Commission Against Discrimination v. Colangelo Brief for Petitioner
Public Court Documents
March 21, 1961

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Commission Against Discrimination v. Colangelo Brief for Petitioner, 1961. 82c97817-ae9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/9c2ead61-daef-44b0-82f0-7383ab7feb0f/commission-against-discrimination-v-colangelo-brief-for-petitioner. Accessed May 05, 2025.
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C O M M O N W E A L T H OF M A S S A C H U S E T T S . SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT FOR T H E C O M M O N W E A L T H . M iddlesex C o u n ty . J an u ary S ittin g , 1962. I n E quity , N o. 6108. COMMISSION AGAINST DISCRIMINATION v. A. J. COLANGELO et al. BRIEF FOR PETITIONER. SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT FOR T H E C O M M O N W E A L T H . M iddlesex Co u n ty . J anuary S ittin g , 1962. I n E quity , N o. 6108. C O M M O N W E A L T H OF M A S S A C H U S E T TS . COMMISSION AGAINST DISCRIMINATION v. A. J. COLANGELO et al. BRIEF FOR PETITIONER, CONCISE STATEMENT OF FACTS AND PRIOR PROCEEDINGS. This case arises out of a petition brought in the Middle sex Superior Court pursuant to section 6 of G.L. c. 151B (R. 2-6), by the Massachusetts Commission Against Dis crimination for enforcement of its order (R. 18-22) entered against the respondents under section 5 of said chapter, following its findings (R. 16-18), after a hearing held Jan uary 9, 1961 (R. 3, 22), that the respondents are in viola tion of chapter 239 of the Acts of 1959, known as the Fair Housing Practices Law. The sole issue raised by the re spondent Colangelo in his answer to the petition is the Tables of contents and of authorities are printed at end of brief. 2 constitutionality of the statute. The respondent Nahigian, in addition to raising the constitutional issue, challenges the applicability of the statute to him, the reasonableness of the findings, and the propriety of the order. The case was reserved and reported without decision to this Court for determination upon the pleadings, an agreed statement of facts, and the transcript of the hearing (E. 1). The complainant, Maurice Fowler, is a Negro employed as a Contract Negotiator for the Electronics System Center of the United States Air Force at Waltham. He holds top- secret government security clearance (E. 16). He is seek ing to rent an apartment in a new 120-unit development in Waltham owned by the respondent Colangelo and called “ Glenmeadow Apartments” (E. 16). The rental applica tions for Gflenmeadow are handled for Colangelo by the respondent Nahigian (E. 17). Glenmeadow’s financing is in no way government assisted (E. 17, 92). The Commission conducted a preliminary investigation, followed by an unsuccessful attempt at conference, concilia tion and negotiation (E. 3). It then held the formal hear ing required by section 5 of the statute (E. 3, 22). The respondents each filed an answer to the complaint (E. 11- 14), and counsel for Colangelo introduced for the record a statement in Colangelo’s behalf (E. 25-26). Neither re spondent conducted a cross-examination of witnesses testi fying in support of the complaint, nor did either introduce testimony in his own behalf. They professed to withdraw from the hearing before testimony was taken, but nonethe less both counsel as well as Nahigian himself remained in the hearing room throughout, and both counsel to some extent participated in the proceedings (E. 47, 50, 67, 77, 78, 84). The Commission found that both respondents had, solely on account of color, refused to rent Fowler an apartment at Glenmeadow, and that in doing so they had engaged in 3 a course of deliberate misrepresentation and delay (R. 17- 18). It also found that Fowler obtained comparable hous ing accommodations in Cambridge at an additional rental of $30 per month (R. 16). The record further shows that he incurred certain other expenses because of the denial of accommodations at Glenmeadow, and that he was likely to incur yet other expenses on account of this denial if and when allowed to rent there (R. 44, 85). The Commission, pursuant to its findings, thereupon is sued an order directing the respondents to make an apart ment available to Fowler, to compensate him for the monetary losses suffered on account of the discrimination, and to cease and desist their discrimination in the renting of Glenmeadow apartments, as well as to take certain minor auxiliary measures designed to implement the cease and desist order (R. 18-22). The respondents both failing to comply with the order, the Commission brought a petition for enforcement in the Middlesex Superior Court, where Fowler petitioned and was allowed to intervene as a party plaintiff (R. 86-87). (Relevant constitutional provisions and statutes are printed in Appendix A, pp. 83-93.) SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT. I. The Fair Housing Practices Law represents no sud den shift in legislative policy or direction, but is rather a natural development growing out of a long tradition of legislation banning discriminatory practices based on race, creed, color or national origin. Though the Massachusetts Legislature has been a leader in this legislative evolution, many States have now enacted such legislation. Beginning with public accommodations, antidiscrimination legisla 4 tion has been extended to education, employment and hous ing. In housing it has evolved from public housing to urban renewal housing, to publicly assisted housing, and finally to non-publicly assisted housing. This development is pre sented in section I of this brief, pp. 6-19. II. The existing case law on Fair Housing Laws, while it includes no square holding directly in point by a Court of last resort, strongly supports the constitutionality of the Massachusetts Law. And the decisions relating to pub lic accommodations and employment discrimination, both in Massachusetts and elsewhere, overwhelmingly establish the validity of that Law. These cases are presented in section II of this brief, pp. 19-36. III. The constitutionality of the Fair Housing Law, under the police power and the clue-process clauses of the Massachusetts and United States Constitutions, depends on whether the Law seeks to achieve legitimate public pur poses by reasonable means. In applying these standards, this Court must start with its traditionally strong presump tions of validity. A. The Law serves legitimate public purposes. It car ries out fundamental state and national policies reflected by the constitutional ban on government-imposed discrimi nation based on race, creed, color or national origin. And it deals with practical consequences of discrimination, such as slums and the crime and disease they breed, all of which are within the traditional police power. Less tangible con sequences, such as racial tensions and economic and educa tional handicaps thereby imposed, are also properly for the Legislature to consider. These points are supported in section III A of the brief, pp. 38-53. B. The means utilized by the Fair Housing Law are com pletely reasonable. They are rationally related to the ob jectives of the Law; indeed, they are required if its pur 5 poses are to be achieved. The prohibition is imposed on those who are in the business of selling or renting housing, and it is limited to discriminatory practices based on race, creed, color or national origin. Those subject to the Law remain free to impose any other criteria for desirable tenants or purchasers. Respondents have produced no evi dence that they will suffer any financial or other hardship, and such general evidence as is available demonstrates the contrary. The contention that owners of land and housing must be free of all regulation in sale or rental is refuted by a broad and varied body of housing regulation sustained in many decisions of this Court and the United States Supreme Court. These points are supported in section III B of the brief, pp. 53-66. IV . The application of the Fair Housing Law to mul tiple dwellings of three or more units and to projects of ten or more contiguous homes represents a reasonable classification that affords equal protection. The Law deals with those who are in the business of sale or rental of housing, and this is a plainly reasonable distinction, in light of the nature of the evil as the Legislature could view it, and of the administrative problems of enforcement. That the Legislature drew its line by use of a numerical standard is no basis for objection. These points are sup ported in section IV of the brief, pp. 66-69. V. Respondent Nahigian was a proper party to this proceeding, first, because he aided and abetted in the viola tion of the law, Gr.L. c. 151B, § 4 (5 ); secondly, because he is a “ managing agent” covered by chapter 151B, § 6; and third, beeause he had a “ right to rent or lease” within chapter 151B, § 6. In any event, he could be joined under general equity principles. These points are supported in section V of the brief, pp. 70-72. VI. Respondent Nahigian’s challenge of the findings and order comes too late, in that it was not made to the Com 6 mission, but appeared for the first time in his response to the petition for enforcement in the Superior Court. G.L. c. 151B, § 6, compels a waiver of this defense in the absence of “ extraordinary circumstances,” which have not been shown. NLRB v. Cheney, 327 U.S. 385 (1946). Holland v. Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 (1954). This point is supported in section VI of the brief, pp. 72-75. VII. In any event, the Commission’s findings are war ranted and its order is reasonable. The findings are based on uncontroverted evidence. The order requires respond ents (1) to make an apartment available to complainant when one is available, (2) to compensate complainant for pecuniary losses actually caused by their discriminatory acts, and (3) to cease and desist from discriminating hence forth in the renting of Glenmeadow apartments. These requirements are carefully tailored to the violations found, and are well within the authority of the Commission con ferred by the statute. These points are supported in sec tion V II of the brief, pp. 75-82. ARGUMENT. I. The Fair Housing Practices Law is Part of a Tradition Pioneered by Massachusetts Legislatures for Almost a Century and Followed by Many States. The Massachusetts Fair Housing Practices Law, now a part of G.L. c. 151B, especially section 1, suhsecs. 9-12, and section 4, subsec. 6, is the result of enactments by the Gen eral Court in 1957,1959, and 1961. St. 1957, c. 426; St. 19o9, c. 239; St. 1961, c. 128. The 1957 enactment prohibited discrimination, in sale or rental, based on race, creed, color or national origin, in “ publicly assisted” housing, provided that such housing 7 was either (1) a “ multiple dwelling” —i.e., a dwelling- rented out to be occupied by three or more families other than the landlord’s, living independently of each other— or (2) ten or more housing accommodations owned or con trolled by one person located on land that is contiguous ex clusive of streets. Thus the 1957 law covered certain land lords and project developers—persons in the business of selling or renting housing, provided they had “ public as sistance,” which meant principally an FHA or VA mort gage loan guaranty. The 1959 enactment extended the prohibition of discri minatory sale or rental to non-publicly assisted housing, but retained the requirements of “ multiple dwelling” and “ contiguously located housing.” The latter was defined to include housing “ which at any time was one of ten or more lots of a tract whose plan has been submitted to a planning- board, as required by the subdivision control law,” prin cipally in order to prevent evasion of the standard of ten or more contiguous units through spurious fragmentation of ownership. The 1961 law made some perfecting amendments, but it is not relevant to this case, since the acts of respondents found to be unlawful by the Commission took place in 1960. The particular sections of the law applicable to respon dents are G.L. c. 151B, § 1, subdiv. 11, as added by St. 1957, c, 426, § 1, and c. 151B, § 4, subdiv. 6, as amended by St. 1959, c. 239, § 2. The former defines “ multiple dwelling,” and the latter makes it unlawful for “ the owner . . . or managing agent of . . . multiple dwelling . . . housing ac commodations or other person having the . . . right to rent or lease such accommodations:—“ (a) to refuse to rent or lease or otherwise to deny to or withhold from any person or group of persons such accommodations because of the race, creed, color or national origin of such person or per sons . . . ” 8 Though the Fair Housing Prat-ices Law is of relatively recent origin, it represents no novel or sharp break with the past. It reflects, rather, a tradition going back almost a century, both in Massachusetts and elsewhere in the na tion. Because the statute here in question can be better understood in relation to the prior development, this sec tion of the brief seeks to describe the evolution of anti- discrimination legislation in Massachusetts and in other States. The Civil Bights Act of 1875, 18 Stat. 335, enacted by the Congress, went beyond other civil rights legislation of that era in that it dealt with activities carried on by non-gov ernmental units. In brief, it declared that all persons were to be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accom modations and privileges of inns, public conveyances, theaters and other places of public amusement, subject only to those legal limitations applicable alike to all citizens of every race and color, and regardless of any previous condi tion of servitude. In the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883), the United States Supreme Court held that these provisions were not within the power conferred upon Congress by the Four teenth Amendment, because the latter was concerned only with State action. But the Court made it perfectly clear that private discrimination was not beyond the prohibitory power of government; it was simply a matter of State, rather than Federal, power and responsibility. On the other hand, the Fourteenth Amendment did take from the States the power to require private discrimination. Thus the Court said (109 U.S. at 24): “ Now, conceding, for the sake of the argument, that the admission to an inn, a public conveyance, or a place of public amusement, on equal terms with all other citizens, is the right of every man and all classes of 9 men, is it any more than one of those rights which the states by the Fourteenth Amendment are forbidden to deny to any person? And is the Constitution vio lated until the denial of the right has some State sanc tion or authority? Can the act of a mere individual, the owner of the inn, the public conveyance or place of amusement, refusing the accommodation, be justly regarded as imposing any badge of slavery or servitude upon the applicant, or only as inflicting an ordinary civil injury, properly cognizable by the laws of the State, and presumably subject to redress by those laws until the contrary appears f “ After giving to these questions all the considera tion which their importance demands, we are forced to the conclusion that such an act of refusal has nothing to do with slavery or involuntary servitude, and that if it is violative of any right of the party, his redress is to be sought under the laws of the State; or if those laws are adverse to his rights and do not protect him, his remedy will be found in the corrective legislation which Congress has adopted, or may adopt, for coun teracting the effect of State laws, or State action, pro hibited by the Fourteenth Amendment.” (Emphasis supplied.) The Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883 directed the victim of discriminatory acts by private per sons to resort to the laws of the State for redress. As of 1883, except for temporary reconstruction in the South, very few State legislatures had acted with respect to civil rights legislation, but it is the fact that the Massachusetts General Court had, and indeed it had been the first to do so, on May 16, 1865. See St. 1865, e. 277, imposing a fine of up 10 to $50 on anyone making a “ distinction, discrimination, or restriction on account of color or race . . . in any licensed inn, in any public place of amusement, public conveyance or public meeting in this commonwealth.” Thus Massachusetts was the leader among the States. New York and Kansas followed before 1883. Thereafter the States acted in swift succession. By 1900, eighteen Northern, Eastern and Western States had statutes. As of today, twenty-eight States forbid discrimination for reasons of race or color in places of public accommodation.1 1 1 Alaska Comp. Laws Ann. §§ 20— 1 -3 -4 (Supp. 1958); Cali fornia Pen. Code, § 365, Civ. Code, §§ 51-52; Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann §§ 25— 1—1, 25— 2— 1-5 (1953); Connecticut Gen. Stat. Rev. §§ 53— 35-36 (Snpp. 1959) ; District of Columbia Code Ann. §§ 47— 2901-04 (Supp. 1960) ; Idaho Code Ann. §§ 18-7201-03 (Supp. 1961) ; Illinois Ann. Stat. c. 38, §§ 125-29 ( Smith-Hurd Supp. 1961) ; Indiana Ann. Stat. §§ 10— 901-02 (Supp. 1960) ; Iowa Code Ann. §§ 735.1-.02 (1950) ; Kansas Gen. Stat. Ann. § 21-2424 (1949); Maine Rev. Stat. Ann. e. 137, § 50 (Supp. 1959) ; Massa chusetts G.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 272, §§ 92A, 98 (1959), c. 151B, §§ 1-10; Michigan Comp. Laws §§ 750.146-.147 (1948) ; Minnesota Stat. Ann. § 327.09 (1947) ; Montana Rev. Codes Ann. § 64— 211 (Supp. 1961); Nebraska Rev. Stat. 20— 101-02 (1954); New Hampshire Rev. Stat. Ann. c. 354, as amended by L. 1961, e. 219; New Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 10:1— 2-7, § 18:25— 5 (Supp. 1960); New Mexico Stat. Ann. §§ 4 9 -8 — 1-6 (Supp. 1961) ; New York Civ. Rights Law, § 40-41, Executive Law, §§ 292(9), 296(2) ; North Dakota Cent. Code, § 12— 22— 30 (Supp. 1961); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 2901.35 (Page, 1954); Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 30.670-.680 (1959); Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 18, § 4654 (1945) ; Rhode Island Gen. Laws Ann. §§ 11—24— 1-6 (1956) ; Vermont Stat. Ann. tit. 13, §§ 1451-52 (1958); Washington Rev. Code §§ 49.60.040 (1958), 49.60.215 (1959) ; Wisconsin Stat. Ann. § 942.04 (1958) ; Wyoming Laws 1961, e. 103; Puerto Rico Laws. Ann. tit. 1, § 13 (1954) ; Virgin Islands, tit. 10, § 3 (1957). In addition, a number of States, including Massachusetts, have banned discrimination by educational institutions. G.L. c. 151C; New York Educational Law, § 313; New Jersey Stat. Ann. § 18 :14-2 (Cum'. Supp. 1960) ; Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 345.240-.250 (1957) ; Washington Rev. Code'§ 9.91.010 (1957). 11 The next major line of development began at the end of World War II in 194o, and again the States acted when Federal action failed. During World War II there was considerable agitation for fair employment practices legis lation, and President Roosevelt established a Fair Employ ment Practices Commission to police clauses in government contracts barring employment discrimination by contrac tors on grounds of race, creed, color or national origin. This Commission had no enforcement powers, however, and Congress failed to pass legislation creating a commis sion that did. A major reason appears to have been the variety of views in the several States, with major opposi tion from the Southern States. For a brief description, with references to fuller studies, see Robison, “ The New Fair Employment Law,” 20 Ohio St. L.J. 570, 571 (1959). The stage was set for State action. The first State to act was New York in 1915, followed within a year by New Jersey and Massachusetts, and through 1961 by 19 other States, making a total of 22.2 And 2 Alaska Comp. Laws Ann. §§ 43-5— 1-10 (Supp. 1958) ; Call forma Labor Code, §§ 1410-32; Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 80— 24— 1-8 (Supp. 1960) ; Connecticut Gen. Stat. Rev. §§ 31— 122-28 (Supp. 1959) ; Delaware Code Ann. tit. 19,'§§ 710-13 (Supp. I960) • Idaho Code Ann. §§ 18— 7201-03 (Supp. 1961); Illinois L. 1961 ’ c. 48; Indiana Ann. Stat. §§ 40— 2307-17 (Supp. 1961); Kansas Laws,-1961, c. 248; Massachusetts G.L. e. 151B, §§ 1-10 (Supp. 1961) ; Michigan Stat. Ann. §§ 17.458(1)-(11) (I960) ; Minnesota Stat. Ann. §§ 363.01-.13 (1957) ; Missouri Ann. Stat. §§ 296.010- .070 (Supp. Sept. 1961); New Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25__4-6 (Supp. 1960); New Mexico Stat. Ann. §§ 59—4—1-14 (I960) • New York Executive Law, §§ 290-301; Ohio Rev. Code Ann. 4112-01-.08, 4112.99 (Supp. 1961) et seq. (Page 19); Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 659.010-.990 (1959); Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 43, 951-63 (Supp. 1960); Rhode Island Gen. Laws Ann. §§ 28__5__1-39 (1956) ; Washington Rev. Code §§ 49.60.010-.320 (1959) • Wiscon sin Stat. Ann. §§ 111.31-.37 (Supp. 1959). 12 in this legislation a new mode of enforcement was initiated quite different from that found in the then-existing public accommodations laws. In 19 of these 22 States,3 an ad ministrative agency, either new or existing, was given re sponsibility to enforce the law, and in addition in most instances to carry out a program of education. The shift to administrative enforcement resulted largely from the defects in the criminal and civil remedies afforded by the public accommodations laws. Prosecutors were reluctant to seek criminal sanctions, and individuals were often hesi tant because of the expense and effort of a lawsuit. More over, in employment discrimination neither sanction was adequate to bring the relief the victim sought—an equal chance to get a job. Experience under the National Labor Relations Act and similar State acts showed that an ad ministrative body could act against discrimination, though of a different form.4 Experience with administrative enforcement was suffi ciently satisfactory to lead a number of States to confer on their commissions power to enforce the public accommo dations laws. By 1959 8 States had so acted,5 Massachu setts in 1950, at which time its Fair Employment Practice Commission became the Commission Against Discrimina tion. St. 1950, c. 479. 8 Delaware and Idaho impose criminal sanctions. Indiana has no sanctions, relying on suasion. 4 See Bamberger and Lewin, “ The Right to Equal Treatment: Administrative Enforcement of Antidiscrimination Legislation,” 74 Harv. L. Rev. 526, 526-528 (1961). 8 Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 2 5 -3 —1-6 (Supp. 1960) ; Con necticut Gen. Stat. Rev. §§ 53-35-36 (Supp. 1959); Massachusetts G.L. c. 151B, § 5 (Supp.1961) ; New Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25— 1-28 (1960) ; New York Executive Law, §§ 290-301; Oregon Rev. Stat. § 659.100(3) (1959) ; Rhode Island Gen. Laws Ann. §§ 11— 24— 1-6 (1956); Washington Rev. Code §§ 49.60.010-.310 (1959). 13 Prior to 1939 State statutes dealing with housing dis crimination followed no clear pattern.6 New York began the first movement in 1939, when it banned discrimination in housing built under the State housing laws, which meant principally public housing.7 Public housing discrimination was prohibited by Massachusetts in 1948, Connecticut and Wisconsin in 1949, New Jersey in 1950, Rhode Island and Michigan in 1952, and most recently Indiana in 1961.8 The falling off of statutes on public housing is undoubtedly traceable to the conclusion, formed after the United States Supreme Court’s school segregation case in 1954 {S town v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483), that neither discrimina tion nor segregation is constitutionally permissible in pub lic housing. See, e.g., Detroit Housing Commission v. Lewis, 226 P. 2d 180 (6th Cir. 1955). Constitutional and statutory prohibitions are one thing, and effective enforcement is another. Massachusetts, which had in 1948 banned discrimination in public housing, in 1950 assigned enforcement responsibility to its Commission Against Discrimination. St. 1950, c. 479, § 4. Other States have done the same. As public housing programs gave way to housing that was privately built but given public assistance through tax 6 A Kansas law of 1921 prohibited discrimination by planning commissions. Kansas Gen. Stat. Ann. § 12.713 (1949). A Colorado law of 1923 barred racial zoning restrictions. Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. § 139.60.10 (1953). Minnesota in 1919 banned restrictive covenants based on religion, and in 1953 amended it to cover race. Minnesota Stat. Ann. § 507.18 (Supp. 1960). 7 New York Pub. Housing Law, § 223. 8 Massachusetts G.L. c. 121, § 26FF(e) (Supp. 1961), added by St. 1948, c. 51; Connecticut Gen. Stat, Rev. § 53-35 (Supp. 1959) - Wisconsin Stat. Ann. § 66.40(2m) (1957) ; New Jersey Stat. Ann’ §§ 55:14A-7.5, 55:14B-5.1, 55.-14C-7.1; Rhode Island Gen. Laws Ann. § 11-24-3 (1956) ; Michigan Stat. Ann. § 28-343 (Supp. 1959) • Indiana Ann. Stat. § 10-901-02 (Supp. 1961). 14 exemption, land write-down and power of condemnation, so too were statutes extended. Following tlie decision in Dor sey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 299 N.Y. 512 (1949); cert, den. 339 U.8. 981 (1950), in which it was held that such housing was not subject to constitutional restrictions on States, and that equal opportunity must be guaranteed through “ political processes” (299 N.Y. at 534), New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Illinois and Wisconsin passed laws banning discrimination in these projects.9. When Montana enacted an urban renewal law in 1959, it included a similar ban.10 11 These statutes, however, extended to only a small frac tion of the housing that was receiving government assist ance. In 1954 New York City passed an ordinance covering rental housing that received new FHA or VA mortgage insurance,11 and in 1955 New York State banned discrim ination in new apartment housing and also in new projects of ten or more housing units, if they were aided by govern ment-insured mortgages.12 In 1957 four states followed this lead—Massachusetts, New Jersey, Oregon and Wash ington.13 California acted in the same fashion in 1959.14 In 1957 New York City adopted an ordinance prohibiting discrimination in all housing, whether publicly assisted or 9 New York Civ. Rights Law, §§ 18—a-e; New Jersey Stat. Ann §§ 55:14A-39.1, 55 :14D-6.1, 55:14E-7.1, 55:16-8.1 (Supp. I960); Connecticut G-en. Stat. Rev. § 53-35 (Supp. 1959) ; Illinois Ann. Stat. e. 67%, §§ 26Q(12)-(13) (Smith-Ilurd, 1958); Wisconsin Stat. Ann. § 66.405(2m) (1957). 10 Montana Rev. Codes Ann. § 11-3917 (Supp. 1961). 11 New York City Admin. Code, § W41-1.0(b). 12 New York Civ. Rights Law, § 18-b (3). 13Massachusetts G.L. c. 151B, §§ 1, 4, 6 (Supp. 1961); New Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25-1-28 (Supp. 1960); Oregon L. 1957, e. 725, <§§ 1-4; Washington Rev. Code, §<§ 49.60.030, 49.60.040 (1958). 14 California Health and Safety Code, §§ 357000-740. 15 not, consisting of multiple dwellings of three or more units and one- and two-family homes in projects of 10 or more units.15 A year later Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, adopted a similar ordinance.16 In 1959 Massachusetts and three other States— Colorado, Connecticut and Oregon—adopted fair-housing laws ex tending to non-publicly assisted housing.17 And in 1961 five additional States acted—Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania.18 In summary, seventeen States have thus far enacted laws relating to housing. Of these, the laws of nine States ex tend to housing, whether publicly assisted or not.19 The laws of two extended to publicly assisted housing,20 and the laws of six extend only to public housing or housing erected through urban renewal, or both.21 Moreover, eight of the nine states in the first group, and one of the two in the second, have administrative agencies akin to the Massachu 15 New York City Administrative Code, § X41-1.0. This was amended by 1961 Local Law No. 642. 18 Pittsburgh, Pa. Ordinance No. 523, Dec. 15, 1958, recorded in vol. 62, p. 303, office of City Clerk. 17 Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 69—7—1-7 (Supp. I960); Con necticut Gen. Stat. Rev. §§ 53-35-36 (Supp. 1959); Massachusetts G.L. c. 151B, §§ 1-10 (Supp. 1961), amended again by St. 1961, cc. 128, 570) ; Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 659.010-115 (1959). 18 Minnesota Stat. Ann. §§ 363.01-.13 (1957), as amended by L. 1961, c. 428 (becomes effective 12/31/62); New Hampshire Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 354.1-.4 (1955), as amended by L. 1961, c. 219; New Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25— 1-28 (Supp. 1960), as amended by L. 1961, c. 414; New York Executive Law, §§ 290-99, as amended by L. 1961, c. 414; Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 43, §§ 951-63 (Supp. 1960), as amended by Acts 1961, No. 19. 19 See footnotes 17 and 18, supra, for names and citations. 20 California and Washington. See footnotes 13 and 14, supra, for citations. 21 Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Montana, Rhode Island, and Wis consin. See footnotes 8, 9 and 10, supra, for citations. 16 setts Commission Against Discrimination which exercise principal enforcement responsibility. It should be added that a great many cities and towns in the nation have adopted either resolutions or ordinances in relation to discrimination in housing based on race, creed, color or national origin. The United States Commis sion on Civil Rights lists about fifty such municipalities taking such action, mostly in relation to public or urban redevelopment housing, in the last few years. See Report, 1959, pp. 411-412; Report, 1961, Book 4 on Housing, pp. 200- 201. As might be expected, the various State statutes and local ordinances differ in the extent of their coverage. The broadest law is the ordinance of New York City which, as amended in 1961, applies to all housing except the rental of one of the apartments in a two-family home where the other is occupied by the owner. The new Minnesota law applies to all housing except rental of an apartment in an owner-occupied two-family home and sale or rental of an owner-occupied one-family home. The Colorado law ap plies to all housing except “ places maintained by the owner or lessee as the household of his family.” The Pennsyl vania law excepts only owner-occupied one- and two-family homes. Oregon, on the other hand, has applied its law only to one who sells or leases real property “ as a business en terprise” or “ in connection with or as an incident to his business enterprise. ’ ’ Most of the remaining States have followed the lead of Massachusetts by setting numerical minimnms. The New York, New Jersey and Massachusetts statutes are quite similar in coverage. A tabular presenta tion of the laws of the seventeen States is given in the 1961 Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, Book 4 on Housing, pp. 198-199. The evolutionary development of anti-discrimination legislation in the United States over the course of a cen 17 tury, presented here in capsule form, has several significant implications: First, apart from the restrictions that flow from the Fed eral Constitution, discrimination has been dealt with mainly as a State rather than a Federal responsibility. In part, this reflects the varying views of the people of different States, particularly as between North and South. In greater part, Federal inaction may reflect the effective response of State Legislatures to the views of their own citizenry. Second, the development has been evolutionary in every sense. In terms of facilities, the movement has been from public accommodations to employment to housing. Even within the housing field, we see a progression from public to urban redevelopment housing, then to publicly assisted housing, and finally to housing without regard to its financ ing. The Massachusetts law, though it now comprehends housing whether publicly assisted or not, does not go as far as some States have. In requiring three or more apart ment units in a “ multiple dwelling” and ten or more homes contiguously located, it deals with those whom the Legis lature could fairly consider to be in the business of selling or renting housing. Though the pace of anti-discrimination legislation has ob viously quickened in the last decade or so in response to public need, the process of careful building on experience has not changed. Each State has learned from its own prior experience, and State has learned from State. In Massachusetts the jurisdiction of the Commission Against Discrimination has been broadened a step at a time: em ployment ; educational institutions; public accommodations and public housing; publicly assisted housing; and hous ing. The ban on discrimination in public housing has now been in effect for thirteen years and has been enforced by the Commission for eleven. We must assume that the Legis 18 lature evaluated past performance each time that it gave the Commission new duties for the future. Third, the fact that a large number of States have enacted anti-discrimination legislation, including Fair Housing- Practices Laws, is in itself significant. Such legislation is not a temporary aberration or a merely spasmodic phe nomenon. It reflects social needs that are deeply as well as widely felt. Widespread adoption of such legislation cannot of course be binding on the issue of its constitutionality, but it is persuasive evidence of reasonableness. In Simon v. Need ham, 311 Mass. 560 (1942), this Court, in upholding a zon ing by-law that imposed a 1-acre lot requirement, noted that fourteen nearby towns had similar restrictions, and said (311 Mass, at 564): “ Such evidence is not decisive that the imposition of a restriction of an area of an acre is reasonable and proper, but it is persuasive that many other communi ties when faced with an apparently similar problem have determined that the public interest was best served by the adoption of a restriction in some in stances identical and in others nearly identical with that imposed by the respondent town.” This observation applies a fortiori to statutes. In the very recent decision of Hoyt v. Florida, 30 U.S. Law Week 4013, decided on November 30, 1961, the United States Su preme Court upheld a Florida statute concerned with women serving on juries and cited in support the seventeen other States that had similar though not identical statutes. And in Petition of Goldman, 331 Mass. 647 (1954), this Court upheld a statute dealing with child adoption. The Court said, in part (331 Mass, at 653): 19 “ The principle that children should, in general, be adopted within the faith of their natural parents has received widespread approval, as is attested not only by such decisions as Purinton v. Jamrock but also by the fact that most of the States now have statutes more or less similar to § 5B. See 54 Colum. L. Eev. 376 (March, 1954). We are not prepared to hold either such decisions or the statute unconstitutional.” The same is true of the case at bar. II. Statutes Forbidding Discrimination Based on Race, Creed, Color or National Origin have been Repeatedly Upheld by This and Other State Courts and by the United States Supreme Court as within the Police Power and Affording Due Process of Law. The decision of this Court in the present case will have special importance, for no Court of last resort has squarely confronted the precise questions posed. But recent de cisions on closely related issues strongly support the valid ity of the Massachusetts Fair Housing Practices Law. And the case law in the related fields of public accommodations and employment overwhelmingly establishes its constitu tionality. Both the New Jersey and the Washington Supreme Courts have recently decided cases concerning the validity of statutes forbidding discrimination in the sale of pub licly assisted housing, i.e., houses financed by FIIA-guar- anteed mortgages. In Levitt & Sons, Inc., v. Division Against Discrimina tion, 31 N.J. 514, 158 A. 2d 177 (1960), the Court unani mously held the NewT Jersey Fair Housing Law constitu tional. It rejected the argument that the selection of 20 publicly assisted bousing for regulation was an arbitrary classification, and it held also that there was neither Fed eral pre-emption nor any conflict with Federal law. The New Jersey Court found it unnecessary to decide whether the Legislature was acting within the police power and in accordance with the due-process clause, because no argument had been presented to the contrary. It is most significant that the Court nevertheless went out of its way to discuss this question in a separately numbered part of its opinion, as follows (31 N.J. at 531): “ The plaintiffs do not argue, and hence we do not decide, whether by restricting their ability to dispose of their property as they choose the statute in question violates due process. See O’Meara v. Washington State Bd. Against Discrimination, No. 535996 (Super. Ct. King Cty., Washington State 1959) (not officially reported); Avins, Trade Begulations, Survey of the Law of New Jersey, 1956-1957, 12 Rutgers L. Rev. 149, 150-160 (19o7). But see New York State Commission Against Discrimination v. Pelham Hall Apartments, 10 Misc. 2d 334,170 N. Y. S. 2d 750 (Sup. Ct. 1958); Note, 107 U. Pa. L. Rev. 515, 525-530 (1959); Note, 12 Rut gers L. Rev. 557, 558-567 (1958). There is ample sup port for a conclusion that lack of adequate housing for minority groups, an effect of discrimination in housing, causes crime-and disease-breeding slums. See Berman v. Parker, 348 U. S. 26, 33-34, 75 S. Ct. 98, 99 L. Ed. 27 (1954); Crommett v. City of Portland, 150 Me. 217, 107 A. 2d 841, 850 (Sup. Jud. Ct. 1953); New York City Housing Authority v. Muller, 270 N. Y. 333, 1 N. E. 2d 153, 154, 105 A. L. R. 905 (Ct. App. 1936); City of Newark v. Charles Realty Co., 9 N. J. Super. 442, 453- 456 (Cty. Ct. 1950). Freedom with regard to property is not inviolable; it is subject to the reasonable exercise 21 of the Legislature’s police power. Village of Euclid, Ohio v. Ambler Really Co., 272 ZJ.S. 365, 47 S. Ct. 114, 71 L. Ed. 303 (1926); Block v. Hirsh, 256 U. S. 135, 41 S. Ct. 458, 65 L. Ed. 865 (1921). The presumption is in favor of constitutionality, Gibraltar Factors Cory. v. Slapo, 23 N. J. 459, 463 (1957), and the burden of proof and persuasion is heavy on the party con testing the statute. In the absence of a showing of clear abuse of the police power, the tendency is to leave the wisdom, of the statute as a political rather than judicial question. We may pass this question without decision, however, and proceed to consider matters briefed and argued by the parties.” The United States Supreme Court dismissed the appeal for want of a substantial Federal question. 363 U.S. 418 (1960). In O’Meara v. Washington State Board Against Discrimi nation, 365 P. 2d 1 (1961), the Washington Supreme Court held its State’s statute unconstitutional by a vote of five to four, in a case involving a private owner’s refusal to sell a single-family dwelling, on grounds of color. The FHA financing had taken place prior to the effective date of the Washington law. Analysis of the grounds of decision dis closes that, in regard to the issues before this Court in the present case, the ruling supports the validity of the Massachusetts law. The minority of four judges voted to hold the statute con stitutional on all counts. It was within the police power because addressed to evils which the Legislature could prop erly deal with and because the means selected were reason ably related to the ends sought. And the classification based on public assistance was thought reasonable. Three judges of the majority of five limited their deci sion to a single ground, holding that the statute was un 22 constitutionally discriminatory and thus violative of equal protection in singling out FHA-financed homeowners from among all homeowners. The Levitt case, supra, at pp. 19-21, and the Pelham Hall case, discussed infra, at p. 24, were distinguished on the ground that they related, not to a single homeowner, but to a large project of homes and a multiple-dwelling apartment. It is to he noted that the Massachusetts law, unlike the Washington statute, is not limited to FHA-financed housing, and the present case, un like the Washington case, is concerned with a multiple- dwelling landlord. These three judges not only limited their vote for in validity on a ground irrelevant to the present case, but quoted from the trial judge’s opinion the following state ment of the evils of housing discrimination (365 P. 2d, at 3) : ‘ ‘ ‘ This court is fully cognizant of the evils which flow from discrimination because of race, creed, or color in a free democratic society. The practice of discrimina tion is utterly inconsistent with the political philosophy upon which our institutions are based and with the moral principles which we inherit from our Judeo- Christian tradition. Its effects, in terms of social, eco nomic and psychological damage to the community, are well known. Segregated housing, in particular, is linked intimately with substandard, unhealthy, unsafe living conditions with resultant fire and health haz ards. It undoubtedly contributes to instability in fam ily life, moral laxity, and delinquency. It can and must be eliminated, not only in order that the members of our minority groups may reach their full potential but also in order that the majority may be brought to act in a manner consistent with the principles which they profess. It may be noted also that elimination of dis 23 crimination is necessary for the sake of America’s re lations with the rest of the world. Our standing with the so-called uncommitted peoples of the world suffers seriously because of the continued discrimination and segregation practiced in America.’ ” It is submitted that, on the issue of police power to deal with the evils so well set forth, the Washington Court is divided seven to two in favor. And this is the issue to be decided in the case before this Court. The remaining two of the nine judges, with but one ex ception, voted to hold the statute invalid on grounds irrele vant to our case.1 The exception was their conclusion that there had been a taking of private property for private purposes. It is submitted that this conclusion is unsound, for reasons set forth later in this brief, particularly if it was meant to cover the cases of the multiple-dwelling land lord—with which the present case deals—or the project developer of numerous single but contiguous units. 1 Some grounds were based on peculiar provisions of the Wash ington Constitution, e.g., the original jurisdiction of its Superior Court over cases involving real property. In addition, these two judges found the procedure followed by the Washington Board un constitutional in that the Board represented a combination of legis lative, administrative and judicial powers, and the chairman of the Board was said to have the power to select the hearing tribunal in each case. Neither defect is relevant to the Massachusetts stat ute. The powers of the Massachusetts Commission Against Dis crimination are not significantly different, in terms of separation of powers, from many other agencies of the Commonwealth whose rules and orders have been repeatedly upheld. See e.g., G.L. c. 23, § 90, c. 150A, Labor Relations Commission; e. 6, §§ 17, 43-45, c. 138, Alcoholic Beverages Control Commission; c. 20, §§ 7-9, e. 94A, Milk Control Commission. And, of course, in Massachusetts the law specifies that the two Commissioners who did not participate in the investigation shall adjudicate. Chapter 151B, § 5. 24 All other eases on laws prohibiting housing discrimina tion have been decided by lower State Courts, and with one exception they unequivocally support the validity of these laws. In State Commission Against Discrimination v. Pelham Ball Apartments, 10 .'disc. 2d 334,170 N.Y.S. 2d 750 (1958), the Supreme Court of Westchester County held the New York statute valid as applied to a multiple-dwelling land lord. Although the statute related to publicly assisted housing, the decision went on grounds equally applicable to private housing. The Court rejected the argument that there was involved simply a conflict of private rights (10 Misc. 2d, at 341) : ‘ ‘ Involved here, it is said, is an apparent collision of rights, namely, a clash between the right on the one hand of the private owner of property to enjoy and use it in the manner most desirable and/or profit able to him, and the right on the other hand of all individuals here to be treated equally and free of all discrimination on account of race, color or religion. In the final analysis, however what is here involved is a conflict between the rights of the private property owner and the inherent power of the State to regulate the use and enjoyment of private property in the in terest of public welfare; and, as hereinafter noted, the power of the State, when reasonably exercised, is su preme.” In Martin v. City of New York, 22 Misc. 2d 389, 201 N.Y.S. 2d 111 (1960), the Supreme Court of New York County upheld on substantially similar reasoning the New York City ordinance which banned discrimination in pri vate multiple-dwelling housing. After noting that govern mental power to regulate rental housing was broad and 25 necessarily expanding to meet new problems, tbe Court added (22 Misc. 2d, at 391): “ Statutes now forbid racial discrimination in hiring. These have been found constitutionally unobjection able (Matter of Holland v. Edwards, 307 N. Y. 38, 42). The interference with private business is just as great but it has had to yield to changing concepts of what the State can and should do.” In Swanson v. Commission on Civil Rights of Connecti cut, No. 94802, July 11, 1961, the Superior Court of New Haven County, Connecticut, reviewed a cease and desist order issued under the housing discrimination law. While the Court found that the facts of the case did not bring it under the law, it first gave a fully-considered opinion up holding the constitutionality of the law (pp. 3-4 of mimeo graphed cop y ): “ Under the common law no person has the ‘ civil right’ to purchase or lease any property he desires if the owner does not wish to sell or lease to him. 14 A.L.R. 2d 154. The amendment under consideration is not an enactment that directs all property owners to sell or rent to anyone who offers to buy or rent. It is directed to owners and so-called developers of land whose business is to build, sell and rent numerous houses in a so-called building development and to own ers and builders of multiple dwellings who make it a business to engage in the selling or leasing of housing accommodations. It is these individuals who domi nate and set the pattern of the housing market as a whole. The prohibition of discrimination in housing developments and in multiple dwellings may well go a long way to help eradicate bias and foster equal 26 rights to all persons regardless of race, creed or color, in the whole community. Although such developments and multiple dwellings may be private enterprises, the building, selling and renting of the units in these de velopments and multiple dwellings are businesses which have a substantial impact upon a community. Such being the case, they are subject to reasonable regulations which will serve the public welfare. This is so even if it can be shown that such regulations will result in some financial loss to the owner without pro vision for compensation therefor. . . . ” In but one lower Court case has a law forbidding dis crimination in housing been invalidated, and this on facts different from the facts of the present case and on a ground peculiar to the State statute and to the particular adminis trative order issued. In Case v. Colorado Anti-Discrimi nation Commission, Civ. No. 39682, June 2, 1961, the Dis trict Court for El Paso County, Colorado, held uncon stitutional that section of the Colorado Pair Housing Act of 1959 which conferred power on the administrative agency to issue cease and desist orders, on the ground that it was unduly vague. The case involved the sale of a single home, which would, on the facts set forth in the opinion, ap parently come within the Colorado law, hut would not he covered by the Massachusetts statute. The El Paso Court expressed some doubt of the State’s power in these cir cumstances, but came to no firm conclusion and certainly no holding. It is not contended, of course, that these housing cases, just reviewed, constitute binding precedent in the Supreme Judicial Court. All are from other jurisdictions, only two are by Courts of last resort, and they vary in the extent of correspondence of their facts with the one at bar. Never 27 theless, these cases should he given that weight which takes account of their power to persuade, even though they lack the power to control. If these housing cases stood alone, they would strongly support the validity of the Massachusetts Fair Housing Law as applied here. In all instances wherein the Court squarely confronted the issues of police power and due process it concluded that the Legislature had the requisite power and that due process had been accorded. In the two decisions of invalidation the grounds were irrelevant. It may or may not be significant that those two cases, and only those, presented cases of sale of a single single-unit dwelling. In any event, the laws tested differ from our law, which applies to persons engaged in the business of sale or lease of housing, and from our case, which involves rental by a large multiple-unit apartment house owner. The housing cases, however, do not stand alone. They represent, rather, the most recent examples of a line of judicial development on anti-discrimination laws which, when viewed as a whole, overwhelmingly establishes the constitutionality of the Massachusetts Fair Housing Law. Just as the public accommodations laws were enacted earliest, so the judicial decisions validating them were handed down first. As early as 1888 the New York law was upheld in People v. King, 110 N.Y. 418, 428, where the Court said: “ The statute does not interfere with private enter tainments or prevent persons not engaged in the busi ness of keeping a place of public amusement, from regu lating admission to social, public or private entertain ments given by them as they may deem best, nor does it seek to compel social equality. It was, we think, a valid exercise of the police power of the state over a subject within the cognizance of the legislature.” 28 Ten years later, the highest Court in Minnesota stated, in Rhone v. Loomis, 74 Minn. 200, 203, 77 N.W. 31 (1898): “ The power of the legislature to enact such laws . . . is no longer open to discussion.” The Courts of five other States, in addition to Massachusetts, have sustained the use of the police power to prohibit discriminatory practices by places of public accommodation. Jones v. Kehrlein, 49 Cal. App. 646, 194 P. 55 (1920). Darius v. Apostolos, 68 Colo. 323, 330, 190 P. 510 (1920). Pickett v. Kuchau, 323 111. 138, 153 N.E. 667 (1926). Bolden v. Grand Rapids Operating Corp., 239 Mich. 318 (1927). Messenger v. State, 25 Neb. 674, 41 N.W. 638 (1889). In 1914, in Bryant v. Rich’s Grill, 216 Mass. 344, this Court simply assumed the constitutionality of the appli cable public accommodations law. And ten years later, in Opinion of the Justices, 247 Mass. 589, 595 (1924), this Court said: ‘ ‘ There can be no doubt as to the validity of a statute denouncing under penalty discrimination on account of race or color in admission to theatres and other places of amusement. G. L. c. 272, § 98. Bryant v. Rich’s Grill, 216 Mass. 344.” The most recent reported instance of judicial enforce ment of this statute is Crawford v. Kent, 341 Mass. 125 (1960). When this issue reached the United States Supreme Court in 1953 it was disposed of briefly and conclusively. In District of Columbia v. John R. Thompson Co., 346 U.S. 100 (1953), the Court affirmed the conviction of a restau rant proprietor for refusing to serve a Negro in violation of a District of Columbia ordinance enacted in 1872 during a brief period of home rule in the District. The Court put 29 to rest any doubt about the constitutionality of this kind of legislation in these words (at page 109) : “ And certainly so far as the Federal Constitution is concerned there is no doubt that legislation which pro hibits discrimination on the basis of race in the use of facilities serving a public function is within the police power of the states. See Railway Mail Assn. v. Cor si, 326 U. S. 88, 93-94; Bob-Lo Excursion Co. v. Michigan, 333 IT. S. 28, 34.” These cases govern the case at bar. Public accommoda tions laws cannot be distinguished from a law which bans discrimination by those in the business of selling or rent ing housing. Both laws serve the same public purposes and entail similar restrictions on liberty of contract or other property rights. The fact that we call them “ places of public accommo dation” should not obscure the fact that these enterprises are private rather than governmental, and are not “ quasi public” in the sense that they have lost their power to ex clude people from the premises. In Foster v. Shubert Hold ing Co., 316 Mass. 470, 473 (1944), this Court in speaking of a theater owner said that “ the proprietor is not bound to admit everybody who presents a ticket—-apart from dis crimination on account of race or color forbidden by G. L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 272, § 98, . . .” See also Madden v. Queens County Jockey Club, 296 N.Y. 249 (1947) (race track). Consistent with this understanding, the General Court has not limited chapter 272, § 92A (to which section 98 refers) to inns, restaurants and places of amusement, but has extended it far beyond what used to be viewed as “ quasi-public” businesses. Thus, for example, it now in cludes any “ retail store or establishment, including those 30 dispensing personal services.” Most of tlie other States with public-accommodation laws have followed suit. So far as these decisions are sought to be justified on the ground that they are limited to activities ‘ ‘ affected with a public interest,” it should be noted that this conception was laid to rest by the United States Supreme Court as long ago as 1934, in Nebbia v. New York, 291 U.S. 502, in which governmental price-fixing of milk sold by a store keeper was constitutionally upheld. The dissenting opinion in that case makes it clear that the Court had indeed at times applied the test of whether an activity was “ affected with a public interest.” See also the review of the prior cases in Hale, “ The Constitution and the Price System: Some Reflections on Nebbia v. New York,” 34 Col. L. Rev. 401 (1934). Mr. Justice Roberts, speaking for the Court in Nebbia, reframed the doctrine in a fashion followed ever since (291 U.S. at 536-537) : “ It is clear that there is no closed class or category of businesses affected with a public interest, and the function of courts in the application of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments is to determine in each case whether circumstances vindicate the challenged regu lation as a reasonable exertion of governmental au thority or condemn it as arbitrary or discriminatory. Wolff Packing Co. v. Industrial Court, 262 U.S. 522, 535. The phrase ‘ affected with a public interest’ can, in the nature of things, mean no more than that an industry, for adequate reason, is subject to control for the public good. In several of the decisions of this court wherein the expressions ‘ affected with a public interest-,’ and ‘ clothed with a public use,’ have been brought forward as the criteria of the validity of price control, it has been admitted that they are 31 not susceptible of definition and form an unsatisfac tory test of the constitutionality of legislation directed at business practices or prices. These decisions must rest, finally, upon the basis that the requirements of due process were not met because the laws were found arbitrary in their operation and effect. [The Court in a footnote at this point cited cases which had pre viously been understood to apply the test of ‘ businesses affected with a public interest.’ ] But there can be no doubt that upon proper occasion and by appropriate measures the state may regulate a business in any of its aspects, including the prices to be charged for the products or commodities it sells. “ So far as the requirement of due process is con cerned, and in the absence of other constitutional re striction, a state is free to adopt whatever economic policy may reasonably be deemed to promote public welfare, and to enforce that policy by legislation adapted to its purpose. The courts are without au thority either to declare such policy, or, when it is declared by the legislature, to override it. If the laws passed are seen to have a reasonable relation to a proper legislative purpose, and are neither arbitrary nor discriminatory, the requirements of due process are satisfied, and judicial determination to that effect renders a court functus officio.” In any case, the “ quasi-public” concept cannot be the foundation of laws prohibiting discrimination in employ ment, since such laws make no classification by type of business activity. As we have seen, these laws have been enacted by twenty-two States, including Massachusetts. Some of these States, including New York and Massachu setts, have likewise banned discrimination by labor unions. 32 Although administrative agencies in most of these States have been active for periods ranging from a short time to sixteen years (fifteen years in Massachusetts), no liti gant before them has challenged the constitutionality of these employment laws. Although Commission orders have been reviewed in the Courts in a number of reported cases, the issue of constitutionality has not been raised and the Courts have uniformly assumed the validity of the laws. Holland v. Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 (1954). Ivory v. Ed wards, 278 App. Div. 359; affd. without opinion, 304 N.Y. 949 (1953). Ross v. Arbury, 206 Misc. 74; affd. without opinion, 285 App. Div. 886 (1955). Draper v. Clark Dairy, 17 Conn. Supp. 93 (1950). Local 35, In t’l Brotherhood v. Commission on Civil Rights, 18 Conn. Supp. 125 (1952). The explanation for this uniform failure to challenge the employment laws over a substantial time period lies in the numerous and compelling precedents and reasons which can be marshaled in support of these laws, of which liti gants before the agencies have no doubt been cognizant. There are no reported instances of judicial review of orders by the Massachusetts Commission Against Dis crimination in relation to employment—and thus no occa sion for the Courts to consider its validity. But Massa chusetts has also on its books a State Labor Relations Act, Gr.L. c. 150A, enacted initially in 1937, by St. 1937, c. 436, and modeled largely on the National Labor Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. § 151 et seq. The latter law was upheld by the United States Supreme Court in NLRB v. Jones do Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1 (1937), and the State law has been for so long enforced and so often reviewed in this Court that there can surely be no question of its con stitutionality at this time. See, e.g., J or dan Marsh Co. v. Labor Relations Commission, 312 Mass. 597 (1942). Accepting the labor relations law, prohibiting discrimi nation in employment because of union status, as consti 33 tutional, then surely the law prohibiting discrimination in employment because of race, creed, color or national origin is likewise valid. For the evil of racial or other like dis crimination is surely on no lower plane than that of union discrimination. Each may lead to other evils which the Legislature is competent to deal with. Union discrimina tion may lead to industrial strife, causing interference with interstate commerce. See 301 U.S. at 41-43. Racial dis crimination in employment may lead to racial strife, or alternatively to submerged economic groups who present problems of crime, delinquency, slums and welfare needs. Cf. New Negro Alliance v. Sanitary Grocery Co., 303 U.S. 552, 561 (1938): “ Race discrimination by an employer may reasonably be deemed more unfair and less excusable than discrimination against workers on the ground of union af filiation.” On the other hand, the restrictions imposed upon employers by the two statutes are not significantly different. For a careful comparison of the two laws, lead ing to the conclusion that the Massachusetts Fair Employ ment Practice Act of 1946 is constitutional, see the short but penetrating note by Professor E. Merrick Dodd in 17 Bar Bulletin of the Bar Association of the City of Bos ton, 201-207 (1946). In employment, as with public accommodations, the United States Supreme Court has disposed of all possible contentions under the Fourteenth Amendment. In the first and only time the issue was presented, the Court unani mously affirmed a decision by the New York Court of Ap peals holding that a New York statute prohibiting discrimi nation by unions (Civil Rights Law, § 43) was constitu tional. Railway Mail Association v. Corsi, 326 U.S. 88 (1945). The New York law had been attacked by an association of railway workers as constituting a denial of due process in that it interfered with the union’s right to select its own 34 members and further that it abridged the association’s property rights and liberty of contract. The Court said (326 U.S. at 93-94): ‘ ‘ Appellant first contends that § 43 and related §§ 41 and 45 of the New York Civil Rights Law, as applied to appellant, offends the due process clause of the Four teenth Amendment as an interference with its right of selection to membership and abridgement of its prop erty rights and liberty of contract. We have here a prohibition of discrimination in membership or union services on account of race, creed or color. A judicial determination that such legislation violated the Four teenth Amendment would be a distortion of the policy manifested in that amendment, which was adopted to prevent state legislation designed to perpetuate dis crimination on the basis of race or color. We see no constitutional basis for the contention that a state can not protect workers from exclusion solely on the basis of race, color or creed by an organization, functioning under the protection of the state, which holds itself out to represent the general business needs of employees.” (Emphasis supplied.) (Footnotes omitted.) Concurring in the opinion of the Court, Mr. Justice Frank furter eloquently demolished the sole argument that can be adduced against anti-discrimination legislation (326 U.S. at 98): “ Apart from other objections, which are too unsub stantial to require consideration, it is urged that the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment precludes the State of New York from prohibiting ra cial and religious discrimination against those seeking employment. Elaborately to argue against this con tention is to dignify a claim devoid of constitutional 35 substance. Of course a State may leave abstention from such discrimination to the conscience of indi viduals. On the other hand, a State may choose to put its authority behind one of the cherished aims of American feeling by forbidding indulgence in racial or religious prejudice to another’s hurt. To use the Fourteenth Amendment as a sword against such State power would stultify that Amendment. Certainly the insistence by individuals on their private prejudices as to race, color or creed, in relations like those now before us, ought not to have a higher constitutional sanction than the determination of a State to extend the area of non-discrimination beyond that which the Constitution itself exacts.” (Emphasis supplied.) The Fourteenth Amendment prevents Government, how ever local in scope its activity may be, from imposing dis crimination in housing or other basic facilities, based on race, creed, color or national origin. It expresses funda mental national policy. See Mitchell v. United States, 313 U.S. 80, 94 (1941); Bob-Lo Excursion Co. v. Michigan, 333 U.S. 28 (1948). To read the same amendment as disabling Government from enacting legislation designed to effectuate its underlying policy would sterilize and distort it. That is the holding of the Cor si case, and it explains why the relevant authorities have so uniformly upheld the power of the State to enact anti-discrimination legislation. Similarly, when respondents rely on the language of article I of the Declaration of Rights in the Massachusetts Constitution, that men have rights of “ acquiring, possess ing, and protecting property,” they overlook the fact that these rights only illustrate the basic principle of the article: “ All men are born free and equal . . . ” The illustration may not be used to vitiate the premise. 36 Of course, the State’s legislation must be addressed to problems of public concern and must aim at appropriate public objectives. And the means used must be reasonable. Statutes dealing with public accommodations and employ ment have uniformly met these tests, and in the next section we shall show that the Massachusetts Fair Housing Prac tices Law satisfies them beyond any question. III. The Fair Housing Practices Law Represents a Consti tutional Exercise of Legislative Power. The present controversy confronts this Court once again with the need to reconcile the interests of the public, re flected in legislation enacted under the police power, with the claim of an individual against deprivation of his prop erty without due process of law. These two conceptions —police power and due process—are but two sides of the same coin, and it is impossible to consider the one without taking account of the other. Particularly because these two standards are very broad in scope, and uncertain at their edges, the principles gov erning constitutional adjudication have special importance. Both this Court and the United States Supreme Court ap proach constitutional questions of the kind here presented in the same spirit, with careful attention to the appropriate roles of Legislature and Court. Not only does a legislative enactment carry a presump tion of validity, but that presumption is of compelling force. See Druzik v. Board of Health of Haverhill, 324 Mass. 129, 138-139 (1949): “ All rational presumptions are made in favor of the validity of every legislative enactment. Enforcement is to be refused only when it is in manifest excess of 37 legislative power. Perkins v. Westwood, 226 Mass. 268, 271. Lowell Co-operative Bank v. Co-operative Central Bank, 287 Mass. 338, 343. Howes Brothers Co. v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296 Mass. 275, 284. Moore v. Election Commissioners of Cambridge, 309 Mass. 303, 311. It is only when a legis lative finding cannot be supported upon any rational basis of fact that reasonably can be conceived to sus tain it that a court is empowered to strike it down. Slome v. Chief of Police of Fitchburg, 304 Mass. 187, 189. If the question is fairly debatable, courts cannot substitute their judgment for that of the Legislature. Simon v. Needham, 311 Mass. 560, 564. Foster v. Mayor of Beverly, 315 Mass. 567, 572. 122 Main Street Corp. v. Brockton, 323 Mass. 646, 649.” See also Delaivare & Hudson Co. v. Boston Railroad Hold ing Co., 323 Mass. 282, 291 (1948); United States v. Caro tene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144, 152 (1938). Of course, the Court does not review the wisdom or ex pedience of the law. “ We are concerned not with the pol icy or efficacy of the method which the Legislature has adopted but only with its constitutionality.” Russell v. Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501, 507-508 (1954). See also Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 348 IT.S. 483, 488 (1955); Day-Brite Lighting, Inc., v. Missouri, 342 U.S. 421, 423, 425 (1952). In so far as the validity of a law depends on a state of facts, the Court will assume the existence of that state of facts unless other facts judicially known or proved preclude the possibility of its existence. See Merit Oil Co. v. Di rector, 319 Mass. 301, 304-305 (1946), in which this Court, having no knowledge of the actual legislative findings, as sumed such facts as would sustain the act in question, and 38 then noted that the record before it did “ not negative the existence of any of the possible findings that have been mentioned.” See also South Carolina State Highway De partment v. Barnwell Bros., 303 U.S. 177, 191 (1938). It is in the light of this background that the Law here in question is to be appraised. Whether one puts verbal em phasis on the concept of police power, or of due process, the appraisal must be in terms of the statute’s ends and means. So long as the objectives of the Law lie within the broad scope of legislative power, and the means adopted bear a reasonable relationship to those objectives, without restricting individual rights more than is reasonable and necessary to attain the objectives, the Law is constitutional. The Fair Housing Practices Law easily satisfies these cri teria, as the following material demonstrates. A. T he Objectives or th e S tatute are P ermissible and W ell w it h in th e P olice P ower oe th e C o m m o n w ealth . It has recently been said that ‘ ‘ of all the powers of local government, the police power is ‘ one of the least limit- able. ’ ” Lambert v. California, 355 U.S. 225, 228 (1957). Obviously this does not mean that it is limitless; the Legis lature does not have the last word on its own power. What is meant, rather, is that, apart from presumptions of valid ity, the problems that may impinge upon the public interest are infinitely varied in description, and the powers of gov ernment to cope with them must be equal to the problems and are therefore incapable of definitive cataloguing. As this Court said in Delaware & Hudson Co. v. Boston Rail road Holding Co., 323 Mass. 282, 290-291 (1948): “ All property is held subject to the power and duty of the Legislature, from time to time, to make, ordain, and establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable 39 laws, not contrary to the Constitution, as they shall judge to he for the good and welfare of the Common wealth. Constitution of Massachusetts, c. 1, § 1, art. 4. This power, which resides in every sovereign state, has, unfortunately we think, come to be called the police power. It is manifest that the necessary and proper exercise of this power will frequently limit, and restrict the freedom of action which particular persons and corporations would otherwise enjoy in the manage ment and control of their property, and that such limitation and restriction do not constitute a taking of property for which compensation must be allowed. . . . ” (Emphasis supplied.) In what ways might the Legislature “ judge [the Massa chusetts Fair Housing Law] to be for the good and welfare of the Commonwealth” ? There are a good many. 1 1. Equal Opportunity to Secure Shelter, without Regard to Race, Creed, Color or National Origin. First, the Legislature had the simple but fundamental purpose of ending or at least curtailing discriminatory practices which limit access by American citizens and Massachusetts inhabitants to one of the basic needs for liv ing in our society. Having previously dealt with food and clothing through the public accommodations laws, it has now concerned itself with shelter. It is important to note that the Law deals with discrim inatory practices, and not with mental attitudes or psy chological prejudices. There is no basis here for an argu ment that the thoughts or beliefs of the landlord are the target, or that his civil liberties are at stake. And when the Legislature classifies the practices as discriminatory 40 it is declaring that the criteria of race, creed, color or na tional origin are deemed by the society to be irrelevant to whether people shall have the opportunity to secure the basic necessities of present-day life. In so declaring itself, the Legislature is reflecting a heri tage more than a century and a half old, embodied both in the Fourteenth Amendment of the Federal Constitution and in the much older Declaration of Eights of the Massa chusetts Constitution, part 1, arts. I, X. It is not disputed that these provisions operate of their own force only on governmental action, and not on private conduct, as is normal with constitutional clauses, but surely they may be taken to express the most basic long-run values of our so ciety. Moreover, these constitutional provisions have not stood alone. As we have already shown, a vast number of States — an overwhelming majority of all States north of the Mason-Dixon line and in the West—have in one way or another dealt with unequal access to one or more of the basic goods or services, brought about by discrimination. And as we have also seen, in no instance has any Court held that the police power does not encompass the objective of equal opportunity, without regard to race, creed, color or national origin. Is it that shelter is to be distinguished from food and clothing! Can equal access to a home be seen differently from equal access to a job, or to a school, or to recreational opportunity! The power of the State to control rents in order to afford reasonable opportunity to keep or obtain shelter, when it was temporarily threatened by a shortage, has been recognized both by this Court (Russell v. Treas urer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501 (1954)) and the United States Supreme Court (Block v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135 (1921) (“ Housing is a necessary of life,” id. at 156, per 41 Holmes, J .)) even though a severe restriction on private property rights resulted. The rent controls were tempo rary, but that was because the shortages were temporary too. In many ways housing that is adequately constructed and reasonably located is more basic than other facilities that are protected by older laws. Housing is often the key to many other opportunities that should be equally available to all members of our society: education on a non-discrimina- tory and unsegregated basis; access to jobs not so far dis tant as to be beyond the limits of daily travel; recreational and other public facilities. The United States Commission on Civil Eights, in a comprehensive study of discrimination in voting, education and housing, found that “ The funda mental interrelationships among the subjects of voting, edu cation, and housing make it impossible for the problem to be solved by the improvement of any one factor alone. ’ ’ 1 Thus, we do not have in this case a question of “ social mixing,” of private clubs or other private organizations. These remain matters of private conscience. We are deal ing with a basic necessity of daily existence, whose availa bility conditions many other necessities. There can be no contention here that the Legislature was tilting at windmills; that equal opportunity exists to secure housing without discrimination on racial or similar grounds. The evidence seems so plain that we believe this Court might well take judicial notice of it. Cardinal Cushing, in a foreword to a recent work, “ A Catholic Case Against Segregation” (O ’Neill Ed. 1961), stated: “ We are now, surely, a long way past the time when we have to document 1 Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1959, p. 545 (submitted to the President pursuant to Public Law 85-315, Eighty-fifth Congress). (This report is available at the Social Law Library.) 42 the facts of discrimination or when we can question its un happy effects on the American society. ’ ’ 2 But the facts have been documented. In 1961 the United States Commission on Civil Rights made the following de termination : 3 “ In 1959 the Commission found that ‘housing . . . seems to he the one commodity in the American market that is not freely available on equal terms to everyone who can afford to pay. ’ Today, 2 years later, the situa tion is not noticeably better. ‘ ‘ Throughout the country large groups of American citizens—mainly Negroes, but other minorities too—■ are denied an equal opportunity to choose where they will live. Much of the housing market is closed to them for reasons unrelated to their personal worth or ability to pay. New housing, by and large, is available only to whites. And in the restricted market that is open to them, Negroes generally must pay more for equivalent housing than do the favored majority. ‘ The dollar in a dark hand’ does not ‘have the same purchasing power as a dollar in a white hand.’ ” (Footnotes omitted.) In the comprehensive work of McEntire, “ Residence and Race” (U. Cal. Press, I960),4 the facts of racial segrega 2 As quoted in Boston Sunday Globe, Nov. 19, 1961, p. A l, eols. 1-3. 3 1961 Commission on Civil Rights Report: Book 4 on Housing, p. 1. (Available at the Social Law Library.) 4 This work “ is the final report of a broad study of housing prob lems involving minority racial and ethnic groups, conducted for the Commission on Race and Housing, under the direction of Davis McEntire. . . . The Commission is an independent, private citi zens’ group, not a part of any other organization” (foreword to the work, p. v.). The membership is given at pages v-vii, and con 43 tion in twelve large metropolitan areas are given in chapter III, pp. o2~66. That the racial segregation found elsewhere in the nation also exists here is shown by a study of hous ing by whites and nonwhites in Massachusetts prepared especially for this case by Helen B. Kistin, Economic Con sultant, and set forth in Appendix B to this brief. See Appendix B, pp. 94-128. Other data of this Study will be re ferred to as they are pertinent.8 As McEntire points out, not all segregation is caused by discriminatory practices (p. 67): ‘ ‘ The segregation of a group may be voluntary or im posed or it may result from economic weakness. Fre quently all three factors are combined. Some groups, notably religious communities, insist on segregating themselves in order to pursue their particular way of life without interference. At the other extreme are many Negroes who would much prefer a nonracial sta tus but are set apart by others. The desire for volun tary segregation by members of a group may be strong or weak; so also may be the forces for imposed segre gation. Shared poverty may reinforce the other pres- 5 sists of well-known and outstanding figures of our time, including bank and business executives, lawyers and educators. (Available at the Social Law Library.) 5 In presenting this Study and in citing social and economic data contained in the reports of other studies and investigations—what is now known as a “ Brandeis brief” —we do not offer them for the Court to ascertain the truth of the facts asserted, but only to establish that the Legislature could reasonably conclude that con ditions were as portrayed by these data. Petitioner thus does more than is required of it, for under the presumption of constitutional ity it is respondents’ task to disprove any reasonably conceivable state of facts that will support the legislation in question. Pro fessor Paul Freund has fully discussed these points in The Supreme Court of the United States (Meridian Books by World Pub Co 1961), at pp. 150-152. 44 sures for segregation, but a degree of economic power usually neutralizes them. Consequently, the segrega tion of a particular group may be relatively complete or merely a tendency. ’ ’ The Massachusetts Legislature was not concerned with voluntary segregation nor directly with that which results from economic disability. Voluntary segregation is an ex ercise of individual choice; segregation caused by economic disability can be met by improving one’s economic condi tion. But racial segregation imposed from without is a denial of freedom which the individual cannot alter. Thus the Legislature dealt with racial segregation imposed by the discriminatory practices of certain key groups land lords of multiple-dwelling units, developers of projects of 10 units or more, real-estate brokers dealing with these units,6 and financial institutions which finance real-estate transactions.7 The Legislature directed the law to those who greatly influence access to housing of large numbers of people. Respondent Colangelo, owner and lessor of a 120 unit apartment house, is a prime example. 2. The Social and Economic Consequences of Housing Discrimination. The Legislature was not limited to the establishment of equality of opportunity to secure housing as an abstract proposition, important as that is. The Legislature did, and was entitled to, consider the social and economic conse quences that flow from housing discrimination and segrega tion. And it did, and was entitled to, conclude that it should strike at the cause rather than deal only with the symptoms. 6 Real-estate brokers were specifically included in G.L. c. 151B, § 6, by St. 1961, c. 128. 7 G.L. c. 151B, § 4(3B), as added by St. 1960, c. 163, § 2. 45 (1) There are, first, the economic disabilities suffered by minority groups. As the United States Commission on Civil Rights reported in the passage quoted above at page 42, the discriminatory practices that hold down the supply of housing available to Negroes inevitably raise the price or rent which they must pay. McEntire, “ Residence and Race,” c. IX, reviews all past studies as well as the study conducted for the Commission on Race and Housing, and concludes (p. 155): “ Racial differences in the relation of housing quality and space to rent or value can be briefly summarized. As of 1950, nonwhite households, both renters and owners, obtained a poorer quality of housing than did whites at all levels of rent or value, in all regions of the country. Nonwhite homeowners had better quality dwellings than renters and approached more closely to the white standard, but a significant differential per sisted, nevertheless, in most metropolitan areas and value classes. . . . ” The data for Massachusetts are in accord. See Appendix B, pp. 100-102, 106-109. Economic disability imposed upon large human segments of the society, especially when done without any fault on the part of the disabled, is of legitimate concern to the public and therefore to the Legislature. Cf. Howes Broth ers Co. v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296 Mass. 275 (1936), which upheld the unemployment in surance law, on the ground that unemployment was no fault of the persons concerned, and caused “ harm to the com mon weal” through its many consequences. 2 (2) The Legislature could properly consider a second consequence of housing discrimination, a consequence of 46 great magnitude. Discrimination, particularly against Negroes, exerts pressure on them to live in the restricted areas available to them. The excessive density of popula tion resulting from artificially limited supply is a classic cause of slums, which in turn breed delinquency, vice, crime and disease. These facts are widely known, and the Court might sim ply take judicial notice of them, or the Court might assume them as facts which support the validity of legis lative action in the absence of contradictory evidence. See the discussion of Merit Oil Co. v. Director, 319 Mass. 301 (1946), at page 37, supra. But if documentary support is needed, it is available from both official and responsible private sources. The United States Commission on Civil Bights has reported that racial discrimination produces slums, with a consequent loss of tax revenue, and adds: ‘ 1 These problems are not limited to any one region of the country. They are nationwide and their implications are manifold. . . .8 When New York City first adopted an ordinance directed to discriminatory practices in housing, Local Law No. 80 for the year 1957, it included a legislative declaration which reads in part as follows : “ In the city of New York, with its great cosmopolitan population consisting of large numbers of people of every race, color, religion, national origin and ancestry, many persons have been compelled to live in circum scribed sections under substandard, unhealthful, un sanitary and crowded living conditions because of dis crimination and segregation in housing. These condi 8 1961 Report, Book 4 on Housing, p. 1. See also McEntire, “ Residence and Race,” pp. 93-94 (1960). For the data on Negro slums in Boston and the resultant delinquency, disease and death rates, see Appendix B, pp. 106-111. 47 tions have caused increased mortality, morbidity, delinquency, risk of fire, intergroup tension, loss of tax revenue and other evils. As a result, the peace, health, safety and general welfare of the entire city and all its inhabitants are threatened. . . . ” Under the normal presumption of constitutionality, this Court must assume that the Massachusetts Legislature had similar evils in mind when it enacted the Fair Housing Law. Racial discrimination is not the sole cause of slums. Eco nomic, social and cultural factors all play a role. But on the data available the Legislature was not only reasonable but realistic in concluding that discrimination is a signifi cant factor. And the Legislature, which has adopted or authorized health and safety measures to combat the effects of slum conditions, and which has adopted programs of slum clearance and urban renewal, properly concluded that it should also combat discrimination as a key cause of slums. Legislative programs to deal with slum conditions have been repeatedly upheld by this Court as within the tradi tional power to promote the public health, welfare, safety and morals. In Allydonn Realty Corf. v. HolyoJce Housing Authority, 304 Mass. 288 (1939), this Court recognized the Legislature’s power in classic terms, per Qua, C.J. One question in the case was whether slum clearance had a “ public purpose” which justified public expenditure. In upholding the expenditure, this Court had the following to say on the existence of slums, and their social and eco nomic consequences (304 Mass, at 293-294) : “ The statute contains legislative findings in sub stance that slums exist in this Commonwealth, and that they tend to increase crime and to menace the health and comfort of the inhabitants. These findings are entitled to weight in this court. Howes Brothers 48 Go. v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296 Mass. 275, 283. In any event we should be blind to the obvious, if we did not know that they are true.” To the argument that the Legislature should deal with slums by existing methods, the Court responded (304 Mass, at 294) : “ Whatever good may have been accomplished by means of existing regulatory laws and ordinances en acted in pursuance of the police power, neither those means nor the operation of private enterprise has thus far abolished the evil. I f the Legislature now believes that an entirely different method of attack is demanded we cannot say that that belief is unfounded in reason. WTe cannot say that expenditures directed in a rational manner toward the elimination of slums are not ex penditures for a public purpose. It is unnecessary to dilate at length upon the pernicious influence of slums, upon the manner in which that influence may be found to reach out and to affect an entire community, lower ing moral standards, and increasing the cost to all of police, fire and health protection.” (3) Housing discrimination not only helps to create slums, but also seriously interferes with programs of slum clearance and urban renewal. Urban renewal may take the form of rehabilitation of existing housing through enforce ment of a housing code of the type upheld by this Court in Paquette v. Fall River, 338 Mass. 368 (1959), or the form of land assembly through condemnation along with a com prehensive redevelopment program for re-use of the land, upheld by this Court in Bowlcer v. Worcester, 334 Mass. 422 (1956). 49 The Legislature might reasonably conclude that the suc cess of every one of these programs is jeopardized by the existence of discriminatory practices. Because discrimina tion tends to breed slums, racial or other minorities are frequently the principal inhabitants of the areas selected for slum clearance or urban renewal. But each of those programs depends for its success on the ability to relocate some or all of the slum dwellers. The housing code upheld in the Paquette case seeks to eliminate excessive popula tion density by imposing minimum living space require ments. If it is enforced, people must move. Urban renewal obviously contemplates the destruction of obsolete slum buildings, and these residents must of course move. The problems thus created are practical and difficult. The necessity of relocation imposes additional burdens on minorities, faced as they are with a housing supply limited by discrimination. At the same time, the renewal program is stopped in its tracks if it cannot relocate the residents concerned. And if these residents are simply moved to another segregated area, adding to its population densi ties, and a new slum is created, then the renewal program represents much motion but little movement. These diffi culties are fully described and explained in the 1961 Report of the Commission on Civil Rights.9 The Massachusetts problems are set forth in Appendix B, pp. 112-128. As Albert M. Cole, former Federal Housing and Home Finance Administrator, has said :10 “ Regardless of what measures are provided or de veloped to clear slums and meet low-income housing 9 Book 4 on Housing, c. 4 on Urban Renewal, especially pp. 82-83. 10 “ What is the Federal Government’s Role in Housing?” Ad dress to the Economic Club of Detroit, Feb. 8, 1954, quoted in Re port of the Commission on Race and Housing, “ Where Shall We Live?” p. 40 (U. Cal. Press, 1958). 50 needs, the critical factor in the situation which must he met is the fact of racial exclusion from the greater and better part of our housing supply. . . . No program of housing or urban improvement, however well con ceived, well financed, or comprehensive, can hope to make more than indifferent progress until we open up adequate opportunities to minority families for decent housing. ’ ’ The Legislature is entitled to meet these threats to its urban renewal programs, and, of equal importance, to give special consideration to the minorities directly and criti cally hurt by relocation. This Court in Allydonn noted that the provision of low-rent housing, divorced from slum clearance, would create serious constitutional difficulties. But the low-rent housing was related to slum clearance, because it was intended “ to prevent hardship to those whose homes would be razed and to give permanent assur ance that such persons would not crowd into other sub standard areas or create new slums.” 304 Mass, at 295. So, too, in the present case the Legislature can act. (4) Housing discrimination based on race, creed, color or national origin has ramifications beyond bricks and mor tar and beyond bodily needs. It extends also to the minds and hearts of men of all races and nationalities, and to their modes of living together in one society. To many, these intangibles are the more important, and the Legislature ought not to be precluded from giving them heed. True, the Legislature cannot coerce prejudice out of in dividual minds; but then it has not sought to do that. It has banned practices which create racial discord and bit terness, and which perpetuate a physical and social en 51 vironment in which, race confronts race, instead of indivi dual dealing with individual. Of course, education which changes attitudes is essential to the development of racial harmony. Indeed, a rather dramatic change in attitudes is reported by McEntire, “ Residence and Race,” pp. 79-80 (1960). He presents the results of national polls among white persons concerning their willingness to live in the same neighborhood with Negroes with the same education and income as they have. The percentage so willing changed from 20 per cent in 1939 to 51 or 52 per cent in 1956 (two figures of two separate polls— one done for the Catholic Digest and the other by the National Opinion Research Center). As might be ex pected, the two 1956 polls show a distinct difference be tween North and South. The figures for Northern whites are 58 per cent and 59 per cent. This Court would be the first to declare that it is the Legislature’s function, and not the Court’s, to decide whether racial harmony is furthered by a ban on discrimina tory practices. The Legislature must take account of social attitudes, the potential of education, the crippling effect that discrimination has on educational process and social attitudes, and like factors. Its judgment, reached in light of all the other reasons for the housing law, is within the proper scope of the legislative power. (5) The effect that discriminatory practices have on the victims ’ minds has been dramatically revealed recently in relation to the role which this nation plays and seeks to play in the present-day world. The United States confronts problems of extraordinary difficulty and delicacy in coun tries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. As leading Fed eral officials have warned us, the success of United States foreign relations will depend to a considerable extent on 52 our ability to solve our domestic problem of harmonizing the aspirations of our people of different color, religion, and national origin. Particular incidents are dramatic and only illustrative. The United States Mission to the United Nations has struggled to find housing for African envoys to the United Nations;11 State Department officials have sought equal treatment at places of public accommodation along Route 40 in Maryland;11 12 again, State Department officials have sought housing in the District of Columbia for African envoys accredited to the United States.13 In the recent hearing before the Interstate Commerce Commission, which resulted in issuance of an order to desegregate bus ter minals, the Secretaries of State and Defense were repre sented, one to present the problems of foreign relations and the other the problems of American Negro soldiers.14 Massachusetts, with its great universities, confronts an ever larger influx of foreign students and doctors of all races and creeds. And Massachusetts has its share of United States Government personnel, both military and civilian. This very case involves an Air Force employee who has come to Massachusetts because his duties place him here. May not a State Legislature take national problems into account in enacting legislation! Just as the Congress takes State needs into account in its legislation—most notably in Federal grants-in-aid legislation, but in many other enact ments as well—so may the State reciprocate. This is in the best tradition of our federalism, and much to be preferred 11 See N.Y. Post, Sept. 15, 1961, Mag. p. 5, col. 2. 12 Lukas, Trouble on Route 40, in The Reporter, Oct. 26, 1961. 13 N.Y. Times, July 11, 1961, p. 19, col. 2. 14 Discrimination in Operations of Interstate Kotor Carriers of Passengers, I.C.C. No. MC-C-3358, September 22, 1961. 53 to Federal displacement of State law to meet Federal needs, when the area as a whole is of predominantly State concern. We have considered the various objectives which the Legislature may have sought to achieve through the Fair Housing Law. Most of them, taken alone, would be suffi cient to validate the Law, if its means are reasonable. Taken together, they establish an unimpeachable title to constitutionality. B . T he M eans E mployed by tile M assachusetts F aib H ousing L aw and th e R estrictions on R espondents are W h olly R easonable and in A ccord w it h D ue P rocess. There remain for consideration the questions whether the means employed by the Fair Housing Law are reason able or capricious, and whether they unduly harm respond ents’ private rights. In short, are respondents being de prived of property without due process of law! 1 1. Relationship of the Means to the Statutory Objectives. Are the means rationally related to the statutory ends, which have just been canvassed? It is difficult to see how means can be more scrupulously tailored to ends than in the Housing Lawr. The landlord or project developer is told that he may not discriminate on grounds of race, creed, color or national origin. He is left free to set any other standards—of financial responsibility, of moral character, of familial status, or of whatever else he sees fit. He deals at arm’s length with the tenant, and may impose whatever landlord-tenant arrangement is otherwise legal. But he may not discriminate, because that is the practice the Law seeks to eliminate. 54 Legitimate debate about the wisdom of tlie means se lected may not be distorted into a charge that they are un reasonable. It is sometimes argued that discrimination cannot be successfully solved by coercive means, but must be met by education. But this Court is not concerned with the potential success of a law; that is plainly a question of its wisdom. Moreover, the argument tenders a false issue. No one proposes to use coercive means alone; of course, education is an essential ingredient. The Legisla ture, however, might rationally conclude that educational and legal processes should go hand in hand, one supporting the other. The Housing Law itself emphasizes this mutual re-enforcement, in providing for educational programs and for conciliation as major steps in the administrative process. Every annual report of the Commission Against Dis crimination (Public Document No. 163 in each successive year) shows that the Commission, acting pursuant to the law, Gr.L. c. 151B, § 3 (8) and (9), has actively combined educational programs with its enforcement activities. These educational activities are set forth in detail at the end of each report. Then, too, each annual report sets forth the cumulative statistics, from 1946 to date, on investigations, complaints and dispositions. The Fourteenth Annual Re port, which would have been the latest available to the Legislature when it extended the Housing Law in 1959 to private housing in multiple -dwelling or project develop ment form, shows that the Commission had in fourteen years processed over 2,400 investigations and complaints, apart from its program on age discrimination. Of these, about 35 per cent had been dismissed because of lack of jurisdiction, or probable cause, or withdrawal. Virtually all of the others, about 65 per cent, had been “ closed after investigation and conference,’ ’ which means 55 that the Commission’s conciliation processes had succeeded. A few cases were still pending, and only three cases out of 2,400 had gone to formal hearing. The percentages for other years are not significantly different. As of today, five cases have gone to formal hearing, and the present case is the first one to reach the Courts. We have here a remarkable blending of the educational with the legal, pro ceeding with a minimum of the type of friction that is re flected by formal litigation. More narrowly focused is the Commission’s experience with Public Housing, which is now understood to be under a constitutional ban against discrimination, but which was in any event placed under a statutory ban in Massachu setts in 1950. Gf.L. c. 121, § 26FF; c. 151B, § 5, added by Acts of 1950, c. 479, § 4. Each annual report of the Com mission reports its activities and gives data on white and nonwhite occupancy in public housing projects, listed by project. The data show that over the past decade Negroes have been admitted in varying numbers to almost all proj ects, without serious difficulties or consequences. In its Fourteenth Annual Report for 1959 the Commission was able to state (p. 10): “ The MCAD has been powerless in the past to grant relief to those citizens who have complained to it of discriminatory practices in the field of private hous ing. Its enforcement jurisdiction was limited to public and publicly assisted housing accommodations. When, in 1950, the Commission was authorized to enforce the anti-segregation provisions of the public housing law, it encountered a pattern of almost total segregation in public housing units in the Commonwealth. Today there is no such development from which Negroes are barred. It is to be hoped that a similar pattern of change in private housing developments may be re 56 ported in our subsequent annual reports as a result of the new private housing law passed this year.” The Legislature was plainly entitled to examine this and other data on the past effect of anti-discrimination laws in other areas. It could reasonably conclude that such laws have curtailed discriminatory practices with respect to public accommodations, private educational institutions, employment, and public housing. Moreover, it could decide that persons required to obey these laws had not suffered significant financial or other loss, if indeed any loss had been incurred. And it could best judge the timing of the association between law and education. These are the judg ments it made when it enacted the Housing Law. 2. The Harm Suffered by Respondents. As against the important purposes served by the Fair Housing Law and the carefully circumscribed means it employs, what harms can respondents show to themselves individually or to landlords and project developers gen erally ? Respondents have made absolutely no showing that they will suffer any financial loss if constrained to obey the law. Before the Commission, they purported to with draw from the hearing (R. 25-26). In their responses to the petition for enforcement in the Superior Court they made no mention of financial loss (R. 88-92). The agreed statement of facts is equally barren (R. 92-93). At this stage of the case we can do no more than speculate, and on this record the Court must conclude that respondents will not sustain any financial loss. Even if we were to assume that there will in the future be instances of financial hardship traceable to the law— 57 indeed, even if respondents had shown one now—this by no means renders the law invalid, as is shown by the zon ing and other cases hereafter reviewed. But there is no persuasive evidence that the Fair Housing Law inflicts financial loss on the businesses it regulates. By far the most comprehensive study is that of Laurenti, Property Values and Pace (IT. Cal. Press 1960) (available in Social Law Library), a special research report to the Commission on Pace and Housing. The author reviews all prior litera ture on the subject and presents the results of field inves tigations in seven major cities of the nation, none in Massa chusetts. He addresses himself to the effect on property values of entry by nonwhites into white neighborhoods— surely a testing case—and his general conclusions are as follows (p. 47) : “ The major statistical finding of the present study is that during the time period and for the cases studied the entry of nonwhites into previously all-white neigh borhoods was much more often associated with price improvement or stability than with price weakening. A corollary and possibly more significant finding is that no single or uniform pattern of nonwhite influ ence on property prices could be detected. Rather, what happens to prices when nonwhites enter a neigh borhood seems to depend on a variety of circumstances which, on balance, may influence prices upward or downward or leave them unaffected. “ These conclusions are at variance with the belief that nonwhite entry always provokes a fall in property values. Instances of such decline have been observed. But so have cases of rising values—and, as noted, these have appeared in the data of the present study much more frequently than the cases of decline.” 58 3. Amenability to Regulation of Property Interests in Land and Housing. Respondents are thus reduced to asserting that the Hous ing Law’s narrowly drawn restriction on the freedom of the property owner engaged in housing as a business—here a landlord—to dispose of his land and housing as he sees fit is in and of itself a deprivation of his property without due process of law. Respondents ’ precise argument is hard to make out. The restriction here imposed is so narrow in scope that re spondents seem in effect to be asserting that no restriction on their freedom to choose tenants or purchasers is con stitutionally allowed. Yet this is inconceivable, for this Court has again and again held that property rights must be subject to the fair exercise of the police power. As one of many cases that might be quoted, see Merit Oil Co. v. Director, 319 Mass. 301, 302-303 (1946): “ The right of every citizen to enjoy liberty and to acquire and possess property, including the right to engage in any lawful private business or occupation, is protected by arts. 1 and 10 of the Declaration of Rights of the Constitution of Massachusetts and by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. . . . But one cannot conduct his busi ness or pursue his occupation in any way he may de sire. He is subject to reasonable regulations designed to protect the public interest. A reasonable regulation governing the sales of property does not deprive the owner of his property without due process of law.” Thus respondents must argue that realty and housing have special qualities entitling them to extraordinary pro tection. As Mr. Justice Holmes observed in Bloch v. Hirsh, 59 256 U.S. 135, 155 (1921): “ The fact that tangible property is also visible tends to give a rigidity to our conception of our rights in it that we do not attach to others less con cretely clothed.” He quickly added that this did not mean realty was exempt from the police power, and he went on to sustain the validity of a rent-control law. The interest of the public in the use of land and housing, especially on the part of those who engage in the business of selling or renting realty, has been repeatedly declared by all Courts, including the United States Supreme Court and this Court. And these Courts have sustained restric tions far more onerous than those in the Housing Law, for public purposes indistinguishable from those in the Law, as we shall now show. The public interest in housing is seen, first, in govern mental programs outside the exercise of the police power. The Federal Government has made billions available in credit to help finance new housing. That respondent did not utilize such credit does not change the fact of public concern; of course, his ability to secure private financing may well have been eased by the availability of government- guaranteed credit in the money market. Federal, State and local governments have united on slum clearance and urban renewal programs which require public funds and the exercise of eminent domain powers. These have been upheld on the explicit determination that they serve “ public purposes.” Ally down Realty Cory. v. Holyoke Housing Authority, 304 Mass. 288 (1939). Bowker v. Worcester, 334 Mass. 422 (1956). In Berman v. Parker, 348 U.S. 26 (1954), the United States Supreme Court, in a unanimous opinion, described the public interest in adequate housing and proper use of land in categorical terms that brook little if any qualifi cation. While the case concerned the exercise of eminent domain in a redevelopment program, the Court viewed the 60 police power as equally broad in its relation to bousing (348 U.S. at 32-33): “ Public safety, public bealtb, morality, peace and quiet, law and order—these are some of tbe more con spicuous examples of the traditional application of the police power to municipal affairs. Yet they merely illustrate the scope of the power and do not delimit it. See Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U.S. 104, 111. Miserable and disreputable housing conditions may do more than spread disease and crime and immorality. They may also suffocate the spirit by reducing the people who live there to the status of cattle. They may indeed make living an almost insufferable burden. They may also be an ugly sore, a blight on the com munity which robs it of charm, which makes it a place from which men turn. The misery of housing may despoil a community as an open sewer may ruin a river. ’ ’ The cases upholding regulation of land and housing are too varied to be placed under one heading. There are those in which a Legislature has forbidden businesses at a given location because of their effect on surrounding land and neighbors, even though they are not nuisances. Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 U.S. 394 (1915). Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U.S. 171 (1915). Then, there are restrictions on the physical structures of buildings and on living conditions in side homes, both new and old. Welch v. Swasey, 193 Mass. 364 (1909); affd. 214 U.S. 91 (1909) (height of buildings). Paquette v. Fall River, 338 Mass. 368 (1959) (facilities and living space in existing housing). Queenside Hills Realty Co. v. Saxl. 328 U.S. 80 (1946) (existing lodging-house worth $25,000 required to spend $7,500 on new sprinkler). 61 Gorieb v. Fox, 274 U.S. 603 (1927) (building line of new buildings must be set back from street). These property restrictions are simple in character when compared to present-day zoning laws. Zoning was upheld by this Court in Opinion of the Justices, 234 Mass. 597 (1920), and again in Inspector of Buildings of Lowell v. StoMosa, 250 Mass. 52 (1924), and Spector v. Building In spector of Milton, 250 Mass. 63 (1924), though in the latter case serious financial loss was suffered. As Chief Justice Rugg said: ‘ ‘ Every exercise of the police power in respect to the use of land is likely to affect adversely the property interests of somebody.” 250 Mass, at 70. Zoning was up held by the United States Supreme Court in Euclid v. Am bler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 (1926). The Court recognized the changing content of the police power in its relation to land and housing (pp. 386-387): “ Building zone laws are of modern origin. They be gan in this country about twenty-five years ago. Until recent years, urban life was comparatively simple; but with the great increase and concentration of popu lation, problems have developed, and constantly are developing, which require, and will continue to require, additional restrictions in respect of the use and occu pation of private lands in urban communities. Regu lations, the wisdom, necessity and validity of which, as applied to existing conditions, are so apparent that they are now uniformly sustained, a century ago, or even half a century ago, probably would have been rejected as arbitrary and oppressive. . . . ” This Court is entirely familiar with the almost endless variety of regulations imposed on land and housing through zoning ordinances, and no purpose would be served by parading them here. A few cases are especially in point. 62 This Court has recognized that the power to zone does extend beyond article 60 of the Amendments to the Con stitution of the Commonwealth, so that zoning does not rest solely on that provision. Burlington v. Dunn, 318 Mass. 216, 220 (1945). In Simon v. Needham, 311 Mass. 560 (1942), this Court upheld a requirement that building lots in a single-residence district should have an area of at least 1 acre, and in so doing pointed out the following objectives which a legis lative body might properly pursue through restrictions on home owners (p. 563): “ The establishment of a neighborhood of homes in such a way as to avoid congestion in the streets, to secure safety from fire and other dangers, to prevent overcrowding of land, to obtain adequate light, air and sunshine, and to enable it to be furnished with trans portation, water, light, sewer and other public neces sities, which when established would tend to improve and beautify the town and would harmonize with the natural characteristics of the locality, could be mate rially facilitated by a regulation that prescribed a reasonable minimum area for house lots. . . . ” In prohibiting, through the Fair Housing Law, discrimina tory practices by persons in the business of selling or rent ing houses, the Legislature pursues similar objectives for the victims of those practices. See also Lamarre v. Com missioner of Public Works of Fall River, 324 Mass. 542 (1949), upholding a zoning change which created a mul tiple-family-residence district on the ground that it was de signed to relieve a housing shortage, and thus to prevent overcrowding of land and an undue concentration of popu lation. 63 Perhaps closest to the present ease are those decisions which have sustained the control of rents charged by land lords in times of housing shortage. These have been upheld both by this Court and by the United States Supreme Court. Russell v. Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501, 507 (1954). Bloch v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135 (1921). Marcus Brown Holding Co. v. Feldman, 256 U.S. 170 (1921). Levy Leasing Co. v. Siegel, 258 U.S. 242 (1922). Bowles v. Willingham, 321 U.S. 503. See also Lincoln Building Associates v. Barr, 1 N.Y. 2d 413 (1956); appeal dismissed for want of a sub stantial Federal question, 355 U.S. 12 (1957). In the Siegel case, 258 U.S. 242, the landlord urged, as respondents do here, that his relationship to his tenants was of no concern to the public and beyond the power of Government. The Court’s response is appropriate to the present case (pp. 246-247): “ It is strenuously argued, as it was in Bloch v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135, and in the Marcus Brown Case, that the relation of landlord and tenant is a private one and is not so affected by a public interest as to render it sub ject to regulation by the exercise of the police power. “ It is not necessary to discuss this contention at length, for so early as 1906, when the Tenement House Act of New York, enacted in 1901, was assailed as an unconstitutional interference with the right of prop erty in land, on substantially all of the grounds now urged against the Emergency Housing Laws, this court, in a per curiam opinion affirmed a decree of the Court of Appeals of New York (179 N.Y. 325), sus taining regulations requiring large expenditures by landlords as a valid exercise of the police power. Moes- chen v. Tenement House Department, 203 U.S. 583. To require uncompensated expenditures very certainly affects the right of property in land as definitely, and 64 often as seriously, as regulation of the amount of rent that may be charged for it can do. Many decisions of this court were cited as sufficient to justify the sum mary disposition there made of the question, as one even then so settled by authority as not to be longer open to discussion.” The cases just reviewed, taken as a whole, refute beyond any question the assertion that land and housing are out side the scope of the public interest or the police power. In truth, such an assertion has never been the law, as is shown by the classic opinion of Chief Justice Shaw in Common wealth v. Alger, 7 Cush. 53 (1851). Based upon a compre hensive analysis of the prior cases, he set forth the guiding- law (7 Cush, at 84-85): “ We think it is a settled principle, growing out of the nature of well ordered civil society, that every holder of property, however absolute and unqualified may be his title, holds it under the implied liability that his use of it may be so regulated, that it shall not be injurious to the equal enjoyment of others having an equal right to the enjoyment of their property, nor injurious to the rights of the community. . . . ” [Em phasis supplied.] Just as this Court has never declared that land and hous ing are immune from public regulation, so it has never sug gested that any and every regulation will be sustained. The test of validity, rather, is in terms of the particular case and involves the considerations to which we have addressed ourselves in this brief. Are the goals sought to be achieved by the statute within the scope of public concern? Are the means used by the statute reasonable in relation to those objectives? 65 With respect to these questions, the decided cases on regu lation of land and housing shed additional light in several important respects: (1) As the United States Supreme Court pointed out in Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 (1926), as quoted above at p. 61, supra, regulations which might once have been regarded as arbitrary are today accepted as entirely reasonable. Changing social conditions or our changing awareness of existing social conditions create new public needs and justify new public concern. (2) In the past half century we have become far more aware that private use of land and housing may fashion our community environment—physically, socially and eco nomically—into molds in which the public must take an interest. We now see clearly that, while the acts of one person taken alone seem innocuous, when combined with the actions of many others they create problems of com munity concern. This recognition is an important basis for the zoning laws. It is an equally important basis for the Fair Housing Practices Law. Though speaking in a dif ferent context, Mr. Justice Frankfurter made this point in East New York Savings Bank v. Hahn, 326 U.S. 230, 232 (1945): “ . . . when a widely diffused public interest has be come enmeshed in a network of multitudinous private arrangements, the authority of the State ‘ to safeguard the vital interests of its people,’ 290 U. S. at 434, is not to be gainsaid by abstracting one such arrange ment from its public context and treating it as though it were an isolated private contract constitutionally immune from impairment.” (3) With this understanding has come recognition that the public often has an interest in what superficially appear 66 to be clashes of private interests. Respondents would like to represent this case as simply a private matter between themselves and complainant. What distinguishes it is that the public has an interest in the problems, and the Legis lature, acting for the people as is its duty, has decided the issues in favor of the public, rather than of any private person or group. See Massachusetts Society for the Pre vention of Cruelty to Animals v. Commissioner of Public Health, 339 Mass. 216, 228 (1959); Miller v. Schoene, 276 U.S. 272, 279-280 (1928). The Legislature’s decision is plainly constitutional. IV. The Fair Housing Practices Law Establishes Reason able Classifications Affording Equal Protection. It is not clear whether respondents contend that the Fair Housing Practices Law fails to afford equal protection be cause its classifications are arbitrary. We are referred by one respondent to “ the Articles of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts’ ’ (R. 90) and by the other to articles I and X (R. 92). Both refer to the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (R. 90, 92). These may refer only to problems of police power and due process, which have already been briefed. Since the mat ter is left uncertain, this section of the brief will show that a charge of arbitrary classification or lack of equal protec tion is without substance. We do not here confront the problem of a distinction between publicly assisted and non-publicly assisted hous ing, on which the New Jersey and Washington Courts are in disagreement. Compare Levitt & Sons v. Division Against Discrimination, 31 N.J. 514 (1960); appeal dis missed for want of a substantial Federal question, 363 U.S. 418 (1960) (classification upheld), with O’Meara v. Wash ington State Board Against Discrimination, 365 P. 2d 1 67 (Wash. 1961) (classification held invalid 5-4). The Massa chusetts statute does not make this distinction. This Court has repeatedly ruled that a legislative classi fication gives equal protection “ so long as any basis of fact can be reasonably conceived showing that the distinc tion upon which it rests has a fair and rational relation to the object sought to be accomplished by the enactment . . . ” Old Colony Railroad v. Assessors of Boston, 309 Mass. 439, 446 (1941). See also Maher v. Brookline, 339 Mass. 209, 213 (1959), with cases cited. Under this test the Fair Housing Practices Law is wholly reasonable and valid. As previously shown, the Fair Housing Law does not cover all housing, but extends rather to multiple dwellings with three or more units rented to persons or families other than the landlord or his family, and to projects of ten or more contiguous homes. That is, the Legislature was con cerned with those who deal in housing as a business, and not with those who sell or rent because they are moving, permanently or temporarily, from one residence to another, or those whose rental is merely incidental to ownership of their own home. Regulation of those who are in a continuing business ac tivity, without sweeping in all who may engage in that ac tivity sporadically and only incidentally, is reasonable on its face. This distinction underlies many of our laws li censing various occupations and businesses. See, e.g., G.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 112, § 24 (pharmacists); c. 112, § 37 (“ drug business” ) ; c. 112, §§ 82, 87 (“ funeral directing” ) ; c. 141, § 1 (electricians); c. 142, § 1 (plumbers). The Legislature might reasonably conclude that the core of the problem lay in the practices of commercial dealers in housing, whether as landlords or project developers, and especially the large ones. Certainly, it has been found that these persons set the pattern for entire neighborhoods, 68 which is then followed by individual residents. Report of the Commission on Race and Housing, “ Where Shall We Live?” 22-29 (1958). See also 1961 Commission on Civil Rights Report, Book 4 on Housing 3. Certainly, these com mercial operators can make no claim to privacy that the Legislature might think attached to owners and residents of dwellings grouped in smaller units. “ Size need not be disregarded when it furnishes a fair index to a situation ad versely affecting the public interest. ’ ’ Old Colony Railroad v. Assessors of Boston, 309 Mass. 439, 448 (1941). In Russell v. Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501 (1954), this Court upheld a rent-control law which dis tinguished between housing accommodations with a rental value of $150 or less and those which were over that amount (331 Mass, at 509) : “ The Legislature could find that the housing short age existed principally in housing of relatively low rental value, and determine that control of housing with a rental value of over $150 was unnecessary. ’ ’ Moreover, there are important administrative reasons for limiting the statute to the larger, regularly operating deal ers in housing. Enforcement may become impossible if the enforcing agency is given the job of policing thousands of minor, isolated activities. Proof of discrimination may re quire a showing of a pattern of conduct, which is more cer tainly available in the case of those who sell or rent regu larly. And effective relief is far more difficult to administer against the small owner or renter who has no other units to sell or rent. Thus the Legislature was entitled to set the line at mul tiple dwellings of three or more units, and projects of ten or more contiguous homes. That it used numerical criteria to establish classes that are otherwise reasonable is no basis 69 for objection, as this Court lias again and again held. In addition to the Russell case on rent control just quoted, see Howes Brothers Co. v. Unemployment Compensation Com mission, 296 Mass. 275, 287-288 (1936), upholding the un employment compensation law applicable to firms of eight or more employees, and citing many similar classifications; and Maher v. Brookline, 339 Mass. 209, 215-216 (1959), up holding a town’s regulation of lodging houses ‘ ‘ where lodg ings are let to five or more persons not within the second degree of kindred to the person conducting it, ’ ’ which defi nition was taken by the town Selectmen from G-.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 140, § 22. See also section 33, defining a “ public lodging house” as any building in cities of over 50,000 in which ten or more persons are lodged free or for a charge of 25 cents or less per day. It is submitted that a charge of arbitrary classification against the Fair Housing Law has no basis on the decisions of this Court. It is equally groundless under the decisions of the United States Supreme Court. For principles ap plied by that Court in weighing the question of equal pro tection see Heath & Milligan Manufacturing Co. v. Worst, 207 U.S. 338, 355-357 (1907); Lindsley v. Natural Carbonic Gas Co., 220 U.S. 61, 78-81 (1911); Railway Express Agency v. New York, 336 U.S. 106, 109-110 (1949); Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 348 U.S. 483, 489 (1955). For cases up holding numerical criteria see Engel v. O’Malley, 219 U.S. 128, 138 (1911) (regulation only where average deposit is under $500) ; Miller v. Strahl, 239 U.S. 426, 434-435 (1915) (exception of hotels with fewer than fifty rooms from stat ute requiring fire precautions); and the many Federal cases dealing with statutes applying only to those with a certain number of employees, cited by this Court in Howes Broth ers Co. v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296 Mass. 275, 287 (1936). 70 V. The Respondent Nahigian was a Proper Party to This Proceeding. Section 4 of G.L. c. 151B, as amended by section 2 of chapter 426 of the Acts of 1957, reads: ‘ ‘ It shall be an unlawful practice :x “ 5. For any person, whether an employer or an em ployee or not, to aid, abet, incite, compel or coerce the doing of any of the acts forbidden under this chapter or to attempt to do so.” Section 4 of G.L. c. 151B, as amended by chapter 239 of the Acts of 1959, forbade real-estate discrimination by— “ 6. . . . the owner, lessee, sublessee, assignee or managing agent of publicly assisted or multiple dwell ing or contiguously located housing accommodations or other person having the right of ownership or pos session or right to rent or lease such accommodations Nevertheless, the respondent Nahigian, first in his an swer to the Commission’s complaint (R. 14) and subse quently in his answer to its enforcement petition (R. 89-90), denies that he is subject to the 1959 Fair Housing Practices Law.1 2 Presumably the gravamen of this con tention is set out in the 3d and 4th paragraphs of his answer to the complaint (R. 14), where he alleges that he 1 1957, the year of the first Pair Housing Practices Law, wit nessed the change in section 4 from “ unlawful employment prac tice” to “ unlawful practice.” (Emphasis supplied.) 2 The long-term significance of the issue raised by this subsection of this brief, of course, has become almost completely muted by the enactment of chapter 128 of the Acts of 1961, wherein licensed real- estate brokers and agents or employees of owners were explicitly brought within the ambit of the Pair Housing Practices Law. 71 is a mere rental agent who hands applications on to the owner without authority to pass on them. The Commis sion found, however, in paragraphs 9 and 10 of its findings (E. 17), that Nahigian’s functions considerably exceeded that. These and the evidence at the hearing amply confirm that Nahigian is subject to the law in a number of respects. First, the findings of his discrimination and deliberate misrepresentation (R. 17-18), fully supported by the un disputed testimony of the complainant himself (E. 38-42) and of the witnesses Cramer (R. 47-50), Gardner (R. 52- 53), Mann (R. 57), Carrington (R. 76) and Fellman (E. 82), unmistakably demonstrate that he aided and abetted Colangelo within the meaning of section 5 in carrying out the policy of excluding Negroes on account of color, even if it were true that his reason was to be kind to Negro ap plicants by saving them time and trouble (E. 57-58). Secondly, Nahigian is a “ managing agent” within the meaning of section 6. Unless these are words of art, they must connote a general power to conduct the business of the principal, which at this stage was primarily renting. To require that the agent have absolute power in the lease determination would severely hamper the administration of the law, for it would allow owners to escape from com pliance simply by allowing the agents to discriminate with impunity. Thirdly, the foregoing witnesses’ testimony shows that part of Nahigian’s duties was to screen out Negro appli cants for Glenmeadow apartments. Even if Colangelo was the sole party who executed the leases and finally passed upon the rental applications, in giving Nahigian thus the power to reject Negroes Colangelo delegated to him to that extent his “ right to rent or lease” and thereby brought him also within that portion of the class of those persons covered by section 6. 72 In any event, under general equity principles and irre spective of the statute, it would seem that the Commission could initially join Nahigian as agent of the owner {Bill ings v. Mann, 156 Mass. 203, 205. Lawrence v. Smith, 201 Mass. 214, 215), or, had it not elected to join him, could by its order bind him in that capacity. Elm Farm Foods Co. v. Cifrino, 328 Mass. 549, 557. V I. The Respondents have Waived their Right to Attack the Commission Findings and Order. The respondent Colangelo, neither in his answer to the Commission’s enforcement petition (R. 90-92) nor else where, has challenged the findings and order. His sole contention is the inapplicability and unconstitutionality of “ the statute in question” (R. 12, 25-26, 92). He has in effect agreed, then, that, if the statute is found constitu tional and applicable to him, he is bound by the order. The respondent Nahigian, on the other hand, in addition to constitutional objections, sweepingiy alleges by way of affirmative defense to the enforcement petition that the findings and order are “ in their entirety . . . in excess of the statutory authority or jurisdiction of the Commis sion” ; that the order “ in its entirety grossly exceeds any authority or jurisdiction ’ ’ granted under chapter 151B; and that it “ constitutes an abuse of discretion and is other wise not in accordance with” the statute (R. 89). This language, of course, has simply been plucked bodily out of certain of the paragraphs setting forth the standards for judicial review in the State Administrative Procedure Act. See Gr.L. c. 30A, § 14(8) (b) and {g). The plead ings furnish no particulars or specifications in support of these allegations, and the record reveals no other point at which Nahigian challenges the finding and order. 73 We note at the outset that this Court has indicated that it does not look with favor upon this catch-all type of plead ing. See Despatchers’ Cafe Inc. v. Somerville Housing Authority, 332 Mass. 259, at page 261, quoting Stockus v. Boston Housing Authority, 304 Mass. 507, 509-512. See also Mathew son’s case, 227 Mass. 470, at page 474. But there is a statutory mandate which in any case com pels a waiver of this defense. Section 6 of Gr.L. c. 151B, reads in part: “ No objection that has not been urged before the commission shall be considered by the court, unless the failure or neglect to urge such objection shall be ex cused because of extraordinary circumstances.” This condition, whose wording is identical to that set out in the National Labor Relations Act, 49 Stat. 449, 29 U.S.C. § 151, at § 160, whence in large measure the enforcement procedures of chapter 151B derive, obviously was imposed in order for the Commission to have opportunity to pass upon the questions concerning its order which would be raised on review. The applicability of this language was considered in NLRB v. Cheney California Lumber Co., 327 U.S. 385 (1946), which deals with the appeal of the Na tional Labor Relations Board from the denial by the Cir cuit Court of Appeals of part of enforcement of its cease and desist order. In reversing the lower Court the Supreme Court said, at page 389: “ . . . Justification of such an order, which neces sarily involves consideration of the facts which are the foundation of the order, is not open for review by a court if no prior objection has been urged before the case gets into court and there is a total want of extraor dinary circumstances to excuse ‘ the failure or neglect 74 to urge such, objection . . Congress desired that all controversies of fact, and the allowable inferences from the facts, be threshed out, certainly in the first instance, before the Board. That is what the Board is for.” Subsequently, the effect of this clause on enforcement provisions nearly identical to those in chapter 151B was considered by the New York Court of Appeals in Holland v. Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 (1954), in the first high Court test of that state’s Fair Employment Practices Law. The facts concerning the conduct of the hearing and the details of the order are extraordinarily similar to those in the instant case. As here, respondent made a statement in her behalf in the preliminary investigation and filed an answer to the complaint, but at the hearing withdrew before any evidence was taken, electing to make no defense and to conduct no cross-examination of the witnesses who testified in support of the complaint. To enforce its determination the Com mission issued a cease and desist order and orders com parable to those in the instant case for affirmative relief. Noting that “ no objection was urged before the commis sion as to any finding of fact, conclusion of law or require ment of the order, and no change or modification of such order was sought of the commission,” the Court held (307 N.Y. at 46): “ The only other objection urged by appellant in this court concerns particular directives contained in the order issued by the commission. . . . As already noted, the objection, not having been made until after the commission had gone into court to secure enforce ment of its order, came too late.” T o the sam e effect, see the con cu rrin g opin ion , at page 47. 75 There are excellent reasons for the requirement that re spondents in a Commission proceeding must make known to the Commission their objections to its findings and order in order to save their rights. Otherwise, they can simply sit back, silently letting the administrative agency make a mistake, and then imposing the expense and delay of a court proceeding that might otherwise have been needless. The respondent Nahigian has given no reason for his failure to object, much less shown the “ extraordinary cir cumstances” required in the Cheney case. Obviously, he would not have lost his constitutional arguments by ob jecting to the order. Had Nahigian acted, the Commission could have considered his objections and determined whether the order should be revised in any particular. If additional evidence was necessary, it could have been taken. We would not now be speculating—in the writing of this brief—as to what his grounds for complaint are. VII. VII. The Commission’s Findings were Warranted and its Order Reasonable. The authority conferred upon the Commission to enable it to implement its findings is broad and commensurate with the complicated, specialized nature of the task imposed on it by G.L. c. 151B. By section 5, where the Commission after hearing finds that a respondent has engaged in a prohibited practice, it must— “ . . . cause to be served on such respondent an or der requiring such respondent to cease and desist from such unlawful practice . . . and to take such affirma tive action . . . as, in the judgment of the commission, will effectuate the purposes of this chapter . . . in cluding a requirement for report of the manner of compliance.” 76 By section 9: “ The provisions of this chapter shall be construed liberally for the accomplishment of the purposes there of, . . By G.L. c, 30A, § 14, the reviewing Court is directed to— . give due weight to the experience, technical competence, and specialized knowledge of the agency, as well as to the discretionary authority conferred up on it.” The findings here (R. 16-18) were based on uncontro verted facts reasonably drawn from extensive testimony taken from several witnesses. This Court held that, under such circumstances, the reviewing Court is not entitled to make independent findings. McCarthy v. Contributory Re tirement Appeeal Board, 1961 Adv. Sh. 221, 224. Barry v. Civil Service Commission, 323 Mass. 431, 434. Maniscalco v. Director of Division of Employment Security, 327 Mass. 211, 214. Despatchers’ Cafe, Inc., v. Somerville Housing Authority, 332 Mass. 259, 261. This leaves us, then, only with the question of the reason ableness of the order. The classic case establishing the adaptability of orders whereby agencies of this type may effectuate their statutory mandate is NLRB v. Seven-Up Co., 344 U.8. 344 (1953). There it was said: “ In fashioning remedies to undo the effects of vio lations of the Act, the Board must draw on enlighten ment gained from experience.” (At page 346.) ‘ ‘ Surely it may so fashion one remedy that it comple ments, rather than conflicts with, another. It is the business of the Board to give coordinated effect to the policies of the Act. ” (At page 348.) 77 “ . . . if Congress had been more than satisfied with the Board’s practice, if it had wanted to be certain that the Board would not in future profit by its ex perience, it would have had to do more than it d id; it would have had to change the language of the statute so as to take from the Board the discretionary power to mould remedies suited to practical needs which we had declared the Board to have and which the Board was asserting and exercising.” (At page 351.) Certainly the power of the Commission cannot be limited to the grant of a remedy to the injured party only. If the Commission were prohibited from enjoining a type of ac tivity which prior events indicate is likely, the Act would become a dead letter. The principle has been stated in International Salt Co. v. United States, 332 U.S. 392, 400 (1947), as follows: “ When the purpose to restrain trade [discriminate] appears from a clear violation of law, it is not neces sary that all of the untraveled roads to that end be left open and that only the worn one be closed.” See NLRB v. United Mine Workers (6th Cir. 1952), 195 F. 2d 961; cert. den. 344 U.S. 920; International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers v. NLRB, 341 U.S. 694 (1951). The Supreme Court has generalized that “ courts will not inter fere except with a remedy selected that has no reasonable relation to the unlawful practices found to exist.” Jacob Siegel v. FTC, 327 U.S. 608 (1946). FTC v. National Lead Co., 352 U.S. 419 (1957). FTC v. Ruberoid Co., 343 U.S. 470, 473-474 (1952). What about the instant order? Limited to activities of the respondents in connection with the rental of Glen- meadow apartments and nowhere else, it seeks to remedy 78 the discrimination found to have been perpetrated against the complainant by the respondents and to prevent similar discrimination by them against others attempting to rent there. Essentially the order contains three main elements : the first, to make an apartment available to the complain ant, when one is available; 1 the second, to compensate the complainant for pecuniary losses actually occasioned by the discriminatory acts; the third, to cease and desist from discriminating henceforth in the renting of Glenmeadow apartments. The balance of the order is purely ancillary to the three main elements and plainly a reasonable imple mentation thereof. In general and in almost every one of its elements it is of a kind that commissions issue in proceedings of this type, where, as here, the findings reveal a pattern of violation destined to continue into the future unless restrained through legal redress. It is, except for monetary damages, almost on all fours with the order entered in the New York Commission case of Shervington v. Pelham Hall Apart ments, Inc., Pompa, Coconato and Markoly, CH-4466-56, which was enforced in New York State Commission v. Pel ham Hall Apartments, Inc., 10 Misc. 2d 334, 170 N.Y.S. 2d 750. In respect to the objections to the order in that case the Court said, at page 761: “ The objections on the part of respondents to cer tain provisions of the Commission’s order sought to be enforced are overruled. The commission has a broad discretion with respect to the rendering of ail order deemed adequate and necessary to secure full compli ance with the provisions of the law, including provi 1 The order does not say so in so many words, but obviously the complainant cannot require the eviction of a present occupant of a Glenmeadow apartment in order to make an apartment available to him. 79 sions for such record keeping and reports by respon dents as are reasonably necessary to enable the Commission to see to it that the law is being complied with. It does not appear that the provisions of the order objected to are arbitrary or unreasonable, and, this being so, the court should not change or redraft the same.” A copy of the order is on file at the Social Law Library. For examples of comparable orders, see those set out in “ Report of Progress,” a Review of the Program for 1959 of the State Commission Against Discrimination (N.Y.), pp. 96-99; pp. 106-109 (available at Social Law Li brary). See also order dated August 27, 1960, of the Mas sachusetts Commission Against Discrimination in matter of Marshall v. Middlesex Homes, Inc., Pr. H. II-9-c (order complied with; no enforcement sought). As to the monetary award, administrative agency orders for payment of money are not novel in discrimination mat ters where pecuniary harm has been suffered. In employ ment violation cases, of course, back-pay awards are expressly authorized. Chapter 151B, in part, empowers the Commission— . . to take such affirmative action, including (but not limited to) hiring, reinstatement or upgrading of employees, with or without back pay . . . ” That the award of remedial monetary damages going be yond back pay in employment discrimination cases may be implied from such statutory language was clearly estab lished in Virginia Electric & Power Co. v. NLRB (1943), 319 U.S. 533. Section 10c of the National Labor Relations Act authorized the NLRB to require persons found en gaged or engaging in unfair labor practices “ to take such 80 affirmative action, including reinstatement of employees with or without back pay, as will effectuate the policies of this Act.” (Note the absence of the parenthetical clause that is in section 5 of Gr.L. c. 151B.) The Court said, at page 539: “ Within this limit (the ‘ affirmative action’ clause) the Board has wide discretion in ordering affirmative action; its power is not limited to the illustrative ex ample of one type of permissible affirmative order, namely reinstatement with or without back pay. . . . The particular means by which the effects of unfair labor practices are to be expunged are matters ‘ for the Board not the courts to determine’ [citing cases]. Here the Board, in the exercise of its informed discre tion, has expressly determined that reimbursement in full of the checked-off dues is necessary to accomplish the purposes of the Act. We give considerable weight to that administrative determination. It should stand unless it can be shown that the order is a patent at tempt to achieve ends other than those which can fairly be said to effectuate the policies of the Act. There is no such showing here.” Actually, the case for wider latitude for monetary awards other than back pay is much stronger under chapter 151B, § 5, than under the National Labor Relations Act, because, as has been noted, our clause in question contains the sig nificant additional language: “ but not limited to.” The policy arguments are even stronger. As the Legisla ture enlarged the scope of the anti-discrimination laws from employment to educational admissions, age, public accom modations, public housing, certain publicly assisted hous ing, and finally certain housing not publicly assisted, it can only have intended that the affirmative remedies avail 81 able to the Commission to effectuate the laws should he commensurate with its widened jurisdiction. Surely, if the Legislature had intended to qualify the Commission’s effectuation of the purposes of the Act to the extent of denying to it the right to reimburse a complainant in a real-estate discrimination case from calculable losses oc casioned by a respondent’s wrongdoing, it would have said so explicitly. See NLRB v. Seven-Up Co., 344 U.S. 344 (1952), at pages 351-352. Concededly, a monetary award that was by its nature a criminal sanction or a civil penalty or in any other way punitive would be beyond the Commission’s power to im pose. 1 Davis, Administrative Law, 134 (1958 Ed.). So would an order of a payment of a sum to a third person or of a sum which would make the complainant in the admin istrative proceeding more than whole. Virginia Electric S Poiuer Co. v. NLRB, 319 U.S. 533 (1943), at page 544. In the present proceeding, however, there was no puni tive aspect. The award was simply an effort to make the aggrieved party whole (R. 21).2 The evidence shows that the complainant was obliged to pay (a) an additional $30 per month rent for comparable accommodations (R. 16, 43-44), and (b) $200 for moving and storage (R. 44), and (c) in addition, stood likely to incur additional expenses (R. 44, 85) on account of the discrimination practiced upon him by the respondents. The amounts in the order in ques tion being easily computable, the award more than meets the specificity required of equity court orders. FTC v. 2 Money orders have been issued by the New York Commission Against Discrimination in public accommodation discrimination cases. See Feliciano v. Fishman, pp. 38-95, 55; Lee v. D ufy, CP-4830-57 (both reported in part in pp. 60-61 and 98-99 respec tively in the 1955 and 1958 “ Reports of Progress” ). N.Y. State .Commission Against Discrimination (available in Social Law Library). 82 Beech-Nut Packing Co., 257 IT.S. 441, 455 (1922); FTC v. Morton Salt Co., 334 U.S. 37, 52-53 (1948). CONCLUSION. For the reasons stated herein, the Massachusetts Com mission Against Discrimination urges this Honorable Court to enter a decree requiring the respondents to com ply with its order dated January 24, 1961, and filed March 21, 1961. Respectfully submitted, EDWARD J. McCORMACK, JR., Attorney General, By A lbert M. S acks, Special Assistant Attorney General, G erald A. B erlin , Special Assistant Attorney General. Of Counsel: Lee H. Kozol. 83 APPENDIX A. Constitutional Provisions and Statutes Involved. Constitutional Provisions. U nited S tates Constitution , A m endm ent XIV. Sect . 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any per son within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. M assachusetts C onstitution , P art the F irst, A rticle I. A rticle I. All men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights; among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property; in fine, that of seeking and obtaining their safety and happiness. M assachusetts C onstitution , P art th e F irst, A rticle X (First Paragraph). X. Each individual of the society has a right to be pro tected by it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty and prop erty, according to standing laws. He is obliged, conse quently, to contribute his share to the expense of this pro tection ; to give his personal service, or an equivalent, when necessary; but no part of the property of any individual 84 can, with justice, be taken from him, or applied to public uses, without his own consent, or that of the representative body of the people. In fine, the people of this common wealth are not controllable by any other laws than those to which their constitutional representative body have given their consent. And whenever the public exigencies require that the property of any individual should be appropriated to public uses, he shall receive a reasonable compensation therefor. Statutes Involved. L enebal L aw s , C hapteb 30A, S ection 14. S ection 14. Except so far as any provision of law ex pressly precludes judicial review, any person or appoint ing authority aggrieved by a final decision of any agency in an adjudicatory proceeding, whether such decision is affir mative or negative in form, shall be entitled to a judicial re view thereof, as follows:—- Where a statutory form of judicial review or appeal is provided, other than by extraordinary writ, such statutory form shall govern in all respects, except as to standards for review. The standards for review shall be those set forth in paragraph (8) of this section, . . . (8) The court may affirm the decision of the agency, or remand the matter for further proceedings before the agency; or the court may set aside or modify the decision, or compel any action unlawfully withheld or unreasonably delayed, if it determines that the substantial rights of any party may have been prejudiced because the agency deci sion is-— (a) In violation of constitutional provisions; or 85 (ft) In excess of the statutory authority or jurisdiction of the agency; or (e) Unsupported by substantial evidence; or (g) Arbitrary or capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with law. The court shall make the foregoing determinations upon consideration of the entire record, or such portions of the record as may be cited by the parties. The court shall give due weight to the experience, technical competence, and specialized knowledge of the agency, as well as to the dis cretionary authority conferred upon it. [As inserted by St. 1954, c. 681, § 1.] General L aw s , Ch apter 151B (as in Effect at Time of Fil ing of Complaint). U n law fu l D iscrim ination against R ace, C olor, R eligious Creed, N ational Origin or A ncestry. S ection 1. As used in this chapter 4. The term “ unlawful practice” includes only those unlawful practices specified in section four. 9. The term “ housing accommodation” includes any building, structure or portion thereof which is used or oc cupied or is intended, arranged or designed to be used or occupied, as the home, residence or sleeping place of one or more human beings. 86 10. The term “ publicly assisted housing accommoda tions” includes all housing accommodations in (a) housing constructed after July first, nineteen hun dred and fifty, and (1) which is exempt in whole or in part from taxes levied by the commonwealth or any of its political subdivisions; (2) which is constructed on land sold below cost by the commonwealth or any of its political subdivisions or any agency thereof, pursuant to the federal housing act of nine teen hundred and forty-nine; (3) which is constructed in whole or in part on property acquired or assembled by the commonwealth or any of its political subdivisions or any agency thereof through the power of condemnation or otherwise for the purpose of such construction; or (4) for the acquisition, construction, repair or mainte nance of which the commonwealth or any of its political sub divisions or any agency thereof supplies funds or other financial assistance; (b) housing which is located in a multiple dwelling, the acquisition, construction, rehabilitation, repair or mainte nance of which is, after October first, nineteen hundred and fifty-seven, financed in whole or in part by a loan, whether or not secured by a mortgage, the repayment of which is guaranteed or insured by the federal government or any agency thereof; provided, that such a housing accommoda tion shall be deemed to be publicly assisted only during the life of such loan and such guaranty or insurance; and (c) housing which is offered for sale, lease or rental by a person who owns or otherwise controls the sale of the same, and which is part of a parcel of ten or more housing accom modations located on land that is contiguous, exclusive of public streets, if (1) the acquisition, construction, rehabili tation, repair or maintenance of such housing accommoda 87 tions is after October first, nineteen hundred and fifty-seven, financed in whole or in part by a loan whether or not secured by a mortgage, the repayment of which is guaranteed or in sured by the federal government or any agency thereof; provided, that such a housing accommodation shall be deemed to be publicly assisted only during the life of such loan and guaranty or insurance; or (2) a commitment is sued by a government agency after October first, nineteen hundred and fifty-seven, is outstanding that acquisition of such housing accommodations may be financed in whole or in part by a loan, whether or not secured by a mortgage, the repayment of which is guaranteed or insured by the federal government or any agency thereof. 11. The term “ multiple dwelling” means a dwelling which is usually occupied for permanent residence purposes and which is either rented, leased, let or hired out, to be oc cupied as the residence or home of three or more families living independently of each other. A “ multiple dwelling” shall not be deemed to include a hospital, convent, monas tery, asylum or public institution, or a fireproof building used wholly for commercial purposes except for not more than one janitor’s apartment and not more than one pent house occupied by not more than two families. The term “ family” , as used herein, means (a) a person occupying a dwelling and maintaining a household either alone or with not more than four boarders, roomers or lodgers; or (b) two or more persons occupying a dwelling, either living together and maintaining a common household, or living together and maintaining a common household with not more than four boarders, roomers or lodgers. A “ boarder” , “ roomer” or “ lodger” residing with a family means a per son living within the household who pays a consideration for such residence and does not occupy such space within the household as an incident of employment therein. 88 12. Tlie term “ contiguously located housing” means (1) housing which is offered for sale, lease or rental by a person who owns or at any time has owned, or who otherwise con trols or at any time has controlled, the sale of ten or more housing accommodations located on land that is contiguous (exclusive of public streets), and which housing* is located on such land, or (2) housing which is offered for sale, lease or rental and which at any time was one of ten or more lots of a tract whose plan has been submitted to a planning board as required by th e subdivision control l a w , as ap pearing in sections eighty-one K to eighty-one GG, inclu sive, of chapter forty-one. S ection 3. The commission shall have the following func tions, powers and duties: 6. To receive, investigate and pass upon complaints of unlawful practices, as hereinafter defined, alleging discrim ination because of race, color, religious creed, national ori gin, age, or ancestry. S ection 4. It shall be an unlawful practice: 3B. For any person engaged in the business of granting mortgage loans to discriminate against any person in the granting of any mortgage loan, including but not limited to the interest rate, terms or duration of such mortgage loan, because of his race, color, religious creed, national origin, or ancestry. 5. For any person, whether an employer or an employee or not, to aid, abet, incite, compel or coerce the doing of 89 any of tlie acts forbidden under this chapter or to attempt to do so. 6. For the owner, lessee, sublessee, assignee or manag ing agent of publicly assisted or multiple dwelling or con tiguously located housing accommodations or other person having the right of ownership or possession or right to rent or lease such accommodations :—■ (а) to refuse to rent or lease or otherwise to deny to or withhold from any person or group of persons such accom modations because of the race, creed, color or national origin of such person or persons; (б) to discriminate against any person because of his race, creed, color or national origin in the terms, conditions or privileges of such accommodations or in the furnishing of facilities or services in connection therewith; or (c) to cause to be made any written or oral inquiry or record concerning the race, creed, color or national origin of a person seeking to rent or lease any such accommoda tion. S ection 5. Any person claiming to be aggrieved by an alleged unlawful practice . . . may, by himself or his at torney, make, sign and file with the commission a verified complaint in writing which shall state the name and address of the person . . . alleged to have committed the unlawful practice complained of . . . and which shall set forth the particulars thereof and contain such other information as may be required by the commission. The attorney general may, in like manner, make, sign and file such complaint. The commission, whenever it has reason to believe that any person has been or is engaging in an unlawful practice . . . , may issue such a complaint. . . . After the filing of any complaint, the chairman of the com mission shall designate one of the commissioners to make, with the assistance of the commission’s staff, prompt in 90 vestigation in connection therewith; and if snch commis sioner shall determine after such investigation that prob able cause exists for crediting the allegations of the com plaint, he shall immediately endeavor to eliminate the un lawful practice complained of . . . by conference, concilia tion and persuasion. The members of the commission and its staff shall not disclose what has occurred in the course of such endeavors, provided that the commission may pub lish the facts in the case of any complaint which has been dismissed, and the terms of conciliation when the complaint has been so disposed of. In case of failure so to eliminate such practice or violation, or in advance thereof if in his judgment circumstances so warrant, he may cause to be issued and served in the name of the commission, a written notice, together with a copy of such complaint, as the same may have been amended, requiring the person, employer, labor organization or employment agency named in such complaint, hereinafter referred to as respondent, to answer the charges of such complaint at a hearing before the com mission, at a time and place to be specified in such notice. The place of any such hearing shall be the office of the com mission or such other place as may be designated by it. The case in support of the complaint shall be presented be fore the commission by one of its attorneys or agents, and the commissioner who shall have previously made the in vestigation and caused the notice to be issued shall not par ticipate in the hearing except as a witness, nor shall he participate in the deliberations of the commission in such case; and the aforesaid endeavors at conciliation shall not be received in evidence. The respondent may file a written verified answer to the complaint and appear at such hear ing in person or otherwise, with or without counsel, and submit testimony. In the discretion of the commission, the complainant may be allowed to intervene and present testi 91 mony in person or by counsel. The commission or the com plainant shall have the power reasonably and fairly to amend any complaint, and the respondent shall have like power to amend his answer. The commission shall not be bound by the strict rules of evidence prevailing in courts of law or equity. The testimony taken at the hear ing shall be under oath and be transcribed at the request of any party. If, upon all the evidence at the hearing the commission shall find that a respondent has engaged in any unlawful practice as defined in section four . . . , the commission shall state its findings of fact and shall issue and cause to be served on such respondent an order re quiring such respondent to cease and desist from such un lawful practice . . . and to take such affirmative action, including (but not limited to) hiring, reinstatement or up grading of employees, with or without back pay, or restora tion to membership in any respondent labor organization, as, in the judgment of the commission, will effectuate the purposes of this chapter . . . , and including a require ment for report of the manner of compliance. If, upon all the evidence, the commission shall find that a respondent has not engaged in any such unlawful practice . . . , the commission shall state its findings of fact and shall issue and cause to be served on the complainant an order dis missing the said complaint as to such respondent. A copy of its order shall be delivered in all cases to the attorney general and such other public officers as the commission deems proper. The commission shall establish rules of practice to govern, expedite and effectuate the foregoing procedure and its own actions thereunder. Any complaint filed pursuant to this section must be so filed within six months after the alleged act of discrimination. . . . 92 S ection 6. Any complainant, respondent or other person aggrieved by sncli order of the commission may obtain judicial review thereof, and the commission may obtain an order of court for its enforcement, in a proceeding as pro vided in this section. Such proceeding shall be brought in the superior court of the commonwealth within any county wherein the unlawful practice which is the subject of the commission’s order occurs or wherein any person required in the order to cease and desist from an unlawful practice or to take other affirmative action resides or transacts busi ness. Such proceedings shall be initiated by the filing of a petition in such court, together with a written transcript of the record upon the hearing before the commission, and is suance and service of an order of notice as in proceedings in equity. The court shall have power to grant such tempo rary relief or restraining order as it deems just and proper, and to make and enter upon the pleadings, testimony and proceedings set forth in such transcript an order or decree enforcing, modifying, and enforcing as so modified, or set ting aside in whole or in part the order of the commission, with full power to issue injunctions against any respondent and to punish for contempt thereof. No objection that has not been urged before the commission shall be considered by the court, unless the failure or neglect to urge such ob jection shall be excused because of extraordinary circum stances. Any party may move the court to remit the case to the commission in the interests of justice for the purpose of adducing additional specified and material evidence and seeking findings thereon, provided he shows reasonable grounds for the failure to adduce such evidence before the commission. The order or decision of the commis sion shall be reviewed in accordance with the standards for review provided in paragraph (8) of section four teen of chapter thirty A. All such proceedings shall 93 be beard and determined by tbe court as expeditiously as possible and shall take precedence over all other matters before it, except matters of like nature. The jurisdiction of the superior court shall be exclusive and its final order or decree shall be subject to review by the supreme judicial court in the same manner and form and with the same effect as in appeals from a final order or decree in proceedings in equity. The commission’s copy of the testimony shall be available at all reasonable times to all parties for exam ination without cost and for the purposes of judicial review of the order of the commission. The review shall be heard on the record without requirement of printing. The com mission may appear in court by one of its attorneys. A proceeding under this section when instituted by any com plainant, respondent or other person aggrieved must be instituted within thirty days after the service of the order of the commission. S ection 9. The provisions of this chapter shall be con strued liberally for the accomplishment of the purposes thereof, and any law inconsistent with any provision hereof shall not apply . . . S ection 10. If any provision of this chapter or the ap plication thereof to any person or circumstance, shall, for any reason, be held invalid, the remainder of this chapter or the application of such provision to persons or circum stances other than those as to which it is held invalid shall not be affected thereby. [As inserted by St. 1946, c. 368, § 4, and as amended by St. 1950, c. 479; 1951, c. 681, § 13; 1957, c. 426; 1959 c. 239; 1960, c. 163.] 94 APPEN D IX B. Statistical Study of Housing Discrimination against Negroes in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. I ntroduction . This appendix, including* the statistical tables, was pre pared for this case by Helen R. Kistin, Economic Con sultant.*' Except where referred to in the text, the sources are contained in the tables which follow the text. I. T here is an I ncreasing S egregation o r N egroes in U rban B oston. Tables 1 and 2 show population chang*es by race in the Commonwealth and in Boston between 1950 and 1960. In that decade the Negro population of the Commonwealth increased over 50 per cent, from 73,000 in 1950 to 112,000 in 1960. During the same period the total population of the Commonwealth increased by less than 10 per cent. #The most recent economic consulting experience of Helen R. Kistin is as follows: Action for Boston Community Development, Boston, Mass. Fall, 1961. Consultant on a preliminary study of social planning for the Boston Metropolitan area, with particular reference to the South End and Roxbury-North Dorchester renewal areas. Boston Redevelopment Authority, Boston, Mass. Spring and summer, 1961. On the staff of Dr. Chester Rapkin, Consultant to the Authority on the economic and social feasibility of residential renewal in Washington Park urban renewal area, Roxbury. Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. May 1960-January 1961. Research Staff, Division of Sponsored Re search, M.I.T. appointment. 95 The increasing concentration of the Negro population of Massachusetts within Boston is shown in table 3. In 1960 56 per cent of the Negro population of the Common wealth (63,165 persons) lived in the city, an increase in proportion as well as numbers since 1950. Over one-half of the 1960 Negro population of the Commonwealth was confined within three sections of the City of Boston: Rox- bury, North Dorchester and the South End. These segre gated neighborhoods are shown on the map appended hereto, marked Exhibit l .1 About 9 out of 10 nonwhite persons in the Common wealth and in the Boston area are Negro. Statistics for nonwhites, used in the text and tables when data by race are not available, substantially represent the situation of the Negro population. More than half of the net increase in the nonwhite pop ulation of the Commonwealth between 1950 and 1960 is accounted for by the City of Boston (26,000 persons). During the same period, the white population of the City decreased by 130,000, or 17 per cent (see Table 1). The result of the white exodus and the nonwhite influx was a net loss of 104,000 (13 per cent) in the City’s total popu lation by the end of the decade. If the nonwhite popula tion continues to grow at the rate of the past decade, and there is no change in the pattern of urban segregation, Boston will have a nonwhite population of about 110,000 by 1970. 1 These and other geographic sections of Boston were designated as “ neighborhoods” by the Research Division, United Community Services of Greater Boston, in Neighborhoods of Boston Banked for Selected Factors, Sixth Edition, April, 1961 (mimeographed, unpaged). The major neighborhoods are also shown as “ Boston Health and Welfare Areas” in a map printed by the United Com munity Services of Greater Boston in 1958. 96 I I . T hebe is ah I ncreasing E xclusion of t h e G rowing N bgbo P opulation ebom th e S uburbs. Despite the overall increase in the suburban population, both within the country as a whole and within the Com monwealth, and despite the even greater relative increase in the total nonwhite population, nonwhites have been largely excluded from the suburbs. This is shown by Tables 1, 2, 3 and 4. Table 2 compares population changes by race in the Commonwealth between 1950 and 1960 with national trends. The rate of increase of the total population in the Commonwealth has been only about one-half of the na tional rate; 9.8 per cent as against 18.5 per cent. The in crease in the nonwhite population of Boston, however, has been very close to the average for all central cities in the country. This increase in central cities represents migra tion from rural areas and from smaller cities as well as the natural increase. The increase in the suburban Negro population, how ever, has been much smaller than would be expected from the natural increase alone in the United States. While the Negro population increased 25 per cent in the country as a whole (essentially the natural increase) and 58 per cent in the City of Boston, the Negro population in Bos ton suburbs increased by only 17.5 per cent (see Table 2). The exclusion of the growing Negro population of this Commonwealth from the suburbs is also shown in Table 3. In 1960 56 per cent of the entire Negro population of the Commonwealth lived in the City of Boston, as compared to less than 55 per cent in 1950. The proportion living in the suburbs of Boston decreased from 16 to 12 per cent during the same period. 97 III. W it h in both th e C ity of B oston and th e S ttbubbs THERE HAS BEEN AN I n CBEASED NEIGHBORHOOD SEGREGA TION of N egroes. The segregated area of Negro concentration is shown graphically in the map appended hereto, marked Exhibit 1. There has been an increasing concentration of the Negro population into segregated areas since 1950. Table 4 com pares the percentage distribution of the total nonwhite and Negro populations in the Boston area in 1960 with their distribution in 1950. Almost one-fourth (23 per cent) of the Negro population in the Boston Metropolitan area lived in the suburbs in 1950, but less than one-fiftli (18 per cent) ten years later. The decrease in the relative proportion of the nonwhite population in the suburbs and the increase in the relative proportion within the City, and particularly within the Roxbury-North Dorchester area is apparent. The areas of nonwhite concentration within Boston shown in Table 4 are General Neighborhood Renewal Plan (GNRP) areas, the geographic boundaries of which are designated by the Boston Redevelopment Authority, John F. Collins, Mayor, and Edward J. Logue, Development Administrator, in “ The 90 Million Dollar Development Program for Boston,” reprinted from the City Record issue of September 24, 1960 (unpaged). Extensive urban renewal, involving the displacement of many thousands of families, is planned for these areas (see below, pp. 114-116). Even in the suburbs there is a pattern of neighborhood segregation of Negroes and very limited diffusion. This pattern is shown in the following table, compiled by Ches ter W. Hartman, City Planner with the Center for Com munity Studies, Boston, Mass., from U.S. Census Tract Statistics for the Boston Metropolitan Area in U.S. Bu reau of the Census. Advance Tables PH-1. Population 98 and Housing Characteristics: 1960 (copies furnished by the Research Division, United Community Services of Metropolitan Boston). Concentration of Negro Population in Boston Suburbs, 1960 Negro Total No. Tracts with Concentration of population of census fewer than Negro population City 1960 tracts 10 Negroes within City Cambridge 5,671 30 5 69% in 7 tracts Lynn 1,314 20 11 76% in 4 tracts Medford 1,087 9 7 97% in 1 tract Malden 718 9 3 82% in 2 tracts Newton 672 10 1 55% in 1 tract Everett 664 7 0 94% in 5 tracts Somerville 350 15 9 71% in 1 tract Chelsea 315 7 2 77% in 1 tract Total 8 cities 10,791 Total suburbs (64 cities and towns) 12,981 The preceding table shows that 98 per cent of all Ne groes living in the suburbs of Boston were concentrated in eight inner cities close to Boston, and were further concentrated into a few neighborhoods within these cities. I Y . N egbo H ome O w n ersh ip has N ot K ept P ace w it h P opulation I ncrease. Despite the increase in the proportion of the nonwhite population in the Commonwealth there has not been a corresponding increase in the amount of housing owned by them. This can be seen by comparing the per cent of the total population which was nonwhite in 1950 and 1960 99 (Table 1) with the per cent of nonwhite owner-occupied housing in the same years (Table 5) as follows: 1950 Commonwealth of Massachusetts City of Boston Boston Metro politan Area Nonwhite per cent of population 1.7 5.3 2.4 Nonwhite per cent of owner-occupants 0.8 2.9 1.0 1960 Nonwhite per cent of population 2.4 9.8 3.4 Nonwhite per cent of owner-occupants 1.0 5.6 1.4 Since the white population in Boston has decreased by 130,000 in the decade and the nonwhite population has in creased by only 26,000 (see Table 1), a much greater in crease in home ownership would be expected in Boston if Negroes were equally able to buy homes even within the Boston area. Instead, there has been an increase in the absolute number and per cent of housing units owned and occupied by whites (Table 5). The preceding comparison is limited to owner-occupied housing units because of a change in the 1960 U.S. Census definition which makes a direct comparison of rental units in 1960 with previous years impossible.2 The comparison in Table 5 also shows that there is sig nificantly less home ownership among Negro than among white families, reflecting the exclusion of Negroes from the suburbs in which most of the homes available for sale are located, as well as their exclusion from substantial 2 The 1960 U.S. Census of Housing definition of “ housing unit” includes many single rooms which were not defined as “ dwelling units” in the 1950 U.S. Census of Housing (see footnote 1, Table 5). 100 home-ownership in the City of Boston. Table 5 shows the proportion of nonwhite home owners in Massachusetts and the Boston area in 1950 and 1960, and the number and percentage distribution of households by tenure and color for both years. More than half of all the white families in the Commonwealth owned the homes in which they lived in 1960; the per cent increased from 48 in 1950 to 57 ten years later. During the same period the per cent of non white owners decreased, from 25.4 to 24.7. The much lower percentage of home-owners among the nonwhite population is also evident in the comparisons shown for the Boston area in Table 5. In the City of Bos ton less than 16 per cent of the nonwhite housing units were owner-occupied in 1960; an increase of only 13 per cent over the 1950 proportion, although the nonwhite pop ulation increased by over 60 per cent. At the same time both the number and percentage of white-owned units increased, while the white population decreased by 17 per cent (see also Table 1). V . N egroes O ccupy a D isproportionate A m o u n t of S ub standard and D ilapidated H ousing . Table 6 shows the condition of housing3 in the City of Boston, as classified by the 1960 U.S. Census of Housing, 3 Housing units are classified by the 1960 U.S. Census of Hous ing as in one of the following three conditions: Sound: No defects, or only slight defects which are normally corrected in the course of regular maintenance. Deteriorating: Housing which needs more repair than would be provided in the course of regular maintenance, and which has one or more defects that must be corrected for safe and adequate shelter. Examples of such defects are unsafe porch or steps, broken or loose stair treads. Dilapidated: Housing which does not provide safe or adequate shelter due to inadequate original construction or critical defects indicating serious damage to the structure. The categories 101 by tenure and color. Nonwliite bousebolds accounted for less than 6 per cent of all owner-occupied housing units, but owned almost two-fifths of all the units classified by the U.S. Census of Housing* as deteriorating (requiring major repairs) or dilapidated. Eighty-eight per cent of all white-owned units were “ sound, with all plumbing,” and less than 10 per cent were either deteriorating or di lapidated. The corresponding percentages for nonwhite owners were 59 per cent “ sound with all plumbing” and 39 per cent deteriorating or dilapidated. Table 6 shows that the housing condition of the major ity of nonwhite families who were renters in 1960 was much worse than that of nonwhite owners. Although only 11 per cent of all renting households in the City were non white, they accounted for over 30 per cent of all dilapidated units and more than a fourth of all deteriorating units. Less than half of all the nonwhite households rented units which were classified by the Census as in sound condition and with private toilet, bath or shower for the exclusive use of the household and hot and cold running water in side the structure. Table 7 shows in greater detail the distribution of 4 ‘ sub standard” housing (as defined by the Public Housing Ad ministration, Washington, D.C.) by color of occupants for the City of Boston. Under this definition both deteriorat “ sound” and “ deteriorating1” were added in 1960. The 1950 U.S. Census of Housing classified units as dilapidated or not dilapidated. Condition is reported together with information on plumbing facilities. Units “ with all plumbing facilities” have hot and cold water inside the structure, and flush toilet and bathtub or shower inside the structure for the exclusive use of people living in the housing unit. See U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Housing: 1960; Advance Reports, Housing Characteristics, Massachusetts, HC (A l)-52; U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., April 1961. Definitions and Explanations, pp. 1-3. 102 ing and sound units with all plumbing facilities are clas sified as “ standard.” Thirty-two thousand households, including approximately 42,000 white and 7,000 nonwhite persons, lived in unsound housing as so defined.4 Table 7 shows that in 1960 more than one-fourth of the nonwhite families and individuals (owners and renters combined) occupied housing which was dilapidated, or lacked some or all plumbing facilities, as against less than 14 per cent of white households. Nonwhite families ac counted for less than 10 per cent of all households in the City (Table 6), but occupied 17 per cent of all ‘ ‘ substand ard” units so defined. The relative condition of the sub standard housing occupied by nonwhites was also substan tially worse than that occupied by whites. Over 30 per cent of all housing units classified as ‘ ‘ dilapidated ’ ’ were nonwhite occupied, as were over one-fifth of ‘ ‘ deteriorat ing” units which lacked hot running water, private bath or toilet. Only 8 per cent of the 15,700 “ substandard” units in sound structures (amounting to almost half of all housing classified as “ substandard” ) were occupied by nonwhite families or individuals. The conditions presented in Tables 6 and 7 are averages for the entire City of Boston. In many of the neighbor hoods of greatest Negro concentration housing conditions are much worse (see below, pp. 106-109, and Table 13). V I . N egroes P ay D isproportionately H ig h R ents por the I nferior and S ubstandard H ousing w h ic h t h e y Occupy. See, in general, Sara Shuman, “ Differential Rents for White and Negro Housing,” Journal of Housing, August, 4 This estimate was obtained by multiplying the number of white and nonwhite households (Table 7) by the average number of persons per household (Table 19). Since there is more crowd ing in substandard housing (Table 12), the number of persons is undoubtedly higher. 103 1946, pp. 167, 174. Robert G. Weaver, The Negro Ghetto, New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1948, pp. 36-37, 108-110, 261. The disproportionately high rentals paid by Negro fam ilies in Boston for inferior housing are shown in Table 8. Gross monthly rentals 5 are compared by $10 rental classes for white and nonwhite primary families 6 occupying ‘ ‘ sub standard” housing, as defined by the Public Housing Ad ministration (see Table 7). More than a quarter of all families living in unsound housing, or housing lacking minimum plumbing facilities, paid less than $50 a month for rent, including heat and utilities. The median gross monthly rent for such hous ing was $59. The median monthly cost for nonwhites, however, was $65; 10 per cent higher than the average for all families and 14 per cent higher than the median rental paid by whites. As is shown above, and in Table 7, the substandard housing occupied by nonwhites is substan tially inferior to that occupied by the white population. The contrast between the percentage of white and non white families paying given monthly rentals for substand ard housing is even more striking. More than half of the white families, but only 38 per cent of the nonwhite fam ilies, paid less than $60 a month. Over three-fifths of the nonwhite households paid rents of over $60 a month; 22 per cent paid over $70, 14 per cent between $80 and $100, and 3 per cent over $100 a month. The limited compari 5 Gross rent includes contract rent plus tlie average monthly cost of heat and utilities if these are not included in contract rent. The tabulation is limited to primary families renting substandard housing and paying cash rent. See Table 7 for definitions and sources. 6 Single person households and roomers are not included. “ Pri mary families” consist of the head of the household and persons related to him or her by blood, marriage or adoption. 104 sons which are possible with a similar survey by the U.S. Census in 1954 indicate that the disparity between rentals paid by white and nonwhite families has increased sub stantially since that time (see Table 8). The earlier sur vey reported data only for all families and for white fam ilies. The median gross monthly rental was the same for white and all families, and a slightly higher percentage of white than of all families paid rents of over $60 a month, indicating that the rent differential between white and nonwhite families was smaller in 1954 than in 1960. VII. N egroes P ay a D isproportionately H igh S hare op their I ncomes eor th e I nterior H ousing w h ic h they O ccupy . The fact that nonwhite families spend a disproportion ately high share of their incomes for inferior housing accommodations is shown in Table 9. The rent-income ratios shown here by color and income classes are for the same 1960 U.S. Census tabulation presented in Table 8. Roughly, a ratio of about one-fifth of net income spent for housing is considered normal for low-income families. “ . . . the statutory 20 per cent ratio must be presumed to meet the related legal provision that rents must be within the financial reach of families of low income.” Statement of Edward D. Hassan, Chairman, Boston Hous ing Authority, to the Committee on Public Housing, Bos ton City Council, February 16, 1961, p. 17 (on file with the Boston Housing Authority). Also “ . . . it is a commonly accepted rule today that the proportion of gross rent . . . should not exceed one week’s salary, or 23 per cent of the income of the moderate-income groups.” Lloyd Rodwin, Housing and Economic Progress, Harvard University Press and the Technology Press, Cambridge, Massachu setts, 1961, pp. 14-15. (Emphasis supplied.) 105 Table 9 shows, however, that almost half of all the non- white families renting substandard housing in Boston in 1960 spent more than 22.5 per cent of their total money incomes for rent, as against less than 30 per cent of all white families. Over one-quarter of the nonwhite renters paid more than 32.5 per cent of their annual gross money incomes for rent; the corresponding proportion of white families was 16 per cent. Even at annual gross incomes of $3,000 to $4,000, the income class which includes the median annual nonwhite income for 1959 in Boston, almost half the nonwhite renters spent 22.5 per cent or more and 5 per cent spent over 32.5 of total annual income on rent. The general substantial disparity between white and non white rent-income ratios for all income classes is evident from Table 9. VIII. VIII. T h e D isproportionately H igher B ents and B en t I ncome B atios P aid by N egroes cannot be E xplained by a D ifference betw een the S ize of N egro and W hite A p a r t m e n t s ; th e L arger N egro F am ilies S im ply B e- sttlt in M ore Crowding in O ccupied U n its . The disproportionately high rentals paid by nonwhite families are for definitely inferior housing, as shown above (pp. 100-104 and in Table 7). The difference is too great to be explained by the larger size of nonwhite families. The difference in average number of persons per household by color was relatively small for the City of Boston in 1960. All white households averaged 2.93 persons in the City and all nonwhite households 3.06 (Table 19). Further, as Table 10 shows, about two-fifths of both the white and the nonwhite renters included in the special U.S. Census of renters in substandard housing in 1960 were two-person households, and a smaller proportion of nonwhite than 106 white renters were families of 3 and 4 persons. About 28 per cent of the nonwhite and 21 per cent of the white households consisted of 5 or more persons. Even assum ing that this group of larger nonwhite families were able to rent correspondingly larger units, the enormous rent differentials shown in Table 9 would not be accounted for. The fact is, instead, that the exclusion of Negroes from the suburban housing market (above, pp. 94-96) and from a proportionate share of home ownership within the City (above, pp. 98-100, and Table 5) has resulted in a dispro portionate crowding of nonwhite families as evidenced, for example, by the average number of persons per room.7 In 1960 almost 14 per cent of the substandard housing units rented by nonwhite families in Boston had 1.01 or more persons per room, as against 8.5 per cent of such units rented by white families. The per cent of severely crowded nonwhite families (averaging 1.5 or more per sons per room) was almost twdee as high as the per cent of crowded white families renting substandard units (see Table 12). IN. T h e H ousing Conditions eor N egroes in G eneral D escribed A bove are E ven W orse in th e S egregated N eighborhoods oe H igh N egro C oncentration . The housing conditions of Negroes in Boston, described so far, are averages for the City, which conceal the ex 7 Only whole rooms used for living purposes are counted as rooms; e.g., living rooms, dining rooms, kitchens, finished attic and basement rooms. Three persons in an apartment of one room and kitchen, for instance, would average 1.5 persons per room. See U.S. Bureau of the Census; U.S. Census of Housing: 1960. Housing Characteristics, Massachusetts; Advance Report HC (A l)-22; U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., March 1961. Definitions and Explanations, p. 2. 107 ceptionally bad conditions in most of tbe areas of Negro concentration. The high proportion of “ substandard” housing in the South End and Roxbury-North Dorchester General Neighborhood Renewal areas (see below, pp. 107- 109) as well as the considerable differences among neigh borhoods is shown in Table 13. “ Substandard” units are defined in Table 13 to include all units which are not in sound condition or which lack one or more plumbing facilities.8 The Public Housing Administration definition of substandard housing which excludes “ deteriorating” units requiring major repairs provided they have “ all plumbing facilities” (see above, pp. 101-102, and Table 7) is unrealistic in describing the housing of low-income families, most of whom do not own their homes and are not financially able to make such re pairs. In the City of Boston in 1960 almost 12,000 nonwhite households (some 36,000 persons) lived in substandard housing as defined in Table 13. This number is over half (54.3 per cent) of all nonwhite households. About 47,000 white households (89,000 persons), 23 per cent of all white owners and renters, lived in unsound housing as so de fined.9 In 11 of the 12 neighborhoods shown in Table 13, how ever, the proportion of all occupied housing which is sub standard exceeds the 1960 average for the City. In the 8 In the 1950 U.S. Census of Housing, standard housing as de fined here is “ not dilapidated,” “ with all plumbing facilities.” See above, footnote 3 and footnotes 3 and 4, Table 13. 9 This estimate is based on the data shown in Tables 7 and 19. The number of households, by color, and by condition of housing, is shown in Table 7. The approximate number of white and non white persons is obtained by multiplying the number of house holds in substandard housing units (deteriorating, dilapidated or sound but lacking some or all plumbing facilities) shown by color of occupants in Table 7 by the average number of white and non white persons per household (Table 19). 108 lower Roxbury neighborhood, for example, over 82 per cent of the total population is nonwhite and over 60 per cent o f nonwhite occupied housing is classified as sub standard. The proportion of substandard housing is from two to over three times the City average in all the South End neighborhoods and in three of seven neighborhoods in the Roxbury-North Dorchester renewal area (Table 13, columns 2 and 3). In four of the neighborhoods of large nonwhite popula tion substandard housing as a per cent of all occupied units is even higher than the per cent of nonwhite units which are substandard (columns 3, 4, Table 13). This fact seems to indicate that the small white population still living in these segregated neighborhoods is in an even more marginal situation than the nonwhite population. The deterioration in housing in all these neighborhoods since 1950 is evident in the comparison of the proportion of substandard housing in 1950 (column 5, Table 13) with the much higher proportion in 1960 (column 3, Table 13). The difference is too great to be explained by the U.S. Census changes in definition of housing conditions (see Table 5, footnote 1). This deterioration in housing condi tion has accompanied the substantial increase in the per cent of population which is nonwhite in each of the 12 neighborhoods shown in columns 4, 5 and 6, Table 15. Crowding, as measured by the per cent of households with 1.01 or more persons per room in 1960, exceeds the city average in 9 of the 12 neighborhoods. The two excep tions in the South End, the North Tremont and South Tremont neighborhoods, are predominantly rooming- house sections in which housing conditions are among the worst in the City (see columns 8 and 3, Table 13). The per cent of owner-occupants was substantially be low the average for the City of Boston in all 12 neigh 109 borhoods in both 1950 and I960, and decreased between 1950 and 1960 in all tlie South End neighborhoods and in one Roxbury neighborhood (Table 13, columns 6 and 7). In 1960 the average per cent of home-ownership in Boston was 3 to 6 times greater than ownership in most of the South End neighborhoods. X . T he S egregated N egro N eighborhoods R esult in H ig h S ocial and H u m an Costs. According to one recent authoritative study, “ . . . compulsory residential segregation . . . has far-reaching consequences which touch virtually every aspect of the life of the segregated group and of the relations between them and the dominant majority.” Davis McEntire, “ Res idence and Race,” Final and Comprehensive Report to the Commission on Race and Housing (University of Cali fornia Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1960), pp. 88-89. Some of these consequences in the City of Boston, to the extent that quantitative measures are available, are shown in Tables 14 and 15. Table 15 measures juvenile delin quency, both as an average rate of juvenile court appear ances, 1951-1955 (column 9), by neighborhoods and for the City, and as the per cent of total juvenile court ap pearances from 1953 to 1957 (columns 10 and 11). Although the per cent of total population aged 7 through 16 years in 1960 was below the Boston City average in the South End in all but one neighborhood (column 8), the rate of juvenile court appearances was from 2 to about 4 times as great as that for Boston as a whole. In the Roxbury—North Dorchester area the rate of court appear ances exceeded the Boston City average in 4 of 7 neighbor hoods, while the area accounted for about 25 per cent of total juvenile court appearances in Boston from 1953 to 110 1957, but less than 18 per cent of the youth population (Table 15, columns 8, 9, 10 and 11). The incidence of morbidity and mortality in these blighted sections of Boston is indicated by Table 14. Col umns 6 and 7 show death rates from pulmonary tubercu losis by neighborhoods and for the City for two different time periods. In both periods the City average rate (twice as high as the rate for the Commonwealth) was greatly exceeded in every South End neighborhood and in 7 of 9 Boxbury-North Dorchester neighborhoods. Despite the improvement between the two periods, the death rate from pulmonary tuberculosis was from over 5 to 9 times the City average in three South End neighborhoods in the later period. The annual rate of new pulmonary tubercu losis cases exceeded the City rate in all but one of the 12 neighborhoods during 1955-59 (column 8). Bates in the South End were from 2 to over 7 times the City aver age, and in Boxbury-North Dorchester ranged upward to 2% times the City average rate. Infant mortality rates, shown as averages for 1955-59 and 1947-51 in columns 10 and 11, Table 14, exceeded the City average in 11 of 12 neighborhoods in the more re cent period, and actually increased between the earlier and later periods in 3 of the 5 South End neighborhoods despite the decline in the average City rate. In general the data presented in Tables 13, 14 and 15 indicate the high correlation between the concentration of Negroes into blighted slum areas and the incidence of de linquency, preventable disease and death. They also show the low average educational attainment and incomes which accompany and are reinforced by the residential segrega tion of minorities (column 10, Table 13). In 1949 the median annual income of all families and single-person households was below the City average in 11 of the 12 neighborhoods. In the South End neighbor I l l hoods incomes were below the Boston average by $1,000 or more per year. More recent income facts are shown in Table 11, which compares the 1959 total annual money incomes of white and nonwhite primary families renting substandard hous ing in Boston in 1960 by size of families. (The statistics in this table exclude single-person households and are not comparable with the data shown in Table 13. See foot notes, Tables 7, 11 and 13.) Two-fifths of all nonwhite families had total money in comes of less than $3,000; almost 70 per cent were under $4,500. The corresponding percentages for white families were 30 and 50. The relatively high proportion of low- income families among nonwhites is evident for all family sizes shown in Table 11; the disparity is particularly great, however, for the larger families. About two-thirds of the nonwhite families of 3 or more persons but only about one-third of the white families, had incomes of under $4,500. This color differential is reflected in the median annual family income for the sample, which was more than $1,000 lower for all nonwhite than white families in 1959, a dif ference of 23 per cent. The median income of 3- or 4- person nonwhite families was lower than that of the same size white families by $1,400, or 27 per cent. The comparable income averages for the Nation in 1959 show that all families renting substandard units in Boston had incomes $1,500 lower than the national average for all urban families (including the South) and $1,700 lower (28 per cent) than the average for the Northeast region. The annual income of the nonwhite Boston families in cluded in Table 11 was below the average for all urban nonwhite families. 112 X T. U rban R en ew al , H ig h w ay Construction and Other G overnm ental P rograms have D isplaced and w il l Con tin u e to D isplace M an y L ow -incom e and N egro F am ilies . Actions arising* from governmental programs which cause permanent displacement of persons from their homes include the demolition of residential structures, the rehabilitation of structures which increase rents or costs beyond the means of the former tenants or owners, the conversion of residential areas to other uses, the eviction of over-income tenants from public housing and the con version of entire renewal areas to different types of hous ing at increased rentals. For example, the West End Urban Renewal project in Boston (U.R. Mass. 2-1) displaced 3,075 families who were living in the renewal area in 1955. The median gross monthly rent was $43. Relocation Plan, West End Land Assembly and Redevelopment Project U.R. Mass. 2-1 (Boston Housing Authority, Urban Redevelopment Divi sion, Boston, Mass., March 16, 1955), pp. 8, 12. The forty- eight acres were sold to Charles River Parks, Inc., for the construction of buildings containing 2,200 new apart ments, to cover only 18 per cent of the land, leaving the rest for parking, open space and landscaping. Looking Forward with Pride to a Better Boston Through Urban Renewal (the Boston Redevelopment Authority, undated, unpaged). Although the Authority stated that “ the fam ilies displaced by the project will have first preference in the new dwelling units” (ibid.), rentals for the new apart ments range from $175 to $450 a month. When dislocation takes place in the course of any of these actions, the problems of relocation are particularly acute for the nonwhite groups. Urban renewal and other related public programs within the City are conducted in 113 areas of widespread deterioration and blight. The rela tive deterioration of housing and other incidence of blight, low-income status, disease and delinquency for those re newal areas in Boston which contain the majority of non white families are shown in detail in Tables 13, 14 and 15. As described above, Tables 1, 2 and 3 show that the trend in the recent decade has consisted of an exodus of the white population and an increased concentration of low income Negroes in those blighted areas. The exodus from Boston has been particularly marked. The percent age decrease in the City of Boston between 1950 and 1960 was substantially greater than that of the other 14 larg est cities in the United States. Washington, D.C., which lost 4.8 per cent of its population in that decade, ranked second. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. U.S. Census of Population: 1960, General Popu lation Characteristics, United States Summary, Final Report PC (l)-lB , U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1961, Table 63, pp. 176-185. The great majority of persons dislocated in the course of urban renewal have been nonwhite and of low income. The situation in the United States as a whole is indicated by a recent report of the Urban Renewal Administration, Relocation Prom Urban Renewal Project Areas Through June, 1960 (Housing and Home Finance Agency, Wash ington 25, D.C.). As of June 30, 1960, about 107,000 fam ilies were living in properties acquired in 195 cities for 322 local slum clearance and urban renewal project areas with federal assistance under Title I of the United States Housing Act of 1949, as amended (ibid. p. 6). Of 61,200 relocated families reported by color, 69 per cent were non white (ibid. p. 7). More than half of the 85,154 families relocated as of June 30, 1960, were apparently eligible for admission to federally aided low-rent housing, on the basis of reported income (ibid- p. 9). 114 Urban renewal and limited-access highway programs to date in Boston have not affected the major concentrations of low-income minority population, but are scheduled to do so in the near future. Exhibit 3, appended, shows that 37,195 families have been or will be permanently displaced from their homes as the result of urban renewal projects under Title I al ready completed or in active execution or planning in the Commonwealth. Only 3322 families had been relocated from projects as of December, 1961; 1731 of these from the West End (U.R. 2-3). Of the 33,873 families to be dislocated by urban renewal in the Commonwealth, over 17,000 are now living in the South End and Roxbury-Nor th Dorchester “ General Neighborhood Renewal Plan” areas of segregated non white population shown in Tables 13, 14 and 15. A com parison of Exhibit 1 with Exhibit 2 shows that these highly segregated Negro areas are completely encompassed within these renewal-plan areas. I f the average number of per sons per household is no higher than the average of 2.93 for the entire City of Boston (Table 19), some 50,000 per sons will be displaced in these two areas alone. Exhibit 3 shows that an estimated 13,295 families will be displaced in the South End (R. 56). This means the uprooting of practically the entire population now living in the South End “ General Neighborhood Renewal Plan Area,” which is described by the Boston Redevelopment Authority as an area “ bounded by the B. and A. tracks, the Central Artery and the Inner Belt. The outer South End is some times identified as part of Lower Roxbury. However, the Inner Belt will cause it to become part of the South End.” The Boston Redevelopment Authority, “ The 90 Million Dollar Development Program for Boston,” reprinted from the City Record issue of September 24, 1960 (unpaged). According to the same source, “ The South End needs a 115 major renewal effort. It will call for substantial clear ance to cut away the slums. Urban renewal of the South End should have a high priority.” From these boundaries and U.S. 1960 Census of Popu lation data, the population of the area is estimated at about 34,000 persons; approximately 40 per cent is nonwhite.1011 Exhibit 3 also shows that an estimated 3,940 families (some 11,500 persons) will be displaced as a result of the Washington Park Urban Renewal Project (R. 24), which is located in the Roxbury-North Dorchester “ General Neighborhood Renewal Plan Area.” This area is de scribed in “ The 90 Million Dollar Development Program for Boston,” cited above, as a section which is ‘ ‘ deteri orating rapidly.” This document also states that the Re development Authority has received approval for survey and planning activities for a renewal project in the Wash ington Park area. The population of the entire Roxbury-North Dorchester area, estimated at about 80,000, is about 54 per cent non white (Table 13, columns 1 and 2). The Washington Park project area (R. 24) is a relatively small section of the Roxbury-North Dorchester “ General Neighborhood Renewal Plan Area,” however. The location and size of the Project area are shown on a map entitled “ Boston Redevelopment Authority Projects—September 1960” in “ The 90 Million Dollar Development Program for Bos ton” (The Boston Redevlopment Authority), reprinted from the City Record issue of September 24, 1960 (un paged). The Project area is also shown on a map, “ Rox bury-North Dorchester GNRP Area and Washington Park 10 11 10 In addition to the estimated population of 31,254 in South End “ Neighborhoods” included in the renewal area, about 40 per cent of the population in the “ Lower Roxbury” neighborhood is in the South End renewal area (see footnote 2, Table 13). 11 See footnote 11 on next page. 116 Renewal Area,” prepared by the Boston Redevelopment, 1108 City Hall Annex, Boston, Mass., which shows street boundaries for the Project area as Townsend Street on the south, Washington Street on the west, Warren Street on the east and Dudley Street on the north. On the basis of these boundaries the population is estimated at about 12,000 persons, approximately 70 per cent Negro in I960.11 This map shows that the Roxbury-North Dor chester GNRP adjoins the South End GNRP on the north, and is bounded by the New York, New Haven & Plartford Railroad on the west, Seaver Street and Franklin Park on the south, and Columbia Road and Massachusetts Ave nue on the east. The neighborhoods most closely corresponding to the Washington Park project area, shown in Tables 13, 14 and 15, are Warren Street and Dudley Street South. It can be seen in these tables that both the South End and Washington Park urban renewal projects are scheduled in areas of large nonwhite population, low incomes, high proportions of substandard housing and relatively little home-ownership. Other areas of substantial nonwhite population slated for renewal are included in the project areas listed in Ex hibit 3; for example, sections of Cambridge and Malden. Since urban renewal and other public programs in Bos ton have not yet affected the areas of greatest blight and 11 Census tracts in Boston and adjacent areas are shown by street boundaries in U.S. Bureau of the Census. U.S. Census of Population: 1950; volume III, Census Tract Statistics, Chapter 6; U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1952. Total and non white population living in the Project Area was estimated for census tracts from U.S. Bureau of the Census; U.S. Census of Population: 1960; Advance Tables PH : 1, Population and Homing Characteristics, for the Boston Metropolitan Area; copies furnished by the Research Division, United Community Services of Metropolitan Boston. 117 highest minority concentration, the experience to date is an understatement of what can be expected when these new projects move into execution in the near future. Yery substantial displacement will also result from the highway program throughout the metropolitan area, but particularly in the densely populated segregated sections of Boston and in Somerville, Cambridge and Medford. The basic highway program consists of eight major radial expressways leading into the heart of the metropolitan area from the suburbs and terminating at a circumferen tial inner-belt expressway. This plan was first developed in 1948. The basic plan is described in “ The Master Highway Plan for the Boston Metropolitan Area” by the Joint Board for the Metropolitan Master Highway Plan based upon a traffic survey by the Massachusetts Depart ment of Public Works, February 1, 1958. At a public hearing on April 22, 1960, the Massachusetts Department of Public Works presented augmented plans for the remaining portion of this limited-access highway system, and recommended that the Inner Belt (Interstate Route 695) follow line “ A ,” the Buggies Street, River Street, Elm Street route. The Massachusetts Department of Public Works, Anthony N. DiNatale, Commissioner, Edward J. McCarthy, Chief Engineer, “ Pertinent Data on Studies of the Inner Belt—I—695 and Northern Ex pressway, I—93,” April 22, 1960, p. 1. The probable route of the Inner Belt is shown in Exhibit 2 as the divi sion between the South End GNRP and the Roxbury- North Dorchester GNRP. In the center of the Lower Roxbury-South End area, the Inner Belt would interchange with the Southwest Express way (1-95), connected to Columbus Avenue and Tremont Street. Ibid,., “ The Innerbelt Summary,” p. 1. Data sheets included in the report indicate the approxi mate number of residential structures and households 118 which would be displaced. The following table summarizes estimated displacement, by city, resulting from the rec ommended Inner Belt Route A, and the Northern Express way, recommended line “ A ” (Interstate Route 93). This is only a partial estimate of probable displacement, since it does not include the Southwest Expressway and other radials. Estimated Demolition, Inner Belt and Northern Expressway. No. of Residential No. of City or Town 3STON Structures Households B oston 292 797 B oston , C harlestow n 109 330 T o tal 401 1,127 C am bridge 369 1,211 Som erville 334 872 B rookline 292 797 T o tal , 4 cities 1,416 4,007 I f there are no more than an average of 3 persons per household, this means a displacement of over 12,000 per sons from highway construction alone, a large number of whom will be nonwhite and of low income. Data summary sheets included in this report show that total displace ment in the metropolitan area due to the Inner Belt will range from 2,964 to 3,895 households (some 9,000 to 11,700 persons) depending on which line the highway follows, and that displacement from the Northern Expressway will range from about 387 to 585 households (about 1,200 to 1,755 persons). About 30 per cent of the estimated dis placement will be in Boston. Almost all the people dis 119 placed in the Lower Roxbury-South End area of Boston (800 to 2,000 households, depending on which line is fol lowed) will be nonwhite.12 Persons forced to relocate because of urban renewal and expressway programs in the City of Boston alone will therefore total approximately 67,000; it is estimated that at least two-fifths are nonwhite. XII. U rban R enew al , H ighw ay C onstruction and Other P ublic P rograms have A lready W orsened th e H ous ing Conditions oe L ow -income and N egro F am ilies . In the United States as a whole, through June, 1960, almost 1 in 10 displaced families for whom the condition of relocation housing was known were officially reported to have relocated in substandard housing, as locally de fined. Thirteen per cent of nonwhite families were re ported to have been relocated in substandard housing. No information on the condition of housing is available for an additional 16,000 families (19 per cent of all relocated 12 This is evident from a map included in the report of the De partment of Public Works, which shows all the alternative lines for the Inner Belt running through densely populated neighbor hoods of high nonwhite concentration, from Massachusetts Avenue near City Hospital, westward across Tremont and Columbus Streets, through the South End and Lower Roxbury neighbor hood to the railroad. The proposed interchange with the South west Expressway extends into Dudley Street at the northern tip of the Washington Park Project area. The neighborhoods in the line of these expressways are Lower Roxbury, Dudley Street East, Warren Street and Dudley Street South, the populations of which are from 25 to 82 per cent Negro (see Exhibit 1 and column 2, Table 15). Map showing “ All Lines Studied on Inner Belt” is part of the report, “ Pertinent Data on Studies of the Inner Belt— 1—695 and Northern Expressway 1—93,” Massachusetts Depart ment of Public Works, Anthony N. DiNatale Commissioner, Ed ward J. McCarthy, Chief Engineer, April 22, 1960. 120 families) and 29,000 individual householders displaced. “ Relocation from Urban Renewal Project Areas Through June 30, 1960” (Housing and Home Finance Agency, Urban Renewal Administration, Washington 25, D.C.), pp. 11, 13. Although more than half of displaced families were found to be eligible for admission to public housing, only 18 per cent (14,147) were relocated in federally aided or other permanent public housing {Ibid. p. 7). Although experience in Boston is limited so far, the evi dence to date indicates that many displaced families have either relocated in substandard housing or in areas desig nated for redevelopment, highway construction or other public clearance. The relocation areas and housing con ditions of more than half the families displaced by the New York Streets Project are unknown. Of the remain ing 368 families, only 15.5 per cent were placed in public housing, although 58 per cent were found to be eligible. The majority (over two-thirds) were relocated in private rentals. Boston Redevelopment Authority, Final Reloca tion Report, New York Streets, Project U.R.. Mass. 2-1, November, 1958, Exhibit C (unpaged). The West End Project has accounted for most of the displacement in Boston under Title I to date. Of 3,075 households originally in the area, 2,640 were families of 2 or more persons. Some 70 per cent of the total popula tion were considered eligible for public housing. Grordon N. Glottsche, Relocation: Goals, Implementation and Evaluation of the Process with Reference to the West End Redevelopment Project in Boston Mass.; Master of City Planning Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Tech nology, June, 1960, p. 80. Income data were available for about 1,230 of the fam ilies (2 or more persons); over half had annual incomes of under $3,600, and 72 per cent under $4,800 {ibid. p. 64). Some 200 relocation structures in 15 census tracts were 121 inspected and evaluated in this study. Three out of 4 were found to be in areas of planned or potential urban renewal. Three-fifths of the structures were found to be in such poor condition as to be fit only for demolition or major rehabilitation (ibid. pp. 109-110). “ From the evaluation of the result of West End relo cation, it would appear that there was not sufficient low rental and moderate rental housing in the inner Metro politan Area, including at least Boston, Cambridge, Chel sea, and Revere, to assure satisfactory relocation. . . . As it does not appear likely at present that the private housing industry will provide quantities of such housing, it seems necessary to construct subsidized low rental and controlled moderate rental housing . . . by public action” (ibid. p. 12). Since 1956 losses of housing units in the City of Boston due primarily to the City demolition program and clear ance under the first urban renewal projects have exceeded new construction and additions through conversion by an average of 785 units per year. The net loss in dwelling units from 1956 through 1959 totalled 3,139 units, or ac commodations for some 9,000 to 10,000 persons, mostly of very low incomes. Statement of Edward D. Hassan, Chairman, Boston Housing Authority, to the Committee on Public Housing, Boston City Council, February 16, 1961, p. 30 (on file at the Boston Housing Authority). XIII. T hebe is a S evebe S hortage oe S ound L ow-R ental, H ousing in th e B oston A b e a ; N egroes w ho w ill be D isplaced by P ublic P bogbams abe at the Greatest D isadvantage because oe th e D ual H andicaps oe L ow I ncome and D iscrim ination . “ Problems of discrimination in housing have come es pecially to the fore in connection with public programs of 122 slum clearance and urban renewal. Reconstruction of a slum usually requires the relocation of all or part of the resident population either temporarily or permanently. Since the residents, more often than not, are members of minority groups, efforts to rehouse them in non-slum areas collide with segregation barriers.” Where Shall We Live, Report of the Commission on Race and Housing, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1958, p. 7. No comprehensive study of the housing market in the Boston area has been made in recent years in connection with the redevelopment program or for other public pur poses. As a result, there is no accurate information on the total housing stock by size of units, rentals and prices, geographic location and other characteristics which should be considered in determining whether decent, safe and sanitary dwellings at rentals within the financial means of displaced families are in fact available. In the absence of such a survey, recent U.S. Census data and other sources have been evaluated which indicate clearly that there is a very short supply of all types of housing in the Boston area and in particular a severe shortage of sound low- rental housing, both public and private. Table 16 shows that the standard rental vacancy ratio for the City of Boston in 1960 was only 2.4 per cent, and even lower (1.4 per cent) for all housing units in the Met ropolitan area. This is the ratio of both sound and de teriorating vacant units with all plumbing facilities avail able for rent to the total number of housing units. Au thorities on housing consider such a ratio extremely low. According to the director of the Housing Research Center at Cornell University, “ Before the war, a 4 or 5 per cent gross vacancy was considered normal and not dangerous. Since the war, it has been shown, that the vacancy rates have generally been lower than this. However, in order 123 that families have the advantage of a competitive market, it is conservative to use a 4 per cent gross vacancy rate in any estimate of future housing need.” Glenn H. Beyer, Housing; A Factual Analysis, New York, MacMillan Co., 1958, pp. 284-285. The gross rental vacancy ratio in the City of Boston in 1960 was only 3.6 (8,708 units, sound or deteriorating, available for rent). There were only 13,000 year-round vacant units for rent or for sale, regardless of condition, available in the City of Boston in 1960. Over 17 per cent of these were reported as dilapidated and an additional 23 per cent lacked some or all plumbing facilities (Table 16). Although the great majority of families who will be displaced by urban renewal, highway construction and other public programs are low-income renters and some 60 per cent of both white and nonwhite renters in sub standard housing are families of 3 or more persons (Table 10), only 5,800 year-round non-dilapidated rental units with all plumbing facilities were available in the City in 1960, and only 11,600 in the entire metropolitan area (Table 16). An unknown proportion of these require major repairs or are located in areas scheduled for future clearance. It is obvious that many of the remaining vacant units which are in sound condition and not in clearance areas are un suitable for relocation purposes, because of location, size or rentals beyond the means of displaced families. The median number of rooms in vacant units available for rent was only 3.4, as against an average of 4.6 rooms for all occupied units and 5.6 rooms for houses available for sale. U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Hous ing: i960; Advance Reports, Housing Characteristics, Massachusetts HC (A l)-22 . U.S. Government Printing- Office, Washington, D.C., March 1961, Table 1, p. 7. 124 The housing problem of minority families in the Boston area is particularly severe because of the comparatively old age of the housing stock (Table 18) and the substantial per cent o f structures which lack central heating (Table 17). The 1950 U.S. Census of Housing reported that over one-fourth of all dwelling units in the City of Boston lacked central heating. Many of these are the very old three-deckers for which Boston is famous. The costs of rehabilitating such structures, including the provision of modern and safe central heating systems required by the New England climate, are prohibitive. Yet these units, unless they lack plumbing facilities or are in a state of severe disrepair, would not be classified as substandard under the Public Housing Administration definition. The 1950 U.S. Census of Housing also provided some in formation on the age of the housing stock. Table 18 indi cates one of the reasons for the extent of blight and the shortage of decent housing in the Boston area. Over four- fifths of the total housing stock in the City of Boston and more than 75 per cent in the entire Metropolitan area was over thirty years old in 1950, as against less than half for the entire United States. The classification by years built prior to 1920 in the 1940 U.S. Census of Housing shows the great age of much of Boston housing. At that time over 40 per cent of dwelling units were in structures which had been built before the start of the century; half of these were over sixty years old, and 8 per cent (14,000 dwelling units) were in structures built in 1859 or earlier.13 The table below indicates the very small amount of new private housing which has been built in the Boston area since 1950. 13 Classification by years built prior to 1920 was dropped from the 1950 U.S. Census of Housing. 125 Changes in the Total Housing Supply, City of Boston, 1950-1959. Number of dwelling units, 1950: 222,079 Additions, 1950-59: New Building Private 5,769 Public 6,818 Total 12,587 Conversions 4,246 Total Additions 16,833 Losses, 1950-59 —9,857 Net Change 6,976 Number of dwelling units, 1959 229,055 14 Source: Statement of Edward D. Hassan, Chairman, Bos ton Public Housing Authority, to the Committee on Public Housing, Boston City Council, February, 1961 (pp. 30 and 43) (on file at the Boston Public Housing Authority). This total, of course, includes units which are dilapidated or in need of major repairs, units lacking’ essential plumb ing or central heating, and some which have been aban doned but are still standing. It is significant that a major part of the new supply consists of public housing. New private buildings provided only half as many units as were lost, primarily because of public programs. According to this statement, “ The new private rental housing market in the city has been dormant for years 14 The 1960 U.S. Census of Housing reports a total of 238,547 “ housing units” in 1960. As explained above (Table 5, fn. 1), the new definition includes units which would not have been clas sified as “ dwelling units” by the 1950 Census. 126 . . . current plans for the redevelopment of urban re newal areas contemplate the construction of new apart ments at minimum monthly rentals of $40 a room . . . the current average selling* price is estimated at $14,900 for new houses. . . . It appears . . . that families who cannot afford to pay more than $100 a month for housing- are faced with a tight housing situation, with availability limited for the most part to some small converted apart ment, substandard housing, or public housing. . . . New rental housing construction has been practically at a stand still for years. . . . Most new single family houses and available existing houses are within the capacity only of families in the upper levels of the income scale” (pp. 41-42). The evidence is that there is no significant supply of low-rental housing in sound condition which is within the means of the majority of families now living in blighted areas and facing displacement, except in existing public housing units. Although families displaced from urban renewal projects have priority in federally assisted pub lic housing, it is not possible to accommodate such fam ilies in the existing supply. In 1960 there were 3,600 state-aided and 9,844 federally aided public housing units in the City of Boston. Of these, only 1,867 or 14 per cent were occupied by nonwhite fam ilies. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Executive Department, Fifteenth Annual Report of the Massachu setts Commission Against Discrimination, Public Docu ment No. 163, p. 26. The Public Housing Authority reports that the average annual number of applications for admission to federally aided units, 1955-60, has been about 4,600. At the most recent date reported, in 1960, 3,332 active eligible applica tions were on file waiting for units. The only vacancies available are from turnover, which amounted to only 1,990 127 units in 1959. Statement by Hassan, op. cit. pp. 57, 58. At the current rates of turnover it would take almost two years to place the present applicants alone. No new pub licly aided housing units are under construction except for 480 apartments specifically designed to accommodate the elderly. Statement by Hassan, ibid. p. 63. But the families now renting substandard housing in the City of Boston who are living in areas of blight and dete riorated housing are predominantly younger families with children (see Table 10). According to the special 1960 U.S. Census of families living in substandard housing (as officially defined), only one-fourth of white households and 8 per cent of nonwhite households had heads aged sixty- five or over. Fifty-six per cent of the white renters and 64 per cent of nonwhite had one or more minor children. Two-fifths of nonwhite primary families living in sub standard units had 2 or more minor children. U.S. Bureau of the Census. U.S. Census of Housing: i960 ; Special- Reports for Local Housing Authorities, Boston, Mass., HC ( Si ) -67; U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing ton, D.C., Table 1, p. 8. On June 5, 1961, the Boston City Council approved the application of the Boston Housing Authority to the Pub lic Housing Administration, Washington, D.C., for an ad ditional 1,000 units of federally aided low rent housing. These units, now in the planning stage, will be predomi nantly one-bedroom apartments intended for occupation by the elderly. The 1,480 publicly aided units under con struction or planned, together with the normal annual turnover of about 2,000, total less than 3,500 available units, or less than the averag*e annual number of eligible applicants in recent years prior to massive demolitions from urban renewal and highway construction such as are now scheduled for Boston. Furthermore, these units are intended primarily for elderly occupants, but the majority 128 of families who will be displaced by urban renewal and other public programs are Negro and have young children. It thus appears that neither private nor public low-rent decent housing is presently available or is contemplated for the rehousing of these families. T-A-BEE POPULATION CHANGES BY RACE, MASSACHUSETTS, 19 50-60 N u m b e r o f P e r s o n s P e r c e n t N o n w h i t e c T o t a l P o p u l a t i o nT o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te , ' " “I T o t a l N e g r o A l l O t h e r A l l N e g r o M a s s a c h u s e t t s 1950 I 9 6 0 C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r P e r c e n t 4 , 6 9 0 , 514 5 , 1 4 8 , 5 7 8 4 8 5 , 0 6 4 9 . 8 4, 6 1 1 , 503 5 , 0 2 3 , 1 4 4 4 1 1 , 641 8 . 9 7 9 , O i l 125 , 4 3 4 4 6 , 4 2 3 5 8 . 8 73 , 171 111 , 8 4 2 3 8 , 6 7 1 52.. 8 5, 840 1 3 ,5 9 2 7 , 7 5 2 132 . 7 1 .7 2 . 4 1. 6 2. 2 B o s t o n C i t y 1950 I9 6 0 C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r P e r c e n t , 8 0 1 , 4 4 4 6 9 7 , 197 - 1 0 4 , 2 4 7 - 1 3 . 0 7 5 8 , 7 0 0 6 2 8 , 7 0 4 -1 2 9 , -9 9 6 - 1 7 . 1 •42, 7 4 4 68 , 493 25 , 749 60 . 2 4 0 , 0 5 7 6 3 , 1 6 5 23 , 108 5 7 . 7 2, 687 5, 238 2, 641 9 8 . 3 5 . 3 9 . 8 5. 0 9 . 0 B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a 1950 1960 C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r P e r c e n t 2, 3 6 9 , 986 2, 5 1 3 , 161 1 4 3 ,1 7 5 6. 0 2, 3 1 4 , 261 2, 4 2 7 , 045 112, 784 4 . 9 55, 725 86 , 116 30 , 391 5 4 . 5 5 1 , 7 5 8 76 , 9 1 4 2 5 , 1 5 6 4 8 . 6 3 , 697 9 , 202 5, 235 132 . 0 2. 4 3 . 4 2. 2 3 . 1 B o s t o n S u b u r b s 1950 I9 6 0 C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r P e r c e n t 1 , 5 6 8 , 5 4 2 1, 8 1 5 , 6 9 4 2 4 7 ,1 5 2 15. 8 1, 5 55 , 561 1, 7 9 8 , 341 2 4 2 , 780 15. 6 1 2 ,9 8 1 1 7 ,6 2 3 4, 642 3 5 . 8 11, 701 1 3 ,7 4 9 2, 048 17. 5 1, 280 3, 8 7 4 2, 594 2 0 2 . 6 0. 8 1. 0 0. 7 0. 8 P r e d o m i n a n t l y o r i e n t a l ; 64 p e r c e n t o f a l l o t h e r n o n w h ite in M a s s a c h u s e t t s in I 9 6 0 an d o v e r 70 p e r c e n t in th e B o s t p n a r e a . s u b t r a c t e d f r o m th eA s d e f i n e d in 19 50 E l e v e n t o w n s a d d e d to th e S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a in I9 6 0 w e r e A s d e f i n e d m i ^ U . * T h g t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e s e t o w n s w a s 76 , 140, n o n w h ite p o p u l a t i o n 9 7 6 an d t o t a l t o p e r m i t 1950 c o m p a r i s o n s . N e g r o p o p u l a t i o n 867 in I 9 6 0 . 3 S ta n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s th e C ity o f B o s t o n . U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r - U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 14, p . 2 3 * 2 9 , T a b l e 15, p . 2 3 * 3 0 , T a b l e 21 , p . 2 3 - 7 8 , p . 2 3 - 8 0 . U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : 19 5 0 . V o l u m e II, C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the M a s s a c h u s e t t s . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r in t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D. C . , 1 9 5 2 . I n t r o d u c t i o n , X X X , T a b l e 33 , p . 2 1 - 6 3 , p . 2 1 - 5 8 , T a b l e 3 4 , p . 2 1 - 6 6 , p . 2 1 - 6 7 . S o u r c e s : U .S ,. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . ________ i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . F i n a l R e p o r t P C (1 ) - 2 3 B . I n t r o d u c t io n , p"! X II , T a b l e 13, jn 2 3 * 2 7 , T a b l e 14, U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . P o p u l a t i o n , P a r t 21, T A B L E 2 P O P U L A T I O N C H A N G E S B Y R A C E , M A S S A C H U S E T T S C O M P A R E D W I T H T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S , 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 P o p u l a t i o n C h a n g e , 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , P e r c e n t s ________ N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t o f T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te 1 T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n T o t a l N e g r o A l l O t h e r * 1 9 ^ 0 ’ I9 6 0 M a s s a c h u s e t t s 9.-8 8 . 9 5 8 . 8 52 . 8 i 3 2. 7 1. 7 2 . 4 B o s t o n C i t y - 1 3 . 0 - 1 7 . 1 6 0 . 2 5 7 . 7 9 8 . 3 5. 3 9 . 8 S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a ' 6 . 0 4 . 9 54 . 5 4 8 . 6 132 . 0 2. 4 3 . 4 3 S u b u r b s 15. 8 15. 6 3 5 . 8 17 . 5 2 0 2 . 6 0 . 8 1 . 0 U n i t e d S t a t e s T o t a l 18. 5 17. 5 26 . 7 2 5 . 4 10. 7 1 1 . 4 R u r a l - 0 . 8 0 . 2 - 8 . 8 1 1 . 4 1 0 .4 U r b a n T o t a l 2 9 . 3 27 . 1 4 8 . 7 10. 3 11 . 8 4 C e n t r a l C i t i e s 19. 8 1 3 .3 6 3 . 3 13 . 1 17. 8 S u b u r b s ^ 3 8 . 8 4 0 . 1 2 3 . 1 7 . 5 6 . 7 ^ M o s t l y o r i e n t a l , s e e T a b l e 1 a b o v e f o r M a s s a c h u s e t t s a n d T a b l e 4 4 , p . 1 - 1 4 4 , U n to e d S t a t e s S u m m a r y c i t e d b e l o w . A s d e f i n e d in 1950 b y th e U., S . C e n s u s . (S e e T a b l e 1). ^ S ta n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s th e C i t y o f B oston .. (S e e T a b l e 1). ‘ C i t i e s o f 50 , 000 p o p u l a t i o n o r m o r e in I 9 6 0 , in d e n s e l y s e t t l e d s e c t i o n s d e s i g n a t e d a s " u r b a n i z e d a r e a s " b y th e y.S. C e n s u s ( S e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . V III - I X , U n i t e d S t a t e s S u m m a r y c i t e d b e l o w ) . ^ T c t a l u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n l e s s c e n t r a l c i t i e s . S o u r c e s : S e e th e s o u r c e s f o r T a b l e 1. A l s o , U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S. C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : 196TT. G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , U n ite d S ta te s S u m m a r y . F i n a l R e p o r t P C ( i ) - I B . U . U. G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 4 2 , p . 1 - 1 4 3 , T a b l e 4 4 , p . 1 - 1 4 4 , aricT I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . V III - IX , p . X I . T A B L E 3 C O N C E N T R A T IO N O F N O N W H IT E P O P U L A T IO N IN M A S S A C H U S E T T S , B Y A R E A A N D R A C E 1950 A N D I 9 6 0 M a s s a c h u s e tt s B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a C i t y o f B o s t o n B o s t o n N e i g h b o r h o o d s R o x b u r y D o r c h e s t e r N o r t h S o u th E n d R e s t o f C i t y ̂ S u b u r b s o f B o s t o n E l s e w h e r e in S ta te M a s s a c h u s e t t s B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a C i t y o f B o s t o n ^ B o s t o n N e i g h b o r h o o d s R o x b u r y D o r c h e s t e r N o r t h S o u th E n d •Rest o f C i t y S u b u r b s o f B o s to n ^ E l s e w h e r e in S ta te * 1950 , N u m b e r o f P e r s o n s I 9 6 0 , N u m b e r o f P e r s o n s T o t a l N o n w h i te N e g r o O t h e r T o t a l N o n w h i t e N e g r o O t h e r 7 9 , O i l 7 3 , 171 5, 840 1 2 5 , 4 3 4 111, 8 4 2 1 3 ,5 9 2 5 5 , 7 2 5 51, 758 3 , 697 8 6 , 116 7 6 , 9 1 4 9 , 202 4 2 , 7 4 4 4 0 , 0 5 7 2, 687 6 8 ,4 9 3 6 3 , 1 6 5 5, 238 3 7 , 5 3 0 3 6 , 813 717 11, 235 10, 8 9 2 343 12, 448 9, 846 2, 602 7, 280 5, 6 1 4 1, 576 12, 981 1 1 ,7 0 1 1, 010 1 7 ,6 2 3 1 3 ,7 4 9 3, 9.64 2 3 , 2 8 6 21 , 413 2, 143 3 9 , 3 1 8 - 3 4 , 928 4 , 3 9 0 1950 , P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n s I 9 6 0 , P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n s 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 7 0 . 5 7 0 . 8 6 3 . 3 68 . 6 68 . 8 67 . 7 54 . 1 54 . 8 4 6 . 0 54 . 6 56 . 5 3 8 . 5 2 9 .9 3 2 . 9 5. 3 9 . 0 9 . 7 2. 5 9 . 9 8 . 8 19. 1 5. 8 5. 0 11. 6 16, 4 16. 0 17. 2 14. 0 12. 3 29 . 2 29 . 5 29 . 2 3 6 . 7 3 1 . 3 3 1 . 2 3 2 . 3 * A s d e f i n e d b y th e U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n . ^ B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s C i t y o f B o s t o n . (S e e T a b l e 1). T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e to r o u n d in g . S o u r c e s : 19 50 an d I9 6 0 P o p u l a t i o n b y r a c e f o r s t a t e , m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a , c i t y a n d s u b u r b s . (S e e T a b l e 1). B o s t o n n e i g h b o r h o o d s : p o p u l a t i o n b y c o l o r c o m p u t e d f o r n e i g h b o r h o o d s i n I 9 6 0 f r o m c e n s u s t r a c t r e p o r t s f o r th e C i t y o f B o s t o n , U. S. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s , A d v a n c e T a b l e s P H - 1 . P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : I 9 6 0 , in N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n R a n k e d l o r S e l e c t e d F a c to r s " , " R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , ” "U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , A p r i l 1961 . T A B L E 4 C O N C E N T R A T I O N O F N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N IN T H E B O S T O N AREA 1950 A N D I9 6 0 1950 , P e r c e n t s I 9 6 0 P e r c e n t s T o t a l N o n w h i te N e g r o T o t a l N o n w h i t e Negro B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n Area-*- 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100.0 2 S u b u r b s 2 3 . 3 2 2 . 6 2 0 . 5 17.9 C i t y o f B o s t o n 7 6 . 7 7 7 . 4 79- 5 82.1 R o x b u r y G N R P 3 3 6 . 8 3 8 . 8 4 5 . 7 50.2 S o u th E n d G N R P 3 2 9 . 4 3 0 . 1 15. 8 16.8 R e s t o f C i t y 10. 5 8 . 4 18. 0 15.2 * A s d e f i n e d in 1 9 5 0 . ( S e e T a b l e 1). 2B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s th e C i t y o f B o s t o n . ’ ’ G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n A r e a s e s t a b l i s h e d b y th e B o s t o n R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y . T h e d e c r e a s e in N e g r o p e r c e n t o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n in th e S o u th E n d f r o m 1 950 t o I 9 6 0 i s th e r e s u l t o f a d e c r e a s e o f a b o u t 18, 0 0 0 w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n ( - 4 7 p e r c e n t ) an d 2, 8 0 0 n o n w h i t e ( - 1 7 p e r c e n t ) . T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g . S o u r c e s : B o s t o n C i t y an d S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a : S e e T a b l e 1. G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n A r e a s a r e d e s c r i b e d a c c o r d i n g t o g e o g r a p h i c b o u n d a r i e s in th e 9 0 M i l l i o n D o l l a r D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m f o r B o s t o n , T h e B o s t o n R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y , J o h n F . C o l l i n s , M a y o r , E d w a r d J . L o g u e , D e v e l o p m e n t A d m i n i s t r a t o r , r e p r in t e d f r o m th e C i t y R e c o r d , i s s u e o f S e p t e m b e r 24 , I 9 6 0 (u n p a g e d ) . P o p u la t io n s f o r t h e s e a r e a s W e r e e s t i m a t e d f r o m U . S . C e n s u s t r a c t d a ta in U . S . B ureau o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : 1950 . V o l . I l l , C e n s u s T r a c t S t a t i s t i c s , C h a p t e r 6 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D. C . , T932', 'T a b le 1, p p . 7 - 3 3 , a n d U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s , A d v a n c e T a b l e s P H - 1 . P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : 196W, t a b l e s f o r c e n s u s t r a c t s w i t h in th e C i t y o f B o s t o n , f u r n i s h e d b y th e R e s e a r c h D iv is io n , U n i te d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n . T A B L E 5 T E N U R E B Y C O L O R , M A S S A C H U S E T T S , 1950 A N D I9 6 0 , O C C U P IE D H OUSING U N IT S 1 N u m b e r N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n C i t y o f B o s t o n T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e % o f T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te 1950 O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 54 , 266 52, 686 1, 580 2 . 9 ,25. 4 1 3 .9 R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 1 6 3 ,8 3 7 1 5 4 ,0 8 0 9, 757 6 . 0 7 4 . 6 8 b . 1 T o t a l 218 , 103 2 0 6 , 7 6 6 11, 337 5. 3 100 . 0 100 . 0 1960 O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 61 , 165 5 7 , 7 6 8 3, 397 5. 6 28 . 5 15. 7 R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 163 , 267 1 4 5 ,0 4 8 18, 219 1 1 . 2 7 1 . 5 8 4 . 3 T o t a l , 224 , 43 2 2 02 , 8 1 6 21, 616 9 . 6 100 . 0 100 . 0 B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a 1950 O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 2 8 7 ,8 6 1 2 8 5 , 0 2 2 2, 839 1. 0 4 5 . 1 19. b R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 3 5 8 , 295 3 4 6 , 632 11, 663 3 . 2 5 4 . 9 8 0 . 4 T o t a l 6 4 6 , 1 5 6 6 3 1 , 6 5 4 1 4 ,5 0 2 2. 2 100. 0 100 . 0 1960 O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 4 0 2 , 618 3 9 7 , 1 5 3 5, 465 1 . 4 5 3 . 4 20 . 7 R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 3 6 7 , 5 9 7 3 4 6 , 6 7 6 20, 921 5. 7 4 6 . 6 7 9 . 3 T o t a l 7 7 0 , 2 1 5 7 4 3 , 8 2 9 26, 386 3 . 4 1 00 . 0 100 . 0 M a s s a c h u s etts 1950 O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 6 2 4 , 838 6 1 9 , 7 7 5 5, 063 0. 8 4 8 . 2 25 . 4 R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 6 8 0 , 3 5 6 6 6 5 , 5 1 0 14, 846 2. 2 5 1 . 8 74. 6 T o t a l 1, 3 0 5 , 194 1, 285 , 285 1 9 ,9 0 9 1. 5 100 . 0 1 00 . 0 1960 O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 8 5 7 , 3 7 8 8 4 8 , 526 8, 8 5 2 1. 0 56 . 6 24 . 7 R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 6 7 7 , 3 5 4 6 5 0 , 3 8 8 26, 9 9 6 1 .8 4 3 . 4 75 . 3 T o t a l 1, 5 3 4 , 7 3 2 1, 4 9 8 , 9 4 6 3 5 , 818 100 . 0 100 . 0 l n H o u s in g U n i t s " in I 9 6 0 , " D w e l l i n g U n i t s " in 195 0 . T h e I 9 6 0 d e f i n i t i o n in c l u d e s s o m e r o o m s w i t h o u t s e p a r a t e c o o k i n g f a c i l i t i e s , w h i c h w e r e n o t c o u n t e d as " d w e l l i n g u n i t s " in 1 9 5 0 . ( S e e " D e f i n i t i o n s and e x p l a n a t i o n s , " p p . 1 - 2 , A d v a n c e R e p o r t H C ( A l ) 22 c i t e d b e l o w . ) ^ A s d e f i n e d in 195 0 . S e e T a b l e 1. T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d in g . S o u r c e s : U. S. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : 195 0 . V o l .__I, G e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , P a r t 3 : Id a h o - M a s s a c h u s e t t s . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 19 5 3 , " t a b le 17, p p . 1 4 - 1 6 . U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 , H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . A d v a n c e R e p o r t H C ( A 1) - 22 , U . S. G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , M a r c h T 9 5 T T a b l e 1, p . 5, 7; T a b l e 2, p . 14. — T A B L E 6 C O N D I T I O N O F O C C U P I E D H O U S IN G U N IT S B Y T E N U R E A N D C O L O R O F H O U S E H O L D H E A D C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I9 6 0 N u m b e r o f U n its N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n C O N D I T I O N T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te % o f T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e O w n e r - o c c u p i e d U n its S o u n d w i th a l l p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s 52 , 957 50 , 976 1 ,9 9 0 3 . 8 8 8 . 2 5 8 . 6 L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 1, 289 1, 196 93 7. 2 2. 1 2 . 7 T o t a l 54 , 246 52, 162 2, 083 3 . 8 9 0 . 3 6 1 , 3 D e t e r i o r a t i n g w i t h a l l p lu m b i n g 5, 4 7 5 4 , 433 1, 042 19. 0 7 . 7 3 0 . 7 L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 640 535 105 1 6 . 4 0 . 9 3 . 1 T o t a l 6, 115 4, 968 1, 147 1 8 .8 8 . 6 3 3 . 8 D i la p id a t e d 8 0 4 637 167 20 . 8 1. 1 4 . 9 T o t a l , O w n e r - o c c u p i e d 61 , 165 5 7 , 7 6 8 3, 397 5. 6 1 00 . 0 1 00 . 0 R e n t e r w o c e u p i e d U n its S o u n d w i t h a l l p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s 1 1 2 ,9 8 1 1 0 5 ,1 0 8 7 , 8 7 3 7 . 0 7 2 . 5 4 3 . 2 L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 14, 3 8 7 13, 267 1, 120 7 . 8 9 . 1 6. 1 T o t a l 1 2 7 ,3 8 6 118 , 393 8 , 9 9 3 7. 0 8 1 . 6 49 , 3 D e t e r i o r a t i n g w i t h a l l p lu m b i n g 2 0 , 2 2 7 15, 046 5, 181 2 5 . 6 10. 4 2 8 . 4 L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 9, 621 7, 4 9 2 2, 129 22 . 1 5 . 1 1 1 . 7 T o t a l 2 9 , 8 4 8 2 2 5 , 5 3 8 7, 3 1 0 2 4 . 5 15. 5 4 0 . 1 D i la p id a t e d 6, 051 4, 13 5 1 ,9 1 6 3 1 . 7 2 . 8 10 . 5 T o t a l , R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d T o t a l O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its 163 , 267 2 2 4 , 43 2 1 4 5 ,0 4 8 2 0 2 , 8 1 6 1 8 ,2 1 9 21, 6 1 6 11. 2 9 . 6 1 0 0 ..0 . 100 . 0 T e n u r e O w n e r - o c c u p i e d U n its 61 , 165 5 7 , 7 6 8 3, 3 9 7 5 . 6 28 . 5 15. 7 R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d U n its 1 6 3 ,2 6 7 1 4 5 ,0 4 8 1 8 ,2 1 9 11. 2 7 1 . 5 8 4 . 3 T o t a l O c c u p i e d U n its T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e to 2 2 4 , 43 2 r o u n d i n g . 2 0 2 , 8 1 6 2 1 , 6 1 6 9 . 6 100 . 0 100 . 0 S o u r c e : U . S . B u reau of the C e n su s . U . S . C en su s of H ou sin g : I9 6 0 . H ousing C h a r a c te r is t ic s , M a s s a c h u s e tts , A dvan ce R ep ort HC (A 1) - 2 2 , U . S . G o vern m en t P rin tin g O ffic e , W ash in gton , D . C . , M a rc h 1961 . ' T a b le 1, p . 5, 7.' T a b le 2, p . 14. T A B L E 7 S U B S T A N D A R D U N I T S ,1 A L L H O U S E H O L D S A N D P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S , * 2 B Y C O L O R O F H O U S E H O L D H E A D A N D C O N D I T I O N O F H O U S IN G , C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I9 6 0 S u b s t a n d a r d O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its S o u n d , N o h o t w a t e r N o p r i v a t e b a th N o p r i v a t e t o i l e t L a c k i n g p i p e d w a t e r T o t a l D e t e r i o r a t i n g , N o h o t w a t e r N o p r i v a t e b a th N o p r i v a t e t o i l e t L a c k i n g p i p e d w a t e r T o t a l D i la p id a t e d T o t a l S u b s t a n d a r d P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s in S u b s t a n d a r d R e n t a l U n its A H O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its S u b s t a n d a r d , P e r c e n t o f A l l O c c u p i e d U n its P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s in S u b s t a n d a r d R e n t a l U n its P e r c e n t o f a l l O c c u p i e d U n its P e r c e n t o f S u b s t a n d a r d O c c u p i e d U n its N u m b e r o f H o u s e h o l d s ____ N o n w h i t e T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t o f T o t a l 1, 840 1, 504 3 3 6 4, 161 4 , 062 99 9 , 697 8, 917 780 15 15 - 1 5 ,6 7 6 1 4 ,4 6 3 1, 213 7 . 7 1, 4 1 6 837 579 •2, 836 2, 703 133 6, 417 4 , 9 0 0 1, 517 11 7 4 21 . 81 0 ,2 6 1 8, 027 2, 234 6, 855 4 , 772 2, 083 3 0 . 4 3 2 , 7 9 2 2 7 , 2 6 2 5, 530 16. 9 1 1 , 5 6 4 9, 345 2, 219 19. 2 2 2 4 , 43 2 2 0 2 , 816 21 , 616 9 . 6 P e r c e n t s 14 . 6 1 3 . 4 25 . 6 5. 2 4 . 6 1 0 .3 3 5 . 3 3 4 . 3 4 0 . 1 ■'■Substandard U n i t s : Defined b y th e P u b l i c H o u s in g A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , a s e i t h e r d i l a p id a t e d o r l a c k i n g - o n e o r m o r e o f th e f o l l o w i n g p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s : h o t an d c o l d p i p e d w a t e r i n s i d e th e s t r u c t u r e , f l u s h t o i l e t i n s i d e th e s t r u c t u r e f o r e x c l u s i v e u s e o f th e h o u s e h o l d , an d b a th tu b o r s h o w e r i n s i d e th e s t r u c t u r e f o r e x c l u s i v e u s e o f th e h o u s e h o l d , 2 P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s : H o u s e h o l d h e a d a n d r e l a t e d p e r s o n s in h o u s e h o l d : s i n g l e p e r s o n h o u s e h o l d s ( p r i m a r y in d i v i d u a l s ) a r e e x c l u d e d . S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s , U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 , H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . A d v a n c e R e p o r t s H C ( A 1) - 22 , U. S. G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , M a r c h 1 9 6 l . T a b l e 1, p . 7 a n d T a b l e 2, p . T4. U. S. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . H C (S 1) - 67 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1961 . T a b l e A , p . 1, T a b l e 1, pp.' 8 , 9 , a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 . T A B L E 8 M O N T H L Y R E N T S , P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN S U B S T A N D A R D R E N T A L U N I T S 1 B Y C O L O R O F H E A D , I 9 6 0 A N D 195 4 , A N D A L L R E N T E R - O C C U P I E D U N IT S , I 9 6 0 , C I T Y O F B O S T O N I 9 6 0 , F a m i l i e s 1954 , F am ilies T o t a l W h i t e N o n w h i t e T o t a l White- N u m b e r o f F a m i l i e s P a y i n g c a s h r e n t 11, 387 9 , 199 2, 188 R e p o r t i n g r e n t , P e r c e n t 8 4 . 1 8 6 . 6 7 3 . 5 E s t i m a t e d n u m b e r 9, 600 8, 000 1, 600 2M o n t h ly G r o s s R e n t , P e r c e n t s L e s s th a n $3 0 1. 5 1 .7 1. 2 4 . 1 4 .7 L e s s th a n $ 4 0 7. 7 8 . 4 4 . 7 2 9 . 9 2 9 . 0 L e s s th a n $50 26 . 1 28 . 1 16. 3 7 2 . 4 72 ,1 L e s s th a n $60 52 . 7 55 . 7 3 8 . 1 8 9 . 4 8 9 ,0 O v e r $ 6 0 T o t a l 4 7 . 2 4 4 . 3 6 1 . 7 10. 5 11 , 0 $ 6 0 - $69 20. 0 19. 4 2 3 . 2 $ 7 0 - $79 15. 6 14. 3 2 1 . 8 $ 8 0 - $99 9 . 5 8 . 7 14 . 0 $ 1 0 0 o r m o r e 2 . 1 1 .9 2. 7 T o t a l 100 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100., 0 M e d i a n g r o s s m o n t h l y r e n t $59 $57 $65 $ 4 4 $44 M e d i a n c o n t r a c t m o n t h l y r e n t $37 $35 $ 4 4 $25 $25 M e d i a n c o n t r a c t m o n t h l y r e n t A l l r e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i t s , C i t y o f B o s t o n $63 * 3 * F o r d e f i n i t i o n s o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d R e n t a l U n i t s , s e e T a b l e 7. ^ I n c lu d e s a v e r a g e m o n t h l y c o s t o f f u e l a n d u t i l i t i e s , i f n o t i n c l u d e d in c o n t r a c t r e n t . 3 A g r e e d - u p o n r e n t , r e g a r d l e s s o f w h e t h e r f u e l , u t i l i t i e s , f u r n i t u r e o r o t h e r c o s t s a r e i n c l u d e d . T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g . S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . F a m i l y I n c o m e a n d R e n t S u r v e y , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , " W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , A p r i l 196^7 T a b l e 3 , p . 10. U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C (S 1) - 67 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . G . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 2, p . 9 , an d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 . U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . , C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g : I 9 6 0 . A d v a n c e R e p o r t s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C ( A 1) - 22, U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 19$ 1. T a b l e 1, p . 7. T A B L E 9 G R O S S A N N U A L R E N T A S P E R C E N T O F A N N U A L F A M I L Y I N C O M E P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN S U B S T A N D A R D R E N T A L U N IT S , 1 C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I9 6 0 P e r c e n t a g e D i s t r i b u t i o n , N u m b e r o f F a m i l i e s b y I n c o m e an d C o l o r A l l I n c o m e s I n c o m e s u n d e r $ 2 0 0 0 I n c o m e s $ 2 0 0 0 - 2 9 9 9 W h ite Nop. w h i t e W h i t e N o n w h i t e W h ite N o n w h i t e R e n t - I n c o m e R a t i o L e s s th a n 17. 5% 5 8 . 0 3 7 . 0 6. 6 4 . 1 7. 2 5. 0 17. 5 t o 22 . 4% 12. 5 17. 3 1. 6 4 . 9 20 . 6 1 1 .7 2 2 . 5 to 3 2. 4% 1 3 .5 1 8 .3 7. 4 4 . 9 4 7 . 4 3 3 . 3 3 2 . 5% o r m o r e 16. 1 27 . 4 8 4 . 3 8 6 . 1 24 . 7 50 . 0 A l l f a m i l i e s 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 1 00 . 0 100 . 0 I n c o m e s $ 3 0 0 0 - 3 9 9 9 I n c o m e s $ 4 0 0 0 - 5999 I n c o m e s $ 6 0 0 0 a n d Ove3 W h ite N o n w h i te W h ite N o n w h i t e W h ite N o n w h i t e R e n t - I n c o m e R a t i o L e s s th a n 17. 5% 2 9 .8 18. 7 7 8 . 8 6 1 . 9 9 7 . 9 9 7 . 0 17. 5 t o 22 . 4% 3 2 . 4 3 2 . 5 1 5 .9 28 . 8 2. 0 3 . 0 22 . 5 to 3 2. 4% 3 5 . 9 4 3 . 9 5. 3 9 . 3 - - 3 2. 5% o r m o r e 1 .8 4 . 9 - - - - A l l f a m i l i e s 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 1F o r d e f i n i t i o n o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d U n i t s , s e e T a b l e 7. T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g . S o u r c e : u - s - B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U. S. C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C (S 1) - 6 T ~, U. S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1961 . T a b l e 4, p . 10, a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 . T A B L E 10 N U M B E R O F P E R S O N S P E R H O U S E H O L D , P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN S U B S T A N D A R D R E N T A L U N IT S , 1 C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I 9 6 0 , B Y C O L O R N u m b e r o f H o u s e h o l d s P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e 2 p e r s o n s 4, 658 3 , 768 890 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 1 3 p e r s o n s 2, 428 2, 0 0 2 4 2 6 21 . 0 2 1 . 4 19. 2 4 p e r s o n s 1, 919 1, 628 291 16. 6 17. 4 13. 1 5 p e r s o n s 1, 162 933 2 2 9 10. 0 10 . 0 10. 3 6 p e r s o n s 655 509 146 5 . 7 5 . 4 6 . 6 7 p e r s o n s 3 6 5 275 90 3 . 2 2 . 9 4 . 0 8 o r m o r e p e r s o n s 377 23 0 147 3 . 3 2. 5 6. 6 T o t a l N u m b e r 11, 564 9, 345 2, 219 1 00 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 G r o u p e d C l a s s e s 2 p e r s o n s 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 1 3 an d 4 p e r s o n s 3 7 . 6 3 8 . 8 3 2 . 3 5 o r m o r e p e r s o n s 22 . 2 2 0 . 8 27 . 5 T o t a l 1 00 . 0 1 00 . 0 1 00 . 0 F o r d e f i n i t i o n s o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d U n i t s , s e e T a b l e 7. T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g . . ^ °-v-5 C e : . “ . o . b u r e a u or m e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c ia l A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C ( S l ) - 6 7 , US. C o v e r n m e r O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 , T a b l e 1, p . 9" ------ R e p o r t s f o r P r i n t i n g TABLE F A M IL Y IN C O M E 1 B Y C O L O R A N D S IZ E O F F A M I L Y , 1959 A N D 1953 P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN S U B S T A N D A R D R E N T A L U N IT S , 2 C I T Y O F B O S T O N A N D U . S . C O M P A R I S O N S 1 1 S i z e o i F a m i l y a n d C o l o r b y I n c o m e A l l F a m i l i e s 2 P e r s o n s 3 o r 4 P e r s o n s 5 p i - M o r e P e r s o n s T o t a l W h i t e N o n w h i t e W h i t e i^ o n w h ite W h i t e H o n w h i f e WJtS&ea? N onw hifre A n n u a l F a m i l y I n c o m e P e r c e n t o f F a m i l i e s B o s t o n , 1959 L e s s th a n $ 1 5 0 0 L2. 1 11. 4 15. 9 21 . 2 18. 0 5. 7 1 9 . 2 3 . 8 n . 0 L e s s th a n $3 000 3 1 . 0 2 9 . 4 4 0 . 0 4 8 . 5 4 8 . 2 1 9 . 4 3 8 . 0 1 1 . 4 3 3 . 8 L e s s th a n $ 4 5 0 0 5 3 . 5 5 0 . 7 6 9 . 1 7 0 . 8 7 5 . 5 3 6 . 6 6 2 . 6 3 8 . 2 6 8 . 6 L e s s th a n $ 6 0 0 0 7 2 . 4 6 9 .9 8 5 . 1 8 3 . 7 9 0 . 2 6 2 . 2 8 1 . 9 58 . 5 8 3 . 1 $ 6 0 0 0 an d O v e r 27 . 5 3 0 . 0 14. 8 16. 1 9 . 7 3 7 . 8 17. 9 4 1 . 5 16. 9 T o t a l 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 B o s t o n , 1953^ $3 200 $ 3 3 0 0 M e d i N . A . a n F a m $ 2 9 0 0 i l y I n c N . A . 0 m e , $ 3 3 0 0 D o l l a r N . A . s $ 3 5 0 0 B o s t o n , 1 9 5 9 ^ $ 4 2 7 0 $ 4 4 5 0 $ 3 4 1 0 - - $ 5 1 5 0 $ 3 7 5 0 - U n i t e d S t a t e s , U r b a n ~ $ 5 7 5 5 $ 5 9 4 4 $ 3 5 1 9 U n i te d S t a t e s , N o r t h - E a s t R e g i o n , U r b a n 1959 $ 5 9 5 5 N . A . N . A . ■'■Income in a l l c a s e s r e f e r s t o t o t a l m o n e y f a m i l y i n c o m e f o r th e y e a r . I n c o m e o f u n r e l a t e d in d i v i d u a l s n o t in c l u d e d . ^ F o r d e f i n i t i o n s o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d U n i t s , s e e T a b l e 7 . D a t a o n i n c o m e f o r th e p r e c e d i n g c a l e n d a r y e a r w a s c o l l e c t e d f r o m th e s a m e p r i m a r y f a m i l i e s i n c l u d e d in th e p r e c e d i n g T a b l e s 8 - 10. 3 M e d i a n i n c o m e f o r a l l f a m i l i e s ; 2 p e r s o n s , $ 3 0 0 0 ; 3 o r 4 p e r s o n s , $ 3 3 0 0 ; 5 o r m o r e p e r s o n s , $ 3 4 0 0 . ^ P r i m a r y f a m i l i e s in s u b s t a n d a r d r e n t a l u n i t s . T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d in g . S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . F a m i l y I n c o m e a n d R e n t S u r v e y , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , A p r i l 1 9 5 4 . T a b l e 2, p p . 8 - 9 . U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H($ (S l ) - 6 7 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 196 1 . T a b l e 3 , p . Toj a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 . 1959 I n c o m e , U . S . U r b a n an d N o r t h e a s t e r n R e g i o n , U . S . D e p t , o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . C u r r e n t P o p u l a t i o n R e p o r t s , C o n s u m e r I n c o m e , S e r i e s P - 6 0 , N o , 3 5 , J a n u a r y 5 , 1 9 6 1 , T a b l e 16, p a g e 3 3 . T A B L E 12 C R O W D I N G B Y C O L O R O F O C C U P A N T S A N D H O U S IN G CONDITION B O S T O N A R E A , I 9 6 0 C i t y o f B o s t o n S u b s t a n d a r d 1 H o u s in g U n i t s , I 9 6 0 T o t a l W h ite Nonwhite T o t a l o c c u p i e d u n i ts P e r s o n s p e r r o o m 3 2 , 792 2 7 , 2 6 2 5,530 1 .0 1 an d o v e r , p e r c e n t 9 . 6 8 . 8 13.6 1. 01 t o 1. 50 5. 5 5 . 2 7 .0 1 . 5 0 o r m o r e C i t y o f B o s t o n A l l O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its 1. 01 P e r s o n s p e r r o o m o r m o r e , p e r c e n t 2 A v e r a g e N o . o f P e r s o n s P e r H o u s e h o ld , A l l O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its 4 . 1 3 . 6 6.6 7 . 7 N . A . N. A. C i t y o f B o s t o n 2. 93 2. 9 1 3.06 B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a 3 . 23 3 . 23 3.15 1 A s d e f i n e d b y th e P u b l i c H o u s i n g A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . ( S e e T a b le 7). ^ C o m p u t e d b y th e R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v ic e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , f r o m c e n s u s t r a c t r e p o r t s f o r th e C i t y o f B o s t o n , U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . A d v a n c e T a b l e s P H - 1 . P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : I 9 6 0 . S e e N e i g h b o r h o o d s of B o s t o n k a n k e d f o r S e l e c t e d F a c t o r s c i t e d b e l o w . S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , A d v a n c e R e p o r t s H C ~ (A 1 ) ~ 2 2 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , M a r c h 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 1, p . 5, p . 7 . U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . H C ( S i ) - 6 7 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 1, p . 8 a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 -5 . U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f P op u la tion : I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . ~ F in a l R e p o r t P C ( 1 ) - 2 3 B . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W ash in gton , D 7 U . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 2 1 , p . 2 3 - 7 8 , p . 2 3 - 8 0 . R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n R a n k e d f o r S e l e c t e d F a c t o r s , A p r i l 1 9 6 1 . ' " T A B L E 13 B O S T O N U R B A N R E N E W A L A R E A S W I T H L A R G E N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N : C O N D I T I O N O F H O U S IN G A N D O T H E R C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S B Y N E I G H B O R H O O D S , 1950 A N D I 9 6 0 (1 ) (2 ) (3 ) (4 ) (5 ) (6 ) (7 ) (8 ) (9 ) (1 0 ) I 9 6 0 P o p u l a t i o n S u b s t a n d a r d H o u s in g U n its O w n e r - o c c u p i e d C r o w d i n g ; H o u s e h o l d s M e d i a n M e d i a n P e r c e n t 1960,3 P e r c e n t o f T o t a l 195 0 4 U n i t s , P e r c e n t o f w i t h 1 .0 1 or . m o r e P e r s o n a S c h o o l I n c o m e ® R e n e w a l A re a s '* ' a n d N o n w h i t e A l l O c c u - N o n w h i t e O c c u - - A l l O c c u - a l l O c c u p i e d U n its p e r R o o m , % o f a l l Y e a r s C o m p l e t e d 5 1949 N e i g h b o r h o o d s ^ T o t a l o f T o t a l p i e d U n its p i e d U n its p i e d U n its I 9 6 0 O c c u p i e d U n i t s , I 9 6 0 1950 ( D o l l a r s ) R o x b u r y - N o r t h D o r c h e s t e r G N R P D u d l e y S t . E a s t ^ 10, 519 2 3 . 8 53 . 1 54 . 3 2 1 . 7 14. 4 14. 0 13. 7 9 . 2 t 2 ; 4 1 4 D u d l e y S t . S o u th 1 2 , 0 0 0 4 7 . 9 6 4 . 5 6 8 . 2 21 . 2 19. 3 1 9 . 0 12. 1 9 . 8 2 , 4 5 9 E g l e s t o n S q u a r e 3 , 821 17. 9 2 8 . 8 2 3 .3 9 . 4 1 3 . 5 1 2 . 0 8 . 4 10. 8 2, 615 G r o v e H a l l W e s t 1 7 , 8 9 8 7 5 . 0 26 . 1 3 0 . 3 4 . 6 16 . 2 1 9 . 0 7 . 3 1 1 . 6 3 , 0 6 6 L o w e r R o x b u r y 8 , 489 8 2 . 6 6 8 . 4 6 2 . 4 4 2 . 0 8 . 7 7 . 0 11. 7 9 . 0 1, 718 W a r r e n S t r e e t 9 , 3 3 0 7 0 . 5 55 . 6 53 . 0 1 5 . 4 20 . 7 2 0 . 0 11. 0 10. 5 2, 600 G r o v e H a l l E a s t ^ 18, 463 4 2 , 7 5 1 . 1 56 . 0 9 . 6 18. 9 15. 0 18. 9 10. 2 2, 8 0 2 T o t a l 8 0 , 520 5 4 . 4 S o u th E n d G N R P C a s t l e S q u a r e - N . Y . S t r e e t s 2 , 263 2 3 . 7 9 0 . 6 8 2 . 6 4 4 . 6 4 . 5 5 . 0 10. 9 8 . 5 $ 1 , 669 C o l u m b u s - M a s s . A v e . 8 , 703 7 8 . 2 8 0 . 5 8 1 . 3 5 8 . 1 8 . 5 1 0 . 0 8. 1 9 . 1 a N o r t h T r e m o n t 7 , 077 1 3 . 8 8 4 . 1 9 2 . 6 5 6 . 2 8 . 6 16. 0 6. 3 9 . 6 a S o u th B a y 6, 3 4 2 20 . 4 5 9 . 1 2 4 . 0 3 9 . 2 6. 1 9 . 0 10. 4 9 . 5 a S o u th T r e m o n t 6, 869 14. 7 8 2 . 9 7 4 . 7 52 . 5 7. 8 11. 0 7. 7 8 . 4 a T o t a l 3 1 , 254 3 4 . 0 C i t y o f B o s t o n 6 9 7 , 197 9 . 8 26 . 1 54 . 4 1 5 . 4 2 7 . 2 2 4 . 9 7. 7 1 1 . 0 $ 2 , 643 M a s s a c h u s e t t s 5, 1 4 8 , 5 7 8 2. 4 55 . 9 4 7 . 9 10. 9 2, 909 ^ B o u n d a r i e s o f G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n a r e a s a r e d e s c r i b e d b y th e B o s t o n R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y in T h e 9 0 M i l l i o n D o l l a r D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m f o r B o s t o n , r e p r i n t e d f r o m th e C i t y R e c o r d i s s u e o f S e p t e m b e r 24 , I 9 6 0 . ^ N e i g h b o r h o o d s d e s i g n a t e d b y th e U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , in N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n c i t e d b e l o w . A l l " n e i g h b o r h o o d s " c o n s i s t o f o n e o r m o r e U . S . C e n s u s t r a c t s . T h e n e i g h b o r h o o d s w e r e s e l e c t e d to c o r r e s p o n d a s c l o s e l y a s p o s s i b l e w i t h th e t w o G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n a r e a s . A p a r t o f " L o w e r R o x b u r y " ( a b o u t 40 p e r c e n t o f t o t a l I 9 6 0 p o p u l a t i o n ) i s i n th e S o u th E n d G N R P . -’ S u b s t a n d a r d d e f i n e d a s d e t e r i o r a t i n g o r d i l a p id a t e d , o r s o u n d b u t l a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p l u m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s . ^ " D w e l l i n g U n i t s " in 1 9 5 0 . N o t d i r e c t l y c o m p a r a b l e w i t h I 9 6 0 U . S . C e n s u s d e f i n i t i o n o f " H o u s i n g U n i t " o r c o n d i t i o n . ^ P e r s o n s 25 y e a r s o f a g e o r o v e r . ^ A n n u a l m o n e y i n c o m e o f f a m i l i e s a n d s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l s . N o t c o m p a r a b l e w i t h d a ta in T a b l e 11. ^ O n e c e n s u s t r a c t w a s t r a n s f e r r e d b y U C S f r o m D u d le y S t r e e t E a s t t o G r o v e H a l l E a s t in I 9 6 0 . T h i s c h a n g e m a y a f f e c t c o m p a r i s o n s w i t h e a r l i e r y e a r s f o r b o t h n e i g h b o r h o o d s . a L e s s th a n $ 1 5 0 0 . S o u r c e s : R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n R a n k e d f o r S e l e c t e d F a c t o r s , E i f t h E d i t i o n , J u n e 1958 an d S ix t h E d i t i o n , A p r i l 196 1 . C o m p u t a t i o n s b y th e U n ite d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s , b a s e d o n U . S . B u r e a u o f t h e C e n s u s , P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e p o r t e d f o r c e n s u s t r a c t s f o r th e C i t y o f B o s t o n , 1950 an d I 9 6 0 . U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . G e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u la t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . F i n a l R e p o r t P C ( 1 ) - 23 B , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 19 6 1 . T a b l e 13, p . 2 3 - 2 7 . T h e B o s t o n R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y , J o h n F . C o l l i n s , M a y o r an d E d w a r d J . L o g u e , D e v e l o p m e n t A d m i n i s t r a t o r , T h e 9 0 M i l l i o n D o l l a r D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m f o r B o s t o n r e p r i n t e d f r o m th e C i t y R e c o r d , i s s u e o f S e p t e m b e r 24 , I 9 6 0 , ( u n p a g e d ) . T A B L E 14 B O S T O N U R B A N R E N E W A L A R E A S W I T H L A R G E N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N : D I S E A S E A N D M O R T A L I T Y I N D I C E S A N D O T H E R C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S , B Y N E I G H B O R H O O D S , 1 9 5 0 - 1 9 6 0 ( 1) ( 2 ) I 9 6 0 P o p u l a t i o n R e n e w a l A r e a s * a n d N e i g h b o r h o o d s 1 R o x b u r y - N o r t h D o r c h e s t e r G N R P T o t a l P e r c e n t N o n w h i t e o f T o t a l D u d l e y S t . E a s t * 4 1 0 ,5 1 9 23. 8 D u d le y S t. S o u th 1 2 , 0 0 0 4 7 . 9 E g l e s t o n S q u a r e 3 , 8 2 1 1 7 .9 G r o v e H a l l W e s t 1 7 ,8 9 8 7 5 . 0 L o w e r R o x b u r y 8 , 489 8 2 . 6 W a r r e n S t r e e t 9 , 3 3 0 7 0 . 5 G r o v e H a l l E a s t 4 1 8 ,4 6 3 4 2 . 7 T o t a l S o u th E n d G N R P 8 0 , 520 54 . 4 C a s t l e S q u a r e - N . Y . S t r e e t s 2, 263 23 . 7 C o l u m b u s - M a s s . A v e n u e 8, 703 7 8 . 2 N o r t h T r e m o n t 7, 077 13. 8 S o u th B a y 6, 3 4 2 20 . 4 S o u th T r e m o n t 6, 869 14. 7 T o ta l 3 1 , 2 5 4 3 4 . 0 C i t y o f B o s t o n 6 9 7 , 197 9 . 8 M a s s a c h u s e t t s 5, 1 4 8 ,5 7 8 2. 4 (3 ) (4 ) (5 ) (6 ) (7 ) P o p u la t : ion A g e 65 a n d O v e r P u l m o n a r y T B D e a t h 1960 1950 R a te s ^ P e r c e n t P e r c e n t A n n u a l A v e r a g e N o . o f T o t a l o f T o t a l 1 9 5 5 - 5 9 1 9 4 7 - 5 1 ' 1, 533 14. 6 7. 9 3 4 . 2 7 4 . 7 1, 258 10. 5 8. 9 26 . 6 50 . 3 552 14. 4 9 . 6 10. 5 5 9 . 8 2, 0 7 4 1 1 .6 9 . 2 2 1 . 2 50 . 3 1, 194 14. 0 8. 6 5 6 . 5 75 . 4 9 4 0 10. 1 9 . 8 12. 8 6 1 . 7 1, 537 8 . 3 8 . 0 14. 1 3 1 . 6 9 , 088 1 1 .3 333 14. 7 10. 0 9 7 . 2 1 50 . 4 1, 173 13. 5 12. 2 7 8 . 1 176 . 3 1, 625 22 . 9 18. 5 9 8 . 9 145 . 2 9 0 2 14. 2 10. 0 4 4 . 1 128 . 8 1, 146 16. 7 16. 0 160 . 1 3 0 2 . 3 5, 179 16. 6 8 5 , 5 8 5 1 2 .3 9 . 7 18. 2 4 7 . 2 2 3 . 8 (8 ) (9 ) (1 0 ) (1 1 ) P u l m o n a r y T B N e w C a s e In fa n t . R a t e s ̂ M o r t a l i t y R a t e s A n n u a l A v e r a g e A n n u a l A v e r a g e 193"B- 5 9 .............. " ' 1947 '-5 1 1 9 5 5 - 5 9 1 9 4 7 L 5 T 1 46 . 4 1 34 . 4 3 3 . 9 3 7 . 5 1 00 . 0 113 . 5 3 6 . 5 37 . 4 8 8 . 9 162 . 4 24 . 4 3 7 . 8 9 2 . 7 9 1 . 0 27 . 8 3 0 . 1 2 0 9 . 6 177 . 4 3 6 . 9 4 7 . 7 1 4 1 . 4 1 16 . 6 3 0 . 5 28 . 6 7 5 . 8 6 5 . 5 3 6 . 2 2 5 . 7 3 8 0 . 0 2 4 3 . 0 4 9 . 8 4 7 . 8 3 5 1 . 6 3 4 4 . 2 4 8 . 9 52 . 8 3 2 7 . 8 2 5 5 . 6 60 . 2 4 2 . 5 1 79 . 7 195 . 6 3 9 . 7 4 9 . 9 5 9 6 . 8 5 6 3 . 7 3.8. 7 3 5 . 6 7 9 . 5 102 . 3 2 6 . 7 2 9 . 9 52 . 1 25 . 0 * S e e T a b l e 13. 2A v e r a g e a n n u a l d e a t h s a n d n e w c a s e s p e r 100, 000 p o p u l a t i o n : p o p u l a t i o n b a s e U . S . C e n s u s I 9 6 0 . ̂A v e r a g e a n n u a l d e a t h s u n d e r o n e y e a r p e r 1, 000 l i v e b i r t h s . 4 O n e c e n s u s t r a c t m o v e d in I9 6 0 f r o m D u d le y S t r e e t E a s t t o G r o v e H a l l E a s t . ( S e e T a b l e 13, f o o t n o t e 7 ) , S o u r c e s : S e e T a b l e 13. W it h th e e x c e p t i o n o f d i s e a s e a n d m o r t a l i t y s t a t i s t i c s , a l l d a ta c o m p u t e d f r o m U. S . C e n s u s t r a c t r e p o r t s b y th e R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i te d C o m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n . T A B L E 15 B O S T O N U R B A N R E N E W A L A R E A S W I T H L A R G E N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N : J U V E N I L E D E L I N Q U E N C Y M E A S U R E S A N D O T H E R C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S B Y N E I G H B O R H O O D S , 1950 - I9 6 0 (1 ) (2 ) (3 ) (4 ) (5 ) (6 ) (7 ) (8 ) (9 ) (1 0 ) ( I D P o p u l a t i o n , I9 6 0 N o n w h i t e P o p u l a t i o n , P e r c e n t P o p u l a t i o n A g e d 7 t h r u 16 Y e a r s J u v e n i l e D e l i n q u e n c y M e a s u r e s R e n e w a l A r e a s ' a n d P e r c e n t o f T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 1960 R a t e o f C o u r t C o u r t A p p e a r a n c e s , 1 9 5 7 = 5 7 T o t a l N e g r o P e r c e n t o f T 'o t a l A p p e a r a n c e s ^ T o t a l P e r c e n t N e i g h b o r h o o d s 1 N u m b e r N e g r o o f T o t a l 1940 1950 1960 N u m b e r P o p u l a t i o n 1 9 5 1 -5 5 - N u m b e r o f T o t a l R o x b u r y - N o r t h D o r c h e s t e r G N R P N e i g h b o r h o o d s D u d l e y St. E a s t ' ' 1 0 ,5 1 9 2, 4 0 2 22. 8 4 . 7 8 . 0 23 . 8 2, 028 19. 3 3,7. 4 63 4 7 . 1 D u d le y St. S o u th 1 2 , 0 0 0 5, 674 4 7 . 3 3 . 8 12. 0 4 7 . 9 2, 122 17. 7 25 . 5 3 4 2 3 . 8 E g l e s t o n S q u a r e 3 , 821 646 1 6 ,9 2. 0 4 . 3 17. 9 886 2 3 . 2 15. 4 49 0 . 6 G r o v e H a l l W e s t 1 7 ,8 9 8 1 3 ,2 8 7 7 4 . 2 18. 5 3 0 . 1 7 5 . 0 2, 679 15. 0 14. 2 2 0 4 2. 3 L o w e r R o x b u r y 8 , 489 6, 949 8 1 . 8 61 . 2 7 1 . 8 8 2 . 6 1, 401 16. 5 3 5 . 7 4 7 0 5 . 3 W a r r e n S t r e e t 9, 3 3 0 6, 521 6 9 . 9 10. 3 2 5 . 4 7 0 . 5 1, 642 17. 6 23 . 6 281 3. 2 G r o v e H a l l E a s t ' ' 1 8 ,4 6 3 7, 783 4 2 . 1 0. 3 3 . 2 4 2 . 7 3 , 349 18. 1 14. 4 230 2. 6 T o t a l 8 0 , 520 4 3 , 2 6 2 53. 7 54 . 4 14, 107 17. 5 2, 210 2 4 . 8 S o u th E n d G N R P N e i g h b o r h o o d s C a s t l e S q u a r e - N . Y . S t r e e t s 2, 263 3 63 16. 0 1 1 .9 2 1 . 9 23 . 7 341 15. 1 3 9 . 2 152 1 . 7 C o l u m b u s - M a s s . A v e n u e 8, 703 6, 630 7 6 . 2 4 2 . 0 6 0 . 4 78 . 2 666 7. 6 3 8 . 7 162 2. 0 N o r t h T r e m o n t 7, 077 8 1 6 1 1 .5 1. 0 7. 0 13. 8 3 7 5 5. 3 3 9 . 4 111 1 . 2 S o u th B a y 6, 3 4 2 1, 198 18, 9 3 . 7 3 . 4 20 . 4 880 1 3 .9 6 2 . 1 266 3 . 0 S o u th T r e m o n t 6, 869 793 11. 5 2. 4 7. 0 14. 7 679 9 . 8 3 6 . 5 136 1. 5 T o t a l 3 1 , 254 9 , 800 3 1 . 4 3 4 . 0 2, 941 9 . 4 8 4 7 9 . 4 C i t y o f B o s t o n 6 9 7 , 197 63 , 165 9 . 0 3 . 3 5. 3 9. 8 102 , 7 2 4 14. 7 15. 9 8, 9 0 6 100 . 0 S ta te o f M a s s a c h u s e t t s 5, 1 4 8 ,5 7 8 111, 8 4 2 2. 2 1. 4 1 .7 2. 4 ' S e e T a b l e 13. o A v e r a g e a n n u a l r a t e o f c o u r t a p p e a r a n c e s p e r 1, 0 0 0 p o p u l a t i o n a g e 7 t h r u 16 y e a r s . P o p u l a t i o n b a s e , I 9 6 0 U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n . ' O n e c e n s u s t r a c t m o v e d in I 9 6 0 f r o m D u d le y S t r e e t E a s t t o G r o v e H a l l E a s t . ( S e e T a b l e 13, f o o t n o t e 7 ). S o u r c e s : S e e T a b l e 13. W ith th e e x c e p t i o n o f ju v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n c y m e a s u r e s , a l l d a ta c o m p u t e d f r o m U . S . C e n s u s t r a c t r e p o r t s b y th e R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n . T A B L E 16 V A C A N C I E S B Y C O N D I T I O N A N D R E N T , A N D V A C A N C Y R A T I O S , B O S T O N A R E A I9 6 0 Y e a r - R o u n d V a c a n t U n its * C i t y Of B o s t o n B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a S o u n d o r D e t e r i o r a t i n g W it h a l l p l u m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s F o r s a l e o n ly F o r r e n t 485 5, 778 3 , 690 11, 610 T o t a l 6, 263 15, 3 0 0 L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g F o r s a l e o n ly F o r r e n t .95 2, 930 2 2 4 3 , 867 T o t a l 3, 025 4 , 090 B a l a n c e 1, 580 7 , 107 T o t a l S o u n d o r D e t e r i o r a t i n g 10, 868 26 , 4 9 8 D i l a p i d a t e d , f o r s a l e a n d r e n t 2, 296 3 , 649 T o t a l y e a r - r o u n d v a c a n t u n i ts 13, 164 3 0 , 147 P e r c e n t o f a l l V a c a n c i e s D i la p id a t e d P e r c e n t o f a l l V a c a n c i e s L a c k i n g P l u m b in g 1 7 . 4 23 , 0 12. 1 13. 6 4 0 , 4 - 25 . 7 A l l H o u s in g U n i t s , T o t a l 2 3 8 ,5 4 7 8 1 3 , 8 3 7 2 S ta n d a r d r e n t a l v a c a n c y r a t i o 2 . 4 % 1. 4% A v e r a g e c o n t r a c t r e n t , d o l l a r s , v a c a n t u n its $ 56 N. A . M e d ia n V a l u e , d o l l a r s , v a c a n t u n its f o r s a l e $ 1 3 , 7 0 0 N . A . N o n - s e a s o n a l . 2S o u n d o r d e t e r i o r a t i n g , w i t h p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s , a s p e r c e n t o f a l l h o u s in g u n i t s . S o u r c e : U . S . D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U .S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . A d v a n c e R e p o r t H C ( A 1 ) - 22 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g to n , D . C . , M a r c h 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 1, p . 5, p . 7 . T A B L E 17 P R O P O R T I O N O F D W E L L I N G U N IT S W I T H N O C E N T R A L H E A T I N G A N D U N H E A T E D , B O S T O N A R E A , 1950 W it h C e n t r a l H e a t in g W it h o u t C e n t r a l H e a t in g N o c e n t r a l h e a t in g U n h e a te d T o t a l T o t a l r e p o r t i n g C i t y o f B o s t o n N o . o f P e r c e n t D w e l l in g U n its D i s t r i b u t i o n 1 5 7 ,4 8 5 7 3 . 4 51, 345 2 3 . 9 5, 730 2. 7 57, 075 2 6 . 6 214 , 560 100 . 0 B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a N o . o f D w e l l i n g U n its P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n 5 2 5 , 5 7 0 8 2 . 3 101 , 9 3 5 16. 0 11, 320 1. 7 1 1 3 ,2 5 5 17. 7 6 3 8 , 8 2 5 100 . 0 T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g . S o u r c e : U. S. D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : 19 5 0 , VoT, I I , G e n e r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , P a r t 3: I d a h o - M a s s a c h u s e t t s 7 U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , IL CT, 1 9 5 3 . T a b l e 20 , p . 21 - 2 8 , p] 2 1 - 3 0 . T A B L E 18 A G E O F T H E H O U S IN G S T O C K , B O S T O N A R E A C O M P A R E D W I T H U . S . 1940 A N D 1950 1950 , P e r c e n t o f D w e l l i n g U n its b y Y e a r B u i l t 1 9 4 0 , C i t y o f B o s t o n U . S . B o s t o n P e r c e n t b y -Wo. Ol M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a C i t y Y e a r s B u i l t D w e l l in g U n its e a r s B u i l t 1919 o r e a r l i e r 7 . 8 1 4 ,3 3 8 1859 o r e a r l i e r 12. 0 2 2 , 2 8 7 1860 t o 1879 8 . 5 15, 651 1880 to 1889 15. 0 2 7 , 7 0 9 1890 t o 1899 22 . 1 4 0 , 9 3 4 1900 t o 1909 15. 3 2 8 , 2 9 4 1910 t o 1919 T o t a l 4 5 . 8 6 6 . 6 7 7 . 5 8 0 . 7 - 1 4 9 ,2 1 3 1920 t o 1929 20 . 1 18. 0 13. 5 15. 2 2 8 , 0 5 4 1930 to 1939 1 3 .3 7 . 2 3 . 9 4 . 2 7 , 7 0 0 1940 t o 1950 20 . 8 8 . 2 5. 1 T o t a l D w e l l i n g U n i t s 1 1 00 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 1 8 4 ,9 6 7 ^ N u m b e r r e p o r t i n g y e a r b u i l t . T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g . S o u r c e s : U . S . D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g : 1 9 4 0 —̂ V o l u m e II, G e n e r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , P a r t 3 : I o w a - M o n t a n a . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . U . S . D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g : 195 0 . V o l u m e II, G e n e r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , P a r t 3: I d a h o - M a s s a c h u s e t t s . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1953'. T a b l e 6, p . 2 1 - 5 2 . T A B L E 19 H O U S E H O L D R E L A T I O N S H I P S , I 9 6 0 , C I T Y O F B O S T O N B Y C O L O R T o t a l N o n w h i t e W h i t e N on w h 'ite T o t a l N o n w h i t e W h ite ___________ N o . o f P e r s o n s P e r c e n t o f T o t a l P e r c e n t a g e D i s t r i b u t i o n P o p u l a t i o n in H o u s e h o l d s H e a d o f P r i m a r y F a m i l y 1 6 1 ,7 2 9 14, 389 P r i m a r y I n d iv id u a l 62 , 703 6, 777 W i f e o f H e a d 125, 895 10, 168 C h i ld u n d e r 18 1 8 8 ,1 5 8 23, 429 O t h e r R e l a t i v e 101 , 171 8, 6 4 4 N o n r e l a t i v e 1 7 ,1 9 8 2, 275 T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n in H o u s e h o l d s 6 5 6 , 8 5 4 66, 152 T o t a l N o . o f H o u s e h o l d s 224 , 43 2 21 . 616 A v e r a g e N o . o f P e r s o n s P e r H o u s e h o l d 2. 93 3 . 06 1 4 5 ,8 9 0 8. 9 24 . 6 2 2 . 4 24 . 7 55 , 9 2 6 10. 8 9 . 5 10 . 2 9 . 5 1 1 5 ,7 2 7 8 . 1 19 . 2 15 . 4 19. 6 1 6 4 ,7 2 9 12. 4 2 8 . 6 3 5 . 4 27 . 9 9 3 , 037 8. 5 15. 5 13 . 1 15. 8 1 4 ,9 2 3 13. 2 2. 6 3 . 5 2. 5 5 9 0 , 7 0 2 10. 1 1 0 0 .0 100 . 0 1 00 . 0 2 0 2 , 8 1 6 9 . 6 2 . 9 1 T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g . . S o u r c e : U. S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , F i n a l R e p o r t P C ( T) - 2 3 B , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h i n g t o n D C T 9 6 L T a b l e 21 , p . 2 3 - 8 0 : ------------------------ ------------------------- B December 6 , 1961S o u r c e : T h is t a b l e w as fo r w a r d e d t o Edward. J . M cC orm ack, J r . , A t t o r n e y G e n e r a l , b y L eo F . B e n o i t , C h airm an o f th e S t a t e H o u sin g B oard on D ecem ber 6 , 1 9 6 1 . EX.3 D I V I S I O N O F U R B A N A N D I N D U S T R I A L R EN E W A L U R B A N R E N E W A L T I T L E I P R O J E C T S I N M A S S A C H U S E T T S COMMUNITY ANDOVER BOSTON PROJECT NAME Nclj. PLANNING........2XE0J TICK FEDERAL RESERVATION re- use Central Andover R-02E 5 /6 0 Back Bay RJ-47GN 1 2 /6 0 Charlestown r|-42GN 12/60 Charlestown R-55 | X . Downtown______ R =460N-------- |l2/ 6 CL. Downtown North i 1-45GN Government Cntr.fi.-35E East Boston Rf44*$N Jamaica P lain R-49QN New York S t s . UR- 2 - 1 12/60 • I 9 /6 0 ij 112/60 |j 12/60 ji 4 /5 5 Parker H ill-F en n y. IR-48GN 1 2 /6 0 No. Harvard R-5n2 Ij | 9 /6 1 Roxbury-No. Dora le s fcerR-50GN 1 2 /60 Washington Pk,R.-24 ! 3 /6 0 South Boston k{-51GN 1 1 2 /60 5791038 - j 5581653 - !j( 4934000 - ;l( 4898300 - jl 499^000-=- I 10972000- !'il I |l |i 3690000 - j ji 34100(X) - !| ij 32Qoj)33 DISPLACED R-SP-P 40 -ji 5960 - PTC 2640000 - 290025 - -0- 2640000 4482200__ R -C NO. OF .APPROXIMATE ij SCHEDULE ;| '^FAM ILIES j| GROSS COMPLETION’1 RELOCATED j ACREAGE I; DATES ,1, - r - 25 9 12 /64 |334 2 388 - Ii 368 - 1368 1535 | 22 3 : 12 /6 5 9 /6 1 66 - 3940 - ij. BROCKTON BROOKLINE South End R-43GX j 1 2 /6 0 South End Ri-5611 I X jj i 1 i West End UR 243 Crescent CourtR--31 ! 8 /6 0 Marsh Area P.4.37______ ■ w ; !1 2 /5 7 CAMBRIDGE The Farm U ki5-1 Cambridgeport R fU ;, Donnelly F ield R-14 Houghton R rlO ; Riverview Rr21 1,(4477 600j. I 11(20215200 ij 10886075 jj 932 000 .. U 5 3 3 3 3 . 10 1 ;; ’186 - 12 /63 2 /6 0 1/60 8 /6 0 6 /5 8 1 /5 9 1747706 4006000 1457689 5600000 237351 R-P-SP i R-SP-C R -G -I R-C 13 1 ■ 295 ~ 7 3 1 - 300 - n o - a ] . .731 -. j; 566 3 j| 48 -jj 44 9 j; - ' 1 ;1 1 /6 4 / 1 0 /6 4 ; R-PH 206 - ----------~T1 114 - 183 6 /6 2 R j R R - f R ! 1530 1485i 1973I -ULZ- |262 - 102 9 CHELSEA DEDHAM ■ FALL RIVER FITCHBURG GLOUCESTER HAVERHILL Rogers Block UR7-2 : Area N o .l UR22-1 j ;• East Dedham Sq.$-3?GN 7 /6 1 P earl S t . UR4-2 i !! Central Val l eyw jR -l? 1 2 /5 9 • Water S t . R-i-20' : X W aterfront R4-33E 9 /6 0 C entral RenewalR-AlGN 1 2 /6 0 Pentucket -_Rrl9 4.— 112/56 | 4 /6 0 I 2/58 i 2 1 6 4 9 4 j 50i:277 ! 10237 50 ; 1265243 2 0 9 1 5 3 9 ... I 865 193 j! 2354:625 | - 6- 1928.362 C !I I |Ii I C I -.BcrC.- c-i c ■ R—0 ; 57 - ? 77 - |l30 - || 3 3 k . - : . . . 237 - |i j 65 - | 900 - L •1 ii ! 17 - |! .. - 107 7 o k 1 2 /6 4 9 /6 1 1 57 - i: 51 CLOSED 15 - 152 1 6 /6 2 j 1 3 0 - j; 273 : _ H O ' H - 88- j I ? j 27 6 ii t 33 5 • 1 /6 4 j 1 /6 4 HOLYOKE LAWRENCE Area 1A & IB R40 7 /6 1 Common V a i l . Con4.UR19-l j Central La wrenc eft-3 0GN 1 0 /60 Broadway Essex R461E 1 2 /6 1 The P lain s R -02 || 1 0 /6 1 6 /5 8 2035000 2017111 2194000 2507400 2415000 R-: P-C 46 5 - 260 - 22 5 - R-C j 11 r - p4s p , ii LOWELL Church S t . UR413-1 Northern CanalR-i.624 4 /6 0 LYNN Market S t . R-53S X MALDEN Charles S t . R - ^ i 7 /6 0 _________________ S u T l k ^ S q j F a u y m ^ R y A ^ MEDFORD MELROSE NEWTON NORTH ADAMS PLYMOUTH 8 /5 7 X 1 /6 1 407053 1253956 820500 1045693 543 7711 Union Swan UR0-l|j 6 /5 8 ' 265 199 Melrose C tr . R -08 j| 1 0 /6 0 I || 632792 (Comm.Renewal)R-io-CR XI j ]j 65 000 Center S t . R-| | j | 6 /5 8 'l5 1 0 :9 2 Q Summer & H ig h St j . i|____ . 5060 : j 1156^57 sp-cj R-C-jl-P R-G | 1 I R-C j_____ SP -C-I C | p - s p - c P-R-C ! 70 r 506 1 70 - 82 - .554 - 21 - 29 - ; 91 - 100 - : 70 - : 121 91 - ; 42 8 | 3a a j; ! ' 1. j 26 9 1 j 58 8 j 10 5 ^ I 95 6 14 5 ! 24: 9 204 — I 44 ii j 62 :: i :j ! 297 , 30 1 ' 2 /63 12 /62 9 /6 1 9 /6 3 12/62 6/63 1 2 /6 1 6/63 1 1 /6 1 1 /6 4 REVERE Ocean Ave. URI-ll; i 4 /5 8 ' 232 1839 P j 87 - 87 - ' 126 ; 9 /6 1 SOMERVILLE Linwood-Joy UR-8-1 3 /5 4 10231 64 1 1 '182 - 182 - 1 2 4 9 3 /6 2 SPRINGFIELD North End R -f |i DeBerry SchoolR-j>82 X 0 /6 1 || 8826897 Is 125 200 ;i R -P -C -I R-P-SP U 9 3 - j . |j 1986 i t 1 2 /6 2 -S.TQN2LAM.. Central R-52GN 7 / 61 -561J25.- WINTHROP S h irley S t , R-i0GN 11/6 0 1665 000 j WORCESTER Area D R -I 5 4/ 61 ;[ 1 522 540 P-SP-C | 12 - Expressway R i-lSGN 2 /5 9 ; 1750; 000 1 1 Elm Park R - h 11 X i ! 1 4626000 R -c : ;| 1050 - _ New Salem 3 t . UR5-1 8/54 27A2 907 P-C 21A - (Comm.Renewal)R-63CR X 133334 3 2 :l 12 /63 214 - ; 240 - B 2. 1 2 /6 1 27 60 $ ij.54,714134 37 ,1 9 5 - 3^22 - -RESIDENTIAL P-PUBLIC 3 ,1 0 1 4 . X - IN REGIONAL OFFICE W-1N CENTRAL OFFICE S-SPEC. CONTRACT COND. E -3 (# EXCEPTION R- SP-SEMI-PUBLIC C-COMMERCIAL ^INDUSTRIAL PH-PUBLIC HOUSING 2 - 5 /4 p ro jec t f-lEASfiD D-DISASTER PROJ. U-UNIVERSITY j *SMALL MUNICIPALITY OR REDEVELOPMENT AREA GN-GSNERAL NEIGHBORHOOD RENEWAL PROJECT CR-COMKUNITY RENEWAL PLANNING ji I ; Table o f Contents. Concise statement of facts and prior proceedings Summary of argument Argument I. The Fair Housing Practices Law is part of a tradition pioneered by Massachusetts Legisla tures for almost a century and followed by many states II. Statutes forbidding discrimination based on race, creed, color or national origin have been re peatedly upheld by this and other state courts and by the United States Supreme Court as within the police power and affording due proc ess of law III. The Fair Housing Practices Law represents a constitutional exercise of legislative power A. The objectives of the statute are permissible and well within the police power of the Com monwealth 1. Equal opportunity to secure shelter, with out regard to race, creed, color or national origin 2. The social and economic consequences of housing discrimination B. The means employed by the Massachusetts Fair Housing Law and the restrictions on re spondents are wholly reasonable and in accord with due process 1. Belationship of the means to the statutory objectives 2. The harm suffered by respondents 11 TABLE OF C O N TE N TS 3. Amenability to regulation of property in terests in land and housing 58 IV. The Fair Housing Practices Law establishes reasonable classifications affording equal pro tection 66 V. The respondent Nahigian was a proper party to this proceeding 70 VI. The respondents have waived their right to attack the Commission findings and order 72 VII. The Commission’s findings were warranted and its order reasonable 75 Conclusion 82 Appendix A 83 Constitutional provisions and statutes involved 83 Constitutional provisions 83 United States Constitution, Amendment X IV 83 Massachusetts Constitution, Part the First, Arti cle I 83 Massachusetts Constitution, Part the First, Arti cle X 83 Statutes involved 84 General Laws, chapter 30A, section 14 84 General Laws, chapter 151B 85 Appendix B 94 Statistical study of housing discrimination against Negroes in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts 94 Introduction 94 I. There is an increasing segregation of Negroes in urban Boston 94 II. There is an increasing exclusion of the grow ing Negro population from the suburbs 96 TABLE OP CON TENTS XU III. Within both the City of Boston and the sub- urbs there has been an increased neighborhood segregation of Negroes IV. Negro home ownership has not kept pace with population increase V. Negroes occupy a disproportionate amount of substandard and dilapidated housing VI. Negroes pay disproportionately high rents for the inferior and substandard housing which they occupy VII. Negroes pay a disproportionately high share of their incomes for the inferior hous ing which they occupy VIII. The disproportionately higher rents and rent income ratios paid by Negroes cannot be explained by a difference between the size of Negro and white apartments; the larger Negro families simply result in more crowd ing in occupied units IX. The housing conditions for Negroes in gen eral described above are even worse in the seg regated neighborhoods of high Negro concen tration X. The segregated Negro neighborhoods result in high social and human costs XI. Urban renewal, highway construction and other governmental programs have displaced and will continue to displace many low-income and Negro families XII. Urban renewal, highway construction and other public programs have already worsened the housing conditions of low-income and Negro families 97 98 100 102 104 105 106 109 112 119 IV TABLE OF ATJTHOBITIES CITED XIII. There is a severe shortage of sound low- rental housing in the Boston area; Negroes who will he displaced by public programs are at the greatest disadvantage because of the dual handicaps of low income and discrimina tion 121 Table of Authorities Cited. Cases. Allydonn Realty Corp. v. Holyoke Housing Author ity, 304 Mass. 288 47, 48, 50, 59 Barry v. Civil Service Commission, 323 Mass. 431 76 Berman v. Parker, 348 H.S. 26 59, 60 Billings v. Mann, 156 Mass. 203 72 Block v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135 40, 58, 63 Bob-Lo Excursion Co. v. Michigan, 333 U.S. 28 35 Bolden v. Grand Rapids Operating Corp., 239 Mich. 318 28 Bowker v. Worcester, 334 Mass. 422 48, 59 Bowles v. Willingham, 321 U.S. 503 63 Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 13 Bryant v. Rich’s Grill, 216 Mass. 344 28 Burlington v. Dunn, 318 Mass. 216 62 Case v. Colorado Anti-Discrimination Commission, Civ. No. 39682, June 2, 1961 26 Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 8, 9 Commonwealth v. Alger, 7 Cush. 53 64 Crawford v. Kent, 341 Mass. 125 28 Darius v. Apostolos, 68 Colo. 323, 190 P. 510 28 TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED V Day-Brite Lighting, Inc., v. Missouri, 342 U.S. 421 Delaware & Hudson Co. v. Boston Railroad Holding Co., 323 Mass. 282 37, Despatches’ Cafe Inc. v. Somerville Housing Au thority, 332 Mass. 259 73, Detroit Housing Commission v. Lewis, 226 F. 2d 180 District of Columbia v. John R. Thompson Co., 346 U.S. 100 Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 299 N.Y. 512; cert. den. 339 U.S. 981 Draper v. Clark Dairy, 17 Conn. Supp. 93 Druzik v. Board of Health of Haverhill, 324 Mass. 129 East New York Savings Bank v. Hahn, 326 U.S. 230 Elm Farm Foods Co. v. Cifrino, 328 Mass. 549 Engel v. O ’Malley, 219 U.S. 128 Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 61, Feliciano v. Fishman, pp. 38-95, 55; Lee v. Duffy, CP-4830-57 (reported in “ Reports of Progress,” pp. 60-61, 98-99 (1955, 1958)) Foster v. Shubert Holding Co., 316 Mass. 470 FTC v. Beech-Nut Packing Co., 257 U.S. 441 FTC v. Morton Salt Co., 334 U.S. 37 FTC v. National Lead Co., 352 U.S. 419 FTC v. Ruberoid Co., 343 U.S. 470 Goldman, Petition of, 331 Mass. 647 Gorieb v. Fox, 274 U.S. 603 Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 U.S. 394- Heath & Milligan Manufacturing Co. v. Worst, 207 U.S. 338 Holland v. Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 6, 32, 37 38 76 13 28 14 32 36 65 72 69 65 81 29 81 82 77 77 18 61 60 69 74 V I TABLE OE A U T H O R ITIE S CITED Howes Brothers Co. v. Unemployment Compensa tion Commission, 296 Mass. 275 45, 69 Hoyt v. Florida, 30 U.S. Law Week 4013 18 Inspector of Buildings of Lowell v. Stoklosa, 250 Mass. 52 61 International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers v. NLRB, 341 U.S. 694 77 International Salt Co. v. United States, 332 U.S. 392 77 Ivory v. Edwards, 278 App. Div. 359; affd. without opinion, 304 N.Y. 949 32 Jones v. Kehrlein, 49 Cal. App. 646, 194 P. 55 28 Jordan Marsh Co. v. Labor Relations Commission, 312 Mass. 597 32 Lamarre v. Commissioner of Public Works of Fall River, 324 Mass. 542 62 Lambert v. California, 355 U.S. 225 38 Lawrence v. Smith, 201 Mass. 214 72 Levitt & Sons, Inc., v. Division Against Discrimina tion, 31 N.J. 514, 158 A. 2d 177; appeal dismissed 363 U.S. 418 19, 20, 21, 22, 66 Levy Leasing Co. v. Siegel, 258 U.S. 242 63 Lincoln Building Associates v. Barr, 1 N.Y. 2d 413 63 Lindsley v. Natural Carbonic Gas Co., 220 U.S. 61 69 Local 35, Int’l Brotherhood v. Commission on Civil Rights, 18 Conn. Supp. 125 32 Madden v. Queens County Jockey Club, 296 N.Y. 249 29 Maher v. Brookline, 339 Mass. 209 67, 69 Maniscalco v. Director of Division of Employment Security, 327 Mass. 211 76 Marcus Brown Holding Co. v. Feldman, 256 U.S. 170 63 Marshall v. Middlesex Homes, Inc., Pr. H. II-9-c 79 Martin v. City of New York, 22 Misc. 2d 389, 201 N.Y.S. 2d 111 24> 25 Massachusetts Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals v. Commissioner of Public Health, 339 Mass. 216 66 Mathewson’s Case, 227 Mass. 470 73 McCarthy v. Contributory Retirement Appeal Board, 1961 Adv. Sh. 221 76 Merit Oil Co. v. Director, 319 Mass. 301 37, 46, 58 Messenger v. State, 25 Neb. 674, 41 N.W. 638 28 Miller v. Schoene, 276 U.S. 272 66 Miller v. Strahl, 239 U.S. 426 69 Mitchell v. United States, 313 U.S. 80 35 Nebbia v. New York, 291 U.S. 502 30 NLRB v. Cheney California Lumber Co., 327 U.S. 385 6> 73> 75 NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1 32, 33 NLRB v. Seven-Up Co., 344 U.S. 344 76, 81 NLRB v. United Mine Workers, 195 P. 2d 961; cert. den. 344 U.S. 920 77 New Negro Alliance v. Sanitary Grocery Co., 303 U .S .552 33 Old Colony Railroad v. Assessors of Boston, 309 Mass. 439 67>68 O ’Meara v. Washington State Board Against Dis crimination, 365 P. 2d 1 21, 22, 66 Opinion of the Justices, 234 Mass. 597 61 Opinion of the Justices, 247 Mass. 589 28 Paquette v. Pall River, 338 Mass. 368 48, 49, 60 People v. King, 110 N.Y. 418 27 Pickett v. Kuchau, 323 111. 138, 153 N.E. 667 28 TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED V l l Vlll TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED Queenside Hills Realty Co. v. Saxl, 328 U.S. 80 60 Railway Express Agency v. New York, 336 U.S. 106 69 Railway Mail Association v. Corsi, 326 U.S. 88 33, 34, 35 Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U.S. 171 60 Rhone v. Loomis, 74 Minn. 200, 77 N.W. 31 28 Ross v. Arbury, 206 Misc. 74; affd. without opinion, 285 App. Div. 886 32 Russell v. Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501 37, 40, 63, 68, 69 Shervington v. Pelham Hall Apartments, Inc., Pompa, Coconato and Markoly, CH-4466-56 78 Siegel v. FTC, 327 U.S. 608 77 Simon v. Needham, 311 Mass. 560 18, 62 South Carolina State Highway Department v. Barn well Bros., 303 U.S. 177 38 Spector v. Building Inspector of Milton, 250 Mass. 63 61 State Commission Against Discrimination v. Pelham Hall Apartments, 10 Misc. 2d 334,170 N.Y.S. 2d 750 22, 24, 78 Stockus v. Boston Housing Authority, 304 Mass. 507 73 Swanson v. Commission on Civil Rights of Connecti cut, No. 94802, July 11, 1961 25 United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144 37 Virginia Electric & Power Co. v. NLRB, 319 U.S. 533 79, 80, 81 Welch v. Swasey, 193 Mass. 364; affd. 214 U.S. 91 60 Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 348 U.S. 483 37, 69 S tatutes, etc . United States Constitution, Amendment XIV, sec tion 1 4, 8, 33, 35, 40, 66 TABLE OE A U T H O R ITIE S CITED IX Massachusetts Constitution, Part the First Article I 35, 40, 66 Article X 4, 40, 66 Article LX 62 29 U.S.C. § 151 et seq. (National Labor Relations Act) 12, 32, 73, 79, 80 Civil Rights Act of 1875, 18 Stat. 335 8 G.L. c. 6, §§ 17, 43-45 23n. G.L. c. 20, §§ 7-9 23n. G.L. c. 23, § 90 23n. G.L. c. 30A, § 14(8) (b), (g) 72, 76 G.L. c. 94A 23n. G.L. c. 112, §§ 24, 37, 82, 87 67 G.L. c. 121, §26FF(e) 13n., 55 G.L. c. 138 23n. G.L. c. 140, §§ 22, 33 69 G.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 141, § 1 67 G.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 142, § 1 67 G.L. c. 150A (State Labor Relations Act) 23n., 32 Fair Housing Practices Law, G.L. c. 151B (St. 1959, c. 239) 1 et seq. G.L. c. 151C lOn. G.L. c. 272, §§ 92A, 98 10n., 29 St. 1865, c. 277 9 St. 1937, c. 436 32 St. 1950, c. 479 12,13, 55 St. 1957, c. 426 6, 7, 70 St. 1959, c. 239 6, 70 St. 1960, c. 163 44n. St. 1961, c. 128 6, 7, 44n., 70n. Alaska Comp. Laws Ann. (Snpp. 1958) §§ 20—1—3-4 i 0n. §§ 4 3 -5 —1-10 i ln . California Health and Safety Code, §§ 357000-740 14n. California Labor Code, §§ 1410-32 H n. California Pen. Code, § 365, Civ. Code, §§ 51-52 lOn. Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 25— 1—1, 2 5 -2 —1-5 (1953) lOn. §§ 25— 3—1-6 (Snpp. 1960) I2n. §§ 69— 7—1-7 (Supp. 1960) I 5n. §§ 80—24—1-8 (Supp. 1960) n n. § 139.60.10 (1953) 43n. Connecticut G-en. Stat. Rev. (Supp. 1959) §§ 31—122-28 l l n. § 53 35 13n., 14n. §§ 53—35-36 10n., 12n., 15n. Delaware Code Ann. tit. 19, §§ 710-13 (Supp. 1960) lln . District of Columbia Code Ann. §§ 47—2901-04 (Supp. 1960) lOn. Idaho Code Ann. A 18—7201-03 (Supp. 1961) 10n., lln . Illinois Ann. Stat. c. 38, §§ 125-29 (Smith-Hurd Supp. 1961) 10n. c. 67i/2, 260(12)-(13) (Smith-Hurd, 1958) 14n. Illinois L. 1961, c. 48 lln . Indiana Ann. Stat. §§ 10—901-02 (Supp. 1960) lOn., 13n. §§ 40—2307-17 (Supp. 1961) n n. Iowa Code Ann. §§ 735.1-.02 (1950) lOn. X TABLE OF A U T H O B ITIE S CITED Kansas Gen. Stat. Ann. § 21-2424 (1949) lOn. § 12.713 (1949) 13n. Kansas Laws, 1961, c. 248 lln . Maine Rev. Stat. Ann. c. 137, § 50 (Supp. 1959) lOn. Michigan Comp. Laws, §§ 750.146-.147 (1948) lOn. Michigan Stat. Ann. §§ 17.458(1)-(11) (1960) lln . § 28-343 (Supp. 1959) 13n. Minnesota Stat. Ann. § 327.09 (1947) 10n. §§ 363.01-.13 (1957) lln ., 15n. § 507.18 (Supp. 1960) 13n. Missouri Ann. Stat. §§ 296.010-070 (Supp. 1961) lln . Montana Rev. Codes Ann. (Supp. 1961) § 11-3917 14n. § 64—211 10n. Nebraska Rev. Stat. §§ 20—101-02 (1954) lOn. New Hampshire Rev. Stat. Ann. c. 354, as amended by L. 1961, c. 219 10n., 15n. New Jersey Stat. Ann. (Supp. 1960) §§ 1 0 :1—2-7 10n. § 18:25— 4-6 lln . § 18:25—5 10n. §§ 18:25-1-28 12n., 14n., 15n. §§ 55:14A-7.5, 55:14B-5.1, 55:14C-7.1 13n. §§ 55:14A-39.1, 55:14D-6.1, 55:14E-7.1, 55:16-8.1 14n. New Mexico Stat. Ann. <j>§ 49—8—1-6 (Supp. 1961) 10n. §§ 59—4—1-14 (1960) lln . TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED x i X l l TABLE OS' A U T H O R ITIE S CITED New York City Administrative Code § W41-1.0(b) 14n. <§ N41-1.0 15n. New York Civ. Rights Law §§ 18—a-e 14n. § 18-b(3) 14n. § 40-41 lOn. § 43 33 New York Education Law, § 313 10n. New York Executive Law §§ 290-99 15n. §§ 290-301 lln ., 12n. § 292(9) lOn. § 296(2) lOn. New York Pub. Housing Law, § 223 13n. North Dakota Cent. Code, § 12—22—30 (Supp. 1961) lOn. Ohio Rev. Code Ann. 2901.35 (Page, 1954) lOn. Ohio Rev. Code Ann. A 4112-01-.08, 4112.99 (Supp. 1961) et seq. (Page, 19) lln . Oregon L. 1957, c. 725, §§ 1-4 14n. Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 30.670-.680 (1959) lOn. §§ 345.240-.250 (1957) 10n. §§ 659.010-115 (1959) 15n. §§ 659.010-.990 (1959) lln . § 659.100(3) (1959) 12n. Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 18, § 4654 (1945) lOn. Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 43, §§ 951-63 (Supp. I960) lln ., 15n. TABLE OF A U T H O B ITIE S CITED x m Pittsburgh, Pa. Ordinance No. 523, Dec. 15, 1958, recorded in vol. 62, p. 303, office of City Clerk 15 Rhode Island Gen. Laws Ann. (1956) §§ 11 -24—1-6 10n., 12n. § 11—24—3 13n. §§ 2 8 -5 —1-39 lln . Puerto Rico Laws. Ann. tit. 1, § 13 (1954) lOn. Vermont Stat. Ann. tit. 13, §§ 1451-52 (1958) lOn. Virgin Islands, tit. 10, § 3 (1957) lOn. Washington Rev. Code § 9.91.010 (1957) lOn. §§ 49.60.010-.310 (1959) 12n. §§ 49.60.010-.320 (1959) lln . § 49.60.030 (1958) 14n. § 49.60.040 (1958) 10n., 14n. § 49.60.215 (1959) lOn. Wisconsin Stat. Ann. § 66.405 (2m) (1957) 13n., 14n. §§ 111.31-.37 (Supp. 1959) lln . § 942.04 (1958) lOn. Wyoming Laws 1961, c. 103 lOn. M iscellaneous. Bamberger and Lewin, “ The Right to Equal Treat ment: Administrative Enforcement of Antidis crimination Legislation,” 74 Harv. L. Rev. 526, 526-528 (1961) 12n. Cardinal Cushing, “ A Catholic Case Against Seg- gregation” (O ’Neill Ed. 1961), Boston Sunday Globe, Nov. 19, 1961, p. A l, cols. 1-3 41, 42n. X IV TABLE OB A U T H O R ITIE S CITED Cole, Albert M., “ What is the Federal Government’s Role in Housing?” , address to Economic Club of Detroit, Feb. 8, 1954, quoted in Report of Commis sion on Race and Housing, “ Where Shall We Live?” , pp. 22-29, 40 (U. Cal. Press. 1958) 49n., 68 1 Davis, Administrative Law, 134 (1958 Ed.) 81 Discrimination in Operations of Interstate Motor Carriers of Passengers, I.C.C. No. MC-C-3358, September 22, 1961 52n. Dodd, Professor E. Merrick, 17 Bar Bulletin of the Bar Association of Boston, 201-207 (1946) 33 Fourteenth Annual Report for 1959, p. 10 54, 55 Freund, Professor Paul, ‘ ‘ The Supreme Court of the United States” (Meridian Books by World Pub. Co. 1961), pp. 150-152 43n. Hale, “ The Constitution and the Price System: Some Reflections on Nebbia v. New York,” 34 Col. L .Rev. 401 (1934) 30 Laurenti, “ Property Values and Race” (U. Cal. Press 1960), p. 47 57 Lukas, “ Trouble on Route 40,” The Reporter, Oct. 26, 1961 52n. McEntire, “ Residence and Race” (U. Cal. Press, 1960), pp. v, v-vii; c. I ll, pp. 32-66, 67, 79-80, 93-94; c. IX, p. 155 42, 43, 45, 46, 51 N.Y. Post, Sept. 15,1961, Mag. p. 5, col. 2 52n. N.Y. Times, July 11, 1961, p. 19, col. 2 52n. Public Document No. 163 54 Public Law 85-315, Eighty-fifth Congress 41n. “ Report of Progress,” a Review of the Program for 1959 of the State Commission Against Discrimina tion (N.Y.), pp. 96-99; pp. 106-109 79 TABLE OF A U T H O B ITIE S CITED X V 1959 Report of United States Commission on Civil Rights, pp. 411-412, 545 16, 41 1961 Report of United States Commission on Civil Rights, Rook 4 on Housing, pp. 1, 3, 82-83, 198-199, 200-201 16, 42, 45, 46n., 49m, 68 Robison, ‘ ‘ The New Fair Employment Law, ’ ’ 20 Ohio St. L.J. 570, 571 (1959) 11 No. 6108, Eq. COMMISSION AGAINST DISCRIMINATION v. A. J. COLANGELO et al . BRIEF FOR PETITIONER. M iddlesex C o u n ty . ADDISON G. G E T C H E L L & SON, IN C ., L A W PR IN TE R S, BOSTON.