Roemer v Chisom Writ of Certiorari
Public Court Documents
August 25, 1988
94 pages
Cite this item
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Roemer v Chisom Writ of Certiorari, 1988. c14458c3-c29a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/95ebd28f-c9ac-4740-87fc-e67db66aeda4/roemer-v-chisom-writ-of-certiorari. Accessed December 04, 2025.
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No.
In The
Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1988
-o-
BUDDY ROEMER, in his capacity as Governor of the State of
Louisiana; FOX McKEITHEN, in his capacity as Secretary of
State of Louisiana; and JERRY M. FOWLER, in his capacity
as Commissioner of Elections of the State of Louisiana,
versus
Petitioners,
RONALD CHISOM, MARIE BOOKMAN, WALTER WILLARD,
MARK MORIAL, LOUISIANA VOTER REGISTRATION/EDUCA-
TION CRUSADE, and HENRY A. DILLON, III,
Respondents.
-------- ----- o---------- -—
PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO
THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
------------- -— o----- -— ------
ROBERT G. PUGH
Counsel of Record
ROBERT G. PUGH, JR.
330 Marshall Street, Suite 1200
Shreveport, LA 71101
(318) 227-2270
M. TRUMAN W OODW ARD, JR. A. R. CHRiSTOVICH
909 Poydras Street 2300 Pan American Life Center
Suite 2300 601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130 New Orleans, LA 70130
BLAKE G. ARATA MOISE W. DENNERY
201 St. Charles Avenue 601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130 New Orleans, LA 70130
SPECIAL ASSISTANT ATTORNEYS GENERAL
WILLIAM J. GUSTE, JR.
_ ATTORNEY GENERAL
Louisiana Department of Justice
234 Loyola Avenue, 7th Floor
New Orleans, Louisiana 70112
(504) 568-5575
August 25th, 1988
COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO., (800) 225-6964
or call collect (402) 342-2831
1
QUESTION PRESENTED
1. Did Congress intend the word “ representatives”
as used in the Voting Rights Act of 1965, § 2(b) as amend
ed, 42 TT.S.C. § 1973, to include judges who are selected by
a state judicial electoral process!
11
LIST OF PARTIES
The parties to the proceedings below were:
The Petitioners:
EDWIN W. EDWARDS, in his
capacity as Governor of the
State of Louisiana; snb 110m BUDDY ROEMER
JAMES H. BROWN, in his
capacity as Secretary of
the State of Louisiana; sub nom FOX McKEITHEN
JERRY M. FOWLER, in his
capacity as Commissioner
of Elections of the State
of Louisiana
The Respondents:
RONALD CHISOM
MARIE BOOKMAN
WALTER WILLARD
MARC MORIAL
LOUISIANA VOTER REGISTRATION/
EDUCATIONAL CRUSADE
[a non-profit corporation comprised of Orleans Par
ish black registered voters active in voting rights is
sues. On information and belief, petitioners assert
that this corporation has no parent, subsidiaries or
affiliates.]
HENRY A. DILLON, III
Ill
QUESTION PRESENTED ........................................ i
LIST OF PARTIES ............... ........... ........................... ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS..................... .................. ...... iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ..................... ............ ............ ............ ............ ............ iv
OPINIONS BELOW ........ ............................................. 1
JURISDICTION ................................................. ..... ....... , 2
STATUTES INVOLVED .. ............... ......................... 3
STATEMENT OF THE CASE ................................... 3
REASONS FOR GRANTING THE W R IT ................ 4
I The United States Court Of Appeals For The
Fifth Circuit Has Decided An Important
Question Of Federal Law Which Has Not
Been, But Should Be, Settled By This Court 4
II The Term “ Representatives” Is Not A Syno
nym For “Elected Judicial Officials” .. ....... 12
III Louisiana’s Time Honored Tradition Of Elect
ing Its Judiciary Has Passed Justice Depart
ment Scrutiny .................. 17
IV This Court’s Decisions Make Clear That
Judges Are Not, And Should Not Be, Rep
resentatives ....................................................... 18
V The Fundamental Difference Between Rep
resentatives And Members Of The Judiciary
Is Deeply Rooted In This Country’s History 21
CONCLUSION .. ............................................................ 26
APPENDIX ..................................... ........... .............App. 1
TABLE OP CONTENTS
Page
IV
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases :
Avery v. Midland County, 390 U.S. 474 (1968) ............ 19
Tyrone Brooks, et al. v. Glynn County, Georgia
Board of Elections, et al., Civil Action No. CV
288-146 (S.D.Ga. 1988) ........ ....................................... 9
California v. Carney, 471 U.S. 386 (1985) ........ .... ...... 15
Cannon v. University of Chicago, 441 U.S. 677 (1979) 20
Chandler v. Judicial Council, 398 U.S. 74 (1970) ......... 26
Chisom v. Edwards, 839 F.2d 1056 (5th Cir. 1988) ...passim
Chisom v. Edwards, 659 F.Snpp. 183 (E.D.La.
1987) .......................... ...............................................passim
Chisom v. Edwards, Civil Action No. 86-4075,—
F.2d — (5th Cir. 1988) .................................... ........... 5
Clark v. Edwards, Civil Action No. 86-435 (A)
(M.D.La.) ........ .................. ......... ..............................6, 7, 8
Commodity Futures Trading Commission v.
Schor, — U.S. —, 106 S.Ct. 3245, 92 L.Ed.2d
675 (1986) ..................................... 15
Connor v. Finch, 431 U.S. 407 (1977) ........................... 18
Consumer Products Safety Comm’n v. GTE
Sylvania, 447 U.S. 102 (1980) .................................. 12
Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U.S. 109 (1986) ................. ...... 18
Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494 (1951)................ 19
Dickerson v. New Banner Institute, Inc., 460 U.S.
103 (1983) .................................... 13
Escondido Mut. Water Co. v. La Jolla Indians,
466 U.S. 765 (1984) .....................................
Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965)
Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967) ....
Page
13
21
15
V
League of United Latin American Citizens et al.
v. William Clements, et al., Civil Action No.
MO-88-CA-154 (W.D.Tex. 1988) ............................... 9
Mallory v. Eyrich, 666 F.Supp. 1060 (S.D.OMo 1987) ... 8
Mallory v. Eyrich, 839 F.2d 275 (6th Cir. 1987) ........... 8
Martin v. Attain, 658 F.Supp. 1183 (S.D.Miss. 1987)... 6, 7
Members of the City Council of the City of Los
Angeles v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789
(1984) ........ _.............................. .... ........-......... ........... 16
Milwaukee v. Illinois, 451 U.S. 304 (1981)...................... 20
Mitchell v. W. T. Grant, 416 U.S. 600 (1974) ................ 15
Rita Rangel, et al. v. Jim Mattox, et al., Civil
Action No. B 88-053 (S.D.Tex, Brownsville
District 1988) ..................... ......................................... 9
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ................. .......19, 26
Rivera v. Minnich, — U.S. —, 107 S.Ct. 3001,
97 L.Ed.2d 472 (1987) ................. ...... ....................... 15
Schweiker v. Wilson, 450 U.S. 221 (1981) .................... 20
Southern Christian Leadership Conference of
Alabama, et ad. v. State of Alabama, et al., Civil
Action No. 88D462-N (M.D.Ala. 1988) .................... 8
Tennessee Valley Authority v. Hill, 437 U.S. 153
(1978)-........... 26
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986)........ .......... ... 8
Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124 (1971) ...................... 19
White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973) ........................ 19
Paul L. Williams, et al. v. State Board of Elections,
et al., Civil Action No. 88C-2377 (N.D.I11. 1988) ....... 9
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
C on stitu tion al , S tatutory and R egulatory
P rovision s:*
U nited S tates S t a t u t e s :
28 U.S.C. § 1254(1) .................................................. 2
28 U.S.C. § 1331.................................. ..................... 2,3
28 U.S.C. § 1342 ................. .................................... 3
28 U.S.C. § 1343 ................................................... .... 2
28 U.S.C. § 2201 ................... ....... .................. .....-... 2, 3
28 U.S.C. § 2202 .......■................................................ 2, 3
42 U.S.C. § 1973 ... ................................. passim, *App. 1
42 U.S.C. § 1983 ........................................ ...... passim
L ouisiana C o nstitution :
1852 Constitution, Article 64.. ........ ...................... 17
1879 Constitution, Article 82 ......... ............. ........... 17
1898 Constitution, Article 87 ................................... 17
1913 Constitution, Article 87 ................. ................. 17
1921 Constitution, Article 7, § 9 ........ ......... ............ 17
1974 Constitution, Article 5, § 3 ....................3, ®App, 2
1974 Constitution, Article 5, § 4 ..............3,17, ®App. 2
1974 Constitution, Article 8, § 10B .................... 17
1974 Constitution, Article 14, § 16 ......... ............... 17
L ouisiana R evised S tatutes :
R.S. 13:101 ................................................ 3,17, »App. 3
R.S. 18:511B .............................. ...... ................... ..... ............ 6
* Where full text appears in the Appendix, the page
reference is preceded by the symbol ® .
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
V ll
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
R ules :
Page
Fed.R.Civ.P. 12(b) 6 .................................... ........... 2,4
B ooks :
A. Bickel, The Supreme Court and the Idea of
Progress (1978 Yale University Press edition).......24,25
J. Ely, Democracy and Distrust (1980 Harvard
University Press hardbound edition) ............... ........ 24
L. Friedman, A History of American Law (Simon
& Schuster 1973 paperback edition) ..................... 24
Gr. White, The American Judicial Tradition (1978
Oxford University Press paperback edition) 21, 22,23, 24
National Center for State Courts, State Court
Organization 1987 July 1988 ....................................... 11
N ewspapeks :
New Orleans Times-Picayune, August 21, 1972 18
No.
o
In The
Supreme Court of the United States
October Term, 1988
---------------o----------------
BUDDY ROEMER, in his capacity as Governor of the State of
Louisiana; FOX McKEITHEN, in his capacity as Secretary of
State of Louisiana; and JERRY M. FOWLER, in his capacity
as Commissioner of Elections of the State of Louisiana,
Petitioners,
versus
RONALD CHISOM, MARIE BOOKMAN, WALTER WILLARD,
MARK MORIAL, LOUISIANA VOTER REGISTRATION/EDUCA-
TION CRUSADE, and HENRY A. DILLON, III,
Respondents.
-o-
PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO
THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
■---------------- o------------------
The petitioners, BUDDY ROEMER, in his capacity as
Governor of the State of Louisiana; FOX McKEITHEN,
in his capacity as Secretary of State of Louisiana; and
JERRY M. FOWLER, in his capacity as Commissioner of
Elections of the State of Louisiana, respectfully pray that
a writ of certiorari issue to review the judgment and opin
ion of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth
Circuit, entered in the above-entitled proceeding on Feb
ruary 29, 1988. A timely application for rehearing was
denied on May 27, 1988.
--------------- o---------------
OPINIONS BELOW
The opinion of the United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit is reported at 839 F.2d 1056, and is
reprinted in the Appendix hereto, App. 4, infra.
1
2
Denial of the Petition for Rehearing by the Fifth Cir
cuit is unreported. It is reprinted in the Appendix hereto,
App. 27, infra.
The opinion of the District Court for the Eastern
District of Louisiana is reported at 659 F.Supp. 183, and
is reprinted in the Appendix hereto, App. 28, infra.
--------------- o--------------- -
JURISDICTION
Invoking federal jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. §'§ 1331
and 1343 and 42 U.S.C. ’§ 1973C, respondents brought this
suit in the Eastern District of Louisiana on May 1, 1986.
The respondents sought declaratory and injunctive relief
under 42 U.S.C. §'§ 1973 and 1983, as well as 28 U.S.C.
§'§ 2201 and 2202. The complaint was amended on Septem
ber 30th, 1986.
A motion by petitioners to dismiss for failure to state
a claim upon which relief can be granted pursuant to Rule
12(b)(6) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure was
filed on March 18, 1987. The district court granted the
motion to dismiss on May 1, 1987, amended July 10, 1987,
659 F.Supp. 183 (E.D.La 1987). App. 28, infra.
On May 7, 1987, respondents appealed this dismissal
to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Cir
cuit. On February 9, 1988 the dismissal decision of the
district court was reversed and the case was remanded,
839 F.2d 1056 (5th Cir. 1988). App. 4, infra. Rehearing
was denied May 27,1988. App. 27, infra.
The jurisdiction of this Court to review the judgment
of the Fifth Circuit is invoked under 28 U.S.C. § 1254(1).
o
3
STATUTES INVOLVED
The following constitutional and statutory provisions
involved have been printed in the Appendix.
United States Statutes:
Voting Rights Act
42 U.S.C. § 1973
Louisiana Constitution:
Judicial Branch
Article 5
Sections 3 and 4
Louisiana Revised Statutes:
Supreme Court District; justices
R.S. 13:101
--------------- o---------------
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
Respondents brought this suit in the United States
District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana on be
half of all black registered voters in Orleans Parish, ap
proximately 135,000 people. The suit challenged the at-
large election of two justices to the Louisiana Supreme
Court from the parishes of Orleans, St. Bernard, Plaque
mines and Jefferson as being in violation of the 1965 Vot
ing Rights Act, as amended, because of alleged dilution of
the voting strength of the respondents. The action was
for declaratory and injunctive relief, 42 U.S.C. §§ 1973
and 1983. Jurisdiction in the district court was asserted
under 28 U.S.C. §§ 1331 and 1343 as well as 42 U.S.C.
§ 1973C. Respondents also sought relief under 28 U.S.C.
■§§ 2201 and 2202. Respondents sought the division of the
First Supreme Court District into two districts, one to be
comprised of the parishes of Jefferson, Plaquemines and
St. Bernard and the other of Orleans Parish where blacks
constituted 51.6% of the registered voters.
4
Petitioners filed a Fed.R.Civ.P. 12(b) (6) motion to dis
miss for the failure of the respondents to state a claim
upon which relief could be granted. The district court
agreed with petitioners’ contention that it was not the in
tention of Congress to apply the word “ representatives”
in Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, as amended, to em
brace members of the judiciary. The district court drew a
distinction between the impartial functions performed by
the judiciary without a constituency and. the functions per
formed by the representatives who are not expected to be
impartial but rather reflective of the needs and wishes of
their constituency. The district court opinion is reported
at 659 F.Supp. 183 (EJD.La 1987), and printed in the Ap
pendix. App. 28, infra.
The respondents appealed to the United States Court
of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, where the judgment of
the district court was reversed and the case was remanded
because the court concluded that section 2 does apply to
the election of state court judges. Ghisom v. Edwards,
839 F.2d 1056 (5th Cir. 1988). App. 4, infra.
A timely filed application for rehearing was denied
on May 27,1988. App. 27, infra.
—------------ o---------------
REASONS FOR GRANTING THE WRIT
I
The United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit
Has Decided An Important Question Of Federal
Law Which Has Not Been, But
Should Be, Settled By This Court
This case is one of national importance, as the judic
iary selection statutes of forty-two states are affected by
the decision below. Of these, thirty-six states employ a
direct election process, and six states employ a retention
5
election process. Only eight states employ either a guber
natorial or legislative selection process. Further, the At
torney General of the United States has certified this to
be a case of general public importance.1
There are several pending- cases concerning which
guidance by this Court is needed. Subsumed within the
question presented is, if Section 2 of the Voting Eights
Act is applicable, must the results test be applied in de
termining the existence of a violation ? Is the results test
and corresponding relief compatible with the inappropri
ateness of applying the one man one vote test to the judic
iary? If there is a violation does it permeate the entire
judicial system? If a state, such as Louisiana, chooses to
change its judicial selection process from an electoral sys
tem to one of appointment and/or merit, must it preclear
such a change when most of the other forty-two states
that elect judges need not preclear a change ? 1
1 On remand the district court granted a preliminary injunc
tion to prevent a scheduled election relating to a Louisiana Su
preme Court First District position, the term for which expires
on December 31,1988. In his July 7, 1988 Opinion regarding the
preliminary injunction, Judge Schwartz stated, in pertinent part:
While this Court adheres to its original opinion, the Fifth
Circuit has spoken; this Court is bound by the Fifth Circuit's
holding, unless and until that holding is either expressly
or tacitly overruled judicially by either the Fifth Circuit or
the Supreme Court or legislatively by Congress.
Opinion, pages 16-17, July 7, 1988. Ronald Chisom, et a/, v. Ed
win Edwards, et at, Civil Action No. 86-4075, United States Dis
trict Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana.
Upon the district court's refusal to grant a stay, an expedited
appeal was perfected to the court of appeals where a stay of the
preliminary injunction was granted to permit qualification to
occur. Thereafter, the Fifth Circuit vacated the injunction. After
this ruling the Attorney General of the United States moved to
intervene in this case, asserting and certifying it to be one of
genera! public importance. The motion was granted. The Fifth
Circuit Court of Appeals issued its reasons for vacating the in
junction on August 19, 1988. These reasons are reproduced in
the appendix at App. 44.
6
Illustrative as to the need for instructive guidance
from this Court are two district court cases within the
Fifth Circuit reaching contrary results. In the case of
Martin v. Attain, 658 F.Supp. 1183 (S.D.Miss. 1987), the
district judge has ruled that there need be changes only
in those districts where a violation is found, and that the
district court will fashion the remedy. In contrast, in the
case of Clark v. Edwards, Civil Action No. 86-435~(A)
(M.D.La.), which affects all of Louisiana’s district and
intermediate appellate courts, the district judge has en
joined all judicial elections to these courts, even in dis
tricts where the plaintiffs presented no evidence whatso
ever, and has enjoined the issuance of commissions to
those who have been elected without opposition.2 This
district judge has asserted that he will turn the matter
over first to the Legislature to fashion a remedy, and if it
does not do so, he will fashion the remedy. This same
judge has decided that a violation as proved in any judic
ial district will require that the entire judicial system be
changed, despite the absence of violations in many other
districts.3 The Clark judge’s position appears to be
2 According to Louisiana law, an unopposed candidate is auto
matically elected and is to be granted a commission. The ap
plicable statute states:
ELECTION OF UNOPPOSED CANDIDATES FOR PUBLIC
OFFICE
If, after the close of the qualifying period for candi
dates in a primary election, the number of candidates for
a public office does not exceed the number of persons to
be elected to the office, the candidates for that office, or
those remaining after the withdrawal of one or more candi
dates, are declared elected by the people, and their names
shall not appear on the ballot in either the primary or the
genera! election.
LA R.S. 18:511B.
Because of my conviction that there are legally signifi
cant differences between judicial elections and legislative
(Continued on following page)
7
(Continued from previous page)
elections, it is my view that the remedy for Section 2 vio
lations which are produced by the judicial election system,
is to change the system, not to create sub-districts within
district courts. Consequently, I conceive it to be my duty,
having found violations, to enjoin all district, family court
and court of appeal elections until the governor of Louisiana
and the Louisiana legislature have had an opportunity to
make changes in the judicial election system that will avoid
such violations. Hence, I decline to follow the lead of
Judge Barbour in Martin v. Ailain, 658 F.Supp. 1183 (S.D.
Miss. 1987) in confining the remedy to those specific dis
tricts in which a violation was found.
Unreported Ruling on Motion for Preliminary Injunction, page
5, August 10, 1988. Clark v. Edwards, Civil Action No. 86-435(A)
(M.D.La.).
The following Order was signed and filed on August 11,
1988:
IT IS HEREBY ORDERED that the Governor, the Secre
tary of State, the Attorney General, and all other election
officials, in their official capacities, as well as their attorneys,
agents and representatives are hereby preliminarily enjoined
from conducting any family court, district court, or court of
appeal election which was scheduled for the October 1,
1988 (primary) and November 8, 1988 (general) elections,
whether specifically enumerated or not and no certification
shall issue to any candidate who qualified for any such elec
tion without opposition.
Baton Rouge, Louisiana, August 11, 1988.
Unreported Order, August 11, 1988. Clark v. Edwards, Civil
Action No. 86-435(A) (M.D.La.).
Even though no specific Section 2 violation may exist in a
particular district at this time, the system employed by the
state will allow the creation of a violation, given time.
The remedy is to revise the system— to cast about for
alternative procedures under which black voters would have
a better chance to elect judicial candidates of their choice.
There are many alternatives which may be considered.
This court has no preconceived notion as to what changes
the Governor and the Legislature ought to make. This court
(Continued on following page)
clearly at odds with this Court’s decision in Thornburg v.
Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986).
The inquiry into the existence of vote dilution
caused by submergence in a multimember district is
district-specific. When considering several separate
vote dilution claims in a single case, courts must not
rely on data aggregated from all the challenged dis
tricts in concluding that racially polarized voting
exists in each district.
Thornburg, 478 U.S. at 59 n. 28.
Other jurisdictions where the question presented here
was, or is, at issue include:
OHIO:
where the United States District Court, S.D.Ohio,
W.D., held the Voting Eights Act to be inappli
cable to the judiciary. Mallory v. Eyrich 666
F.Supp. 1060 (1987). On appeal the Sixth Cir
cuit Court of Appeals reversed and held the Act
applicable to the judiciary and remanded the case.
Mallory v. Eyrich, 839 F.2d 275 (6th Cir. 1987);
ALABAMA:
where the case of Southern Christian Leadership
Conference of Alabama, et al. v. State of Ala-
8
(Continued from previous page)
is simply convinced that the present system of electing fam
ily court, district court, and court of appeal judges in Louisi
ana has produced violations of Section 2 of the Voting Rights
Act and that it will continue to produce violations unless
it is changed.
Accordingly, the preliminary injunction previously
issued will be made permanent and will be expanded to
enjoin all family court, district court, and court of appeal
elections until revisions in the eiectorial[sic] process are
made.
Unreported Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law, pages 41-
42, August 15, 1988. Clark v. Edwards, Civil Action No. 86-435
(A) (M.D.La.).
9
bama, et al., Civil Action No. 88D462-N, was filed
on May 11, 1988 in the United States District
Court for the Middle District of Alabama, North
ern Division and is pending;
GEORGIA:
where the case of Tyrone Brooks, et al. v. Glynn
County, Georgia Board of Elections, et al., Civil
Action No. CV288-146, was filed on July 18, 1988
in the United States District Court for the South
ern District of Georgia, Brunswick Division and
is pending;
ILLINOIS:
where the case of Paul L. Williams, et al. v. State
Board of Elections, et al., Civil Action No. 88C-
2377, was filed on March 22, 1988 in the United
States District Court for the Northern District
of Illinois, Eastern Division and is pending.4
TE XAS:
where the case of Rita Rangel, et al. v. Jim Mat
tox, et al., Civil Action No. B 88-053, was filed on
May 24, 1988 in the United States District Court
for the Southern District of Texas, Brownsville
District, and the case of League of United Latin
American Citizens et al. v. William Clements,
et al., Civil Action No. MO-88-CA-154, was filed
on July 11, 1988 in the United States District
Court for the Western District of Texas, Mid-
land-Odessa Division, and are both pending.
Litigation is anticipated in several other jurisdictions, in
cluding an additional suit in Louisiana relating to city
court judges.
4 This case affects the largest court system in the country [and
perhaps the world], 201 judges, all of whom were ordered by
John F. Grady, Chief Judge, to be joined as parties on August 4,
1988.
10
The consideration by this Court of the question pre
sented in this petition will be of invaluable assistance to
all of the federal district courts, with the exception of the
states which have adopted a judiciary selection system
embracing solely one of appointment, namely Delaware,
Hawaii, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey,
Rhode Island, Vermont and Virginia. It would also be
helpful for all of the circuit courts, with the exception of
the District of Columbia Circuit, for there are from one to
several states covered within each circuit where there are
judicial elections or retention elections selection systems.
These states by circuit are:
First Circuit Maine
Second Circuit Connecticut
New York
Third Circuit Pennsylvania
Fourth Circuit Maryland
North Carolina
South Carolina
West Virginia
Fifth Circuit Louisiana
Mississippi
Texas
Sixth Circuit Kentucky
Michigan
Ohio
Tennessee
Seventh Circuit Illinois
Indiana
Wisconsin
Eighth Circuit Arkansas
Iowa [Retention election]
Minnesota
Missouri [Retention election]
Nebraska [Retention election]
North Dakota
South Dakota
11
Ninth Circuit
Tenth Circuit
Eleventh Circuit
Alaska [Retention election]
Arizona
California
Idaho
Montana
Nevada
Oregon
Washington
Colorado [Retention election]
Kansas
New Mexico
Oklahoma
Utah [Retention election]
Alabama
Florida
Georgia
State Court Organization 1987—National Center for State
Courts, July 1988. Selection process of appellate and trial
court judges [tables 7 and 20].
If the Court does not take this case, chaos will ensue.
There are already 7 states which are facing litigation that
may require the restructuring of their judicial selection
election systems, and it is merely a matter of time until
the remaining 35 states that elect judges will be faced with
similar suits. For this Court to wait until all such litiga
tion wends its way through the lower courts will create
havoc in the judicial process. The Fifth Circuit’s opinion
vacating the injunction in this case, App. 44 infra, explains
at length some of the complicating factors involved in re
structuring a state’s judiciary. Finally, when this Court
ultimately decides to take a case, it may require those
states that have changed their judicial system to endure
another upheaval because of this Court’s ultimate ruling.
To have judicial elections enjoined throughout the
United States and to have judges serving and deciding
cases under a cloud of litigation will discredit the judicial
process. Further, it will make it impossible for states to
12
add judges to handle expanded case loads and to replace
judges when an existing position becomes vacant by rea
son of death, retirement or incapacity. It would be far
better for this Court to determine now whether Section 2
applies to the judiciary, and, if so, to establish and pro
mulgate the applicable criteria to prove a Section 2 viola
tion involving judicial elections.
The question, though extremely serious, is not compli
cated. If substantially all of the forty-two states with a
judiciary selection process based upon an election or a re
tention election, must restructure their systems to conform
with the Voting Eights Act, then the sooner the legisla
tures of the various states may be so authoritatively in
formed by this Court, the better for an ultimate survival
of the state court judiciary. Changes do not come about
easily.
II
The Term “ Representatives” Is Not
A Synonym for 1 ‘Elected Judicial Officials”
The term ‘ ‘ representatives’ ’ as used in Section 2(b)
of the Voting Rights Act should not be equated with
“ elected judicial officials,” language which appears no
where in the statute.
This Court has laid down definitive guidelines for
construing language which appears in Congressional Acts.
In Consumer Products Safety Comm’n v. GTE Syl-
vania, 447 U.S. 102 (1980), the Court stated:
We begin with the familiar canon of statutory con
struction that the starting point for interpreting a
statute is the language of the statute itself.
Id. at 108. Four years later, in furtherance of this con
cept of construction, the Court held:
Since it should be generally assumed that Congress
expresses its purposes through the ordinary meaning
of the words it uses, we have often stated that
“ ‘ [ajbsent a clearly expressed legislative intention
13
to the contrary, [statutory] language must ordinarily
be regarded as conclusive.’ ”
Escondido Mut. Water Co. v. La Jolla Indians, 466 U.S.
765, 773 (1984) [Citations omitted].
In Dickerson v. New Banner Institute, Inc., 460 U.S.
103 (1983), the Court said:
[W ]e state once again the obvious when we note that,
in determining the scope of a statute, one is to look
first at its language. . . . If the language is unam
biguous, ordinarily it is to be regarded as conclusive
unless there is “ ‘ a clearly expressed legislative in
tent to the contrary. ’ ’ ’
Id. at 853 [Citations omitted].
The term “ representatives” refers to those who serve
a specialized constituency and whose role is to represent
the needs and interests of that constituency. The term
“ representatives” has never been commonly accepted as
including the judicial branch; indeed, the reverse is true—
namely, the judicial branch always has been treated as
separate and distinct from the other two representative
arms of government.
A representative of a district, be it federal, state, or
local, exists to serve and favor his or her constituency,
while hopefully also working for the good of the govern
mental jurisdiction as a whole. United States representa
tives are expected to help get government contracts for
their districts; no one, however, would expect a federal
judge to uphold such a contract citing as a reason the need
of his area for governmental business. State legislators
are expected to seek bridges and roads for their districts;
no one, however, would expect a state judge to mandate
that such bridges and roads be built because the people
want them. City eouneilmen are expected to promote
drainage projects for their council districts; no one, how
14
ever, would expect a city judge to require them to keep Ms
voters happy.
Judges thus are not representatives; further, they
should not be representatives. The larger the constitu
ency, the less parochial pressures can be brought to bear.
An advantage to at-large elections for judges is that
judges can make the difficult decisions without undue fear
of dissatisfaction in the electorate. A judge would be
much less likely to vote against the residents of a neigh
borhood on a zoning issue if that judge was elected solely
by that neighborhood. Justice ought to be identical
throughout a judicial system; electing judges from neigh
borhoods, however, might make for a system of individ
ualized justice currently foreign to the United States. Ad
mittedly, many problems could be cured on appeal; how
ever, it can be extremely difficult to reverse a detailed
record of fact-finding even when the facts have been
slanted. Further, the respondents here seek to make ap
pellate districts smaller also, again lessening the number
and mix of a judge’s constituency.
An independent judiciary is crucial to the proper
functioning of a constitutional form of government. The
framers of our Constitution insulated the federal judiciary
from the day-to-day whims, pressures, and reactions of
other branches of government. The framers’ mechanism
to achieve an independent judiciary was appointment for
life with the advice and consent of the Senate for Article
III judges; however, constitutional jurisprudence has not
suggested that elected state judges should be any less in
dependent. Indeed, numerous constitutional rights are
protected only through the existence of an independent
judiciary.
The Court has long recognized that the unique posi
tion of a state judiciary (as opposed to other state of
ficers, officials, and elected representatives) affords con
stitutional protections to all. For example:
15
1. It is the existence of an independent judicial of
ficer (whether elected or appointed) examining
requests for search warrants that protects the
rights against unlawful searches and seizures.
Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967) ; Cali
fornia v. Carney, 471 U.S. 386 (1985) (dicta).
2. It is the existence of an independent judicial of
ficer, and that judge’s review and evaluation of
documents, that makes a prejudgment seizure
lawful and not violative of due process rights in
civil actions. Mitchell v. W. T. Grant, 416 U.S.
600 (1974). In Mitchell, the Supreme Court spe
cifically held Louisiana’s prejudgment seizure
statutes constitutional because of the scrutiny of
Louisiana District Court Judges.
3. The Supreme Court, in discussing Article III,
Section 1’s guarantee of an independent and im
partial adjudication by a federal judiciary, has
read prior cases as indicating that the existence
of an independent judiciary “ serves to protect
primarily personal, rather than structural, in
terests.” Commodity Futures Trading Commis
sion v. Schor, — U.S. —, at —, 106 S.Ct. 3245, at
3256, 92 L.Ed.2d 675 at 691 (1986). Likewise,
state judges protect the personal interest of the
litigants, not structural interests of the State or
of the electorate.
4. In paternity proceedings, the State as an entity
may have one set of interests, but it is the exist
ence of an independent judiciary that protects the
rights of litigants, not any state interest per
ceived by members of the legislative or executive
branch. See Rivera v. Minnich, — U.S. —, 107
S.Ct. 3001, 97 L.Ed.2d 473, 481 n. 8 (1987).
5. Local legislative and executive officials may seek
to pass and enforce ordinances prohibiting the
posting of signs on public property. While pure
ly aesthetic objectives may be considered and en-
16
acted by local elected officials, the enforceability
and constitutionality of those laws must be as
certained by an independent judicial assessment
of the substantiality of the government’s interest
and by a court’s scrutiny of aesthetics-based re
strictions on speech. See, e.g., Members of the
City Council of the City of Los Angeles v. Tax
payers’ for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789 (1984).
These are but a few examples of the importance of
an independent judiciary in the range of constitutional is
sues that affect the life of every citizen of this country.
Congress, had it wanted specifically to include judges
under Section 2(b) of the Voting Eights Act, could have
done so by substituting the term “elected officials” for the
term “ representative” ; it did not do so. In a representa
tive form of government, such as ours, it is always true
that a “ representative” is an “ elected official” ; however,
the converse is not always true.
The 1982 Amendment to the Voting Rights Act of
1965 added language describing those circumstances that
would constitute a violation of Section 2. Section 2(b)
expressly states that a violation exists when “ [members
of a protected class] have less opportunity than other
members of the electorate to participate in the political
process and to elect representatives of their choice.”
Representatives have a constituency which numbers
in the hundreds to hundreds of thousands, to each of whom
they owe fidelity and from each of whom they are likely,
sooner or later, to receive correspondence or a telephone
call or even perhaps a personal visit.
Judges have but one constitutency, the blindfolded
lady with scales, sword and shield.
17
III
Louisiana’s Time Honored
Tradition Of Electing Its Judiciary
Has Passed Justice Department Scrutiny
The statutes and laws concerning the Louisiana ju
dicial electoral system are not, in whole or part, prod
ucts of racial discrimination. Louisiana first introduced
its judicial selection system 136 years ago in its 1852
Constitution, Article 64. The parishes of Orleans, St.
Bernard, Plaquemines, and Jefferson have had two jus
tices on the Louisiana Supreme Court since Louisiana’s
1879 Constitution Article 82, adopted 109 years ago. See
1898 Constitution Article 87; 1913 Constitution Article
87; 1921 Constitution Article 7 §9 ; 1974 Constitution
Article 5, § 4.
The 1974 Constitution, Article 14, § 16, relegated the
listing of districts formerly in Article 7, § 9 of the 1921
Constitution to the statutes. This statute is LA. R.S.
13:101.
The 1974 Constitution was precleared by the Justice
Department of the United States of America on Novem
ber 26, 1974 [thus after the adoption of the Voting Rights
Act] except for Article 8 § 10B, which was subsequently
precleared on June 6, 1983 [thus after the 1982 amend
ment to the Voting Rights Act].
In Orleans Parish blacks have always had the op
portunity of voting for the candidates of their choice. In
1972 both positions on the Louisiana Supreme Court for
the First Supreme Court District were vacant. Two blacks,
Judge Ortique and a Mr. Amadee, ran for election, one
for each of the seats, with the following results:
Total Orleans
Ortique 27,326 21,224
Calogero 66,411 33,700
Redmann 21,865 10,240
Sarpy 74,320 34,011
18
Total Orleans
Amedee 11,722 8,847
Marcus 78,520 47,725
Bossetta 35,267 19,115
Garrison 51,286 25,437
Samuel 25,659 6,042
New Orleans Times-Picayune, August 21, 1972 (on file in
the Louisiana Supreme Court Judicial Administrator’s
office).
Judge Ortique thus received in Orleans Parish 21.4%
of the vote, and Mr. Amadee received 8.26% of the votes
in Orleans Parish. In 1972 blacks represented 33.35% of
the registered voters in Orleans Parish; therefore, the
majority of the blacks voted for the white candidate in
one race, and a substantial percentage in the other.
IV
This Court’s Decisions Make Clear That
Judges Are Not, And Should Not Be, Representatives
The Supreme Court’s use of the word “ representa
tives” over the years shows that the Court considers the
term to refer to legislators or administrators as opposed
to judges. For example, in Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U.S.
109 (1986), the Court used the terms “ representative” and
“ legislator” interchangeably:
Rather, it is that one electoral district elects a single
representative and another district of the same size
elects two or more—the elector’s vote in the former
district having less weight in the sense that he may
vote for and his district be represented by only one
legislator, while his neighbor in the adjoining district
votes for and is represented by two or more.
Id. at 123.
Connor v. Finch, 431 U.S. 407 (1977), a voting rights
case, also uses the terms interchangeably:
19
The Equal Protection Clause requires that leg
islative districts be of nearly equal population, so that
each person’s vote may be given equal weight in the
election of representatives.
Id. at 416; accord, White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755, 764,
779 (1973).
In Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964), the Court,
while speaking of state legislatures, stated that those in
dividuals elected to the legislative branch were the peo
ple’s representatives:
As long as ours is a representative form of govern
ment, and our legislatures are those instruments of
government elected directly by and directly represen
tative of the people, the right to elect legislators in
a free and unimpaired fashion is a bedrock of our
political system. . . . But representative government is
in essence self-government through the medium of
elected representatives of the people, and each and
every citizen has an inalienable right to full and
effective participation in the political processes of
his State’s legislative bodies.
Id. at 562, 565. The Court went on to call the state legis
lature “ the only instrument of state government directly
representative of the people.” Id. at 576; accord, Whit
comb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124,141 (1971).
In his concurring opinion in Dennis v. United States,
341 U.S. 494 (1951), Justice Frankfurter flatly stated:
“ Courts are not representative bodies. They are not de
signed to be a good reflex of a democratic society.” Id.
at 517, 525 (Frankfurter, J., concurring in the judgment).
In Avery v. Midland County, 390 U.S. 474 (1968), an
other voting rights case, the Court made clear the appli
cability of the Equal Protection clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment to local subdivisions, again using the term
“ representative.” The Court noted that state legislators
20
enact many laws but do not govern countless matters of
local concern, which are left to the local level to decide:
What is more, in providing for the governments of
their cities, counties, towns, and districts, the States
characteristically provide for representative govern
ment—for decisionmaking at the local level by rep
resentatives elected by the people.
Id. at 481. The defendants had argued that the County
Commissioners Court was not sufficiently legislative and
that therefore unequal districts were permissible. The
Court, however, noted that many of its functions were leg
islative and that the County Commissioners Court was a
general governing body:
[T]he court does have power to make a large number
of decisions having a broad range of impacts on all
the citizens of the county. It sets a tax rate, equalizes
assessments, and issues bonds. It then prepares and
adopts a budget for allocating the county’s funds, and
is given by statute a wide range of discretion in
choosing the subjects on which to spend.
Id. at 483. Because of these general powers, the County
Commissioners Court could not have unequal districts.
Never is there any intimation in the opinion that a purely
judicial body would be judged the same way by the Court.
In Milwaukee v. Illinois, 451 U.S. 304 (1981), the
Court contrasted the role of the courts with that of Con
gress, a representative body:
The enactment of a federal rule in an area of nat
ional concern, and the decision whether to displace
state law in doing so, is generally made not by the
federal judiciary, purposefully insulated from elec
toral pressures, but by the people through their elect
ed representatives in Congress.
Id. at 312-13; accord, Schweiker v. Wilson, 450 U.S. 221,
230 (1981); Cannon v. University of Chicago, 441 U.S.
21
677, 696-97 (1979) (“ it is always appropriate to assume
that our elected representatives . . . know the law.” ).
In arguing that the Supreme Court should not invali
date a Connecticut birth control statute, Justice Stewart
stated:
It is the essence of judicial duty to subordinate our
own personal views, our own ideas of what legislation
is wise and what is not. If, as I should surely hope,
the law before us does not reflect the standards of the
people of Connecticut, the people of Connecticut can
freely exercise their true Ninth and Tenth Amend
ment rights to persuade their elected representatives
to repeal it.
Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 530-31 (1965) (Stew
art, J., dissenting) (emphasis esupplied).
V
The Fundamental Difference Between
Representatives And Members Of The Judiciary
Is Deeply Rooted In This Country’s History
The legal history of this nation demonstrates a clear
and concise distinction as between one who is a represen
tative of the people and one who dedicates his life to a
different calling, that of the judiciary.
The idea that judges are to be “ representatives” is
totally foreign to American legal history. Instead, this
country was founded, and has endured, on the principle
of an independent judiciary free of the sort of constituent
pressures on, and parochial viewpoints required of, legis
lators.
The history of the American judiciary was traced by
Professor G. Edward White in The American Judicial
22
Tradition.5 Professor White began by stating that during
colonial times judges “were agents of the provincial gov
ernment” with “ a wide range of petty powers but of little
independence.” Judicial Tradition!.
Beginning with Chief Justice John Marshall, the
American judicial tradition emerged. A core element of
that tradition has always included “ a measure of true in
dependence and autonomy for the appellate judiciary from
the other two branches of government.” Judicial Tradi
tion 9. Professor White summarized Chief Justice Mar
shall’s views concerning the judiciary as follows :
An independent judiciary was logically the ultimate
necessity in Marshall’s jurisprudence, the culmina
tion of his beliefs about law and government. He
sought to show that judicial independence as not mere
ly a side effect of federalism but a first principle of
American civilization. . . . Against the potential chaos
attendant on mass participatory democracy, republi
cans erected the institutional buffers of legislative
representatives and an independent judiciary. The
excesses of the people were moderated by representa
tion, a process by which their passionate demands were
reformulated by an enlightened and reasonable class
of public servants. The need of the populace for an
articulation of their individual rights under law was
met by the presence of a body of judges not beholden
to the masses in any immediate, partisan sense.
Judicial Tradition 18, 20.
Chief Justice Marshall’s vision of the American judi
cial tradition was not unique. Alexander Hamilton “ en
visaged judicial review as an exercise in politics through
which an independent judicial elite could temper the dem-
5 Citations are hereinafter abbreviated as Judicial Tradition.
Page references refer to the 1978 Oxford University Press paper
back edition.
oeratic excesses of legislatures by affirming the repub
lican political balances inherent in the Constitution. ’ ’
Judicial Tradition 24. Some among the Founding Fathers
thought an independent judiciary necessary because “ even
a government made up of the people’s representatives was
not a sufficient buffer against the excesses of the mob.”
Judicial Tradition 320.
This American judicial tradition has not been applic
able only to the federal judiciary. Professor White com
mented that the state constitutions “ were patterned on
the federal Constitution, with its tripartite division of
powers.” Judicial Tradition 109. James Kent, Chief
Judge of the New York Supreme Court and later Chan
cellor of New York, “ viewed the judiciary as a buffer be
tween established wealth and the excessively democratic
legislature. ’ ’ Judicial Tradition 112. Much more re
cently, Roger Traynor, Chief Justice of the California Su
preme Court, wrote that judges “ enjoyed a ‘ freedom from
political and personal pressures and from adversary bias’
[and that] [t]heir ‘ environment for work’ was ‘ indepen
dent and analytically objective.’ ” Judicial Tradition 296,
quoting Traynor, ‘ ‘ Badlands in an Appellate Judge’s
Realm of Reasons,’ ’ 7 Utah L. Rev. 157, 167, 168 (1960).
Professor White traced “ modern liberalism’ ’ trends
throughout the Twentieth Century. According to this
political theory, judges “ were not, by and large, repre
sentatives of the people, and their nonpartisan status in
sulated them from the waves of current opinion.” Judi
cial Tradition 320. Legislatures on the other hand ‘ ‘ were
‘ representative of popular opinion’ and could ‘ canvass
a wide spectrum of views.’ ” Judicial Tradition 322. One
24
Twentieth Century Justice, Felix Frankfurter, has called
the judiciary the “ antidemocratic, unrepresentative”
branch of government.” Judicial Tradition 367.®
Legal theorists have also stated that judges are not
“ representatives.” Perhaps the most provocative book
to appear on judicial review during the last few years is
Democracy and Distrust by Professor John Hart Ely.6 7
Professor Ely contrasts the role of the courts with the
role of the representative branch of government, the legis
lative branch. He sought an approach to judicial review
“ not hopelessly inconsistent with our nation’s commit
ment to representative democracy.” Democracy and Dis
trust 41. In his book, Professor Ely developed a repre
sentation-reinforcing theory of judicial review in which
the non-representative branch, the judiciary, would re
view legislation to review the motivation of the represen
tative branch, the legislature, to make sure that the views
of all groups were represented in lawmaking. He con
cluded by stating that “ constitutional law appropriately
exists for those situations where representative govern
ment cannot be trusted.” Democracy and Distrust 183.
Professor Alexander Bickel spoke of the importance
of judicial independence in The Supreme Court and the
Idea of Progress :8
The restraints of reason tend to ensure also the in
dependence of the judge, to liberate him from the de-
6 Professor Lawrence Friedman also has written about the his
tory of a strong, independent judiciary in the federal system and
in state systems. L. Friedman, A History of American Law 116,
118 (Simon & Schuster 1973 paperback edition).
7 Page references are to the 1980 Harvard University Press hard
bound edition.
8 Citations are hereinafter abbreviated as Supreme Court and
Progress. Page references refer to the 1978 Yale University Press
paperback edition.
2 5
mands and fears—dogmatic, arbitrary, irrational,
self- or group-centered—that so often enchain other
public officials. They make it possible for the judge,
on some occasions, at any rate, to oppose against the
will and faith of others, not merely his own will or
deeply-felt faith, but a method of reaching judgments
that may command the allegiance, on a second thought
even of those who find a result disagreeable. The judge
is thus buttressed against the world, but what is per
haps more significant and certain, against himself,
against his own uatural tendency to give way before
waves of feeling and opinion that may be as momen
tary as they are momentarily overwhelming. . . .
The independence of the judges is an absolute
requirement if individual justice is to be done, if a
society is to ensure that individuals will be dealt with
in accordance with duly enacted policies of the society,
not by the whim of officials or of mobs, and dealt with
evenhandedly, under rules that would apply also to
others similarly situated, no matter who they might be.
Supreme Court and Progress 82, 84.
Professor Bickel contrasted the Court on the one hand
with the people and its representatives on the other, stat
ing, “ Virtually all important decisions of the Supreme
Court are the beginnings of conversations between the
Court and the people and their representatives.” Supreme
Court and Progress 91.
Supreme Court and Progress also contains much ma
terial on reapportionment. Supreme Court and Progress
35, 158-59, 168-73. Never in that discussion is there any
intimation that redistricting of the courts ought to be
considered. That notion would run counter to his strong
argument for judicial independence.
-o
2 6
CONCLUSION
This Court has always recognized the importance of
an independent judiciary. This Court has held that,
“ There can, of course, he no disagreement among us as to
the imperative need for total and absolute independence
of judges in deciding cases or in any phase of the de
cisional function.” Chandler v. Judicial Council, 398 U.S.
74, 84 (1970). In a dissent in the same case, Justice Doug
las stated, “ An independent judiciary is one of this Na
tion’s outstanding characteristics.” Id. at 136 (Douglas,
J., dissenting).
A quarter of a century ago this Court declared,
“ Legislators represent people, not trees or acres.” Rey
nolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 562 (1964). Judges, on the
other hand, must consider the interests of people and of
trees (as well as snail darters, see Tennessee Valley Au
thority v. Hill, 437 U.S. 153 (1978)). Unlike legislators,
judges are not “ instruments of government elected di
rectly by and directly representative of the people.” 377
U.S. at 562. Making judges representatives would do vio
lence to (and perhaps destroy) the American concept of an
independent judiciary.
For the foregoing reasons, a writ of certiorari should,
therefore, be granted to review and ultimately reverse the
decision below.
All of the above and foregoing is thus respectfully
submitted.
27
ROBERT G. PUGH
Counsel of Record
ROBERT G. PUGH, JR.
330 Marshall Street, Suite 1200
Shreveport, LA 71101
(318)
M. TRUMAN W OODW ARD,
JR.
909 Poydras Street
Suite 2300 „
New Orleans, LA 70130
BLAKE G. ARATA
201 St. Charles Avenue
New Orleans, LA 70130
SPECIAL ASSISTANT
>27-2270
A. R. CHRISTOVICH
2300 Pan American Life
Center
601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130
MOISE W. DENNERY
601 Poydras Street
New Orleans, LA 70130
ATTORNEYS GENERAL
WILLIAM J. GUSTE, JR.
ATTORNEY GENERAL
Louisiana Department of justice
234 Loyola Avenue, 7th Floor
New Orleans, Louisiana 70112
(504) 568-5575
United States Statutes
42 § 1973. Denial or abridgement of right to vote on ac
count of race or color through voting qualifications or
prerequisites; establishment of violation
(a) No voting qualification or prerequisite to vot
ing or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed
or applied by any State or political subdivision in a man
ner which results in a denial or abridgement of the right
of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of
race or color, or in contravention of the guarantees set
forth in section 1973b(f)(2) of this title, as provided in
subsection (b) of this section.
(b) A violation of subsection (a) of this section is
established if, based on the totality of circumstances, it is
shown that the political processes leading to nomination
or election in the State or political subdivision are not
equally open to participation by members of a class of
citizens protected by subsection (a) of this section in that
its members have less opportunity than other members of
the electorate to participate in the political process and
to elect representatives of their choice. The extent to
which members of a protected class have been elected to
office in the State or political subdivision is one circum
stance which may be considered: Provided, That nothing
in this section establishes a right to have members of a
protected class elected in numbers equal to their propor
tion in the population.
App. 1
A p p . 2
Louisiana Constitution
Article 5. Judicial Branch
Section 3. Supreme Court; Composition; Judgments;
Terms
Section 3. The supreme court shall he composed of
a chief justice and six associate justices, four of whom
must concur to render judgment. The term of a supreme
court judge shall be ten years.
Section 4. Supreme Court; Districts
Section 4. The state shall be divided into at least six
supreme court districts, and at least one judge shall be
elected from each. The districts and the number of judges
assigned to each on the effective date of this constitution
are retained, subject to change by law enacted by two-
thirds of the elected members of each house of the legis
lature.
A p p . 3
Louisiana Revised Statutes
R.S. 13.-101 Supreme court district; justices
The state shall be divided into six supreme court dis
tricts and the supreme court shall be composed of justices
from the said districts as set forth below:
(1) First district. The parishes of Orleans, St.
Bernard, Plaquemines, and Jefferson shall compose the
first district, from which two justices shall be elected.
(2) Second district. The parishes of Oaddo, Bos
sier, Webster, Claiborne, Bienville, Natchitoches, Red
River, DeSoto, Winn, Vernon, and Sabine shall compose
the second district, from which one justice shall be elected.
(3) Third district. The parishes of Rapides, Grant,
Avoyelles, Lafayette, Evangeline, Allen, Beauregard, Jef
ferson Davis, Calcasieu, Cameron, and Acadia shall com
pose the third district from which one justice shall be
elected.
(4) Fourth district. The parishes of Union, Lincoln,
Jackson, Caldwell, Ouachita, Morehouse, Richland, Frank
lin, West, Carroll, East Carroll, Madison, Tensas, Concor
dia, LaSalle, and Catahoula shall compose the fourth dis
trict, from which one justice shall be elected.
(5) Fifth district. The parishes of East. Baton
Rouge, West Baton Rouge, West Feliciana, East Feliciana,
St. Helena, Livingston, Tangipahoa, St. Tammany, Wash
ington, Iberville, Pointe Coupee, and St. Landry shall com
pose the fifth district, from which one justice shall be
elected.
(6) Sixth district. The parishes of St. Martin, St.
Mary, Tberia, Terrebonne, Lafourche, Assumption, Ascen
sion, St. John the Baptist, St. James, St, Charles, and Ver
milion shall compose the sixth district from which one
justice shall be elected.
A p p . 4
Ronald CHISOM, et al.,
Plaintiff s-Appellants,
v.
Edwin EDWARDS, in his capacity as
Governor of the State of Louisiana,
et al., Defendants-Appellees.
No. 87-3463.
United States Court of Appeals,
Fifth Circuit.
Feb. 29, 1988.
Black registered voters in Orleans Parish of Louisi
ana brought suit challenging constitutionality of present
system of electing Louisiana Supreme Court Justices from
First Supreme Court District. The United States Dis
trict Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana, Charles
Schwartz, Jr., J., 659 F.Supp. 183, dismissed, and voters
appealed. The Court of Appeals, Johnson, Circuit Judge,
held that: (1) judicial elections are covered by Voting
Rights Act section which prohibits any law or procedure
which has effect of denying or abridging right to vote on
basis of race, and (2) complaint by black registered voters
challenging current at-large system of electing state Su
preme Court Justices from their district established theory
of discriminatory intent and stated claim of racial dis
crimination under Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments.
Reversed and remanded.
1. Elections 12(1)
Judicial elections are covered by Voting Rights Act
section which prohibits any law or procedure which has
effect of denying or abridging right to vote on basis of
A p p . 5
race. Voting Eights Act of 1965, §2, as amended, 42
U.S.C.A. § 1973.
2. Civil Rights 13.4(6)
Elections 7
Discriminatory purpose is prerequisite to recovery
under Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. U.S.C.A.
Const. Amends. 14,15.
3. Civil Rights 13.12(3)
Elections 7
Complaint by black registered voters challenging cur
rent at-large system of electing state Supreme Court Jus
tices from their district established theory of discrimina
tory intent and stated claim of racial discrimination un
der Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments; voters cited
history of purposeful official discrimination on basis of
race in state and existence of wide-spread racially polar
ized voting in elections involving black and white candi
dates, concluding that current election procedures for se
lecting Supreme Court Justices from their area diluted
minority voting strength. U.S.C.A. ConstAmends. 14, 15.
William P. Quigley, Ron Wilson, New Orleans, La.,
for plaintiffs-appellants.
Mark L. Gross, Justice Dept., Jessica Dunsay Silver,
Washington, D.C., for amicus U.S.
Pamela S. Karlan, Charles Stephen Ralston, New
York City, for Chisom Group.
A p p . 6
Michael H. Rabin, Baton Roage, La., Kendall L. Vick,
Asst. Atty. Gen., La. Dept, of Jastice, M. Trnman Wood
ward, Jr., New Orleans, La., for arnicas LDJA.
Michael B. Wallace, Jackson, Miss., Daniel J. Popeo,
Washington Legal Foandation, Washington, D.C., A.R.
Christovicli, Jr., Moise W. Dennery, New Orleans, La.,
for arnicas Washington Legal and Allied Ed.
John L. Maxey, II, Special Coansel, Stephen J. Kirch-
mayr, Deputy Atty. Gen., Hubbard T. Saunders, IY, Jack-
son, Miss., for amicus State of Miss.
Appeal from the United States District Court for
the Eastern District of Louisiana.
Before BROWN, JOHNSON, and HIGGINBOTHAM,
Circuit Judges.
JOHNSON, Circuit Judge:
Plaintiffs, black registered voters in Orleans Parish,
Louisiana, raise constitutional challenges to the present
system of electing Louisiana Supreme Court Justices from
the First Supreme Court District. Plaintiffs allege that
the current at-large system of electing Justices from the
First District impermissibly dilutes the voting strength
of black voters in Orleans Parish in violation of Section
2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended in 1982
and the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. The dis
trict court dismissed the section 2 claim pursuant to Fed.
R.Civ.P. 12(b) (6) for failure to state a claim, finding that
section 2 does not apply to the election of state judges.
Concluding that section 2 does so apply, we reverse.
A p p . 7
The primary issue before this Court is whether sec
tion 2 of the Voting Rights Act applies to state judicial
elections.
I. FACTS AND PROCEDURAL HISTORY
The facts are undisputed. Currently, the seven Jus
tices on the Supreme Court of Louisiana are elected from
six geographical judicial districts. Five of the six dis
tricts elect one Justice each. However, the First District,
comprised of four parishes (Orleans, St. Bernard, Plaque
mines, and Jefferson Parishes), elects two Justices at-
large.
The population of the four parish First Supreme
Court District is approximately thirty-four percent black
and sixty-three percent white. The registered voter pop
ulation reveals a somewhat similar percentage breakdown,
with approximately thirty-two percent black and sixty-
eight percent white. Over half of the four parish First
Supreme Court District’s population and over half of the
district’s registered voters live in Orleans Parish. Im
portantly, Orleans Parish has a fifty-five percent black
population and a fifty-two percent black registered voter
population. Plaintiffs seek a division of the First District
into two single-member districts, each to elect one Justice.
Under the plaintiffs’ plan of division, one proposed dis
trict would be composed of Orleans Parish with a greater
black population and black registered voter population
than white. The other proposed district would be com
posed of Jefferson, Plaquemines, and St. Bernard Par
ishes ; this district would have a substantially greater white
population and white registered voter population than
black. It is particularly significant that no black person
A p p . 8
has ever been elected to the Louisiana Supreme Court,
either from the First Supreme Court District or from
any one of the other five judicial districts.
To support their voter dilution claim, plaintiffs cite,
among other factors, a history of purposeful official dis
crimination on the basis of race in Louisiana and the
existence of widespread racially polarized voting in elec
tions involving black and white candidates. Specifically,
plaintiffs allege in their complaint:
Because of the official history of racial discrimination
in Louisiana’s First Supreme Court District, the wide
spread prevalence of racially polarized voting in the
district, the continuing effects of past discrimination
on the plaintiffs, the small percentage of minorities
elected to public office in the area, the absence of
any blacks elected to the Louisiana Supreme Court
from the First District, and the lack of any justifiable
reason to continue the practice of electing two Jus
tices at-large from the New Orleans area only, plain
tiffs contend that the current election procedures for
selecting Supreme Court Justices from the New Or
leans area dilutes minority voting strength and there
fore violates the 1965 Voting Rights Act, as amended.
On May 1, 1987, the district court, 659 F.Supp. 183,
dismissed plaintiffs’ complaint for failure to state a claim
upon which relief may be granted. In its opinion accom
panying the dismissal order, the district court concluded
that section 2 of the Voting Rights Act does not apply to
the election of state judges. To support this conclusion,
the district court relied primarily on the amended lan
guage in section 2 which states “ to elect representatives of
their choice.” The district court reasoned that since judges
are not “ representatives,” judicial elections are therefore
A p p . 9
not within the protective ambit of section 2. Focusing on
a perceived inherent difference between representatives
and judges, the district court stated, “ [j]udges, by their
very definition, do not represent voters but are ‘appointed
[or elected] to preside and administer the law.’ ” (cita
tion omitted). The district court further relied on what
was understood to be a lack of any reference to judicial
elections in the legislative history of section 2, and on pre
vious court decisions establishing that the “ one person,
one vote” principle does not apply to judicial elections.
As to plaintiffs’ fourteenth and fifteenth amendment chal
lenges, the district court determined that plaintiffs had
failed to plead an intent to discriminate with sufficient
specificity to support their constitutional claims. Plain
tiffs appeal the district court’s dismissal of both their
statutory and constitutional claims.
[1] In an opinion just released, the Sixth Circuit,
addressing a complaint that the present system of electing
municipal judges to the Hamilton County Municipal Court
in Ohio violates section 2, concluded that section 2 does
indeed apply to the judiciary. Mallory v. Eyrich, 839 F.2d
275 (6th Cir.1988). Other than our district court, only
two district courts have ruled on the coverage of section
2 in this context. The Mallory district court, subsequently
reversed, concluded that section 2 does not extend to the
judiciary. Mallory v. Eyrich, 666 F.Supp. 1060 (S.D. Ohio
1987). The other district court, Martin v. Attain, 658 F.
Supp. 1183 (S.D.Miss. 1987), determined that section 2
does apply to the judicial branch. After consideration of
the language of the Act itself; the policies behind the en
actment of section 2; pertinent legislative history; previ
ous judicial interpretations of section 5, a companion sec
A p p . 1 0
tion to section 2 in the A ct; and the position of the United
States Attorney General on this issue; we conclude that
section 2 does apply to the election of state court judges.
We therefore reverse the judgment of the district court.
A. The Plain Language of the Act
The Voting Rights Act wras enacted by Congress in
1965 for a broad remedial purpose—“to rid the country
of racial discrimination in voting.” South Carolina v. Kat-
zenbach, 383 U.S. 301, 315, 86 S.Ct. 803, 812, 15 L.Ed.2d
769 (1966). Since the inception of the Act, the Supreme
Court has consistently interpreted the Act in a manner
which affords it “ the broadest possible scope” in com
batting racial discrimination. Allen v. State Board of
Elections, 393 U.S. 544, 565, 89 S.Ct. 817, 831, 22 L.Ed.2d
1 (1969). As a result ,the Act effectively regulates a wide
range of voting practices and procedures. See United-
States v. Sheffield Board of Commissioners, 435 U.S.
110, 122-23, 98 S.Ct. 965, 974-75, 55 L.Ed.2d 148 (1978).
Referred to by the Supreme Court as a provision which
“broadly prohibits the use of voting rules to abridge exer
cise of the franchise on racial grounds,” Katzenbach, 383
U.S. at 316, 86 S.Ct. at 812, section 2 of the Voting Rights
Act of 1965, prior to its amendment in 1982, provided as
follows:
No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or
standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or
applied by any State or political subdivision to deny
or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States
to vote on account of race or color, or in contravention
of the guarantees set forth in section 1973b(f)(2) of
this title.
A p p . 1 1
Congress amended section 2 in 1982 in response to
the Supreme Court’s decision in Mobile v. Bolden, 446
U.S. 55, 100 S.Ct. 1490, 64 L.Ed.2d 47 (1980), wherein the
Court concluded that section 2 operated to prohibit only
intentional acts of discrimination by state officials. In
disagreement with the high court’s pronouncement, Con
gress amended section 2 with language providing that
proof of intent is not required to successfully prove a
section 2 violation. Instead, Congress adopted the “ re
sults” test, whereby plaintiffs may prevail under section
2 by demonstrating that, under the totality of the circum
stances, a challenged election law or procedure has the
effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on the
basis of race. However, while effecting significant change
through the 1982 amendments, Congress specifically re
tained the operative language of original section 2 defin
ing the section’s coverage—“ [n]o voting qualification or
prerequisite to voting or standard, practice, or procedure
shall be imposed. . . . ” Section 2, as amended in 1982,
now provides:
(a) No voting qualification or prerequisite to
voting or standard, practice, or procedure shall be
imposed or applied by any State or political subdi
vision in a manner which results in a denial or abridge
ment of the right of any citizen of the United States
to vote on account of race or color, or in contraven
tion of the guarantees set forth in section 1973b(f) (2)
of this title, as provided in subsection (b) of this
section.
(b) A violation of subsection (a) is established
if, based on the totality of circumstances, it is shown
that the political processes leading to nomination or
election in the State or political subdivision are not
equally open to participation by members of a class
A p p . 1 2
of citizens protected by subsection (a) of this section
in that its members have less opportunity than other
members of the electorate to participate in the politi
cal process and to elect representatives of their choice.
The extent to which members of a protected class
have been elected to office in the State or political
subdivision is one circumstance which may be con
sidered: Provided, That nothing in this section es
tablishes a right to have members of a protected
class elected in numbers equal to their proportion in
the population.
Section 14(c)(1), which defines “voting” and “vote”
for purposes of the Act, sets forth the types of election
practices and elections which are encompassed within the
regulatory sphere of the Act. Section 14(c)(1) states,
The terms “vote” or “ voting” shall include all action
necessary to make a vote effective in any primary,
special or general election, including, but not limited
to, registration, listing pursuant to this subchapter
or other action required by law prerequisite to voting,
casting a ballot, and having such ballot counted prop
erly and included in the appropriate totals of votes
cast with respect to candidates for public or party
office and propositions for which votes are received
in an election.
Clearly, judges are “ candidates for public or party office”
elected in a primary, special, or general election; there
fore, section 2, by its express terms, extends to state ju
dicial elections. This truly is the only construction con
sistent with the plain language of the Act.1
1. Evidence of congressional intent to reach all types of elec
tions, regardless of who or what is the object of the vote,
is the fact that votes on propositions are within the purview
of the Act. Section 14(c)(1).
A p p . 1 3
In Dillard v. Crenshaw County, 831 F.2d 246 (11th
Cir.1987), the Eleventh Circuit addressed the issue of the
coverage of section 2. In Dillard, the court rejected the
defendant county’s implicit argument that the election of
an at-large chairperson of a county commission was not
covered by section 2 due to that position’s administrative,
as opposed to legislative, character. The Dillard court
stated,
Nowhere in the language of Section 2 nor in the
legislative history does Congress condition the appli
cability of Section 2 on the function performed by an
elected official. The language is only and uncompro
misingly premised on the fact of nomination or elec
tion. Thus, on the face of Section 2 it is irrelevant
that the chairperson performs only administrative and
executive duties. It is only relevant that Calhoun
County has expressed an interest in retaining the post
as an electoral position. Once a post is open to the
electorate, and if it is shown that the context of that
election creates a discriminatory but corrigible elec
tion practice, it must be open in a way that allows
racial groups to participate equally.
Id. at 250.
The State asserts that by amending section 2 in 1982,
Congress intentionally grafted a limitation on section
14(c) (1) that “ candidates for public or party office” only
include “ representatives” ; since judges are not “ represen
tatives,” state judicial elections are exempt from the pro
tective measures of the Act. In making this contention,
the State, as well as the district court, points to the dis
tinctive functions of judges as opposed to other elected
officials. Specifically, the district court, citing Wells v.
Edwards, 347 F.Supp. 453 (M.D.La. 1972), affd, 409 U.S.
A p p . 1 4
1095, 93 S.Ct. 904, 34 L.Ed.2d 679 (1973), notes that the
“ one person, one vote” principle of apportionment has
been held not to apply to the judicial branch of govern
ment on the basis of this distinction. See also Voter In
formation Project v. City of Baton Rouge, 612 F.2d 208
(5th Cir.1980). In Wells, the plaintiff sought reapportion
ment of the Louisiana Supreme Court .Judicial Districts in
accordance with one person, one vote principles. The Wells
court rejected the plaintiff’s claim, reasoning that the “ pri
mary purpose of one-man, one-vote apportionment is to
make sure that each official member of an elected body
speaks for approximately the same number of constitu
ents.” Wells, 347 F.Supp, at 455. The district court then
concluded that since judges do not represent, but instead
serve people, the rationale behind one person, one vote
apportionment of preserving a representative form of gov
ernment is not relevant to the judiciary. Id.
In Voter Information, this Court, bound by the hold
ing in Wells due to the Supreme Court’s summary affirm
ance of that decision, rejected the plaintiff’s claim for
reapportionment of judicial districts on the one person,
one vote theory. Voter Information, 612 F.2d at 211.
However, the Voter Information Court then emphasized
that the plaintiffs further asserted claims of racial dis
crimination under the fifteenth amendment which resulted
in the dilution of black voting strength. Recognizing the
difference between the two types of claims, the Court ex
pressly rejected the applicability of the Wells decision
to claims of racial discrimination, stating,
[T]he various ‘one man one vote’ cases involving
Judges make clear that they do not involve claims of
race discrimination as such.
A p p . 1 5
To hold that a system designed to dilute the vot
ing strength of black citizens and prevent the election
of blacks as Judges is immune from attack would be
to ignore both the language and purpose of the Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The Supreme
Court has frequently recognized that election schemes
not otherwise subject to attack may be unconstitution
al when designed and operated to discriminate against
racial minorities.
Id. (footnote omitted).
We, like the Voter Information Court, are bound by
the Supreme Court’s affirmance of Wells and its holding
that the one person, one vote principle does not extend
to the judicial branch of government. However, the dis
trict court’s reliance on Wells in the instant case is mis
placed as we are not concerned with a complaint seeking
reapportionment of judicial districts on the basis of pop
ulation deviations between districts. Rather, the complaint
in the instant case involves claims of racial discrimination
resulting in vote dilution under section 2 of the Voting
Rights Act and the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments.
Therefore, the district court erred to the extent it relied
on Wells in support of its conclusion that section 2 does
not apply to the judiciary.2
2. The distinction between equal protection principles appli
cable to claims based on one person, one vote principles of
apportionment and those based on racial discrimination is
not without prior Supreme Court precedent. See White v.
Regester, 412 U.S. 755, 93 S.Ct. 2332, 37 L.Ed.2d 314 (1973)
(Court reversed decision of district court that reapportion
ment plan for Texas House of Representatives violated one
person, one vote principles, but affirmed the district court's
conclusion that a particular portion of the plan unlawfully
(C o n t in u e d o n f o l l o w in g p a g e )
A p p . 1 6
The Voting Rights Act was enacted, in part, to facili
tate the enforcement of the guarantees afforded by the
Constitution. Indeed, section 2, as originally written, no
more than elaborated on the fifteenth amendment, pro
viding statutory protection consonant with that of the
constitutional guarantee. Mobile, 446 U.S. at 60, 100 S.Ct.
at 1496. Therefore, the reasoning utilized by the Court
in Voter Information to extend the protection from racial
discrimination provided by the fourteenth and fifteenth
amendments to the judiciary compels a conclusion by this
Court that the protection from racial discrimination pro
vided by section 2 likewise extends to state judicial elec
tions.
It is difficult, if not impossible, for this Court to con
ceive of Congress, in an express attempt to expand the
coverage of the Voting Rights Act, to have in fact amend
ed the Act in a manner affording minorities less protec
tion from racial discrimination than that provided by the
Constitution. We conclude today that section 2, as amend
ed in 1982, provides protection commensurate with the
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments; therefore, in accord
ance with this Court’s decision in Voter Information, sec
tion 2 necessarily embraces judicial elections within its
scope. Any other construction of section 2 would be whol
(Continued from previous page)
diluted minority voting strength.). See also Gaffney v. Cum
mings, 412 U.S. 735, 751, 93 S.Ct. 2321, 2330, 37 L.Ed.2d 298
(1973) (“A districting plan may create multi-member districts
perfectly acceptable under equal population standards, but
invidiously discriminatory because they are employed 'to
minimize or cancel out the voting strength of racial or po
litical elements of the voting population.'") (citations omit
ted).
A p p . 1 7
ly inconsistent with the plain language of the Act and
the express purpose which Congress sought to attain in
amending section 2; that is, to expand the protection of
the Act.
B. The Legislative History of Section 2
Our conclusion today finds further support in the
legislative history of the 1982 amendments to section 2.
An overriding principle which guides any analysis of the
legislative history behind the Voting Rights Act is that
the Act must be interpreted in a broad and comprehensive
manner in accordance with congressional intent to combat
racial discrimination of any kind in all voting practices and
procedures. Thus, in the absence of any legislative history
warranting a conclusion that section 2 does not apply to
state judicial elections, the only acceptable interpretation
of the Act is that such elections are so covered. See Shef
field, 435 U.S. 110, 98 S.Ct. 965.3
As previously noted, Congress amended section 2
in direct response to the Supreme Court’s decision in Mo
bile v. Bolden,
The Senate Report states that amended [section] 2
was designed to restore the “ results test”—the legal
3. In Sheffield, the Supreme Court declined to adopt a narrow
ing construction of § 5 and the preclearance requirements of
the Act whereby § 5 would cover only counties and political
units that conduct voter registration. "[I]n view of the struc
ture of the Act, it would be unthinkable to adopt the District
Court's construction unless there were persuasive evidence
either that § 5 was intended to apply only to changes affect
ing the registration process or that Congress clearly mani
fested an intention to restrict § 5 coverage. . . ." 435 U.S.
at 122, 98 S.Ct. at 974.
A p p . 1 8
standard that governed voting discrimination cases
prior to onr decision in Mobile v. Bolden. . . . Under
the “ results test,” plaintiffs are not required to dem
onstrate that the challenged electoral law or structure
was designed or maintained for a discriminatory pur
pose.
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 TT.S. 30, 106 S.Ct. 2752, 2763
n. 8, 92 L.Ed.2d 25 (1986) (citations omitted). In amend
ing section 2, Congress preserved the operative language
of subsection (a) defining the coverage of the Act and
merely added subsection (b) to adopt the “ results test”
for proving a violation of section 2. In fact, the language
added by Congress in subsection (b)—“to participate in
the political process and to elect representatives of their
choice”—is derived almost verbatim from the Supreme
Court’s standard governing claims of vote dilution on the
basis of race set forth in White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755,
93 S.Ct. 2332, 37 L.Ed.2d 314 (1973), prior to Mobile v.
Bolden. See S.Rep.No. 417, 97th Cong., 2d Sess. 27, re
printed in 1982 U.S. Code Cong. & Admin. News 177, 205
(Congress’ stated purpose in adding subsection (b) was
to “ embod[y] the test laid down by the Supreme Court
in White.” ). In White, the Court stated “ [t]he plaintiffs’
burden is to produce evidence . . . that [the minority
groups’] members had less opportunity than did other
residents in the district to participate in the political pro
cesses and to elect legislators of their choice.” Id. at 766,
93 S.Ct. at 2339.4
4. It might be argued that since the Supreme Court used the
term "legislators" and Congress chose "representatives," Con
gress thereby rejected language limiting the coverage of § 2
(C o n t in u e d o n f o l l o w in g p a g e )
A p p . 1 9
Further, contrary to the statement in the district
court’s opinion that the legislative history of the 1982
amendments does not address the issue of section 2 ap
plying to the judiciary, Senator Orrin Hatch, in com
ments contained in the Senate Report, stated that the
term “ ‘political subdivision’ encompasses all governmental
units, including city and county councils, school boards,
judicial districts, utility districts, as well as state legis
latures.” S.Rep. 417 at 151, 1982 U.S.Code Cong. & Ad
min. News 323 (emphasis added). While the above state
ment by Senator Hatch is not a definitive description of
the scope of the Act, we believe the statement provides
persuasive evidence of congressional understanding and
belief that section 2 applies to the judiciary, especially
since the Report is silent as to any dissent by senators
from Senator Hatch’s description.
Additionally, the Senate and House hearings on the
various bills regarding the extension of the Voting Rights
Act in 1982 are replete with references to the election of
judicial officials under the Act, The references primarily
occur in the context of statistics presented to Congress
indicating advances or setbacks of minorities under the
Act. The statistics chart the election of minorities to
various elected positions, including judges. See Extension
of the Voting Rights Act: Hearings on H.R. 1407, II.R.
1731, H.R. 2942, and H.R. 3112, H.R. 3198, H.R. 3473 and
H.R. 3498 Before the Subcomm. on Civil and Constitu-
(Continued from previous page)
to legislators. The better analysis is that Congress did not
use the term "representatives" with a specific intent to limit
the section's application to any elected officials. Had Con
gress wished to do so, it could have easily promulgated ex
press language to effectuate that intent.
A p p . 2 0
tional Rights of the House Comm, on the Judiciary, 97th
Cong. 1st sess. 38, 193, 239, 280, 503, 574, 804, 937, 1182,
1188, 1515, 1528, 1535, 1745, 1839, 2647 (1981); Voting
Rights Act: Hearings on 8 . 53, S. 1761, S. 1975, 8 . 1992,
and H.R. 3112 Before the Subcomm. on the Constitution of
the Senate Comm, on the Judiciary, 97th Cong.2d Sess.
669, 748, 788-89 (1982). Once again, the legislative history
does not reveal any dissent from, the proposition that such
statistics were properly considered by Congress in amend
ing the Act. Finally, throughout the Senate Report on
the 1982 amendments to section 2, Congress uses the terms
“ officials,” “ candidates,” and “ representatives” inter
changeably when explaining the meaning and purpose of
the Act. This lack of any consistent use of the term “ rep
resentatives” indicates that Congress did not intentionally
choose that term in an effort to exclude certain types of
elected officials from the coverage of the Act.
In contrast to the examples of legislative history which
plaintiffs cite in support of their position that section 2
applies to state judicial elections, the State offers no con
vincing1 evidence in the legislative history contrary to the
plaintiff’s interpretation of the Act. Instead, the State
relies primarily on the plain meaning of the word “ repre
sentative” to assert that judges are exempt from the Act.
The State’s position is untenable.5 Judges, while not “ rep-
5. The State asserts that the Dole compromise prohibiting pro
portional representation evidences congressional intent that
§ 2 only apply to legislative officials. Proportional represen
tation, the State continues, is relevant to the legislature; there
fore, Congress intended § 2 to apply only to the election of
legislators. However, what belies the State's argument is that
(C o n t in u e d o n f o l l o w in g p a g e )
A p p . 21
resentatives” in the traditional sense, do indeed reflect the
sentiment of the majority of the people as to the individ
uals they choose to entrust with the responsibility of ad
ministering the law. As the district court held in Martin
v. Attain:
[Jjudges do not. “ represent” those who elect them in
the same context as legislators represent their constitu
ents. The use of the word “ representatives” in Sec
tion 2 is not restricted to legislative representatives
but denotes anyone selected or chosen by popular elec
tion from among a field of candidates to fill an. office,
including judges.
658 F.Supp. at 1200.
C. Section 5 and Section 2
The plaintiffs further support their position that judi
cial elections are covered by section 2 by citing to the
recent case of Haith v. Martin, 618 F.Supp. 410 (E.D.N.C.
1985), o f f cl, 477 U.S. 901, 106 S.Ct. 3268, 91 L,Ed.2d 559
(1986), wherein the district court held that judicial elec
tions are covered by section 5 and the preclearance re
quirements of the Act. In Haith, the defendant state offi-
(Continued from previous page)
proportional representation may occur in any election where
in the people elect individuals to compromise a group. For
instance, Louisiana elects seven Justices to comprise the Su
preme Court. Certainly, the prohibition on proportional rep
resentation in § 2(b) applies in such a situation to prevent a
legal requirement that the number of blacks on the Louisiana
Supreme Court correspond to the percentage of blacks in
the Louisiana population. Moreover, the State conceded at
oral argument that executive officials could be covered by
§2, underlying their assertion that congressional fear of pro
portional representation evidenced intent that § 2 only apply
to the legislature.
A p p . 2 2
eials sought to exempt the election of superior court judges
in North Carolina from the preclearance requirements of
section 5 by relying on the cases holding that the one per
son, one vote principle does not apply to the judicial branch
of government. In an analysis strikingly similar to that
employed by the Court in Voter Information, the district
court in Haith rejected the defendants’ arguments as mis
placed due to the fact that the plaintiff’s claim was one
based on discrimination, not malapportionment. The
Haith court stated “ [a]s can be seen, the Act applies to
all voting without any limitation as to who, or what, is
the object of the vote.” 618 F.Supp. at 413. See also
Kirlcsey v. Attain, 635 F.Supp. 347, 349 (S.D.Miss.1986)
(“ Given the expansive interpretation of the Voting Rights
Act and § 5, this Court is compelled to agree with the pro
nouncement in Haith v. Martin” that section 5 applies to
the judiciary.)
In the instant case, the State argues that the Supreme
Court’s affirmance of Haith does not compel a conclusion
that section 2 applies to judicial elections as section 5 in
volves the mechanics of voting, while section 2 involves the
fundamental right to vote for those who govern. We re
ject this asserted distinction. If, for instance, Louisiana
were to enact an election statute providing that no blacks
would be able to vote in elections for Louisiana Supreme
Court Justices, it is undisputed, after Haith, that such a
statute would be invalidated under the preclearance re
quirements of section 5. To hold, as the State asserts, that
such an egregious statute would not be subject to the re
quirements of section 2 as well would lead to the incon
gruous result that, while Louisiana could not adopt such
a statute in 1988, if that statute were in effect prior to
A p p . 2 3
1982, minorities could only challenge the statute under the
Constitution and not the Voting* Rights Act, Such a result
would be totally inconsistent with the broad remedial pur
pose of the Act. Moreover, section 5 and section 2, vir
tually companion sections, operate in tandem to prohibit
discriminatory practices in voting, whether those prac
tices originate in the past, present, or future. Section 5
contains virtually identical language defining its scope to
that of section 2—“ any voting qualification or prerequisite
to voting, or standard, practice, or proceedure with respect
to voting. . . . ” Therefore, statutory construction, con
sistency, and practicality point inexorably to the conclu
sion that if section 5 applies to the judiciary, section 2
must also apply to the judiciary. See Pampanga Mills v.
Trinidad, 279 U.S. 211, 217-18, 49 S.Ct. 308, 310, 73 L.Ed.
665 (1929).
D. The Attorney General’s Interpretation
In United States v. Sheffield Board of Commission
ers, 435 U.S. at 131, 98 S.Ct, at 979, the Supreme Court
concluded that the contemporaneous construction of the
Act by the Attorney General is persuasive evidence of the
original congressional understanding of the Act, “ es
pecially in light of the extensive role the Attorney General
played in drafting the statute and explaining its operation
to Congress.” Since its inception, the Attorney General
has consistently supported an expansive, not restrictive,
construction of the Act. Testifying at congressional hear
ings prior to the passage of the Act in 1965, the Attorney
General stated that “ every election in which registered
voters are permitted to vote would be covered” by the
Act. Voting Rights: Hearing Before Subcomm. No. 5 of
A p p . 2 4
the House Judiciary Comm., 89th Cong. 1st Sess. (1965),
at 21. See also Allen, 393 U.S. at 566-67, 89 S.Ct. at 832-
33. Continuing the trend of broadly interpreting the Act
to further its remedial purpose, the Attorney General has
filed an amicus curiae brief in the instant case in which
he maintains that the “ plain meaning of [the language in
section 2] reaches all elections, including judicial elec
tions” and that the pre-existing coverage of section 2 was
not limited by the 1982 congressional amendments. This
construction of the Act by the Attorney General further
bolsters our holding today that section 2 does apply to
state judicial elections.
E. Plaintiffs’ Constitutional Claims
Plaintiffs also appeal the district court’s dismissal of
their constitutional claims for failure to plead specific dis
criminatory intent. In their complaint, plaintiffs allege,
in pertinent part:
The defendant’s actions are in violation of the Four
teenth and Fifteenth amendments to the United States
Constitution and 42 U.S.C. Section 1983 in that the
purposes and effect of their actions is to dilute, mini
mize, and cancel the voting strength of the plaintiffs.
[2, 3] In the instant case, the district court, was cor
rect in concluding that discriminatory purpose is a pre
requisite to recovery under the fourteenth and fifteenth
amendments. See Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 239-
41, 96 S.Ct. 2040, 2047-48, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976). How
ever, the district court erred in finding that plaintiffs’
complaint did not establish a theory of “ discriminatory
intent.” In Voter Information, this Court held that if
“ plaintiffs can prove that the purpose and operative ef-
A p p . 2 5
feet of such purpose” of the challenged electoral practices
is to dilute minority voting strength, the plaintiffs are en
titled to some form of relief. Voter Information, 612 F.2d
at 212. When compared with the complaint in Voter In
formation, the plaintiffs’ complaint in the instant case
is sufficient to raise a claim of racial discrimination under
the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments.6
III. CONCLUSION
Where racial discrimination exists, it is not confined
to elections for legislative and executive officials; in such
instance, it extends throughout the entire electoral spec
trum. Minorities may not be prevented from, using section
2 in their efforts to combat racial discrimination in the
election of state judges; a. contrary result would prohibit
minorities from achieving an effective voice in choosing
those individuals society elects to administer and interpret
the law. The right to vote, the right, to an effective voice
in our society, cannot be impaired on the basis of race in
6. In Voter Information, the plaintiffs' complaint alleged,
25. The sole purpose of the present at-large system
of election of City Judge is to ensure that the white majority
will continue to elect all white persons for the office of
City Judge.
26. The present at-large system was instituted when
"Division B" was created as a reaction to increasing black
voter registration and for the express purpose of diluting
and minimizing the effect of the increased black vote.
27. In Baton Rouge, there is a continuing history of
"bloc voting" under which when a black candidate opposes
a white candidate, the white majority consistently casts
its votes for the white candidate, irrespective of relative
qualifications.
612 F.2d at 211.
A p p . 2 6
any instance wherein the will of the majority is expressed
by popular vote.
For the reasons set forth above, we reverse the judg
ment of the district court and remand for proceedings not
inconsistent with this opinion.
REVERSED AND REMANDED.
A p p . 2 7
IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
No. 87-3463
RONALD CHISOM, MARIE BOOKMAN, WALTER
WILLARD, MARC MORIAL, LOUISIANA VOTER
REGISTRATION/EDUCATION CRUSADE and
HENRY A. DILLON, III,
Plaintiff s-Appellants,
versus
EDWIN EDWARDS, in Ms capacity as Governor
of the State of Louisiana, et ah,
Defendants-Appellees.
Appeal from the United States District Court
for the Eastern District of Louisiana
(May 27, 1988)
Before BROWN, JOHNSON, and HIGGINBOTHAM,
Circuit Judges.
PER CURIAM:
The Petition for Rehearing is DENIED and no mem
ber of this panel nor Judge in regular active service on
the Court having requested that the Court be polled on
rehearing en banc (Federal Rules of Appellate Proced
ure and Local Rule 35), the Suggestion for Rehearing
En Banc is DENIED. The Court further orders that
the mandate shall issue forthwith,
ENTERED FOR THE COURT:
/s / SAM D. JOHNSON
United States Circuit Judge
A p p . 2 8
Ronald CHISOM, et al.,
v.
Edwin EDWARDS, et al.
Civ. A. No. 86-4075.
United States District Court,
E.D. Louisiana.
May 1, 1987.
As Amended July 10, 1987.
Class action suit was filed on behalf of all blacks regis
tered to vote in Louisiana parish, challenging process of
electing Louisiana Supreme Court justices for particular
district. Defendants moved to dismiss. The District
Court, Charles Schwartz, Jr., J., held that: (1) judges
were not “ representatives” within meaning of § 2 of Vot
ing Rights Act, and (2) complaint did not sufficiently al
lege intent to discriminate in violation of Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendment.
Motion granted. 1
1. Elections 12(1)
Judges are not “ representatives” within meaning of
section of Voting Rights Act referring to right to elect
representatives; by their very definition, judges do not
represent voters but are appointed or elected to preside
and to administer law. Voting Rights Act of 1965, § 2 et
seq., 42 U.S.C.A. § 1973 et seq.
See publication Words and Phrases for other
judicial constructions and definitions.
A p p . 2 9
2. Civil Rights 13.12(3)
Elections 12(9)
Complaint lacked allegations required for claims of
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendment violations from sys
tem of election of state Supreme Court justices, where it
did not allege that system was instituted with specific in
tent to discriminate. U.S.C.A. Const.Amends. 14, 15.
William P. Quigley, Ron Wilson, Roy Rodney, New Or
leans, La., C. Lani Guinier, Pamela S. Karlan, New York
City, for plaintiffs.
William J. Guste, Jr., Atty. Gen. Eavelyn T. Brooks,
Asst. Atty. Gen., Louisiana Dept, of Justice, M. Truman
Woodward, Jr., Black (sic) G. Arata, A.R. Christovich,
Moise W. Dennery, New Orleans, La., for defendants.
OPINION
CHARLES SCHWARTZ, Jr., District Judge.
This matter is before the Court on defendants’ motion
to dismiss for failure to state a claim upon which relief can
be granted pursuant to F.R.Civ.P. 12(b) (6). For the fore
going reasons, defendants’ motion is GRANTED.
FACTS AND ALLEGATIONS
Ronald Chisom, four other black plaintiffs and the
Louisiana Voter Registration Education Crusade filed this
class action suit on behalf of all blacks registered to vote
in Orleans Parish. Plaintiffs’ complaint challenges the
process of electing Louisiana Supreme Court Justices from
the First District of the State Supreme Court. The com-
A p p . 3 0
plaint alleges that the system of electing two at-large Su
preme Court Justices from the Parishes of Orleans, St.
Bernard, Plaquemines and Jefferson violates the 1965 Vot
ing Rights Act, as amended, 42 U.S.C. § 1973 et seq., the
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the United States
Federal Constitution and, finally, 42 U.S.C. § 1983. Plain
tiffs argue that the election system impermissibly dilutes,
minimizes and cancels the voting strength of blacks who
are registered to vote in Orleans Parish.
More specifically, plaintiffs’ original and amended
complaint avers that the First Supreme Court District of
Louisiana contains approximately 1,102,253 residents of
which 63.36%, or 698,418 are white, and 379,101, or 34.4%
are black. The First Supreme Court District has 515,103
registered voters, of which 68% are white, and 31.61%
are black. Plaintiffs contend that the First Supreme
Court District of Louisiana should be divided into two
single districts. Plaintiffs suggest that because Orleans
Parish’s present population is 555,515 persons, roughly
half the present First Supreme Court District, the most
logical division is to have Orleans Parish elect one Su
preme Court Justice and the Parishes of Jefferson, St.
Bernard and Plaquemine together elect the other Supreme
Court Justice. If plaintiffs’ plan were to be carried out,
plaintiffs contend the present First Supreme Court Dis
trict encompassing only Orleans Parish would then have a
black population and voter registration comprising a ma
jority of the district’s population. More specifically,
plaintiffs assert presently 124,881 of the registered voters
in Orleans are white, comprising 47.9% of the plaintiffs’
proposed district’s voters; while 134,492 of the registered
voters in Orleans are now black, comprising 51.6% of the
A p p . 3 1
envisioned district’s voters. The other district comprised
of Jefferson, Plaquemines and St. Bernard parishes and
would have a substantially greater white population than
black, according to plaintiffs’ plan.
Plaintiffs seek class certification of approximately
135,000 black residents of Orleans Parish, whom plaintiffs
allege suffer from diluted voting strength as a result of
the present at-large election system. Additionally, plain
tiffs seek a preliminary and permanent injunction against
the defendants restraining the further election of Justices
for the First Supreme Court District until this Court
makes a determination on the merits of plaintiffs’ chal
lenge. Further, plaintiffs seek an order requiring defen
dants to reapportion the First Louisiana Supreme Court
in a manner which ‘ ‘ fairly recognizes the voting strengths
of minorities in the New Orleans area and completely rem
edies the present dilution of minority voting strength.”
(Plaintiffs’ Complaint, p. 7). Plaintiffs also seek an or
der requiring compliance with the Voting Bights Act and,
finally, a declaration from this Court that the Supreme
Court election system violates the Voting Bights Act and
the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Federal
Constitution.1
Defendants do not dispute the figures presented by
plaintiffs in their amended complaint. Instead, they con
1. Plaintiffs, earlier, sought a three judge court to hear this
complaint which was denied by this Court as the terms of
28 U.S.C. § 2284 provide for a three judge court when the
constitutionality of the apportionment of congressional dis
tricts or the apportionment of any statewide legislative body
is challenged. Nowhere does § 2284 provide for convening
a three judge court when a judicial apportionment is chal
lenged.
A p p . 3 2
tend that section 2 of the Voting Eights Act of 1965, as
amended, the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the
United States Federal Constitution and 42 U.S.C. §. 1983
fail to provide plaintiffs grounds upon which relief can he
granted for plaintiffs’ allegation of diluted black voting
strength.
SECTION 2 OF THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965
DOES NOT APPLY TO THE INSTANT ACTION
Prior to 1982, section 2 of the Voting Eights Act (42
U.S.C. ■§ 1973), “ Denial or Abridgement of Eights to Vote
on Account of Race or Color Through Voting Qualifica
tions or Prerequisites,” read as follows:
No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or
standard, practice, or procedure, shall be imposed or
applied by any State or political subdivision to deny
or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States
to vote on account of race or color, or in contravention
of the guarantees set forth in section 1973(b) (f) (2)
of this title.
Section 2 of the Voting Eights Act was amended as a re
sponse to City of Mobile, Alabama v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55,
100 S.Ct. 1490, 64 L.Ed. 47 (1980), in which the Supreme
Court in a plurality opinion held to establish a violation
of section 2 of the Voting Eights Act, minority voters must
prove the contested electoral mechanism was intentionally
adopted or maintained by state officials for a discrimina
tory purpose. After Bolden, Congress in 1982 revised sec
tion 2 to make clear that a violation of the Voting Eights
Act could be proven by showing a discriminatory effect or
result alone. United States v. Marengo County Commis
sion, 731 F.2d 1546 n. 1 (11th Cir. 1984), appeal dismissed,
A p p . 33
cert, denied, 469 U.S. 976, 105 S.Ct. 375, 83 LEd.2d 311
(1984).2 Section 2, as amended, 96 Stat. 134, now reads:
(a) No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting
or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or
applied by any State or political subdivision in a man
ner which results in a denial or abridgement of the
rights of any citizen of the United States to vote on
account of race or color, or in contravention of the
guarantees set forth in section 1973b(f)(2), as pro
vided in subsection (b) of this section.
(b) A violation of subsection (a) is established if,
based on the totality of the circumstances, it is shown
that the political processes leading to nomination for
election in the State or political subdivision are not
equally open to participation by members of a class of
citizens protected by subsection (a) of this section in
that its members have less opportunity than other
members of the electorate to participate in the political
process and to elect representatives of their choice.
The extent to which members of a protected class have
been elected to office in the State or political subdivi
sion is one circumstance which may be considered:
Provided, that nothing in this section establishes a
right to’ have members of a protective class elected in
numbers equal to their proportion in the population.
42 U.S.C. § 1973 (emphasis added).
Prior to the 1982 amendments to section 2, a three-
judge court composed of Judges Ainsworth, West and Gor
don, headed by Judge West, addressed a voting rights
claim arising out of the same claims of discrimination as
2. See S.Rep. 97-417, 97 Cong.2d Sess (1982) pp. 15-43, U.S.
Code Cong. & Admin.News 1982, p. 177, for a complete dis
cussion of Congress' intent to overturn the section 2 "pur
poseful discrimination" requirement imposed by Mobile v.
Bolden.
in this case, albeit not in a section 2 context, Wells v. Ed
wards, 347 F.Supp. 453 (MD.La.1972), aff’d, 409 U.S. 1095,
93 S.Ct. 904, 34 L.Ed.2d 679 (1973). In Wells, a registered
black voter residing in Jefferson Parish, brought suit seek
ing a reapportionment of the judicial districts from which
the seven judges of the Supreme Court of Louisiana are
elected. Ms. Wells sought an injunction enjoining the
state from holding the scheduled Supreme Court Justice
elections and an order compelling the Louisiana Legisla
ture to enact an apportionment plan in accordance with the
‘ ‘ one man, one vote ’ ’ principle and to reschedule the pend
ing election. On cross motions for summary judgment, the
three-judge court stated, “ We hold that the concept of
one-man, one vote apportionment does not apply to the
judicial branch of government,” 342 F.Supp. at 454. The
Wells court took notice of Hadley v. Junior College Dis
trict, 397 U.S, 50, 90 S.Ct. 791, 25 L.Ed.2d 45 (1970), in
which the Supreme Court held, “ Whenever a state or local
government decides to select persons by popular election
to perform governmental functions, the equal protection
clause of the fourteenth amendment requires that each
qualified voter must be given an equal opportunity to par
ticipate in that election. . . .” , 90 S.Ct. 791, 795 (emphasis
added), but distinguished its holding by outlining the spe
cial functions of judges.
The Wells court noted many courts’ past delineations
between elected officials who performed legislative or ex
ecutive functions and judges who apply, but not create,
law3 and concluded:
A p p . 3 4
3. See, e.g., Stokes v. Fortson, 234 F.Supp. 575 (N.D.Ga.1964)
("Manifestly, judges and prosecutors are not representative
(Continued on following page)
‘ Judges do not represent people, they serve people.’
Thus, the rationale behind the one-man, one-vote prin
ciple, which evolved out of efforts to preserve a truly
representative form of government, is simply not rele
vant to the makeup of the judiciary.
347 F.Supp. at 455.
The Wells opinion interpreted the “ one man one
vote” principle prior to the 1982 amendments to section 2,
which added the phrase, “ [T]o elect representatives of
their choice.” 4 See emphasis in quotation 42 U.S.O. 1973,
supra.) The legislative history of the 1982 Voting* Bights
Act amendments does not yield a definitive statement not
ing why the word “ representative” was added to section
2. However, in this case, no such statement is necessary,
as “ to elect representatives of their choice” is clear and
unambiguous.
[1] Judges, by their very definition, do not represent
voters but are “ appointed [or elected] to preside and to
administer the law.” Black’s Law Dictionary, 1968. As
statements by Hamilton in the Federalist, No. 78 reflect,
the distinction between Judge and representative has long-
been established in American legal history:
A p p . 3 5
(Continued from previous page)
in the same sense as they are legislators or the executive.
Their function is to administer the law, not to espouse a
cause of a particular constituency"); Holshouser v. Scott, 335
F.Supp. 928 (D.D.C.1971) ("We hold that the one man, one
vote rule does not apply to state judiciary. . . ."); Buchanan
v. Rhodes, 249 F.Supp. 860 (N.D.Ohio1966) ("Judges do not
represent people, they serve people"); New York State Assn,
of Trial Lawyers v. Rockefeller, 267 F.Supp. 148, 153 (S.D.N.Y.
1967) ("The state judiciary, unlike the legislature, is not the
organ responsible for achieving representative government.")
4. This language did not appear in section 2 at the time of
the Wells opinion.
A p p . 3 6
I f it be said that the legislative body are themselves
the constitutional judges of their own powers, and that
the construction they put upon them is conclusive upon
the other departments, it may be answered, that this
cannot be the natural presumption, where it is not to
be collected from any particular provisions in the con
stitution. It is not otherwise to be supposed that the
constitution could intend to enable the representatives
of the people to substitute their will to that of their
constituents. It is far more rational to suppose that
the courts were designed to be an intermediate body
between the people and the legislature, in order, among
other things, to keep the latter within the limits as
signed to their authority. The interpretation of the
laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts.
Indeed, our Federal Constitution recognizes the in
herent difference between representatives and judges by
placing the federal judiciary in an entirely different cate
gory from that of other federal elective offices. It is note
worthy that articles 1 and 2, which establish Congress and
the Presidency, are lengthy and detailed, while Article 3,
which establishes the judiciary, is brief and free of direc
tion, indicating the judiciary is to be free of any instruc
tions. Today, Fifth Circuit jurisprudence continues to
recognize the long established distinction between judges
and other officials. See, e.g., Morial v. Judiciary Com
mittee of State of Louisiana, 565 F.2d 295 (5th Cir.1977)
en banc, cert, denied, 435 IT.S. 1013, 98 S.Ct. 1887, 56 L.Ed.
2d 395 (1978). (See also Footnote 1, supra.)
The legislative history of the Voting Bights Act
Amendments does not address the issue of section 2 apply
A p p . 3 7
ing to the judiciary,5 indeed, most of the discussion con
cerning the application of the Voting Eights Act refers to
legislative offices. Nevertheless plaintiffs ignore the his
torical distinction between representative and judge and
the lack of any discernible legislative history in their favor
and argue that the Voting Eights Act is a broad and reme
dial measure which must be extended to cover judicial elec
tion systems.6 Plaintiffs rely principally on Haith v. Mar
'S. The Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee's Subcom
mittee on the Constitution, Senator Orrin Hatch, in voicing
his strong opposition of the Legislative reversal of Bolden
through the section 2 revisions, made a brief reference to
section 2 applying to judicial elections:
Every political subdivision in the United States would be
liable to have its electoral practices and procedures eval
uated by the proposed results test of section 2. It is im
portant to emphasize at the onset that for the purposes of
Section 2, the term "political subdivision" encompasses all
governmental units, including city and county councils,
school boards, judicial districts, utility districts, as well as
state legislatures.
S.Rep, 97-417, 97 Cong.2d Sess. 127, 151, reprinted in 1982
U.S.Code Cong. & Admin.News 298, 323.
Although Senator Hatch's comment indicates coverage of
judicial districts by the Voting Rights Act, the purpose of the
above passage was to illustrate Senator Hatch's belief that
the impact of the section 2 Amendments' "results test" would
be far ranging and in his opinion, detrimental. Senator
Hatch's comments were included at the end of the Senate
report usually reserved for dissenting Senators. The above
passage did not portend to be a definative or even a mod
erately detailed description of the coverage of the Voting
Rights Act, nor does Senator Hatch provide any authority
for his suggestion of the potential scope of section 2. Rather,
this Court finds that the passage was meant to be argumenta
tive and persuasive, and not as a means to define actual scope
of the Act.
6. See e.g., United Jewish Organization of Williamsburg, Inc.
v. 'Carey, 430 U.S. 144, 97 S.Ct. 996, 51 L.Ed.2d 229 (1977)
(Continued on following page)
A p p . 3 8
tin, 618 F.Supp. 410 (D.N.C.1985) (three-judge court),
aff’d, without opinion, 106 S.Ct, 3268, 91 L.Ed.2d 559
(1986) for the proposition that this Court should ignore
Wells v. Edwards, supra, and apply section 2 to the allega
tions contained in their complaint.* 7 In Haith, the district
court held that judicial election systems are covered by
section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, which requires pre-
clearance by the U.S. Justice Department of any voting
procedures changes in areas with a history of voting dis
crimination. Plaintiffs, in essence, argue that because the
Supreme Court, without opinion, affirmed the Haith dis
trict court in its application of section 5 to judicial elec
tions, this Court should expand the holding of Haith to
include section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Plaintiffs’
argument fails because section 5 does not specifically re
strict its application to election systems pertaining to rep
resentatives, a restriction included in the 1982 amendments
to section 2.
Although a potential conflict may develop between the
holdings in Wells and Haith, Wells clearly states the “ one
(Continued from previous page)
("It is apparent from the face of the Act, from its legislative
history, and from our cases of the Act itself was broadly re
medial in the sense that it 'was designed by Congress to ban
ish the blight of racial discrimination in voting . . 430
U.S. at 156, 97 S.Ct. at 1005; South Carolina v. Katzenback, 383
U.S. 301, 86 S.Ct. 803, 15 L.Ed.2d 769 (1966) (The Voting Rights
Act "reflects Congress' firm intention to rid the country of
racial discrimination in voting"), 383 U.S. at 315, 86 S.Ct. at
811.
7. Plaintiffs also rely on Kirksey v. Allian, 658 F.Supp. 1153
(S.D.Ms.1987), in which a district court dismissed the reason
ing in Wells, and held section 2 does apply to the elected
judiciary. Wells, ̂ supra, has precedential authority and clearly
conflicts with Kirksey, an untested lower court opinion.
A p p . 3 9
man one vote ’ ’ principle is not applicable to judicial elec
tions. This Court recognizes the long standing principle
that the judiciary, on all levels, exists to interpret and
apply the laws, that is, judge the applicability of laws in
specific instances. Representatives of the people, on the
other hand, write laws to encompass a wide range of situ
ations. Therefore, decisions by representatives must occur
in an environment which takes into account public opinion
so that laws promulgated reflect the values of the rep
resented society, as a whole. Judicial decisions which in
volve the individual or individuals must occur in an en
vironment of impartiality so that courts render judgments
which reflect the particular facts and circumstances of dis
tinct cases, and not the sweeping and sometimes undisci
plined winds of public opinion.
PLAINTIFFS’ FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH
AMENDMENT CLAIMS FAIL TO STATE A CLAIM
UPON WHICH RELIEF CAN BE GRANTED AS
PLAINTIFFS DO NOT PLEAD DISCRIMINATORY
INTENT
The appropriate constitutional standard for estab
lishing a violation of the fourteenth amendment in the con
text of voting rights is “ purposeful discrimination.” Vil
lage of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Gorp.,
429 U.S. 252, 97 S.Ct. 555, 50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977) ;8 Mc-
Millian v. Escambia City, Fla., 688 F.2d 960 (5th Cir.
8. In Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing
Corp., purposeful discrimination was held the standard neces
sary to establish a violation of the fourteenth amendment
where plaintiff claimed a village rezoning decision was racial
ly discriminatory.
A p p . 4 0
1982).9 Similarly, City of Mobile, Alabama v. Bolden, su
pra, requires a court to establish a finding of discrimina
tory purpose before declaring a fifteenth amendment vio
lation of voting rights.10
In Voter Information Project, 612 F.2d 208 (5th Cir.
1980), a panel composed of Judges Jones, Brown and Rubin
(opinion by Judge Brown) held a suit that alleged the
at-large scheme for electing city judges in Baton Rouge
invidiously diluted the voting strength of black persons in
violation of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to
9. In McMillian v. Escambia City, Fla., the Fifth Circuit held
the Arlington Heights' "purposeful discrimination" standard
is appropriate in fourteenth amendment voter discrimination
claims.
10. Although there is a conflict between the requirement of
"discriminatory effect" in Section 2, which is intended to
enforce the fifteenth amendment, and the requirement of
"purposeful discrimination" for a fifteenth amendment viola
tion standing alone, the Senate Judiciary Committee addressed
this point and recognized Congress' limited ability to adjust
the burden of proving Voting Rights Violations in its "Voting
Rights Act Extension" Committee Report.
Certainly, Congress cannot overturn a substantive in
terpretation of the Constitution by the Supreme Court. Such
rulings can only be altered under our form of government
by constitutional amendment or by a subsequent decision
by the Supreme Court.
Thus Congress cannot alter the judicial interpretations
in Bolden of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments by
simple statute. But the proposed amendment to Section
2 does not seek to reverse the court's constitutional inter
pretation.
S.Rep. 97-417, 97 Cong.2d Sess. (1982), p. 41, U.S.Code Cong.
& Admin.News 1982, p. 219. The Supreme Court, the only
body empowered to interpret the Federal Constitution, has
not seen fit to overrule its repeated determination that the
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments claims require "pur
poseful discrimination."
A p p . 4 1
the United States Federal Constitution, and 42 U.S.C.
§ 1983, could not be dismissed when the complaint alleges
purposeful discrimination. At the trial level. Judge West
relied on his reasoning in Wells, supra, that the one man,
one vote principle did not apply to the elections of judges,
and dismissed plaintiffs’ suit. Judge Brown reversed,
holding that the “ one man, one vote” principle as es
poused in Wells, supra, was not enough to dismiss plain
tiff ’s complaint. The Voter Information Court found:
The problem with the District Court’s opinion, how
ever, is that it assumes the “ one man, one vote” prin
ciple was the exclusive theory of plaintiff’s complaints.
In addition to a rather vaguely formulated 4 ‘ one man,
one vote” theory, plaintiffs contend that both in de
sign and operation, the at-large schemes dilute the
voting strength of black citizens and prevent blacks
from being elected as judges. As the complaint at
tacking the city judge election system alleges:
25. The sole purpose of the present at-large sys
tem of election of City Judge is to insure that the
white majority will continue to elect all white per
sons for the offices of City Judge.
26. The present at-large system was instituted
when “ Division B ” was created as a reaction to
increasing black voter registration and for the
express purpose of diluting and minimizing the
effect of the increased black vote.
27. In Baton Bouge, there is a continuing history
of “ bloc voting-” under which when a black can
didate opposes a white candidate, the white ma
jority consistently casts its votes for the white
candidate, irrespective of the relative qualifica
tions.
Plaintiffs contend that since most of the black popu
lation of Baton Bouge and E. Baton Bouge Parish is
concentrated in a few geographic areas, black citizens
A p p . 4 2
could, under a single member district plan, elect at
least some black judges.
612 F.2d at 211.
The Voter Information Project Court held the plain
tiff’s complaint contained sufficient allegations of inten
tional discrimination against black voters to survive a
motion to dismiss: “ If plaintiffs can prove that the pur
pose and operative effect of such purpose of the at-large
election schemes in Baton Rouge is to dilute the voting
strength of black citizens, then they are entitled to some
form of relief.” 612 F.2d at 212. Thus, the Voter Infor
mation Project requires that “ purpose and operative ef
fect” be pled in a fourteenth and. fifteenth amendment
challenge to a judicial apportionment plan.
[2] The complaint in the instant case states, in per
tinent part:
Because of the official history of racial discrimina
tion in Louisiana’s First Supreme Court District, the
wide spread prevalence of racially polarized voting
in the district, the continuing effects of past discrimi
nation on the plaintiffs, the small percentage of minor
ities elected to public office in the area, the absence of
any black elected to the Louisiana Supreme Court from
the First District, and the lack of any justifiable rea
son to continue the practice of electing two Justices
at-large from the New Orleans area only, plaintiffs
contend that the current election procedures for se
lecting Supreme Court justices from the New Orleans
area dilutes minority voting strength and therefore
violates the 1965 Voting Rights Act, as amended.
(See Plaintiffs’ Complaint, p. 5). Later on, the Complaint
alleges:
A p p . 4 3
The defendants’ actions are in violation of the Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendment to the United States
Constitution and 42 U.S.C. § 1983 in that the purpose
and effect of their actions is to dilute, minimize, and
cancel the voting strength of the plaintiffs.
{Id., p. 6.)
Although “ purpose and effect” language in the second
quotation above broadly read may imply plaintiffs ’ inten
tion to plead discriminatory intent, it is this Court’s con
sidered opinion, based on the complaint as a whole, that
plaintiffs intend to prove this claim based on a theory of
“ discriminatory effect” and not on a theory of “ discrim
inatory intent.” City of Mobile Alabama v. Bolden,
supra. For example, plaintiffs’ complaint does not al
lege the system by which the Louisiana Supreme Court
Justices are elected was instituted with specific intent to
discriminate. This contrasts with the specific allegations
in Voter Information Project, supra. Accordingly, plain
tiffs lack the requisite allegations in order to prove a vio
lation of the fourteenth or fifteenth amendment to the
Federal Constitution. The Court reserves the right for
plaintiffs to reurge its fourteenth and fifteenth amend
ment claims as they relate to the Court’s ruling that plain
tiffs’ complaint only alleges “ discriminatory effect.”
Accordingly, unless plaintiffs’ complaint is amended
within ten (10) days of the date of entry of this opinion,
the Clerk of Court is directed to enter judgment DISMISS
ING plaintiffs’ claim at their cost.
A p p . 4 4
IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
No. 88-3492
RONALD CHISOM, ET AL.,
versus
Plaintiffs-Appellees,
BUDDY ROEMER, ET AL.,
D ef endants-App ellant s.
Appeal from the United States District Court
for the Eastern District of Louisiana
(August 19, 1988)
Before CLARK, Chief Judge, GARZA and POLITZ, Cir
cuit Judges.
POLITZ, Circuit Judge:
On August 3, 1988, following an expedited appeal, we
vacated the preliminary injunction issued by the district
court which had enjoined the election of a justice of the
Louisiana Supreme Court from the First Supreme Court
District, and ordered that “ said election shall he con
ducted in accordance with the laws of the State of Louisi
ana at the times and in the manner specified therein. ’ ! Con
sistent with a reservation then made, we now assign our
reasons for that decision.
App. 45
Background
On September 19, 3986 complainants, black registered
voters in Orleans Parish, Louisiana, and an organization
active in voting-rights issues, filed the instant suit, alleg
ing that the present system of electing two justices to the
Louisiana Supreme Court from the First Supreme Court
District violates section 2 of the Voting Eights Act of 1965
as amended.1 Their complaint was met with a motion to
dismiss under Buie 12(b) (6) of the Federal Rules of Civil
Procedure, which the court granted, essentially based on
the conclusion that section 2 did not apply to judicial elec
tions.1 2 On appeal we reversed and remanded.3
After an application for panel rehearing and for a
rehearing en banc was declined, the case was returned to
the district court. Thereafter, complainants applied for a
preliminary injunction to prevent the election scheduled
for October 1, 1988 of a justice from the First Supreme
Court District, a position held by Justice Pascal F. Calo-
gero, Jr. since 1972.4 Based on the evidence presented5
1. 42 U.S.C. § 1973, as amended June 29, 1982, 96 Stat. 134.
The complaint also alleges violations of the fourteenth and fif
teenth amendments but only section 2 of the Voting Rights Act
is involved in the preliminary injunction.
2. 659 F.Supp. 183 (E.D.La. 1987). The court dismissed the con
stitutional claims for failure of allegations of discriminatory in
tent.
3. 839 F.2d 1056 (5th Cir. 1988). All claims were reinstated.
4. justice Calogero is the ranking Supreme Court justice, in
terms of service, second only to Chief Justice John A. Dixon, Jr.
5. As observed by a member of this panel during oral argu
ment, defendants made little attempt to offer evidence or other
(Continued on following page)
A p p . 4 6
the district judge concluded that the election should be en
joined. Defendants appealed and sought a stay pending
appeal, Fed.R.App.P. 8. A divided motions panel of this
court expedited the appeal and stayed the injunction to
the extent it related to the qualifying activities of candi
dates. As noted, after hearing the expedited appeal this
merits panel vacated the remainder of the preliminary in
junction.
Factual Context
The thoughtful and comprehensive opinion of the trial
court, which gleans the sparse record and reaches out and
takes judicial notice of other relevant judicially-found
facts,6 reveals the following scenario.
The Supreme Court of Louisiana is composed of “ a
chief justice and six associate justices, four of whom must
concur to render judgment,” who are elected for ten-year
terms.7 The justices are elected from six Supreme Court
districts, all of which are single-member districts except
the First Supreme Court District which elects two jus
tices,8 a tradition dating back more than a century. The
(Continued from previous page)
assistance to the trial court's efforts to decide the very difficult
and serious issues presented by the application for a prelim
inary injunction.
6. Notably, the congressional redistricting case involving New
Orleans and environs, brought pursuant to section 2 of the Vot
ing Rights Act of 1965 as amended, Major v. Treen, 574 F.Supp.
325 (E.D.La. 1983) (three-judge court), a case in which a great
volume of evidence, vigorously tested by the adversarial pro
cess, was presented to the court.
7. La. Const, of 1974, Art. 5, § 3.
8. La. Const, of 1974, Art. 5, § 4 (incorporating La. Const, of
1921, Art. 7, § 9); La. R.S. 13:101.
A p p . 4 7
districts and the number of justices assigned to each are
“ subject to change by law enacted by two-thirds of the
elected members of each house of the legislature. ” 9
The First Supreme Court District is largely composed
of the metropolitan New Orleans area and includes four
parishes: Orleans, Jefferson, St. Bernard, and Plaque
mines. This district is the largest in population, with a
1980 census total of 1,102,253. The next largest Supreme
Court district has a 1980 census population of just over
861,000, while the smallest contains approximately 411,000
Louisianans. The average of the five other districts, using
1980 census figures, is 620,729.
In 1980, the most recent data available to the trial
court, the four parishes in the First Supreme Court Dis
trict had the following population distribution:
Voter registration data as of March 31, 1987 reflected
the following totals and percentages of black voters:
As the trial court found, at present blacks comprise a
majority of the total population, the voting-age popula
tion, and the registered voters in Orleans Parish. Orleans
Orleans
Jefferson
St. Bernard
Plaquemines
557,515 (55.25% black)
454,592 (13.89% black)
64,097 ( 3.73% black)
26,049 (21.12% black)
Orleans
Jefferson
St. Bernard
Plaquemines
251,359 (52.4% black)
199,534 (11.9% black)
40,086 ( 3.9% black)
15,198 (18.6% black)
9. La. Const, of 1974, Art. 5, § 4.
A p p . 4 8
Parish constitutes just over one-half of the total popula
tion of the First Supreme Court District.
The trial court concluded that complainants had satis
fied the tetrad test for issuance of a preliminary injunc
tion which was synthesized, although not originated, in the
oft-cited case of Canal Authority of Florida v. Callaivay,
489 F.2d 567, 572 (5th Cir. 1974), by showing:
(1) a substantial likelihood that plaintiff will pre
vail on the merits;
(2) a substantial threat that plaintiff will suffer irre
parable injury if the injunction is not granted;
(3) that the threatened injury to plaintiff outweighs
the threatened harm the injunction may do to de
fendant; and
(4) that granting the preliminary injunction will not
disserve the public interest.
Analysis
Inasmuch as our decision is powered by a considera
tion of the essence and ramifications of the third and
fourth factors, we pretermit a discussion of the first two,
except for these limited comments. It remains to be seen
whether the complainants will prevail on the merits, in
deed the Supreme Court has yet to speak on the critical
issue whether section 2 of the Voting Rights Act applies
to judicial elections. And we can only speculate as to the
state of the record in this ease after trial on the merits.
As to irreparable injury, complainants urge a black-
letter, per se rule to the effect that if an electoral stan
dard, practice, or procedure abridges section 2 of the Vot
ing Rights Act it automatically does irreparable injury to
A p p . 4 9
all or a portion of the body politic. Some district courts
would agree. See Dillard v. Crenshaw County, 640 F.Supp.
1347 (M.D.Ala. 1986) ; Harris v. Graddick, 593 F.Supp.
128 (M.D.Ala. 1984); Cook v. Duckett, 575 F.Supp, 479
(S.D.Miss. 1983). We do not. We are not prepared to
adopt a per se rule in such a vital area of state-federal re
lations. While we recognize and are in full accord with
the teachings of the Supreme Court in Reynolds v. Sims,
377 TLS. 533, 555 (1964), that “ [t]he right to vote freely
for the candidate of one’s choice is of the essence of a
democratic society and any restrictions on that right strike
at the heart of representative government. And the right
of suffrage can be denied by a debasement or dilution of
the weight of a citizen’s vote1 just as effectively as by
wholly prohibiting the free exercise.” We are also cog
nizant that “ ! [t]he possibility that . . . other corrective
relief will be available at a later date, in the ordinary
course of litigation, weighs heavily against a claim of
irreparable harm.’ ” Sampson v. Murray, 415 U.S. 61,
70, 945 S.Ct. 937, 39 L.Ed.2d 166 (1974) {quoting Vir
ginia Petrolexim Jobbers Assn. v. FPC, 104 U.S.App.D.C.
106, 110, 259 F.2d 921, 925 (1958)). In this we agree
with the commentators who1 suggest that ” [o]nly when
the threatened harm would impair the court’s ability to
grant an effective remedy is there really a need for pre
liminary relief.” Wright, Miller & Kane, Federal Prac
tice and Procedure § 2948 at 431-34 (1973).
Should the election be enjoined?
Assuming per arguendo that there has been a prima
facie showing of likelihood of success on the merits, and
irreparable injury, our disposition of this appeal turns on
A p p . 5 0
a negative response to tlie question: Does the public in
terest require that this election be enjoined? Would such
an injunction be in the best interests o f : all of the citi
zens of the State of Louisiana; the citizens of the First
Supreme Court District; the black citizenry of Louisiana;
that of the First Supreme Court District; or the black
electorate of Orleans Parish? We are persuaded beyond
peradventure that the answer must be a resounding* “ no”
on behalf of all of these groupings of Louisianians.
Our analysis begins with the staunch admonition that
a federal court should jealously guard and sparingly use
its awesome powers to ignore or brush aside long-standing
state constitutional provisions, statutes, and practices.
There can be no doubt that under the Supremacy Clause,10
federal courts do and indeed must have this authority in
our unique form of government. It is the use of this power
that must be maintained in the balance, a balance which
is more delicate than usual when a state’s judicial process
is involved.
It cannot be gainsaid that federal courts have the
power to enjoin state elections. Watson v. Commissioner’s
Court of Harrison County, 616 F.2d 105 (5th Cir. 1980);
Hamer v. Campbell, 358 F.2d 215 (5th Cir.), cert, denied,
385 U.S. 851 (1966). But, “ intervention by the federal
courts in state elections has always been a serious busi
ness,” Oden v. Brittain, 396 U.S. 1210 (1969) (Black, J.,
opinion in chambers), not to be lightly engaged in. Indeed,
even after an adjudication on the merits that a legislative
apportionment plan violated the Constitution, the Supreme
Court invited the use of a velvet glove over the mailed fist:
10. Constitution, Art. VI.
A p p . 5 1
In awarding or withholding immediate relief, a court
is entitled to and should consider the proximity of a
forthcoming election and the mechanics and complex
ities of state election laws, and should act and rely
upon general equitable principles. With respect to the
timing of relief, a court can reasonably endeavor to
avoid a disruption of the election process which might
result from requiring precipitate changes that could
make unreasonable or embarrassing demands on a
State in adjusting to the requirements of the court’s
decree.
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. at 5850. Sims has been the
guidon to a number of courts that have refrained from en
joining impending elections. In another instance, the Su
preme Court stayed a district court’s hand after a three-
judge court found Indiana’s multi-member districting pro
visions unconstitutional. Whitcomb v. Chavis, 396 U.S.
1055 and 396 U.S. 1064 (1970) (granting a stay pending
appeal, 305 F.Supp. 1359, 1364 (S.D.Ind. 1969)). See also
Maryland Citizens v. Governor of Maryland, 429 F.2d 606
(4th Cir. 1970) ; Dillard v. Crenshaw County; Ranks v.
Bd. of Ed., City of Peoria, 659 F.Supp. 394 (C.D.I11. 1987);
Knox v. Milwaukee County, 581 F.Supp. 399 (E.D.Wis.
1984).
We consider significant the Supreme Court’s aetion
in Chavis. In staying the reapportionment plan ordered by
a three-judge court, the Supreme Court permitted the con
duct of an election under the old scheme which had been
found constitutionally infirm. In dissenting from the re
fusal to vacate their stay order, Justice Douglas pointedly
stated: “ The State contends that without a stay it will
be forced to conduct the forthcoming election under the
reapportionment plan of the District Court. By granting
A p p , 5 2
the stay, however, this Court has equally forced the ap
pellees to go through the election under the present scheme
which was held unconstitutional by the District Court.”
396 U.S. 1064. Nonetheless the court permitted the election
to proceed.
The case at bar
Against this backdrop we consider the realities of the
case at bar. The district court concluded that the issuance
of an injunction would either be neutral, in ultimate re
sult, or preferable to not enjoining the election. We do
not find the court’s reasoning persuasive. To the extent
this is a factual finding by the trial court, we view it as
clearly erroneous; to the extent it is a conclusion of law,
we view it as erroneous.
Preventing this judicial election at this late stage is
not a passive or neutral act. It is the proverbial gossamer-
thin veil which is fraught with difficulties. The conse
quences to Louisiana’s judicial system are as significant
as they are uncertain. Indeed, the very uncertainties in
troduced account in large measure for the significance of
the impact.
The core value of the law and its implementing ju
dicial system is stability—the ability reasonably to antici
pate the results of actions and proceedings, by individ
uals and by legal institutions. Staying the election for
a justice of the First Supreme Court District casts a cloud
over the Louisiana Supreme Court, as staying any ju
dicial election would cast a cloud over the affected court.
The Louisiana Constitution provides that the terms of
the justices of its supreme court are ten years. The term
of Justice Calogero expires on December 31, 1988. If the
A p p . 5 3
regularly scheduled election did not go forward, would
Louisiana have seven justices on its highest court on Jan
uary 1, 19891 If the election is enjoined and Justice Calo-
gero continues to serve, will there be any question about
the validity of his actions as a justice!
The Louisiana Constitution prescribes that four jus
tices must concur to render judgment. Decisions in both
civil and criminal cases decided on a 4-3 basis are not a
rarity. The sparse offerings by the state in defense of the
application for the preliminary injunction include the af
fidavit of the Director of the Louisiana Supreme Court’s
Central Staff of attorneys. He advises that since 1976 the
Louisiana Supreme Court has reviewed 82 death penalty
appeals. In 30 of those appeals the conviction was re
versed or the death sentence was vacated. Twenty per
cent of those reversals were decided on a 4-3 vote. The
record does not contain statistics for 4-3 renditions in
civil cases, or in the denial of writs of certiorari or review,
which require the agreement of four justices,11 but the
number undoubtedly is very substantial. One need only
thumb through a selective sampling of the Southern Re
porter Second series for a feel of just how substantial
that number is. What is the consequence if Justice Calo-
gero is one of the four! Is an uncertainty introduced!
Does the general statutory provision declaring that
public officers hold their offices until their successors are
11. La. Const, of 1974, Art. 5, § 3.
A p p . 5 4
“ inducted into office” 12 apply in this instance? Our re
search reflects no case in which the Louisiana Supreme
Court has applied this statute to a justice or judge. Until
Louisiana’s highest court resolves this question it remains
just that, an open question and, as such, it casts a shadow
on the functioning of the Louisiana Supreme Court.
Appellees and the trial court refer to the provision of
the Louisiana Constitution which addresses the temporary
posting of judicial vacancies. Article 5, § 22, provides that
until a vacancy in a judicial office is filled “ the supreme
court shall appoint a person meeting the qualifications for
the office . . . to serve at its pleasure. The appointee shall
be ineligible as a candidate at the election to fill the va
cancy. ” Id. '§ 22(B). If the election is enjoined, after
midnight on December 31, 1988 is the post now held by
Justice Calogero to be deemed vacant and subject to an
appointment by his former-fellow justices! Because of
the involvement of the federal court, and its preventing
of the election, would this be a vacancy subject to appoint
ment! If it is deemed such and Justice Calogero accepts
an appointment, would he be eligible to seek reelection to
the judicial post he has held since 1972 when the federal
court did permit an election to proceed! More shadows
on the otherwise clear patina of the Louisiana judicial
system. Are such warranted! Can they be justified or
permitted !
12. La. R.S. 42:2 provides:
Every public officer in this state except in case of
impeachment or suspension, shall continue to dis
charge the duties of his office until his successor is
inducted into office.
A p p . 5 5
Further, in Article 5, § 6, the Louisiana Constitution
establishes that “ [t]he judge oldest in point of service on
the supreme court shall be chief justice.” Justice Calogero
currently is second in point of service to the chief justice.
If the election is enjoined and his office is deemed vacant,
should he not be offered, or should he decline an appoint
ment out of caution for the Article 5, § 22(B) proscrip
tion; if he is reelected, would his service have been inter
rupted so as to cause a forfeiture of his claim to be oldest
in point of service ?
Finally, what about the litigants during this period?
What will be the racial demographics of that group? Will
they be affected adversely? Will that effect be signifi
cant? Can it be justified?
Appellees suggest that the specter of problems with
and for the Louisiana Supreme Court are manageable.
The trial court states: “ Regardless of the state consti
tutional provisions, this Court has in any event the power
under the Supremacy Cause to fashion both preliminary
and final equitable relief that will both provide plaintiffs
with a full and adequate remedy and protect other im
portant state interests.” Is this a suggestion that the
chancellor will appoint a successor to Calogero, perhaps
Calogero, and, out of a sense of fair play, decree that all
state constitutional questions as to his service are to be
taken for naught, that the proscription against his run
ning for the office is nullified, and, further, order that no
one may suggest a break in his service for purposes of
eligibility for the office of chief justice? Is such neces
sary? Should the federal court even contemplate that
scenario? We are most reluctant to do so.
A p p . 5 6
Were we to countenance such a scenario, other inter
ests would be disserved. As the Dillard court recognized,
the extension of the terms of incumbents or the court’s
appointment of replacements, effectively denies “ the en
tire electorate the right to vote and thus seem to offend
basic principles. . . . ” Dillard, 640 F.Supp. at 1363. See
also, Banks, 659 F.Supp. at 402 (“ enjoining the . . . elec
tion would have the effect of preventing all of the voters
in the respective election districts from exercising their
right to vote.. . . ” ).
How long would this disenfranchisement of all of the
voters of the First Supreme Court District continue? As
discussed infra, this case must run its full course, and,
thereafter, assuming violations are found, the Louisiana
Legislature must be afforded an opportunity to repair the
defects the court discloses. Is the electorate to have no
say whatever as to the person to serve during that period ?
Can that conceivably be considered in the best interests
of the citizenry?
In addition to the foregoing caution to the use of in
junctive powers before trial on the merits, and indeed
even after trial on the merits, we are also keenly mindful
of another well-established rubric which must be brought
to bear in the resolution of the present conundrum. It is
now established beyond challenge that upon finding a par
ticular standard, practice, or procedure to be contrary to
either a federal constitutional or statutory requirement,
the federal court must grant the appropriate state or local
authorities an opportunity to correct the deficiencies. In
Reynolds v. Sims the Supreme Court commended the dis
trict court for refraining from enjoining an impending
A p p . 5 7
election until the Alabama Legislature had been given
an opportunity to remedy the defects in their legislative
apportionment scheme. 377 U.S. at 586. Further, after
trial on the merits, and a declaration that an existing
election scheme is unlawful, it is “ appropriate, whenever
practicable, to afford a reasonable opportunity for the
legislature to meet constitutional [or federal statutory]
requirements by adopting a substitute measure rather
than for the federal court to devise and order into effect
its own plan.” Wise v. Lipscomb, 437 U.S. at 540. See
also McDaniel v. Sanchez, 452 U.S. 130, 150 n.30 (1981)
(“ Moreover, even after a federal court has found a dis
tricting plan unconstitutional, ‘ redistricting and reappor
tioning legislative bodies is a legislative task which the
federal courts should make every effort not to pre
empt,’ ” quoting Wise v. Lipscomb). The court goes on
to cite authorities for the proposition that the legislatures
should first be given a chance, and quoting Reynolds v.
Sims, the Sanchez court noted that “ judicial relief be
comes appropriate only when a legislature fails to re
apportion according to federal constitutional requisites
in a timely fashion after having had an adequate oppor
tunity to do so.” 452 U.S. at 150 n.30) ; Connor v. Finch,
431 U.S. 407 (1977); Major v. Treen.
As found by the district court, the Louisiana Legis
lature has signaled no reluctance to address this matter.
When this court held that section 2 applied to judicial
elections, remedial legislation was offered and seriously
considered in the just-recessed legislative session. This
legislature gives every indication of promptly responding
to a need for action should it occur.
A p p . 5 8
We understand these precedents to mandate that the
responsible state or local authorities must be first given
an opportunity to correct any constitutional or statutory
defect before the court attempts to draft a remedial plan.
In the case at bar, that means that should the court rule
on the merits that a statutory or constitutional violation
exists the Louisiana Legislature should be allowed a rea
sonable opportunity to address the problem. We have no
reason whatsoever to doubt that the governor and legis
lature will respond promptly. Such was the experience
in the epilogue to Major v. Treen.
In the interim, we are convinced that the system in
place for the election of the subject judicial officer should
be left undisturbed. There are a number of variables and
several contingencies. But notwithstanding their final
alignment, at the appropriate time, should it become neces
sary, the federal courts may fashion whatever remedy the
law, equity, and justice require.
The preliminary injunction is VACATED and it is
ordered that the presently scheduled election for justice
of the First Supreme Court District of Louisiana pro
ceed in accordance with the laws of Louisiana.