SSDs now fight so hard to defend, but instead
on the basis of an area-wide set of boundaries that ap
plied to blacks only.
Where school district boundaries have been circum
vented for the purpose of maintaining an interdistrict
system of segregation, such as through interdistrict
transfers, courts repeatedly have held that interdistrict
desegregation relief is fully appropriate. For example,
Justice Stewart, in his concurring opinion in Milliken I,
cited United States v. Texas, 321 F. Supp. 1043 (E.D.
Tex. 1970), aff’d, in relevant part, 447 F.2d 441 (5th
Cir. 1971), cert, denied, 404 U.S. 1016 (1972), in which
the court found that a pattern of interdistrict transfers,
along with boundary changes, was instrumental in main
taining a dual school system and ordered development of
an interdistrict desegregation plan.* 90 Similarly, in New
bury Area Council, Inc. v. Board of Education of Louis
ville, Kentucky, 510 F.2d 1358, 1360 (6th Cir. 1974),
cert, denied, 421 U.S. 931 (1975), the court distin
guished Milliken I in part because, unlike the situation
in Detroit, “school district lines in Kentucky have been
ignored in the past for the purpose of aiding and imple-
for whites were available in all districts. Id. Accord, e.g., Tr. 4,205
(Anderson) (“the school districts chose to operate [an] intra
district system for white kids and sent the black kids out of the
district”) .
®'° In his concurring opinion, Justice Stewart observed that
“[w]ere it to be shown, for example, that state officials had con
tributed to the separation of the races . . . by transfer of school
units between districts . . . then a decree calling for transfer of
pupils across district lines or for restructuring of district lines
might well be appropriate.” Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 755 (Stewart, J.,
concurring).
32
meriting continued segregation.” 91 * The court in New-
burg relied on interdistrict transfers which perpetuated
segregation as a basis for consideration of an interdistrict
remedy.83
The State’s interdistrict dual school system was rein
forced through its promotion of a racially dual housing
market in the metropolitan area. The District Court
found that the dual housing market in the Kansas City
area, which was fostered by the State and “still exists
to a large degree today,” has
impacted blacks in the KCMSD and consequently
caused the public schools to swell in black enroll
ment. The Court finds there is an inextricable con
nection between schools and housing.93
91 Newburg, 510 F.2d at 1360. The Court in Milliken I, by con
trast, concluded that the record in that case contained “evidence of
de jure segregated conditions only in the Detroit schools,” and
that interdistrict relief thus was not appropriate. Milliken I, 418
U.S. at 745.
9:2 Id. Accord, Adams, 620 F.2d at 1294 n.27 ('“the assignment
and transportation of black students living in the suburbs to black
schools in the City” was an instance of collaboration of the suburbs
“with each other and with the City of St. Louis to ensure the main
tenance of segregated schools”) ; Evans, 393 F. Supp. at 433-34;
United States v. Missouri, 363 F. Supp. 739, 745 (E.D. Mo. 1973),
affd in relevant part, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 423
U.S. 951 (1975).
9:3 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491, 1503. See pp. 8-10, supra. As the
court below noted, this inextricable connection has been recognized
by the Supreme Court. Id. at 1491 (quoting Swann: “[pleople
gravitate toward school facilities” and the “location of schools may
thus influence the patterns of residential development of a metro
politan area and have important impact on composition of inner
city neighborhoods”). Accord, Keyes v. School District No. 1 , 413
U.S. 189, 198 (1973) (government actions that effectively earmark
schools “according to their racial composition” may have a “pro
found reciprocal effect on the racial composition of residential
neighborhoods within a metropolitan area”). The District Court
thus correctly rejected the State’s contention that housing patterns
for which government officials are not responsible caused the racial
disparities in schools. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491.
33
The record amply supports the District Court’s findings.
From the early 1900’s until the 1950’s, the State of
Missouri enforced racially restrictive covenants which
barred blacks from buying, renting or occupying prop
erty in all but one of the SSDs.94 95 * 97 Even after Shelley v.
Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948), held that state enforce
ment of restrictive covenants through injunctions was
unconstitutional, the Missouri courts entertained damage
actions for breach of such covenants.’9'6 Overall, “the
widespread use of restrictive covenants and their enforce
ment and regulation on the part of the State of Missouri
played an inextricable role in the creation of the dual
housing market and the segregation of whites and blacks
in the Kansas City metropolitan area.” 9a
The record also supports the court’s findings that the
dual housing market contributed to racial segregation in
Kansas City area school districts.07 The number and
percentage of blacks in the three counties outside Kansas
City dropped dramatically between 1900 and 1950, while
the number of blacks in Kansas City more than tripled.98
Both individual and expert witnesses testified that blacks
94 The District Court found in its June 5, 1984 Order, on the basis
of the testimony and evidence presented by Dr. Gary Tobin, one of
plaintiffs’ experts, that racially restrictive covenants existed in
Blue Springs (page 44), Center (48), Grandview (53), Hickman
Mills (58), Independence (66), Lee’s Summit (73), Liberty (77-78),
North Kansas City (83), Park Hill (90) and Raytown (94). The
only exception was Ft. Osage (51). See Tr. 13,024-32 (Tobin).
95 See, e.g., Weiss v. Leaon, 225 S.W.2d 127 (Mo. 1949). See also
Tr. 13,005 (District Court took judicial notice that racially restric
tive covenants “were in effect and were enforced in Missouri until
in the 1950s”) .
88 Tr. 13,040-41 (Tobin). Accord, Tr. 14,878-89 (Orfield) (prof
fered testimony). State involvement with restrictve convenants
was not limited to enforcement but included State appraisers’ not
ing of such covenants on appraisals (O’Flagherty dep. 48-49), and
State agencies’ allowing breaches of the covenants in areas that
were changing from white to black. Tr. 13,419 (Tobin).
97 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491.
08 See p. 11, supra.
34
were excluded from the suburbs and thus settled in the
city because of the dual housing market, significantly
reinforcing and enhancing segregation in area schools,
which in turn contributed to further residential segrega
tion."
Such State-sponsored housing discrimination through
out a metropolitan area like Kansas City operates to
“lock the school system into the mold of separation of the
races” and supports an interdistrict remedy, as numer
ous courts have held.* 100 For example, in United States
v. Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis, Indi
ana, 637 F.2d 1101, 1108-11 (7th Cir.), cert, denied, 449
U.S. 838 (1980), the court relied on a city housing
agency’s failure to locate public housing outside of the
city school district as a deliberate segregative act that
helped perpetuate interdistrict school segregation. Sim
ilarly, in Evans, 393 F. Supp. 428, the court relied on
“assistance, encouragement, and authorization by govern
mental policies” of housing discrimination to support an
interdistrict remedy.101 In MiUiken I itself, Justice Stew
art’s concurring opinion explained that “ [w]ere it to
be shown, for example, that state officials had contributed
to the separation of the races . . . by purposeful racially
" See pp, 8-10, supra. One witness testified that race would have
made it difficult for a black to get a loan to buy a home in the
Kansas City suburbs as late as 1970. Wheeler dep. 308-09. The
State’s official approval of segregation in schools and housing fueled
such private bias. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503; Tr. 12,974 (Tobin)
(“there exists in the Kansas City area a dual housing market, one
for blacks and one for whites . . . . Formation of the dual housing
market is an evolutionary process that has its seeds, in my opinion,
in the segregative policies of the State of Missouri, for example,
the de jure school system”) ; Tr. 7,819, 7,846 (Kain) (blacks are
“intensely segregated” in Kansas City area, and “a major de
terminant of that segregation is the past and continuing actions
and inactions on the part of the government”).
100 Swann, 402 U.S. at 21. As the Court in Swann went on to
explain, “[u]pon a proper showing, a district court may consider
this in fashioning a remedy.” Id.
101 Evans, 393 F. Supp. at 434.
35
discriminatory use of State housing or zoning laws, then
a decree calling for transfer of pupils across district
lines . . . might well be appropriate.” 102 *
The District Court ignored these well-established legal
principles and instead refused to consider the evidence of
housing violations, based on its finding that the SSDs
themselves did not act intentionally “to prevent blacks
from obtaining housing in the district.” 108 Because the
State’s deliberately segregative housing policies through
out the metropolitan area perpetuated its interdistrict
racially dual school system, the lower court erred in fail
ing to consider those housing violations as part of the
interdistrict violation here.
The evidence below thus demonstrated that prior to
1954, the State used its powers in education and housing
to create a separate school system for blacks which oper
ated throughout the entire metropolitan area and with
out regard to school district boundaries. The District
Court failed to recognize the impact of this interdistrict
violation, however, because it viewed the documented
number of black students who were transferred out of
the SSDs or whose families moved from an SSD to
KCMSD as “insignificant when compared to the total
black enrollment in the KCMSD.” 104 * * * The District Court
apparently assumed that the transfers and relocations
were without significance unless the number of students
who could be shown to have transferred or moved from
a particular suburb to the city was so great that this
102 MiUiken I, 418 U.S. at 755 (Stewart, J., concurring). See
Adams, 620 F.2d at 1294 n.27 (referring to “discriminatory re
strictions against blacks,” including Missouri’s enforcement of
racially restrictive covenants, which “may have intensified segrega
tion of the St. Louis area,” in discussing possibility of interdistrict
relief in St. Louis).
108 Order of June 5, 1984 at 44. Accord, id. at 47-48, 50-51, 53, 58,
66, 73, 77. See Section I, supra.
Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. See Order of June 5, 1984 at
43-95.
36
number alone had a significant segregative effect on
KCMSD.105 106
The District Court’s assumption was wrong for sev
eral reasons. First, the State’s segregative practices in
education and housing had an impact far beyond prompt
ing black families actually living in the SSDs to move
into KCMSD. The evidence and findings below clearly
demonstrate that the State-sponsored racially dual sys
tems of education and housing were important factors in
causing many black families to settle initially within
KCMSD and not in the suburbs.108 For black families
moving to the Kansas City metropolitan area before 1954,
settling in an SSD, even assuming that housing avail
able to blacks could have been found, would have meant
either sending their children long distances to school in
KCMSD, or providing their children with no education
105 An argument very similar to the District Court’s narrow
approach to causation was rejected by this Court in its most recent
en banc decision in the St. Louis case, Liddell v. Missouri, 731 F.2d
1294 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 105 S. Ct. 82 (1984). The State
argued in Liddell that it could not be required to fund extensive
interdistrict transfers “unless the record supports and the district
court finds that the black children of St. Louis would have attended
schools in the county had it not been for the State’s constitutional
prohibition against black and white students attending schools
together.” Liddell, 731 F.2d at 1306 (footnote omitted). The
Court rejected this claim and concluded that the district court had
not abused its discretion when it required the State to fund voluntary
in ter district transfers because “the remedy should correct condi
tions that ‘flow from such a violation’ and should return victims ‘to
the position they would have enjoyed in terms of education’ but for
the violation.” Liddell, 731 F.2d at 1307, quoting Milliken v.
Bradley, 433 U.S. 267, 282 (1977). The Court concluded that State
funding of interdistrict transfers was appropriate because the
“violation scarred every student in St. Louis for over five genera
tions,” not just those particular students who were transferred to
maintain the dual system. Liddell, 731 F.2d at 1308.
106 The evidence established and the District Court found that
the large increase in black concentration and enrollment in KCMSD
after 1900 was attributable primarily to black families moving into
the Kansas City area. See June 5, 1984 Order at 15; Jenkins, 593
F. Supp. at 1490.
37
or an inferior education (even by pre-1954 standards) in
a substandard, poorly equipped black school.1'07 In con
trast, the relatively good quality black schools in KCMSD
served as a “magnet” to attract black families and busi
nesses to KCMSD and other city districts, as the State
itself acknowledged.1'08 This channeling of black fam
ilies into KCMSD was a powerful factor in creating the
residential segregation that characterizes the Kansas
City area today.10'9
A second reason why the District Court was wrong in
its assessment of the significance of interdistrict trans
fers and relocations is that, as the District Court itself
found, restrictive covenants, subject to State enforce
ment, were in place in virtually all the SSDs.11'0 These 107 * * 110
107 See pp. 4-8, supra. The burden on black families was increased
by the fact that school districts often failed to pay tuition and
transportation costs for interdistrict transfers, forcing parents to
do so. See Tr. 4,298-99, 4,302-03, 4,328 (Anderson) ; 3,187, 3,189-90
(Jackson) ; 3,244-45 (Williams) ; 802 (Porter).
1,018 See note 25, supra. The District Court thus correctly concluded
that “there is an inextricable connection between schools and hous
ing,” and that the State was simply wrong in claiming that the
dual school system did not affect black concentration in KCMSD.
Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491. See also id. at 1490; pp. 8-10, supra.
we This effect of the interdistrict dual school system held true
even for the three SSDs—Grandview, Hickman Mills, and Raytown
—which the District Court held did not have black residents and
for the SSDs which transferred only a few black students before
1954. See Order of June 5, 1984 at 51 (Grandview), 55 (Hickman
Mills), and 91 (Raytown). The risk to black parents considering
moving into these SSDs that their children would not be educated
at all or only at a considerable distance from home (and potentially
at considerable cost to the parents) could not have been anything
other than a strong disincentive for blacks to settle there. See
note 31, supra.
110 See note 94, supra. Although the District Court believed that
the number of such covenants in some SSDs was not shown to be
large, restrictive covenants were undercounted in the evidence
presented at trial because of poor record keeping by government
agencies during some time periods and because the evidence omitted
illegible records and those that referred to dark-skinned people gen
erally rather than blacks specifically. Tr. 13,011-15 (Tobin). More-
38
restrictive covenants, coupled with State-encouraged dis
crimination by realtors and others, formed a significant
part of the racially dual housing market in the Kansas
City area, as the District Court found.* 111 112 113 As a result,
black families could not find housing in the suburbs;
instead, they had no choice but to live in the City. As
the District Court concluded, the dual housing market
“impacted blacks in the KCMSD and consequently caused
the public schools to swell in black enrollment.” 11:2
Third, the District Court also erred because it com
pared the number of students who moved or were trans
ferred to the student population of KCMSD alone, with
out considering the impact of that number on the racial
composition of the SSDs, where the black population is—
and always has been—very small, largely because of the
factors discussed above.118 Transfers of even a handful
of black students out of one of the SSDs could represent
a transfer of literally its entire black student popula
tion.114 The segregative effect of such transfers on the
over, a black family looking for housing in the Kansas City area
would need to encounter only one or two such covenants in an area
before concluding that it was not hospitable to blacks. See Tr.
13,023-24, 13,432-33 (Tobin) (racially-restrictive covenants were
“widespread throughout the three-county area,” such that “[w]her-
ever there iŝ residential development, there is some proximity to
racially restricted areas” ; restrictive covenants accordingly exerted
a “minefield effect” which made them “an effective barrier to black
population movements” throughout the area) ; Tr. 1,316 (Strick
land) (black resident testifying about a move in 1961: “The neigh
borhood had covenants. You couldn’t move into a, white neighborhood
if you wanted to”).
111 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503.
112 Id. at 1491.
113 The total black population of three-county Kansas City area,
outside Kansas City itself, was 3,687 in 1900 and had dropped to
2,038 by 1950, while the white population of the area had more
than doubled from 62,850 to 142,569. See PX 16B, 16G.
114 See PX 49.
39
SSDs, and thus on the distribution of blacks in the metro
politan area, was highly significant.
Finally, the extent of black movement to KCMSD was
undercounted by the statistics on which the District Court
relied. The evidence demonstrated that black families
sent children to live with, or gave the addresses of, rela
tives in KCMSD so their children could attend KCMSD
schools without having to travel long distances.110 Such
children do not appear in transfer statistics and such
families do not appear in relocation statistics. More
over, transfer records were not well kept, particularly
before tuition and transportation costs were required to
be reimbursed.115 116 As black education historian James
Anderson testified, recorded interdistrict transfers repre
sented “only a fraction of the numbers of school children
that commuted, moved [and] relocated during that
period.” 117
For all of these reasons, the court below erred in re
jecting evidence of interdistrict transfers as one of the
bases for finding an interdistrict violation. Interdistrict
transfers and relocations were important symptoms of
the condition of State-created racial segregation of school
districts. It is the vestiges of that condition of State-
created interdistrict segregation—which continue to char
acterize the Kansas City metropolitan area—that are the
predicate for interdistrict relief. The court below erred
by refusing to look beyond the symptoms and to consider
interdistrict relief to cure the condition of interdistrict
segregation.
115 See note 15, supra.
116 See note 15, supra. Accord, PX 185 (September, 1931 State
Department of Education Bulletin) (“Many districts with colored
pupils have been sending these pupils to other districts without any
provision for having attendance reported back to the district.”) .
117 Tr. 4,314 (Anderson). Accord, note 15, supra.
40
B. Because the State of Missouri Has Failed to Fulfill
Its Affirmative Duty to Dismantle Its Pre-1954
Metropolitan-Wide Dual School System, and Be
cause the Vestiges of that System Will Remain
After Implementation of the District Court’s Re
medial Order, It Was Error for the Court to Reject
Interdistrict Relief.
Having thus created a metropolitan-wide, racially dual
system of education in the Kansas City area, the State
has a constitutional duty to eliminate its vestiges.118
The record demonstrates that the State has not fulfilled
its responsibility.
The State had numerous opportunities to take affirma
tive steps to dismantle completely the racially dual sys
tem, but failed to do so. Following Brown, the State
could have required that school districts take prompt and
effective action to desegregate; instead, it declared that
the issue was a local and not a State responsibility, and
ignored the districts that failed to desegregate or con
tinued to transfer students pursuant to the pre-1954 in
terdistrict system for blacks.119 The State could have
adopted school district reorganization proposals such as
the Spainhower plan which would have significantly de
creased racial isolation in the Kansas City area; instead,
it rejected such proposals and enacted legislation that
118 See Columbus Bd. of Educ. v. Penick, 443 U.S. 449, 458-59
(1979); Green v. County School Bd., 391 U.S. at 437-38. As the
District Court explained, where “a current condition of segregated
schooling exists” in a system where segregation was formerly
“compelled or authorized by statute,” governmental authorities
“continue to have an obligation to disestablish that system.”
Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1504. The court properly recognized that
intent is not a factor in determining whether the duty to eliminate
all vestiges of segregation has been fulfilled. Instead, relying on
Dayton Bd. of Educ. v. Brinkman, 443 U.S. 526, 538 (1979), the
District Court held that the appropriate measure “is the effective
ness, not the purpose, of the actions in decreasing or increasing the
segregation caused by the dual system.” Jenkins, 593 F Sudd
at 1504.
118 See pp. 12-16, supra.
41
made desegregative reorganization even more difficult than
before.120 The State could have enacted proposals calling
for state financial assistance for voluntary interdistrict
transfers to promote desegregation; instead, it rejected
such proposals.121 The State could have granted authority
and direction to State agencies to help dismantle the dual
housing market which it helped to create in the Kansas
City area and which has caused increased black enroll
ment in KCMSD; instead, as the record indicates, the
State took no effective action, restrictive covenants con
tinued to be recorded in the Kansas City area until at
least 1960, and the dual housing market “still exists to a
large degree today.” 122
As a result, vestiges of the State-sponsored dual system
remain in KCMSD and the SSDs today. Specifically, the
racial identifiability of school districts in the Kansas City
area today mirrors the situation in 1954.123 In the 1984-
120 See pp. 13-15, supra (discussing defeat of Spainhower plan and
enactment of HE 171 and SB 29). The District Court’s statement
that there was “no showing by plaintiffs that the KCMSD’s present
racial composition would have been different” had HB 171 not been
passed (June 5, 1984 Order at 28) is simply wrong. The court relied
on the fact that Kansas City did not reach a population of 500,000
in the 1960 census, which automatically would have converted the
city to a single school district before HB 171. Kansas City ex
ceeded 500,000 at the 1970 census, however, and expansion of
KCMSD at that time would have brought significant numbers of
additional white children into the district. See Statistical Abstract
of the United States 24 (1985).
121 See note 41, supra.
122 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491, 1503. See PX 1239A; pp. 15-
16, supra. See Tr. 14,911-12 (Orfield). The District Court con
cluded that those facts were legally irrelevant because of its hold
ing that there was no evidence of racial motivation. See June 5,
1984 Order at 43-95. As the District Court recognized, however,
the proper standard under Dayton is whether the post-1954 actions
were effective in dismantling the dual system. There is thus no
need to prove post-1954 intent on the part of the State, or indeed
on the part of the SSDs, which participated in and were affected by
the State’s pre-1954 intentional violations.
1:2:3 See p. 16, supra. Residential racial concentrations tend to
perpetuate themselves, in part because others of the same race will
42
85 school year, KCMSD’s student enrollment was 68.3%
black, while the combined black percentage of the SSDs
was less than 7%.124 125 As of 1983-84, over 75% of all
black students in the metropolitan area attended predomi
nantly black schools 126 in KCMSD.120 At the same time,
approximately 75,000 white students, more than 80% of
the white students in the metropolitan area, attended vir
tually all-white schools in the suburbs.127 Moreover, the
District Court itself found that the poor quality of the
schools black students attend in KCMSD is a vestige of
the former dual system.128
The District Court also erred by failing to apply
the presumption established by Swann v. Charlotte-
Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971).
The Court held in Swann that segregation existing today
in a school district affected by a prior constitutional viola
tion is presumed to be the consequence of that violation.
Thus, where an entire school system had been segregated
by state law, any school within that system which there
after remains substantially disproportionate in racial
composition was presumed to be a vestige of the dual sys
tem.129 In such a case “the burden upon the school au
be drawn to that area. See Tr. 16,686-88, 16,749-50 (Olson). One
of the State’s own witnesses agreed that residential patterns such
as the black concentration in KCMSD have “long-lasting effects.”
Tr. 19,259 (Clark). Accord, PX 3003A (showing high percentages
of homes in the metropolitan area owned by same owner since
1959 and 1969).
124 KCMSD Plan for Remedying Vestiges of the Segregated Pub
lic School System (filed January 18, 1985) at 3-4.
125 Predominantly black schools are defined here as those having
a black population greater than 60%.
126 Ex. K2; PX 53G.
127 p x 53G, PX 1875. These figures are estimates based on the
available data in the record.
128 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1492. See note 52, supra.
129 Swann, 402 U.S. at 26.
43
thorities will be to satisfy the court that their racial
composition is not the result of present or past discrimina
tory action.” 130 Here, the Swann presumption applies on
an interdistrict basis because the State mandated an inter
district, separate school system for blacks before Brown,
and significant racial disparities among districts partici
pating in that system remain today.131
It is thus clear that here, as in Dayton Board of Edu
cation v. Brinkman, 443 U.S. 526, 538 (1979), the State
is “under an unsatisfied duty to liquidate [the] dual sys
tem.” Moreover, the record demonstrates that the limited
remedy ordered by the District Court will leave substan
tial vestiges of segregation remaining in KCMSD and the
suburbs. Although the educational enhancements ordered
by the court below will help relieve the educational harm
caused by the dual system, the racial identifiability of
school districts resulting from the State-sponsored dual
system will persist, particularly for the approximately
13,000 black children remaining in one-race schools in
KCMSD. KCMSD’s January 18, 1985 consolidation plan
would have desegregated schools throughout the metro
politan area, thus providing a complete and lasting rem
edy for the State’s metropolitan violation. Yet, the Dis
trict Court summarily rejected that plan, despite recogni
tion of its obligation to “make every effort to achieve the
greatest possible degree of desegregation,” 132 The Dis
190 Id. Accord, Keyes v. School Dist. No. 1, 413 U.S. 189, 200
(1973) (holding that where a “current condition of segregated
schooling exists within a school district [which] was compelled or
authorized by statute . . . the State automatically assumes an
affirmative duty” to eliminate all vestiges of segregation).
131 This does not mean, of course, that a constitutional violation
can be established by nothing more than proof that racial isolation
exists. It does mean, however, that where an interdistrict constitu
tional violation is independently proven, as in this case, the Swann
presumption can be utilized in determining the effects of the viola
tion which remain to be remedied.
132 Davis v. Bd. of School Comm’rs, 402 U.S. 33, 37 (1971).
44
trict Court’s dismissal of the SSDs and refusal to order
interdistrict relief thus was erroneous.133
III. KCMSD HAS STANDING TO BRING THIS ACTION
AS A PARTY PLAINTIFF AND SHOULD NOT
HAVE BEEN REALIGNED AS A DEFENDANT.
As discussed above, KCMSD initiated this action as a
party plaintiff in order to secure full desegregation relief
for itself and its students.134 In 1978, however, the court
below dismissed KCMSD as a plaintiff for lack of standing
and realigned it as a defendant, even though the court
held three years later that KCMSD did have standing to
pursue its cross-claim for desegregation relief against the
State.135
The District Court’s 1978 decision was erroneous.
KCMSD has standing as a party plaintiff in this action on
three separate and independent bases. First, KCMSD is a
proper plaintiff based upon its allegation of direct eco
nomic injury to itself. The trial court admitted as much
in its 1981 opinion which held that KCMSD has standing
to assert a cross-claim against the State defendants, em
phasizing that its prior opinion denying standing did not
mean that KCMSD “should not be permitted to seek relief
in federal court for the State’s alleged violations of con
stitutional commands which have affected the District’s
own rights.” 136 Similarly, in Board of School Directors
of Milwaukee v. Wisconsin, No. 84-C-877 (E.D. Wis. Apr.
1:33 See June 14, 1985 Order at 30. Accord, Green, 391 U.S. at
437-38 (government’s duty is to “take whatever steps might be
necessary to convert to a unitary system in which racial discrimina
tion would be eliminated root and branch”) ; Swann, 402 U.S. at 15
(the constitutionally-required “objective today remains to eliminate
from the public schools all vestiges of state-imposed segregation”).
134 See p. 16, swpra.
135 See p. 17, supra.
1:36 Black v. Missouri, No. 77-0420-CV-W-3, slip op. at 6 (W.D.
Mo. June 1, 1981) (emphasis in original).
45
29, 1985), the court upheld the standing of a school board
as a named plaintiff in the action, with board members
and district students as co-plaintiffs: “ [Bjecause the
Board has alleged a distinct injury to itself, its standing
need not depend on asserting third-party rights.” 137
KCMSD also has standing because the named defend
ants have prevented it from carrying out its constitutional
duty to desegregate the public schools. This Court first
recognized this basis for school board standing in Brewer
v. Hoxie School District No. 46, 238 F.2d 91 (8th Cir.
1956). In Brewer, the court upheld the standing of the
school board, the board members, and the superintendent
to bring an action against individuals and organizations
who were obstructing the board “from securing the equal
protection of the laws in the operation of the public
schools to all persons within the district.” 138 In lan
guage directly applicable to the KCMSD plaintiffs, the
Brewer court stated,
Plaintiffs are under a duty to obey the Constitu
tion. . . . It follows as a necessary corollary that
they have a federal right to be free from direct and
deliberate interference with the performance of the
constitutionally imposed duty. The right arises by
necessary implication from the imposition of the
duty as clearly as though it had been specifically
stated in the Constitution.139
1,37 Slip op. at 19. See also Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S.
510, 535 (1925) (upholding standing of private school as plaintiff,
based upon direct economic injury to school, to enjoin enforcement
of statute requiring all parents to send their children to public
schools).
138 Brewer, 238 F.2d at 93.
139 Id. at 99. This Court reiterated the vitality of Brewer in
Regents of the University of Minnesota v. National Collegiate
Athletic Ass’n, 560 F.2d 352 (8th Cir. 1977), determining that when
an adjudication of the third parties’ rights is necessary to an
adjudication of the constitutional controversy raised by the plain
tiff—as is the case with KCMSD and the rights of its students—
the plaintiff is not deprived of standing. Id. at 364.
46
Numerous courts have similarly upheld the standing of
school boards to pursue constitutional claims of the type
involved in this case.140
Finally, KCMSD also has standing to challenge actions
by others that violate the Fourteenth Amendment rights
of its students, particularly since the same actions also
have caused direct injury to KCMSD. In the Akron case,
the Sixth Circuit held that the plaintiff school board had
standing to litigate the rights of its students to receive
a non-segregated education. KCMSD similarly has stand
ing to litigate its students’ rights because of the “close
relationship between the plaintiffs who seek to bring an
140 See, e.g., Akron Bd. of Educ. v. State Bd. of Educ. of Ohio, 490
F.2d 1285, 1290-91 (6th Cir.), cert, denied, 417 U.S. 932 (1974),
citing Brewer and Bd. of Educ. v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236, 241 n.5
(1968) (explicitly adopting the legal conclusions set forth in Brewer
with regard to standing of municipal board of education to enjoin
action of state board that would have segregative effects); Bd. of
School Directors of Milwaukee v. Wisconsin, slip op. at 16-18, 20
(city school board has standing to sue suburban school board de
fendants based upon allegations that defendants thwarted city
board’s desegregation efforts) ; Little Rock School District v. Pulaski
County School District No. 1, 584 F. Supp. 328, 352 (E.D. Ark.
1984), appeal pending, No. 85-1078-EA (8th Cir.) (city school
district has standing as plaintiff to bring desegregation action
against suburban districts “in furtherance of its affirmative duty
to eliminate all vestiges of segregation root and branch”) ; Liddell
v. Bd. of Educ. of St. Louis, No. 72-100C(4), slip op. at 1-2 (E.D.
Mo. Sept. 24, 1981) (granting motion of St. Louis Board of Educa
tion for realignment as plaintiff as to claims of interdistrict consti
tutional violations) ; Bradley v. School Bd. of Richmond, 338
F. Supp. 67, 230 (E.D. Va.) (city school board has standing to
maintain cross-claim against state in support of plaintiff-students’
desegregation action arising out of the board’s constitutional obli
gation to afford its pupils equal educational opportunities), rev’d
on other grounds, 462 F.2d 1058 (4th Cir. 1972), aff’d by equally
divided court, 412 U.S. 92 (1973) (per curiam). The District Court
in the Bradley case recently granted the motion of the city school
board, its members, and its superintendent to be realigned as
parties plaintiff for the purpose of seeking relief from the state
pursuant to Milliken II. Bradley v. School Bd. of Richmond, No.
3353-R, slip op. at 1 (E.D. Va. Aug. 31, 1984).
47
action and the class of persons whose constitutional
rights are claimed to be violated . . . 141
Despite its own recognition that KCMSD suffered in
jury sufficient for standing purposes, the trial court de
nied KCMSD standing based on the mistaken belief
that KCMSD was required to demonstrate that the re
lief which would be obtained would inevitably remove
completely all the harm alleged by KCMSD.142 As the
Supreme Court has explained, however, such a holding
constitutes a “draconic interpretation” of standing law
“that is justified by neither precedent nor principle.”
Larson v. Valente, 456 U.S. 228, 243 n.15 (1982). The
proper standard, the Supreme Court instead has held,
is that a plaintiff must show that its injury is “likely to
be redressed” by a favorable decision. Simon v. Eastern
Kentucky Welfare Rights Organization, 426 U.S. 26, 41
(1976). KCMSD’s standing to request interdistrict re
lief and State financial support clearly passes constitu
tional muster under this standard. Indeed, the trial court
itself later conceded that KCMSD, in its cross-claim
against the State defendants (which was no different in
substance from the original complaint), had demon
strated a “substantial likelihood that the judicial relief
requested will prevent or redress the claimed injury.”
Black v. Missouri, No. 77-0420-CV-W-3, slip op. at 5
(W.D. Mo. June 1, 1971), quoting Duke Power Co. v.
Carolina Environmental Study Group, Inc., 438 U.S. 59,
79 (1978).
The trial court was also apparently concerned that hy
pothetical conflicting interests between KCMSD and the
plaintiff-students constituted a “prudential” considera
tion requiring a safeguard.143 This concern was ad
141 See Akron, 490 F.2d at 1291. Accord, Brewer, 238 F.2d at 104.
142 See 460 F. Supp. at 438.
M3 Beyond the constitutional requirements for standing, the
Supreme Court has identified several prudential principles that
48
dressed, however, by requiring separate counsel for the
students. That was all the safeguard that was needed.144
To further order the realignment of KCMSD as a de
fendant was both unnecessary and unjustified under the
great weight of authority. The trial court’s ruling can
only discourage other school districts who wish to ac
knowledge and discharge their constitutional responsibil
ities with respect to school desegregation.145 This Court
accordingly should reverse the order of the trial court
and reinstate KCMSD, its board members, and its super
intendent as parties plaintiff in this action, so as to re
flect the true alignment of the parties throughout this
litigation.
bear upon the question. Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans
United for Separation of Church and State, Inc., 454 U.S. 464,
474-75 (1982). The trial court misapplied these prudential princi
ples and also failed to heed the Supreme Court’s underlying warn
ing: The prudential considerations simply should not be applied
where their underlying justifications, i.e., the avoidance of unneces
sary adjudication of rights and the assurance that the “best pro
ponents” of the rights are before the court, Singleton v. Wulff, 428
U.S. 106, 113-14 (1976), are absent, as they are in this action. As
demonstrated at pp. 44-46, supra, the courts that have examined the
standing of a school board to litigate desegregation actions, includ
ing courts in this Circuit, clearly confirm the validity of all three
bases for standing asserted by KCMSD, thus refuting the trial
court’s prudential consideration analysis.
144 KCMSD does not challenge the trial court’s decision to require
separate counsel, nor does it believe that the court’s error regarding
KCMSD’s standing vitiates any of the proceedings below. This
Court simply should realign KCMSD as a plaintiff to reflect the
reality of the role it has in fact played in this action.
145 See Washington v. Seattle School District No. 1, 458 U.S.
457, 487 n.31 (1982) (holding that Seattle School Board, which
had prevailed in lawsuit challenging State law which burdened
local desegregation efforts, was properly awarded attorneys’ fees in
order, inter alia, to “encourage . . . [school board] compliance with
and enforcement of the civil rights laws”).
49
CONCLUSION
For all the foregoing reasons, KCMSD respectfully
submits that: (1) the District Court’s Orders of June 5,
1984, September 17, 1984, January 25, 1985, and June
14, 1985, should be reversed insofar as they dismissed
the SSDs and denied interdistrict relief; (2) this matter
should be remanded to the District Court for interdistrict
remedial proceedings in which the SSDs will have the
opportunity to try to rebut the evidence in the record
that they participated in and were affected by the State’s
interdistrict violations and are needed in a remedy to
correct those violations; (3) the District Court should be
directed to order an interdistrict consolidation remedy de
signed to eliminate the vestiges of the State-created ra
cially dual school system in the Kansas City area; and
(4) the District Court’s Order of October 6, 1978, dis
missing KCMSD as a plaintiff for lack of standing, should
be reversed and KCMSD should be realigned as a plain
tiff.
Respectfully submitted,
James B orthwick
Shirley W. Keeler
Blackwell, Sanders, Matheny,
Weary & Lombardi
Five Crown Center
2480 Pershing Road
Kansas City, Missouri 64108
(816) 474-5700
David S. Tatel
Allen R. Snyder
Elliot M. Mincberg
Patricia A. Brannan
Hogan & Hartson
815 Connecticut Ave., N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006
(202) 331-4500
Attorneys for Appellant
Kansas City, Missouri
School District