Jenkins v. Missouri Brief of Appellant Kansas City, MO School District
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January 1, 1985

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Jenkins v. Missouri Brief of Appellant Kansas City, MO School District, 1985. b65eadc5-b59a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/95922c86-0371-4577-9c5f-61b08b104ea7/jenkins-v-missouri-brief-of-appellant-kansas-city-mo-school-district. Accessed May 19, 2025.
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In T he Ittttvb ( ta r t of Appeals F or the E ighth Circuit No. 85-1765WM No. 85-1949WM Kalima J e n k in s , et a l , Appellants, v. State of Missouri, et a l , Appellees. Appeal from the United States District Court for the Western District of Missouri, Western Division, Honorable Russell G. Clark, Chief Judge BRIEF OF APPELLANT KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI SCHOOL DISTRICT James Borthwick Shirley W. Keeler Blackwell, Sanders, Matheny, Weary & Lombardi Five Crown Center 2480 Pershing Road Kansas City, Missouri 64108 (816) 474-5700 David S. Tatel Allen R, Snyder Elliot M. Mincberg Patricia A. Brannan Hogan & Hartson 815 Connecticut Ave,, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20006 (202) 331-4500 Attorneys for Appellant Kansas City, Missouri School District W i l s o n - E p e s p r i n t i n g C o . . In c . - 7 8 9 - 0 0 9 6 - W a s h i n g t o n , d . c . 2 0 0 0 1 SUMMARY AND REQUEST FOR ORAL ARGUMENT The court below correctly found that the State of Mis souri created a racially dual system of schools and hous ing in the Kansas City area before the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), and that vestiges of the dual system persist to day. The court erred, however, in failing to order inter district relief despite the interdistrict nature of the State’s violations. State law prior to 1954 required schools to be racially segregated and established a separate black school sys tem which operated on an area-wide basis, without re gard to school district boundaries. Pursuant to these; State laws, black children who lived in the many sub urban school districts (“SSDs”) that had no black schools had to travel to other districts, usually the Kansas City, Missouri School District (“KCMSD”), over long distances at great personal hardship to attend school. This inter district transfer system and other State discriminatory practices, such as State enforcement of racially restric tive covenants, channeled black families to KCMSD and discouraged them from living in SSDs. As a result, by 1954, 98% of all black school children in the area at tended KCMSD, while the SSDs, which once had black communities, had become virtually all white. After Brown, the State did nothing to fulfill its consti tutional obligation to dismantle the area-wide racially dual system it created. Area school districts thus remain racially identifiable today. The remedy approved by the District Court will not correct this vestige of the dual system. The court below rejected a metropolitan school district consolidation plan proposed by KCMSD which would have eliminated all vestiges of the dual system. The court did so because it concluded that the SSDs had not committed independent, intentional interdistrict vio lations. This ruling disregards decisions of the Supreme (i) 11 Court and this Circuit which hold that suburban districts can be included in a metropolitan remedy where they participated in and were affected by the State’s interdis trict violations. Because of the importance of these issues, Appellant KCMSD requests 45 minutes for its oral argument. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page SUMMARY AND REQUEST FOR ORAL ARGU MENT .................... ................................... ............ i TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ...... .......................... . v PRELIMINARY STATEMENT _______ _________ ix STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES... ___________ x STATEMENT OF THE CASE ................................ . 1 A. The Racially Dual Metropolitan System of Edu cation in the Kansas City Area Prior to 1954.... 1 B. Failure to Dismantle the Metropolitan-Wide Dual System After 1954 ____ __ _________ 12 C. Procedural History of This Litigation ................ 16 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .... .............................. 20 ARGUMENT ______ ________ _________ ________ 22 I. THE DISTRICT COURT’S REJECTION OF INTERDISTRICT RELIEF AND DISMISSAL OF THE SUBURBAN SCHOOL DISTRICT DEFENDANTS WAS BASED ON THE ER RONEOUS LEGAL CONCLUSION THAT IN TERDISTRICT RELIEF REQUIRES PROOF OF INDEPENDENT CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS BY EACH AND EVERY SUB URBAN DISTRICT PARTICIPATING IN AND AFFECTED BY THE STATE’S INTER DISTRICT CONSITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS.. 22 II. WHEN REVIEWED UNDER THE PROPER LEGAL STANDARDS, THE EVIDENCE AND FINDINGS CONCERNING THE STATE’S CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS MAN DATE INTERDISTRICT RELIEF.....______ 28 (iii) IV A. The Evidence and Findings Below Estab lished that the State of Missouri Created and Maintained a Metropolitan-Wide Dual School System in the Kansas City Area___ 30 B. Because the State of Missouri Has Failed to Fulfill Its Affirmative Duty to Dismantle Its Pre-1954 Metropolitan-Wide Dual School Sys tem, and Because the Vestiges of that Sys tem Will Remain After Implementation of the District Court’s Remedial Order, It Was Error for the District Court to Rej ect Inter TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued Page district Relief __ ____________ - ....- ...... 40 III. KCMSD HAS STANDING TO BRING THIS ACTION AS A PARTY PLAINTIFF AND SHOULD NOT HAVE BEEN REALIGNED AS A DEFENDANT___ ___ ___________ 44 CONCLUSION _______ _____ ________ ____- ....-.... 49 V TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Cases Page Adams v. United States, 620 F.2d 1277 (8th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied, 449 U.S. 826 (1980)....-passim Akron Board of Education v. State Board of Edu cation of Ohio, 490 F.2d 1285 (6th Cir.), cert. denied, 417 U.S. 932 (1974)...........................xi, 46-47 Board of Education v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236 (1968).. 46 Board of School Directors of Milwaukee v. Wiscon sin, No. 84-C-877 (E.D. Wis. Apr. 29, 1985) ....44-45, 46 Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, No. 3353-R (E.D. Va. Aug. 31, 1984) ............. .................. 46 Bradley v. School Board of Richmond, 338 F. Supp. 67 (E.D. Va.), rev’d on other grounds, 462 F.2d 1058 (4th Cir. 1972), aff’d by equally divided court, 412 U.S. 92 (1973) (per curiam).. 46 Brewer v. Hoxie School District No. 46, 238 F.2d 91 (8th Cir. 1956) ........... ....................... xi, 45, 46, 47 Brown v. Board of Education, 349 U.S. 294 (1955) ____________ __________ ___ - ...... 12 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) ...................... ............................... ......... passim Cape Girardeau School District No. 63 v. Frye, 225 S.W.2d 484 (Mo. App. 1949) .............. . 27 Columbus Board of Education v. Peniclc, 443 U.S. 449 (1979) ............... .............................. ........ 22, 40 Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1 (1958).................. . 22 Davis v. Board of School Commissioners, 402 U.S. 33 (1971) ................... ..................................... 43 Dayton Board of Education v. Brinkman, 443 U.S. 526 (1979) ....................................................40, 41, 43 Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study Group, Inc., 438 U.S. 59 (1978) .................... 47 Evans v. Buchanan, 393 F. Supp. 428 (D. Del.), aff’d, 423 U.S. 963 (1975) .......... ..............x, 26, 32, 34 Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430 (1968)......................................................... 22, 40, 44 Haney v. County Board of Education of Sevier County, Arkansas, 410 F.2d 920 (8th Cir. 1969) ......... .... ............. ......................... ......... 27,31 VI TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued Page Hoots v. Pennsylvania, 672 F.2d 1107 (3d Cir.), cert, denied, 459 U.S. 824 (1982) .................... 26 Keyes v. School District No. 1, 413 U.S. 189 (1973) ............................... ............................... 32,43 Larson v. Valente, 456 U.S. 228 (1982)...............~ 47 Lee v. Lee County Board of Education, 639 F.2d 1243 (5th Cir. 1981) .....„................. ................ 28 Liddell v. Missouri, 731 F.2d 1294 (8th Cir.), cert. denied, 105 S. Ct. 82 (1984)____ ____ _____ 36 Liddell v. Board of Education of St. Louis, 677 F.2d 626 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 459 U.S. 877 (1982) .......... ........... ...................... ................. 22 Liddell v. Board of Education of St. Louis, 667 F.2d 643 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 454 U.S. 1081 (1981) ....... ........................... ............... ............ 23-24 Liddell v. Board of Education of St. Louis, No. 72-100C (4) (E.D. Mo. Sept. 24, 1981) .............. 46 Little Rock School District v. Pulaski County School District No. 1, 584 F. Supp. 328 (E.D. Ark. 1984), appeal pending, No. 85-1078-FA (8th Cir.) .............. ............. ............................ xi, 46 Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267 (1977)............... 36, 46 Millikenv. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974) ________passim Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States, 606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) (en banc), cert. denied, 444 U.S. 1071 (1980) ..................... x, 24, 27, 31 Newburg Area Council, Inc. v. Board of Educa tion of Louisville, Kentucky, 510 F.2d 1358 (6th Cir. 1974), cert, denied, 421 U.S. 931 (1975) ....x, 31-32 Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925).... 45 Regents of the University of Minnesota v. Na tional Collegiate Athletic Association, 560 F.2d 352 (8th Cir. 1977) ......................... ................. 45 Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948) ................ 9, 33 Simon v. Eastern Kentucky Welfare Rights Or ganization, 426 U.S. 26 (1976)_______ ____ _ 47 Singleton v. Wulff, 428 U.S. 106 (1976) .............. 48 State v. County Court, 311 Mo. 167, 277 S.W. 934 (1925) ____ _________ 4 V l l State ex rel. Morehead v. Cartivright, 122 Mo. App. 257, 99 S.W. 48 (1907) ................ ....... 4 Swann v. Charlotte-MecJclenburg Board of Educa tion, 402 U.S. 1 (1971) ...... ............... ..............passim Taylor v. Ouachita Parish School Board, 648 F.2d 959 (5th Cir. 1981)........ .... .............................. 28 United States v. Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis, Indiana, 637 F.2d 1101 (7th Cir.), cert, denied, 449 U.S. 838 (1980)..... ..... 34 United States v. Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis, Indiana, 573 F.2d 400 (7th Cir.), cert, denied, 439 U.S. 824 (1978).......... x, 25, 26 United States v. Missouri, 363 F. Supp. 739 (E.D. Mo. 1973), aff’d in relevant part, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975)..... 22, 32 United States v. Missouri, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975)....x, 25, 27, 31 United States v. Texas, 321 F. Supp. 1043 (E.D. Tex. 1970), aff’d in relevant part, 447 F.2d 441 (5th Cir. 1971), cert, denied, 404 U.S. 1016 (1972) ............. .................................................. x, 31 Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State, Inc., 454 U.S. 464 (1982) ___ _____ ______ __ _ 48 Washington v. Seattle School District No. 1, 458 U.S. 457 (1982)___ ___ _____ __________ __ 48 Weiss v. Leaon, 225 S.W.2d 127 (Mo. 1949)........... 33 Constitutions U.S. Constitution Amendment XIV ................... 25, 27, 46 Mo. Const, of 1945 art. 9, § la ................... 2 Mo. Const, of 1875 art. 11, § 3 ... 2 Mo. Const, of 1865 art. 9, § 2 ..... 2 Statutes 28 U.S.C. § 1291 (1982)..... .. .............................. . ix 28 U.S.C. § 1331 (1982)..... .. ........................ ........ ix 28 U.S.C. § 1343 (1982)____ ix 1945 Mo. Laws 1699-1700 ___________________ 3 TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued Page VIII 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83 ............................................ 3, 4 1921 Mo. Laws 611-13, 614, 626-27, 640-41............... 3, 4 1909 Mo. Laws 790-91 ................. ..... .................... 3 1897 Mo. Laws 219-20 ....... .......... .... .................... 3 1889 Mo. Laws § 8004, 226-27 ........................... 3, 4 1883 Mo. Laws 187 ............................. 3, 4 1874 Mo. Laws 163-64 ... .............. .......................... 3 1868 Mo. Laws 170 ... .............. ..................... ......... 3 1865 Mo. Laws 177, 255 .......................................... 3, 6 1847 Mo. Laws 103-104...... .......... ..................... . 2 Rules Fed. R. Civ. P. 41 (b)______ _________________ 17 TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued Page PRELIMINARY STATEMENT 1. The decisions appealed from were rendered by Chief Judge Russell G. Clark of the United States Dis trict Court for the Western District of Missouri, West ern Division, on October 6, 1978 (460 F. Supp. 421); June 5, 1984 (unreported) ; September 17, 1984 (593 F. Supp. 1485) ; January 25, 1985 (unreported) ; and June 14, 1985 (unreported to date). 2. The jurisdiction of the District Court was based on 28 U.S.C. § 1331 (1982), because this action arises under the Constitution and laws of the United States, and 28 U.S.C. § 1343 (1982), because it seeks to redress the deprivation, under color of State law, of rights se cured by the Constitution and laws of the United States. 3. The jurisdiction of this Court is invoked pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1291 (1982). Appellant Kansas City, Missouri School District filed a timely notice of appeal on July 23, 1985. (ix) X STATEMENT OF THE ISSUES 1. Whether the District Court erred in rejecting inter- district desegregation relief and dismissing the suburban school district defendants by requiring proof of independ ent constitutional violations by each suburban school dis trict participating in and affected by the State’s inter district constitutional violations. Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974). Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States, 606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) (en banc), cert, de nied, 444 U.S. 1071 (1980). Evans v. Buchanan, 393 F. Supp. 428 (D. Del.), aff’d, 423 U.S. 963 (1975). United States v. Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis, Indiana, 573 F.2d 400 (7th Cir.), cert, denied, 439 U.S. 824 (1978). 2. Whether the District Court erred in failing to rec ognize that the State of Missouri’s creation, maintenance, and failure to dismantle its pre-1954 metropolitan-wide racially dual school system requires interdistrict relief. Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States, 606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) (en banc), cert, de nied, 444 U.S. 1071 (1980). United States v. Missouri, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975). Newburg Area Council, Inc. v. Board of Education of Louisville, Kentucky, 510 F.2d 1358 (6th Cir. 1974), cert, denied, 421 U.S. 931 (1975). United States v. Texas, 321 F. Supp. 1043 (E.D. Tex. 1970), aff’d in relevant part, 447 F.2d 441 (5th Cir. 1971), cert, denied, 404 U.S. 1016 (1972). 3. Whether the District Court erred in dismissing KCMSD as a party plaintiff for lack of standing and realigning it as a defendant. X I Brewer v. Hoxie School District No. U6, 238 F.2d 91 (8th Cir. 1956). Akron Board of Education v. State Board of Educa tion of Ohio, 490 F.2d 1285 (6th Cir.), cert, denied, 417 U.S. 932 (1974). Little Rock School District v. Pulaski County School District No. 1, 584 F. Supp. 328 (E.D. Ark. 1984), appeal pending, No. 85-1078-EA (8th Cir.). In T he HmtFii (Enurt at Amalfi F or the E ighth Circuit No. 85-1765WM No. 85-1949WM Kalima J e n k in s , et al., Appellants, State op Missouri, et al., _______ Appellees. Appeal from the United States District Court for the Western District of Missouri, Western Division, Honorable Russell G. Clark, Chief Judge BRIEF OF APPELLANT KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI SCHOOL DISTRICT STATEMENT OF THE CASE A. The Racially Dual Metropolitan System of Education in the Kansas City Area Prior to 1954. As the court below found, the State of Missouri estab lished by law a racially “dual school system” in which “ [e]ach school district in Missouri participated” prior to 1954.1 In the Kansas City metropolitan area,2 the sepa rate school system for black children was implemented on an area-wide basis without regard to school district boundaries: black students were required to attend black 1 Jenkins v. Missouri, 593 F. Supp. 1485, 1490 (W.D. Mo. 1984) (“Jenkins”) . 2 For purposes of this brief, the terras “Kansas City metropolitan area” and “metropolitan area” refer to Jackson, Clay and Platte counties in Missouri. 2 schools even if those schools were in districts other than where the students lived. Area school districts and the State cooperated with each other to transfer students and take other necessary steps to maintain the dual system.3 The racially dual, metropolitan system had its origins in State law prior to the Civil War. Until 1865, as this Court has recognized, “Missouri prohibited the creation or maintenance of schools for teaching black children to read or write.” 4 Beginning in 1865, the Missouri legis lature enacted a series of statutes permitting the educa tion of blacks but requiring separate public schools for black children.5 This State-mandated segregated system was incorporated into the Missouri Constitution of 1945, which explicitly required separate schools for “white and colored children.” 6 State statutes requiring racial seg regation in the public schools were not repealed until 1957, and school segregation “remained a part of the state constitution until repealed in 1976.” 7 The State itself enforced and administered the legally mandated racially dual system. This included a State wide inspector of “Negro schools,” teachers and other personnel who worked out of the inspector’s office and supervised the curriculum and other details concerning 3 See pp. 3-5, infra. 4 Adams v. United States, 620 F.2d 1277, 1280 (8th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied, 449 U.S. 826 (1980). See 1847 Mo. Laws 103. This statute also prohibited free blacks from settling in Missouri, restricted religious and other meetings by blacks, and imposed criminal penalties for the violation of any of its provisions. Id. at 104. (All State laws and constitutional provisions cited herein, except for current laws, are contained in Plaintiffs’ Exhibit (“PX”) 116A.) 5 See Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1460. 6 Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. See Mo. Const, of 1945, art. 9, :§ la. Similar provisions were contained in the 1865 and 1875 Missouri Constitutions. See Mo. Const, of 1865, art. 9, § 2; Mo. Const, of 1875, art. 11, i § 3. 7 Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280. Accord, Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. 3 schools maintained for black children, a statute requir ing the Missouri State Superintendent of Schools to es tablish and operate black schools where local districts failed to do so, and other detailed laws, regulations, and funding provisions for black schools.8 Pursuant to State law, the separate school system for blacks operated on an interdistrict basis without regard for school district boundaries. State law allowed a dis trict to maintain schools for blacks only if a certain minimum number of black students resided in the dis trict.9 10 As of 1874, State legislation mandated that ad joining districts with specified numbers of black students combine to offer joint schools for black children 19 and also authorized the transfer of black students to other districts which had schools for them.11 Missouri law also 8 See, e.g., 1921 Mo. Laws 640-41 (establishing office of “State Negro Inspector of Negro Schools”) ; 1874 Mo. Laws 164 (pro viding that State Superintendent was to establish and operate schools for blacks where districts failed to do so) ; Ex. K37 at 39- 40 (1946 Report of State Superintendent of Public Schools) (dis cussing supervisory functions performed by “State Supervisor of Negro Schools” and other personnel); Transcript (“Tr.”) 14,814 (Orfield) (discussing extensive State supervision over segregated system of education in Missouri prior to 1954). Excerpts from the testimony of Dr. Orfield, as well as Drs. Anderson, Tobin, Levine, Olson and Weinberg are included in the Addendum filed by Appel lants, at Section A. 9 This number varied over time from eight to 20. See, e.g., 1865 Mo. Laws 177; 1868 Mo. Laws 170; 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83. 10 1874 Mo. Laws 163-64. See also 1897 Mo. Laws 219-20 (per mitting joinder of adjoining districts for the establishment of black schools if the number of black students in either or both is less than 25). 11 See, e.g., 1883 Mo. Laws 187; 1889 Mo. Laws § 8004; 1909 Mo. Laws 790-91; 1921 Mo. Laws 611-13 and 626-27; 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83; 1945 Mo. Laws 1699-1700. See also Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280, 1294 n.27; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. As of 1929, State legislation even permitted interdistrict transfers from districts which had sufficient black students to form a black school, thus per mitting a district to avoid creating black schools altogether even where the requisite number of black children lived in the district. See 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83. 4 required districts like KCMSD which maintained black schools to accept black students from other districts.12 13 As of 1921, State statutes contained specific provisions for payment for interdistrict transfers of black students. Generally, they required that the home district pay some tuition costs to the districts which received black trans fers, although receiving districts were required to accept transfer students regardless of whether tuition was paid.18 In the Kansas City area, therefore, separate schools for black children were maintained only within KCMSD it self and intermittently in some suburban areas which had sufficient numbers of black students.14 * * * Under State law, 12 See State v. County Court, 311 Mo. 167, 277 S.W. 934 (1925); see also 1883 Mo. Laws 187; 1889 Mo. Laws 226-27; 1921 Mo. Laws 614, 626-27. Although the District Court suggested that a school district could refuse to accept black transfer students (June 5, 1984 Order at 11-12), it made no finding that any district ever successfully did so. To the contrary, the Supreme Court of Missouri, sitting en banc, stated in State v. County Court, that the City of St. Louis wrongfully suspended a black transfer student from one of its high schools for refusal of the transferring district to pay tuition, because the student had a “right to attend a high school in the City of St. Louis for colored children [which] is in no way dependent upon the payment of the tuition incident thereto . . . .” 277 S.W. at 936. 13 See, e.g., State v. County Court; 1921 Mo. Laws 626-27; see also 1929 Mo. Laws 382-83. 14See PX 39; Tr. 4,308-12 (Anderson). Because of the large number of small school districts in the Kansas City area and the wide dispersal of the black population in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, there was often an insufficient number of black residents within a district to form a black school. See Tr. 4,182-84, 4,204-05 (Anderson) (noting that the State was subdivided into approximately 8,000 districts up until 1954 and that, as a result, the number of black children within a single district was often not sufficient to support a separate black school). In addition, school districts throughout the State often underestimated the number of resident black children, thereby evading any legal obliga tion to provide schools for black children. See Tr. 4,255-62, 4,272-73, 5,323-25 (Anderson). Accord, e.g., PX 210 (1921 Report of Missouri State Superintendent of Public Schools) (there are not as many black schools as there should be because some school boards feel that “these people” should not be given a school if it can possibly be avoided) ; State ex rel. Morehead v. Cartwright, 122 Mo. App. 257, 99 S.W. 48 (1907). 5 black children who lived in areas without black schools had to travel to KCMSD or other districts to obtain an education.15 As a result, many black students had to make long and difficult daily trips to school which often required that they leave home as early as 5:30 a.m., ar rive long before school started or after school began, and return home as late as 7 :45 p.m.16 In addition, the quality of education provided for blacks was extremely poor, especially in suburban black schools, which usually were rated second class or lower by the 15 The pattern of interdistrict transfers in the metropolitan area is demonstrated on PX 37A, 37B, and 37E, which are overlays for area maps (e.g., PX 5B) that show black enclaves, black schools, and the direction of transfers and migration, respectively. See Tr. 14,817 (Orfield) (for black children, pre-1954 system of education in Kansas City area “operated on a regional basis to force black students to transfer wherever they were permitted to go to school within the metropolitan area”)- Although numerous witnesses testified concerning interdistrict transfers at trial, the evidence also indicated that this testimony reflected only a fraction of the number of black students who travelled to KCMSD or other dis tricts to obtain an education. This was because many of the trans fers went unrecorded, particularly prior to 1931 when tuition and transportation costs were not paid on a reimbursement basis and black students sought to establish residency in the receiving district or to take other steps to avoid having to pay such costs as out-of district students. See Tr. 4,313-14, 4,332-36, 5,855-58 (Anderson) ; Tr. 2,110-11 (Fields). Examples of recorded interdistrict transfers are included in PX 37E, PX 40, PX 1775 and at Tr. 420-22 (Shields) ; 1,747-48 (Charles) ; 1,773-75 (W hite); 541 (Winkfield) ; 608-10 (Bratton) ; 150-51 (Pratt) ; 1,604-14 (Briscoe) ; 1,645-48 (Snead) ; 802 (Porter); 2,130-33 (Harris) ; 2,163-67 (Robinson) ; 1,362-1371 (Jones) ; 626-28 (Tucker) ; 2,835 (Douglass) ; 1,830-34 (Patterson); 588 (Hudson); 1,294-98 (Strickland). Examples of this interdistrict transfer evidence are set forth in the Addendum, at Section B.l. 16 See, e.g., Tr. 1,362-71 (Jones) (describing long and difficult trip to school and testifying that black students would often miss first-hour class) ; Edwards dep. 59-60; Tr. 1,645-47 (Snead) ; Tr. 2,130-31 (Harris) ; Fields dep. 178-79. Examples of evidence of the hardships suffered by blacks as the result of the interdistrict school system for blacks are included the Addendum, at Section B.l. 6 State of Missouri.17 The black schools that were estab lished in suburban and rural areas closed frequently, par ticularly since State law required black schools to close for at least six months if specified minimum enrollments were not maintained.18 Especially at the high school level, the only consistently available comprehensive high school for blacks in the area was Lincoln in KCMSD.19 For this reason, many black families split up, sent chil dren to live with (or gave addresses of) friends or rela tives in KCMSD, or moved to KCMSD itself, in order to obtain a better education for their children in KCMSD schools.20 17 See PX 39 at 2-6; PX 39A. Suburban black schools never received accreditation from the independent North Central Associa tion. Id. In contrast, black schools in KCMSD were consistently rated first class by the State, and Lincoln High School in Kansas City received North Central accredition for many years. PX 39 at 1. Record testimony from teachers and students in suburban black schools prior to 1954 documented numerous specific instances of poor quality schools for blacks, including schools with no books, plumbing, or toilet facilities, and schools where black teachers had to shovel coal or perform other janitorial jobs and to use seventh and eighth graders to help “teach” younger children. See, e.g., Tr. 1,631-36, 1,739-41 (Snead and Charles) (Pleasant Hill) ; 1,466-69, 3,181-82 (Douglass and Jackson) (Parkville) ; 3,144-45, 2,777-81 (Pearl and Thornton) (Platte C ity); 2,830-34 (Douglas) (Parkville). When black parents protested, the solution in some instances was to shut down the black school and send the children to KCMSD. See Tr. 1,718-19 (Brisco); 3,748-49 (More land) ; 4,311-12 (Anderson) ; PX 107 at 54-55. Testimony con cerning poor quality schools for blacks in the SSDs, in contrast with KCMSD, included in the Addendum, at Section B.3. 18 See, e.g., 1865 Mo. Laws 255; PX 39 at 2 (Lee’s Summit “colored school” closed in 1910); id. at 3 (White Oak school in North Kansas City closed in 1949 and was operated on an “inter mittent” basis and “by subscription” in earlier years). 19 See Tr. 1,905-06 (Fields) ; 14,786 (Orfield) ; 2,242-43 (Curtis) ; 3,268-70 (Thurman). Dr. Anderson concluded that for blacks, as a whole “from the establishment of Lincoln High School in 1887 to 1954, . . . this was a one high school area.” Tr. 4,334. 20See, e.g., Tr. 2,714 (Brown); 2,110-11 (Fields); 1,361-62 (Jones); 2,780 (Thornton); 9,438, 9,511 (Newsome); 1,201-04 7 A typical case was Beatrice Williams. She moved from her parents’ home in Lee’s Summit to her aunt’s house in KCMSD in order to continue her schooling when the only black elementary school in Lee’s Summit closed in 1910, after she had completed fourth grade. Her mother later moved to Kansas City to care for her when her aunt died, with her father staying in Lee’s Summit to work. Ms. Williams’ family thus was separated for seven years so that she could complete her education through her graduation in 1917 from Lincoln High School.21 The 1910 school closure in Lee’s Summit similarly drove most other black families with school-age children living there to other places, such as KCMSD, where their children could receive an education. Few, if any, ever returned to Lee’s Summit.212 Bettie Wellman’s family had a similar experience. While living in Pleasant Hill in the 1930’s, her eldest brother had to leave the family to live with an uncle in Kansas City, Kansas—and be legally adopted by him— in order to receive his high school education.28 By the time Bettie Wellman reached high school age, her family had moved to Clinton, which had an inferior three-year black high school. After completing her Clinton educa- (Williams) ; 1,086-87 (Harris) ; 1,147-48 (Bastin) ; 1,713-14 (Brisco) ; 1,806-07 (White) ; 2,684-85 (Brown) ; 1,027-28, 1,031-37, 1,060-61 (May) ; 2,499 (Griggsby) ; 3,532-33 (Bryant) ; 950 (Proc tor) ; 1,686-90 (Wellman); 3,183-92 (Jackson); 3,599 (Thomas). Many witnesses testified graphically concerning the hardships that black families were forced to endure to provide better educational opportunities for their children. See, e.g., Tr. 1,141-42 (Bastin) (family had to separate so that children could obtain better educa tion) ; Tr. 890 (Lobb) (family had to pay child’s room and board in KCMSD) ; Tr. 126-28 (Pratt) (sisters lost contact with their parents because they moved to their grandmother’s house in KCMSD to attend school and began calling their mother “Miss Kita” because of lack of contract with her). See generally PX 90. See also Ad dendum, Sections B.l. and B.2. 21 Tr. 1,201-04 (Williams). 22 Tr. 1,209-12,1,216 (Williams). 2:3 Tr. 1,687-89 (Wellman). 8 tion, she had to leave her family to move in with an aunt in KCMSD in order to complete her education at Lincoln High School. Later, her mother moved the rest of the family’s children to Kansas City so that they could all receive the best possible education. Her father remained in Clinton where he had employment, commuting to see his family once a week on his day off from work, when he could.24 25 The record is full of similar experiences told by other blacks who found it necessary to leave the SSDs and move to KCMSD to educate their children. Indeed, official State reports as early as the 1920’s documented the fact that black families were moving to the cities in Missouri —including Kansas City—specifically because of the lack of adequate schools for blacks in rural and suburban areas and the better educational opportunities available in the cities.26 Racial segregation in area schools was powerfully re inforced by other types of segregation mandated or en couraged by the State. Missouri State courts continued 24 Tr. 1,689-92 (Wellman). 25 See, e.g., Ex. K34 (1929 Report of Missouri State Superintend ent of Public Schools) at 122, 123 (“high school opportunity for [N]egro children is very limited” other than in St. Louis and Kansas City; “84 percent of all the high school education in the state” for blacks is provided in these cities although “less than half the [N]egro population in the state” lives there; in light of poor education for blacks in areas ouside the cities, “the pronounced drift of the [Njegro population away from the farm to the city is quite understandable”). Accord, Ex. K31 (1924 State report) at 197 (“[m]any [blacks in rural areas] leave to seek better educa tional facilities for their children”) ; Ex. K28 (1914 State report) at 25 (“shortsighted people are driving these [black] people to towns in order to educate their children”) ; Ex. K30 (1922 State report) at 31 (“[o]n account of the lack of school facilities in many small towns and rural districts there is a desire on the part of the [N]egro population to move to the larger cities”). See Adden dum, Section D. See also Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490 (“[ u n deniably, some blacks moved to districts, including the KCMSD, that provided black schools”). 9 to enforce racially restrictive covenants until the 1950’s.26 Restrictive covenants made it impossible for black famil ies to move into many areas of the SSDs, and restricted expansion of those small black enclaves which had existed in the SSDs since the 19th century.27 28 Moreover, as the District Court found, Missouri established “separate in stitutions for teaching black school teachers” and “for higher education for blacks,” it provided that school boards could establish “separate libraries, public parks and playgrounds for blacks,” and it “made it a crime for a person of % Negro blood to marry a wThite person.” 38 26 See Tr. 13,005 (judicial notice taken that racially restrictive covenants “were in effect and were enforced in Missouri until in the 1950s”) ; Tr. 12,967, 13,041-45, 13,056 (Tobin) ; O’Flagherty dep. 13-15; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1497, 1503; Adams, 620 F.2d at 1291 n.21. The Supreme Court declared racially restrictive cove nants unconstitutional in 1948. See Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948). 27 PX 22, PX 22A (maps showing locations of residential areas and restrictive covenants); Tr. 13,023-28 (Tobin). Indeed, partly as a result of restrictive covenants, it was estimated that, between 1925 and 1940, “only 15 new houses were available to blacks through out” Kansas City. Tr. 14,867 (Rabin). 28 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503. This racial segregation was further reinforced by acts of violence against blacks in the suburbs and by police harassment of blacks in white areas. See, e.g., Tr. 14,833 (Orfield) (proffered testimony) (in the early 20th century, violence against blacks in white areas “tended to consoli date the residential concentration, and that would contribute to the school segregation that the city had to deal with later on”) . Plain tiffs proffered evidence of specific incidents of such harassment and their effects on black citizens. See, e.g., Tr. 498-99 (Waller) (blacks left suburban areas for relative safety of Kansas City in reaction to lynching of black citizen in Excelsior Springs, which was appar ently condoned by local white law enforcement officials) ; 3,322-34 (Thurman) (three black families left suburban area after threat by Ku Klux Klan against them when they attempted to enroll their children in all-white schools) ; 2,260-67 (Curtis) (blacks in Blue Springs were driven out by riot and burning of house by whites, and city marshal “escorted out” blacks who attempted to come to town thereafter); 5,068, 5,071 (Brooks) (blacks in white areas were often stopped and arrested without cause). See Addendum, Section B.4. 10 The District Court specifically found that such State conduct placed “the State’s imprimatur on racial dis crimination,” that “the State has encouraged racial dis crimination by private individuals in the real estate, banking and insurance industries,” and that “ [t]his has and continues to have a significant effect on the dual housing market in the Kansas City area.” 28 The Dis trict Court further found that the dual housing market “impacted blacks in the KCMSD and consequently caused the public schools to swell in black enrollment” ; that “there is an inextricable connection between schools and housing” ; and that the availability of schools “ ‘may thus influence the patterns of residential development of a metropolitan area and have important impact on composi tion of inner city neighborhoods.’ ” * 30 The State-sponsored racially dual system of schools and housing, reinforced by other types of segregation, re sulted in increased black concentration in KCMSD. The 20 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503. The record also reflected de liberate decisions by the Kansas City Planning Commission, which collaborated with State agencies, to designate areas as black en claves and permissible areas into which blacks could move. See Tr. 10,870-919 (Rabin). The Missouri State Real Estate Board also promulgated codes of ethics which prohibited realtors from introducing black families into white neighborhoods and subjected realtors to loss of their licenses for violation of that ethical pro vision. Tr. 13,038-45 (Tobin) ; PX 316. 30 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491. quoting Swann v. Charlotte- Mecklenburg Bd. of Educ., 402 U.S. 1, 20-21 (1971). See also note 25, supra; Tr. 12,971-74, 13,037-43 (Tobin); Tr. 16,833-35, 16,913-15 (Weinberg) ; Tr. 14,804-08, 15,525-27 (Orfield) ; Tr. 7,714-15, 7,719-21 (Kain) (absent housing discrimination, many more blacks would live in SSDs and fewer blacks would live in KCMSD). Residential and school segregation reinforced each other. For example, by segregating schools and preventing black teachers from teaching in most of them, black teachers, who were virtually the entire black middle class and thus had an important leadership role, were discouraged from living in white areas such as the SSDs. Tr. 14,795, 14,801-02 (Orfield). 11 evidence below showed, and the District Court agreed, that black families left the SSDs and moved to KCMSD, at least in part because of the State-sponsored racially dual system of education and housing; the evidence also showed and the District Court also found that blacks moving to the metropolitan area chose to settle in KCMSD rather than in the SSDs because of the avail ability of schools and housing there.81 The city and its schools thus became increasingly black, while the suburbs and their schools became increasingly white. Between 1900 and 1950, the black population of Kansas City more than tripled; at the same time, the black population in the three counties outside Kansas City dropped nearly by half.82 As a result, the percent age of Kansas City area black residents who lived out side the city itself dropped from more than 17% in 1900 to less than 4 % in 1950.31 32 33 31 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490, 1491, 1503; notes 25 and 30, supra-, Tr. 14,694, 14,782-87, 14,793-99, 14,804-08, 15,285-90 (Orfield) (blacks moving into the Kansas City area located where black schools were located and were particularly drawn to KCMSD, which thus became “a magnet for commercial and residential de velopment for blacks,” and the State-sponsored dual system of education and housing “would have inevitably lowered the tendency for blacks to settle in [predominantly white suburban and rural areas and] to remain there if they were settled and had children in need of education.”) ; Tr. 4,310-20, 4,485-86 (Anderson) (black families, particularly those with children, would tend not to move into areas where schools were unavailable and left small rural districts for Kansas City) ; Tr. 16,688-96 (Olson) (availability of schools was a factor in leading blacks to settle in KCMSD); Tr. 16,833-71, 16,913-15 (Weinberg) (blacks migrating into the area from outside Missouri chose to live in Kansas City because of the availability of schools); Tr. 21,120-21 (Hawley) (availability of schools is important in determining where people live once they move to a new area) ; Tr. 12,396-97 (Shechter) (schooling is an important factor in determining where blacks look for housing). 32 See PX 16B. Specifically, the black population in Kansas City increased from 17,567 in 1900 to 55,682 in 1950, while the black population outside Kansas City in Jackson, Clay, and Platte coun ties declined by 44.7% from 3,687 in 1900 to 2,038 in 1950. 33 Id. Specifically, 3,687 of the area’s 21,254 black residents (17.3%) lived outside Kansas City in Jackson, Clay, and Platte 12 These disparities were even more pronounced in the schools. In 1900, black students were 6.8% of the stu dent population in the three-county area outside KCMSD, and 8.8% in KCMSD.34 By 1954, however, only .8% of the school children in the SSDs were black, while the KCMSD percentage had increased to 16.8%.35 Over 98% of all black school children in the Kansas City metropoli tan area attended school in KCMSD in 1954, while the SSDs were virtually all-white.3'6 B. Failure to Dismantle the Metropolitan-Wide Dual System After 1954. Notwithstanding the Supreme Court’s command in Brown,37 38 that State and local officials dismantle racially dual school systems, Missouri’s Attorney General de clared that it was the function of the courts and local authorities, not the State, to desegregate the public schools.*8 State laws and constitutional provisions were Counties in 1900, while only 2,038 of 57,720 area black residents (3.5%) lived outside Kansas City in 1950. This diminishing black population in the SSDs is illustrated by PX 2, 3B, 5B, 6B, 7B, and 8B, a series of maps of the three-county area outside Kansas City, which show the decreasing number of black enclaves from 1900 to 1960. 34 PX 49, 53E. 35 PX 49, 53H. The black student enumeration in the three- county area outside Kansas City fell by over 70% (1,445 to 410) from 1900 to 1950. PX 49A and 54. While the number of black students in the SSDs was dropping, the number of white students in the SSDs was increasing dramatically. In 1900, the total white student population in the three counties outside Kansas City was 19,961. PX 54. By 1950, that population had more than doubled, to 44,496. PX 49A. The KCMSD black student population nearly tripled during the same period (2,971 to 8,068). PX 49. 33 PX 53H. 37 Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483 (1954), and Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 349 U.S. 294 (1955). 38 Approximately six weeks after the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown, the Missouri Attorney General rendered an opinion (PX 2232) declaring State laws mandating segregated schools to be 13 announced as unenforceable, but remained on the books for years—over 20 years in the case of the constitutional provision requiring separate schools.8® In the years following Brown, the State of Missouri had numerous opportunities to promote significant de segregation in the Kansas City area. For example, pro posals to consolidate or reorganize school districts, nota bly the Spainhower Plan in the late 1960’s, would have significantly decreased segregation in the Kansas City area,39 40 Other proposals called for State financial assist ance for voluntary interdistrict transfers to promote de unenforceable; however, neither that opinion nor any later opinion discussed any obligation to dismantle the existing dual system or to desegregate. Tr. 6,047-49 (Nystrand). Although the State itself recognized as late as 1979 the “need for more substantial desegrega tion, especially in our urban areas,” the State did not act affirma tively to desegregate the dual interdistrict system. PX 1369; see also Tr. 17,526 (Wasson). In the only policy statement on inter- district desegregation ever adopted by the State Department of Elementary and Secondary Education (PX 465), the State left the matter entirely up to the local districts. Tr. 17,517-18 (Wasson). See also Tr. 17,821, 17,827-34 (Walker) (head of State technical assistance program designed to assist districts with problems of race and sex discrimination believes desegregation is a local matter ; budget included $20,000 for entire State) ; Tr. 17,939-40, 17,956-59 (Drake) (State never has withheld vocational funds for race dis crimination although it has for sex discrimination). Examples of testimony from State and local officials concerning the failure of the State to take action to desegregate are included in the Adden dum, Sections C.l. and C.2. 39 See Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280; p. 2, supra. 40 The Spainhower Plan (PX 504), proposed to the State legis lature by the Missouri School District Reorganization Commission chaired by James Spainhower, recommended the redrawing of school district boundaries to create a series of 20 “super” school districts throughout the State. Under the Spainhower plan, KCMSD would have been part of a much larger Kansas City metropolitan area school district. The consolidated school district would have embraced many of the defendant suburban school districts in this action and contributed significantly to desegregation in the area. The plan never emerged from legislative committee. Tr. 6,093-96, 6.106-09 (Nystrand) ; 15,014-17 (Orfield). 14 segregation.41 Although the State of Missouri had used its power, authority and resources to enforce racial seg regation prior to Brown, after that decision it failed to adopt these proposals or to take any other positive action whatsoever to mandate desegregation in the Kansas City area.42 In fact, some government actions after 1954 actually perpetuated the pre-1954 interdistrict system. In the Kansas City area, interdistrict transfers of black stu dents continued until at least 1959.4'3 In addition, State legislation and other actions made desegregative reor ganization more difficult than before. For example, HB 171, enacted in 1957, limited the ability of KCMSD to ex pand and acquire a more diverse non-minority population as the Kansas City limits expanded.44 SB 29, enacted in 1973, eliminated the ability of 10 citizens to petition 41 In 1979, HB 1717 was introduced in the State legislature to make available State financial assistance to city and suburban school districts that would participate in a wholly voluntary inter- district desegregation measure modeled on a plan that had been implemented in Milwaukee. The State Department of Elementary and Secondary Education opposed the proposal which, like the Spain- hower plan, died in committee. Tr. 17,437-41 (Bartman) ; Mallory dep. at 76-79. One witness for the State acknowledged that the Department has not supported any legislation that “would have had the purpose or effect of causing school district desegregation . . . since 1972.” Tr. 17,505 (Wasson). 42 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1505 (noting State’s “failure to affirmatively act to eliminate the structure and effects of its past dual system”). Accord, Tr. 2,020 (Fields), 3,071-72 (Bluford); 16,434, 16,437 (Levine); 17,022-24 (Travis). The SSDs also failed to take any action from Brown to the time of trial to dis mantle the metropolitan-wide dual system in which they partici pated. Tr. 14,911-12 (Orfield). 43 See, e.g., June 5, 1984 Order at 79-80 (North Kansas City sent black students to KCMSD after 1954) ; Tr. 2,843-49 (Douglass) (Park Hill school district refused to desegregate and continued to send black high school students out of the district through 1958- 59) ; Tr. 1,267-70 (Woods) (interdistrict transfers of black students from Lee’s Summit to KCMSD continued until 1958 or 1959) ; Tr. 3,142-43 (Pearl) (interdistrict transfers of black students from Parkville to Platte City until 1959-60). See Addendum, Section C.3. 44 Tr. 6,145-47 (Nystrand) ; Tr. 1,971-72 (Fields). 15 for school district annexation and instead required a minimum of 10% of the voters in a district contiguous to large city districts such as KCMSD.45 46 As the District Court found, moreover, the dual hous ing market which the State helped create in the Kansas City area “still exists to a large degree today.” The State, however, has failed to grant authority to State agencies with responsibility for housing “which could have aided in the disestablishment of the dual school system which it created.” 4,15 In fact, government officials continued to record restrictive covenants in the Kansas City area until at least I960,47 and such covenants had the continuing effect of limiting housing opportunities for black citizens.48 45 Yet another change in State law in 1977 required that a pro posed consolidation of school districts be approved by a majority of voters in each district rather than a majority of the proposed combined district. Tr. 6,159-60 (Nystrand). The cumulative effect of these changes in State law was to make it more difficult for KCMSD to acquire and secure an adequate non-minority population to achieve meaningful desegregation. Id. Although KCMSD gen erally expanded along with Kansas City from 1887 to 1950 (see PX 35A-H), the city is now four times as large as KCMSD as a result of city annexations after Brown which were not followed by expansions of KCMSD. Id. 46 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491, 1503. See Tr. 4,700-02 (Smith) (Kansas City Human Relations Comm’n without authority to act on block busting complaints) ; Tr. 5,104-14 (Brooks) (State fair housing statute discouraged complaints and was enforced by agency which was understaffed and had serious backlogs) ; Plummer dep. 17-32 (same re statute) ; Tr. 13,141, 13,160, 13,163-64, 13,260-63 (Tobin) (proffered testimony) (State Divisions of Savings and Loans and Finance failed to monitor on the basis of race and thus could not control redlining) ; 13,128-33, 13,157-60 (Tobin) (prof fered testimony) (same re Division of Insurance); 13,239-42 (Tobin) (citing numerous governmental causes for dual housing market, including State location of subsidized housing). 47 See PX 1239A (last restrictive covenant recorded in Clay County in 1960). 48 See Tr. 13,023-37 (Tobin); 1,316 (Strickland). See also Wheeler dep. at 308-09 (race would have been a factor for blacks trying to get a loan to buy a home outside KCMSD as late as 1970). 16 Both housing and schools in the Kansas City metropoli tan area remain today as they were before Brown—highly segregated. As of the 1980 census, 95% of the black residents of the three-county area including Kansas City lived in the city itself.49 In 1980, the three-county area excluding Kansas City was only 1.3% black, while Kansas City was 32.8% black.’50 Area schools reflect similar disparities : KCMSD’s student population is 68.3% black, while the SSDs are only 7% black.’51 52 * Over 88% of the black school children in the metropolitan area at tended school in KCMSD in 1980.5'2 C. Procedural History of This Litigation. KCMSD initiated this lawsuit in 1977 because it recog nized that the continuing vestiges of the State-mandated dual system could not be effectively dismantled without the participation of the State and other school districts which were part of the area-wide dual system.®3 The 49 See PX 16B. 50 Id. 51 June 14, 1985 Order at 26; KCMSD Plan for Remedying Vestiges of the Segregated Public School System (January 18, 1985 ) at 3-4. 52 PX 53G. Racial segregation is not the only vestige of the former dual system. As the District Court also concluded, the “inferior education indigenous of the [SJtate-compelled dual school system has lingering effects” in KCMSD. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1492. See also, e.g., Order of June 14, 1985 at 4. Accord, Tr. 16,414-16, 16,420-22, 16,424-31, 16,457-59 (Levine) (the dual sys tem had damaging effects on the attitudes, motivation, and socio economic status of blacks, which persist today, and contributed to a cycle of black poverty and poor achievement). See Addendum, Section B.5. 63 See Complaint (filed May 26, 1977). As the District Court found, KCMSD has undertaken significant desegregation efforts, including adoption of a plan approved in 1977 by the Office for Civil Rights of the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (“HEW”). See Order of June 14, 1985 at 26. Despite these efforts, the District Court found that 24 KCMSD schools were “racially isolated ” as of 1983-84 “with 90+% black enrollment,” and that “[vjestiges of the dual system still remain.” Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1493. See also Order of June 14, 1985 at 27-28 (25 KCMSD schools had 90+% black enrollment as of 1984-85). See Tr. 16,567- 79 (Holmes). original complaint contended that the State, surrounding school districts in Missouri and Kansas, and several fed eral agencies had helped cause or had been a, part of the system of racial segregation in the metropolitan area schools. KCMSD, its board members and superintendent, and school children in KCMSD schools brought the action on behalf of themselves and the children attending KCMSD schools.64 In 1978, the court below held that KCMSD lacked standing, dismissed it as a plaintiff, and realigned it as a defendant.5® After realignment, the remaining student plaintiffs obtained separate counsel and filed an amended complaint against KCMSD and the federal and Missouri defendants named in the original complaint.5'8 KCMSD sought to pursue its claims by filing a cross-claim against the State, contending, as in the original complaint, that the State failed to fulfill its duty to eliminate the vestiges of the dual system.67 At the close of plaintiffs’ evidence at trial, the State, the federal agency defendants, and the SSDs moved for dismissal under Fed. R. Civ. P. 41(b).'68 The District 54 55 * 57 58 * * * * * 17 54 Complaint at 6-8. The original federal agency defendants in cluded the Departments of Housing and Urban Development (“HUD”), HEW, and Transportation. The State of Kansas and suburban school districts in Kansas were also included as defend ants in the original complaint. 55 See School Dist. of Kansas City, Missouri v. Missouri, 460 F. Supp. 421 (W.D. Mo. 1978). The 1978 order also dismissed the Kansas defendants as parties. 66 See Amended Complaint (filed May 18, 1979). 57 See Answer and Cross-Claim of KCMSD (filed July 3, 1979). KCMSD’s standing was challenged again, but this time the District Court held that KCMSD had standing. See Memorandum and Order of June 1, 1981 at 3-7. Prior to trial, the Department of Transportation and one of the Missouri SSDs were dismissed vol untarily. See Order of June 5, 1984 at 2. 58 Both the plaintiffs and KCMSD opposed the motion and argued, inter alia, that the SSDs were part of and were affected by the racially dual interdistrict system which the State created and failed to dismantle. See KCMSD Memorandum in Opposition to Motions for Dismissal (filed March 23, 1984) ; Plaintiffs’ Suggestions in Response to Defendants’ Rule 41(b) Motions (filed May 26, 1984). 18 Court denied the motions of the State and HUD, but granted the motions filed by HEW and the SSDs.5® The court stated that plaintiffs had failed to show that each individual SSD had acted in a racially discriminatory manner that substantially caused racial segregation in another district.60 Trial proceeded against the remaining defendants. On September 17, 1984, after the close of all the evidence, the District Court, found in favor of plaintiffs against KCMSD and the State and in favor of KCMSD on its cross-claim against the State.61 The court concluded, as KCMSD itself contended, that vestiges of segregation re mained within KCMSD schools.®2 The court found spe cifically that the State had established the pre-1954 dual school system, that its conduct had fostered the area-wide dual housing market, that each school district had par ticipated in the State-mandated dual system, and that the State had failed to fulfill its duty to help dismantle the dual system.®3 The remedial plans filed by KCMSD and the State called for educational and other improvements to help al leviate the vestiges of segregation in KCMSD. The KCMSD plan also proposed that the court conduct pro ceedings involving the SSDs leading to consolidation of KCMSD with the surrounding school districts which were part of the State-sponsored racially dual system.84 A * * * * * 82 83 84 59 See Orders of June 5, 1984 and July 16, 1984. ^ Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1488; June 5, 1984 Order at 45, 48, 51, 54, 59, 67, 74, 78, 83, 91, and 95. el See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1488. The court also found for HUD on plaintiffs’ claims against it. Id. 82 Id. at 1492,1493. 83 Id. at 1490,1491,1503-05. 84 KCMSD believes that an interdistrict consolidation plan in volving only the Missouri defendants could, at least for the time being, produce stable, effective desegregation and, accordingly, does not appeal the dismissal of the Kansas defendants. See KCMSD Plan for Remedying Vestiges of the Segregated Public School Sys- 19 single consolidated school district was proposed by KCMSD as the only stable and effective remedy for the State’s in terdistrict constitutional violations and for the school segregation within KCMSD and the metropolitan area.85 On January 25, 1985, the District Court rejected KCMSD’s plan on the basis of its previous rulings that “there was no unconstitutional action” or “constitutional violations by those [suburban] districts.” 188 Pursuant to the January 25 Order, KCMSD submitted a revised plan to be implemented with no change in school district boundaries, although it continued to contend that a plan limited to KCMSD was inadequate. Following additional hearings, the District Court is sued its remedial order on June 14, 1985.* 65 * 67 The Order required the State and KCMSD to fund compensatory and remedial educational programs and necessary capital improvements in KCMSD schools. The State was also tem (filed January 18, 1985). As the District Court specifically noted, the Kansas defendants could be added at a later time if their inclusion in a remedial order becomes necessary. See 460 F. Supp. at 436. 65 See KCMSD Plan for Remedying Vestiges of the Segregated Public School System (January 18, 1985) at 1-12. KCMSD pro posed consolidation of KCMSD with the 11 surrounding districts. The result would be to minimize the risk of “white flight.” Id. at 17-18, 29-30. The plan included a feasibility study which demonstrated that such consolidation could result in minority per centages in almost all Kansas City area schools of 20-40%, thus eliminating the racial identifiability of schools and school districts in the Kansas City area. Id. at 39-40. The plan also included pro visions for faculty desegregation, fair and equitable treatment of students, financing and administration, 68 Order of January 25,1985 at 2. 67 KCMSD believes that the District Court’s June 14, 1985 Order was erroneous in several respects. Of major concern is the inade quacy of the amount of financing for desegregation. Because the interdistrict relief requested by KCMSD in this appeal will afford complete relief, however, KCMSD does not press herein its objec tions to the June 14 Order. 20 ordered to fund voluntary interdistrict transfers between KCMSD and any SSDs choosing to participate.68 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT The District Court dismissed the suburban school dis trict defendants and rejected interdistrict desegregation relief because it erroneously believed that each suburban district must be found to have committed an independent, intentional act of racial discrimination before it could be included in an interdistrict remedy. Under Supreme Court and Eighth Circuit case law, however, interdis trict relief is warranted if the SSDs were part of, and were affected by, the State’s intentionally discriminatory interdistrict system of segregated schools for black stu dents. See Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717, 745 (1974). The evidence below established that, prior to the Su preme Court’s decision in Brown, the State created a racially dual metropolitan-wide system of public educa tion for blacks, which disregarded school district bound aries. The evidence further demonstrated that the inter district racially dual school system for blacks involved the SSDs’ participation and affected their racial composi tion. The evidence also established that the State-mandated dual school system prompted blacks living in the SSDs to move into KCMSD where there were good black schools. For the same reason, many more blacks moving to the metropolitan area avoided the SSDs altogether and chose to live in KCMSD. State-enforced racially restrictive covenants also prevented black families from moving into 68 See Order of June 14, 1985. The District Court order also approved the State’s request that a study be conducted of possible additional intradistrict pupil reassignments within KCMSD, but the court specifically noted that the “evidence is clear” that such re- assignments at this time “will only serve to increase the instability of the KCMSD and reduce the potential for desegregation.” Id. at 31. 2 1 the SSDs. By the time of Brown, the public schools in the Kansas City metropolitan area were rigidly segre gated: Regardless of where black students lived in the metropolitan area, most attended all black schools in KCMSD; those few that did not attended one-race, in ferior schools in the suburbs. In contrast, white students throughout the metropolitan area attended white schools where they lived. The evidence further demonstrated that the State took no action to dismantle the pre-1954 metropolitan-wide racially dual system. To the contrary, the evidence demonstrated that State action in the areas of education and housing reinforced and perpetuated racial segrega tion in the public schools. As a consequence, the vestiges of the pre-1954 interdistrict dual system—racial identi- fiability of Kansas City area school districts—remain to day. Because of this, and because the District Court’s June 14 Order does not provide a full and complete rem edy for the segregated conditions created by the State, it was error for the District Court to dismiss the SSDs and to reject interdistrict relief. The District Court also erred in dismissing KCMSD as a plaintiff for lack of standing and realigning it as a defendant because KCMSD has been injured by the State’s unconstitutional conduct and may sue to fulfill its affirmative duty to provide, and its students’ right to re ceive, a non-segregated education. 2 2 ARGUMENT I. THE DISTRICT COURT’S REJECTION OF INTER DISTRICT RELIEF AND DISMISSAL OF THE SUBURBAN SCHOOL DISTRICT DEFENDANTS WAS BASED ON THE ERRONEOUS LEGAL CON CLUSION THAT INTERDISTRICT RELIEF RE QUIRES PROOF OF INDEPENDENT CONSTITU TIONAL VIOLATIONS BY EACH AND EVERY SUBURBAN DISTRICT PARTICIPATING IN AND AFFECTED BY THE STATE’S INTERDISTRICT CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS. The District Court properly held the State of Missouri defendants liable for the intentional creation of the racially dual school system in the Kansas City metropol itan area and for their failure to eradicate the vestiges of that system after Brown.™ The District Court, how ever, erroneously dismissed the SSDs and refused to order interdistrict relief because it misapprehended the legal standard applicable to interdistrict constitutional violations and relief, as established by the Supreme Court in Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974) (“Milliken I ”). The District Court believed that “ [t] he linchpin of an interdistrict case, as declared by the Supreme Court, is whether there has been a racially discriminatory act by each defendant that substantially caused segregation in another district. Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717, 69 69 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503-06. The Supreme Court has left no doubt that the creators of de jure segregation are “ ‘clearly charged with the affirmative duty to take whatever steps might be necessary to convert to a unitary system in which racial discrimina tion would be eliminated root and branch,’ ” Columbus Bd. of Educ. v. Penick, 443 U.S. 449, 458-59 (1979), quoting Green v. County School Bd., 391 U.S. 430, 437-38 (1968). The obligation to dis mantle dual systems extends to the State as well as to school dis tricts. Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1, 15-17 (1958) ; United States v. Missouri, 363 F. Supp. 739, 747 (E.D. Mo. 1973), aff’d in rele vant part, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975). Accord, Liddell v. Bd. of Educ. of St. Louis, 677 F.2d 626, 630 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 459 U.S. 877 (1982). 23 745 . . . 70 This reading of Milliken I is wrong. There is no requirement in Milliken I or its progeny that each suburban district must be found to have committed an in dependent, intentional act of racial discrimination. Under Supreme Court and Eighth Circuit case law, interdistrict relief is warranted if, as in this case, the SSDs were part of, and were affected by, the State’s intentionally discriminatory interdistrict system of segregated schools for black students. In Milliken I itself, the Supreme Court held that it is sufficient to show “that racially discriminatory acts of the state or local school districts, or of a single school district have been a substantial cause of interdistrict segregation” ; although the Court in Milliken I recog nized that proof of racially discriminatory acts by local school districts is one way to establish a basis for an interdistrict remedy, proof that “discriminatory acts of the state . . . have been a substantial cause of interdis trict segregation” is clearly stated as an alternate basis for interdistrict relief.71 This Court similarly ex pressed the standard for such relief in the St. Louis de segregation case where it explained that “to the extent any such segregation was imposed by the State or other 70 Order of June 5, 1984 at 5-6 (emphasis added). The District Court reiterated its requirement of an intentional violation by each SSD throughout its orders. For example, the court concluded at the end of its findings with respect to each SSD that it would grant the district’s motion to dismiss since the plaintiffs had “failed to establish any intentional racially discriminatory act or omission by these defendants which has had a substantial segregative effect in any other school district,” Id. at 45 (Blue Springs), 48 (Center), 51 (Fort Osage), 54 (Grandview), 59 (Hickman Mills), 67 (Inde pendence), 74 (Lee’s Summit), 78 (Liberty), 83 (North Kansas City), 91 (Park Hill), and 95 (Raytown). In its order finding liability against the State, the District Court similarly explained that it dismissed the SSDs because “ [p]laintiffs simply failed to show that those defendants had acted in a racially discriminatory manner that substantially caused racial segregation in another district.” Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1488. 71 Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 745 (emphasis added). 24 defendants, and to the extent those defendants have the power to remedy the violation, it is proper for the dis trict court to order them to take steps to do so.” 72 In applying Milliken I, this Court has recognized that school districts may be included in an interdistrict rem edy if they participated in and were affected by inter- district segregation, even if they themselves had not committed independent, intentionally discriminatory acts. In Morrilton School District No. 32 v. United States, 606 F.2d 222 (8th Cir. 1979) {en banc), cert, denied, 444 U.S. 1071 (1980), the Court reviewed an interdis trict remedy for the public schools of Conway County, Arkansas. The district court had concluded that one of the six school districts in the County (the East Side School District) and a school in a second district (the Center School in the Conway County District) “were established by the State of Arkansas as black compo nents of a dual school system in Conway County and had been maintained as all-black vestiges of that [dual] system.” 78 The district court ordered consolidation of the East Side District with the Morrilton and Plumer- ville Districts. These two outlying districts appealed, arguing that, even assuming discriminatory action by someone else had been shown, “since the government made no showing that either Morrilton or Plumerville participated in the development of the East Side District as a segregated district, the District Court’s imposition of interdistrict relief was unwarranted.” 74 75 This Court unanimously rejected the outlying districts’ argument “that- since there was no evidence implicating them in a direct way with the establishment of the East Side District, the court has no authority to order them to remedy the state’s wrong” : 73 72 Liddell v. Bd. of Educ. of St. Louis, 667 F.2d 643, 651 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 454 U.S. 1081, 1091 (1981) (emphasis added). 73 Morrilton, 606 F.2d at 225. 74 Id. 75 Id. at 228 (footnote omitted). 25 This argument is clearly without merit since the effects of the unconstitutional state action are felt in both districts. As the Court stated in United States v. Board of School Commissioners, 573 F.2d 400, 410 (7th Cir.), cert, denied sub nom. Bowen v. United States, 439 U.S. 824 (1978) : [Sjchool officials may not maintain that their districts should be excluded from any interdis trict remedy if they are found innocent of com mitting any constitutional violations because they should not be held responsible for the acts of the state legislators or other state subdi visions such as a local housing authority or a zoning board. The commands of the Fourteenth Amendment are directed at the state and can not be avoided by a fragmentation of responsi bility among various agents. Cooper v. Aaron, 358 U.S. 1, 15-17 (1958). If the state has con tributed to the separation of the races, it has the obligation to remedy the constitutional vio lations. That remedy may include school dis tricts which are its instrumentalities and which were the product of the violation.78 The Court did not insist, as did the District Court here, on “a racially discriminatory act by each defendant that substantially caused segregation in another district.” 76 77 Accord, United States v. Missouri, 515 F.2d 1365, 1369 (8th Cir.) (en banc), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975) (rejecting argument that a school district should be ex cluded from an interdistrict remedy because “it has in no way participated as a separate school district” in the establishment of the boundaries creating a neighboring segregated black district). Courts in other circuits also have included school dis tricts in interdistrict remedies without proof of inten 76 Id. at 228-29. 77 Order of June 5, 1984 at 5-6. 2 6 tional segregation by each district. In Evans v. Buchan an, 393 F. Supp. 428 (D. Del.), aff’d, 423 U.S. 963 (1975), the Supreme Court affirmed a decision by a three-judge court that consideration of interdistrict relief for the Wilmington schools was appropriate under Mil- liken I, even though the suburban districts had not com mitted any independent, intentional constitutional viola tions. The three-judge court concluded that interdistrict relief is appropriate if “there have been racially dis criminatory acts of the state or local school districts caus ing inter-district segregation.” 393 F. Supp. at 432 (em phasis added). Accord, e.g., Hoots v. Pennsylvania, 672 F.2d 1107, 1119-20 (3d Cir.), cert, denied, 459 U.S. 824 (1982) (multidistrict remedy ordered which affected boundaries of surrounding districts because County and State Boards of Education had intentionally created identifiably black and white districts.) ; United States v. Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis, Indiana, 573 F.2d 400, 410 (7th Cir.), cert, denied, 439 U.S. 824 (1978) (“suburban school officials may not maintain that their districts should be excluded from any interdistrict remedy if they are found innocent of committing any constitutional violations . . . . If the state has contributed to the separation of the races . . . . [the] remedy may include school districts which are its instrumentalities and which were the product of the violation” ). The court below ignored these well-established prin ciples. It apparently believed that proof of independent constitutional violations by each SSD was necessary be cause of the SSDs’ purported local autonomy, even though there was proof of an interdistrict constitutional violation by the State involving and affecting the SSDs. This view was specifically rejected in Milliken I, in which the Court concluded that where an interdistrict violation has been shown, “the boundaries of separate and autonomous school districts may be set aside by consoli dating the separate units for remedial purposes or by 27 imposing a cross-district remedy. . . 78 79 This Court has also made clear on three separate occasions that school district lines will not stand in the way of an appropriate interdistrict remedy for interdistrict school segregation. As this Court explained in Haney v. County Board of Education of Sevier County, Arkansas, 410 F.2d 920, 924-25 (8th Cir. 1969) : State legislative district lines, congressional dis tricts and other state political subdivisions have long ago lost their mastery over the more desired effect of protecting the equal rights of all citizens . . . . Political subdivisions of the state are mere lines of convenience for exercising divided governmental re sponsibilities. They cannot serve to deny federal rights. This principle was applied to Missouri school districts in United States v. Missouri.™ “Local autonomy” thus is irrelevant to the propriety of an interdistrict remedy where, as here, an interdistrict constitutional violation has been established as a matter of law.80 The court below erred by requiring proof of 78 Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 744 (emphasis added). 79 515 F.2d 1365. See also Morrilton, 606 F.2d 222. The District Court itself recognized, in its September 17, 1984 Order, that there is nothing in Missouri law that would bar an interdistrict remedy, such as consolidation of school districts: There is nothing in the State Constitution which would prevent the General Assembly from enacting legislation which would give the State sole authority to establish school districts as it sees fit. If such legislation is the only means by which the State can fulfill its 14th Amendment obligations, then such legislation is mandatory. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1504. 80 The District Court’s conclusion that school districts in Mis souri are highly autonomous is a dubious legal proposition in any event. Local school districts in Missouri are creatures and instru mentalities of the State, and school district boards may exercise only the authority expressly conferred by State statute or neces sarily implied therefrom. Cape Girardeau School Dist. No. 63 v. Frye, 225 S.W.2d 484, 488 (Mo. App. 1949). Of even greater 28 independent constitutional violations by each SSD.* 81 In stead, it should have determined whether the SSDs were part of or were affected by the State’s intentionally dis criminatory areawide system of segregated schools for black students. Had it done so, it would have concluded, on the basis of the record and as discussed in Section II below, that the State of Missouri’s constitutional viola tions mandate interdistrict relief. II. WHEN REVIEWED UNDER THE PROPER LEGAL STANDARDS, THE EVIDENCE AND FINDINGS CONCERNING THE STATE’S CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS MANDATE INTERDISTRICT RE LIEF. The propriety of interdistrict relief in this case, as discussed in Section I, does not depend upon whether each SSD committed separate constitutional violations. Instead, as in any desegregation case, the scope of the remedy depends upon the overall nature and scope of the violation.82 If the constitutional violation is interdistrict importance, no significant local autonomy existed with respect to the pre-1954 interdistrict school system for blacks. The school dis tricts operated separate schools for blacks or sent black students outside the district, at the command of the State, and receiving districts were required to accept black transfer students. See note 12, supra. Even the details of transfer funding and the mechanics of consolidation were provided by the State. 81 The District Court relied on Lee v. Lee County Bd. of Educ., 639 F.2d 1243 (5th Cir. 1981), and Taylor v. Ouachita Parish School Bd., 648 F.2d 959 (5th Cir. 1981), for the proposition that proof was required of intentional constitutional violations by each suburban district. Order of June 5, 1984 at 96-97. Neither Lee nor Taylor supports that proposition. In Lee, the Court found that the evidence failed to demonstrate that the interdistrict conduct had any “current segregative effect,” 639 F.2d at 1260. In Taylor, the court found that the interdistrict transfers and related conduct in that case were done with no discriminatory intent. 648 F.2d at 966. In the instant case, by contrast, both racial motivation and cur rent segregative effect of the interdistrict dual system were shown. See Section II, infra. 82 Swann, 402 U.S. at 16; accord, Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 744. 29 in scope, as in this case, then the remedy must be inter- district as well.*3 The evidence below established area-wide, interdistrict constitutional violations by the State in which the subur ban districts participated and which affected them. Most area school districts failed to provide schools for blacks, and State law provided for transportation of black stu dents in such districts to black schools in other districts. Eestrictive covenants and other racially discriminatory State policies prohibited blacks from living in many parts of the metropolitan area. As a consequence, by the time the Supreme Court rendered its decision in Brown in 1954, the public schools in the Kansas City metropolitan area were rigidly segregated.83 84 The evidence further shows that, following Brown, the State took no action to dis mantle the pre-1954, metropolitan-wide interdistrict sys tem, and that its vestiges remain today: More than three-quarters of the black students in the Kansas City metropolitan area attend predominantly black schools in KCMSD, while most white students attend predominantly white schools in the SSDs.85 It was thus error to dismiss the SSDs and to reject interdistrict relief. The District Court should be directed to: 1) rejoin the SSDs as defendants; 2) conduct inter district remedial proceedings, in which the SSDs will have the opportunity to rebut the evidence in the record that they participated in and were affected by the State’s vio lations and are needed in a remedy to correct those viola tions; and 3) order an interdistrict remedy designed to eliminate all vestiges of the former dual system in the Kansas City area. 83 See Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 744-45. 84 <See PX 53H (for the 1953-54 school year, 29,058 children at tended school in the SSDs; 242 were black). 85 See notes 126 and 127, infra. 30 A. The Evidence and Findings Below Established that the State of Missouri Created and Maintained a Metropolitan-Wide Dual School System in the Kansas City Area. The District Court judicially noticed, and uncontro verted evidence established, that the State of Missouri mandated racially segregated schools at the time of Brown.8'6 The statutes that created the separate black school system made it interdistrict in scope through such devices as State-required and funded interdistrict trans fers, State and suburban school district cooperation, and school district consolidations.187 The District Court ac knowledged that the SSD defendants which it dismissed participated in the interdistrict dual system: Each school district in Missouri participated in this dual school system before it was declared un constitutional in Brown I. Districts with an insuffi cient number of blacks to maintain the state-required separate school made interdistrict arrangements to educate those children. Undeniably, some blacks moved to districts, including the KCMSD, that pro vided black schools.88 The evidence below showed that school district lines were systematically ignored for purposes of the separate school system for blacks which existed in the Kansas City metropolitan area before 1954. As Dr. Gary Orfield testified at trial, this system “operated on a regional basis to force black students to transfer wherever they were permitted to go to school within the metropolitan area.” 189 The establishment and maintenance of this 86 87 88 86 See p. 1, supra. 87 See Adams, 620 F.2d at 1280 (“[Missouri] [statutes imple menting- the constitutionally mandated segregation provided for separate funding, separate enumerations, separate consolidated ‘colored’ school districts, and the interdistrict transfer of black students”) . See pp. 3-4, supra. 88 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. 88 Tr. 14,817 (Orfield). In contrast, Dr. Orfield explained, the system of education for whites was “locally-based,” since schools 31 separate school system for blacks was thus the functional equivalent of the boundary changes which this Court relied upon to support interdistrict relief in Morrilton, United States v. Missouri, and Haney. Before 1954, black students in the Kansas City area were assigned to school not on the basis of the boundary lines that the State and SSDs now fight so hard to defend, but instead on the basis of an area-wide set of boundaries that ap plied to blacks only. Where school district boundaries have been circum vented for the purpose of maintaining an interdistrict system of segregation, such as through interdistrict transfers, courts repeatedly have held that interdistrict desegregation relief is fully appropriate. For example, Justice Stewart, in his concurring opinion in Milliken I, cited United States v. Texas, 321 F. Supp. 1043 (E.D. Tex. 1970), aff’d, in relevant part, 447 F.2d 441 (5th Cir. 1971), cert, denied, 404 U.S. 1016 (1972), in which the court found that a pattern of interdistrict transfers, along with boundary changes, was instrumental in main taining a dual school system and ordered development of an interdistrict desegregation plan.* 90 Similarly, in New bury Area Council, Inc. v. Board of Education of Louis ville, Kentucky, 510 F.2d 1358, 1360 (6th Cir. 1974), cert, denied, 421 U.S. 931 (1975), the court distin guished Milliken I in part because, unlike the situation in Detroit, “school district lines in Kentucky have been ignored in the past for the purpose of aiding and imple- for whites were available in all districts. Id. Accord, e.g., Tr. 4,205 (Anderson) (“the school districts chose to operate [an] intra district system for white kids and sent the black kids out of the district”) . ®'° In his concurring opinion, Justice Stewart observed that “[w]ere it to be shown, for example, that state officials had con tributed to the separation of the races . . . by transfer of school units between districts . . . then a decree calling for transfer of pupils across district lines or for restructuring of district lines might well be appropriate.” Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 755 (Stewart, J., concurring). 32 meriting continued segregation.” 91 * The court in New- burg relied on interdistrict transfers which perpetuated segregation as a basis for consideration of an interdistrict remedy.83 The State’s interdistrict dual school system was rein forced through its promotion of a racially dual housing market in the metropolitan area. The District Court found that the dual housing market in the Kansas City area, which was fostered by the State and “still exists to a large degree today,” has impacted blacks in the KCMSD and consequently caused the public schools to swell in black enroll ment. The Court finds there is an inextricable con nection between schools and housing.93 91 Newburg, 510 F.2d at 1360. The Court in Milliken I, by con trast, concluded that the record in that case contained “evidence of de jure segregated conditions only in the Detroit schools,” and that interdistrict relief thus was not appropriate. Milliken I, 418 U.S. at 745. 9:2 Id. Accord, Adams, 620 F.2d at 1294 n.27 ('“the assignment and transportation of black students living in the suburbs to black schools in the City” was an instance of collaboration of the suburbs “with each other and with the City of St. Louis to ensure the main tenance of segregated schools”) ; Evans, 393 F. Supp. at 433-34; United States v. Missouri, 363 F. Supp. 739, 745 (E.D. Mo. 1973), affd in relevant part, 515 F.2d 1365 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 423 U.S. 951 (1975). 9:3 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491, 1503. See pp. 8-10, supra. As the court below noted, this inextricable connection has been recognized by the Supreme Court. Id. at 1491 (quoting Swann: “[pleople gravitate toward school facilities” and the “location of schools may thus influence the patterns of residential development of a metro politan area and have important impact on composition of inner city neighborhoods”). Accord, Keyes v. School District No. 1 , 413 U.S. 189, 198 (1973) (government actions that effectively earmark schools “according to their racial composition” may have a “pro found reciprocal effect on the racial composition of residential neighborhoods within a metropolitan area”). The District Court thus correctly rejected the State’s contention that housing patterns for which government officials are not responsible caused the racial disparities in schools. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491. 33 The record amply supports the District Court’s findings. From the early 1900’s until the 1950’s, the State of Missouri enforced racially restrictive covenants which barred blacks from buying, renting or occupying prop erty in all but one of the SSDs.94 95 * 97 Even after Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948), held that state enforce ment of restrictive covenants through injunctions was unconstitutional, the Missouri courts entertained damage actions for breach of such covenants.’9'6 Overall, “the widespread use of restrictive covenants and their enforce ment and regulation on the part of the State of Missouri played an inextricable role in the creation of the dual housing market and the segregation of whites and blacks in the Kansas City metropolitan area.” 9a The record also supports the court’s findings that the dual housing market contributed to racial segregation in Kansas City area school districts.07 The number and percentage of blacks in the three counties outside Kansas City dropped dramatically between 1900 and 1950, while the number of blacks in Kansas City more than tripled.98 Both individual and expert witnesses testified that blacks 94 The District Court found in its June 5, 1984 Order, on the basis of the testimony and evidence presented by Dr. Gary Tobin, one of plaintiffs’ experts, that racially restrictive covenants existed in Blue Springs (page 44), Center (48), Grandview (53), Hickman Mills (58), Independence (66), Lee’s Summit (73), Liberty (77-78), North Kansas City (83), Park Hill (90) and Raytown (94). The only exception was Ft. Osage (51). See Tr. 13,024-32 (Tobin). 95 See, e.g., Weiss v. Leaon, 225 S.W.2d 127 (Mo. 1949). See also Tr. 13,005 (District Court took judicial notice that racially restric tive covenants “were in effect and were enforced in Missouri until in the 1950s”) . 88 Tr. 13,040-41 (Tobin). Accord, Tr. 14,878-89 (Orfield) (prof fered testimony). State involvement with restrictve convenants was not limited to enforcement but included State appraisers’ not ing of such covenants on appraisals (O’Flagherty dep. 48-49), and State agencies’ allowing breaches of the covenants in areas that were changing from white to black. Tr. 13,419 (Tobin). 97 See Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491. 08 See p. 11, supra. 34 were excluded from the suburbs and thus settled in the city because of the dual housing market, significantly reinforcing and enhancing segregation in area schools, which in turn contributed to further residential segrega tion." Such State-sponsored housing discrimination through out a metropolitan area like Kansas City operates to “lock the school system into the mold of separation of the races” and supports an interdistrict remedy, as numer ous courts have held.* 100 For example, in United States v. Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis, Indi ana, 637 F.2d 1101, 1108-11 (7th Cir.), cert, denied, 449 U.S. 838 (1980), the court relied on a city housing agency’s failure to locate public housing outside of the city school district as a deliberate segregative act that helped perpetuate interdistrict school segregation. Sim ilarly, in Evans, 393 F. Supp. 428, the court relied on “assistance, encouragement, and authorization by govern mental policies” of housing discrimination to support an interdistrict remedy.101 In MiUiken I itself, Justice Stew art’s concurring opinion explained that “ [w]ere it to be shown, for example, that state officials had contributed to the separation of the races . . . by purposeful racially " See pp, 8-10, supra. One witness testified that race would have made it difficult for a black to get a loan to buy a home in the Kansas City suburbs as late as 1970. Wheeler dep. 308-09. The State’s official approval of segregation in schools and housing fueled such private bias. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503; Tr. 12,974 (Tobin) (“there exists in the Kansas City area a dual housing market, one for blacks and one for whites . . . . Formation of the dual housing market is an evolutionary process that has its seeds, in my opinion, in the segregative policies of the State of Missouri, for example, the de jure school system”) ; Tr. 7,819, 7,846 (Kain) (blacks are “intensely segregated” in Kansas City area, and “a major de terminant of that segregation is the past and continuing actions and inactions on the part of the government”). 100 Swann, 402 U.S. at 21. As the Court in Swann went on to explain, “[u]pon a proper showing, a district court may consider this in fashioning a remedy.” Id. 101 Evans, 393 F. Supp. at 434. 35 discriminatory use of State housing or zoning laws, then a decree calling for transfer of pupils across district lines . . . might well be appropriate.” 102 * The District Court ignored these well-established legal principles and instead refused to consider the evidence of housing violations, based on its finding that the SSDs themselves did not act intentionally “to prevent blacks from obtaining housing in the district.” 108 Because the State’s deliberately segregative housing policies through out the metropolitan area perpetuated its interdistrict racially dual school system, the lower court erred in fail ing to consider those housing violations as part of the interdistrict violation here. The evidence below thus demonstrated that prior to 1954, the State used its powers in education and housing to create a separate school system for blacks which oper ated throughout the entire metropolitan area and with out regard to school district boundaries. The District Court failed to recognize the impact of this interdistrict violation, however, because it viewed the documented number of black students who were transferred out of the SSDs or whose families moved from an SSD to KCMSD as “insignificant when compared to the total black enrollment in the KCMSD.” 104 * * * The District Court apparently assumed that the transfers and relocations were without significance unless the number of students who could be shown to have transferred or moved from a particular suburb to the city was so great that this 102 MiUiken I, 418 U.S. at 755 (Stewart, J., concurring). See Adams, 620 F.2d at 1294 n.27 (referring to “discriminatory re strictions against blacks,” including Missouri’s enforcement of racially restrictive covenants, which “may have intensified segrega tion of the St. Louis area,” in discussing possibility of interdistrict relief in St. Louis). 108 Order of June 5, 1984 at 44. Accord, id. at 47-48, 50-51, 53, 58, 66, 73, 77. See Section I, supra. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. See Order of June 5, 1984 at 43-95. 36 number alone had a significant segregative effect on KCMSD.105 106 The District Court’s assumption was wrong for sev eral reasons. First, the State’s segregative practices in education and housing had an impact far beyond prompt ing black families actually living in the SSDs to move into KCMSD. The evidence and findings below clearly demonstrate that the State-sponsored racially dual sys tems of education and housing were important factors in causing many black families to settle initially within KCMSD and not in the suburbs.108 For black families moving to the Kansas City metropolitan area before 1954, settling in an SSD, even assuming that housing avail able to blacks could have been found, would have meant either sending their children long distances to school in KCMSD, or providing their children with no education 105 An argument very similar to the District Court’s narrow approach to causation was rejected by this Court in its most recent en banc decision in the St. Louis case, Liddell v. Missouri, 731 F.2d 1294 (8th Cir.), cert, denied, 105 S. Ct. 82 (1984). The State argued in Liddell that it could not be required to fund extensive interdistrict transfers “unless the record supports and the district court finds that the black children of St. Louis would have attended schools in the county had it not been for the State’s constitutional prohibition against black and white students attending schools together.” Liddell, 731 F.2d at 1306 (footnote omitted). The Court rejected this claim and concluded that the district court had not abused its discretion when it required the State to fund voluntary in ter district transfers because “the remedy should correct condi tions that ‘flow from such a violation’ and should return victims ‘to the position they would have enjoyed in terms of education’ but for the violation.” Liddell, 731 F.2d at 1307, quoting Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267, 282 (1977). The Court concluded that State funding of interdistrict transfers was appropriate because the “violation scarred every student in St. Louis for over five genera tions,” not just those particular students who were transferred to maintain the dual system. Liddell, 731 F.2d at 1308. 106 The evidence established and the District Court found that the large increase in black concentration and enrollment in KCMSD after 1900 was attributable primarily to black families moving into the Kansas City area. See June 5, 1984 Order at 15; Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1490. 37 or an inferior education (even by pre-1954 standards) in a substandard, poorly equipped black school.1'07 In con trast, the relatively good quality black schools in KCMSD served as a “magnet” to attract black families and busi nesses to KCMSD and other city districts, as the State itself acknowledged.1'08 This channeling of black fam ilies into KCMSD was a powerful factor in creating the residential segregation that characterizes the Kansas City area today.10'9 A second reason why the District Court was wrong in its assessment of the significance of interdistrict trans fers and relocations is that, as the District Court itself found, restrictive covenants, subject to State enforce ment, were in place in virtually all the SSDs.11'0 These 107 * * 110 107 See pp. 4-8, supra. The burden on black families was increased by the fact that school districts often failed to pay tuition and transportation costs for interdistrict transfers, forcing parents to do so. See Tr. 4,298-99, 4,302-03, 4,328 (Anderson) ; 3,187, 3,189-90 (Jackson) ; 3,244-45 (Williams) ; 802 (Porter). 1,018 See note 25, supra. The District Court thus correctly concluded that “there is an inextricable connection between schools and hous ing,” and that the State was simply wrong in claiming that the dual school system did not affect black concentration in KCMSD. Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491. See also id. at 1490; pp. 8-10, supra. we This effect of the interdistrict dual school system held true even for the three SSDs—Grandview, Hickman Mills, and Raytown —which the District Court held did not have black residents and for the SSDs which transferred only a few black students before 1954. See Order of June 5, 1984 at 51 (Grandview), 55 (Hickman Mills), and 91 (Raytown). The risk to black parents considering moving into these SSDs that their children would not be educated at all or only at a considerable distance from home (and potentially at considerable cost to the parents) could not have been anything other than a strong disincentive for blacks to settle there. See note 31, supra. 110 See note 94, supra. Although the District Court believed that the number of such covenants in some SSDs was not shown to be large, restrictive covenants were undercounted in the evidence presented at trial because of poor record keeping by government agencies during some time periods and because the evidence omitted illegible records and those that referred to dark-skinned people gen erally rather than blacks specifically. Tr. 13,011-15 (Tobin). More- 38 restrictive covenants, coupled with State-encouraged dis crimination by realtors and others, formed a significant part of the racially dual housing market in the Kansas City area, as the District Court found.* 111 112 113 As a result, black families could not find housing in the suburbs; instead, they had no choice but to live in the City. As the District Court concluded, the dual housing market “impacted blacks in the KCMSD and consequently caused the public schools to swell in black enrollment.” 11:2 Third, the District Court also erred because it com pared the number of students who moved or were trans ferred to the student population of KCMSD alone, with out considering the impact of that number on the racial composition of the SSDs, where the black population is— and always has been—very small, largely because of the factors discussed above.118 Transfers of even a handful of black students out of one of the SSDs could represent a transfer of literally its entire black student popula tion.114 The segregative effect of such transfers on the over, a black family looking for housing in the Kansas City area would need to encounter only one or two such covenants in an area before concluding that it was not hospitable to blacks. See Tr. 13,023-24, 13,432-33 (Tobin) (racially-restrictive covenants were “widespread throughout the three-county area,” such that “[w]her- ever there iŝ residential development, there is some proximity to racially restricted areas” ; restrictive covenants accordingly exerted a “minefield effect” which made them “an effective barrier to black population movements” throughout the area) ; Tr. 1,316 (Strick land) (black resident testifying about a move in 1961: “The neigh borhood had covenants. You couldn’t move into a, white neighborhood if you wanted to”). 111 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1503. 112 Id. at 1491. 113 The total black population of three-county Kansas City area, outside Kansas City itself, was 3,687 in 1900 and had dropped to 2,038 by 1950, while the white population of the area had more than doubled from 62,850 to 142,569. See PX 16B, 16G. 114 See PX 49. 39 SSDs, and thus on the distribution of blacks in the metro politan area, was highly significant. Finally, the extent of black movement to KCMSD was undercounted by the statistics on which the District Court relied. The evidence demonstrated that black families sent children to live with, or gave the addresses of, rela tives in KCMSD so their children could attend KCMSD schools without having to travel long distances.110 Such children do not appear in transfer statistics and such families do not appear in relocation statistics. More over, transfer records were not well kept, particularly before tuition and transportation costs were required to be reimbursed.115 116 As black education historian James Anderson testified, recorded interdistrict transfers repre sented “only a fraction of the numbers of school children that commuted, moved [and] relocated during that period.” 117 For all of these reasons, the court below erred in re jecting evidence of interdistrict transfers as one of the bases for finding an interdistrict violation. Interdistrict transfers and relocations were important symptoms of the condition of State-created racial segregation of school districts. It is the vestiges of that condition of State- created interdistrict segregation—which continue to char acterize the Kansas City metropolitan area—that are the predicate for interdistrict relief. The court below erred by refusing to look beyond the symptoms and to consider interdistrict relief to cure the condition of interdistrict segregation. 115 See note 15, supra. 116 See note 15, supra. Accord, PX 185 (September, 1931 State Department of Education Bulletin) (“Many districts with colored pupils have been sending these pupils to other districts without any provision for having attendance reported back to the district.”) . 117 Tr. 4,314 (Anderson). Accord, note 15, supra. 40 B. Because the State of Missouri Has Failed to Fulfill Its Affirmative Duty to Dismantle Its Pre-1954 Metropolitan-Wide Dual School System, and Be cause the Vestiges of that System Will Remain After Implementation of the District Court’s Re medial Order, It Was Error for the Court to Reject Interdistrict Relief. Having thus created a metropolitan-wide, racially dual system of education in the Kansas City area, the State has a constitutional duty to eliminate its vestiges.118 The record demonstrates that the State has not fulfilled its responsibility. The State had numerous opportunities to take affirma tive steps to dismantle completely the racially dual sys tem, but failed to do so. Following Brown, the State could have required that school districts take prompt and effective action to desegregate; instead, it declared that the issue was a local and not a State responsibility, and ignored the districts that failed to desegregate or con tinued to transfer students pursuant to the pre-1954 in terdistrict system for blacks.119 The State could have adopted school district reorganization proposals such as the Spainhower plan which would have significantly de creased racial isolation in the Kansas City area; instead, it rejected such proposals and enacted legislation that 118 See Columbus Bd. of Educ. v. Penick, 443 U.S. 449, 458-59 (1979); Green v. County School Bd., 391 U.S. at 437-38. As the District Court explained, where “a current condition of segregated schooling exists” in a system where segregation was formerly “compelled or authorized by statute,” governmental authorities “continue to have an obligation to disestablish that system.” Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1504. The court properly recognized that intent is not a factor in determining whether the duty to eliminate all vestiges of segregation has been fulfilled. Instead, relying on Dayton Bd. of Educ. v. Brinkman, 443 U.S. 526, 538 (1979), the District Court held that the appropriate measure “is the effective ness, not the purpose, of the actions in decreasing or increasing the segregation caused by the dual system.” Jenkins, 593 F Sudd at 1504. 118 See pp. 12-16, supra. 41 made desegregative reorganization even more difficult than before.120 The State could have enacted proposals calling for state financial assistance for voluntary interdistrict transfers to promote desegregation; instead, it rejected such proposals.121 The State could have granted authority and direction to State agencies to help dismantle the dual housing market which it helped to create in the Kansas City area and which has caused increased black enroll ment in KCMSD; instead, as the record indicates, the State took no effective action, restrictive covenants con tinued to be recorded in the Kansas City area until at least 1960, and the dual housing market “still exists to a large degree today.” 122 As a result, vestiges of the State-sponsored dual system remain in KCMSD and the SSDs today. Specifically, the racial identifiability of school districts in the Kansas City area today mirrors the situation in 1954.123 In the 1984- 120 See pp. 13-15, supra (discussing defeat of Spainhower plan and enactment of HE 171 and SB 29). The District Court’s statement that there was “no showing by plaintiffs that the KCMSD’s present racial composition would have been different” had HB 171 not been passed (June 5, 1984 Order at 28) is simply wrong. The court relied on the fact that Kansas City did not reach a population of 500,000 in the 1960 census, which automatically would have converted the city to a single school district before HB 171. Kansas City ex ceeded 500,000 at the 1970 census, however, and expansion of KCMSD at that time would have brought significant numbers of additional white children into the district. See Statistical Abstract of the United States 24 (1985). 121 See note 41, supra. 122 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1491, 1503. See PX 1239A; pp. 15- 16, supra. See Tr. 14,911-12 (Orfield). The District Court con cluded that those facts were legally irrelevant because of its hold ing that there was no evidence of racial motivation. See June 5, 1984 Order at 43-95. As the District Court recognized, however, the proper standard under Dayton is whether the post-1954 actions were effective in dismantling the dual system. There is thus no need to prove post-1954 intent on the part of the State, or indeed on the part of the SSDs, which participated in and were affected by the State’s pre-1954 intentional violations. 1:2:3 See p. 16, supra. Residential racial concentrations tend to perpetuate themselves, in part because others of the same race will 42 85 school year, KCMSD’s student enrollment was 68.3% black, while the combined black percentage of the SSDs was less than 7%.124 125 As of 1983-84, over 75% of all black students in the metropolitan area attended predomi nantly black schools 126 in KCMSD.120 At the same time, approximately 75,000 white students, more than 80% of the white students in the metropolitan area, attended vir tually all-white schools in the suburbs.127 Moreover, the District Court itself found that the poor quality of the schools black students attend in KCMSD is a vestige of the former dual system.128 The District Court also erred by failing to apply the presumption established by Swann v. Charlotte- Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971). The Court held in Swann that segregation existing today in a school district affected by a prior constitutional viola tion is presumed to be the consequence of that violation. Thus, where an entire school system had been segregated by state law, any school within that system which there after remains substantially disproportionate in racial composition was presumed to be a vestige of the dual sys tem.129 In such a case “the burden upon the school au be drawn to that area. See Tr. 16,686-88, 16,749-50 (Olson). One of the State’s own witnesses agreed that residential patterns such as the black concentration in KCMSD have “long-lasting effects.” Tr. 19,259 (Clark). Accord, PX 3003A (showing high percentages of homes in the metropolitan area owned by same owner since 1959 and 1969). 124 KCMSD Plan for Remedying Vestiges of the Segregated Pub lic School System (filed January 18, 1985) at 3-4. 125 Predominantly black schools are defined here as those having a black population greater than 60%. 126 Ex. K2; PX 53G. 127 p x 53G, PX 1875. These figures are estimates based on the available data in the record. 128 Jenkins, 593 F. Supp. at 1492. See note 52, supra. 129 Swann, 402 U.S. at 26. 43 thorities will be to satisfy the court that their racial composition is not the result of present or past discrimina tory action.” 130 Here, the Swann presumption applies on an interdistrict basis because the State mandated an inter district, separate school system for blacks before Brown, and significant racial disparities among districts partici pating in that system remain today.131 It is thus clear that here, as in Dayton Board of Edu cation v. Brinkman, 443 U.S. 526, 538 (1979), the State is “under an unsatisfied duty to liquidate [the] dual sys tem.” Moreover, the record demonstrates that the limited remedy ordered by the District Court will leave substan tial vestiges of segregation remaining in KCMSD and the suburbs. Although the educational enhancements ordered by the court below will help relieve the educational harm caused by the dual system, the racial identifiability of school districts resulting from the State-sponsored dual system will persist, particularly for the approximately 13,000 black children remaining in one-race schools in KCMSD. KCMSD’s January 18, 1985 consolidation plan would have desegregated schools throughout the metro politan area, thus providing a complete and lasting rem edy for the State’s metropolitan violation. Yet, the Dis trict Court summarily rejected that plan, despite recogni tion of its obligation to “make every effort to achieve the greatest possible degree of desegregation,” 132 The Dis 190 Id. Accord, Keyes v. School Dist. No. 1, 413 U.S. 189, 200 (1973) (holding that where a “current condition of segregated schooling exists within a school district [which] was compelled or authorized by statute . . . the State automatically assumes an affirmative duty” to eliminate all vestiges of segregation). 131 This does not mean, of course, that a constitutional violation can be established by nothing more than proof that racial isolation exists. It does mean, however, that where an interdistrict constitu tional violation is independently proven, as in this case, the Swann presumption can be utilized in determining the effects of the viola tion which remain to be remedied. 132 Davis v. Bd. of School Comm’rs, 402 U.S. 33, 37 (1971). 44 trict Court’s dismissal of the SSDs and refusal to order interdistrict relief thus was erroneous.133 III. KCMSD HAS STANDING TO BRING THIS ACTION AS A PARTY PLAINTIFF AND SHOULD NOT HAVE BEEN REALIGNED AS A DEFENDANT. As discussed above, KCMSD initiated this action as a party plaintiff in order to secure full desegregation relief for itself and its students.134 In 1978, however, the court below dismissed KCMSD as a plaintiff for lack of standing and realigned it as a defendant, even though the court held three years later that KCMSD did have standing to pursue its cross-claim for desegregation relief against the State.135 The District Court’s 1978 decision was erroneous. KCMSD has standing as a party plaintiff in this action on three separate and independent bases. First, KCMSD is a proper plaintiff based upon its allegation of direct eco nomic injury to itself. The trial court admitted as much in its 1981 opinion which held that KCMSD has standing to assert a cross-claim against the State defendants, em phasizing that its prior opinion denying standing did not mean that KCMSD “should not be permitted to seek relief in federal court for the State’s alleged violations of con stitutional commands which have affected the District’s own rights.” 136 Similarly, in Board of School Directors of Milwaukee v. Wisconsin, No. 84-C-877 (E.D. Wis. Apr. 1:33 See June 14, 1985 Order at 30. Accord, Green, 391 U.S. at 437-38 (government’s duty is to “take whatever steps might be necessary to convert to a unitary system in which racial discrimina tion would be eliminated root and branch”) ; Swann, 402 U.S. at 15 (the constitutionally-required “objective today remains to eliminate from the public schools all vestiges of state-imposed segregation”). 134 See p. 16, swpra. 135 See p. 17, supra. 1:36 Black v. Missouri, No. 77-0420-CV-W-3, slip op. at 6 (W.D. Mo. June 1, 1981) (emphasis in original). 45 29, 1985), the court upheld the standing of a school board as a named plaintiff in the action, with board members and district students as co-plaintiffs: “ [Bjecause the Board has alleged a distinct injury to itself, its standing need not depend on asserting third-party rights.” 137 KCMSD also has standing because the named defend ants have prevented it from carrying out its constitutional duty to desegregate the public schools. This Court first recognized this basis for school board standing in Brewer v. Hoxie School District No. 46, 238 F.2d 91 (8th Cir. 1956). In Brewer, the court upheld the standing of the school board, the board members, and the superintendent to bring an action against individuals and organizations who were obstructing the board “from securing the equal protection of the laws in the operation of the public schools to all persons within the district.” 138 In lan guage directly applicable to the KCMSD plaintiffs, the Brewer court stated, Plaintiffs are under a duty to obey the Constitu tion. . . . It follows as a necessary corollary that they have a federal right to be free from direct and deliberate interference with the performance of the constitutionally imposed duty. The right arises by necessary implication from the imposition of the duty as clearly as though it had been specifically stated in the Constitution.139 1,37 Slip op. at 19. See also Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510, 535 (1925) (upholding standing of private school as plaintiff, based upon direct economic injury to school, to enjoin enforcement of statute requiring all parents to send their children to public schools). 138 Brewer, 238 F.2d at 93. 139 Id. at 99. This Court reiterated the vitality of Brewer in Regents of the University of Minnesota v. National Collegiate Athletic Ass’n, 560 F.2d 352 (8th Cir. 1977), determining that when an adjudication of the third parties’ rights is necessary to an adjudication of the constitutional controversy raised by the plain tiff—as is the case with KCMSD and the rights of its students— the plaintiff is not deprived of standing. Id. at 364. 46 Numerous courts have similarly upheld the standing of school boards to pursue constitutional claims of the type involved in this case.140 Finally, KCMSD also has standing to challenge actions by others that violate the Fourteenth Amendment rights of its students, particularly since the same actions also have caused direct injury to KCMSD. In the Akron case, the Sixth Circuit held that the plaintiff school board had standing to litigate the rights of its students to receive a non-segregated education. KCMSD similarly has stand ing to litigate its students’ rights because of the “close relationship between the plaintiffs who seek to bring an 140 See, e.g., Akron Bd. of Educ. v. State Bd. of Educ. of Ohio, 490 F.2d 1285, 1290-91 (6th Cir.), cert, denied, 417 U.S. 932 (1974), citing Brewer and Bd. of Educ. v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236, 241 n.5 (1968) (explicitly adopting the legal conclusions set forth in Brewer with regard to standing of municipal board of education to enjoin action of state board that would have segregative effects); Bd. of School Directors of Milwaukee v. Wisconsin, slip op. at 16-18, 20 (city school board has standing to sue suburban school board de fendants based upon allegations that defendants thwarted city board’s desegregation efforts) ; Little Rock School District v. Pulaski County School District No. 1, 584 F. Supp. 328, 352 (E.D. Ark. 1984), appeal pending, No. 85-1078-EA (8th Cir.) (city school district has standing as plaintiff to bring desegregation action against suburban districts “in furtherance of its affirmative duty to eliminate all vestiges of segregation root and branch”) ; Liddell v. Bd. of Educ. of St. Louis, No. 72-100C(4), slip op. at 1-2 (E.D. Mo. Sept. 24, 1981) (granting motion of St. Louis Board of Educa tion for realignment as plaintiff as to claims of interdistrict consti tutional violations) ; Bradley v. School Bd. of Richmond, 338 F. Supp. 67, 230 (E.D. Va.) (city school board has standing to maintain cross-claim against state in support of plaintiff-students’ desegregation action arising out of the board’s constitutional obli gation to afford its pupils equal educational opportunities), rev’d on other grounds, 462 F.2d 1058 (4th Cir. 1972), aff’d by equally divided court, 412 U.S. 92 (1973) (per curiam). The District Court in the Bradley case recently granted the motion of the city school board, its members, and its superintendent to be realigned as parties plaintiff for the purpose of seeking relief from the state pursuant to Milliken II. Bradley v. School Bd. of Richmond, No. 3353-R, slip op. at 1 (E.D. Va. Aug. 31, 1984). 47 action and the class of persons whose constitutional rights are claimed to be violated . . . 141 Despite its own recognition that KCMSD suffered in jury sufficient for standing purposes, the trial court de nied KCMSD standing based on the mistaken belief that KCMSD was required to demonstrate that the re lief which would be obtained would inevitably remove completely all the harm alleged by KCMSD.142 As the Supreme Court has explained, however, such a holding constitutes a “draconic interpretation” of standing law “that is justified by neither precedent nor principle.” Larson v. Valente, 456 U.S. 228, 243 n.15 (1982). The proper standard, the Supreme Court instead has held, is that a plaintiff must show that its injury is “likely to be redressed” by a favorable decision. Simon v. Eastern Kentucky Welfare Rights Organization, 426 U.S. 26, 41 (1976). KCMSD’s standing to request interdistrict re lief and State financial support clearly passes constitu tional muster under this standard. Indeed, the trial court itself later conceded that KCMSD, in its cross-claim against the State defendants (which was no different in substance from the original complaint), had demon strated a “substantial likelihood that the judicial relief requested will prevent or redress the claimed injury.” Black v. Missouri, No. 77-0420-CV-W-3, slip op. at 5 (W.D. Mo. June 1, 1971), quoting Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study Group, Inc., 438 U.S. 59, 79 (1978). The trial court was also apparently concerned that hy pothetical conflicting interests between KCMSD and the plaintiff-students constituted a “prudential” considera tion requiring a safeguard.143 This concern was ad 141 See Akron, 490 F.2d at 1291. Accord, Brewer, 238 F.2d at 104. 142 See 460 F. Supp. at 438. M3 Beyond the constitutional requirements for standing, the Supreme Court has identified several prudential principles that 48 dressed, however, by requiring separate counsel for the students. That was all the safeguard that was needed.144 To further order the realignment of KCMSD as a de fendant was both unnecessary and unjustified under the great weight of authority. The trial court’s ruling can only discourage other school districts who wish to ac knowledge and discharge their constitutional responsibil ities with respect to school desegregation.145 This Court accordingly should reverse the order of the trial court and reinstate KCMSD, its board members, and its super intendent as parties plaintiff in this action, so as to re flect the true alignment of the parties throughout this litigation. bear upon the question. Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State, Inc., 454 U.S. 464, 474-75 (1982). The trial court misapplied these prudential princi ples and also failed to heed the Supreme Court’s underlying warn ing: The prudential considerations simply should not be applied where their underlying justifications, i.e., the avoidance of unneces sary adjudication of rights and the assurance that the “best pro ponents” of the rights are before the court, Singleton v. Wulff, 428 U.S. 106, 113-14 (1976), are absent, as they are in this action. As demonstrated at pp. 44-46, supra, the courts that have examined the standing of a school board to litigate desegregation actions, includ ing courts in this Circuit, clearly confirm the validity of all three bases for standing asserted by KCMSD, thus refuting the trial court’s prudential consideration analysis. 144 KCMSD does not challenge the trial court’s decision to require separate counsel, nor does it believe that the court’s error regarding KCMSD’s standing vitiates any of the proceedings below. This Court simply should realign KCMSD as a plaintiff to reflect the reality of the role it has in fact played in this action. 145 See Washington v. Seattle School District No. 1, 458 U.S. 457, 487 n.31 (1982) (holding that Seattle School Board, which had prevailed in lawsuit challenging State law which burdened local desegregation efforts, was properly awarded attorneys’ fees in order, inter alia, to “encourage . . . [school board] compliance with and enforcement of the civil rights laws”). 49 CONCLUSION For all the foregoing reasons, KCMSD respectfully submits that: (1) the District Court’s Orders of June 5, 1984, September 17, 1984, January 25, 1985, and June 14, 1985, should be reversed insofar as they dismissed the SSDs and denied interdistrict relief; (2) this matter should be remanded to the District Court for interdistrict remedial proceedings in which the SSDs will have the opportunity to try to rebut the evidence in the record that they participated in and were affected by the State’s interdistrict violations and are needed in a remedy to correct those violations; (3) the District Court should be directed to order an interdistrict consolidation remedy de signed to eliminate the vestiges of the State-created ra cially dual school system in the Kansas City area; and (4) the District Court’s Order of October 6, 1978, dis missing KCMSD as a plaintiff for lack of standing, should be reversed and KCMSD should be realigned as a plain tiff. Respectfully submitted, James B orthwick Shirley W. Keeler Blackwell, Sanders, Matheny, Weary & Lombardi Five Crown Center 2480 Pershing Road Kansas City, Missouri 64108 (816) 474-5700 David S. Tatel Allen R. Snyder Elliot M. Mincberg Patricia A. Brannan Hogan & Hartson 815 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington, D.C. 20006 (202) 331-4500 Attorneys for Appellant Kansas City, Missouri School District