Commission Against Discrimination v. Colangelo Brief for Petitioner
Public Court Documents
March 21, 1961
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Commission Against Discrimination v. Colangelo Brief for Petitioner, 1961. 82c97817-ae9a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/9c2ead61-daef-44b0-82f0-7383ab7feb0f/commission-against-discrimination-v-colangelo-brief-for-petitioner. Accessed December 06, 2025.
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C O M M O N W E A L T H OF M A S S A C H U S E T T S .
SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT
FOR T H E C O M M O N W E A L T H .
M iddlesex C o u n ty . J an u ary S ittin g , 1962.
I n E quity , N o. 6108.
COMMISSION AGAINST DISCRIMINATION
v.
A. J. COLANGELO et al.
BRIEF FOR PETITIONER.
SUPREME JUDICIAL COURT
FOR T H E C O M M O N W E A L T H .
M iddlesex Co u n ty . J anuary S ittin g , 1962.
I n E quity , N o. 6108.
C O M M O N W E A L T H OF M A S S A C H U S E T TS .
COMMISSION AGAINST DISCRIMINATION
v.
A. J. COLANGELO et al.
BRIEF FOR PETITIONER,
CONCISE STATEMENT OF FACTS AND PRIOR
PROCEEDINGS.
This case arises out of a petition brought in the Middle
sex Superior Court pursuant to section 6 of G.L. c. 151B
(R. 2-6), by the Massachusetts Commission Against Dis
crimination for enforcement of its order (R. 18-22) entered
against the respondents under section 5 of said chapter,
following its findings (R. 16-18), after a hearing held Jan
uary 9, 1961 (R. 3, 22), that the respondents are in viola
tion of chapter 239 of the Acts of 1959, known as the Fair
Housing Practices Law. The sole issue raised by the re
spondent Colangelo in his answer to the petition is the
Tables of contents and of authorities are printed at end of brief.
2
constitutionality of the statute. The respondent Nahigian,
in addition to raising the constitutional issue, challenges
the applicability of the statute to him, the reasonableness
of the findings, and the propriety of the order. The case
was reserved and reported without decision to this Court
for determination upon the pleadings, an agreed statement
of facts, and the transcript of the hearing (E. 1).
The complainant, Maurice Fowler, is a Negro employed
as a Contract Negotiator for the Electronics System Center
of the United States Air Force at Waltham. He holds top-
secret government security clearance (E. 16). He is seek
ing to rent an apartment in a new 120-unit development
in Waltham owned by the respondent Colangelo and called
“ Glenmeadow Apartments” (E. 16). The rental applica
tions for Gflenmeadow are handled for Colangelo by the
respondent Nahigian (E. 17). Glenmeadow’s financing is
in no way government assisted (E. 17, 92).
The Commission conducted a preliminary investigation,
followed by an unsuccessful attempt at conference, concilia
tion and negotiation (E. 3). It then held the formal hear
ing required by section 5 of the statute (E. 3, 22). The
respondents each filed an answer to the complaint (E. 11-
14), and counsel for Colangelo introduced for the record
a statement in Colangelo’s behalf (E. 25-26). Neither re
spondent conducted a cross-examination of witnesses testi
fying in support of the complaint, nor did either introduce
testimony in his own behalf. They professed to withdraw
from the hearing before testimony was taken, but nonethe
less both counsel as well as Nahigian himself remained in
the hearing room throughout, and both counsel to some
extent participated in the proceedings (E. 47, 50, 67, 77, 78,
84).
The Commission found that both respondents had, solely
on account of color, refused to rent Fowler an apartment
at Glenmeadow, and that in doing so they had engaged in
3
a course of deliberate misrepresentation and delay (R. 17-
18). It also found that Fowler obtained comparable hous
ing accommodations in Cambridge at an additional rental
of $30 per month (R. 16). The record further shows that
he incurred certain other expenses because of the denial
of accommodations at Glenmeadow, and that he was likely
to incur yet other expenses on account of this denial if and
when allowed to rent there (R. 44, 85).
The Commission, pursuant to its findings, thereupon is
sued an order directing the respondents to make an apart
ment available to Fowler, to compensate him for the
monetary losses suffered on account of the discrimination,
and to cease and desist their discrimination in the renting
of Glenmeadow apartments, as well as to take certain minor
auxiliary measures designed to implement the cease and
desist order (R. 18-22).
The respondents both failing to comply with the order,
the Commission brought a petition for enforcement in the
Middlesex Superior Court, where Fowler petitioned and
was allowed to intervene as a party plaintiff (R. 86-87).
(Relevant constitutional provisions and statutes are
printed in Appendix A, pp. 83-93.)
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT.
I. The Fair Housing Practices Law represents no sud
den shift in legislative policy or direction, but is rather a
natural development growing out of a long tradition of
legislation banning discriminatory practices based on race,
creed, color or national origin. Though the Massachusetts
Legislature has been a leader in this legislative evolution,
many States have now enacted such legislation. Beginning
with public accommodations, antidiscrimination legisla
4
tion has been extended to education, employment and hous
ing. In housing it has evolved from public housing to urban
renewal housing, to publicly assisted housing, and finally
to non-publicly assisted housing. This development is pre
sented in section I of this brief, pp. 6-19.
II. The existing case law on Fair Housing Laws, while
it includes no square holding directly in point by a Court
of last resort, strongly supports the constitutionality of
the Massachusetts Law. And the decisions relating to pub
lic accommodations and employment discrimination, both
in Massachusetts and elsewhere, overwhelmingly establish
the validity of that Law. These cases are presented in
section II of this brief, pp. 19-36.
III. The constitutionality of the Fair Housing Law,
under the police power and the clue-process clauses of the
Massachusetts and United States Constitutions, depends
on whether the Law seeks to achieve legitimate public pur
poses by reasonable means. In applying these standards,
this Court must start with its traditionally strong presump
tions of validity.
A. The Law serves legitimate public purposes. It car
ries out fundamental state and national policies reflected
by the constitutional ban on government-imposed discrimi
nation based on race, creed, color or national origin. And
it deals with practical consequences of discrimination, such
as slums and the crime and disease they breed, all of which
are within the traditional police power. Less tangible con
sequences, such as racial tensions and economic and educa
tional handicaps thereby imposed, are also properly for
the Legislature to consider. These points are supported in
section III A of the brief, pp. 38-53.
B. The means utilized by the Fair Housing Law are com
pletely reasonable. They are rationally related to the ob
jectives of the Law; indeed, they are required if its pur
5
poses are to be achieved. The prohibition is imposed on
those who are in the business of selling or renting housing,
and it is limited to discriminatory practices based on race,
creed, color or national origin. Those subject to the Law
remain free to impose any other criteria for desirable
tenants or purchasers. Respondents have produced no evi
dence that they will suffer any financial or other hardship,
and such general evidence as is available demonstrates the
contrary. The contention that owners of land and housing
must be free of all regulation in sale or rental is refuted
by a broad and varied body of housing regulation sustained
in many decisions of this Court and the United States
Supreme Court. These points are supported in section III
B of the brief, pp. 53-66.
IV . The application of the Fair Housing Law to mul
tiple dwellings of three or more units and to projects of
ten or more contiguous homes represents a reasonable
classification that affords equal protection. The Law deals
with those who are in the business of sale or rental of
housing, and this is a plainly reasonable distinction, in
light of the nature of the evil as the Legislature could view
it, and of the administrative problems of enforcement.
That the Legislature drew its line by use of a numerical
standard is no basis for objection. These points are sup
ported in section IV of the brief, pp. 66-69.
V. Respondent Nahigian was a proper party to this
proceeding, first, because he aided and abetted in the viola
tion of the law, Gr.L. c. 151B, § 4 (5 ); secondly, because he is
a “ managing agent” covered by chapter 151B, § 6; and
third, beeause he had a “ right to rent or lease” within
chapter 151B, § 6. In any event, he could be joined under
general equity principles. These points are supported in
section V of the brief, pp. 70-72.
VI. Respondent Nahigian’s challenge of the findings and
order comes too late, in that it was not made to the Com
6
mission, but appeared for the first time in his response to
the petition for enforcement in the Superior Court. G.L.
c. 151B, § 6, compels a waiver of this defense in the absence
of “ extraordinary circumstances,” which have not been
shown. NLRB v. Cheney, 327 U.S. 385 (1946). Holland v.
Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 (1954). This point is supported in
section VI of the brief, pp. 72-75.
VII. In any event, the Commission’s findings are war
ranted and its order is reasonable. The findings are based
on uncontroverted evidence. The order requires respond
ents (1) to make an apartment available to complainant
when one is available, (2) to compensate complainant for
pecuniary losses actually caused by their discriminatory
acts, and (3) to cease and desist from discriminating hence
forth in the renting of Glenmeadow apartments. These
requirements are carefully tailored to the violations found,
and are well within the authority of the Commission con
ferred by the statute. These points are supported in sec
tion V II of the brief, pp. 75-82.
ARGUMENT.
I. The Fair Housing Practices Law is Part of a Tradition
Pioneered by Massachusetts Legislatures for Almost a
Century and Followed by Many States.
The Massachusetts Fair Housing Practices Law, now a
part of G.L. c. 151B, especially section 1, suhsecs. 9-12, and
section 4, subsec. 6, is the result of enactments by the Gen
eral Court in 1957,1959, and 1961. St. 1957, c. 426; St. 19o9,
c. 239; St. 1961, c. 128.
The 1957 enactment prohibited discrimination, in sale or
rental, based on race, creed, color or national origin, in
“ publicly assisted” housing, provided that such housing
7
was either (1) a “ multiple dwelling” —i.e., a dwelling-
rented out to be occupied by three or more families other
than the landlord’s, living independently of each other—
or (2) ten or more housing accommodations owned or con
trolled by one person located on land that is contiguous ex
clusive of streets. Thus the 1957 law covered certain land
lords and project developers—persons in the business of
selling or renting housing, provided they had “ public as
sistance,” which meant principally an FHA or VA mort
gage loan guaranty.
The 1959 enactment extended the prohibition of discri
minatory sale or rental to non-publicly assisted housing,
but retained the requirements of “ multiple dwelling” and
“ contiguously located housing.” The latter was defined to
include housing “ which at any time was one of ten or more
lots of a tract whose plan has been submitted to a planning-
board, as required by the subdivision control law,” prin
cipally in order to prevent evasion of the standard of ten
or more contiguous units through spurious fragmentation
of ownership.
The 1961 law made some perfecting amendments, but
it is not relevant to this case, since the acts of respondents
found to be unlawful by the Commission took place in 1960.
The particular sections of the law applicable to respon
dents are G.L. c. 151B, § 1, subdiv. 11, as added by St. 1957,
c, 426, § 1, and c. 151B, § 4, subdiv. 6, as amended by St.
1959, c. 239, § 2. The former defines “ multiple dwelling,”
and the latter makes it unlawful for “ the owner . . . or
managing agent of . . . multiple dwelling . . . housing ac
commodations or other person having the . . . right to rent
or lease such accommodations:—“ (a) to refuse to rent or
lease or otherwise to deny to or withhold from any person
or group of persons such accommodations because of the
race, creed, color or national origin of such person or per
sons . . . ”
8
Though the Fair Housing Prat-ices Law is of relatively
recent origin, it represents no novel or sharp break with
the past. It reflects, rather, a tradition going back almost
a century, both in Massachusetts and elsewhere in the na
tion. Because the statute here in question can be better
understood in relation to the prior development, this sec
tion of the brief seeks to describe the evolution of anti-
discrimination legislation in Massachusetts and in other
States.
The Civil Bights Act of 1875, 18 Stat. 335, enacted by the
Congress, went beyond other civil rights legislation of that
era in that it dealt with activities carried on by non-gov
ernmental units. In brief, it declared that all persons were
to be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accom
modations and privileges of inns, public conveyances,
theaters and other places of public amusement, subject only
to those legal limitations applicable alike to all citizens of
every race and color, and regardless of any previous condi
tion of servitude.
In the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883), the United
States Supreme Court held that these provisions were not
within the power conferred upon Congress by the Four
teenth Amendment, because the latter was concerned only
with State action. But the Court made it perfectly clear
that private discrimination was not beyond the prohibitory
power of government; it was simply a matter of State,
rather than Federal, power and responsibility. On the other
hand, the Fourteenth Amendment did take from the States
the power to require private discrimination. Thus the
Court said (109 U.S. at 24):
“ Now, conceding, for the sake of the argument, that
the admission to an inn, a public conveyance, or a place
of public amusement, on equal terms with all other
citizens, is the right of every man and all classes of
9
men, is it any more than one of those rights which the
states by the Fourteenth Amendment are forbidden
to deny to any person? And is the Constitution vio
lated until the denial of the right has some State sanc
tion or authority? Can the act of a mere individual,
the owner of the inn, the public conveyance or place of
amusement, refusing the accommodation, be justly
regarded as imposing any badge of slavery or servitude
upon the applicant, or only as inflicting an ordinary
civil injury, properly cognizable by the laws of the
State, and presumably subject to redress by those
laws until the contrary appears f
“ After giving to these questions all the considera
tion which their importance demands, we are forced to
the conclusion that such an act of refusal has nothing
to do with slavery or involuntary servitude, and that
if it is violative of any right of the party, his redress
is to be sought under the laws of the State; or if those
laws are adverse to his rights and do not protect him,
his remedy will be found in the corrective legislation
which Congress has adopted, or may adopt, for coun
teracting the effect of State laws, or State action, pro
hibited by the Fourteenth Amendment.” (Emphasis
supplied.)
The Supreme Court in the Civil Rights Cases of 1883
directed the victim of discriminatory acts by private per
sons to resort to the laws of the State for redress. As of
1883, except for temporary reconstruction in the South,
very few State legislatures had acted with respect to civil
rights legislation, but it is the fact that the Massachusetts
General Court had, and indeed it had been the first to do so,
on May 16, 1865. See St. 1865, e. 277, imposing a fine of up
10
to $50 on anyone making a “ distinction, discrimination, or
restriction on account of color or race . . . in any licensed
inn, in any public place of amusement, public conveyance
or public meeting in this commonwealth.”
Thus Massachusetts was the leader among the States.
New York and Kansas followed before 1883. Thereafter
the States acted in swift succession. By 1900, eighteen
Northern, Eastern and Western States had statutes. As
of today, twenty-eight States forbid discrimination for
reasons of race or color in places of public accommodation.1 1
1 Alaska Comp. Laws Ann. §§ 20— 1 -3 -4 (Supp. 1958); Cali
fornia Pen. Code, § 365, Civ. Code, §§ 51-52; Colorado Rev. Stat.
Ann §§ 25— 1—1, 25— 2— 1-5 (1953); Connecticut Gen. Stat. Rev.
§§ 53— 35-36 (Snpp. 1959) ; District of Columbia Code Ann. §§
47— 2901-04 (Supp. 1960) ; Idaho Code Ann. §§ 18-7201-03 (Supp.
1961) ; Illinois Ann. Stat. c. 38, §§ 125-29 ( Smith-Hurd Supp.
1961) ; Indiana Ann. Stat. §§ 10— 901-02 (Supp. 1960) ; Iowa Code
Ann. §§ 735.1-.02 (1950) ; Kansas Gen. Stat. Ann. § 21-2424
(1949); Maine Rev. Stat. Ann. e. 137, § 50 (Supp. 1959) ; Massa
chusetts G.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 272, §§ 92A, 98 (1959), c. 151B, §§ 1-10;
Michigan Comp. Laws §§ 750.146-.147 (1948) ; Minnesota Stat.
Ann. § 327.09 (1947) ; Montana Rev. Codes Ann. § 64— 211 (Supp.
1961); Nebraska Rev. Stat. 20— 101-02 (1954); New Hampshire
Rev. Stat. Ann. c. 354, as amended by L. 1961, e. 219; New Jersey
Stat. Ann. §§ 10:1— 2-7, § 18:25— 5 (Supp. 1960); New Mexico
Stat. Ann. §§ 4 9 -8 — 1-6 (Supp. 1961) ; New York Civ. Rights
Law, § 40-41, Executive Law, §§ 292(9), 296(2) ; North Dakota
Cent. Code, § 12— 22— 30 (Supp. 1961); Ohio Rev. Code Ann.
§ 2901.35 (Page, 1954); Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 30.670-.680 (1959);
Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 18, § 4654 (1945) ; Rhode Island Gen.
Laws Ann. §§ 11—24— 1-6 (1956) ; Vermont Stat. Ann. tit. 13,
§§ 1451-52 (1958); Washington Rev. Code §§ 49.60.040 (1958),
49.60.215 (1959) ; Wisconsin Stat. Ann. § 942.04 (1958) ; Wyoming
Laws 1961, e. 103; Puerto Rico Laws. Ann. tit. 1, § 13 (1954) ;
Virgin Islands, tit. 10, § 3 (1957).
In addition, a number of States, including Massachusetts, have
banned discrimination by educational institutions. G.L. c. 151C;
New York Educational Law, § 313; New Jersey Stat. Ann. § 18 :14-2
(Cum'. Supp. 1960) ; Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 345.240-.250 (1957) ;
Washington Rev. Code'§ 9.91.010 (1957).
11
The next major line of development began at the end of
World War II in 194o, and again the States acted when
Federal action failed. During World War II there was
considerable agitation for fair employment practices legis
lation, and President Roosevelt established a Fair Employ
ment Practices Commission to police clauses in government
contracts barring employment discrimination by contrac
tors on grounds of race, creed, color or national origin.
This Commission had no enforcement powers, however,
and Congress failed to pass legislation creating a commis
sion that did. A major reason appears to have been the
variety of views in the several States, with major opposi
tion from the Southern States. For a brief description,
with references to fuller studies, see Robison, “ The New
Fair Employment Law,” 20 Ohio St. L.J. 570, 571 (1959).
The stage was set for State action.
The first State to act was New York in 1915, followed
within a year by New Jersey and Massachusetts, and
through 1961 by 19 other States, making a total of 22.2 And
2 Alaska Comp. Laws Ann. §§ 43-5— 1-10 (Supp. 1958) ; Call
forma Labor Code, §§ 1410-32; Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 80—
24— 1-8 (Supp. 1960) ; Connecticut Gen. Stat. Rev. §§ 31— 122-28
(Supp. 1959) ; Delaware Code Ann. tit. 19,'§§ 710-13 (Supp. I960) •
Idaho Code Ann. §§ 18— 7201-03 (Supp. 1961); Illinois L. 1961 ’
c. 48; Indiana Ann. Stat. §§ 40— 2307-17 (Supp. 1961); Kansas
Laws,-1961, c. 248; Massachusetts G.L. e. 151B, §§ 1-10 (Supp.
1961) ; Michigan Stat. Ann. §§ 17.458(1)-(11) (I960) ; Minnesota
Stat. Ann. §§ 363.01-.13 (1957) ; Missouri Ann. Stat. §§ 296.010-
.070 (Supp. Sept. 1961); New Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25__4-6
(Supp. 1960); New Mexico Stat. Ann. §§ 59—4—1-14 (I960) •
New York Executive Law, §§ 290-301; Ohio Rev. Code Ann.
4112-01-.08, 4112.99 (Supp. 1961) et seq. (Page 19); Oregon Rev.
Stat. §§ 659.010-.990 (1959); Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 43,
951-63 (Supp. 1960); Rhode Island Gen. Laws Ann. §§ 28__5__1-39
(1956) ; Washington Rev. Code §§ 49.60.010-.320 (1959) • Wiscon
sin Stat. Ann. §§ 111.31-.37 (Supp. 1959).
12
in this legislation a new mode of enforcement was initiated
quite different from that found in the then-existing public
accommodations laws. In 19 of these 22 States,3 an ad
ministrative agency, either new or existing, was given re
sponsibility to enforce the law, and in addition in most
instances to carry out a program of education. The shift
to administrative enforcement resulted largely from the
defects in the criminal and civil remedies afforded by the
public accommodations laws. Prosecutors were reluctant
to seek criminal sanctions, and individuals were often hesi
tant because of the expense and effort of a lawsuit. More
over, in employment discrimination neither sanction was
adequate to bring the relief the victim sought—an equal
chance to get a job. Experience under the National Labor
Relations Act and similar State acts showed that an ad
ministrative body could act against discrimination, though
of a different form.4
Experience with administrative enforcement was suffi
ciently satisfactory to lead a number of States to confer
on their commissions power to enforce the public accommo
dations laws. By 1959 8 States had so acted,5 Massachu
setts in 1950, at which time its Fair Employment Practice
Commission became the Commission Against Discrimina
tion. St. 1950, c. 479.
8 Delaware and Idaho impose criminal sanctions. Indiana has
no sanctions, relying on suasion.
4 See Bamberger and Lewin, “ The Right to Equal Treatment:
Administrative Enforcement of Antidiscrimination Legislation,”
74 Harv. L. Rev. 526, 526-528 (1961).
8 Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 2 5 -3 —1-6 (Supp. 1960) ; Con
necticut Gen. Stat. Rev. §§ 53-35-36 (Supp. 1959); Massachusetts
G.L. c. 151B, § 5 (Supp.1961) ; New Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25—
1-28 (1960) ; New York Executive Law, §§ 290-301; Oregon Rev.
Stat. § 659.100(3) (1959) ; Rhode Island Gen. Laws Ann. §§ 11—
24— 1-6 (1956); Washington Rev. Code §§ 49.60.010-.310 (1959).
13
Prior to 1939 State statutes dealing with housing dis
crimination followed no clear pattern.6 New York began
the first movement in 1939, when it banned discrimination
in housing built under the State housing laws, which meant
principally public housing.7 Public housing discrimination
was prohibited by Massachusetts in 1948, Connecticut and
Wisconsin in 1949, New Jersey in 1950, Rhode Island and
Michigan in 1952, and most recently Indiana in 1961.8 The
falling off of statutes on public housing is undoubtedly
traceable to the conclusion, formed after the United States
Supreme Court’s school segregation case in 1954 {S town v.
Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483), that neither discrimina
tion nor segregation is constitutionally permissible in pub
lic housing. See, e.g., Detroit Housing Commission v.
Lewis, 226 P. 2d 180 (6th Cir. 1955).
Constitutional and statutory prohibitions are one thing,
and effective enforcement is another. Massachusetts, which
had in 1948 banned discrimination in public housing, in
1950 assigned enforcement responsibility to its Commission
Against Discrimination. St. 1950, c. 479, § 4. Other States
have done the same.
As public housing programs gave way to housing that
was privately built but given public assistance through tax
6 A Kansas law of 1921 prohibited discrimination by planning
commissions. Kansas Gen. Stat. Ann. § 12.713 (1949). A Colorado
law of 1923 barred racial zoning restrictions. Colorado Rev. Stat.
Ann. § 139.60.10 (1953). Minnesota in 1919 banned restrictive
covenants based on religion, and in 1953 amended it to cover race.
Minnesota Stat. Ann. § 507.18 (Supp. 1960).
7 New York Pub. Housing Law, § 223.
8 Massachusetts G.L. c. 121, § 26FF(e) (Supp. 1961), added by
St. 1948, c. 51; Connecticut Gen. Stat, Rev. § 53-35 (Supp. 1959) -
Wisconsin Stat. Ann. § 66.40(2m) (1957) ; New Jersey Stat. Ann’
§§ 55:14A-7.5, 55:14B-5.1, 55.-14C-7.1; Rhode Island Gen. Laws
Ann. § 11-24-3 (1956) ; Michigan Stat. Ann. § 28-343 (Supp. 1959) •
Indiana Ann. Stat. § 10-901-02 (Supp. 1961).
14
exemption, land write-down and power of condemnation, so
too were statutes extended. Following tlie decision in Dor
sey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 299 N.Y. 512 (1949); cert,
den. 339 U.8. 981 (1950), in which it was held that such
housing was not subject to constitutional restrictions on
States, and that equal opportunity must be guaranteed
through “ political processes” (299 N.Y. at 534), New York,
New Jersey, Connecticut, Illinois and Wisconsin passed
laws banning discrimination in these projects.9. When
Montana enacted an urban renewal law in 1959, it included
a similar ban.10 11
These statutes, however, extended to only a small frac
tion of the housing that was receiving government assist
ance. In 1954 New York City passed an ordinance covering
rental housing that received new FHA or VA mortgage
insurance,11 and in 1955 New York State banned discrim
ination in new apartment housing and also in new projects
of ten or more housing units, if they were aided by govern
ment-insured mortgages.12 In 1957 four states followed
this lead—Massachusetts, New Jersey, Oregon and Wash
ington.13 California acted in the same fashion in 1959.14
In 1957 New York City adopted an ordinance prohibiting
discrimination in all housing, whether publicly assisted or
9 New York Civ. Rights Law, §§ 18—a-e; New Jersey Stat. Ann
§§ 55:14A-39.1, 55 :14D-6.1, 55:14E-7.1, 55:16-8.1 (Supp. I960);
Connecticut G-en. Stat. Rev. § 53-35 (Supp. 1959) ; Illinois Ann.
Stat. e. 67%, §§ 26Q(12)-(13) (Smith-Ilurd, 1958); Wisconsin
Stat. Ann. § 66.405(2m) (1957).
10 Montana Rev. Codes Ann. § 11-3917 (Supp. 1961).
11 New York City Admin. Code, § W41-1.0(b).
12 New York Civ. Rights Law, § 18-b (3).
13Massachusetts G.L. c. 151B, §§ 1, 4, 6 (Supp. 1961); New
Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25-1-28 (Supp. 1960); Oregon L. 1957,
e. 725, <§§ 1-4; Washington Rev. Code, §<§ 49.60.030, 49.60.040
(1958).
14 California Health and Safety Code, §§ 357000-740.
15
not, consisting of multiple dwellings of three or more units
and one- and two-family homes in projects of 10 or more
units.15 A year later Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, adopted a
similar ordinance.16
In 1959 Massachusetts and three other States— Colorado,
Connecticut and Oregon—adopted fair-housing laws ex
tending to non-publicly assisted housing.17 And in 1961
five additional States acted—Minnesota, New Hampshire,
New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania.18
In summary, seventeen States have thus far enacted laws
relating to housing. Of these, the laws of nine States ex
tend to housing, whether publicly assisted or not.19 The
laws of two extended to publicly assisted housing,20 and the
laws of six extend only to public housing or housing erected
through urban renewal, or both.21 Moreover, eight of the
nine states in the first group, and one of the two in the
second, have administrative agencies akin to the Massachu
15 New York City Administrative Code, § X41-1.0. This was
amended by 1961 Local Law No. 642.
18 Pittsburgh, Pa. Ordinance No. 523, Dec. 15, 1958, recorded
in vol. 62, p. 303, office of City Clerk.
17 Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 69—7—1-7 (Supp. I960); Con
necticut Gen. Stat. Rev. §§ 53-35-36 (Supp. 1959); Massachusetts
G.L. c. 151B, §§ 1-10 (Supp. 1961), amended again by St. 1961,
cc. 128, 570) ; Oregon Rev. Stat. §§ 659.010-115 (1959).
18 Minnesota Stat. Ann. §§ 363.01-.13 (1957), as amended by
L. 1961, c. 428 (becomes effective 12/31/62); New Hampshire Rev.
Stat. Ann. §§ 354.1-.4 (1955), as amended by L. 1961, c. 219; New
Jersey Stat. Ann. §§ 18:25— 1-28 (Supp. 1960), as amended by
L. 1961, c. 414; New York Executive Law, §§ 290-99, as amended
by L. 1961, c. 414; Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 43, §§ 951-63
(Supp. 1960), as amended by Acts 1961, No. 19.
19 See footnotes 17 and 18, supra, for names and citations.
20 California and Washington. See footnotes 13 and 14, supra,
for citations.
21 Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Montana, Rhode Island, and Wis
consin. See footnotes 8, 9 and 10, supra, for citations.
16
setts Commission Against Discrimination which exercise
principal enforcement responsibility.
It should be added that a great many cities and towns in
the nation have adopted either resolutions or ordinances
in relation to discrimination in housing based on race,
creed, color or national origin. The United States Commis
sion on Civil Rights lists about fifty such municipalities
taking such action, mostly in relation to public or urban
redevelopment housing, in the last few years. See Report,
1959, pp. 411-412; Report, 1961, Book 4 on Housing, pp. 200-
201.
As might be expected, the various State statutes and local
ordinances differ in the extent of their coverage. The
broadest law is the ordinance of New York City which, as
amended in 1961, applies to all housing except the rental
of one of the apartments in a two-family home where the
other is occupied by the owner. The new Minnesota law
applies to all housing except rental of an apartment in an
owner-occupied two-family home and sale or rental of an
owner-occupied one-family home. The Colorado law ap
plies to all housing except “ places maintained by the owner
or lessee as the household of his family.” The Pennsyl
vania law excepts only owner-occupied one- and two-family
homes. Oregon, on the other hand, has applied its law only
to one who sells or leases real property “ as a business en
terprise” or “ in connection with or as an incident to his
business enterprise. ’ ’ Most of the remaining States have
followed the lead of Massachusetts by setting numerical
minimnms. The New York, New Jersey and Massachusetts
statutes are quite similar in coverage. A tabular presenta
tion of the laws of the seventeen States is given in the 1961
Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights,
Book 4 on Housing, pp. 198-199.
The evolutionary development of anti-discrimination
legislation in the United States over the course of a cen
17
tury, presented here in capsule form, has several significant
implications:
First, apart from the restrictions that flow from the Fed
eral Constitution, discrimination has been dealt with mainly
as a State rather than a Federal responsibility. In part,
this reflects the varying views of the people of different
States, particularly as between North and South. In greater
part, Federal inaction may reflect the effective response of
State Legislatures to the views of their own citizenry.
Second, the development has been evolutionary in every
sense. In terms of facilities, the movement has been from
public accommodations to employment to housing. Even
within the housing field, we see a progression from public
to urban redevelopment housing, then to publicly assisted
housing, and finally to housing without regard to its financ
ing. The Massachusetts law, though it now comprehends
housing whether publicly assisted or not, does not go as
far as some States have. In requiring three or more apart
ment units in a “ multiple dwelling” and ten or more homes
contiguously located, it deals with those whom the Legis
lature could fairly consider to be in the business of selling
or renting housing.
Though the pace of anti-discrimination legislation has ob
viously quickened in the last decade or so in response to
public need, the process of careful building on experience
has not changed. Each State has learned from its own
prior experience, and State has learned from State. In
Massachusetts the jurisdiction of the Commission Against
Discrimination has been broadened a step at a time: em
ployment ; educational institutions; public accommodations
and public housing; publicly assisted housing; and hous
ing. The ban on discrimination in public housing has now
been in effect for thirteen years and has been enforced by
the Commission for eleven. We must assume that the Legis
18
lature evaluated past performance each time that it gave
the Commission new duties for the future.
Third, the fact that a large number of States have enacted
anti-discrimination legislation, including Fair Housing-
Practices Laws, is in itself significant. Such legislation is
not a temporary aberration or a merely spasmodic phe
nomenon. It reflects social needs that are deeply as well
as widely felt.
Widespread adoption of such legislation cannot of course
be binding on the issue of its constitutionality, but it is
persuasive evidence of reasonableness. In Simon v. Need
ham, 311 Mass. 560 (1942), this Court, in upholding a zon
ing by-law that imposed a 1-acre lot requirement, noted
that fourteen nearby towns had similar restrictions, and
said (311 Mass, at 564):
“ Such evidence is not decisive that the imposition
of a restriction of an area of an acre is reasonable and
proper, but it is persuasive that many other communi
ties when faced with an apparently similar problem
have determined that the public interest was best
served by the adoption of a restriction in some in
stances identical and in others nearly identical with
that imposed by the respondent town.”
This observation applies a fortiori to statutes. In the
very recent decision of Hoyt v. Florida, 30 U.S. Law Week
4013, decided on November 30, 1961, the United States Su
preme Court upheld a Florida statute concerned with
women serving on juries and cited in support the seventeen
other States that had similar though not identical statutes.
And in Petition of Goldman, 331 Mass. 647 (1954), this
Court upheld a statute dealing with child adoption. The
Court said, in part (331 Mass, at 653):
19
“ The principle that children should, in general, be
adopted within the faith of their natural parents has
received widespread approval, as is attested not only
by such decisions as Purinton v. Jamrock but also by
the fact that most of the States now have statutes more
or less similar to § 5B. See 54 Colum. L. Eev. 376
(March, 1954). We are not prepared to hold either
such decisions or the statute unconstitutional.”
The same is true of the case at bar.
II. Statutes Forbidding Discrimination Based on Race,
Creed, Color or National Origin have been Repeatedly
Upheld by This and Other State Courts and by the United
States Supreme Court as within the Police Power and
Affording Due Process of Law.
The decision of this Court in the present case will have
special importance, for no Court of last resort has squarely
confronted the precise questions posed. But recent de
cisions on closely related issues strongly support the valid
ity of the Massachusetts Fair Housing Practices Law. And
the case law in the related fields of public accommodations
and employment overwhelmingly establishes its constitu
tionality.
Both the New Jersey and the Washington Supreme
Courts have recently decided cases concerning the validity
of statutes forbidding discrimination in the sale of pub
licly assisted housing, i.e., houses financed by FIIA-guar-
anteed mortgages.
In Levitt & Sons, Inc., v. Division Against Discrimina
tion, 31 N.J. 514, 158 A. 2d 177 (1960), the Court unani
mously held the NewT Jersey Fair Housing Law constitu
tional. It rejected the argument that the selection of
20
publicly assisted bousing for regulation was an arbitrary
classification, and it held also that there was neither Fed
eral pre-emption nor any conflict with Federal law.
The New Jersey Court found it unnecessary to decide
whether the Legislature was acting within the police power
and in accordance with the due-process clause, because no
argument had been presented to the contrary. It is most
significant that the Court nevertheless went out of its way
to discuss this question in a separately numbered part of
its opinion, as follows (31 N.J. at 531):
“ The plaintiffs do not argue, and hence we do not
decide, whether by restricting their ability to dispose
of their property as they choose the statute in question
violates due process. See O’Meara v. Washington
State Bd. Against Discrimination, No. 535996 (Super.
Ct. King Cty., Washington State 1959) (not officially
reported); Avins, Trade Begulations, Survey of the
Law of New Jersey, 1956-1957, 12 Rutgers L. Rev. 149,
150-160 (19o7). But see New York State Commission
Against Discrimination v. Pelham Hall Apartments, 10
Misc. 2d 334,170 N. Y. S. 2d 750 (Sup. Ct. 1958); Note,
107 U. Pa. L. Rev. 515, 525-530 (1959); Note, 12 Rut
gers L. Rev. 557, 558-567 (1958). There is ample sup
port for a conclusion that lack of adequate housing for
minority groups, an effect of discrimination in housing,
causes crime-and disease-breeding slums. See Berman
v. Parker, 348 U. S. 26, 33-34, 75 S. Ct. 98, 99 L. Ed. 27
(1954); Crommett v. City of Portland, 150 Me. 217,
107 A. 2d 841, 850 (Sup. Jud. Ct. 1953); New York City
Housing Authority v. Muller, 270 N. Y. 333, 1 N. E. 2d
153, 154, 105 A. L. R. 905 (Ct. App. 1936); City of
Newark v. Charles Realty Co., 9 N. J. Super. 442, 453-
456 (Cty. Ct. 1950). Freedom with regard to property
is not inviolable; it is subject to the reasonable exercise
21
of the Legislature’s police power. Village of Euclid,
Ohio v. Ambler Really Co., 272 ZJ.S. 365, 47 S. Ct. 114,
71 L. Ed. 303 (1926); Block v. Hirsh, 256 U. S. 135, 41
S. Ct. 458, 65 L. Ed. 865 (1921). The presumption is
in favor of constitutionality, Gibraltar Factors Cory.
v. Slapo, 23 N. J. 459, 463 (1957), and the burden of
proof and persuasion is heavy on the party con
testing the statute. In the absence of a showing of
clear abuse of the police power, the tendency is to leave
the wisdom, of the statute as a political rather than
judicial question. We may pass this question without
decision, however, and proceed to consider matters
briefed and argued by the parties.”
The United States Supreme Court dismissed the appeal
for want of a substantial Federal question. 363 U.S. 418
(1960).
In O’Meara v. Washington State Board Against Discrimi
nation, 365 P. 2d 1 (1961), the Washington Supreme Court
held its State’s statute unconstitutional by a vote of five
to four, in a case involving a private owner’s refusal to
sell a single-family dwelling, on grounds of color. The FHA
financing had taken place prior to the effective date of the
Washington law. Analysis of the grounds of decision dis
closes that, in regard to the issues before this Court in
the present case, the ruling supports the validity of the
Massachusetts law.
The minority of four judges voted to hold the statute con
stitutional on all counts. It was within the police power
because addressed to evils which the Legislature could prop
erly deal with and because the means selected were reason
ably related to the ends sought. And the classification based
on public assistance was thought reasonable.
Three judges of the majority of five limited their deci
sion to a single ground, holding that the statute was un
22
constitutionally discriminatory and thus violative of equal
protection in singling out FHA-financed homeowners from
among all homeowners. The Levitt case, supra, at pp. 19-21,
and the Pelham Hall case, discussed infra, at p. 24, were
distinguished on the ground that they related, not to a
single homeowner, but to a large project of homes and a
multiple-dwelling apartment. It is to he noted that the
Massachusetts law, unlike the Washington statute, is not
limited to FHA-financed housing, and the present case, un
like the Washington case, is concerned with a multiple-
dwelling landlord.
These three judges not only limited their vote for in
validity on a ground irrelevant to the present case, but
quoted from the trial judge’s opinion the following state
ment of the evils of housing discrimination (365 P. 2d,
at 3) :
‘ ‘ ‘ This court is fully cognizant of the evils which flow
from discrimination because of race, creed, or color in
a free democratic society. The practice of discrimina
tion is utterly inconsistent with the political philosophy
upon which our institutions are based and with the
moral principles which we inherit from our Judeo-
Christian tradition. Its effects, in terms of social, eco
nomic and psychological damage to the community, are
well known. Segregated housing, in particular, is
linked intimately with substandard, unhealthy, unsafe
living conditions with resultant fire and health haz
ards. It undoubtedly contributes to instability in fam
ily life, moral laxity, and delinquency. It can and must
be eliminated, not only in order that the members of
our minority groups may reach their full potential but
also in order that the majority may be brought to act
in a manner consistent with the principles which they
profess. It may be noted also that elimination of dis
23
crimination is necessary for the sake of America’s re
lations with the rest of the world. Our standing with
the so-called uncommitted peoples of the world suffers
seriously because of the continued discrimination and
segregation practiced in America.’ ”
It is submitted that, on the issue of police power to deal
with the evils so well set forth, the Washington Court is
divided seven to two in favor. And this is the issue to be
decided in the case before this Court.
The remaining two of the nine judges, with but one ex
ception, voted to hold the statute invalid on grounds irrele
vant to our case.1 The exception was their conclusion that
there had been a taking of private property for private
purposes. It is submitted that this conclusion is unsound,
for reasons set forth later in this brief, particularly if it
was meant to cover the cases of the multiple-dwelling land
lord—with which the present case deals—or the project
developer of numerous single but contiguous units.
1 Some grounds were based on peculiar provisions of the Wash
ington Constitution, e.g., the original jurisdiction of its Superior
Court over cases involving real property. In addition, these two
judges found the procedure followed by the Washington Board un
constitutional in that the Board represented a combination of legis
lative, administrative and judicial powers, and the chairman of
the Board was said to have the power to select the hearing tribunal
in each case. Neither defect is relevant to the Massachusetts stat
ute. The powers of the Massachusetts Commission Against Dis
crimination are not significantly different, in terms of separation of
powers, from many other agencies of the Commonwealth whose rules
and orders have been repeatedly upheld. See e.g., G.L. c. 23, § 90,
c. 150A, Labor Relations Commission; e. 6, §§ 17, 43-45, c. 138,
Alcoholic Beverages Control Commission; c. 20, §§ 7-9, e. 94A, Milk
Control Commission. And, of course, in Massachusetts the law
specifies that the two Commissioners who did not participate in the
investigation shall adjudicate. Chapter 151B, § 5.
24
All other eases on laws prohibiting housing discrimina
tion have been decided by lower State Courts, and with
one exception they unequivocally support the validity of
these laws.
In State Commission Against Discrimination v. Pelham
Ball Apartments, 10 .'disc. 2d 334,170 N.Y.S. 2d 750 (1958),
the Supreme Court of Westchester County held the New
York statute valid as applied to a multiple-dwelling land
lord. Although the statute related to publicly assisted
housing, the decision went on grounds equally applicable
to private housing. The Court rejected the argument that
there was involved simply a conflict of private rights (10
Misc. 2d, at 341) :
‘ ‘ Involved here, it is said, is an apparent collision
of rights, namely, a clash between the right on the
one hand of the private owner of property to enjoy
and use it in the manner most desirable and/or profit
able to him, and the right on the other hand of all
individuals here to be treated equally and free of all
discrimination on account of race, color or religion.
In the final analysis, however what is here involved is a
conflict between the rights of the private property
owner and the inherent power of the State to regulate
the use and enjoyment of private property in the in
terest of public welfare; and, as hereinafter noted, the
power of the State, when reasonably exercised, is su
preme.”
In Martin v. City of New York, 22 Misc. 2d 389, 201
N.Y.S. 2d 111 (1960), the Supreme Court of New York
County upheld on substantially similar reasoning the New
York City ordinance which banned discrimination in pri
vate multiple-dwelling housing. After noting that govern
mental power to regulate rental housing was broad and
25
necessarily expanding to meet new problems, tbe Court
added (22 Misc. 2d, at 391):
“ Statutes now forbid racial discrimination in hiring.
These have been found constitutionally unobjection
able (Matter of Holland v. Edwards, 307 N. Y. 38, 42).
The interference with private business is just as great
but it has had to yield to changing concepts of what
the State can and should do.”
In Swanson v. Commission on Civil Rights of Connecti
cut, No. 94802, July 11, 1961, the Superior Court of New
Haven County, Connecticut, reviewed a cease and desist
order issued under the housing discrimination law. While
the Court found that the facts of the case did not bring it
under the law, it first gave a fully-considered opinion up
holding the constitutionality of the law (pp. 3-4 of mimeo
graphed cop y ):
“ Under the common law no person has the ‘ civil
right’ to purchase or lease any property he desires if
the owner does not wish to sell or lease to him. 14
A.L.R. 2d 154. The amendment under consideration
is not an enactment that directs all property owners
to sell or rent to anyone who offers to buy or rent.
It is directed to owners and so-called developers of land
whose business is to build, sell and rent numerous
houses in a so-called building development and to own
ers and builders of multiple dwellings who make it a
business to engage in the selling or leasing of housing
accommodations. It is these individuals who domi
nate and set the pattern of the housing market as a
whole. The prohibition of discrimination in housing
developments and in multiple dwellings may well go
a long way to help eradicate bias and foster equal
26
rights to all persons regardless of race, creed or color,
in the whole community. Although such developments
and multiple dwellings may be private enterprises, the
building, selling and renting of the units in these de
velopments and multiple dwellings are businesses
which have a substantial impact upon a community.
Such being the case, they are subject to reasonable
regulations which will serve the public welfare. This
is so even if it can be shown that such regulations will
result in some financial loss to the owner without pro
vision for compensation therefor. . . . ”
In but one lower Court case has a law forbidding dis
crimination in housing been invalidated, and this on facts
different from the facts of the present case and on a ground
peculiar to the State statute and to the particular adminis
trative order issued. In Case v. Colorado Anti-Discrimi
nation Commission, Civ. No. 39682, June 2, 1961, the Dis
trict Court for El Paso County, Colorado, held uncon
stitutional that section of the Colorado Pair Housing Act
of 1959 which conferred power on the administrative agency
to issue cease and desist orders, on the ground that it was
unduly vague. The case involved the sale of a single home,
which would, on the facts set forth in the opinion, ap
parently come within the Colorado law, hut would not he
covered by the Massachusetts statute. The El Paso Court
expressed some doubt of the State’s power in these cir
cumstances, but came to no firm conclusion and certainly
no holding.
It is not contended, of course, that these housing cases,
just reviewed, constitute binding precedent in the Supreme
Judicial Court. All are from other jurisdictions, only two
are by Courts of last resort, and they vary in the extent of
correspondence of their facts with the one at bar. Never
27
theless, these cases should he given that weight which takes
account of their power to persuade, even though they lack
the power to control.
If these housing cases stood alone, they would strongly
support the validity of the Massachusetts Fair Housing
Law as applied here. In all instances wherein the Court
squarely confronted the issues of police power and due
process it concluded that the Legislature had the requisite
power and that due process had been accorded. In the
two decisions of invalidation the grounds were irrelevant.
It may or may not be significant that those two cases, and
only those, presented cases of sale of a single single-unit
dwelling. In any event, the laws tested differ from our
law, which applies to persons engaged in the business of
sale or lease of housing, and from our case, which involves
rental by a large multiple-unit apartment house owner.
The housing cases, however, do not stand alone. They
represent, rather, the most recent examples of a line of
judicial development on anti-discrimination laws which,
when viewed as a whole, overwhelmingly establishes the
constitutionality of the Massachusetts Fair Housing Law.
Just as the public accommodations laws were enacted
earliest, so the judicial decisions validating them were
handed down first. As early as 1888 the New York law
was upheld in People v. King, 110 N.Y. 418, 428, where the
Court said:
“ The statute does not interfere with private enter
tainments or prevent persons not engaged in the busi
ness of keeping a place of public amusement, from regu
lating admission to social, public or private entertain
ments given by them as they may deem best, nor does
it seek to compel social equality. It was, we think, a
valid exercise of the police power of the state over a
subject within the cognizance of the legislature.”
28
Ten years later, the highest Court in Minnesota stated,
in Rhone v. Loomis, 74 Minn. 200, 203, 77 N.W. 31 (1898):
“ The power of the legislature to enact such laws . . . is
no longer open to discussion.” The Courts of five other
States, in addition to Massachusetts, have sustained the
use of the police power to prohibit discriminatory practices
by places of public accommodation. Jones v. Kehrlein, 49
Cal. App. 646, 194 P. 55 (1920). Darius v. Apostolos, 68
Colo. 323, 330, 190 P. 510 (1920). Pickett v. Kuchau, 323
111. 138, 153 N.E. 667 (1926). Bolden v. Grand Rapids
Operating Corp., 239 Mich. 318 (1927). Messenger v. State,
25 Neb. 674, 41 N.W. 638 (1889).
In 1914, in Bryant v. Rich’s Grill, 216 Mass. 344, this
Court simply assumed the constitutionality of the appli
cable public accommodations law. And ten years later, in
Opinion of the Justices, 247 Mass. 589, 595 (1924), this
Court said:
‘ ‘ There can be no doubt as to the validity of a statute
denouncing under penalty discrimination on account
of race or color in admission to theatres and other
places of amusement. G. L. c. 272, § 98. Bryant v.
Rich’s Grill, 216 Mass. 344.”
The most recent reported instance of judicial enforce
ment of this statute is Crawford v. Kent, 341 Mass. 125
(1960).
When this issue reached the United States Supreme
Court in 1953 it was disposed of briefly and conclusively.
In District of Columbia v. John R. Thompson Co., 346 U.S.
100 (1953), the Court affirmed the conviction of a restau
rant proprietor for refusing to serve a Negro in violation
of a District of Columbia ordinance enacted in 1872 during
a brief period of home rule in the District. The Court put
29
to rest any doubt about the constitutionality of this kind
of legislation in these words (at page 109) :
“ And certainly so far as the Federal Constitution is
concerned there is no doubt that legislation which pro
hibits discrimination on the basis of race in the use of
facilities serving a public function is within the police
power of the states. See Railway Mail Assn. v. Cor si,
326 U. S. 88, 93-94; Bob-Lo Excursion Co. v. Michigan,
333 IT. S. 28, 34.”
These cases govern the case at bar. Public accommoda
tions laws cannot be distinguished from a law which bans
discrimination by those in the business of selling or rent
ing housing. Both laws serve the same public purposes
and entail similar restrictions on liberty of contract or
other property rights.
The fact that we call them “ places of public accommo
dation” should not obscure the fact that these enterprises
are private rather than governmental, and are not “ quasi
public” in the sense that they have lost their power to ex
clude people from the premises. In Foster v. Shubert Hold
ing Co., 316 Mass. 470, 473 (1944), this Court in speaking of
a theater owner said that “ the proprietor is not bound
to admit everybody who presents a ticket—-apart from dis
crimination on account of race or color forbidden by G. L.
(Ter. Ed.) c. 272, § 98, . . .” See also Madden v. Queens
County Jockey Club, 296 N.Y. 249 (1947) (race track).
Consistent with this understanding, the General Court
has not limited chapter 272, § 92A (to which section 98
refers) to inns, restaurants and places of amusement, but
has extended it far beyond what used to be viewed as
“ quasi-public” businesses. Thus, for example, it now in
cludes any “ retail store or establishment, including those
30
dispensing personal services.” Most of tlie other States
with public-accommodation laws have followed suit.
So far as these decisions are sought to be justified on
the ground that they are limited to activities ‘ ‘ affected with
a public interest,” it should be noted that this conception
was laid to rest by the United States Supreme Court as
long ago as 1934, in Nebbia v. New York, 291 U.S. 502, in
which governmental price-fixing of milk sold by a store
keeper was constitutionally upheld. The dissenting opinion
in that case makes it clear that the Court had indeed at
times applied the test of whether an activity was “ affected
with a public interest.” See also the review of the prior
cases in Hale, “ The Constitution and the Price System:
Some Reflections on Nebbia v. New York,” 34 Col. L. Rev.
401 (1934).
Mr. Justice Roberts, speaking for the Court in Nebbia,
reframed the doctrine in a fashion followed ever since (291
U.S. at 536-537) :
“ It is clear that there is no closed class or category
of businesses affected with a public interest, and the
function of courts in the application of the Fifth and
Fourteenth Amendments is to determine in each case
whether circumstances vindicate the challenged regu
lation as a reasonable exertion of governmental au
thority or condemn it as arbitrary or discriminatory.
Wolff Packing Co. v. Industrial Court, 262 U.S. 522,
535. The phrase ‘ affected with a public interest’ can,
in the nature of things, mean no more than that an
industry, for adequate reason, is subject to control
for the public good. In several of the decisions of
this court wherein the expressions ‘ affected with a
public interest-,’ and ‘ clothed with a public use,’ have
been brought forward as the criteria of the validity
of price control, it has been admitted that they are
31
not susceptible of definition and form an unsatisfac
tory test of the constitutionality of legislation directed
at business practices or prices. These decisions must
rest, finally, upon the basis that the requirements of
due process were not met because the laws were found
arbitrary in their operation and effect. [The Court
in a footnote at this point cited cases which had pre
viously been understood to apply the test of ‘ businesses
affected with a public interest.’ ] But there can be no
doubt that upon proper occasion and by appropriate
measures the state may regulate a business in any of
its aspects, including the prices to be charged for the
products or commodities it sells.
“ So far as the requirement of due process is con
cerned, and in the absence of other constitutional re
striction, a state is free to adopt whatever economic
policy may reasonably be deemed to promote public
welfare, and to enforce that policy by legislation
adapted to its purpose. The courts are without au
thority either to declare such policy, or, when it is
declared by the legislature, to override it. If the laws
passed are seen to have a reasonable relation to a
proper legislative purpose, and are neither arbitrary
nor discriminatory, the requirements of due process
are satisfied, and judicial determination to that effect
renders a court functus officio.”
In any case, the “ quasi-public” concept cannot be the
foundation of laws prohibiting discrimination in employ
ment, since such laws make no classification by type of
business activity. As we have seen, these laws have been
enacted by twenty-two States, including Massachusetts.
Some of these States, including New York and Massachu
setts, have likewise banned discrimination by labor unions.
32
Although administrative agencies in most of these States
have been active for periods ranging from a short time
to sixteen years (fifteen years in Massachusetts), no liti
gant before them has challenged the constitutionality of
these employment laws. Although Commission orders
have been reviewed in the Courts in a number of reported
cases, the issue of constitutionality has not been raised and
the Courts have uniformly assumed the validity of the laws.
Holland v. Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 (1954). Ivory v. Ed
wards, 278 App. Div. 359; affd. without opinion, 304 N.Y.
949 (1953). Ross v. Arbury, 206 Misc. 74; affd. without
opinion, 285 App. Div. 886 (1955). Draper v. Clark Dairy,
17 Conn. Supp. 93 (1950). Local 35, In t’l Brotherhood v.
Commission on Civil Rights, 18 Conn. Supp. 125 (1952).
The explanation for this uniform failure to challenge the
employment laws over a substantial time period lies in the
numerous and compelling precedents and reasons which
can be marshaled in support of these laws, of which liti
gants before the agencies have no doubt been cognizant.
There are no reported instances of judicial review of
orders by the Massachusetts Commission Against Dis
crimination in relation to employment—and thus no occa
sion for the Courts to consider its validity. But Massa
chusetts has also on its books a State Labor Relations
Act, Gr.L. c. 150A, enacted initially in 1937, by St. 1937, c.
436, and modeled largely on the National Labor Relations
Act, 29 U.S.C. § 151 et seq. The latter law was upheld by
the United States Supreme Court in NLRB v. Jones do
Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1 (1937), and the State law
has been for so long enforced and so often reviewed in
this Court that there can surely be no question of its con
stitutionality at this time. See, e.g., J or dan Marsh Co. v.
Labor Relations Commission, 312 Mass. 597 (1942).
Accepting the labor relations law, prohibiting discrimi
nation in employment because of union status, as consti
33
tutional, then surely the law prohibiting discrimination in
employment because of race, creed, color or national origin
is likewise valid. For the evil of racial or other like dis
crimination is surely on no lower plane than that of union
discrimination. Each may lead to other evils which the
Legislature is competent to deal with. Union discrimina
tion may lead to industrial strife, causing interference with
interstate commerce. See 301 U.S. at 41-43. Racial dis
crimination in employment may lead to racial strife, or
alternatively to submerged economic groups who present
problems of crime, delinquency, slums and welfare needs.
Cf. New Negro Alliance v. Sanitary Grocery Co., 303 U.S.
552, 561 (1938): “ Race discrimination by an employer may
reasonably be deemed more unfair and less excusable than
discrimination against workers on the ground of union af
filiation.” On the other hand, the restrictions imposed
upon employers by the two statutes are not significantly
different. For a careful comparison of the two laws, lead
ing to the conclusion that the Massachusetts Fair Employ
ment Practice Act of 1946 is constitutional, see the short
but penetrating note by Professor E. Merrick Dodd in
17 Bar Bulletin of the Bar Association of the City of Bos
ton, 201-207 (1946).
In employment, as with public accommodations, the
United States Supreme Court has disposed of all possible
contentions under the Fourteenth Amendment. In the first
and only time the issue was presented, the Court unani
mously affirmed a decision by the New York Court of Ap
peals holding that a New York statute prohibiting discrimi
nation by unions (Civil Rights Law, § 43) was constitu
tional. Railway Mail Association v. Corsi, 326 U.S. 88
(1945).
The New York law had been attacked by an association
of railway workers as constituting a denial of due process
in that it interfered with the union’s right to select its own
34
members and further that it abridged the association’s
property rights and liberty of contract. The Court said
(326 U.S. at 93-94):
‘ ‘ Appellant first contends that § 43 and related §§ 41
and 45 of the New York Civil Rights Law, as applied
to appellant, offends the due process clause of the Four
teenth Amendment as an interference with its right of
selection to membership and abridgement of its prop
erty rights and liberty of contract. We have here a
prohibition of discrimination in membership or union
services on account of race, creed or color. A judicial
determination that such legislation violated the Four
teenth Amendment would be a distortion of the policy
manifested in that amendment, which was adopted to
prevent state legislation designed to perpetuate dis
crimination on the basis of race or color. We see no
constitutional basis for the contention that a state can
not protect workers from exclusion solely on the basis
of race, color or creed by an organization, functioning
under the protection of the state, which holds itself out
to represent the general business needs of employees.”
(Emphasis supplied.) (Footnotes omitted.)
Concurring in the opinion of the Court, Mr. Justice Frank
furter eloquently demolished the sole argument that can
be adduced against anti-discrimination legislation (326 U.S.
at 98):
“ Apart from other objections, which are too unsub
stantial to require consideration, it is urged that the
Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
precludes the State of New York from prohibiting ra
cial and religious discrimination against those seeking
employment. Elaborately to argue against this con
tention is to dignify a claim devoid of constitutional
35
substance. Of course a State may leave abstention
from such discrimination to the conscience of indi
viduals. On the other hand, a State may choose to
put its authority behind one of the cherished aims of
American feeling by forbidding indulgence in racial
or religious prejudice to another’s hurt. To use the
Fourteenth Amendment as a sword against such State
power would stultify that Amendment. Certainly the
insistence by individuals on their private prejudices
as to race, color or creed, in relations like those now
before us, ought not to have a higher constitutional
sanction than the determination of a State to extend
the area of non-discrimination beyond that which the
Constitution itself exacts.” (Emphasis supplied.)
The Fourteenth Amendment prevents Government, how
ever local in scope its activity may be, from imposing dis
crimination in housing or other basic facilities, based on
race, creed, color or national origin. It expresses funda
mental national policy. See Mitchell v. United States, 313
U.S. 80, 94 (1941); Bob-Lo Excursion Co. v. Michigan, 333
U.S. 28 (1948). To read the same amendment as disabling
Government from enacting legislation designed to effectuate
its underlying policy would sterilize and distort it. That
is the holding of the Cor si case, and it explains why the
relevant authorities have so uniformly upheld the power of
the State to enact anti-discrimination legislation.
Similarly, when respondents rely on the language of
article I of the Declaration of Rights in the Massachusetts
Constitution, that men have rights of “ acquiring, possess
ing, and protecting property,” they overlook the fact that
these rights only illustrate the basic principle of the article:
“ All men are born free and equal . . . ” The illustration
may not be used to vitiate the premise.
36
Of course, the State’s legislation must be addressed to
problems of public concern and must aim at appropriate
public objectives. And the means used must be reasonable.
Statutes dealing with public accommodations and employ
ment have uniformly met these tests, and in the next section
we shall show that the Massachusetts Fair Housing Prac
tices Law satisfies them beyond any question.
III. The Fair Housing Practices Law Represents a Consti
tutional Exercise of Legislative Power.
The present controversy confronts this Court once again
with the need to reconcile the interests of the public, re
flected in legislation enacted under the police power, with
the claim of an individual against deprivation of his prop
erty without due process of law. These two conceptions
—police power and due process—are but two sides of the
same coin, and it is impossible to consider the one without
taking account of the other.
Particularly because these two standards are very broad
in scope, and uncertain at their edges, the principles gov
erning constitutional adjudication have special importance.
Both this Court and the United States Supreme Court ap
proach constitutional questions of the kind here presented
in the same spirit, with careful attention to the appropriate
roles of Legislature and Court.
Not only does a legislative enactment carry a presump
tion of validity, but that presumption is of compelling force.
See Druzik v. Board of Health of Haverhill, 324 Mass. 129,
138-139 (1949):
“ All rational presumptions are made in favor of the
validity of every legislative enactment. Enforcement
is to be refused only when it is in manifest excess of
37
legislative power. Perkins v. Westwood, 226 Mass.
268, 271. Lowell Co-operative Bank v. Co-operative
Central Bank, 287 Mass. 338, 343. Howes Brothers Co.
v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296
Mass. 275, 284. Moore v. Election Commissioners of
Cambridge, 309 Mass. 303, 311. It is only when a legis
lative finding cannot be supported upon any rational
basis of fact that reasonably can be conceived to sus
tain it that a court is empowered to strike it down.
Slome v. Chief of Police of Fitchburg, 304 Mass. 187,
189. If the question is fairly debatable, courts cannot
substitute their judgment for that of the Legislature.
Simon v. Needham, 311 Mass. 560, 564. Foster v.
Mayor of Beverly, 315 Mass. 567, 572. 122 Main Street
Corp. v. Brockton, 323 Mass. 646, 649.”
See also Delaivare & Hudson Co. v. Boston Railroad Hold
ing Co., 323 Mass. 282, 291 (1948); United States v. Caro
tene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144, 152 (1938).
Of course, the Court does not review the wisdom or ex
pedience of the law. “ We are concerned not with the pol
icy or efficacy of the method which the Legislature has
adopted but only with its constitutionality.” Russell v.
Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501, 507-508
(1954). See also Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 348 IT.S.
483, 488 (1955); Day-Brite Lighting, Inc., v. Missouri, 342
U.S. 421, 423, 425 (1952).
In so far as the validity of a law depends on a state of
facts, the Court will assume the existence of that state of
facts unless other facts judicially known or proved preclude
the possibility of its existence. See Merit Oil Co. v. Di
rector, 319 Mass. 301, 304-305 (1946), in which this Court,
having no knowledge of the actual legislative findings, as
sumed such facts as would sustain the act in question, and
38
then noted that the record before it did “ not negative the
existence of any of the possible findings that have been
mentioned.” See also South Carolina State Highway De
partment v. Barnwell Bros., 303 U.S. 177, 191 (1938).
It is in the light of this background that the Law here in
question is to be appraised. Whether one puts verbal em
phasis on the concept of police power, or of due process,
the appraisal must be in terms of the statute’s ends and
means. So long as the objectives of the Law lie within the
broad scope of legislative power, and the means adopted
bear a reasonable relationship to those objectives, without
restricting individual rights more than is reasonable and
necessary to attain the objectives, the Law is constitutional.
The Fair Housing Practices Law easily satisfies these cri
teria, as the following material demonstrates.
A. T he Objectives or th e S tatute are P ermissible and
W ell w it h in th e P olice P ower oe th e C o m m o n w ealth .
It has recently been said that ‘ ‘ of all the powers of local
government, the police power is ‘ one of the least limit-
able. ’ ” Lambert v. California, 355 U.S. 225, 228 (1957).
Obviously this does not mean that it is limitless; the Legis
lature does not have the last word on its own power. What
is meant, rather, is that, apart from presumptions of valid
ity, the problems that may impinge upon the public interest
are infinitely varied in description, and the powers of gov
ernment to cope with them must be equal to the problems
and are therefore incapable of definitive cataloguing. As
this Court said in Delaware & Hudson Co. v. Boston Rail
road Holding Co., 323 Mass. 282, 290-291 (1948):
“ All property is held subject to the power and duty
of the Legislature, from time to time, to make, ordain,
and establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable
39
laws, not contrary to the Constitution, as they shall
judge to he for the good and welfare of the Common
wealth. Constitution of Massachusetts, c. 1, § 1, art. 4.
This power, which resides in every sovereign state, has,
unfortunately we think, come to be called the police
power. It is manifest that the necessary and proper
exercise of this power will frequently limit, and restrict
the freedom of action which particular persons and
corporations would otherwise enjoy in the manage
ment and control of their property, and that such
limitation and restriction do not constitute a taking
of property for which compensation must be allowed.
. . . ” (Emphasis supplied.)
In what ways might the Legislature “ judge [the Massa
chusetts Fair Housing Law] to be for the good and welfare
of the Commonwealth” ? There are a good many. 1
1. Equal Opportunity to Secure Shelter, without Regard
to Race, Creed, Color or National Origin.
First, the Legislature had the simple but fundamental
purpose of ending or at least curtailing discriminatory
practices which limit access by American citizens and
Massachusetts inhabitants to one of the basic needs for liv
ing in our society. Having previously dealt with food and
clothing through the public accommodations laws, it has
now concerned itself with shelter.
It is important to note that the Law deals with discrim
inatory practices, and not with mental attitudes or psy
chological prejudices. There is no basis here for an argu
ment that the thoughts or beliefs of the landlord are the
target, or that his civil liberties are at stake. And when
the Legislature classifies the practices as discriminatory
40
it is declaring that the criteria of race, creed, color or na
tional origin are deemed by the society to be irrelevant to
whether people shall have the opportunity to secure the
basic necessities of present-day life.
In so declaring itself, the Legislature is reflecting a heri
tage more than a century and a half old, embodied both in
the Fourteenth Amendment of the Federal Constitution
and in the much older Declaration of Eights of the Massa
chusetts Constitution, part 1, arts. I, X. It is not disputed
that these provisions operate of their own force only on
governmental action, and not on private conduct, as is
normal with constitutional clauses, but surely they may be
taken to express the most basic long-run values of our so
ciety.
Moreover, these constitutional provisions have not stood
alone. As we have already shown, a vast number of States
— an overwhelming majority of all States north of the
Mason-Dixon line and in the West—have in one way or
another dealt with unequal access to one or more of the
basic goods or services, brought about by discrimination.
And as we have also seen, in no instance has any Court
held that the police power does not encompass the objective
of equal opportunity, without regard to race, creed, color
or national origin.
Is it that shelter is to be distinguished from food and
clothing! Can equal access to a home be seen differently
from equal access to a job, or to a school, or to recreational
opportunity! The power of the State to control rents in
order to afford reasonable opportunity to keep or obtain
shelter, when it was temporarily threatened by a shortage,
has been recognized both by this Court (Russell v. Treas
urer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501 (1954)) and the
United States Supreme Court (Block v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135
(1921) (“ Housing is a necessary of life,” id. at 156, per
41
Holmes, J .)) even though a severe restriction on private
property rights resulted. The rent controls were tempo
rary, but that was because the shortages were temporary
too.
In many ways housing that is adequately constructed and
reasonably located is more basic than other facilities that
are protected by older laws. Housing is often the key to
many other opportunities that should be equally available to
all members of our society: education on a non-discrimina-
tory and unsegregated basis; access to jobs not so far dis
tant as to be beyond the limits of daily travel; recreational
and other public facilities. The United States Commission
on Civil Eights, in a comprehensive study of discrimination
in voting, education and housing, found that “ The funda
mental interrelationships among the subjects of voting, edu
cation, and housing make it impossible for the problem to
be solved by the improvement of any one factor alone. ’ ’ 1
Thus, we do not have in this case a question of “ social
mixing,” of private clubs or other private organizations.
These remain matters of private conscience. We are deal
ing with a basic necessity of daily existence, whose availa
bility conditions many other necessities.
There can be no contention here that the Legislature was
tilting at windmills; that equal opportunity exists to secure
housing without discrimination on racial or similar grounds.
The evidence seems so plain that we believe this Court
might well take judicial notice of it. Cardinal Cushing, in
a foreword to a recent work, “ A Catholic Case Against
Segregation” (O ’Neill Ed. 1961), stated: “ We are now,
surely, a long way past the time when we have to document
1 Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1959,
p. 545 (submitted to the President pursuant to Public Law 85-315,
Eighty-fifth Congress). (This report is available at the Social Law
Library.)
42
the facts of discrimination or when we can question its un
happy effects on the American society. ’ ’ 2
But the facts have been documented. In 1961 the United
States Commission on Civil Rights made the following de
termination : 3
“ In 1959 the Commission found that ‘housing . . .
seems to he the one commodity in the American market
that is not freely available on equal terms to everyone
who can afford to pay. ’ Today, 2 years later, the situa
tion is not noticeably better.
‘ ‘ Throughout the country large groups of American
citizens—mainly Negroes, but other minorities too—■
are denied an equal opportunity to choose where they
will live. Much of the housing market is closed to them
for reasons unrelated to their personal worth or ability
to pay. New housing, by and large, is available only
to whites. And in the restricted market that is open to
them, Negroes generally must pay more for equivalent
housing than do the favored majority. ‘ The dollar in
a dark hand’ does not ‘have the same purchasing power
as a dollar in a white hand.’ ” (Footnotes omitted.)
In the comprehensive work of McEntire, “ Residence and
Race” (U. Cal. Press, I960),4 the facts of racial segrega
2 As quoted in Boston Sunday Globe, Nov. 19, 1961, p. A l, eols.
1-3.
3 1961 Commission on Civil Rights Report: Book 4 on Housing,
p. 1. (Available at the Social Law Library.)
4 This work “ is the final report of a broad study of housing prob
lems involving minority racial and ethnic groups, conducted for
the Commission on Race and Housing, under the direction of Davis
McEntire. . . . The Commission is an independent, private citi
zens’ group, not a part of any other organization” (foreword to
the work, p. v.). The membership is given at pages v-vii, and con
43
tion in twelve large metropolitan areas are given in chapter
III, pp. o2~66. That the racial segregation found elsewhere
in the nation also exists here is shown by a study of hous
ing by whites and nonwhites in Massachusetts prepared
especially for this case by Helen B. Kistin, Economic Con
sultant, and set forth in Appendix B to this brief. See
Appendix B, pp. 94-128. Other data of this Study will be re
ferred to as they are pertinent.8
As McEntire points out, not all segregation is caused by
discriminatory practices (p. 67):
‘ ‘ The segregation of a group may be voluntary or im
posed or it may result from economic weakness. Fre
quently all three factors are combined. Some groups,
notably religious communities, insist on segregating
themselves in order to pursue their particular way of
life without interference. At the other extreme are
many Negroes who would much prefer a nonracial sta
tus but are set apart by others. The desire for volun
tary segregation by members of a group may be strong
or weak; so also may be the forces for imposed segre
gation. Shared poverty may reinforce the other pres- 5
sists of well-known and outstanding figures of our time, including
bank and business executives, lawyers and educators. (Available
at the Social Law Library.)
5 In presenting this Study and in citing social and economic data
contained in the reports of other studies and investigations—what
is now known as a “ Brandeis brief” —we do not offer them for
the Court to ascertain the truth of the facts asserted, but only to
establish that the Legislature could reasonably conclude that con
ditions were as portrayed by these data. Petitioner thus does more
than is required of it, for under the presumption of constitutional
ity it is respondents’ task to disprove any reasonably conceivable
state of facts that will support the legislation in question. Pro
fessor Paul Freund has fully discussed these points in The Supreme
Court of the United States (Meridian Books by World Pub Co
1961), at pp. 150-152.
44
sures for segregation, but a degree of economic power
usually neutralizes them. Consequently, the segrega
tion of a particular group may be relatively complete
or merely a tendency. ’ ’
The Massachusetts Legislature was not concerned with
voluntary segregation nor directly with that which results
from economic disability. Voluntary segregation is an ex
ercise of individual choice; segregation caused by economic
disability can be met by improving one’s economic condi
tion. But racial segregation imposed from without is a
denial of freedom which the individual cannot alter. Thus
the Legislature dealt with racial segregation imposed by
the discriminatory practices of certain key groups land
lords of multiple-dwelling units, developers of projects of
10 units or more, real-estate brokers dealing with these
units,6 and financial institutions which finance real-estate
transactions.7 The Legislature directed the law to those
who greatly influence access to housing of large numbers
of people. Respondent Colangelo, owner and lessor of a
120 unit apartment house, is a prime example.
2. The Social and Economic Consequences of Housing
Discrimination.
The Legislature was not limited to the establishment of
equality of opportunity to secure housing as an abstract
proposition, important as that is. The Legislature did, and
was entitled to, consider the social and economic conse
quences that flow from housing discrimination and segrega
tion. And it did, and was entitled to, conclude that it should
strike at the cause rather than deal only with the symptoms.
6 Real-estate brokers were specifically included in G.L. c. 151B,
§ 6, by St. 1961, c. 128.
7 G.L. c. 151B, § 4(3B), as added by St. 1960, c. 163, § 2.
45
(1) There are, first, the economic disabilities suffered by
minority groups. As the United States Commission on
Civil Rights reported in the passage quoted above at page
42, the discriminatory practices that hold down the supply
of housing available to Negroes inevitably raise the price
or rent which they must pay. McEntire, “ Residence and
Race,” c. IX, reviews all past studies as well as the study
conducted for the Commission on Race and Housing, and
concludes (p. 155):
“ Racial differences in the relation of housing quality
and space to rent or value can be briefly summarized.
As of 1950, nonwhite households, both renters and
owners, obtained a poorer quality of housing than did
whites at all levels of rent or value, in all regions of
the country. Nonwhite homeowners had better quality
dwellings than renters and approached more closely
to the white standard, but a significant differential per
sisted, nevertheless, in most metropolitan areas and
value classes. . . . ”
The data for Massachusetts are in accord. See Appendix
B, pp. 100-102, 106-109.
Economic disability imposed upon large human segments
of the society, especially when done without any fault on
the part of the disabled, is of legitimate concern to the
public and therefore to the Legislature. Cf. Howes Broth
ers Co. v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296
Mass. 275 (1936), which upheld the unemployment in
surance law, on the ground that unemployment was no fault
of the persons concerned, and caused “ harm to the com
mon weal” through its many consequences. 2
(2) The Legislature could properly consider a second
consequence of housing discrimination, a consequence of
46
great magnitude. Discrimination, particularly against
Negroes, exerts pressure on them to live in the restricted
areas available to them. The excessive density of popula
tion resulting from artificially limited supply is a classic
cause of slums, which in turn breed delinquency, vice, crime
and disease.
These facts are widely known, and the Court might sim
ply take judicial notice of them, or the Court might
assume them as facts which support the validity of legis
lative action in the absence of contradictory evidence. See
the discussion of Merit Oil Co. v. Director, 319 Mass. 301
(1946), at page 37, supra. But if documentary support is
needed, it is available from both official and responsible
private sources. The United States Commission on Civil
Bights has reported that racial discrimination produces
slums, with a consequent loss of tax revenue, and adds:
‘ 1 These problems are not limited to any one region of the
country. They are nationwide and their implications are
manifold. . . .8
When New York City first adopted an ordinance directed
to discriminatory practices in housing, Local Law No. 80
for the year 1957, it included a legislative declaration which
reads in part as follows :
“ In the city of New York, with its great cosmopolitan
population consisting of large numbers of people of
every race, color, religion, national origin and ancestry,
many persons have been compelled to live in circum
scribed sections under substandard, unhealthful, un
sanitary and crowded living conditions because of dis
crimination and segregation in housing. These condi
8 1961 Report, Book 4 on Housing, p. 1. See also McEntire,
“ Residence and Race,” pp. 93-94 (1960). For the data on Negro
slums in Boston and the resultant delinquency, disease and death
rates, see Appendix B, pp. 106-111.
47
tions have caused increased mortality, morbidity,
delinquency, risk of fire, intergroup tension, loss of
tax revenue and other evils. As a result, the peace,
health, safety and general welfare of the entire city
and all its inhabitants are threatened. . . . ”
Under the normal presumption of constitutionality, this
Court must assume that the Massachusetts Legislature had
similar evils in mind when it enacted the Fair Housing Law.
Racial discrimination is not the sole cause of slums. Eco
nomic, social and cultural factors all play a role. But on
the data available the Legislature was not only reasonable
but realistic in concluding that discrimination is a signifi
cant factor. And the Legislature, which has adopted or
authorized health and safety measures to combat the effects
of slum conditions, and which has adopted programs of
slum clearance and urban renewal, properly concluded that
it should also combat discrimination as a key cause of slums.
Legislative programs to deal with slum conditions have
been repeatedly upheld by this Court as within the tradi
tional power to promote the public health, welfare, safety
and morals. In Allydonn Realty Corf. v. HolyoJce Housing
Authority, 304 Mass. 288 (1939), this Court recognized the
Legislature’s power in classic terms, per Qua, C.J. One
question in the case was whether slum clearance had a
“ public purpose” which justified public expenditure. In
upholding the expenditure, this Court had the following
to say on the existence of slums, and their social and eco
nomic consequences (304 Mass, at 293-294) :
“ The statute contains legislative findings in sub
stance that slums exist in this Commonwealth, and
that they tend to increase crime and to menace the
health and comfort of the inhabitants. These findings
are entitled to weight in this court. Howes Brothers
48
Go. v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296
Mass. 275, 283. In any event we should be blind to the
obvious, if we did not know that they are true.”
To the argument that the Legislature should deal with
slums by existing methods, the Court responded (304 Mass,
at 294) :
“ Whatever good may have been accomplished by
means of existing regulatory laws and ordinances en
acted in pursuance of the police power, neither those
means nor the operation of private enterprise has thus
far abolished the evil. I f the Legislature now believes
that an entirely different method of attack is demanded
we cannot say that that belief is unfounded in reason.
WTe cannot say that expenditures directed in a rational
manner toward the elimination of slums are not ex
penditures for a public purpose. It is unnecessary to
dilate at length upon the pernicious influence of slums,
upon the manner in which that influence may be found
to reach out and to affect an entire community, lower
ing moral standards, and increasing the cost to all of
police, fire and health protection.”
(3) Housing discrimination not only helps to create
slums, but also seriously interferes with programs of slum
clearance and urban renewal. Urban renewal may take the
form of rehabilitation of existing housing through enforce
ment of a housing code of the type upheld by this Court
in Paquette v. Fall River, 338 Mass. 368 (1959), or the form
of land assembly through condemnation along with a com
prehensive redevelopment program for re-use of the land,
upheld by this Court in Bowlcer v. Worcester, 334 Mass.
422 (1956).
49
The Legislature might reasonably conclude that the suc
cess of every one of these programs is jeopardized by the
existence of discriminatory practices. Because discrimina
tion tends to breed slums, racial or other minorities are
frequently the principal inhabitants of the areas selected
for slum clearance or urban renewal. But each of those
programs depends for its success on the ability to relocate
some or all of the slum dwellers. The housing code upheld
in the Paquette case seeks to eliminate excessive popula
tion density by imposing minimum living space require
ments. If it is enforced, people must move. Urban renewal
obviously contemplates the destruction of obsolete slum
buildings, and these residents must of course move.
The problems thus created are practical and difficult.
The necessity of relocation imposes additional burdens on
minorities, faced as they are with a housing supply limited
by discrimination. At the same time, the renewal program
is stopped in its tracks if it cannot relocate the residents
concerned. And if these residents are simply moved to
another segregated area, adding to its population densi
ties, and a new slum is created, then the renewal program
represents much motion but little movement. These diffi
culties are fully described and explained in the 1961 Report
of the Commission on Civil Rights.9 The Massachusetts
problems are set forth in Appendix B, pp. 112-128.
As Albert M. Cole, former Federal Housing and Home
Finance Administrator, has said :10
“ Regardless of what measures are provided or de
veloped to clear slums and meet low-income housing
9 Book 4 on Housing, c. 4 on Urban Renewal, especially pp. 82-83.
10 “ What is the Federal Government’s Role in Housing?” Ad
dress to the Economic Club of Detroit, Feb. 8, 1954, quoted in Re
port of the Commission on Race and Housing, “ Where Shall We
Live?” p. 40 (U. Cal. Press, 1958).
50
needs, the critical factor in the situation which must
he met is the fact of racial exclusion from the greater
and better part of our housing supply. . . . No program
of housing or urban improvement, however well con
ceived, well financed, or comprehensive, can hope to
make more than indifferent progress until we open up
adequate opportunities to minority families for decent
housing. ’ ’
The Legislature is entitled to meet these threats to its
urban renewal programs, and, of equal importance, to give
special consideration to the minorities directly and criti
cally hurt by relocation. This Court in Allydonn noted that
the provision of low-rent housing, divorced from slum
clearance, would create serious constitutional difficulties.
But the low-rent housing was related to slum clearance,
because it was intended “ to prevent hardship to those
whose homes would be razed and to give permanent assur
ance that such persons would not crowd into other sub
standard areas or create new slums.” 304 Mass, at 295.
So, too, in the present case the Legislature can act.
(4) Housing discrimination based on race, creed, color
or national origin has ramifications beyond bricks and mor
tar and beyond bodily needs. It extends also to the minds
and hearts of men of all races and nationalities, and to their
modes of living together in one society. To many, these
intangibles are the more important, and the Legislature
ought not to be precluded from giving them heed.
True, the Legislature cannot coerce prejudice out of in
dividual minds; but then it has not sought to do that. It
has banned practices which create racial discord and bit
terness, and which perpetuate a physical and social en
51
vironment in which, race confronts race, instead of indivi
dual dealing with individual.
Of course, education which changes attitudes is essential
to the development of racial harmony. Indeed, a rather
dramatic change in attitudes is reported by McEntire,
“ Residence and Race,” pp. 79-80 (1960). He presents the
results of national polls among white persons concerning
their willingness to live in the same neighborhood with
Negroes with the same education and income as they have.
The percentage so willing changed from 20 per cent in 1939
to 51 or 52 per cent in 1956 (two figures of two separate
polls— one done for the Catholic Digest and the other by
the National Opinion Research Center). As might be ex
pected, the two 1956 polls show a distinct difference be
tween North and South. The figures for Northern whites
are 58 per cent and 59 per cent.
This Court would be the first to declare that it is the
Legislature’s function, and not the Court’s, to decide
whether racial harmony is furthered by a ban on discrimina
tory practices. The Legislature must take account of social
attitudes, the potential of education, the crippling effect
that discrimination has on educational process and social
attitudes, and like factors. Its judgment, reached in light
of all the other reasons for the housing law, is within the
proper scope of the legislative power.
(5) The effect that discriminatory practices have on the
victims ’ minds has been dramatically revealed recently in
relation to the role which this nation plays and seeks to
play in the present-day world. The United States confronts
problems of extraordinary difficulty and delicacy in coun
tries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. As leading Fed
eral officials have warned us, the success of United States
foreign relations will depend to a considerable extent on
52
our ability to solve our domestic problem of harmonizing
the aspirations of our people of different color, religion, and
national origin.
Particular incidents are dramatic and only illustrative.
The United States Mission to the United Nations has
struggled to find housing for African envoys to the United
Nations;11 State Department officials have sought equal
treatment at places of public accommodation along Route
40 in Maryland;11 12 again, State Department officials have
sought housing in the District of Columbia for African
envoys accredited to the United States.13 In the recent
hearing before the Interstate Commerce Commission, which
resulted in issuance of an order to desegregate bus ter
minals, the Secretaries of State and Defense were repre
sented, one to present the problems of foreign relations and
the other the problems of American Negro soldiers.14
Massachusetts, with its great universities, confronts an
ever larger influx of foreign students and doctors of all
races and creeds. And Massachusetts has its share of
United States Government personnel, both military and
civilian. This very case involves an Air Force employee
who has come to Massachusetts because his duties place
him here.
May not a State Legislature take national problems into
account in enacting legislation! Just as the Congress takes
State needs into account in its legislation—most notably in
Federal grants-in-aid legislation, but in many other enact
ments as well—so may the State reciprocate. This is in the
best tradition of our federalism, and much to be preferred
11 See N.Y. Post, Sept. 15, 1961, Mag. p. 5, col. 2.
12 Lukas, Trouble on Route 40, in The Reporter, Oct. 26, 1961.
13 N.Y. Times, July 11, 1961, p. 19, col. 2.
14 Discrimination in Operations of Interstate Kotor Carriers of
Passengers, I.C.C. No. MC-C-3358, September 22, 1961.
53
to Federal displacement of State law to meet Federal
needs, when the area as a whole is of predominantly State
concern.
We have considered the various objectives which the
Legislature may have sought to achieve through the Fair
Housing Law. Most of them, taken alone, would be suffi
cient to validate the Law, if its means are reasonable.
Taken together, they establish an unimpeachable title to
constitutionality.
B . T he M eans E mployed by tile M assachusetts F aib
H ousing L aw and th e R estrictions on R espondents are
W h olly R easonable and in A ccord w it h D ue P rocess.
There remain for consideration the questions whether
the means employed by the Fair Housing Law are reason
able or capricious, and whether they unduly harm respond
ents’ private rights. In short, are respondents being de
prived of property without due process of law! 1
1. Relationship of the Means to the Statutory Objectives.
Are the means rationally related to the statutory ends,
which have just been canvassed? It is difficult to see how
means can be more scrupulously tailored to ends than in
the Housing Lawr. The landlord or project developer is
told that he may not discriminate on grounds of race, creed,
color or national origin. He is left free to set any other
standards—of financial responsibility, of moral character,
of familial status, or of whatever else he sees fit. He deals
at arm’s length with the tenant, and may impose whatever
landlord-tenant arrangement is otherwise legal. But he
may not discriminate, because that is the practice the Law
seeks to eliminate.
54
Legitimate debate about the wisdom of tlie means se
lected may not be distorted into a charge that they are un
reasonable. It is sometimes argued that discrimination
cannot be successfully solved by coercive means, but must
be met by education. But this Court is not concerned with
the potential success of a law; that is plainly a question
of its wisdom. Moreover, the argument tenders a false
issue. No one proposes to use coercive means alone; of
course, education is an essential ingredient. The Legisla
ture, however, might rationally conclude that educational
and legal processes should go hand in hand, one supporting
the other. The Housing Law itself emphasizes this mutual
re-enforcement, in providing for educational programs and
for conciliation as major steps in the administrative
process.
Every annual report of the Commission Against Dis
crimination (Public Document No. 163 in each successive
year) shows that the Commission, acting pursuant to the
law, Gr.L. c. 151B, § 3 (8) and (9), has actively combined
educational programs with its enforcement activities. These
educational activities are set forth in detail at the end of
each report. Then, too, each annual report sets forth the
cumulative statistics, from 1946 to date, on investigations,
complaints and dispositions. The Fourteenth Annual Re
port, which would have been the latest available to the
Legislature when it extended the Housing Law in 1959 to
private housing in multiple -dwelling or project develop
ment form, shows that the Commission had in fourteen
years processed over 2,400 investigations and complaints,
apart from its program on age discrimination.
Of these, about 35 per cent had been dismissed because
of lack of jurisdiction, or probable cause, or withdrawal.
Virtually all of the others, about 65 per cent, had been
“ closed after investigation and conference,’ ’ which means
55
that the Commission’s conciliation processes had succeeded.
A few cases were still pending, and only three cases out
of 2,400 had gone to formal hearing. The percentages for
other years are not significantly different. As of today,
five cases have gone to formal hearing, and the present
case is the first one to reach the Courts. We have here a
remarkable blending of the educational with the legal, pro
ceeding with a minimum of the type of friction that is re
flected by formal litigation.
More narrowly focused is the Commission’s experience
with Public Housing, which is now understood to be under
a constitutional ban against discrimination, but which was
in any event placed under a statutory ban in Massachu
setts in 1950. Gf.L. c. 121, § 26FF; c. 151B, § 5, added by
Acts of 1950, c. 479, § 4. Each annual report of the Com
mission reports its activities and gives data on white and
nonwhite occupancy in public housing projects, listed by
project. The data show that over the past decade Negroes
have been admitted in varying numbers to almost all proj
ects, without serious difficulties or consequences. In its
Fourteenth Annual Report for 1959 the Commission was
able to state (p. 10):
“ The MCAD has been powerless in the past to grant
relief to those citizens who have complained to it of
discriminatory practices in the field of private hous
ing. Its enforcement jurisdiction was limited to public
and publicly assisted housing accommodations. When,
in 1950, the Commission was authorized to enforce the
anti-segregation provisions of the public housing law,
it encountered a pattern of almost total segregation
in public housing units in the Commonwealth. Today
there is no such development from which Negroes are
barred. It is to be hoped that a similar pattern of
change in private housing developments may be re
56
ported in our subsequent annual reports as a result
of the new private housing law passed this year.”
The Legislature was plainly entitled to examine this and
other data on the past effect of anti-discrimination laws in
other areas. It could reasonably conclude that such laws
have curtailed discriminatory practices with respect to
public accommodations, private educational institutions,
employment, and public housing. Moreover, it could decide
that persons required to obey these laws had not suffered
significant financial or other loss, if indeed any loss had
been incurred. And it could best judge the timing of the
association between law and education. These are the judg
ments it made when it enacted the Housing Law.
2. The Harm Suffered by Respondents.
As against the important purposes served by the Fair
Housing Law and the carefully circumscribed means it
employs, what harms can respondents show to themselves
individually or to landlords and project developers gen
erally ? Respondents have made absolutely no showing that
they will suffer any financial loss if constrained to obey
the law. Before the Commission, they purported to with
draw from the hearing (R. 25-26). In their responses to
the petition for enforcement in the Superior Court they
made no mention of financial loss (R. 88-92). The agreed
statement of facts is equally barren (R. 92-93). At this
stage of the case we can do no more than speculate, and
on this record the Court must conclude that respondents
will not sustain any financial loss.
Even if we were to assume that there will in the future
be instances of financial hardship traceable to the law—
57
indeed, even if respondents had shown one now—this by
no means renders the law invalid, as is shown by the zon
ing and other cases hereafter reviewed. But there is no
persuasive evidence that the Fair Housing Law inflicts
financial loss on the businesses it regulates. By far the
most comprehensive study is that of Laurenti, Property
Values and Pace (IT. Cal. Press 1960) (available in Social
Law Library), a special research report to the Commission
on Pace and Housing. The author reviews all prior litera
ture on the subject and presents the results of field inves
tigations in seven major cities of the nation, none in Massa
chusetts. He addresses himself to the effect on property
values of entry by nonwhites into white neighborhoods—
surely a testing case—and his general conclusions are as
follows (p. 47) :
“ The major statistical finding of the present study
is that during the time period and for the cases studied
the entry of nonwhites into previously all-white neigh
borhoods was much more often associated with price
improvement or stability than with price weakening.
A corollary and possibly more significant finding is
that no single or uniform pattern of nonwhite influ
ence on property prices could be detected. Rather,
what happens to prices when nonwhites enter a neigh
borhood seems to depend on a variety of circumstances
which, on balance, may influence prices upward or
downward or leave them unaffected.
“ These conclusions are at variance with the belief
that nonwhite entry always provokes a fall in property
values. Instances of such decline have been observed.
But so have cases of rising values—and, as noted,
these have appeared in the data of the present study
much more frequently than the cases of decline.”
58
3. Amenability to Regulation of Property Interests in
Land and Housing.
Respondents are thus reduced to asserting that the Hous
ing Law’s narrowly drawn restriction on the freedom of
the property owner engaged in housing as a business—here
a landlord—to dispose of his land and housing as he sees
fit is in and of itself a deprivation of his property without
due process of law.
Respondents ’ precise argument is hard to make out. The
restriction here imposed is so narrow in scope that re
spondents seem in effect to be asserting that no restriction
on their freedom to choose tenants or purchasers is con
stitutionally allowed. Yet this is inconceivable, for this
Court has again and again held that property rights must
be subject to the fair exercise of the police power. As one
of many cases that might be quoted, see Merit Oil Co. v.
Director, 319 Mass. 301, 302-303 (1946):
“ The right of every citizen to enjoy liberty and to
acquire and possess property, including the right to
engage in any lawful private business or occupation,
is protected by arts. 1 and 10 of the Declaration of
Rights of the Constitution of Massachusetts and by the
Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the
United States. . . . But one cannot conduct his busi
ness or pursue his occupation in any way he may de
sire. He is subject to reasonable regulations designed
to protect the public interest. A reasonable regulation
governing the sales of property does not deprive the
owner of his property without due process of law.”
Thus respondents must argue that realty and housing
have special qualities entitling them to extraordinary pro
tection. As Mr. Justice Holmes observed in Bloch v. Hirsh,
59
256 U.S. 135, 155 (1921): “ The fact that tangible property
is also visible tends to give a rigidity to our conception of
our rights in it that we do not attach to others less con
cretely clothed.” He quickly added that this did not mean
realty was exempt from the police power, and he went on
to sustain the validity of a rent-control law.
The interest of the public in the use of land and housing,
especially on the part of those who engage in the business
of selling or renting realty, has been repeatedly declared
by all Courts, including the United States Supreme Court
and this Court. And these Courts have sustained restric
tions far more onerous than those in the Housing Law, for
public purposes indistinguishable from those in the Law,
as we shall now show.
The public interest in housing is seen, first, in govern
mental programs outside the exercise of the police power.
The Federal Government has made billions available in
credit to help finance new housing. That respondent did
not utilize such credit does not change the fact of public
concern; of course, his ability to secure private financing
may well have been eased by the availability of government-
guaranteed credit in the money market.
Federal, State and local governments have united on
slum clearance and urban renewal programs which require
public funds and the exercise of eminent domain powers.
These have been upheld on the explicit determination that
they serve “ public purposes.” Ally down Realty Cory. v.
Holyoke Housing Authority, 304 Mass. 288 (1939). Bowker
v. Worcester, 334 Mass. 422 (1956).
In Berman v. Parker, 348 U.S. 26 (1954), the United
States Supreme Court, in a unanimous opinion, described
the public interest in adequate housing and proper use
of land in categorical terms that brook little if any qualifi
cation. While the case concerned the exercise of eminent
domain in a redevelopment program, the Court viewed the
60
police power as equally broad in its relation to bousing
(348 U.S. at 32-33):
“ Public safety, public bealtb, morality, peace and
quiet, law and order—these are some of tbe more con
spicuous examples of the traditional application of the
police power to municipal affairs. Yet they merely
illustrate the scope of the power and do not delimit it.
See Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U.S. 104, 111.
Miserable and disreputable housing conditions may do
more than spread disease and crime and immorality.
They may also suffocate the spirit by reducing the
people who live there to the status of cattle. They may
indeed make living an almost insufferable burden.
They may also be an ugly sore, a blight on the com
munity which robs it of charm, which makes it a place
from which men turn. The misery of housing may
despoil a community as an open sewer may ruin a
river. ’ ’
The cases upholding regulation of land and housing are
too varied to be placed under one heading. There are those
in which a Legislature has forbidden businesses at a given
location because of their effect on surrounding land and
neighbors, even though they are not nuisances. Hadacheck
v. Sebastian, 239 U.S. 394 (1915). Reinman v. Little Rock,
237 U.S. 171 (1915). Then, there are restrictions on the
physical structures of buildings and on living conditions in
side homes, both new and old. Welch v. Swasey, 193 Mass.
364 (1909); affd. 214 U.S. 91 (1909) (height of buildings).
Paquette v. Fall River, 338 Mass. 368 (1959) (facilities and
living space in existing housing). Queenside Hills Realty
Co. v. Saxl. 328 U.S. 80 (1946) (existing lodging-house
worth $25,000 required to spend $7,500 on new sprinkler).
61
Gorieb v. Fox, 274 U.S. 603 (1927) (building line of new
buildings must be set back from street).
These property restrictions are simple in character when
compared to present-day zoning laws. Zoning was upheld
by this Court in Opinion of the Justices, 234 Mass. 597
(1920), and again in Inspector of Buildings of Lowell v.
StoMosa, 250 Mass. 52 (1924), and Spector v. Building In
spector of Milton, 250 Mass. 63 (1924), though in the latter
case serious financial loss was suffered. As Chief Justice
Rugg said: ‘ ‘ Every exercise of the police power in respect
to the use of land is likely to affect adversely the property
interests of somebody.” 250 Mass, at 70. Zoning was up
held by the United States Supreme Court in Euclid v. Am
bler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 (1926). The Court recognized
the changing content of the police power in its relation to
land and housing (pp. 386-387):
“ Building zone laws are of modern origin. They be
gan in this country about twenty-five years ago. Until
recent years, urban life was comparatively simple;
but with the great increase and concentration of popu
lation, problems have developed, and constantly are
developing, which require, and will continue to require,
additional restrictions in respect of the use and occu
pation of private lands in urban communities. Regu
lations, the wisdom, necessity and validity of which, as
applied to existing conditions, are so apparent that
they are now uniformly sustained, a century ago, or
even half a century ago, probably would have been
rejected as arbitrary and oppressive. . . . ”
This Court is entirely familiar with the almost endless
variety of regulations imposed on land and housing through
zoning ordinances, and no purpose would be served by
parading them here. A few cases are especially in point.
62
This Court has recognized that the power to zone does
extend beyond article 60 of the Amendments to the Con
stitution of the Commonwealth, so that zoning does not
rest solely on that provision. Burlington v. Dunn, 318 Mass.
216, 220 (1945).
In Simon v. Needham, 311 Mass. 560 (1942), this Court
upheld a requirement that building lots in a single-residence
district should have an area of at least 1 acre, and in so
doing pointed out the following objectives which a legis
lative body might properly pursue through restrictions on
home owners (p. 563):
“ The establishment of a neighborhood of homes in
such a way as to avoid congestion in the streets, to
secure safety from fire and other dangers, to prevent
overcrowding of land, to obtain adequate light, air and
sunshine, and to enable it to be furnished with trans
portation, water, light, sewer and other public neces
sities, which when established would tend to improve
and beautify the town and would harmonize with the
natural characteristics of the locality, could be mate
rially facilitated by a regulation that prescribed a
reasonable minimum area for house lots. . . . ”
In prohibiting, through the Fair Housing Law, discrimina
tory practices by persons in the business of selling or rent
ing houses, the Legislature pursues similar objectives for
the victims of those practices. See also Lamarre v. Com
missioner of Public Works of Fall River, 324 Mass. 542
(1949), upholding a zoning change which created a mul
tiple-family-residence district on the ground that it was de
signed to relieve a housing shortage, and thus to prevent
overcrowding of land and an undue concentration of popu
lation.
63
Perhaps closest to the present ease are those decisions
which have sustained the control of rents charged by land
lords in times of housing shortage. These have been upheld
both by this Court and by the United States Supreme Court.
Russell v. Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass. 501, 507
(1954). Bloch v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135 (1921). Marcus Brown
Holding Co. v. Feldman, 256 U.S. 170 (1921). Levy Leasing
Co. v. Siegel, 258 U.S. 242 (1922). Bowles v. Willingham,
321 U.S. 503. See also Lincoln Building Associates v. Barr,
1 N.Y. 2d 413 (1956); appeal dismissed for want of a sub
stantial Federal question, 355 U.S. 12 (1957).
In the Siegel case, 258 U.S. 242, the landlord urged, as
respondents do here, that his relationship to his tenants
was of no concern to the public and beyond the power of
Government. The Court’s response is appropriate to the
present case (pp. 246-247):
“ It is strenuously argued, as it was in Bloch v. Hirsh,
256 U.S. 135, and in the Marcus Brown Case, that the
relation of landlord and tenant is a private one and is
not so affected by a public interest as to render it sub
ject to regulation by the exercise of the police power.
“ It is not necessary to discuss this contention at
length, for so early as 1906, when the Tenement House
Act of New York, enacted in 1901, was assailed as an
unconstitutional interference with the right of prop
erty in land, on substantially all of the grounds now
urged against the Emergency Housing Laws, this
court, in a per curiam opinion affirmed a decree of the
Court of Appeals of New York (179 N.Y. 325), sus
taining regulations requiring large expenditures by
landlords as a valid exercise of the police power. Moes-
chen v. Tenement House Department, 203 U.S. 583. To
require uncompensated expenditures very certainly
affects the right of property in land as definitely, and
64
often as seriously, as regulation of the amount of rent
that may be charged for it can do. Many decisions of
this court were cited as sufficient to justify the sum
mary disposition there made of the question, as one
even then so settled by authority as not to be longer
open to discussion.”
The cases just reviewed, taken as a whole, refute beyond
any question the assertion that land and housing are out
side the scope of the public interest or the police power. In
truth, such an assertion has never been the law, as is shown
by the classic opinion of Chief Justice Shaw in Common
wealth v. Alger, 7 Cush. 53 (1851). Based upon a compre
hensive analysis of the prior cases, he set forth the guiding-
law (7 Cush, at 84-85):
“ We think it is a settled principle, growing out of
the nature of well ordered civil society, that every
holder of property, however absolute and unqualified
may be his title, holds it under the implied liability
that his use of it may be so regulated, that it shall not
be injurious to the equal enjoyment of others having
an equal right to the enjoyment of their property, nor
injurious to the rights of the community. . . . ” [Em
phasis supplied.]
Just as this Court has never declared that land and hous
ing are immune from public regulation, so it has never sug
gested that any and every regulation will be sustained. The
test of validity, rather, is in terms of the particular case
and involves the considerations to which we have addressed
ourselves in this brief. Are the goals sought to be achieved
by the statute within the scope of public concern? Are the
means used by the statute reasonable in relation to those
objectives?
65
With respect to these questions, the decided cases on regu
lation of land and housing shed additional light in several
important respects:
(1) As the United States Supreme Court pointed out in
Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 (1926), as quoted
above at p. 61, supra, regulations which might once have
been regarded as arbitrary are today accepted as entirely
reasonable. Changing social conditions or our changing
awareness of existing social conditions create new public
needs and justify new public concern.
(2) In the past half century we have become far more
aware that private use of land and housing may fashion
our community environment—physically, socially and eco
nomically—into molds in which the public must take an
interest. We now see clearly that, while the acts of one
person taken alone seem innocuous, when combined with
the actions of many others they create problems of com
munity concern. This recognition is an important basis for
the zoning laws. It is an equally important basis for the
Fair Housing Practices Law. Though speaking in a dif
ferent context, Mr. Justice Frankfurter made this point in
East New York Savings Bank v. Hahn, 326 U.S. 230, 232
(1945):
“ . . . when a widely diffused public interest has be
come enmeshed in a network of multitudinous private
arrangements, the authority of the State ‘ to safeguard
the vital interests of its people,’ 290 U. S. at 434, is
not to be gainsaid by abstracting one such arrange
ment from its public context and treating it as though
it were an isolated private contract constitutionally
immune from impairment.”
(3) With this understanding has come recognition that
the public often has an interest in what superficially appear
66
to be clashes of private interests. Respondents would like
to represent this case as simply a private matter between
themselves and complainant. What distinguishes it is that
the public has an interest in the problems, and the Legis
lature, acting for the people as is its duty, has decided the
issues in favor of the public, rather than of any private
person or group. See Massachusetts Society for the Pre
vention of Cruelty to Animals v. Commissioner of Public
Health, 339 Mass. 216, 228 (1959); Miller v. Schoene, 276
U.S. 272, 279-280 (1928). The Legislature’s decision is
plainly constitutional.
IV. The Fair Housing Practices Law Establishes Reason
able Classifications Affording Equal Protection.
It is not clear whether respondents contend that the Fair
Housing Practices Law fails to afford equal protection be
cause its classifications are arbitrary. We are referred by
one respondent to “ the Articles of the Constitution of the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts’ ’ (R. 90) and by the other
to articles I and X (R. 92). Both refer to the Fourteenth
Amendment to the United States Constitution (R. 90, 92).
These may refer only to problems of police power and due
process, which have already been briefed. Since the mat
ter is left uncertain, this section of the brief will show that
a charge of arbitrary classification or lack of equal protec
tion is without substance.
We do not here confront the problem of a distinction
between publicly assisted and non-publicly assisted hous
ing, on which the New Jersey and Washington Courts are
in disagreement. Compare Levitt & Sons v. Division
Against Discrimination, 31 N.J. 514 (1960); appeal dis
missed for want of a substantial Federal question, 363 U.S.
418 (1960) (classification upheld), with O’Meara v. Wash
ington State Board Against Discrimination, 365 P. 2d 1
67
(Wash. 1961) (classification held invalid 5-4). The Massa
chusetts statute does not make this distinction.
This Court has repeatedly ruled that a legislative classi
fication gives equal protection “ so long as any basis of
fact can be reasonably conceived showing that the distinc
tion upon which it rests has a fair and rational relation to
the object sought to be accomplished by the enactment
. . . ” Old Colony Railroad v. Assessors of Boston, 309
Mass. 439, 446 (1941). See also Maher v. Brookline, 339
Mass. 209, 213 (1959), with cases cited. Under this test
the Fair Housing Practices Law is wholly reasonable and
valid.
As previously shown, the Fair Housing Law does not
cover all housing, but extends rather to multiple dwellings
with three or more units rented to persons or families other
than the landlord or his family, and to projects of ten or
more contiguous homes. That is, the Legislature was con
cerned with those who deal in housing as a business, and
not with those who sell or rent because they are moving,
permanently or temporarily, from one residence to another,
or those whose rental is merely incidental to ownership of
their own home.
Regulation of those who are in a continuing business ac
tivity, without sweeping in all who may engage in that ac
tivity sporadically and only incidentally, is reasonable on
its face. This distinction underlies many of our laws li
censing various occupations and businesses. See, e.g., G.L.
(Ter. Ed.) c. 112, § 24 (pharmacists); c. 112, § 37 (“ drug
business” ) ; c. 112, §§ 82, 87 (“ funeral directing” ) ; c. 141,
§ 1 (electricians); c. 142, § 1 (plumbers).
The Legislature might reasonably conclude that the core
of the problem lay in the practices of commercial dealers
in housing, whether as landlords or project developers, and
especially the large ones. Certainly, it has been found that
these persons set the pattern for entire neighborhoods,
68
which is then followed by individual residents. Report of
the Commission on Race and Housing, “ Where Shall We
Live?” 22-29 (1958). See also 1961 Commission on Civil
Rights Report, Book 4 on Housing 3. Certainly, these com
mercial operators can make no claim to privacy that the
Legislature might think attached to owners and residents
of dwellings grouped in smaller units. “ Size need not be
disregarded when it furnishes a fair index to a situation ad
versely affecting the public interest. ’ ’ Old Colony Railroad
v. Assessors of Boston, 309 Mass. 439, 448 (1941).
In Russell v. Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass.
501 (1954), this Court upheld a rent-control law which dis
tinguished between housing accommodations with a rental
value of $150 or less and those which were over that amount
(331 Mass, at 509) :
“ The Legislature could find that the housing short
age existed principally in housing of relatively low
rental value, and determine that control of housing with
a rental value of over $150 was unnecessary. ’ ’
Moreover, there are important administrative reasons for
limiting the statute to the larger, regularly operating deal
ers in housing. Enforcement may become impossible if the
enforcing agency is given the job of policing thousands of
minor, isolated activities. Proof of discrimination may re
quire a showing of a pattern of conduct, which is more cer
tainly available in the case of those who sell or rent regu
larly. And effective relief is far more difficult to administer
against the small owner or renter who has no other units
to sell or rent.
Thus the Legislature was entitled to set the line at mul
tiple dwellings of three or more units, and projects of ten
or more contiguous homes. That it used numerical criteria
to establish classes that are otherwise reasonable is no basis
69
for objection, as this Court lias again and again held. In
addition to the Russell case on rent control just quoted, see
Howes Brothers Co. v. Unemployment Compensation Com
mission, 296 Mass. 275, 287-288 (1936), upholding the un
employment compensation law applicable to firms of eight
or more employees, and citing many similar classifications;
and Maher v. Brookline, 339 Mass. 209, 215-216 (1959), up
holding a town’s regulation of lodging houses ‘ ‘ where lodg
ings are let to five or more persons not within the second
degree of kindred to the person conducting it, ’ ’ which defi
nition was taken by the town Selectmen from G-.L. (Ter.
Ed.) c. 140, § 22. See also section 33, defining a “ public
lodging house” as any building in cities of over 50,000 in
which ten or more persons are lodged free or for a charge
of 25 cents or less per day.
It is submitted that a charge of arbitrary classification
against the Fair Housing Law has no basis on the decisions
of this Court. It is equally groundless under the decisions
of the United States Supreme Court. For principles ap
plied by that Court in weighing the question of equal pro
tection see Heath & Milligan Manufacturing Co. v. Worst,
207 U.S. 338, 355-357 (1907); Lindsley v. Natural Carbonic
Gas Co., 220 U.S. 61, 78-81 (1911); Railway Express Agency
v. New York, 336 U.S. 106, 109-110 (1949); Williamson v.
Lee Optical Co., 348 U.S. 483, 489 (1955). For cases up
holding numerical criteria see Engel v. O’Malley, 219 U.S.
128, 138 (1911) (regulation only where average deposit is
under $500) ; Miller v. Strahl, 239 U.S. 426, 434-435 (1915)
(exception of hotels with fewer than fifty rooms from stat
ute requiring fire precautions); and the many Federal cases
dealing with statutes applying only to those with a certain
number of employees, cited by this Court in Howes Broth
ers Co. v. Unemployment Compensation Commission, 296
Mass. 275, 287 (1936).
70
V. The Respondent Nahigian was a Proper Party to This
Proceeding.
Section 4 of G.L. c. 151B, as amended by section 2 of
chapter 426 of the Acts of 1957, reads:
‘ ‘ It shall be an unlawful practice :x
“ 5. For any person, whether an employer or an em
ployee or not, to aid, abet, incite, compel or coerce the
doing of any of the acts forbidden under this chapter
or to attempt to do so.”
Section 4 of G.L. c. 151B, as amended by chapter 239 of
the Acts of 1959, forbade real-estate discrimination by—
“ 6. . . . the owner, lessee, sublessee, assignee or
managing agent of publicly assisted or multiple dwell
ing or contiguously located housing accommodations
or other person having the right of ownership or pos
session or right to rent or lease such accommodations
Nevertheless, the respondent Nahigian, first in his an
swer to the Commission’s complaint (R. 14) and subse
quently in his answer to its enforcement petition (R.
89-90), denies that he is subject to the 1959 Fair Housing
Practices Law.1 2 Presumably the gravamen of this con
tention is set out in the 3d and 4th paragraphs of his
answer to the complaint (R. 14), where he alleges that he
1 1957, the year of the first Pair Housing Practices Law, wit
nessed the change in section 4 from “ unlawful employment prac
tice” to “ unlawful practice.” (Emphasis supplied.)
2 The long-term significance of the issue raised by this subsection
of this brief, of course, has become almost completely muted by the
enactment of chapter 128 of the Acts of 1961, wherein licensed real-
estate brokers and agents or employees of owners were explicitly
brought within the ambit of the Pair Housing Practices Law.
71
is a mere rental agent who hands applications on to the
owner without authority to pass on them. The Commis
sion found, however, in paragraphs 9 and 10 of its findings
(E. 17), that Nahigian’s functions considerably exceeded
that. These and the evidence at the hearing amply confirm
that Nahigian is subject to the law in a number of respects.
First, the findings of his discrimination and deliberate
misrepresentation (R. 17-18), fully supported by the un
disputed testimony of the complainant himself (E. 38-42)
and of the witnesses Cramer (R. 47-50), Gardner (R. 52-
53), Mann (R. 57), Carrington (R. 76) and Fellman (E.
82), unmistakably demonstrate that he aided and abetted
Colangelo within the meaning of section 5 in carrying out
the policy of excluding Negroes on account of color, even
if it were true that his reason was to be kind to Negro ap
plicants by saving them time and trouble (E. 57-58).
Secondly, Nahigian is a “ managing agent” within the
meaning of section 6. Unless these are words of art, they
must connote a general power to conduct the business of
the principal, which at this stage was primarily renting.
To require that the agent have absolute power in the lease
determination would severely hamper the administration
of the law, for it would allow owners to escape from com
pliance simply by allowing the agents to discriminate with
impunity.
Thirdly, the foregoing witnesses’ testimony shows that
part of Nahigian’s duties was to screen out Negro appli
cants for Glenmeadow apartments. Even if Colangelo was
the sole party who executed the leases and finally passed
upon the rental applications, in giving Nahigian thus the
power to reject Negroes Colangelo delegated to him to
that extent his “ right to rent or lease” and thereby
brought him also within that portion of the class of those
persons covered by section 6.
72
In any event, under general equity principles and irre
spective of the statute, it would seem that the Commission
could initially join Nahigian as agent of the owner {Bill
ings v. Mann, 156 Mass. 203, 205. Lawrence v. Smith, 201
Mass. 214, 215), or, had it not elected to join him, could by
its order bind him in that capacity. Elm Farm Foods Co.
v. Cifrino, 328 Mass. 549, 557.
V I. The Respondents have Waived their Right to Attack
the Commission Findings and Order.
The respondent Colangelo, neither in his answer to the
Commission’s enforcement petition (R. 90-92) nor else
where, has challenged the findings and order. His sole
contention is the inapplicability and unconstitutionality of
“ the statute in question” (R. 12, 25-26, 92). He has in
effect agreed, then, that, if the statute is found constitu
tional and applicable to him, he is bound by the order.
The respondent Nahigian, on the other hand, in addition
to constitutional objections, sweepingiy alleges by way of
affirmative defense to the enforcement petition that the
findings and order are “ in their entirety . . . in excess of
the statutory authority or jurisdiction of the Commis
sion” ; that the order “ in its entirety grossly exceeds any
authority or jurisdiction ’ ’ granted under chapter 151B;
and that it “ constitutes an abuse of discretion and is other
wise not in accordance with” the statute (R. 89).
This language, of course, has simply been plucked bodily
out of certain of the paragraphs setting forth the standards
for judicial review in the State Administrative Procedure
Act. See Gr.L. c. 30A, § 14(8) (b) and {g). The plead
ings furnish no particulars or specifications in support of
these allegations, and the record reveals no other point at
which Nahigian challenges the finding and order.
73
We note at the outset that this Court has indicated that
it does not look with favor upon this catch-all type of plead
ing. See Despatchers’ Cafe Inc. v. Somerville Housing
Authority, 332 Mass. 259, at page 261, quoting Stockus v.
Boston Housing Authority, 304 Mass. 507, 509-512. See
also Mathew son’s case, 227 Mass. 470, at page 474.
But there is a statutory mandate which in any case com
pels a waiver of this defense. Section 6 of Gr.L. c. 151B,
reads in part:
“ No objection that has not been urged before the
commission shall be considered by the court, unless the
failure or neglect to urge such objection shall be ex
cused because of extraordinary circumstances.”
This condition, whose wording is identical to that set out
in the National Labor Relations Act, 49 Stat. 449, 29 U.S.C.
§ 151, at § 160, whence in large measure the enforcement
procedures of chapter 151B derive, obviously was imposed
in order for the Commission to have opportunity to pass
upon the questions concerning its order which would be
raised on review. The applicability of this language was
considered in NLRB v. Cheney California Lumber Co., 327
U.S. 385 (1946), which deals with the appeal of the Na
tional Labor Relations Board from the denial by the Cir
cuit Court of Appeals of part of enforcement of its cease
and desist order. In reversing the lower Court the Supreme
Court said, at page 389:
“ . . . Justification of such an order, which neces
sarily involves consideration of the facts which are the
foundation of the order, is not open for review by a
court if no prior objection has been urged before the
case gets into court and there is a total want of extraor
dinary circumstances to excuse ‘ the failure or neglect
74
to urge such, objection . . Congress desired that all
controversies of fact, and the allowable inferences from
the facts, be threshed out, certainly in the first instance,
before the Board. That is what the Board is for.”
Subsequently, the effect of this clause on enforcement
provisions nearly identical to those in chapter 151B was
considered by the New York Court of Appeals in Holland v.
Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 (1954), in the first high Court test
of that state’s Fair Employment Practices Law. The facts
concerning the conduct of the hearing and the details of
the order are extraordinarily similar to those in the instant
case. As here, respondent made a statement in her behalf
in the preliminary investigation and filed an answer to the
complaint, but at the hearing withdrew before any evidence
was taken, electing to make no defense and to conduct no
cross-examination of the witnesses who testified in support
of the complaint. To enforce its determination the Com
mission issued a cease and desist order and orders com
parable to those in the instant case for affirmative relief.
Noting that “ no objection was urged before the commis
sion as to any finding of fact, conclusion of law or require
ment of the order, and no change or modification of such
order was sought of the commission,” the Court held (307
N.Y. at 46):
“ The only other objection urged by appellant in
this court concerns particular directives contained in
the order issued by the commission. . . . As already
noted, the objection, not having been made until after
the commission had gone into court to secure enforce
ment of its order, came too late.”
T o the sam e effect, see the con cu rrin g opin ion , at page 47.
75
There are excellent reasons for the requirement that re
spondents in a Commission proceeding must make known
to the Commission their objections to its findings and order
in order to save their rights. Otherwise, they can simply
sit back, silently letting the administrative agency make a
mistake, and then imposing the expense and delay of a
court proceeding that might otherwise have been needless.
The respondent Nahigian has given no reason for his
failure to object, much less shown the “ extraordinary cir
cumstances” required in the Cheney case. Obviously, he
would not have lost his constitutional arguments by ob
jecting to the order. Had Nahigian acted, the Commission
could have considered his objections and determined
whether the order should be revised in any particular. If
additional evidence was necessary, it could have been taken.
We would not now be speculating—in the writing of this
brief—as to what his grounds for complaint are. VII.
VII. The Commission’s Findings were Warranted and its
Order Reasonable.
The authority conferred upon the Commission to enable
it to implement its findings is broad and commensurate with
the complicated, specialized nature of the task imposed on
it by G.L. c. 151B.
By section 5, where the Commission after hearing finds
that a respondent has engaged in a prohibited practice, it
must—
“ . . . cause to be served on such respondent an or
der requiring such respondent to cease and desist from
such unlawful practice . . . and to take such affirma
tive action . . . as, in the judgment of the commission,
will effectuate the purposes of this chapter . . . in
cluding a requirement for report of the manner of
compliance.”
76
By section 9:
“ The provisions of this chapter shall be construed
liberally for the accomplishment of the purposes there
of, . .
By G.L. c, 30A, § 14, the reviewing Court is directed to—
. give due weight to the experience, technical
competence, and specialized knowledge of the agency,
as well as to the discretionary authority conferred up
on it.”
The findings here (R. 16-18) were based on uncontro
verted facts reasonably drawn from extensive testimony
taken from several witnesses. This Court held that, under
such circumstances, the reviewing Court is not entitled to
make independent findings. McCarthy v. Contributory Re
tirement Appeeal Board, 1961 Adv. Sh. 221, 224. Barry v.
Civil Service Commission, 323 Mass. 431, 434. Maniscalco
v. Director of Division of Employment Security, 327 Mass.
211, 214. Despatchers’ Cafe, Inc., v. Somerville Housing
Authority, 332 Mass. 259, 261.
This leaves us, then, only with the question of the reason
ableness of the order. The classic case establishing the
adaptability of orders whereby agencies of this type may
effectuate their statutory mandate is NLRB v. Seven-Up
Co., 344 U.8. 344 (1953). There it was said:
“ In fashioning remedies to undo the effects of vio
lations of the Act, the Board must draw on enlighten
ment gained from experience.” (At page 346.)
‘ ‘ Surely it may so fashion one remedy that it comple
ments, rather than conflicts with, another. It is the
business of the Board to give coordinated effect to the
policies of the Act. ” (At page 348.)
77
“ . . . if Congress had been more than satisfied with
the Board’s practice, if it had wanted to be certain
that the Board would not in future profit by its ex
perience, it would have had to do more than it d id; it
would have had to change the language of the statute
so as to take from the Board the discretionary power
to mould remedies suited to practical needs which we
had declared the Board to have and which the Board
was asserting and exercising.” (At page 351.)
Certainly the power of the Commission cannot be limited
to the grant of a remedy to the injured party only. If the
Commission were prohibited from enjoining a type of ac
tivity which prior events indicate is likely, the Act would
become a dead letter. The principle has been stated in
International Salt Co. v. United States, 332 U.S. 392, 400
(1947), as follows:
“ When the purpose to restrain trade [discriminate]
appears from a clear violation of law, it is not neces
sary that all of the untraveled roads to that end be
left open and that only the worn one be closed.”
See NLRB v. United Mine Workers (6th Cir. 1952), 195 F.
2d 961; cert. den. 344 U.S. 920; International Brotherhood
of Electrical Workers v. NLRB, 341 U.S. 694 (1951). The
Supreme Court has generalized that “ courts will not inter
fere except with a remedy selected that has no reasonable
relation to the unlawful practices found to exist.” Jacob
Siegel v. FTC, 327 U.S. 608 (1946). FTC v. National Lead
Co., 352 U.S. 419 (1957). FTC v. Ruberoid Co., 343 U.S.
470, 473-474 (1952).
What about the instant order? Limited to activities of
the respondents in connection with the rental of Glen-
meadow apartments and nowhere else, it seeks to remedy
78
the discrimination found to have been perpetrated against
the complainant by the respondents and to prevent similar
discrimination by them against others attempting to rent
there. Essentially the order contains three main elements :
the first, to make an apartment available to the complain
ant, when one is available; 1 the second, to compensate the
complainant for pecuniary losses actually occasioned by
the discriminatory acts; the third, to cease and desist from
discriminating henceforth in the renting of Glenmeadow
apartments. The balance of the order is purely ancillary
to the three main elements and plainly a reasonable imple
mentation thereof.
In general and in almost every one of its elements it is
of a kind that commissions issue in proceedings of this type,
where, as here, the findings reveal a pattern of violation
destined to continue into the future unless restrained
through legal redress. It is, except for monetary damages,
almost on all fours with the order entered in the New York
Commission case of Shervington v. Pelham Hall Apart
ments, Inc., Pompa, Coconato and Markoly, CH-4466-56,
which was enforced in New York State Commission v. Pel
ham Hall Apartments, Inc., 10 Misc. 2d 334, 170 N.Y.S. 2d
750. In respect to the objections to the order in that case
the Court said, at page 761:
“ The objections on the part of respondents to cer
tain provisions of the Commission’s order sought to be
enforced are overruled. The commission has a broad
discretion with respect to the rendering of ail order
deemed adequate and necessary to secure full compli
ance with the provisions of the law, including provi
1 The order does not say so in so many words, but obviously the
complainant cannot require the eviction of a present occupant of
a Glenmeadow apartment in order to make an apartment available
to him.
79
sions for such record keeping and reports by respon
dents as are reasonably necessary to enable the
Commission to see to it that the law is being complied
with. It does not appear that the provisions of the
order objected to are arbitrary or unreasonable, and,
this being so, the court should not change or redraft
the same.”
A copy of the order is on file at the Social Law Library.
For examples of comparable orders, see those set out
in “ Report of Progress,” a Review of the Program for
1959 of the State Commission Against Discrimination
(N.Y.), pp. 96-99; pp. 106-109 (available at Social Law Li
brary). See also order dated August 27, 1960, of the Mas
sachusetts Commission Against Discrimination in matter
of Marshall v. Middlesex Homes, Inc., Pr. H. II-9-c (order
complied with; no enforcement sought).
As to the monetary award, administrative agency orders
for payment of money are not novel in discrimination mat
ters where pecuniary harm has been suffered. In employ
ment violation cases, of course, back-pay awards are
expressly authorized. Chapter 151B, in part, empowers the
Commission—
. . to take such affirmative action, including (but
not limited to) hiring, reinstatement or upgrading of
employees, with or without back pay . . . ”
That the award of remedial monetary damages going be
yond back pay in employment discrimination cases may
be implied from such statutory language was clearly estab
lished in Virginia Electric & Power Co. v. NLRB (1943),
319 U.S. 533. Section 10c of the National Labor Relations
Act authorized the NLRB to require persons found en
gaged or engaging in unfair labor practices “ to take such
80
affirmative action, including reinstatement of employees
with or without back pay, as will effectuate the policies of
this Act.” (Note the absence of the parenthetical clause
that is in section 5 of Gr.L. c. 151B.) The Court said, at
page 539:
“ Within this limit (the ‘ affirmative action’ clause)
the Board has wide discretion in ordering affirmative
action; its power is not limited to the illustrative ex
ample of one type of permissible affirmative order,
namely reinstatement with or without back pay. . . .
The particular means by which the effects of unfair
labor practices are to be expunged are matters ‘ for
the Board not the courts to determine’ [citing cases].
Here the Board, in the exercise of its informed discre
tion, has expressly determined that reimbursement in
full of the checked-off dues is necessary to accomplish
the purposes of the Act. We give considerable weight
to that administrative determination. It should stand
unless it can be shown that the order is a patent at
tempt to achieve ends other than those which can fairly
be said to effectuate the policies of the Act. There is
no such showing here.”
Actually, the case for wider latitude for monetary awards
other than back pay is much stronger under chapter 151B,
§ 5, than under the National Labor Relations Act, because,
as has been noted, our clause in question contains the sig
nificant additional language: “ but not limited to.”
The policy arguments are even stronger. As the Legisla
ture enlarged the scope of the anti-discrimination laws from
employment to educational admissions, age, public accom
modations, public housing, certain publicly assisted hous
ing, and finally certain housing not publicly assisted, it
can only have intended that the affirmative remedies avail
81
able to the Commission to effectuate the laws should he
commensurate with its widened jurisdiction. Surely, if
the Legislature had intended to qualify the Commission’s
effectuation of the purposes of the Act to the extent of
denying to it the right to reimburse a complainant in a
real-estate discrimination case from calculable losses oc
casioned by a respondent’s wrongdoing, it would have said
so explicitly. See NLRB v. Seven-Up Co., 344 U.S. 344
(1952), at pages 351-352.
Concededly, a monetary award that was by its nature a
criminal sanction or a civil penalty or in any other way
punitive would be beyond the Commission’s power to im
pose. 1 Davis, Administrative Law, 134 (1958 Ed.). So
would an order of a payment of a sum to a third person or
of a sum which would make the complainant in the admin
istrative proceeding more than whole. Virginia Electric S
Poiuer Co. v. NLRB, 319 U.S. 533 (1943), at page 544.
In the present proceeding, however, there was no puni
tive aspect. The award was simply an effort to make the
aggrieved party whole (R. 21).2 The evidence shows that
the complainant was obliged to pay (a) an additional $30
per month rent for comparable accommodations (R. 16,
43-44), and (b) $200 for moving and storage (R. 44), and
(c) in addition, stood likely to incur additional expenses
(R. 44, 85) on account of the discrimination practiced upon
him by the respondents. The amounts in the order in ques
tion being easily computable, the award more than meets
the specificity required of equity court orders. FTC v.
2 Money orders have been issued by the New York Commission
Against Discrimination in public accommodation discrimination
cases. See Feliciano v. Fishman, pp. 38-95, 55; Lee v. D ufy,
CP-4830-57 (both reported in part in pp. 60-61 and 98-99 respec
tively in the 1955 and 1958 “ Reports of Progress” ). N.Y. State
.Commission Against Discrimination (available in Social Law
Library).
82
Beech-Nut Packing Co., 257 IT.S. 441, 455 (1922); FTC v.
Morton Salt Co., 334 U.S. 37, 52-53 (1948).
CONCLUSION.
For the reasons stated herein, the Massachusetts Com
mission Against Discrimination urges this Honorable
Court to enter a decree requiring the respondents to com
ply with its order dated January 24, 1961, and filed March
21, 1961.
Respectfully submitted,
EDWARD J. McCORMACK, JR.,
Attorney General,
By A lbert M. S acks,
Special Assistant Attorney General,
G erald A. B erlin ,
Special Assistant Attorney General.
Of Counsel:
Lee H. Kozol.
83
APPENDIX A.
Constitutional Provisions and Statutes Involved.
Constitutional Provisions.
U nited S tates Constitution , A m endm ent XIV.
Sect . 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens
of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.
No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States;
nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law, nor deny to any per
son within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
M assachusetts C onstitution , P art the F irst, A rticle I.
A rticle I. All men are born free and equal, and have
certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights; among
which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending
their lives and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing, and
protecting property; in fine, that of seeking and obtaining
their safety and happiness.
M assachusetts C onstitution , P art th e F irst, A rticle X
(First Paragraph).
X. Each individual of the society has a right to be pro
tected by it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty and prop
erty, according to standing laws. He is obliged, conse
quently, to contribute his share to the expense of this pro
tection ; to give his personal service, or an equivalent, when
necessary; but no part of the property of any individual
84
can, with justice, be taken from him, or applied to public
uses, without his own consent, or that of the representative
body of the people. In fine, the people of this common
wealth are not controllable by any other laws than those to
which their constitutional representative body have given
their consent. And whenever the public exigencies require
that the property of any individual should be appropriated
to public uses, he shall receive a reasonable compensation
therefor.
Statutes Involved.
L enebal L aw s , C hapteb 30A, S ection 14.
S ection 14. Except so far as any provision of law ex
pressly precludes judicial review, any person or appoint
ing authority aggrieved by a final decision of any agency in
an adjudicatory proceeding, whether such decision is affir
mative or negative in form, shall be entitled to a judicial re
view thereof, as follows:—-
Where a statutory form of judicial review or appeal is
provided, other than by extraordinary writ, such statutory
form shall govern in all respects, except as to standards for
review. The standards for review shall be those set forth
in paragraph (8) of this section, . . .
(8) The court may affirm the decision of the agency, or
remand the matter for further proceedings before the
agency; or the court may set aside or modify the decision,
or compel any action unlawfully withheld or unreasonably
delayed, if it determines that the substantial rights of any
party may have been prejudiced because the agency deci
sion is-—
(a) In violation of constitutional provisions; or
85
(ft) In excess of the statutory authority or jurisdiction
of the agency; or
(e) Unsupported by substantial evidence; or
(g) Arbitrary or capricious, an abuse of discretion, or
otherwise not in accordance with law.
The court shall make the foregoing determinations upon
consideration of the entire record, or such portions of the
record as may be cited by the parties. The court shall give
due weight to the experience, technical competence, and
specialized knowledge of the agency, as well as to the dis
cretionary authority conferred upon it.
[As inserted by St. 1954, c. 681, § 1.]
General L aw s , Ch apter 151B (as in Effect at Time of Fil
ing of Complaint).
U n law fu l D iscrim ination against R ace, C olor, R eligious
Creed, N ational Origin or A ncestry.
S ection 1. As used in this chapter
4. The term “ unlawful practice” includes only those
unlawful practices specified in section four.
9. The term “ housing accommodation” includes any
building, structure or portion thereof which is used or oc
cupied or is intended, arranged or designed to be used or
occupied, as the home, residence or sleeping place of one
or more human beings.
86
10. The term “ publicly assisted housing accommoda
tions” includes all housing accommodations in
(a) housing constructed after July first, nineteen hun
dred and fifty, and
(1) which is exempt in whole or in part from taxes levied
by the commonwealth or any of its political subdivisions;
(2) which is constructed on land sold below cost by the
commonwealth or any of its political subdivisions or any
agency thereof, pursuant to the federal housing act of nine
teen hundred and forty-nine;
(3) which is constructed in whole or in part on property
acquired or assembled by the commonwealth or any of its
political subdivisions or any agency thereof through the
power of condemnation or otherwise for the purpose of
such construction; or
(4) for the acquisition, construction, repair or mainte
nance of which the commonwealth or any of its political sub
divisions or any agency thereof supplies funds or other
financial assistance;
(b) housing which is located in a multiple dwelling, the
acquisition, construction, rehabilitation, repair or mainte
nance of which is, after October first, nineteen hundred and
fifty-seven, financed in whole or in part by a loan, whether
or not secured by a mortgage, the repayment of which is
guaranteed or insured by the federal government or any
agency thereof; provided, that such a housing accommoda
tion shall be deemed to be publicly assisted only during the
life of such loan and such guaranty or insurance; and
(c) housing which is offered for sale, lease or rental by a
person who owns or otherwise controls the sale of the same,
and which is part of a parcel of ten or more housing accom
modations located on land that is contiguous, exclusive of
public streets, if (1) the acquisition, construction, rehabili
tation, repair or maintenance of such housing accommoda
87
tions is after October first, nineteen hundred and fifty-seven,
financed in whole or in part by a loan whether or not secured
by a mortgage, the repayment of which is guaranteed or in
sured by the federal government or any agency thereof;
provided, that such a housing accommodation shall be
deemed to be publicly assisted only during the life of such
loan and guaranty or insurance; or (2) a commitment is
sued by a government agency after October first, nineteen
hundred and fifty-seven, is outstanding that acquisition of
such housing accommodations may be financed in whole or
in part by a loan, whether or not secured by a mortgage, the
repayment of which is guaranteed or insured by the federal
government or any agency thereof.
11. The term “ multiple dwelling” means a dwelling
which is usually occupied for permanent residence purposes
and which is either rented, leased, let or hired out, to be oc
cupied as the residence or home of three or more families
living independently of each other. A “ multiple dwelling”
shall not be deemed to include a hospital, convent, monas
tery, asylum or public institution, or a fireproof building
used wholly for commercial purposes except for not more
than one janitor’s apartment and not more than one pent
house occupied by not more than two families. The term
“ family” , as used herein, means (a) a person occupying a
dwelling and maintaining a household either alone or with
not more than four boarders, roomers or lodgers; or (b)
two or more persons occupying a dwelling, either living
together and maintaining a common household, or living
together and maintaining a common household with not
more than four boarders, roomers or lodgers. A “ boarder” ,
“ roomer” or “ lodger” residing with a family means a per
son living within the household who pays a consideration
for such residence and does not occupy such space within
the household as an incident of employment therein.
88
12. Tlie term “ contiguously located housing” means (1)
housing which is offered for sale, lease or rental by a person
who owns or at any time has owned, or who otherwise con
trols or at any time has controlled, the sale of ten or more
housing accommodations located on land that is contiguous
(exclusive of public streets), and which housing* is located
on such land, or (2) housing which is offered for sale, lease
or rental and which at any time was one of ten or more lots
of a tract whose plan has been submitted to a planning
board as required by th e subdivision control l a w , as ap
pearing in sections eighty-one K to eighty-one GG, inclu
sive, of chapter forty-one.
S ection 3. The commission shall have the following func
tions, powers and duties:
6. To receive, investigate and pass upon complaints of
unlawful practices, as hereinafter defined, alleging discrim
ination because of race, color, religious creed, national ori
gin, age, or ancestry.
S ection 4. It shall be an unlawful practice:
3B. For any person engaged in the business of granting
mortgage loans to discriminate against any person in the
granting of any mortgage loan, including but not limited
to the interest rate, terms or duration of such mortgage
loan, because of his race, color, religious creed, national
origin, or ancestry.
5. For any person, whether an employer or an employee
or not, to aid, abet, incite, compel or coerce the doing of
89
any of tlie acts forbidden under this chapter or to attempt
to do so.
6. For the owner, lessee, sublessee, assignee or manag
ing agent of publicly assisted or multiple dwelling or con
tiguously located housing accommodations or other person
having the right of ownership or possession or right to rent
or lease such accommodations :—■
(а) to refuse to rent or lease or otherwise to deny to or
withhold from any person or group of persons such accom
modations because of the race, creed, color or national
origin of such person or persons;
(б) to discriminate against any person because of his
race, creed, color or national origin in the terms, conditions
or privileges of such accommodations or in the furnishing
of facilities or services in connection therewith; or
(c) to cause to be made any written or oral inquiry or
record concerning the race, creed, color or national origin
of a person seeking to rent or lease any such accommoda
tion.
S ection 5. Any person claiming to be aggrieved by an
alleged unlawful practice . . . may, by himself or his at
torney, make, sign and file with the commission a verified
complaint in writing which shall state the name and address
of the person . . . alleged to have committed the unlawful
practice complained of . . . and which shall set forth the
particulars thereof and contain such other information as
may be required by the commission. The attorney general
may, in like manner, make, sign and file such complaint.
The commission, whenever it has reason to believe that any
person has been or is engaging in an unlawful practice . . . ,
may issue such a complaint. . . .
After the filing of any complaint, the chairman of the com
mission shall designate one of the commissioners to make,
with the assistance of the commission’s staff, prompt in
90
vestigation in connection therewith; and if snch commis
sioner shall determine after such investigation that prob
able cause exists for crediting the allegations of the com
plaint, he shall immediately endeavor to eliminate the un
lawful practice complained of . . . by conference, concilia
tion and persuasion. The members of the commission and
its staff shall not disclose what has occurred in the course
of such endeavors, provided that the commission may pub
lish the facts in the case of any complaint which has been
dismissed, and the terms of conciliation when the complaint
has been so disposed of. In case of failure so to eliminate
such practice or violation, or in advance thereof if in his
judgment circumstances so warrant, he may cause to be
issued and served in the name of the commission, a written
notice, together with a copy of such complaint, as the same
may have been amended, requiring the person, employer,
labor organization or employment agency named in such
complaint, hereinafter referred to as respondent, to answer
the charges of such complaint at a hearing before the com
mission, at a time and place to be specified in such notice.
The place of any such hearing shall be the office of the com
mission or such other place as may be designated by it.
The case in support of the complaint shall be presented be
fore the commission by one of its attorneys or agents, and
the commissioner who shall have previously made the in
vestigation and caused the notice to be issued shall not par
ticipate in the hearing except as a witness, nor shall he
participate in the deliberations of the commission in such
case; and the aforesaid endeavors at conciliation shall not
be received in evidence. The respondent may file a written
verified answer to the complaint and appear at such hear
ing in person or otherwise, with or without counsel, and
submit testimony. In the discretion of the commission, the
complainant may be allowed to intervene and present testi
91
mony in person or by counsel. The commission or the com
plainant shall have the power reasonably and fairly to
amend any complaint, and the respondent shall have
like power to amend his answer. The commission shall
not be bound by the strict rules of evidence prevailing in
courts of law or equity. The testimony taken at the hear
ing shall be under oath and be transcribed at the request
of any party. If, upon all the evidence at the hearing the
commission shall find that a respondent has engaged in
any unlawful practice as defined in section four . . . , the
commission shall state its findings of fact and shall issue
and cause to be served on such respondent an order re
quiring such respondent to cease and desist from such un
lawful practice . . . and to take such affirmative action,
including (but not limited to) hiring, reinstatement or up
grading of employees, with or without back pay, or restora
tion to membership in any respondent labor organization,
as, in the judgment of the commission, will effectuate the
purposes of this chapter . . . , and including a require
ment for report of the manner of compliance. If, upon all
the evidence, the commission shall find that a respondent
has not engaged in any such unlawful practice . . . , the
commission shall state its findings of fact and shall issue
and cause to be served on the complainant an order dis
missing the said complaint as to such respondent. A copy
of its order shall be delivered in all cases to the attorney
general and such other public officers as the commission
deems proper. The commission shall establish rules of
practice to govern, expedite and effectuate the foregoing
procedure and its own actions thereunder. Any complaint
filed pursuant to this section must be so filed within six
months after the alleged act of discrimination. . . .
92
S ection 6. Any complainant, respondent or other person
aggrieved by sncli order of the commission may obtain
judicial review thereof, and the commission may obtain an
order of court for its enforcement, in a proceeding as pro
vided in this section. Such proceeding shall be brought in
the superior court of the commonwealth within any county
wherein the unlawful practice which is the subject of the
commission’s order occurs or wherein any person required
in the order to cease and desist from an unlawful practice
or to take other affirmative action resides or transacts busi
ness. Such proceedings shall be initiated by the filing of a
petition in such court, together with a written transcript of
the record upon the hearing before the commission, and is
suance and service of an order of notice as in proceedings
in equity. The court shall have power to grant such tempo
rary relief or restraining order as it deems just and proper,
and to make and enter upon the pleadings, testimony and
proceedings set forth in such transcript an order or decree
enforcing, modifying, and enforcing as so modified, or set
ting aside in whole or in part the order of the commission,
with full power to issue injunctions against any respondent
and to punish for contempt thereof. No objection that has
not been urged before the commission shall be considered
by the court, unless the failure or neglect to urge such ob
jection shall be excused because of extraordinary circum
stances. Any party may move the court to remit the case
to the commission in the interests of justice for the purpose
of adducing additional specified and material evidence and
seeking findings thereon, provided he shows reasonable
grounds for the failure to adduce such evidence before
the commission. The order or decision of the commis
sion shall be reviewed in accordance with the standards
for review provided in paragraph (8) of section four
teen of chapter thirty A. All such proceedings shall
93
be beard and determined by tbe court as expeditiously as
possible and shall take precedence over all other matters
before it, except matters of like nature. The jurisdiction
of the superior court shall be exclusive and its final order
or decree shall be subject to review by the supreme judicial
court in the same manner and form and with the same effect
as in appeals from a final order or decree in proceedings in
equity. The commission’s copy of the testimony shall be
available at all reasonable times to all parties for exam
ination without cost and for the purposes of judicial review
of the order of the commission. The review shall be heard
on the record without requirement of printing. The com
mission may appear in court by one of its attorneys. A
proceeding under this section when instituted by any com
plainant, respondent or other person aggrieved must be
instituted within thirty days after the service of the order
of the commission.
S ection 9. The provisions of this chapter shall be con
strued liberally for the accomplishment of the purposes
thereof, and any law inconsistent with any provision hereof
shall not apply . . .
S ection 10. If any provision of this chapter or the ap
plication thereof to any person or circumstance, shall, for
any reason, be held invalid, the remainder of this chapter
or the application of such provision to persons or circum
stances other than those as to which it is held invalid shall
not be affected thereby.
[As inserted by St. 1946, c. 368, § 4, and as amended by
St. 1950, c. 479; 1951, c. 681, § 13; 1957, c. 426; 1959 c. 239;
1960, c. 163.]
94
APPEN D IX B.
Statistical Study of Housing Discrimination against Negroes
in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
I ntroduction .
This appendix, including* the statistical tables, was pre
pared for this case by Helen R. Kistin, Economic Con
sultant.*' Except where referred to in the text, the sources
are contained in the tables which follow the text.
I. T here is an I ncreasing S egregation o r N egroes in
U rban B oston.
Tables 1 and 2 show population chang*es by race in the
Commonwealth and in Boston between 1950 and 1960. In
that decade the Negro population of the Commonwealth
increased over 50 per cent, from 73,000 in 1950 to 112,000
in 1960. During the same period the total population of
the Commonwealth increased by less than 10 per cent.
#The most recent economic consulting experience of Helen R.
Kistin is as follows:
Action for Boston Community Development, Boston, Mass.
Fall, 1961. Consultant on a preliminary study of social planning
for the Boston Metropolitan area, with particular reference to
the South End and Roxbury-North Dorchester renewal areas.
Boston Redevelopment Authority, Boston, Mass. Spring and
summer, 1961. On the staff of Dr. Chester Rapkin, Consultant to
the Authority on the economic and social feasibility of residential
renewal in Washington Park urban renewal area, Roxbury.
Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology and Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. May
1960-January 1961. Research Staff, Division of Sponsored Re
search, M.I.T. appointment.
95
The increasing concentration of the Negro population
of Massachusetts within Boston is shown in table 3. In
1960 56 per cent of the Negro population of the Common
wealth (63,165 persons) lived in the city, an increase in
proportion as well as numbers since 1950. Over one-half
of the 1960 Negro population of the Commonwealth was
confined within three sections of the City of Boston: Rox-
bury, North Dorchester and the South End. These segre
gated neighborhoods are shown on the map appended
hereto, marked Exhibit l .1
About 9 out of 10 nonwhite persons in the Common
wealth and in the Boston area are Negro. Statistics for
nonwhites, used in the text and tables when data by race
are not available, substantially represent the situation of
the Negro population.
More than half of the net increase in the nonwhite pop
ulation of the Commonwealth between 1950 and 1960 is
accounted for by the City of Boston (26,000 persons).
During the same period, the white population of the City
decreased by 130,000, or 17 per cent (see Table 1). The
result of the white exodus and the nonwhite influx was a
net loss of 104,000 (13 per cent) in the City’s total popu
lation by the end of the decade. If the nonwhite popula
tion continues to grow at the rate of the past decade, and
there is no change in the pattern of urban segregation,
Boston will have a nonwhite population of about 110,000
by 1970.
1 These and other geographic sections of Boston were designated
as “ neighborhoods” by the Research Division, United Community
Services of Greater Boston, in Neighborhoods of Boston Banked
for Selected Factors, Sixth Edition, April, 1961 (mimeographed,
unpaged). The major neighborhoods are also shown as “ Boston
Health and Welfare Areas” in a map printed by the United Com
munity Services of Greater Boston in 1958.
96
I I . T hebe is ah I ncreasing E xclusion of t h e G rowing
N bgbo P opulation ebom th e S uburbs.
Despite the overall increase in the suburban population,
both within the country as a whole and within the Com
monwealth, and despite the even greater relative increase
in the total nonwhite population, nonwhites have been
largely excluded from the suburbs. This is shown by
Tables 1, 2, 3 and 4.
Table 2 compares population changes by race in the
Commonwealth between 1950 and 1960 with national
trends. The rate of increase of the total population in the
Commonwealth has been only about one-half of the na
tional rate; 9.8 per cent as against 18.5 per cent. The in
crease in the nonwhite population of Boston, however, has
been very close to the average for all central cities in the
country. This increase in central cities represents migra
tion from rural areas and from smaller cities as well as
the natural increase.
The increase in the suburban Negro population, how
ever, has been much smaller than would be expected from
the natural increase alone in the United States. While
the Negro population increased 25 per cent in the country
as a whole (essentially the natural increase) and 58 per
cent in the City of Boston, the Negro population in Bos
ton suburbs increased by only 17.5 per cent (see Table 2).
The exclusion of the growing Negro population of this
Commonwealth from the suburbs is also shown in Table 3.
In 1960 56 per cent of the entire Negro population of the
Commonwealth lived in the City of Boston, as compared
to less than 55 per cent in 1950. The proportion living in
the suburbs of Boston decreased from 16 to 12 per cent
during the same period.
97
III. W it h in both th e C ity of B oston and th e S ttbubbs
THERE HAS BEEN AN I n CBEASED NEIGHBORHOOD SEGREGA
TION of N egroes.
The segregated area of Negro concentration is shown
graphically in the map appended hereto, marked Exhibit 1.
There has been an increasing concentration of the Negro
population into segregated areas since 1950. Table 4 com
pares the percentage distribution of the total nonwhite
and Negro populations in the Boston area in 1960 with
their distribution in 1950. Almost one-fourth (23 per
cent) of the Negro population in the Boston Metropolitan
area lived in the suburbs in 1950, but less than one-fiftli
(18 per cent) ten years later. The decrease in the relative
proportion of the nonwhite population in the suburbs and
the increase in the relative proportion within the City,
and particularly within the Roxbury-North Dorchester
area is apparent.
The areas of nonwhite concentration within Boston
shown in Table 4 are General Neighborhood Renewal Plan
(GNRP) areas, the geographic boundaries of which are
designated by the Boston Redevelopment Authority, John
F. Collins, Mayor, and Edward J. Logue, Development
Administrator, in “ The 90 Million Dollar Development
Program for Boston,” reprinted from the City Record
issue of September 24, 1960 (unpaged). Extensive urban
renewal, involving the displacement of many thousands of
families, is planned for these areas (see below, pp. 114-116).
Even in the suburbs there is a pattern of neighborhood
segregation of Negroes and very limited diffusion. This
pattern is shown in the following table, compiled by Ches
ter W. Hartman, City Planner with the Center for Com
munity Studies, Boston, Mass., from U.S. Census Tract
Statistics for the Boston Metropolitan Area in U.S. Bu
reau of the Census. Advance Tables PH-1. Population
98
and Housing Characteristics: 1960 (copies furnished by
the Research Division, United Community Services of
Metropolitan Boston).
Concentration of Negro Population in Boston Suburbs,
1960
Negro Total No. Tracts with Concentration of
population of census fewer than Negro population
City 1960 tracts 10 Negroes within City
Cambridge 5,671 30 5 69% in 7 tracts
Lynn 1,314 20 11 76% in 4 tracts
Medford 1,087 9 7 97% in 1 tract
Malden 718 9 3 82% in 2 tracts
Newton 672 10 1 55% in 1 tract
Everett 664 7 0 94% in 5 tracts
Somerville 350 15 9 71% in 1 tract
Chelsea 315 7 2 77% in 1 tract
Total 8 cities 10,791
Total suburbs
(64 cities
and towns) 12,981
The preceding table shows that 98 per cent of all Ne
groes living in the suburbs of Boston were concentrated
in eight inner cities close to Boston, and were further
concentrated into a few neighborhoods within these cities.
I Y . N egbo H ome O w n ersh ip has N ot K ept P ace w it h
P opulation I ncrease.
Despite the increase in the proportion of the nonwhite
population in the Commonwealth there has not been a
corresponding increase in the amount of housing owned
by them. This can be seen by comparing the per cent of
the total population which was nonwhite in 1950 and 1960
99
(Table 1) with the per cent of nonwhite owner-occupied
housing in the same years (Table 5) as follows:
1950
Commonwealth of
Massachusetts
City of
Boston
Boston Metro
politan Area
Nonwhite per cent
of population 1.7 5.3 2.4
Nonwhite per cent
of owner-occupants 0.8 2.9 1.0
1960
Nonwhite per cent
of population 2.4 9.8 3.4
Nonwhite per cent
of owner-occupants 1.0 5.6 1.4
Since the white population in Boston has decreased by
130,000 in the decade and the nonwhite population has in
creased by only 26,000 (see Table 1), a much greater in
crease in home ownership would be expected in Boston if
Negroes were equally able to buy homes even within the
Boston area. Instead, there has been an increase in the
absolute number and per cent of housing units owned and
occupied by whites (Table 5).
The preceding comparison is limited to owner-occupied
housing units because of a change in the 1960 U.S. Census
definition which makes a direct comparison of rental units
in 1960 with previous years impossible.2
The comparison in Table 5 also shows that there is sig
nificantly less home ownership among Negro than among
white families, reflecting the exclusion of Negroes from
the suburbs in which most of the homes available for sale
are located, as well as their exclusion from substantial
2 The 1960 U.S. Census of Housing definition of “ housing unit”
includes many single rooms which were not defined as “ dwelling
units” in the 1950 U.S. Census of Housing (see footnote 1, Table
5).
100
home-ownership in the City of Boston. Table 5 shows the
proportion of nonwhite home owners in Massachusetts and
the Boston area in 1950 and 1960, and the number and
percentage distribution of households by tenure and color
for both years. More than half of all the white families
in the Commonwealth owned the homes in which they lived
in 1960; the per cent increased from 48 in 1950 to 57 ten
years later. During the same period the per cent of non
white owners decreased, from 25.4 to 24.7.
The much lower percentage of home-owners among the
nonwhite population is also evident in the comparisons
shown for the Boston area in Table 5. In the City of Bos
ton less than 16 per cent of the nonwhite housing units
were owner-occupied in 1960; an increase of only 13 per
cent over the 1950 proportion, although the nonwhite pop
ulation increased by over 60 per cent. At the same time
both the number and percentage of white-owned units
increased, while the white population decreased by 17
per cent (see also Table 1).
V . N egroes O ccupy a D isproportionate A m o u n t of S ub
standard and D ilapidated H ousing .
Table 6 shows the condition of housing3 in the City of
Boston, as classified by the 1960 U.S. Census of Housing,
3 Housing units are classified by the 1960 U.S. Census of Hous
ing as in one of the following three conditions:
Sound: No defects, or only slight defects which are normally
corrected in the course of regular maintenance.
Deteriorating: Housing which needs more repair than would
be provided in the course of regular maintenance, and which has
one or more defects that must be corrected for safe and adequate
shelter. Examples of such defects are unsafe porch or steps,
broken or loose stair treads.
Dilapidated: Housing which does not provide safe or adequate
shelter due to inadequate original construction or critical defects
indicating serious damage to the structure. The categories
101
by tenure and color. Nonwliite bousebolds accounted for
less than 6 per cent of all owner-occupied housing units,
but owned almost two-fifths of all the units classified by
the U.S. Census of Housing* as deteriorating (requiring
major repairs) or dilapidated. Eighty-eight per cent of
all white-owned units were “ sound, with all plumbing,”
and less than 10 per cent were either deteriorating or di
lapidated. The corresponding percentages for nonwhite
owners were 59 per cent “ sound with all plumbing” and
39 per cent deteriorating or dilapidated.
Table 6 shows that the housing condition of the major
ity of nonwhite families who were renters in 1960 was
much worse than that of nonwhite owners. Although only
11 per cent of all renting households in the City were non
white, they accounted for over 30 per cent of all dilapidated
units and more than a fourth of all deteriorating units.
Less than half of all the nonwhite households rented units
which were classified by the Census as in sound condition
and with private toilet, bath or shower for the exclusive
use of the household and hot and cold running water in
side the structure.
Table 7 shows in greater detail the distribution of 4 ‘ sub
standard” housing (as defined by the Public Housing Ad
ministration, Washington, D.C.) by color of occupants for
the City of Boston. Under this definition both deteriorat
“ sound” and “ deteriorating1” were added in 1960. The 1950
U.S. Census of Housing classified units as dilapidated or not
dilapidated.
Condition is reported together with information on plumbing
facilities. Units “ with all plumbing facilities” have hot and
cold water inside the structure, and flush toilet and bathtub or
shower inside the structure for the exclusive use of people living
in the housing unit. See U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census
of Housing: 1960; Advance Reports, Housing Characteristics,
Massachusetts, HC (A l)-52; U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington, D.C., April 1961. Definitions and Explanations,
pp. 1-3.
102
ing and sound units with all plumbing facilities are clas
sified as “ standard.” Thirty-two thousand households,
including approximately 42,000 white and 7,000 nonwhite
persons, lived in unsound housing as so defined.4
Table 7 shows that in 1960 more than one-fourth of the
nonwhite families and individuals (owners and renters
combined) occupied housing which was dilapidated, or
lacked some or all plumbing facilities, as against less than
14 per cent of white households. Nonwhite families ac
counted for less than 10 per cent of all households in the
City (Table 6), but occupied 17 per cent of all ‘ ‘ substand
ard” units so defined. The relative condition of the sub
standard housing occupied by nonwhites was also substan
tially worse than that occupied by whites. Over 30 per
cent of all housing units classified as ‘ ‘ dilapidated ’ ’ were
nonwhite occupied, as were over one-fifth of ‘ ‘ deteriorat
ing” units which lacked hot running water, private bath
or toilet. Only 8 per cent of the 15,700 “ substandard”
units in sound structures (amounting to almost half of
all housing classified as “ substandard” ) were occupied
by nonwhite families or individuals.
The conditions presented in Tables 6 and 7 are averages
for the entire City of Boston. In many of the neighbor
hoods of greatest Negro concentration housing conditions
are much worse (see below, pp. 106-109, and Table 13).
V I . N egroes P ay D isproportionately H ig h R ents por the
I nferior and S ubstandard H ousing w h ic h t h e y Occupy.
See, in general, Sara Shuman, “ Differential Rents for
White and Negro Housing,” Journal of Housing, August,
4 This estimate was obtained by multiplying the number of
white and nonwhite households (Table 7) by the average number
of persons per household (Table 19). Since there is more crowd
ing in substandard housing (Table 12), the number of persons is
undoubtedly higher.
103
1946, pp. 167, 174. Robert G. Weaver, The Negro Ghetto,
New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1948, pp. 36-37,
108-110, 261.
The disproportionately high rentals paid by Negro fam
ilies in Boston for inferior housing are shown in Table 8.
Gross monthly rentals 5 are compared by $10 rental classes
for white and nonwhite primary families 6 occupying ‘ ‘ sub
standard” housing, as defined by the Public Housing Ad
ministration (see Table 7).
More than a quarter of all families living in unsound
housing, or housing lacking minimum plumbing facilities,
paid less than $50 a month for rent, including heat and
utilities. The median gross monthly rent for such hous
ing was $59. The median monthly cost for nonwhites,
however, was $65; 10 per cent higher than the average for
all families and 14 per cent higher than the median rental
paid by whites. As is shown above, and in Table 7, the
substandard housing occupied by nonwhites is substan
tially inferior to that occupied by the white population.
The contrast between the percentage of white and non
white families paying given monthly rentals for substand
ard housing is even more striking. More than half of the
white families, but only 38 per cent of the nonwhite fam
ilies, paid less than $60 a month. Over three-fifths of the
nonwhite households paid rents of over $60 a month; 22
per cent paid over $70, 14 per cent between $80 and $100,
and 3 per cent over $100 a month. The limited compari
5 Gross rent includes contract rent plus tlie average monthly
cost of heat and utilities if these are not included in contract rent.
The tabulation is limited to primary families renting substandard
housing and paying cash rent. See Table 7 for definitions and
sources.
6 Single person households and roomers are not included. “ Pri
mary families” consist of the head of the household and persons
related to him or her by blood, marriage or adoption.
104
sons which are possible with a similar survey by the U.S.
Census in 1954 indicate that the disparity between rentals
paid by white and nonwhite families has increased sub
stantially since that time (see Table 8). The earlier sur
vey reported data only for all families and for white fam
ilies. The median gross monthly rental was the same for
white and all families, and a slightly higher percentage of
white than of all families paid rents of over $60 a month,
indicating that the rent differential between white and
nonwhite families was smaller in 1954 than in 1960.
VII. N egroes P ay a D isproportionately H igh S hare op
their I ncomes eor th e I nterior H ousing w h ic h they
O ccupy .
The fact that nonwhite families spend a disproportion
ately high share of their incomes for inferior housing
accommodations is shown in Table 9. The rent-income
ratios shown here by color and income classes are for the
same 1960 U.S. Census tabulation presented in Table 8.
Roughly, a ratio of about one-fifth of net income spent for
housing is considered normal for low-income families.
“ . . . the statutory 20 per cent ratio must be presumed
to meet the related legal provision that rents must be
within the financial reach of families of low income.”
Statement of Edward D. Hassan, Chairman, Boston Hous
ing Authority, to the Committee on Public Housing, Bos
ton City Council, February 16, 1961, p. 17 (on file with the
Boston Housing Authority). Also “ . . . it is a commonly
accepted rule today that the proportion of gross rent . . .
should not exceed one week’s salary, or 23 per cent of the
income of the moderate-income groups.” Lloyd Rodwin,
Housing and Economic Progress, Harvard University
Press and the Technology Press, Cambridge, Massachu
setts, 1961, pp. 14-15. (Emphasis supplied.)
105
Table 9 shows, however, that almost half of all the non-
white families renting substandard housing in Boston in
1960 spent more than 22.5 per cent of their total money
incomes for rent, as against less than 30 per cent of all
white families. Over one-quarter of the nonwhite renters
paid more than 32.5 per cent of their annual gross money
incomes for rent; the corresponding proportion of white
families was 16 per cent. Even at annual gross incomes
of $3,000 to $4,000, the income class which includes the
median annual nonwhite income for 1959 in Boston, almost
half the nonwhite renters spent 22.5 per cent or more and
5 per cent spent over 32.5 of total annual income on rent.
The general substantial disparity between white and non
white rent-income ratios for all income classes is evident
from Table 9. VIII.
VIII. T h e D isproportionately H igher B ents and B en t
I ncome B atios P aid by N egroes cannot be E xplained
by a D ifference betw een the S ize of N egro and W hite
A p a r t m e n t s ; th e L arger N egro F am ilies S im ply B e-
sttlt in M ore Crowding in O ccupied U n its .
The disproportionately high rentals paid by nonwhite
families are for definitely inferior housing, as shown above
(pp. 100-104 and in Table 7). The difference is too great to
be explained by the larger size of nonwhite families. The
difference in average number of persons per household by
color was relatively small for the City of Boston in 1960.
All white households averaged 2.93 persons in the City
and all nonwhite households 3.06 (Table 19). Further, as
Table 10 shows, about two-fifths of both the white and the
nonwhite renters included in the special U.S. Census of
renters in substandard housing in 1960 were two-person
households, and a smaller proportion of nonwhite than
106
white renters were families of 3 and 4 persons. About
28 per cent of the nonwhite and 21 per cent of the white
households consisted of 5 or more persons. Even assum
ing that this group of larger nonwhite families were able
to rent correspondingly larger units, the enormous rent
differentials shown in Table 9 would not be accounted for.
The fact is, instead, that the exclusion of Negroes from
the suburban housing market (above, pp. 94-96) and from
a proportionate share of home ownership within the City
(above, pp. 98-100, and Table 5) has resulted in a dispro
portionate crowding of nonwhite families as evidenced,
for example, by the average number of persons per room.7
In 1960 almost 14 per cent of the substandard housing
units rented by nonwhite families in Boston had 1.01 or
more persons per room, as against 8.5 per cent of such
units rented by white families. The per cent of severely
crowded nonwhite families (averaging 1.5 or more per
sons per room) was almost twdee as high as the per cent
of crowded white families renting substandard units (see
Table 12).
IN. T h e H ousing Conditions eor N egroes in G eneral
D escribed A bove are E ven W orse in th e S egregated
N eighborhoods oe H igh N egro C oncentration .
The housing conditions of Negroes in Boston, described
so far, are averages for the City, which conceal the ex
7 Only whole rooms used for living purposes are counted as
rooms; e.g., living rooms, dining rooms, kitchens, finished attic
and basement rooms. Three persons in an apartment of one room
and kitchen, for instance, would average 1.5 persons per room.
See U.S. Bureau of the Census; U.S. Census of Housing: 1960.
Housing Characteristics, Massachusetts; Advance Report HC
(A l)-22; U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.,
March 1961. Definitions and Explanations, p. 2.
107
ceptionally bad conditions in most of tbe areas of Negro
concentration. The high proportion of “ substandard”
housing in the South End and Roxbury-North Dorchester
General Neighborhood Renewal areas (see below, pp. 107-
109) as well as the considerable differences among neigh
borhoods is shown in Table 13.
“ Substandard” units are defined in Table 13 to include
all units which are not in sound condition or which lack
one or more plumbing facilities.8 The Public Housing
Administration definition of substandard housing which
excludes “ deteriorating” units requiring major repairs
provided they have “ all plumbing facilities” (see above,
pp. 101-102, and Table 7) is unrealistic in describing the
housing of low-income families, most of whom do not own
their homes and are not financially able to make such re
pairs. In the City of Boston in 1960 almost 12,000 nonwhite
households (some 36,000 persons) lived in substandard
housing as defined in Table 13. This number is over half
(54.3 per cent) of all nonwhite households. About 47,000
white households (89,000 persons), 23 per cent of all white
owners and renters, lived in unsound housing as so de
fined.9
In 11 of the 12 neighborhoods shown in Table 13, how
ever, the proportion of all occupied housing which is sub
standard exceeds the 1960 average for the City. In the
8 In the 1950 U.S. Census of Housing, standard housing as de
fined here is “ not dilapidated,” “ with all plumbing facilities.”
See above, footnote 3 and footnotes 3 and 4, Table 13.
9 This estimate is based on the data shown in Tables 7 and 19.
The number of households, by color, and by condition of housing,
is shown in Table 7. The approximate number of white and non
white persons is obtained by multiplying the number of house
holds in substandard housing units (deteriorating, dilapidated or
sound but lacking some or all plumbing facilities) shown by color
of occupants in Table 7 by the average number of white and non
white persons per household (Table 19).
108
lower Roxbury neighborhood, for example, over 82 per
cent of the total population is nonwhite and over 60 per
cent o f nonwhite occupied housing is classified as sub
standard. The proportion of substandard housing is from
two to over three times the City average in all the South
End neighborhoods and in three of seven neighborhoods
in the Roxbury-North Dorchester renewal area (Table 13,
columns 2 and 3).
In four of the neighborhoods of large nonwhite popula
tion substandard housing as a per cent of all occupied
units is even higher than the per cent of nonwhite units
which are substandard (columns 3, 4, Table 13). This
fact seems to indicate that the small white population still
living in these segregated neighborhoods is in an even
more marginal situation than the nonwhite population.
The deterioration in housing in all these neighborhoods
since 1950 is evident in the comparison of the proportion
of substandard housing in 1950 (column 5, Table 13) with
the much higher proportion in 1960 (column 3, Table 13).
The difference is too great to be explained by the U.S.
Census changes in definition of housing conditions (see
Table 5, footnote 1). This deterioration in housing condi
tion has accompanied the substantial increase in the per
cent of population which is nonwhite in each of the 12
neighborhoods shown in columns 4, 5 and 6, Table 15.
Crowding, as measured by the per cent of households
with 1.01 or more persons per room in 1960, exceeds the
city average in 9 of the 12 neighborhoods. The two excep
tions in the South End, the North Tremont and South
Tremont neighborhoods, are predominantly rooming-
house sections in which housing conditions are among the
worst in the City (see columns 8 and 3, Table 13).
The per cent of owner-occupants was substantially be
low the average for the City of Boston in all 12 neigh
109
borhoods in both 1950 and I960, and decreased between
1950 and 1960 in all tlie South End neighborhoods and in
one Roxbury neighborhood (Table 13, columns 6 and
7). In 1960 the average per cent of home-ownership in
Boston was 3 to 6 times greater than ownership in most
of the South End neighborhoods.
X . T he S egregated N egro N eighborhoods R esult in
H ig h S ocial and H u m an Costs.
According to one recent authoritative study, “ . . .
compulsory residential segregation . . . has far-reaching
consequences which touch virtually every aspect of the
life of the segregated group and of the relations between
them and the dominant majority.” Davis McEntire, “ Res
idence and Race,” Final and Comprehensive Report to
the Commission on Race and Housing (University of Cali
fornia Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1960), pp. 88-89.
Some of these consequences in the City of Boston, to the
extent that quantitative measures are available, are shown
in Tables 14 and 15. Table 15 measures juvenile delin
quency, both as an average rate of juvenile court appear
ances, 1951-1955 (column 9), by neighborhoods and for
the City, and as the per cent of total juvenile court ap
pearances from 1953 to 1957 (columns 10 and 11).
Although the per cent of total population aged 7 through
16 years in 1960 was below the Boston City average in
the South End in all but one neighborhood (column 8),
the rate of juvenile court appearances was from 2 to about
4 times as great as that for Boston as a whole. In the
Roxbury—North Dorchester area the rate of court appear
ances exceeded the Boston City average in 4 of 7 neighbor
hoods, while the area accounted for about 25 per cent of
total juvenile court appearances in Boston from 1953 to
110
1957, but less than 18 per cent of the youth population
(Table 15, columns 8, 9, 10 and 11).
The incidence of morbidity and mortality in these
blighted sections of Boston is indicated by Table 14. Col
umns 6 and 7 show death rates from pulmonary tubercu
losis by neighborhoods and for the City for two different
time periods. In both periods the City average rate (twice
as high as the rate for the Commonwealth) was greatly
exceeded in every South End neighborhood and in 7 of
9 Boxbury-North Dorchester neighborhoods. Despite the
improvement between the two periods, the death rate from
pulmonary tuberculosis was from over 5 to 9 times the
City average in three South End neighborhoods in the
later period. The annual rate of new pulmonary tubercu
losis cases exceeded the City rate in all but one of the
12 neighborhoods during 1955-59 (column 8). Bates in
the South End were from 2 to over 7 times the City aver
age, and in Boxbury-North Dorchester ranged upward
to 2% times the City average rate.
Infant mortality rates, shown as averages for 1955-59
and 1947-51 in columns 10 and 11, Table 14, exceeded the
City average in 11 of 12 neighborhoods in the more re
cent period, and actually increased between the earlier
and later periods in 3 of the 5 South End neighborhoods
despite the decline in the average City rate.
In general the data presented in Tables 13, 14 and 15
indicate the high correlation between the concentration of
Negroes into blighted slum areas and the incidence of de
linquency, preventable disease and death. They also show
the low average educational attainment and incomes which
accompany and are reinforced by the residential segrega
tion of minorities (column 10, Table 13).
In 1949 the median annual income of all families and
single-person households was below the City average in
11 of the 12 neighborhoods. In the South End neighbor
I l l
hoods incomes were below the Boston average by $1,000
or more per year.
More recent income facts are shown in Table 11, which
compares the 1959 total annual money incomes of white
and nonwhite primary families renting substandard hous
ing in Boston in 1960 by size of families. (The statistics
in this table exclude single-person households and are not
comparable with the data shown in Table 13. See foot
notes, Tables 7, 11 and 13.)
Two-fifths of all nonwhite families had total money in
comes of less than $3,000; almost 70 per cent were under
$4,500. The corresponding percentages for white families
were 30 and 50. The relatively high proportion of low-
income families among nonwhites is evident for all family
sizes shown in Table 11; the disparity is particularly
great, however, for the larger families. About two-thirds
of the nonwhite families of 3 or more persons but only
about one-third of the white families, had incomes of
under $4,500.
This color differential is reflected in the median annual
family income for the sample, which was more than $1,000
lower for all nonwhite than white families in 1959, a dif
ference of 23 per cent. The median income of 3- or 4-
person nonwhite families was lower than that of the same
size white families by $1,400, or 27 per cent.
The comparable income averages for the Nation in 1959
show that all families renting substandard units in Boston
had incomes $1,500 lower than the national average for
all urban families (including the South) and $1,700 lower
(28 per cent) than the average for the Northeast region.
The annual income of the nonwhite Boston families in
cluded in Table 11 was below the average for all urban
nonwhite families.
112
X T. U rban R en ew al , H ig h w ay Construction and Other
G overnm ental P rograms have D isplaced and w il l Con
tin u e to D isplace M an y L ow -incom e and N egro F am
ilies .
Actions arising* from governmental programs which
cause permanent displacement of persons from their
homes include the demolition of residential structures, the
rehabilitation of structures which increase rents or costs
beyond the means of the former tenants or owners, the
conversion of residential areas to other uses, the eviction
of over-income tenants from public housing and the con
version of entire renewal areas to different types of hous
ing at increased rentals.
For example, the West End Urban Renewal project in
Boston (U.R. Mass. 2-1) displaced 3,075 families who were
living in the renewal area in 1955. The median gross
monthly rent was $43. Relocation Plan, West End Land
Assembly and Redevelopment Project U.R. Mass. 2-1
(Boston Housing Authority, Urban Redevelopment Divi
sion, Boston, Mass., March 16, 1955), pp. 8, 12. The forty-
eight acres were sold to Charles River Parks, Inc., for
the construction of buildings containing 2,200 new apart
ments, to cover only 18 per cent of the land, leaving the
rest for parking, open space and landscaping. Looking
Forward with Pride to a Better Boston Through Urban
Renewal (the Boston Redevelopment Authority, undated,
unpaged). Although the Authority stated that “ the fam
ilies displaced by the project will have first preference in
the new dwelling units” (ibid.), rentals for the new apart
ments range from $175 to $450 a month.
When dislocation takes place in the course of any of
these actions, the problems of relocation are particularly
acute for the nonwhite groups. Urban renewal and other
related public programs within the City are conducted in
113
areas of widespread deterioration and blight. The rela
tive deterioration of housing and other incidence of blight,
low-income status, disease and delinquency for those re
newal areas in Boston which contain the majority of non
white families are shown in detail in Tables 13, 14 and
15. As described above, Tables 1, 2 and 3 show that the
trend in the recent decade has consisted of an exodus of
the white population and an increased concentration of
low income Negroes in those blighted areas. The exodus
from Boston has been particularly marked. The percent
age decrease in the City of Boston between 1950 and 1960
was substantially greater than that of the other 14 larg
est cities in the United States. Washington, D.C., which
lost 4.8 per cent of its population in that decade, ranked
second. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census. U.S. Census of Population: 1960, General Popu
lation Characteristics, United States Summary, Final
Report PC (l)-lB , U.S. Government Printing Office,
Washington, D.C., 1961, Table 63, pp. 176-185.
The great majority of persons dislocated in the course
of urban renewal have been nonwhite and of low income.
The situation in the United States as a whole is indicated
by a recent report of the Urban Renewal Administration,
Relocation Prom Urban Renewal Project Areas Through
June, 1960 (Housing and Home Finance Agency, Wash
ington 25, D.C.). As of June 30, 1960, about 107,000 fam
ilies were living in properties acquired in 195 cities for
322 local slum clearance and urban renewal project areas
with federal assistance under Title I of the United States
Housing Act of 1949, as amended (ibid. p. 6). Of 61,200
relocated families reported by color, 69 per cent were non
white (ibid. p. 7). More than half of the 85,154 families
relocated as of June 30, 1960, were apparently eligible for
admission to federally aided low-rent housing, on the basis
of reported income (ibid- p. 9).
114
Urban renewal and limited-access highway programs to
date in Boston have not affected the major concentrations
of low-income minority population, but are scheduled to
do so in the near future.
Exhibit 3, appended, shows that 37,195 families have
been or will be permanently displaced from their homes
as the result of urban renewal projects under Title I al
ready completed or in active execution or planning in the
Commonwealth. Only 3322 families had been relocated
from projects as of December, 1961; 1731 of these from
the West End (U.R. 2-3).
Of the 33,873 families to be dislocated by urban renewal
in the Commonwealth, over 17,000 are now living in the
South End and Roxbury-Nor th Dorchester “ General
Neighborhood Renewal Plan” areas of segregated non
white population shown in Tables 13, 14 and 15. A com
parison of Exhibit 1 with Exhibit 2 shows that these highly
segregated Negro areas are completely encompassed within
these renewal-plan areas. I f the average number of per
sons per household is no higher than the average of 2.93
for the entire City of Boston (Table 19), some 50,000 per
sons will be displaced in these two areas alone. Exhibit
3 shows that an estimated 13,295 families will be displaced
in the South End (R. 56). This means the uprooting of
practically the entire population now living in the South
End “ General Neighborhood Renewal Plan Area,” which
is described by the Boston Redevelopment Authority as
an area “ bounded by the B. and A. tracks, the Central
Artery and the Inner Belt. The outer South End is some
times identified as part of Lower Roxbury. However, the
Inner Belt will cause it to become part of the South End.”
The Boston Redevelopment Authority, “ The 90 Million
Dollar Development Program for Boston,” reprinted from
the City Record issue of September 24, 1960 (unpaged).
According to the same source, “ The South End needs a
115
major renewal effort. It will call for substantial clear
ance to cut away the slums. Urban renewal of the South
End should have a high priority.”
From these boundaries and U.S. 1960 Census of Popu
lation data, the population of the area is estimated at about
34,000 persons; approximately 40 per cent is nonwhite.1011
Exhibit 3 also shows that an estimated 3,940 families
(some 11,500 persons) will be displaced as a result of the
Washington Park Urban Renewal Project (R. 24), which
is located in the Roxbury-North Dorchester “ General
Neighborhood Renewal Plan Area.” This area is de
scribed in “ The 90 Million Dollar Development Program
for Boston,” cited above, as a section which is ‘ ‘ deteri
orating rapidly.” This document also states that the Re
development Authority has received approval for survey
and planning activities for a renewal project in the Wash
ington Park area.
The population of the entire Roxbury-North Dorchester
area, estimated at about 80,000, is about 54 per cent non
white (Table 13, columns 1 and 2). The Washington
Park project area (R. 24) is a relatively small section of
the Roxbury-North Dorchester “ General Neighborhood
Renewal Plan Area,” however. The location and size of
the Project area are shown on a map entitled “ Boston
Redevelopment Authority Projects—September 1960” in
“ The 90 Million Dollar Development Program for Bos
ton” (The Boston Redevlopment Authority), reprinted
from the City Record issue of September 24, 1960 (un
paged). The Project area is also shown on a map, “ Rox
bury-North Dorchester GNRP Area and Washington Park 10 11
10 In addition to the estimated population of 31,254 in South
End “ Neighborhoods” included in the renewal area, about 40
per cent of the population in the “ Lower Roxbury” neighborhood
is in the South End renewal area (see footnote 2, Table 13).
11 See footnote 11 on next page.
116
Renewal Area,” prepared by the Boston Redevelopment,
1108 City Hall Annex, Boston, Mass., which shows street
boundaries for the Project area as Townsend Street on
the south, Washington Street on the west, Warren Street
on the east and Dudley Street on the north. On the basis
of these boundaries the population is estimated at about
12,000 persons, approximately 70 per cent Negro in
I960.11 This map shows that the Roxbury-North Dor
chester GNRP adjoins the South End GNRP on the north,
and is bounded by the New York, New Haven & Plartford
Railroad on the west, Seaver Street and Franklin Park
on the south, and Columbia Road and Massachusetts Ave
nue on the east.
The neighborhoods most closely corresponding to the
Washington Park project area, shown in Tables 13, 14
and 15, are Warren Street and Dudley Street South. It
can be seen in these tables that both the South End and
Washington Park urban renewal projects are scheduled
in areas of large nonwhite population, low incomes, high
proportions of substandard housing and relatively little
home-ownership.
Other areas of substantial nonwhite population slated
for renewal are included in the project areas listed in Ex
hibit 3; for example, sections of Cambridge and Malden.
Since urban renewal and other public programs in Bos
ton have not yet affected the areas of greatest blight and
11 Census tracts in Boston and adjacent areas are shown by
street boundaries in U.S. Bureau of the Census. U.S. Census of
Population: 1950; volume III, Census Tract Statistics, Chapter
6; U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1952.
Total and non white population living in the Project Area was
estimated for census tracts from U.S. Bureau of the Census; U.S.
Census of Population: 1960; Advance Tables PH : 1, Population
and Homing Characteristics, for the Boston Metropolitan Area;
copies furnished by the Research Division, United Community
Services of Metropolitan Boston.
117
highest minority concentration, the experience to date is
an understatement of what can be expected when these new
projects move into execution in the near future.
Yery substantial displacement will also result from the
highway program throughout the metropolitan area, but
particularly in the densely populated segregated sections
of Boston and in Somerville, Cambridge and Medford.
The basic highway program consists of eight major radial
expressways leading into the heart of the metropolitan
area from the suburbs and terminating at a circumferen
tial inner-belt expressway. This plan was first developed
in 1948. The basic plan is described in “ The Master
Highway Plan for the Boston Metropolitan Area” by the
Joint Board for the Metropolitan Master Highway Plan
based upon a traffic survey by the Massachusetts Depart
ment of Public Works, February 1, 1958.
At a public hearing on April 22, 1960, the Massachusetts
Department of Public Works presented augmented plans
for the remaining portion of this limited-access highway
system, and recommended that the Inner Belt (Interstate
Route 695) follow line “ A ,” the Buggies Street, River
Street, Elm Street route. The Massachusetts Department
of Public Works, Anthony N. DiNatale, Commissioner,
Edward J. McCarthy, Chief Engineer, “ Pertinent Data
on Studies of the Inner Belt—I—695 and Northern Ex
pressway, I—93,” April 22, 1960, p. 1. The probable
route of the Inner Belt is shown in Exhibit 2 as the divi
sion between the South End GNRP and the Roxbury-
North Dorchester GNRP.
In the center of the Lower Roxbury-South End area, the
Inner Belt would interchange with the Southwest Express
way (1-95), connected to Columbus Avenue and Tremont
Street. Ibid,., “ The Innerbelt Summary,” p. 1.
Data sheets included in the report indicate the approxi
mate number of residential structures and households
118
which would be displaced. The following table summarizes
estimated displacement, by city, resulting from the rec
ommended Inner Belt Route A, and the Northern Express
way, recommended line “ A ” (Interstate Route 93). This
is only a partial estimate of probable displacement, since
it does not include the Southwest Expressway and other
radials.
Estimated Demolition, Inner Belt and Northern
Expressway.
No. of Residential No. of
City or Town
3STON
Structures Households
B oston 292 797
B oston , C harlestow n 109 330
T o tal 401 1,127
C am bridge 369 1,211
Som erville 334 872
B rookline 292 797
T o tal , 4 cities 1,416 4,007
I f there are no more than an average of 3 persons per
household, this means a displacement of over 12,000 per
sons from highway construction alone, a large number of
whom will be nonwhite and of low income. Data summary
sheets included in this report show that total displace
ment in the metropolitan area due to the Inner Belt will
range from 2,964 to 3,895 households (some 9,000 to 11,700
persons) depending on which line the highway follows,
and that displacement from the Northern Expressway
will range from about 387 to 585 households (about 1,200
to 1,755 persons). About 30 per cent of the estimated dis
placement will be in Boston. Almost all the people dis
119
placed in the Lower Roxbury-South End area of Boston
(800 to 2,000 households, depending on which line is fol
lowed) will be nonwhite.12
Persons forced to relocate because of urban renewal and
expressway programs in the City of Boston alone will
therefore total approximately 67,000; it is estimated that
at least two-fifths are nonwhite.
XII. U rban R enew al , H ighw ay C onstruction and Other
P ublic P rograms have A lready W orsened th e H ous
ing Conditions oe L ow -income and N egro F am ilies .
In the United States as a whole, through June, 1960,
almost 1 in 10 displaced families for whom the condition
of relocation housing was known were officially reported
to have relocated in substandard housing, as locally de
fined. Thirteen per cent of nonwhite families were re
ported to have been relocated in substandard housing. No
information on the condition of housing is available for
an additional 16,000 families (19 per cent of all relocated
12 This is evident from a map included in the report of the De
partment of Public Works, which shows all the alternative lines
for the Inner Belt running through densely populated neighbor
hoods of high nonwhite concentration, from Massachusetts Avenue
near City Hospital, westward across Tremont and Columbus
Streets, through the South End and Lower Roxbury neighbor
hood to the railroad. The proposed interchange with the South
west Expressway extends into Dudley Street at the northern tip
of the Washington Park Project area. The neighborhoods in the
line of these expressways are Lower Roxbury, Dudley Street East,
Warren Street and Dudley Street South, the populations of which
are from 25 to 82 per cent Negro (see Exhibit 1 and column 2,
Table 15). Map showing “ All Lines Studied on Inner Belt” is
part of the report, “ Pertinent Data on Studies of the Inner Belt—
1—695 and Northern Expressway 1—93,” Massachusetts Depart
ment of Public Works, Anthony N. DiNatale Commissioner, Ed
ward J. McCarthy, Chief Engineer, April 22, 1960.
120
families) and 29,000 individual householders displaced.
“ Relocation from Urban Renewal Project Areas Through
June 30, 1960” (Housing and Home Finance Agency,
Urban Renewal Administration, Washington 25, D.C.), pp.
11, 13. Although more than half of displaced families
were found to be eligible for admission to public housing,
only 18 per cent (14,147) were relocated in federally aided
or other permanent public housing {Ibid. p. 7).
Although experience in Boston is limited so far, the evi
dence to date indicates that many displaced families have
either relocated in substandard housing or in areas desig
nated for redevelopment, highway construction or other
public clearance. The relocation areas and housing con
ditions of more than half the families displaced by the
New York Streets Project are unknown. Of the remain
ing 368 families, only 15.5 per cent were placed in public
housing, although 58 per cent were found to be eligible.
The majority (over two-thirds) were relocated in private
rentals. Boston Redevelopment Authority, Final Reloca
tion Report, New York Streets, Project U.R.. Mass. 2-1,
November, 1958, Exhibit C (unpaged).
The West End Project has accounted for most of the
displacement in Boston under Title I to date. Of 3,075
households originally in the area, 2,640 were families of
2 or more persons. Some 70 per cent of the total popula
tion were considered eligible for public housing. Grordon
N. Glottsche, Relocation: Goals, Implementation and
Evaluation of the Process with Reference to the West
End Redevelopment Project in Boston Mass.; Master of
City Planning Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Tech
nology, June, 1960, p. 80.
Income data were available for about 1,230 of the fam
ilies (2 or more persons); over half had annual incomes of
under $3,600, and 72 per cent under $4,800 {ibid. p. 64).
Some 200 relocation structures in 15 census tracts were
121
inspected and evaluated in this study. Three out of 4
were found to be in areas of planned or potential urban
renewal. Three-fifths of the structures were found to be
in such poor condition as to be fit only for demolition or
major rehabilitation (ibid. pp. 109-110).
“ From the evaluation of the result of West End relo
cation, it would appear that there was not sufficient low
rental and moderate rental housing in the inner Metro
politan Area, including at least Boston, Cambridge, Chel
sea, and Revere, to assure satisfactory relocation. . . .
As it does not appear likely at present that the private
housing industry will provide quantities of such housing,
it seems necessary to construct subsidized low rental and
controlled moderate rental housing . . . by public action”
(ibid. p. 12).
Since 1956 losses of housing units in the City of Boston
due primarily to the City demolition program and clear
ance under the first urban renewal projects have exceeded
new construction and additions through conversion by an
average of 785 units per year. The net loss in dwelling
units from 1956 through 1959 totalled 3,139 units, or ac
commodations for some 9,000 to 10,000 persons, mostly of
very low incomes. Statement of Edward D. Hassan,
Chairman, Boston Housing Authority, to the Committee
on Public Housing, Boston City Council, February 16,
1961, p. 30 (on file at the Boston Housing Authority).
XIII. T hebe is a S evebe S hortage oe S ound L ow-R ental,
H ousing in th e B oston A b e a ; N egroes w ho w ill be
D isplaced by P ublic P bogbams abe at the Greatest
D isadvantage because oe th e D ual H andicaps oe L ow
I ncome and D iscrim ination .
“ Problems of discrimination in housing have come es
pecially to the fore in connection with public programs of
122
slum clearance and urban renewal. Reconstruction of a
slum usually requires the relocation of all or part of the
resident population either temporarily or permanently.
Since the residents, more often than not, are members of
minority groups, efforts to rehouse them in non-slum areas
collide with segregation barriers.” Where Shall We
Live, Report of the Commission on Race and Housing,
University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles,
1958, p. 7.
No comprehensive study of the housing market in the
Boston area has been made in recent years in connection
with the redevelopment program or for other public pur
poses. As a result, there is no accurate information on
the total housing stock by size of units, rentals and prices,
geographic location and other characteristics which should
be considered in determining whether decent, safe and
sanitary dwellings at rentals within the financial means of
displaced families are in fact available. In the absence of
such a survey, recent U.S. Census data and other sources
have been evaluated which indicate clearly that there is a
very short supply of all types of housing in the Boston
area and in particular a severe shortage of sound low-
rental housing, both public and private.
Table 16 shows that the standard rental vacancy ratio
for the City of Boston in 1960 was only 2.4 per cent, and
even lower (1.4 per cent) for all housing units in the Met
ropolitan area. This is the ratio of both sound and de
teriorating vacant units with all plumbing facilities avail
able for rent to the total number of housing units. Au
thorities on housing consider such a ratio extremely low.
According to the director of the Housing Research Center
at Cornell University, “ Before the war, a 4 or 5 per cent
gross vacancy was considered normal and not dangerous.
Since the war, it has been shown, that the vacancy rates
have generally been lower than this. However, in order
123
that families have the advantage of a competitive market,
it is conservative to use a 4 per cent gross vacancy rate in
any estimate of future housing need.” Glenn H. Beyer,
Housing; A Factual Analysis, New York, MacMillan Co.,
1958, pp. 284-285.
The gross rental vacancy ratio in the City of Boston in
1960 was only 3.6 (8,708 units, sound or deteriorating,
available for rent). There were only 13,000 year-round
vacant units for rent or for sale, regardless of condition,
available in the City of Boston in 1960. Over 17 per cent
of these were reported as dilapidated and an additional
23 per cent lacked some or all plumbing facilities (Table
16). Although the great majority of families who will be
displaced by urban renewal, highway construction and
other public programs are low-income renters and some
60 per cent of both white and nonwhite renters in sub
standard housing are families of 3 or more persons (Table
10), only 5,800 year-round non-dilapidated rental units
with all plumbing facilities were available in the City in
1960, and only 11,600 in the entire metropolitan area
(Table 16).
An unknown proportion of these require major repairs
or are located in areas scheduled for future clearance. It
is obvious that many of the remaining vacant units which
are in sound condition and not in clearance areas are un
suitable for relocation purposes, because of location, size
or rentals beyond the means of displaced families.
The median number of rooms in vacant units available
for rent was only 3.4, as against an average of 4.6 rooms
for all occupied units and 5.6 rooms for houses available
for sale. U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Hous
ing: i960; Advance Reports, Housing Characteristics,
Massachusetts HC (A l)-22 . U.S. Government Printing-
Office, Washington, D.C., March 1961, Table 1, p. 7.
124
The housing problem of minority families in the Boston
area is particularly severe because of the comparatively
old age of the housing stock (Table 18) and the substantial
per cent o f structures which lack central heating (Table
17). The 1950 U.S. Census of Housing reported that over
one-fourth of all dwelling units in the City of Boston
lacked central heating. Many of these are the very old
three-deckers for which Boston is famous. The costs of
rehabilitating such structures, including the provision of
modern and safe central heating systems required by the
New England climate, are prohibitive. Yet these units,
unless they lack plumbing facilities or are in a state of
severe disrepair, would not be classified as substandard
under the Public Housing Administration definition.
The 1950 U.S. Census of Housing also provided some in
formation on the age of the housing stock. Table 18 indi
cates one of the reasons for the extent of blight and the
shortage of decent housing in the Boston area. Over four-
fifths of the total housing stock in the City of Boston and
more than 75 per cent in the entire Metropolitan area was
over thirty years old in 1950, as against less than half for
the entire United States. The classification by years built
prior to 1920 in the 1940 U.S. Census of Housing shows
the great age of much of Boston housing. At that time
over 40 per cent of dwelling units were in structures which
had been built before the start of the century; half of these
were over sixty years old, and 8 per cent (14,000 dwelling
units) were in structures built in 1859 or earlier.13
The table below indicates the very small amount of new
private housing which has been built in the Boston area
since 1950.
13 Classification by years built prior to 1920 was dropped from
the 1950 U.S. Census of Housing.
125
Changes in the Total Housing Supply, City of Boston,
1950-1959.
Number of dwelling units, 1950: 222,079
Additions, 1950-59:
New Building
Private 5,769
Public 6,818
Total 12,587
Conversions 4,246
Total Additions 16,833
Losses, 1950-59 —9,857
Net Change 6,976
Number of dwelling units, 1959 229,055 14
Source: Statement of Edward D. Hassan, Chairman, Bos
ton Public Housing Authority, to the Committee on Public
Housing, Boston City Council, February, 1961 (pp. 30 and
43) (on file at the Boston Public Housing Authority).
This total, of course, includes units which are dilapidated
or in need of major repairs, units lacking’ essential plumb
ing or central heating, and some which have been aban
doned but are still standing. It is significant that a major
part of the new supply consists of public housing. New
private buildings provided only half as many units as were
lost, primarily because of public programs.
According to this statement, “ The new private rental
housing market in the city has been dormant for years
14 The 1960 U.S. Census of Housing reports a total of 238,547
“ housing units” in 1960. As explained above (Table 5, fn. 1),
the new definition includes units which would not have been clas
sified as “ dwelling units” by the 1950 Census.
126
. . . current plans for the redevelopment of urban re
newal areas contemplate the construction of new apart
ments at minimum monthly rentals of $40 a room . . .
the current average selling* price is estimated at $14,900
for new houses. . . . It appears . . . that families who
cannot afford to pay more than $100 a month for housing-
are faced with a tight housing situation, with availability
limited for the most part to some small converted apart
ment, substandard housing, or public housing. . . . New
rental housing construction has been practically at a stand
still for years. . . . Most new single family houses and
available existing houses are within the capacity only of
families in the upper levels of the income scale” (pp.
41-42).
The evidence is that there is no significant supply of
low-rental housing in sound condition which is within the
means of the majority of families now living in blighted
areas and facing displacement, except in existing public
housing units. Although families displaced from urban
renewal projects have priority in federally assisted pub
lic housing, it is not possible to accommodate such fam
ilies in the existing supply.
In 1960 there were 3,600 state-aided and 9,844 federally
aided public housing units in the City of Boston. Of these,
only 1,867 or 14 per cent were occupied by nonwhite fam
ilies. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Executive
Department, Fifteenth Annual Report of the Massachu
setts Commission Against Discrimination, Public Docu
ment No. 163, p. 26.
The Public Housing Authority reports that the average
annual number of applications for admission to federally
aided units, 1955-60, has been about 4,600. At the most
recent date reported, in 1960, 3,332 active eligible applica
tions were on file waiting for units. The only vacancies
available are from turnover, which amounted to only 1,990
127
units in 1959. Statement by Hassan, op. cit. pp. 57, 58.
At the current rates of turnover it would take almost two
years to place the present applicants alone. No new pub
licly aided housing units are under construction except
for 480 apartments specifically designed to accommodate
the elderly. Statement by Hassan, ibid. p. 63.
But the families now renting substandard housing in the
City of Boston who are living in areas of blight and dete
riorated housing are predominantly younger families with
children (see Table 10). According to the special 1960
U.S. Census of families living in substandard housing (as
officially defined), only one-fourth of white households and
8 per cent of nonwhite households had heads aged sixty-
five or over. Fifty-six per cent of the white renters and
64 per cent of nonwhite had one or more minor children.
Two-fifths of nonwhite primary families living in sub
standard units had 2 or more minor children. U.S. Bureau
of the Census. U.S. Census of Housing: i960 ; Special-
Reports for Local Housing Authorities, Boston, Mass.,
HC ( Si ) -67; U.S. Government Printing Office, Washing
ton, D.C., Table 1, p. 8.
On June 5, 1961, the Boston City Council approved the
application of the Boston Housing Authority to the Pub
lic Housing Administration, Washington, D.C., for an ad
ditional 1,000 units of federally aided low rent housing.
These units, now in the planning stage, will be predomi
nantly one-bedroom apartments intended for occupation
by the elderly. The 1,480 publicly aided units under con
struction or planned, together with the normal annual
turnover of about 2,000, total less than 3,500 available
units, or less than the averag*e annual number of eligible
applicants in recent years prior to massive demolitions
from urban renewal and highway construction such as are
now scheduled for Boston. Furthermore, these units are
intended primarily for elderly occupants, but the majority
128
of families who will be displaced by urban renewal and
other public programs are Negro and have young children.
It thus appears that neither private nor public low-rent
decent housing is presently available or is contemplated
for the rehousing of these families.
T-A-BEE
POPULATION CHANGES BY RACE, MASSACHUSETTS, 19 50-60
N u m b e r o f P e r s o n s P e r c e n t N o n w h i t e c
T o t a l P o p u l a t i o nT o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te , ' " “I
T o t a l N e g r o A l l O t h e r A l l N e g r o
M a s s a c h u s e t t s
1950
I 9 6 0
C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r
P e r c e n t
4 , 6 9 0 , 514
5 , 1 4 8 , 5 7 8
4 8 5 , 0 6 4
9 . 8
4, 6 1 1 , 503
5 , 0 2 3 , 1 4 4
4 1 1 , 641
8 . 9
7 9 , O i l
125 , 4 3 4
4 6 , 4 2 3
5 8 . 8
73 , 171
111 , 8 4 2
3 8 , 6 7 1
52.. 8
5, 840
1 3 ,5 9 2
7 , 7 5 2
132 . 7
1 .7
2 . 4
1. 6
2. 2
B o s t o n C i t y
1950
I9 6 0
C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r
P e r c e n t ,
8 0 1 , 4 4 4
6 9 7 , 197
- 1 0 4 , 2 4 7
- 1 3 . 0
7 5 8 , 7 0 0
6 2 8 , 7 0 4
-1 2 9 , -9 9 6
- 1 7 . 1
•42, 7 4 4
68 , 493
25 , 749
60 . 2
4 0 , 0 5 7
6 3 , 1 6 5
23 , 108
5 7 . 7
2, 687
5, 238
2, 641
9 8 . 3
5 . 3
9 . 8
5. 0
9 . 0
B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a
1950
1960
C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r
P e r c e n t
2, 3 6 9 , 986
2, 5 1 3 , 161
1 4 3 ,1 7 5
6. 0
2, 3 1 4 , 261
2, 4 2 7 , 045
112, 784
4 . 9
55, 725
86 , 116
30 , 391
5 4 . 5
5 1 , 7 5 8
76 , 9 1 4
2 5 , 1 5 6
4 8 . 6
3 , 697
9 , 202
5, 235
132 . 0
2. 4
3 . 4
2. 2
3 . 1
B o s t o n S u b u r b s
1950
I9 6 0
C h a n g e 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , N u m b e r
P e r c e n t
1 , 5 6 8 , 5 4 2
1, 8 1 5 , 6 9 4
2 4 7 ,1 5 2
15. 8
1, 5 55 , 561
1, 7 9 8 , 341
2 4 2 , 780
15. 6
1 2 ,9 8 1
1 7 ,6 2 3
4, 642
3 5 . 8
11, 701
1 3 ,7 4 9
2, 048
17. 5
1, 280
3, 8 7 4
2, 594
2 0 2 . 6
0. 8
1. 0
0. 7
0. 8
P r e d o m i n a n t l y o r i e n t a l ; 64 p e r c e n t o f a l l o t h e r n o n w h ite in M a s s a c h u s e t t s in I 9 6 0 an d o v e r 70 p e r c e n t in th e
B o s t p n a r e a . s u b t r a c t e d f r o m th eA s d e f i n e d in 19 50 E l e v e n t o w n s a d d e d to th e S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a in I9 6 0 w e r e
A s d e f i n e d m i ^ U . * T h g t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e s e t o w n s w a s 76 , 140, n o n w h ite p o p u l a t i o n 9 7 6 an d
t o t a l t o p e r m i t 1950 c o m p a r i s o n s .
N e g r o p o p u l a t i o n 867 in I 9 6 0 .
3 S ta n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s th e C ity o f B o s t o n .
U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r -
U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 .
T a b l e 14, p . 2 3 * 2 9 , T a b l e 15, p . 2 3 * 3 0 , T a b l e 21 , p . 2 3 - 7 8 , p . 2 3 - 8 0 .
U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : 19 5 0 . V o l u m e II, C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the
M a s s a c h u s e t t s . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r in t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D. C . , 1 9 5 2 . I n t r o d u c t i o n ,
X X X , T a b l e 33 , p . 2 1 - 6 3 , p . 2 1 - 5 8 , T a b l e 3 4 , p . 2 1 - 6 6 , p . 2 1 - 6 7 .
S o u r c e s : U .S ,. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . ________
i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . F i n a l R e p o r t P C (1 ) - 2 3 B .
I n t r o d u c t io n , p"! X II , T a b l e 13, jn 2 3 * 2 7 , T a b l e 14,
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s .
P o p u l a t i o n , P a r t 21,
T A B L E 2
P O P U L A T I O N C H A N G E S B Y R A C E , M A S S A C H U S E T T S C O M P A R E D W I T H
T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S , 1 9 5 0 - 6 0
P o p u l a t i o n C h a n g e , 1 9 5 0 - 6 0 , P e r c e n t s ________ N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t o f
T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te 1 T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n
T o t a l N e g r o A l l O t h e r * 1 9 ^ 0 ’ I9 6 0
M a s s a c h u s e t t s 9.-8 8 . 9 5 8 . 8 52 . 8 i 3 2. 7 1. 7 2 . 4
B o s t o n
C i t y - 1 3 . 0 - 1 7 . 1 6 0 . 2 5 7 . 7 9 8 . 3 5. 3 9 . 8
S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a ' 6 . 0 4 . 9 54 . 5 4 8 . 6 132 . 0 2. 4 3 . 4
3
S u b u r b s 15. 8 15. 6 3 5 . 8 17 . 5 2 0 2 . 6 0 . 8 1 . 0
U n i t e d S t a t e s
T o t a l 18. 5 17. 5 26 . 7 2 5 . 4 10. 7 1 1 . 4
R u r a l - 0 . 8 0 . 2 - 8 . 8 1 1 . 4 1 0 .4
U r b a n
T o t a l 2 9 . 3 27 . 1 4 8 . 7 10. 3 11 . 8
4
C e n t r a l C i t i e s 19. 8 1 3 .3 6 3 . 3 13 . 1 17. 8
S u b u r b s ^ 3 8 . 8 4 0 . 1 2 3 . 1 7 . 5 6 . 7
^ M o s t l y o r i e n t a l , s e e T a b l e 1 a b o v e f o r M a s s a c h u s e t t s a n d T a b l e 4 4 , p . 1 - 1 4 4 , U n to e d S t a t e s S u m m a r y c i t e d b e l o w .
A s d e f i n e d in 1950 b y th e U., S . C e n s u s . (S e e T a b l e 1).
^ S ta n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s th e C i t y o f B oston .. (S e e T a b l e 1).
‘ C i t i e s o f 50 , 000 p o p u l a t i o n o r m o r e in I 9 6 0 , in d e n s e l y s e t t l e d s e c t i o n s d e s i g n a t e d a s " u r b a n i z e d a r e a s " b y
th e y.S. C e n s u s ( S e e I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . V III - I X , U n i t e d S t a t e s S u m m a r y c i t e d b e l o w ) .
^ T c t a l u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n l e s s c e n t r a l c i t i e s .
S o u r c e s : S e e th e s o u r c e s f o r T a b l e 1. A l s o , U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S. C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n :
196TT. G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , U n ite d S ta te s S u m m a r y . F i n a l R e p o r t P C ( i ) - I B . U . U. G o v e r n
m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 4 2 , p . 1 - 1 4 3 , T a b l e 4 4 , p . 1 - 1 4 4 , aricT I n t r o d u c t i o n ,
p p . V III - IX , p . X I .
T A B L E 3
C O N C E N T R A T IO N O F N O N W H IT E P O P U L A T IO N IN M A S S A C H U S E T T S , B Y A R E A A N D R A C E
1950 A N D I 9 6 0
M a s s a c h u s e tt s
B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a
C i t y o f B o s t o n
B o s t o n N e i g h b o r h o o d s
R o x b u r y
D o r c h e s t e r N o r t h
S o u th E n d
R e s t o f C i t y ̂
S u b u r b s o f B o s t o n
E l s e w h e r e in S ta te
M a s s a c h u s e t t s
B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a
C i t y o f B o s t o n ^
B o s t o n N e i g h b o r h o o d s
R o x b u r y
D o r c h e s t e r N o r t h
S o u th E n d
•Rest o f C i t y
S u b u r b s o f B o s to n ^
E l s e w h e r e in S ta te *
1950 , N u m b e r o f P e r s o n s I 9 6 0 , N u m b e r o f P e r s o n s
T o t a l N o n w h i te N e g r o O t h e r T o t a l N o n w h i t e N e g r o O t h e r
7 9 , O i l 7 3 , 171 5, 840 1 2 5 , 4 3 4 111, 8 4 2 1 3 ,5 9 2
5 5 , 7 2 5 51, 758 3 , 697 8 6 , 116 7 6 , 9 1 4 9 , 202
4 2 , 7 4 4 4 0 , 0 5 7 2, 687 6 8 ,4 9 3 6 3 , 1 6 5 5, 238
3 7 , 5 3 0 3 6 , 813 717
11, 235 10, 8 9 2 343
12, 448 9, 846 2, 602
7, 280 5, 6 1 4 1, 576
12, 981 1 1 ,7 0 1 1, 010 1 7 ,6 2 3 1 3 ,7 4 9 3, 9.64
2 3 , 2 8 6 21 , 413 2, 143 3 9 , 3 1 8 - 3 4 , 928 4 , 3 9 0
1950 , P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n s I 9 6 0 , P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n s
100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0
7 0 . 5 7 0 . 8 6 3 . 3 68 . 6 68 . 8 67 . 7
54 . 1 54 . 8 4 6 . 0 54 . 6 56 . 5 3 8 . 5
2 9 .9 3 2 . 9 5. 3
9 . 0 9 . 7 2. 5
9 . 9 8 . 8 19. 1
5. 8 5. 0 11. 6
16, 4 16. 0 17. 2 14. 0 12. 3 29 . 2
29 . 5 29 . 2 3 6 . 7 3 1 . 3 3 1 . 2 3 2 . 3
* A s d e f i n e d b y th e U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n .
^ B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s C i t y o f B o s t o n . (S e e T a b l e 1).
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e to r o u n d in g .
S o u r c e s : 19 50 an d I9 6 0 P o p u l a t i o n b y r a c e f o r s t a t e , m e t r o p o l i t a n a r e a , c i t y a n d s u b u r b s .
(S e e T a b l e 1). B o s t o n n e i g h b o r h o o d s : p o p u l a t i o n b y c o l o r c o m p u t e d f o r n e i g h b o r h o o d s i n I 9 6 0 f r o m
c e n s u s t r a c t r e p o r t s f o r th e C i t y o f B o s t o n , U. S. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s , A d v a n c e T a b l e s P H - 1 .
P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : I 9 6 0 , in N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n R a n k e d l o r S e l e c t e d
F a c to r s " , " R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , ” "U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , A p r i l 1961 .
T A B L E 4
C O N C E N T R A T I O N O F N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N IN T H E B O S T O N AREA
1950 A N D I9 6 0
1950 , P e r c e n t s I 9 6 0 P e r c e n t s
T o t a l
N o n w h i te N e g r o
T o t a l
N o n w h i t e Negro
B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o
p o l i t a n Area-*- 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100.0
2
S u b u r b s 2 3 . 3 2 2 . 6 2 0 . 5 17.9
C i t y o f B o s t o n 7 6 . 7 7 7 . 4 79- 5 82.1
R o x b u r y G N R P 3 3 6 . 8 3 8 . 8 4 5 . 7 50.2
S o u th E n d G N R P 3 2 9 . 4 3 0 . 1 15. 8 16.8
R e s t o f C i t y 10. 5 8 . 4 18. 0 15.2
* A s d e f i n e d in 1 9 5 0 . ( S e e T a b l e 1).
2B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a l e s s th e C i t y o f B o s t o n .
’ ’ G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n A r e a s e s t a b l i s h e d b y th e B o s t o n
R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y . T h e d e c r e a s e in N e g r o p e r c e n t o f t o t a l p o p u
l a t i o n in th e S o u th E n d f r o m 1 950 t o I 9 6 0 i s th e r e s u l t o f a d e c r e a s e o f
a b o u t 18, 0 0 0 w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n ( - 4 7 p e r c e n t ) an d 2, 8 0 0 n o n w h i t e
( - 1 7 p e r c e n t ) .
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g .
S o u r c e s : B o s t o n C i t y an d S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a : S e e T a b l e 1.
G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n A r e a s a r e d e s c r i b e d
a c c o r d i n g t o g e o g r a p h i c b o u n d a r i e s in th e 9 0 M i l l i o n D o l l a r D e v e l o p m e n t
P r o g r a m f o r B o s t o n , T h e B o s t o n R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y , J o h n F .
C o l l i n s , M a y o r , E d w a r d J . L o g u e , D e v e l o p m e n t A d m i n i s t r a t o r , r e p r in t e d
f r o m th e C i t y R e c o r d , i s s u e o f S e p t e m b e r 24 , I 9 6 0 (u n p a g e d ) . P o p u la t io n s
f o r t h e s e a r e a s W e r e e s t i m a t e d f r o m U . S . C e n s u s t r a c t d a ta in U . S . B ureau
o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : 1950 . V o l . I l l , C e n s u s T r a c t
S t a t i s t i c s , C h a p t e r 6 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D. C . ,
T932', 'T a b le 1, p p . 7 - 3 3 , a n d U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s , A d v a n c e
T a b l e s P H - 1 . P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : 196W, t a b l e s f o r
c e n s u s t r a c t s w i t h in th e C i t y o f B o s t o n , f u r n i s h e d b y th e R e s e a r c h D iv is io n ,
U n i te d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n .
T A B L E 5
T E N U R E B Y C O L O R , M A S S A C H U S E T T S , 1950 A N D I9 6 0 , O C C U P IE D H OUSING U N IT S 1
N u m b e r N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n
C i t y o f B o s t o n
T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e % o f T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te
1950
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 54 , 266 52, 686 1, 580 2 . 9 ,25. 4 1 3 .9
R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 1 6 3 ,8 3 7 1 5 4 ,0 8 0 9, 757 6 . 0 7 4 . 6 8 b . 1
T o t a l 218 , 103 2 0 6 , 7 6 6 11, 337 5. 3 100 . 0 100 . 0
1960
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 61 , 165 5 7 , 7 6 8 3, 397 5. 6 28 . 5 15. 7
R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 163 , 267 1 4 5 ,0 4 8 18, 219 1 1 . 2 7 1 . 5 8 4 . 3
T o t a l , 224 , 43 2 2 02 , 8 1 6 21, 616 9 . 6 100 . 0 100 . 0
B o s t o n S t a n d a r d M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a
1950
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 2 8 7 ,8 6 1 2 8 5 , 0 2 2 2, 839 1. 0 4 5 . 1 19. b
R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 3 5 8 , 295 3 4 6 , 632 11, 663 3 . 2 5 4 . 9 8 0 . 4
T o t a l 6 4 6 , 1 5 6 6 3 1 , 6 5 4 1 4 ,5 0 2 2. 2 100. 0 100 . 0
1960
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 4 0 2 , 618 3 9 7 , 1 5 3 5, 465 1 . 4 5 3 . 4 20 . 7
R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 3 6 7 , 5 9 7 3 4 6 , 6 7 6 20, 921 5. 7 4 6 . 6 7 9 . 3
T o t a l 7 7 0 , 2 1 5 7 4 3 , 8 2 9 26, 386 3 . 4 1 00 . 0 100 . 0
M a s s a c h u s etts
1950
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 6 2 4 , 838 6 1 9 , 7 7 5 5, 063 0. 8 4 8 . 2 25 . 4
R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i ts 6 8 0 , 3 5 6 6 6 5 , 5 1 0 14, 846 2. 2 5 1 . 8 74. 6
T o t a l 1, 3 0 5 , 194 1, 285 , 285 1 9 ,9 0 9 1. 5 100 . 0 1 00 . 0
1960
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 8 5 7 , 3 7 8 8 4 8 , 526 8, 8 5 2 1. 0 56 . 6 24 . 7
R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n its 6 7 7 , 3 5 4 6 5 0 , 3 8 8 26, 9 9 6 1 .8 4 3 . 4 75 . 3
T o t a l 1, 5 3 4 , 7 3 2 1, 4 9 8 , 9 4 6 3 5 , 818 100 . 0 100 . 0
l n H o u s in g U n i t s " in I 9 6 0 , " D w e l l i n g U n i t s " in 195 0 . T h e I 9 6 0 d e f i n i t i o n in c l u d e s s o m e r o o m s w i t h o u t
s e p a r a t e c o o k i n g f a c i l i t i e s , w h i c h w e r e n o t c o u n t e d as " d w e l l i n g u n i t s " in 1 9 5 0 . ( S e e " D e f i n i t i o n s and
e x p l a n a t i o n s , " p p . 1 - 2 , A d v a n c e R e p o r t H C ( A l ) 22 c i t e d b e l o w . )
^ A s d e f i n e d in 195 0 . S e e T a b l e 1.
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d in g .
S o u r c e s : U. S. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : 195 0 . V o l .__I, G e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ,
P a r t 3 : Id a h o - M a s s a c h u s e t t s . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 19 5 3 , " t a b le 17, p p . 1 4 - 1 6 .
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 , H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ,
M a s s a c h u s e t t s . A d v a n c e R e p o r t H C ( A 1) - 22 , U . S. G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , M a r c h
T 9 5 T T a b l e 1, p . 5, 7; T a b l e 2, p . 14. —
T A B L E 6
C O N D I T I O N O F O C C U P I E D H O U S IN G U N IT S B Y T E N U R E A N D C O L O R O F H O U S E H O L D H E A D
C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I9 6 0
N u m b e r o f U n its N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n
C O N D I T I O N
T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i te % o f T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d U n its
S o u n d w i th a l l p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s 52 , 957 50 , 976 1 ,9 9 0 3 . 8 8 8 . 2 5 8 . 6
L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 1, 289 1, 196 93 7. 2 2. 1 2 . 7
T o t a l 54 , 246 52, 162 2, 083 3 . 8 9 0 . 3 6 1 , 3
D e t e r i o r a t i n g w i t h a l l p lu m b i n g 5, 4 7 5 4 , 433 1, 042 19. 0 7 . 7 3 0 . 7
L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 640 535 105 1 6 . 4 0 . 9 3 . 1
T o t a l 6, 115 4, 968 1, 147 1 8 .8 8 . 6 3 3 . 8
D i la p id a t e d 8 0 4 637 167 20 . 8 1. 1 4 . 9
T o t a l , O w n e r - o c c u p i e d 61 , 165 5 7 , 7 6 8 3, 397 5. 6 1 00 . 0 1 00 . 0
R e n t e r w o c e u p i e d U n its
S o u n d w i t h a l l p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s 1 1 2 ,9 8 1 1 0 5 ,1 0 8 7 , 8 7 3 7 . 0 7 2 . 5 4 3 . 2
L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 14, 3 8 7 13, 267 1, 120 7 . 8 9 . 1 6. 1
T o t a l 1 2 7 ,3 8 6 118 , 393 8 , 9 9 3 7. 0 8 1 . 6 49 , 3
D e t e r i o r a t i n g w i t h a l l p lu m b i n g 2 0 , 2 2 7 15, 046 5, 181 2 5 . 6 10. 4 2 8 . 4
L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g 9, 621 7, 4 9 2 2, 129 22 . 1 5 . 1 1 1 . 7
T o t a l 2 9 , 8 4 8 2 2 5 , 5 3 8 7, 3 1 0 2 4 . 5 15. 5 4 0 . 1
D i la p id a t e d 6, 051 4, 13 5 1 ,9 1 6 3 1 . 7 2 . 8 10 . 5
T o t a l , R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d
T o t a l O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its
163 , 267
2 2 4 , 43 2
1 4 5 ,0 4 8
2 0 2 , 8 1 6
1 8 ,2 1 9
21, 6 1 6
11. 2
9 . 6
1 0 0 ..0 . 100 . 0
T e n u r e
O w n e r - o c c u p i e d U n its 61 , 165 5 7 , 7 6 8 3, 3 9 7 5 . 6 28 . 5 15. 7
R e n t e r - o c c u p i e d U n its 1 6 3 ,2 6 7 1 4 5 ,0 4 8 1 8 ,2 1 9 11. 2 7 1 . 5 8 4 . 3
T o t a l O c c u p i e d U n its
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e to
2 2 4 , 43 2
r o u n d i n g .
2 0 2 , 8 1 6 2 1 , 6 1 6 9 . 6 100 . 0 100 . 0
S o u r c e : U . S . B u reau of the C e n su s . U . S . C en su s of H ou sin g : I9 6 0 . H ousing C h a r a c te r is t ic s ,
M a s s a c h u s e tts , A dvan ce R ep ort HC (A 1) - 2 2 , U . S . G o vern m en t P rin tin g O ffic e , W ash in gton , D . C . ,
M a rc h 1961 . ' T a b le 1, p . 5, 7.' T a b le 2, p . 14.
T A B L E 7
S U B S T A N D A R D U N I T S ,1 A L L H O U S E H O L D S A N D P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S , * 2
B Y C O L O R O F H O U S E H O L D H E A D A N D C O N D I T I O N O F H O U S IN G , C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I9 6 0
S u b s t a n d a r d O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its
S o u n d , N o h o t w a t e r
N o p r i v a t e b a th
N o p r i v a t e t o i l e t
L a c k i n g p i p e d w a t e r
T o t a l
D e t e r i o r a t i n g , N o h o t w a t e r
N o p r i v a t e b a th
N o p r i v a t e t o i l e t
L a c k i n g p i p e d w a t e r
T o t a l
D i la p id a t e d
T o t a l S u b s t a n d a r d
P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s in S u b s t a n d a r d
R e n t a l U n its
A H O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its
S u b s t a n d a r d , P e r c e n t o f A l l O c c u p i e d U n its
P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s in S u b s t a n d a r d R e n t a l U n its
P e r c e n t o f a l l O c c u p i e d U n its
P e r c e n t o f S u b s t a n d a r d O c c u p i e d U n its
N u m b e r o f H o u s e h o l d s ____ N o n w h i t e
T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e P e r c e n t o f T o t a l
1, 840 1, 504 3 3 6
4, 161 4 , 062 99
9 , 697 8, 917 780
15 15 -
1 5 ,6 7 6 1 4 ,4 6 3 1, 213 7 . 7
1, 4 1 6 837 579
•2, 836 2, 703 133
6, 417 4 , 9 0 0 1, 517
11 7 4
21 . 81 0 ,2 6 1 8, 027 2, 234
6, 855 4 , 772 2, 083 3 0 . 4
3 2 , 7 9 2 2 7 , 2 6 2 5, 530 16. 9
1 1 , 5 6 4 9, 345 2, 219 19. 2
2 2 4 , 43 2 2 0 2 , 816 21 , 616 9 . 6
P e r c e n t s
14 . 6 1 3 . 4 25 . 6
5. 2 4 . 6 1 0 .3
3 5 . 3 3 4 . 3 4 0 . 1
■'■Substandard U n i t s : Defined b y th e P u b l i c H o u s in g A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , a s e i t h e r
d i l a p id a t e d o r l a c k i n g - o n e o r m o r e o f th e f o l l o w i n g p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s : h o t an d c o l d p i p e d w a t e r i n s i d e th e
s t r u c t u r e , f l u s h t o i l e t i n s i d e th e s t r u c t u r e f o r e x c l u s i v e u s e o f th e h o u s e h o l d , an d b a th tu b o r s h o w e r i n s i d e
th e s t r u c t u r e f o r e x c l u s i v e u s e o f th e h o u s e h o l d ,
2 P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s : H o u s e h o l d h e a d a n d r e l a t e d p e r s o n s in h o u s e h o l d : s i n g l e p e r s o n h o u s e h o l d s
( p r i m a r y in d i v i d u a l s ) a r e e x c l u d e d .
S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s , U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 , H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ,
M a s s a c h u s e t t s . A d v a n c e R e p o r t s H C ( A 1) - 22 , U. S. G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . ,
M a r c h 1 9 6 l . T a b l e 1, p . 7 a n d T a b l e 2, p . T4.
U. S. B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l
H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . H C (S 1) - 67 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e ,
W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1961 . T a b l e A , p . 1, T a b l e 1, pp.' 8 , 9 , a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 .
T A B L E 8
M O N T H L Y R E N T S , P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN S U B S T A N D A R D
R E N T A L U N I T S 1 B Y C O L O R O F H E A D , I 9 6 0 A N D 195 4 , A N D
A L L R E N T E R - O C C U P I E D U N IT S , I 9 6 0 , C I T Y O F B O S T O N
I 9 6 0 , F a m i l i e s 1954 , F am ilies
T o t a l W h i t e N o n w h i t e T o t a l White-
N u m b e r o f F a m i l i e s
P a y i n g c a s h r e n t 11, 387 9 , 199 2, 188
R e p o r t i n g r e n t , P e r c e n t 8 4 . 1 8 6 . 6 7 3 . 5
E s t i m a t e d n u m b e r 9, 600 8, 000 1, 600
2M o n t h ly G r o s s R e n t , P e r c e n t s
L e s s th a n $3 0 1. 5 1 .7 1. 2 4 . 1 4 .7
L e s s th a n $ 4 0 7. 7 8 . 4 4 . 7 2 9 . 9 2 9 . 0
L e s s th a n $50 26 . 1 28 . 1 16. 3 7 2 . 4 72 ,1
L e s s th a n $60 52 . 7 55 . 7 3 8 . 1 8 9 . 4 8 9 ,0
O v e r $ 6 0
T o t a l 4 7 . 2 4 4 . 3 6 1 . 7 10. 5 11 , 0
$ 6 0 - $69 20. 0 19. 4 2 3 . 2
$ 7 0 - $79 15. 6 14. 3 2 1 . 8
$ 8 0 - $99 9 . 5 8 . 7 14 . 0
$ 1 0 0 o r m o r e 2 . 1 1 .9 2. 7
T o t a l 100 . 0 1 0 0 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100., 0
M e d i a n g r o s s m o n t h l y r e n t $59 $57 $65 $ 4 4 $44
M e d i a n c o n t r a c t m o n t h l y r e n t $37 $35 $ 4 4 $25 $25
M e d i a n c o n t r a c t m o n t h l y r e n t
A l l r e n t e r - o c c u p i e d u n i t s ,
C i t y o f B o s t o n $63 * 3
* F o r d e f i n i t i o n s o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d R e n t a l U n i t s ,
s e e T a b l e 7.
^ I n c lu d e s a v e r a g e m o n t h l y c o s t o f f u e l a n d u t i l i t i e s , i f n o t i n c l u d e d
in c o n t r a c t r e n t .
3 A g r e e d - u p o n r e n t , r e g a r d l e s s o f w h e t h e r f u e l , u t i l i t i e s , f u r n i t u r e
o r o t h e r c o s t s a r e i n c l u d e d .
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g .
S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . F a m i l y I n c o m e a n d R e n t
S u r v e y , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , "
W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , A p r i l 196^7 T a b l e 3 , p . 10.
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g :
I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n ,
M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C (S 1) - 67 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e ,
W a s h in g t o n , D . G . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 2, p . 9 , an d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 .
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . , C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g :
I 9 6 0 . A d v a n c e R e p o r t s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C ( A 1) - 22, U . S . G o v e r n
m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 19$ 1. T a b l e 1, p . 7.
T A B L E 9
G R O S S A N N U A L R E N T A S P E R C E N T O F A N N U A L F A M I L Y I N C O M E
P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN S U B S T A N D A R D R E N T A L U N IT S , 1 C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I9 6 0
P e r c e n t a g e D i s t r i b u t i o n , N u m b e r o f F a m i l i e s b y I n c o m e an d C o l o r
A l l I n c o m e s I n c o m e s u n d e r $ 2 0 0 0 I n c o m e s $ 2 0 0 0 - 2 9 9 9
W h ite Nop. w h i t e W h i t e N o n w h i t e W h ite N o n w h i t e
R e n t - I n c o m e R a t i o
L e s s th a n 17. 5% 5 8 . 0 3 7 . 0 6. 6 4 . 1 7. 2 5. 0
17. 5 t o 22 . 4% 12. 5 17. 3 1. 6 4 . 9 20 . 6 1 1 .7
2 2 . 5 to 3 2. 4% 1 3 .5 1 8 .3 7. 4 4 . 9 4 7 . 4 3 3 . 3
3 2 . 5% o r m o r e 16. 1 27 . 4 8 4 . 3 8 6 . 1 24 . 7 50 . 0
A l l f a m i l i e s 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 1 00 . 0 100 . 0
I n c o m e s $ 3 0 0 0 - 3 9 9 9 I n c o m e s $ 4 0 0 0 - 5999 I n c o m e s $ 6 0 0 0 a n d Ove3
W h ite N o n w h i te W h ite N o n w h i t e W h ite N o n w h i t e
R e n t - I n c o m e R a t i o
L e s s th a n 17. 5% 2 9 .8 18. 7 7 8 . 8 6 1 . 9 9 7 . 9 9 7 . 0
17. 5 t o 22 . 4% 3 2 . 4 3 2 . 5 1 5 .9 28 . 8 2. 0 3 . 0
22 . 5 to 3 2. 4% 3 5 . 9 4 3 . 9 5. 3 9 . 3 - -
3 2. 5% o r m o r e 1 .8 4 . 9 - - - -
A l l f a m i l i e s 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0
1F o r d e f i n i t i o n o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d U n i t s , s e e T a b l e 7.
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g .
S o u r c e : u - s - B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U. S. C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l
H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C (S 1) - 6 T ~, U. S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e
W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1961 . T a b l e 4, p . 10, a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 .
T A B L E 10
N U M B E R O F P E R S O N S P E R H O U S E H O L D , P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN
S U B S T A N D A R D R E N T A L U N IT S , 1 C I T Y O F B O S T O N , I 9 6 0 , B Y C O L O R
N u m b e r o f H o u s e h o l d s P e r c e n t D i s t r i b u t i o n
T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e T o t a l W h ite N o n w h i t e
2 p e r s o n s 4, 658 3 , 768 890 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 1
3 p e r s o n s 2, 428 2, 0 0 2 4 2 6 21 . 0 2 1 . 4 19. 2
4 p e r s o n s 1, 919 1, 628 291 16. 6 17. 4 13. 1
5 p e r s o n s 1, 162 933 2 2 9 10. 0 10 . 0 10. 3
6 p e r s o n s 655 509 146 5 . 7 5 . 4 6 . 6
7 p e r s o n s 3 6 5 275 90 3 . 2 2 . 9 4 . 0
8 o r m o r e p e r s o n s 377 23 0 147 3 . 3 2. 5 6. 6
T o t a l N u m b e r 11, 564 9, 345 2, 219 1 00 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0
G r o u p e d C l a s s e s
2 p e r s o n s 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 3 4 0 . 1
3 an d 4 p e r s o n s 3 7 . 6 3 8 . 8 3 2 . 3
5 o r m o r e p e r s o n s 22 . 2 2 0 . 8 27 . 5
T o t a l 1 00 . 0 1 00 . 0 1 00 . 0
F o r d e f i n i t i o n s o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d U n i t s , s e e T a b l e 7.
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g .
. ^ °-v-5 C e : . “ . o . b u r e a u or m e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c ia l
A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H C ( S l ) - 6 7 , US. C o v e r n m e r
O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 , T a b l e 1, p . 9" ------
R e p o r t s f o r
P r i n t i n g
TABLE
F A M IL Y IN C O M E 1 B Y C O L O R A N D S IZ E O F F A M I L Y , 1959 A N D 1953
P R I M A R Y F A M I L I E S IN S U B S T A N D A R D R E N T A L U N IT S , 2 C I T Y O F B O S T O N A N D U . S . C O M P A R I S O N S
1 1
S i z e o i F a m i l y a n d C o l o r b y I n c o m e
A l l F a m i l i e s 2 P e r s o n s 3 o r 4 P e r s o n s 5 p i - M o r e P e r s o n s
T o t a l W h i t e N o n w h i t e W h i t e i^ o n w h ite W h i t e H o n w h i f e WJtS&ea? N onw hifre
A n n u a l F a m i l y I n c o m e P e r c e n t o f F a m i l i e s
B o s t o n , 1959
L e s s th a n $ 1 5 0 0 L2. 1 11. 4 15. 9 21 . 2 18. 0 5. 7 1 9 . 2 3 . 8 n . 0
L e s s th a n $3 000 3 1 . 0 2 9 . 4 4 0 . 0 4 8 . 5 4 8 . 2 1 9 . 4 3 8 . 0 1 1 . 4 3 3 . 8
L e s s th a n $ 4 5 0 0 5 3 . 5 5 0 . 7 6 9 . 1 7 0 . 8 7 5 . 5 3 6 . 6 6 2 . 6 3 8 . 2 6 8 . 6
L e s s th a n $ 6 0 0 0 7 2 . 4 6 9 .9 8 5 . 1 8 3 . 7 9 0 . 2 6 2 . 2 8 1 . 9 58 . 5 8 3 . 1
$ 6 0 0 0 an d O v e r 27 . 5 3 0 . 0 14. 8 16. 1 9 . 7 3 7 . 8 17. 9 4 1 . 5 16. 9
T o t a l 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0
B o s t o n , 1953^ $3 200 $ 3 3 0 0
M e d i
N . A .
a n F a m
$ 2 9 0 0
i l y I n c
N . A .
0 m e ,
$ 3 3 0 0
D o l l a r
N . A .
s
$ 3 5 0 0
B o s t o n , 1 9 5 9 ^ $ 4 2 7 0 $ 4 4 5 0 $ 3 4 1 0 - - $ 5 1 5 0 $ 3 7 5 0 -
U n i t e d S t a t e s , U r b a n
~ $ 5 7 5 5 $ 5 9 4 4 $ 3 5 1 9
U n i te d S t a t e s , N o r t h -
E a s t R e g i o n , U r b a n
1959 $ 5 9 5 5 N . A . N . A .
■'■Income in a l l c a s e s r e f e r s t o t o t a l m o n e y f a m i l y i n c o m e f o r th e y e a r . I n c o m e o f u n r e l a t e d in d i v i d u a l s
n o t in c l u d e d .
^ F o r d e f i n i t i o n s o f P r i m a r y F a m i l i e s a n d S u b s t a n d a r d U n i t s , s e e T a b l e 7 . D a t a o n i n c o m e f o r th e
p r e c e d i n g c a l e n d a r y e a r w a s c o l l e c t e d f r o m th e s a m e p r i m a r y f a m i l i e s i n c l u d e d in th e p r e c e d i n g T a b l e s 8 - 10.
3 M e d i a n i n c o m e f o r a l l f a m i l i e s ; 2 p e r s o n s , $ 3 0 0 0 ; 3 o r 4 p e r s o n s , $ 3 3 0 0 ; 5 o r m o r e p e r s o n s , $ 3 4 0 0 .
^ P r i m a r y f a m i l i e s in s u b s t a n d a r d r e n t a l u n i t s .
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d in g .
S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . F a m i l y I n c o m e a n d R e n t S u r v e y , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s ,
U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , A p r i l 1 9 5 4 . T a b l e 2, p p . 8 - 9 .
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l
H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , H($ (S l ) - 6 7 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n ,
D . C . , 196 1 . T a b l e 3 , p . Toj a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 - 5 .
1959 I n c o m e , U . S . U r b a n an d N o r t h e a s t e r n R e g i o n , U . S . D e p t , o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e
C e n s u s . C u r r e n t P o p u l a t i o n R e p o r t s , C o n s u m e r I n c o m e , S e r i e s P - 6 0 , N o , 3 5 , J a n u a r y 5 , 1 9 6 1 , T a b l e 16,
p a g e 3 3 .
T A B L E 12
C R O W D I N G B Y C O L O R O F O C C U P A N T S A N D H O U S IN G CONDITION
B O S T O N A R E A , I 9 6 0
C i t y o f B o s t o n
S u b s t a n d a r d 1 H o u s in g U n i t s , I 9 6 0
T o t a l W h ite Nonwhite
T o t a l o c c u p i e d u n i ts
P e r s o n s p e r r o o m
3 2 , 792 2 7 , 2 6 2 5,530
1 .0 1 an d o v e r , p e r c e n t 9 . 6 8 . 8 13.6
1. 01 t o 1. 50 5. 5 5 . 2 7 .0
1 . 5 0 o r m o r e
C i t y o f B o s t o n
A l l O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its
1. 01 P e r s o n s p e r r o o m o r m o r e ,
p e r c e n t 2
A v e r a g e N o . o f P e r s o n s P e r H o u s e h o ld ,
A l l O c c u p i e d H o u s in g U n its
4 . 1 3 . 6 6.6
7 . 7 N . A . N. A.
C i t y o f B o s t o n 2. 93 2. 9 1 3.06
B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a 3 . 23 3 . 23 3.15
1 A s d e f i n e d b y th e P u b l i c H o u s i n g A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . ( S e e T a b le 7).
^ C o m p u t e d b y th e R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v ic e s
o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , f r o m c e n s u s t r a c t r e p o r t s f o r th e C i t y o f
B o s t o n , U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . A d v a n c e T a b l e s P H - 1 .
P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : I 9 6 0 . S e e N e i g h b o r h o o d s of
B o s t o n k a n k e d f o r S e l e c t e d F a c t o r s c i t e d b e l o w .
S o u r c e s : U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g :
I 9 6 0 . H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , A d v a n c e R e p o r t s
H C ~ (A 1 ) ~ 2 2 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . ,
M a r c h 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 1, p . 5, p . 7 .
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g :
I 9 6 0 . S p e c i a l R e p o r t s f o r L o c a l H o u s in g A u t h o r i t i e s , B o s t o n ,
M a s s a c h u s e t t s . H C ( S i ) - 6 7 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e ,
W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 1, p . 8 a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , p p . 1 -5 .
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f P op u la tion :
I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s . ~ F in a l
R e p o r t P C ( 1 ) - 2 3 B . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W ash in gton ,
D 7 U . , 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 2 1 , p . 2 3 - 7 8 , p . 2 3 - 8 0 .
R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f
M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n R a n k e d f o r S e l e c t e d
F a c t o r s , A p r i l 1 9 6 1 . ' "
T A B L E 13
B O S T O N U R B A N R E N E W A L A R E A S W I T H L A R G E N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N : C O N D I T I O N O F H O U S IN G
A N D O T H E R C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S B Y N E I G H B O R H O O D S , 1950 A N D I 9 6 0
(1 ) (2 ) (3 ) (4 ) (5 ) (6 ) (7 ) (8 ) (9 ) (1 0 )
I 9 6 0 P o p u l a t i o n S u b s t a n d a r d H o u s in g U n its O w n e r - o c c u p i e d C r o w d i n g ; H o u s e h o l d s M e d i a n M e d i a n
P e r c e n t 1960,3 P e r c e n t o f T o t a l 195 0 4 U n i t s , P e r c e n t o f w i t h 1 .0 1 or . m o r e P e r s o n a S c h o o l I n c o m e ®
R e n e w a l A re a s '* ' a n d N o n w h i t e A l l O c c u - N o n w h i t e O c c u - - A l l O c c u - a l l O c c u p i e d U n its p e r R o o m , % o f a l l Y e a r s C o m p l e t e d 5 1949
N e i g h b o r h o o d s ^ T o t a l o f T o t a l p i e d U n its p i e d U n its p i e d U n its I 9 6 0 O c c u p i e d U n i t s , I 9 6 0 1950 ( D o l l a r s )
R o x b u r y - N o r t h D o r c h e s t e r G N R P
D u d l e y S t . E a s t ^ 10, 519 2 3 . 8 53 . 1 54 . 3 2 1 . 7 14. 4 14. 0 13. 7 9 . 2 t 2 ; 4 1 4
D u d l e y S t . S o u th 1 2 , 0 0 0 4 7 . 9 6 4 . 5 6 8 . 2 21 . 2 19. 3 1 9 . 0 12. 1 9 . 8 2 , 4 5 9
E g l e s t o n S q u a r e 3 , 821 17. 9 2 8 . 8 2 3 .3 9 . 4 1 3 . 5 1 2 . 0 8 . 4 10. 8 2, 615
G r o v e H a l l W e s t 1 7 , 8 9 8 7 5 . 0 26 . 1 3 0 . 3 4 . 6 16 . 2 1 9 . 0 7 . 3 1 1 . 6 3 , 0 6 6
L o w e r R o x b u r y 8 , 489 8 2 . 6 6 8 . 4 6 2 . 4 4 2 . 0 8 . 7 7 . 0 11. 7 9 . 0 1, 718
W a r r e n S t r e e t 9 , 3 3 0 7 0 . 5 55 . 6 53 . 0 1 5 . 4 20 . 7 2 0 . 0 11. 0 10. 5 2, 600
G r o v e H a l l E a s t ^ 18, 463 4 2 , 7 5 1 . 1 56 . 0 9 . 6 18. 9 15. 0 18. 9 10. 2 2, 8 0 2
T o t a l 8 0 , 520 5 4 . 4
S o u th E n d G N R P
C a s t l e S q u a r e - N . Y . S t r e e t s 2 , 263 2 3 . 7 9 0 . 6 8 2 . 6 4 4 . 6 4 . 5 5 . 0 10. 9 8 . 5 $ 1 , 669
C o l u m b u s - M a s s . A v e . 8 , 703 7 8 . 2 8 0 . 5 8 1 . 3 5 8 . 1 8 . 5 1 0 . 0 8. 1 9 . 1 a
N o r t h T r e m o n t 7 , 077 1 3 . 8 8 4 . 1 9 2 . 6 5 6 . 2 8 . 6 16. 0 6. 3 9 . 6 a
S o u th B a y 6, 3 4 2 20 . 4 5 9 . 1 2 4 . 0 3 9 . 2 6. 1 9 . 0 10. 4 9 . 5 a
S o u th T r e m o n t 6, 869 14. 7 8 2 . 9 7 4 . 7 52 . 5 7. 8 11. 0 7. 7 8 . 4 a
T o t a l 3 1 , 254 3 4 . 0
C i t y o f B o s t o n 6 9 7 , 197 9 . 8 26 . 1 54 . 4 1 5 . 4 2 7 . 2 2 4 . 9 7. 7 1 1 . 0 $ 2 , 643
M a s s a c h u s e t t s 5, 1 4 8 , 5 7 8 2. 4 55 . 9 4 7 . 9 10. 9 2, 909
^ B o u n d a r i e s o f G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n a r e a s a r e d e s c r i b e d b y th e B o s t o n R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y in T h e 9 0 M i l l i o n
D o l l a r D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m f o r B o s t o n , r e p r i n t e d f r o m th e C i t y R e c o r d i s s u e o f S e p t e m b e r 24 , I 9 6 0 .
^ N e i g h b o r h o o d s d e s i g n a t e d b y th e U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , in N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n c i t e d b e l o w .
A l l " n e i g h b o r h o o d s " c o n s i s t o f o n e o r m o r e U . S . C e n s u s t r a c t s . T h e n e i g h b o r h o o d s w e r e s e l e c t e d to c o r r e s p o n d a s c l o s e l y a s
p o s s i b l e w i t h th e t w o G e n e r a l N e i g h b o r h o o d R e n e w a l P l a n a r e a s . A p a r t o f " L o w e r R o x b u r y " ( a b o u t 40 p e r c e n t o f t o t a l I 9 6 0
p o p u l a t i o n ) i s i n th e S o u th E n d G N R P .
-’ S u b s t a n d a r d d e f i n e d a s d e t e r i o r a t i n g o r d i l a p id a t e d , o r s o u n d b u t l a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p l u m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s .
^ " D w e l l i n g U n i t s " in 1 9 5 0 . N o t d i r e c t l y c o m p a r a b l e w i t h I 9 6 0 U . S . C e n s u s d e f i n i t i o n o f " H o u s i n g U n i t " o r c o n d i t i o n .
^ P e r s o n s 25 y e a r s o f a g e o r o v e r .
^ A n n u a l m o n e y i n c o m e o f f a m i l i e s a n d s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l s . N o t c o m p a r a b l e w i t h d a ta in T a b l e 11.
^ O n e c e n s u s t r a c t w a s t r a n s f e r r e d b y U C S f r o m D u d le y S t r e e t E a s t t o G r o v e H a l l E a s t in I 9 6 0 . T h i s c h a n g e m a y a f f e c t c o m p a r i s o n s
w i t h e a r l i e r y e a r s f o r b o t h n e i g h b o r h o o d s .
a L e s s th a n $ 1 5 0 0 .
S o u r c e s : R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n , N e i g h b o r h o o d s o f B o s t o n R a n k e d f o r S e l e c t e d
F a c t o r s , E i f t h E d i t i o n , J u n e 1958 an d S ix t h E d i t i o n , A p r i l 196 1 . C o m p u t a t i o n s b y th e U n ite d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s , b a s e d o n U . S .
B u r e a u o f t h e C e n s u s , P o p u l a t i o n a n d H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e p o r t e d f o r c e n s u s t r a c t s f o r th e C i t y o f B o s t o n , 1950 an d I 9 6 0 .
U . S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . G e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u la t i o n C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s .
F i n a l R e p o r t P C ( 1 ) - 23 B , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 19 6 1 . T a b l e 13, p . 2 3 - 2 7 .
T h e B o s t o n R e d e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y , J o h n F . C o l l i n s , M a y o r an d E d w a r d J . L o g u e , D e v e l o p m e n t A d m i n i s t r a t o r ,
T h e 9 0 M i l l i o n D o l l a r D e v e l o p m e n t P r o g r a m f o r B o s t o n r e p r i n t e d f r o m th e C i t y R e c o r d , i s s u e o f S e p t e m b e r 24 , I 9 6 0 , ( u n p a g e d ) .
T A B L E 14
B O S T O N U R B A N R E N E W A L A R E A S W I T H L A R G E N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N : D I S E A S E A N D
M O R T A L I T Y I N D I C E S A N D O T H E R C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S , B Y N E I G H B O R H O O D S , 1 9 5 0 - 1 9 6 0
( 1) ( 2 )
I 9 6 0 P o p u l a t i o n
R e n e w a l A r e a s * a n d
N e i g h b o r h o o d s 1
R o x b u r y - N o r t h D o r c h e s t e r G N R P
T o t a l
P e r c e n t
N o n w h i t e
o f T o t a l
D u d l e y S t . E a s t * 4 1 0 ,5 1 9 23. 8
D u d le y S t. S o u th 1 2 , 0 0 0 4 7 . 9
E g l e s t o n S q u a r e 3 , 8 2 1 1 7 .9
G r o v e H a l l W e s t 1 7 ,8 9 8 7 5 . 0
L o w e r R o x b u r y 8 , 489 8 2 . 6
W a r r e n S t r e e t 9 , 3 3 0 7 0 . 5
G r o v e H a l l E a s t 4 1 8 ,4 6 3 4 2 . 7
T o t a l
S o u th E n d G N R P
8 0 , 520 54 . 4
C a s t l e S q u a r e - N . Y . S t r e e t s 2, 263 23 . 7
C o l u m b u s - M a s s . A v e n u e 8, 703 7 8 . 2
N o r t h T r e m o n t 7, 077 13. 8
S o u th B a y 6, 3 4 2 20 . 4
S o u th T r e m o n t 6, 869 14. 7
T o ta l 3 1 , 2 5 4 3 4 . 0
C i t y o f B o s t o n 6 9 7 , 197 9 . 8
M a s s a c h u s e t t s 5, 1 4 8 ,5 7 8 2. 4
(3 ) (4 ) (5 ) (6 ) (7 )
P o p u la t : ion A g e 65 a n d O v e r P u l m o n a r y T B D e a t h
1960 1950 R a te s ^
P e r c e n t P e r c e n t A n n u a l A v e r a g e
N o . o f T o t a l o f T o t a l 1 9 5 5 - 5 9 1 9 4 7 - 5 1 '
1, 533 14. 6 7. 9 3 4 . 2 7 4 . 7
1, 258 10. 5 8. 9 26 . 6 50 . 3
552 14. 4 9 . 6 10. 5 5 9 . 8
2, 0 7 4 1 1 .6 9 . 2 2 1 . 2 50 . 3
1, 194 14. 0 8. 6 5 6 . 5 75 . 4
9 4 0 10. 1 9 . 8 12. 8 6 1 . 7
1, 537 8 . 3 8 . 0 14. 1 3 1 . 6
9 , 088 1 1 .3
333 14. 7 10. 0 9 7 . 2 1 50 . 4
1, 173 13. 5 12. 2 7 8 . 1 176 . 3
1, 625 22 . 9 18. 5 9 8 . 9 145 . 2
9 0 2 14. 2 10. 0 4 4 . 1 128 . 8
1, 146 16. 7 16. 0 160 . 1 3 0 2 . 3
5, 179 16. 6
8 5 , 5 8 5 1 2 .3 9 . 7 18. 2 4 7 . 2
2 3 . 8
(8 ) (9 ) (1 0 ) (1 1 )
P u l m o n a r y T B N e w C a s e In fa n t .
R a t e s ̂ M o r t a l i t y R a t e s
A n n u a l A v e r a g e A n n u a l A v e r a g e
193"B- 5 9 .............. " ' 1947 '-5 1 1 9 5 5 - 5 9 1 9 4 7 L 5 T
1 46 . 4 1 34 . 4 3 3 . 9 3 7 . 5
1 00 . 0 113 . 5 3 6 . 5 37 . 4
8 8 . 9 162 . 4 24 . 4 3 7 . 8
9 2 . 7 9 1 . 0 27 . 8 3 0 . 1
2 0 9 . 6 177 . 4 3 6 . 9 4 7 . 7
1 4 1 . 4 1 16 . 6 3 0 . 5 28 . 6
7 5 . 8 6 5 . 5 3 6 . 2 2 5 . 7
3 8 0 . 0 2 4 3 . 0 4 9 . 8 4 7 . 8
3 5 1 . 6 3 4 4 . 2 4 8 . 9 52 . 8
3 2 7 . 8 2 5 5 . 6 60 . 2 4 2 . 5
1 79 . 7 195 . 6 3 9 . 7 4 9 . 9
5 9 6 . 8 5 6 3 . 7 3.8. 7 3 5 . 6
7 9 . 5 102 . 3 2 6 . 7 2 9 . 9
52 . 1 25 . 0
* S e e T a b l e 13.
2A v e r a g e a n n u a l d e a t h s a n d n e w c a s e s p e r 100, 000 p o p u l a t i o n : p o p u l a t i o n b a s e U . S . C e n s u s I 9 6 0 .
̂A v e r a g e a n n u a l d e a t h s u n d e r o n e y e a r p e r 1, 000 l i v e b i r t h s .
4 O n e c e n s u s t r a c t m o v e d in I9 6 0 f r o m D u d le y S t r e e t E a s t t o G r o v e H a l l E a s t . ( S e e T a b l e 13, f o o t n o t e 7 ) ,
S o u r c e s : S e e T a b l e 13. W it h th e e x c e p t i o n o f d i s e a s e a n d m o r t a l i t y s t a t i s t i c s , a l l d a ta c o m p u t e d f r o m U. S . C e n s u s
t r a c t r e p o r t s b y th e R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i te d C o m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n .
T A B L E 15
B O S T O N U R B A N R E N E W A L A R E A S W I T H L A R G E N O N W H I T E P O P U L A T I O N : J U V E N I L E D E L I N Q U E N C Y
M E A S U R E S A N D O T H E R C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S B Y N E I G H B O R H O O D S , 1950 - I9 6 0
(1 ) (2 ) (3 ) (4 ) (5 ) (6 ) (7 ) (8 ) (9 ) (1 0 ) ( I D
P o p u l a t i o n , I9 6 0 N o n w h i t e P o p u l a t i o n , P e r c e n t P o p u l a t i o n A g e d 7 t h r u 16 Y e a r s J u v e n i l e D e l i n q u e n c y M e a s u r e s
R e n e w a l A r e a s ' a n d
P e r c e n t o f T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n 1960 R a t e o f C o u r t C o u r t A p p e a r a n c e s , 1 9 5 7 = 5 7
T o t a l N e g r o P e r c e n t o f T 'o t a l A p p e a r a n c e s ^ T o t a l P e r c e n t
N e i g h b o r h o o d s 1 N u m b e r N e g r o o f T o t a l 1940 1950 1960 N u m b e r P o p u l a t i o n 1 9 5 1 -5 5 - N u m b e r o f T o t a l
R o x b u r y - N o r t h D o r c h e s t e r G N R P
N e i g h b o r h o o d s
D u d l e y St. E a s t ' ' 1 0 ,5 1 9 2, 4 0 2 22. 8 4 . 7 8 . 0 23 . 8 2, 028 19. 3 3,7. 4 63 4 7 . 1
D u d le y St. S o u th 1 2 , 0 0 0 5, 674 4 7 . 3 3 . 8 12. 0 4 7 . 9 2, 122 17. 7 25 . 5 3 4 2 3 . 8
E g l e s t o n S q u a r e 3 , 821 646 1 6 ,9 2. 0 4 . 3 17. 9 886 2 3 . 2 15. 4 49 0 . 6
G r o v e H a l l W e s t 1 7 ,8 9 8 1 3 ,2 8 7 7 4 . 2 18. 5 3 0 . 1 7 5 . 0 2, 679 15. 0 14. 2 2 0 4 2. 3
L o w e r R o x b u r y 8 , 489 6, 949 8 1 . 8 61 . 2 7 1 . 8 8 2 . 6 1, 401 16. 5 3 5 . 7 4 7 0 5 . 3
W a r r e n S t r e e t 9, 3 3 0 6, 521 6 9 . 9 10. 3 2 5 . 4 7 0 . 5 1, 642 17. 6 23 . 6 281 3. 2
G r o v e H a l l E a s t ' ' 1 8 ,4 6 3 7, 783 4 2 . 1 0. 3 3 . 2 4 2 . 7 3 , 349 18. 1 14. 4 230 2. 6
T o t a l 8 0 , 520 4 3 , 2 6 2 53. 7 54 . 4 14, 107 17. 5 2, 210 2 4 . 8
S o u th E n d G N R P
N e i g h b o r h o o d s
C a s t l e S q u a r e - N . Y . S t r e e t s 2, 263 3 63 16. 0 1 1 .9 2 1 . 9 23 . 7 341 15. 1 3 9 . 2 152 1 . 7
C o l u m b u s - M a s s . A v e n u e 8, 703 6, 630 7 6 . 2 4 2 . 0 6 0 . 4 78 . 2 666 7. 6 3 8 . 7 162 2. 0
N o r t h T r e m o n t 7, 077 8 1 6 1 1 .5 1. 0 7. 0 13. 8 3 7 5 5. 3 3 9 . 4 111 1 . 2
S o u th B a y 6, 3 4 2 1, 198 18, 9 3 . 7 3 . 4 20 . 4 880 1 3 .9 6 2 . 1 266 3 . 0
S o u th T r e m o n t 6, 869 793 11. 5 2. 4 7. 0 14. 7 679 9 . 8 3 6 . 5 136 1. 5
T o t a l 3 1 , 254 9 , 800 3 1 . 4 3 4 . 0 2, 941 9 . 4 8 4 7 9 . 4
C i t y o f B o s t o n 6 9 7 , 197 63 , 165 9 . 0 3 . 3 5. 3 9. 8 102 , 7 2 4 14. 7 15. 9 8, 9 0 6 100 . 0
S ta te o f M a s s a c h u s e t t s 5, 1 4 8 ,5 7 8 111, 8 4 2 2. 2 1. 4 1 .7 2. 4
' S e e T a b l e 13. o
A v e r a g e a n n u a l r a t e o f c o u r t a p p e a r a n c e s p e r 1, 0 0 0 p o p u l a t i o n a g e 7 t h r u 16 y e a r s . P o p u l a t i o n b a s e , I 9 6 0 U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n .
' O n e c e n s u s t r a c t m o v e d in I 9 6 0 f r o m D u d le y S t r e e t E a s t t o G r o v e H a l l E a s t . ( S e e T a b l e 13, f o o t n o t e 7 ).
S o u r c e s : S e e T a b l e 13. W ith th e e x c e p t i o n o f ju v e n i l e d e l i n q u e n c y m e a s u r e s , a l l d a ta c o m p u t e d f r o m U . S . C e n s u s t r a c t r e p o r t s b y th e
R e s e a r c h D i v i s i o n , U n i t e d C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s o f M e t r o p o l i t a n B o s t o n .
T A B L E 16
V A C A N C I E S B Y C O N D I T I O N A N D R E N T , A N D V A C A N C Y R A T I O S ,
B O S T O N A R E A I9 6 0
Y e a r - R o u n d V a c a n t U n its *
C i t y
Of
B o s t o n
B o s t o n
M e t r o p o l i t a n
A r e a
S o u n d o r D e t e r i o r a t i n g
W it h a l l p l u m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s
F o r s a l e o n ly
F o r r e n t
485
5, 778
3 , 690
11, 610
T o t a l 6, 263 15, 3 0 0
L a c k i n g s o m e o r a l l p lu m b i n g
F o r s a l e o n ly
F o r r e n t
.95
2, 930
2 2 4
3 , 867
T o t a l 3, 025 4 , 090
B a l a n c e 1, 580 7 , 107
T o t a l S o u n d o r D e t e r i o r a t i n g 10, 868 26 , 4 9 8
D i l a p i d a t e d , f o r s a l e a n d r e n t 2, 296 3 , 649
T o t a l y e a r - r o u n d v a c a n t u n i ts 13, 164 3 0 , 147
P e r c e n t o f a l l V a c a n c i e s D i la p id a t e d
P e r c e n t o f a l l V a c a n c i e s L a c k i n g P l u m b in g
1 7 . 4
23 , 0
12. 1
13. 6
4 0 , 4 - 25 . 7
A l l H o u s in g U n i t s , T o t a l 2 3 8 ,5 4 7 8 1 3 , 8 3 7
2
S ta n d a r d r e n t a l v a c a n c y r a t i o 2 . 4 % 1. 4%
A v e r a g e c o n t r a c t r e n t , d o l l a r s , v a c a n t u n its $ 56 N. A .
M e d ia n V a l u e , d o l l a r s , v a c a n t u n its f o r s a l e $ 1 3 , 7 0 0 N . A .
N o n - s e a s o n a l .
2S o u n d o r d e t e r i o r a t i n g , w i t h p lu m b i n g f a c i l i t i e s , a s p e r c e n t o f a l l
h o u s in g u n i t s .
S o u r c e : U . S . D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s .
U .S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g : I 9 6 0 . H o u s in g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s .
A d v a n c e R e p o r t H C ( A 1 ) - 22 , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e ,
W a s h in g to n , D . C . , M a r c h 1 9 6 1 . T a b l e 1, p . 5, p . 7 .
T A B L E 17
P R O P O R T I O N O F D W E L L I N G U N IT S W I T H N O C E N T R A L H E A T I N G
A N D U N H E A T E D , B O S T O N A R E A , 1950
W it h C e n t r a l H e a t in g
W it h o u t C e n t r a l H e a t in g
N o c e n t r a l h e a t in g
U n h e a te d
T o t a l
T o t a l r e p o r t i n g
C i t y o f B o s t o n
N o . o f P e r c e n t
D w e l l in g U n its D i s t r i b u t i o n
1 5 7 ,4 8 5 7 3 . 4
51, 345 2 3 . 9
5, 730 2. 7
57, 075 2 6 . 6
214 , 560 100 . 0
B o s t o n M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a
N o . o f
D w e l l i n g U n its
P e r c e n t
D i s t r i b u t i o n
5 2 5 , 5 7 0 8 2 . 3
101 , 9 3 5 16. 0
11, 320 1. 7
1 1 3 ,2 5 5 17. 7
6 3 8 , 8 2 5 100 . 0
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g .
S o u r c e : U. S. D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s in g :
19 5 0 , VoT, I I , G e n e r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , P a r t 3: I d a h o - M a s s a c h u s e t t s 7 U . S . G o v e r n m e n t
P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , IL CT, 1 9 5 3 . T a b l e 20 , p . 21 - 2 8 , p] 2 1 - 3 0 .
T A B L E 18
A G E O F T H E H O U S IN G S T O C K , B O S T O N A R E A C O M P A R E D W I T H U . S .
1940 A N D 1950
1950 , P e r c e n t o f D w e l l i n g U n its
b y Y e a r B u i l t 1 9 4 0 , C i t y o f B o s t o n
U . S . B o s t o n P e r c e n t b y -Wo. Ol
M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a C i t y Y e a r s B u i l t D w e l l in g U n its
e a r s B u i l t
1919 o r e a r l i e r
7 . 8 1 4 ,3 3 8
1859 o r e a r l i e r 12. 0 2 2 , 2 8 7
1860 t o 1879 8 . 5 15, 651
1880 to 1889 15. 0 2 7 , 7 0 9
1890 t o 1899 22 . 1 4 0 , 9 3 4
1900 t o 1909 15. 3 2 8 , 2 9 4
1910 t o 1919
T o t a l 4 5 . 8 6 6 . 6 7 7 . 5 8 0 . 7 - 1 4 9 ,2 1 3
1920 t o 1929 20 . 1 18. 0 13. 5 15. 2 2 8 , 0 5 4
1930 to 1939 1 3 .3 7 . 2 3 . 9 4 . 2 7 , 7 0 0
1940 t o 1950 20 . 8 8 . 2 5. 1
T o t a l D w e l l i n g U n i t s 1 1 00 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 100 . 0 1 8 4 ,9 6 7
^ N u m b e r r e p o r t i n g y e a r b u i l t .
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g .
S o u r c e s : U . S . D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g :
1 9 4 0 —̂ V o l u m e II, G e n e r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , P a r t 3 : I o w a - M o n t a n a . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g
O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C .
U . S . D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m m e r c e , B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f H o u s i n g :
195 0 . V o l u m e II, G e n e r a l C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , P a r t 3: I d a h o - M a s s a c h u s e t t s . U . S . G o v e r n m e n t
P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h in g t o n , D . C . , 1953'. T a b l e 6, p . 2 1 - 5 2 .
T A B L E 19
H O U S E H O L D R E L A T I O N S H I P S , I 9 6 0 , C I T Y O F B O S T O N
B Y C O L O R
T o t a l N o n w h i t e W h i t e N on w h 'ite T o t a l N o n w h i t e W h ite
___________ N o . o f P e r s o n s P e r c e n t o f T o t a l P e r c e n t a g e D i s t r i b u t i o n
P o p u l a t i o n in H o u s e h o l d s
H e a d o f P r i m a r y F a m i l y 1 6 1 ,7 2 9 14, 389
P r i m a r y I n d iv id u a l 62 , 703 6, 777
W i f e o f H e a d 125, 895 10, 168
C h i ld u n d e r 18 1 8 8 ,1 5 8 23, 429
O t h e r R e l a t i v e 101 , 171 8, 6 4 4
N o n r e l a t i v e 1 7 ,1 9 8 2, 275
T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n in H o u s e h o l d s 6 5 6 , 8 5 4 66, 152
T o t a l N o . o f H o u s e h o l d s 224 , 43 2 21 . 616
A v e r a g e N o . o f P e r s o n s
P e r H o u s e h o l d 2. 93 3 . 06
1 4 5 ,8 9 0 8. 9 24 . 6 2 2 . 4 24 . 7
55 , 9 2 6 10. 8 9 . 5 10 . 2 9 . 5
1 1 5 ,7 2 7 8 . 1 19 . 2 15 . 4 19. 6
1 6 4 ,7 2 9 12. 4 2 8 . 6 3 5 . 4 27 . 9
9 3 , 037 8. 5 15. 5 13 . 1 15. 8
1 4 ,9 2 3 13. 2 2. 6 3 . 5 2. 5
5 9 0 , 7 0 2 10. 1 1 0 0 .0 100 . 0 1 00 . 0
2 0 2 , 8 1 6 9 . 6
2 . 9 1
T o t a l s m a y n o t e q u a l 100 p e r c e n t d u e t o r o u n d i n g .
. S o u r c e : U. S . B u r e a u o f th e C e n s u s . U . S . C e n s u s o f P o p u l a t i o n : I 9 6 0 . G e n e r a l P o p u l a t i o n C h a r a c t e r
i s t i c s , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , F i n a l R e p o r t P C ( T) - 2 3 B , U . S . G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , W a s h i n g t o n D C
T 9 6 L T a b l e 21 , p . 2 3 - 8 0 : ------------------------ ------------------------- B
December 6 , 1961S o u r c e :
T h is t a b l e w as fo r w a r d e d t o Edward. J .
M cC orm ack, J r . , A t t o r n e y G e n e r a l , b y
L eo F . B e n o i t , C h airm an o f th e S t a t e
H o u sin g B oard on D ecem ber 6 , 1 9 6 1 .
EX.3
D I V I S I O N O F U R B A N A N D I N D U S T R I A L R EN E W A L
U R B A N R E N E W A L T I T L E I P R O J E C T S I N M A S S A C H U S E T T S
COMMUNITY
ANDOVER
BOSTON
PROJECT NAME Nclj. PLANNING........2XE0J TICK FEDERAL
RESERVATION re- use
Central Andover R-02E 5 /6 0
Back Bay RJ-47GN 1 2 /6 0
Charlestown r|-42GN 12/60
Charlestown R-55 | X
. Downtown______ R =460N-------- |l2/ 6 CL.
Downtown North i 1-45GN
Government Cntr.fi.-35E
East Boston Rf44*$N
Jamaica P lain R-49QN
New York S t s . UR- 2 - 1
12/60 •
I 9 /6 0 ij
112/60 |j
12/60 ji
4 /5 5
Parker H ill-F en n y. IR-48GN 1 2 /6 0
No. Harvard R-5n2 Ij | 9 /6 1
Roxbury-No. Dora le s fcerR-50GN 1 2 /60
Washington Pk,R.-24 ! 3 /6 0
South Boston k{-51GN 1 1 2 /60
5791038 -
j 5581653 -
!j( 4934000 -
;l( 4898300 -
jl 499^000-=-
I 10972000- !'il I |l
|i 3690000 - j
ji 34100(X) - !|
ij 32Qoj)33
DISPLACED
R-SP-P
40 -ji
5960 -
PTC
2640000 -
290025 -
-0-
2640000
4482200__
R -C
NO. OF .APPROXIMATE ij SCHEDULE ;|
'^FAM ILIES j| GROSS COMPLETION’1
RELOCATED j ACREAGE I; DATES ,1,
- r -
25 9 12 /64
|334 2
388 - Ii
368 - 1368
1535
| 22 3 :
12 /6 5
9 /6 1
66 -
3940 - ij.
BROCKTON
BROOKLINE
South End R-43GX j 1 2 /6 0
South End Ri-5611 I X jj
i 1 i
West End UR 243
Crescent CourtR--31 ! 8 /6 0
Marsh Area P.4.37______ ■ w ;
!1 2 /5 7
CAMBRIDGE
The Farm U ki5-1
Cambridgeport R fU ;,
Donnelly F ield R-14
Houghton R rlO ;
Riverview Rr21
1,(4477 600j. I
11(20215200
ij 10886075
jj 932 000
.. U 5 3 3 3 3 .
10 1 ;;
’186 - 12 /63
2 /6 0
1/60
8 /6 0
6 /5 8
1 /5 9
1747706
4006000
1457689
5600000
237351
R-P-SP
i
R-SP-C
R -G -I
R-C
13
1
■
295 ~
7 3 1 -
300 -
n o -
a
]
.
.731 -.
j;
566 3 j|
48 -jj
44 9 j;
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1 ;1
1 /6 4 /
1 0 /6 4 ;
R-PH 206 -
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114 - 183 6 /6 2
R j
R
R - f
R !
1530
1485i
1973I
-ULZ-
|262 -
102 9
CHELSEA
DEDHAM ■
FALL RIVER
FITCHBURG
GLOUCESTER
HAVERHILL
Rogers Block UR7-2 :
Area N o .l UR22-1 j ;•
East Dedham Sq.$-3?GN 7 /6 1
P earl S t . UR4-2 i !!
Central Val l eyw jR -l? 1 2 /5 9 •
Water S t . R-i-20' : X
W aterfront R4-33E 9 /6 0
C entral RenewalR-AlGN 1 2 /6 0
Pentucket -_Rrl9 4.—
112/56
| 4 /6 0
I 2/58
i 2 1 6 4 9 4
j 50i:277
! 10237 50
; 1265243
2 0 9 1 5 3 9 ...
I 865 193
j! 2354:625
| - 6-
1928.362
C !I
I |Ii
I
C I
-.BcrC.-
c-i
c
■ R—0
; 57 - ?
77 -
|l30 - ||
3 3 k . - : . . .
237 - |i
j 65 - |
900 - L
•1 ii
! 17 - |! .. -
107 7
o k
1 2 /6 4
9 /6 1
1 57 - i: 51 CLOSED
15 - 152 1 6 /6 2
j
1 3 0 - j; 273 : _ H O
'
H
- 88-
j I ?
j 27 6
ii
t 33 5 •
1 /6 4
j
1 /6 4
HOLYOKE
LAWRENCE
Area 1A & IB R40 7 /6 1
Common V a i l . Con4.UR19-l j
Central La wrenc eft-3 0GN 1 0 /60
Broadway Essex R461E 1 2 /6 1
The P lain s R -02 || 1 0 /6 1
6 /5 8
2035000
2017111
2194000
2507400
2415000
R-: P-C
46 5 -
260 - 22 5 -
R-C j 11
r - p4s p , ii
LOWELL Church S t . UR413-1
Northern CanalR-i.624 4 /6 0
LYNN Market S t . R-53S X
MALDEN Charles S t . R - ^ i 7 /6 0
_________________ S u T l k ^ S q j F a u y m ^ R y A ^
MEDFORD
MELROSE
NEWTON
NORTH ADAMS
PLYMOUTH
8 /5 7
X
1 /6 1
407053
1253956
820500
1045693
543 7711
Union Swan UR0-l|j 6 /5 8 ' 265 199
Melrose C tr . R -08 j| 1 0 /6 0 I || 632792
(Comm.Renewal)R-io-CR XI j ]j 65 000
Center S t . R-| | j | 6 /5 8 'l5 1 0 :9 2 Q
Summer & H ig h St j . i|____ . 5060 : j 1156^57
sp-cj
R-C-jl-P
R-G |
1 I
R-C j_____
SP -C-I
C |
p - s p - c
P-R-C
! 70
r 506
1 70 -
82 -
.554 -
21 -
29 -
; 91 -
100 -
: 70 - :
121
91 -
; 42 8
| 3a a j;
! ' 1.
j 26 9 1
j 58 8
j 10 5 ^
I 95 6
14 5
! 24: 9
204 —
I 44 ii
j 62 ::
i :j
! 297 ,
30 1 '
2 /63
12 /62
9 /6 1
9 /6 3
12/62
6/63
1 2 /6 1
6/63
1 1 /6 1
1 /6 4
REVERE Ocean Ave. URI-ll; i 4 /5 8 ' 232 1839 P j 87 - 87 - ' 126 ; 9 /6 1
SOMERVILLE Linwood-Joy UR-8-1 3 /5 4 10231 64 1 1 '182 - 182 - 1 2 4 9 3 /6 2
SPRINGFIELD North End R -f |i
DeBerry SchoolR-j>82 X
0 /6 1 || 8826897
Is 125 200
;i R -P -C -I
R-P-SP
U 9 3 -
j . |j
1986
i t
1 2 /6 2
-S.TQN2LAM.. Central R-52GN 7 / 61 -561J25.-
WINTHROP S h irley S t , R-i0GN 11/6 0 1665 000 j
WORCESTER Area D R -I 5 4/ 61 ;[ 1 522 540 P-SP-C | 12 -
Expressway R i-lSGN 2 /5 9 ; 1750; 000 1 1
Elm Park R - h 11 X i ! 1 4626000 R -c : ;| 1050 -
_ New Salem 3 t . UR5-1 8/54 27A2 907 P-C 21A -
(Comm.Renewal)R-63CR X 133334
3 2 :l 12 /63
214 -
; 240 -
B 2. 1 2 /6 1
27 60 $ ij.54,714134 37 ,1 9 5 - 3^22 -
-RESIDENTIAL P-PUBLIC
3 ,1 0 1 4 .
X - IN REGIONAL OFFICE W-1N CENTRAL OFFICE S-SPEC. CONTRACT COND. E -3 (# EXCEPTION R-
SP-SEMI-PUBLIC C-COMMERCIAL ^INDUSTRIAL PH-PUBLIC HOUSING 2 - 5 /4 p ro jec t f-lEASfiD
D-DISASTER PROJ. U-UNIVERSITY j *SMALL MUNICIPALITY OR REDEVELOPMENT AREA GN-GSNERAL NEIGHBORHOOD RENEWAL PROJECT
CR-COMKUNITY RENEWAL PLANNING ji I ;
Table o f Contents.
Concise statement of facts and prior proceedings
Summary of argument
Argument
I. The Fair Housing Practices Law is part of a
tradition pioneered by Massachusetts Legisla
tures for almost a century and followed by many
states
II. Statutes forbidding discrimination based on
race, creed, color or national origin have been re
peatedly upheld by this and other state courts
and by the United States Supreme Court as
within the police power and affording due proc
ess of law
III. The Fair Housing Practices Law represents
a constitutional exercise of legislative power
A. The objectives of the statute are permissible
and well within the police power of the Com
monwealth
1. Equal opportunity to secure shelter, with
out regard to race, creed, color or national
origin
2. The social and economic consequences of
housing discrimination
B. The means employed by the Massachusetts
Fair Housing Law and the restrictions on re
spondents are wholly reasonable and in accord
with due process
1. Belationship of the means to the statutory
objectives
2. The harm suffered by respondents
11 TABLE OF C O N TE N TS
3. Amenability to regulation of property in
terests in land and housing 58
IV. The Fair Housing Practices Law establishes
reasonable classifications affording equal pro
tection 66
V. The respondent Nahigian was a proper party
to this proceeding 70
VI. The respondents have waived their right to
attack the Commission findings and order 72
VII. The Commission’s findings were warranted
and its order reasonable 75
Conclusion 82
Appendix A 83
Constitutional provisions and statutes involved 83
Constitutional provisions 83
United States Constitution, Amendment X IV 83
Massachusetts Constitution, Part the First, Arti
cle I 83
Massachusetts Constitution, Part the First, Arti
cle X 83
Statutes involved 84
General Laws, chapter 30A, section 14 84
General Laws, chapter 151B 85
Appendix B 94
Statistical study of housing discrimination against
Negroes in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts 94
Introduction 94
I. There is an increasing segregation of Negroes
in urban Boston 94
II. There is an increasing exclusion of the grow
ing Negro population from the suburbs 96
TABLE OP CON TENTS XU
III. Within both the City of Boston and the sub-
urbs there has been an increased neighborhood
segregation of Negroes
IV. Negro home ownership has not kept pace
with population increase
V. Negroes occupy a disproportionate amount
of substandard and dilapidated housing
VI. Negroes pay disproportionately high rents
for the inferior and substandard housing
which they occupy
VII. Negroes pay a disproportionately high
share of their incomes for the inferior hous
ing which they occupy
VIII. The disproportionately higher rents and
rent income ratios paid by Negroes cannot be
explained by a difference between the size of
Negro and white apartments; the larger
Negro families simply result in more crowd
ing in occupied units
IX. The housing conditions for Negroes in gen
eral described above are even worse in the seg
regated neighborhoods of high Negro concen
tration
X. The segregated Negro neighborhoods result
in high social and human costs
XI. Urban renewal, highway construction and
other governmental programs have displaced
and will continue to displace many low-income
and Negro families
XII. Urban renewal, highway construction and
other public programs have already worsened
the housing conditions of low-income and
Negro families
97
98
100
102
104
105
106
109
112
119
IV TABLE OF ATJTHOBITIES CITED
XIII. There is a severe shortage of sound low-
rental housing in the Boston area; Negroes
who will he displaced by public programs are
at the greatest disadvantage because of the
dual handicaps of low income and discrimina
tion 121
Table of Authorities Cited.
Cases.
Allydonn Realty Corp. v. Holyoke Housing Author
ity, 304 Mass. 288 47, 48, 50, 59
Barry v. Civil Service Commission, 323 Mass. 431 76
Berman v. Parker, 348 H.S. 26 59, 60
Billings v. Mann, 156 Mass. 203 72
Block v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135 40, 58, 63
Bob-Lo Excursion Co. v. Michigan, 333 U.S. 28 35
Bolden v. Grand Rapids Operating Corp., 239 Mich.
318 28
Bowker v. Worcester, 334 Mass. 422 48, 59
Bowles v. Willingham, 321 U.S. 503 63
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 13
Bryant v. Rich’s Grill, 216 Mass. 344 28
Burlington v. Dunn, 318 Mass. 216 62
Case v. Colorado Anti-Discrimination Commission,
Civ. No. 39682, June 2, 1961 26
Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 8, 9
Commonwealth v. Alger, 7 Cush. 53 64
Crawford v. Kent, 341 Mass. 125 28
Darius v. Apostolos, 68 Colo. 323, 190 P. 510 28
TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED V
Day-Brite Lighting, Inc., v. Missouri, 342 U.S. 421
Delaware & Hudson Co. v. Boston Railroad Holding
Co., 323 Mass. 282 37,
Despatches’ Cafe Inc. v. Somerville Housing Au
thority, 332 Mass. 259 73,
Detroit Housing Commission v. Lewis, 226 F. 2d 180
District of Columbia v. John R. Thompson Co., 346
U.S. 100
Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corp., 299 N.Y. 512;
cert. den. 339 U.S. 981
Draper v. Clark Dairy, 17 Conn. Supp. 93
Druzik v. Board of Health of Haverhill, 324 Mass.
129
East New York Savings Bank v. Hahn, 326 U.S. 230
Elm Farm Foods Co. v. Cifrino, 328 Mass. 549
Engel v. O ’Malley, 219 U.S. 128
Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U.S. 365 61,
Feliciano v. Fishman, pp. 38-95, 55; Lee v. Duffy,
CP-4830-57 (reported in “ Reports of Progress,”
pp. 60-61, 98-99 (1955, 1958))
Foster v. Shubert Holding Co., 316 Mass. 470
FTC v. Beech-Nut Packing Co., 257 U.S. 441
FTC v. Morton Salt Co., 334 U.S. 37
FTC v. National Lead Co., 352 U.S. 419
FTC v. Ruberoid Co., 343 U.S. 470
Goldman, Petition of, 331 Mass. 647
Gorieb v. Fox, 274 U.S. 603
Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 U.S. 394-
Heath & Milligan Manufacturing Co. v. Worst, 207
U.S. 338
Holland v. Edwards, 307 N.Y. 38 6, 32,
37
38
76
13
28
14
32
36
65
72
69
65
81
29
81
82
77
77
18
61
60
69
74
V I TABLE OE A U T H O R ITIE S CITED
Howes Brothers Co. v. Unemployment Compensa
tion Commission, 296 Mass. 275 45, 69
Hoyt v. Florida, 30 U.S. Law Week 4013 18
Inspector of Buildings of Lowell v. Stoklosa, 250
Mass. 52 61
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers v.
NLRB, 341 U.S. 694 77
International Salt Co. v. United States, 332 U.S. 392 77
Ivory v. Edwards, 278 App. Div. 359; affd. without
opinion, 304 N.Y. 949 32
Jones v. Kehrlein, 49 Cal. App. 646, 194 P. 55 28
Jordan Marsh Co. v. Labor Relations Commission,
312 Mass. 597 32
Lamarre v. Commissioner of Public Works of Fall
River, 324 Mass. 542 62
Lambert v. California, 355 U.S. 225 38
Lawrence v. Smith, 201 Mass. 214 72
Levitt & Sons, Inc., v. Division Against Discrimina
tion, 31 N.J. 514, 158 A. 2d 177; appeal dismissed
363 U.S. 418 19, 20, 21, 22, 66
Levy Leasing Co. v. Siegel, 258 U.S. 242 63
Lincoln Building Associates v. Barr, 1 N.Y. 2d 413 63
Lindsley v. Natural Carbonic Gas Co., 220 U.S. 61 69
Local 35, Int’l Brotherhood v. Commission on Civil
Rights, 18 Conn. Supp. 125 32
Madden v. Queens County Jockey Club, 296 N.Y. 249 29
Maher v. Brookline, 339 Mass. 209 67, 69
Maniscalco v. Director of Division of Employment
Security, 327 Mass. 211 76
Marcus Brown Holding Co. v. Feldman, 256 U.S. 170 63
Marshall v. Middlesex Homes, Inc., Pr. H. II-9-c 79
Martin v. City of New York, 22 Misc. 2d 389, 201
N.Y.S. 2d 111 24> 25
Massachusetts Society for the Prevention of Cruelty
to Animals v. Commissioner of Public Health, 339
Mass. 216 66
Mathewson’s Case, 227 Mass. 470 73
McCarthy v. Contributory Retirement Appeal Board,
1961 Adv. Sh. 221 76
Merit Oil Co. v. Director, 319 Mass. 301 37, 46, 58
Messenger v. State, 25 Neb. 674, 41 N.W. 638 28
Miller v. Schoene, 276 U.S. 272 66
Miller v. Strahl, 239 U.S. 426 69
Mitchell v. United States, 313 U.S. 80 35
Nebbia v. New York, 291 U.S. 502 30
NLRB v. Cheney California Lumber Co., 327 U.S.
385 6> 73> 75
NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S. 1 32, 33
NLRB v. Seven-Up Co., 344 U.S. 344 76, 81
NLRB v. United Mine Workers, 195 P. 2d 961; cert.
den. 344 U.S. 920 77
New Negro Alliance v. Sanitary Grocery Co., 303
U .S .552 33
Old Colony Railroad v. Assessors of Boston, 309
Mass. 439 67>68
O ’Meara v. Washington State Board Against Dis
crimination, 365 P. 2d 1 21, 22, 66
Opinion of the Justices, 234 Mass. 597 61
Opinion of the Justices, 247 Mass. 589 28
Paquette v. Pall River, 338 Mass. 368 48, 49, 60
People v. King, 110 N.Y. 418 27
Pickett v. Kuchau, 323 111. 138, 153 N.E. 667 28
TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED V l l
Vlll TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED
Queenside Hills Realty Co. v. Saxl, 328 U.S. 80 60
Railway Express Agency v. New York, 336 U.S. 106 69
Railway Mail Association v. Corsi, 326 U.S. 88 33, 34, 35
Reinman v. Little Rock, 237 U.S. 171 60
Rhone v. Loomis, 74 Minn. 200, 77 N.W. 31 28
Ross v. Arbury, 206 Misc. 74; affd. without opinion,
285 App. Div. 886 32
Russell v. Treasurer & Receiver General, 331 Mass.
501 37, 40, 63, 68, 69
Shervington v. Pelham Hall Apartments, Inc.,
Pompa, Coconato and Markoly, CH-4466-56 78
Siegel v. FTC, 327 U.S. 608 77
Simon v. Needham, 311 Mass. 560 18, 62
South Carolina State Highway Department v. Barn
well Bros., 303 U.S. 177 38
Spector v. Building Inspector of Milton, 250 Mass. 63 61
State Commission Against Discrimination v. Pelham
Hall Apartments, 10 Misc. 2d 334,170 N.Y.S. 2d 750
22, 24, 78
Stockus v. Boston Housing Authority, 304 Mass. 507 73
Swanson v. Commission on Civil Rights of Connecti
cut, No. 94802, July 11, 1961 25
United States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144 37
Virginia Electric & Power Co. v. NLRB, 319 U.S.
533 79, 80, 81
Welch v. Swasey, 193 Mass. 364; affd. 214 U.S. 91 60
Williamson v. Lee Optical Co., 348 U.S. 483 37, 69
S tatutes, etc .
United States Constitution, Amendment XIV, sec
tion 1 4, 8, 33, 35, 40, 66
TABLE OE A U T H O R ITIE S CITED IX
Massachusetts Constitution, Part the First
Article I 35, 40, 66
Article X 4, 40, 66
Article LX 62
29 U.S.C. § 151 et seq. (National Labor Relations
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Civil Rights Act of 1875, 18 Stat. 335 8
G.L. c. 6, §§ 17, 43-45 23n.
G.L. c. 20, §§ 7-9 23n.
G.L. c. 23, § 90 23n.
G.L. c. 30A, § 14(8) (b), (g) 72, 76
G.L. c. 94A 23n.
G.L. c. 112, §§ 24, 37, 82, 87 67
G.L. c. 121, §26FF(e) 13n., 55
G.L. c. 138 23n.
G.L. c. 140, §§ 22, 33 69
G.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 141, § 1 67
G.L. (Ter. Ed.) c. 142, § 1 67
G.L. c. 150A (State Labor Relations Act) 23n., 32
Fair Housing Practices Law, G.L. c. 151B (St. 1959,
c. 239) 1 et seq.
G.L. c. 151C lOn.
G.L. c. 272, §§ 92A, 98 10n., 29
St. 1865, c. 277 9
St. 1937, c. 436 32
St. 1950, c. 479 12,13, 55
St. 1957, c. 426 6, 7, 70
St. 1959, c. 239 6, 70
St. 1960, c. 163 44n.
St. 1961, c. 128 6, 7, 44n., 70n.
Alaska Comp. Laws Ann. (Snpp. 1958)
§§ 20—1—3-4 i 0n.
§§ 4 3 -5 —1-10 i ln .
California Health and Safety Code, §§ 357000-740 14n.
California Labor Code, §§ 1410-32 H n.
California Pen. Code, § 365, Civ. Code, §§ 51-52 lOn.
Colorado Rev. Stat. Ann.
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§§ 25— 3—1-6 (Snpp. 1960) I2n.
§§ 69— 7—1-7 (Supp. 1960) I 5n.
§§ 80—24—1-8 (Supp. 1960) n n.
§ 139.60.10 (1953) 43n.
Connecticut G-en. Stat. Rev. (Supp. 1959)
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§ 53 35 13n., 14n.
§§ 53—35-36 10n., 12n., 15n.
Delaware Code Ann. tit. 19, §§ 710-13 (Supp. 1960) lln .
District of Columbia Code Ann. §§ 47—2901-04
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Idaho Code Ann. A 18—7201-03 (Supp. 1961) 10n., lln .
Illinois Ann. Stat.
c. 38, §§ 125-29 (Smith-Hurd Supp. 1961) 10n.
c. 67i/2, 260(12)-(13) (Smith-Hurd, 1958) 14n.
Illinois L. 1961, c. 48 lln .
Indiana Ann. Stat.
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§§ 40—2307-17 (Supp. 1961) n n.
Iowa Code Ann. §§ 735.1-.02 (1950) lOn.
X TABLE OF A U T H O B ITIE S CITED
Kansas Gen. Stat. Ann.
§ 21-2424 (1949) lOn.
§ 12.713 (1949) 13n.
Kansas Laws, 1961, c. 248 lln .
Maine Rev. Stat. Ann. c. 137, § 50 (Supp. 1959) lOn.
Michigan Comp. Laws, §§ 750.146-.147 (1948) lOn.
Michigan Stat. Ann.
§§ 17.458(1)-(11) (1960) lln .
§ 28-343 (Supp. 1959) 13n.
Minnesota Stat. Ann.
§ 327.09 (1947) 10n.
§§ 363.01-.13 (1957) lln ., 15n.
§ 507.18 (Supp. 1960) 13n.
Missouri Ann. Stat. §§ 296.010-070 (Supp. 1961) lln .
Montana Rev. Codes Ann. (Supp. 1961)
§ 11-3917 14n.
§ 64—211 10n.
Nebraska Rev. Stat. §§ 20—101-02 (1954) lOn.
New Hampshire Rev. Stat. Ann. c. 354, as amended
by L. 1961, c. 219 10n., 15n.
New Jersey Stat. Ann. (Supp. 1960)
§§ 1 0 :1—2-7 10n.
§ 18:25— 4-6 lln .
§ 18:25—5 10n.
§§ 18:25-1-28 12n., 14n., 15n.
§§ 55:14A-7.5, 55:14B-5.1, 55:14C-7.1 13n.
§§ 55:14A-39.1, 55:14D-6.1, 55:14E-7.1, 55:16-8.1 14n.
New Mexico Stat. Ann.
<j>§ 49—8—1-6 (Supp. 1961) 10n.
§§ 59—4—1-14 (1960) lln .
TABLE OF A U T H O R ITIE S CITED x i
X l l TABLE OS' A U T H O R ITIE S CITED
New York City Administrative Code
§ W41-1.0(b) 14n.
<§ N41-1.0 15n.
New York Civ. Rights Law
§§ 18—a-e 14n.
§ 18-b(3) 14n.
§ 40-41 lOn.
§ 43 33
New York Education Law, § 313 10n.
New York Executive Law
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§§ 290-301 lln ., 12n.
§ 292(9) lOn.
§ 296(2) lOn.
New York Pub. Housing Law, § 223 13n.
North Dakota Cent. Code, § 12—22—30 (Supp.
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Ohio Rev. Code Ann. 2901.35 (Page, 1954) lOn.
Ohio Rev. Code Ann. A 4112-01-.08, 4112.99 (Supp.
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Oregon Rev. Stat.
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§§ 345.240-.250 (1957) 10n.
§§ 659.010-115 (1959) 15n.
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§ 659.100(3) (1959) 12n.
Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 18, § 4654 (1945) lOn.
Pennsylvania Stat. Ann. tit. 43, §§ 951-63 (Supp.
I960) lln ., 15n.
TABLE OF A U T H O B ITIE S CITED x m
Pittsburgh, Pa. Ordinance No. 523, Dec. 15, 1958,
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§ 11—24—3 13n.
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Puerto Rico Laws. Ann. tit. 1, § 13 (1954) lOn.
Vermont Stat. Ann. tit. 13, §§ 1451-52 (1958) lOn.
Virgin Islands, tit. 10, § 3 (1957) lOn.
Washington Rev. Code
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§§ 49.60.010-.310 (1959) 12n.
§§ 49.60.010-.320 (1959) lln .
§ 49.60.030 (1958) 14n.
§ 49.60.040 (1958) 10n., 14n.
§ 49.60.215 (1959) lOn.
Wisconsin Stat. Ann.
§ 66.405 (2m) (1957) 13n., 14n.
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§ 942.04 (1958) lOn.
Wyoming Laws 1961, c. 103 lOn.
M iscellaneous.
Bamberger and Lewin, “ The Right to Equal Treat
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Cardinal Cushing, “ A Catholic Case Against Seg-
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X IV TABLE OB A U T H O R ITIE S CITED
Cole, Albert M., “ What is the Federal Government’s
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1 Davis, Administrative Law, 134 (1958 Ed.) 81
Discrimination in Operations of Interstate Motor
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Dodd, Professor E. Merrick, 17 Bar Bulletin of the
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c. IX, p. 155 42, 43, 45, 46, 51
N.Y. Post, Sept. 15,1961, Mag. p. 5, col. 2 52n.
N.Y. Times, July 11, 1961, p. 19, col. 2 52n.
Public Document No. 163 54
Public Law 85-315, Eighty-fifth Congress 41n.
“ Report of Progress,” a Review of the Program for
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TABLE OF A U T H O B ITIE S CITED X V
1959 Report of United States Commission on Civil
Rights, pp. 411-412, 545 16, 41
1961 Report of United States Commission on Civil
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Robison, ‘ ‘ The New Fair Employment Law, ’ ’ 20 Ohio
St. L.J. 570, 571 (1959) 11
No. 6108, Eq.
COMMISSION AGAINST
DISCRIMINATION
v.
A. J. COLANGELO et al .
BRIEF FOR PETITIONER.
M iddlesex C o u n ty .
ADDISON G. G E T C H E L L & SON, IN C ., L A W PR IN TE R S, BOSTON.