Deposition Summary of Thomas Henry Routt; Plaintiff-Intervenor HLA's Revised Exhibit List
Public Court Documents
September 18, 1989
13 pages
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Case Files, LULAC and Houston Lawyers Association v. Attorney General of Texas Hardbacks, Briefs, and Trial Transcript. Deposition Summary of Thomas Henry Routt; Plaintiff-Intervenor HLA's Revised Exhibit List, 1989. 46f42d42-247c-f011-b4cc-7c1e52467ee8. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/9dada6a4-ce9a-4cd7-8f6e-6da2ef135ce2/deposition-summary-of-thomas-henry-routt-plaintiff-intervenor-hlas-revised-exhibit-list. Accessed November 08, 2025.
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NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE
AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.
National Office »
Suite 1600
99 Hudson Street
New York, N.Y. 10013 (212) 219-1900 Fax: (212) 226-7592
September 18,
Hon. John Neil
Deputy Clerk, U.S. Courthouse
P. O. Box 10708
200 E. Wall, Room 316
Midland, Texas 79702
Re: Civil Action No. MO-88-CA-154
LULAC, et al. v. James Mattox, et. al.
Dear Mr. Neil:
Enclosed for filing in the above referenced case,
Plaintiff-intervenors Houston Lawyers’
exhibit list.
please find
Association's revised
All counsel have received copies of the depositions and have been
served with summaries and relevant excerpts of the depositions.
Sincerely,
4 qu
Sherril)yn A. Ifill
SAI:dlw
encl.
Regional Offices
Suite 301 Suite 800
1275 K Street, NW 634 S. Spring Street
Washington, DC 20005 Los Angeles, CA 90014
(202) 682-1300 (213) 624-2405
Fax: (202) 682-1312 Fax: (213) 624-0075
Contributions are
deductible for U.S.
income tax purposes.
The NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc. (LDF) is not part
of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) although LDF was founded by the NAACP and shares its
commitment to equal rights. LDF has had for over 30 years a separate
Board, program, staff, office and budget.
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS
MIDLAND-ODESSA DIVISION
LEAGUE OF UNITED LATIN AMERICAN §
CITIZENS (LULAC), et al., §
S
Plaintiffs, S
S
Houston Lawyers' Association, §
Alice Bonner, Weldon Berry, ‘8
Francis Williams, Rev. William §
Lawson, Deloyd T. Parker, §
Bennie McGinty, § CIVIL ACTION NO. MO-88-CA-154
S
Plaintiff-Intervenors, §
S
VS. §
§
JAMES MATTOX, Attorney General §
of the State of Texas, 4
et al., §
S
Defendants. §
DEPOSITION SUMMARY OF THOMAS HENRY ROUTT
5 Background information.
6 Discussion regarding his educational background. He
received his J.D. 1961.
7 He was appointed to the Municipal Court Bench in 1968.
He left the bench 1972.
8 In 1973 he was appointed to County Criminal Court at
Law No. 6. He successfully returned to the bench in
1974 and was appointed to the District Court Bench in
1977.
9 He has been regularly re-elected since then. In 1974
his opponent in the primary was Bite.
10 He had no opponent in the 1974 general election. At
that time there was no effective Republican opposition
for judges. He campaigned all over the county. He had
the support of the party hierarchy.
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The 1974 race was fairly close, which he attributes
partly to being a racial preference, partly not belng
as fully funded as he would have liked. He carried
most, but not all of the Black precincts.
He carried many predominantly all-white precincts in
northeast Harris County. He ran without opposition in
1978.
Most Democratic judges did not draw an opponent in 1978
race.
In that era it was unusual for an incumbent to pick up
an opponent. In 1982 he had an opponent, Marshall
McDonald, a Republican.
He feels that he had an opponent in 1982 for two
reasons. First, there is an upsurge of the Republican
Party to field candidates in many instances where it
had not previously and second, he had had a recent
unpopular decision and the opponent was the result of
venting that feeling.
His race was a factor, his being opposed in" the
election, because, America being what it is, race is a
factor in everything.
In 1986 there were a number of minority opponents in
general election.
He had not viewed himself as being unique in being a
minority who could maintain his elected office.
He is not the only one. John Peavy was continually
re-elected. He can think of only one time Peavy had an
opponent.
He does not know the number of Black attorneys in
Harris County.
There are fewer Black attorneys in Harris County than
white attorneys. The number of Black attorneys is
growing, but is still small.
A minority person seeking judicial office now has a
more difficult time than when he first had to run
because there is increased racial hostility today.
Societal attitudes toward race has worsened since the
1960's. He is a Democrat.
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His philosophy is more liberal than the Republican
Party.
Blacks are strongly allied with the Democratic Party in
Harris County. Hispanics have been strongly allied
with the Democratic Party, but there have been some
recent shifts to the Republican Party. Harris County
itself has been drifting towards the Republican Party.
This shift has had a influence in judicial races.
There are increasing racial prejudices keeping Blacks
from being elected to office.
A suggestion regarding the distinction between a Black
failing to win office because he is a Democrat and
failing to win office because he is Black. He has seen
figures which show that Harris County is moving toward
the Republican Party.
In spite of the evils attributed to partisan elections,
he thinks that minority people need the backing of a
party to be successful, so he does not lean toward
non-partisan elections. Judges should not be
representatives of political interest groups.
The judge is bound by the law to make no determinations
or rulings on a consensus basis. In 1986 he as
re-elected without opposition. He hired a political
consultant in 1974.
He thinks he got basically PR advice. He has always
worked with the philosophy that you give up no
territory.
He sought contributions from everywhere. He would
guess that 60% of his contributions came from the
minority people, and the other 40% from whites. He got
contributions from both Blacks and Hispanics.
He had no PAC contributions. He got contributions from
white Republicans. In metropolitan areas judges should
be elected to serve specialized functions, but in rural
areas, courts of general jurisdiction are a must.
Discussion as to how you would break down courts with
specialized functions in Harris County if the county
was broken down into subdistricts. The present system
for electing district judges in Harris County is not
efficient because it often allows physical attraction
to be a main reason for election.
He would like to see the present system replaced by a
refined Missouri plan. Before the 1980 elections most
incumbents were voted back into office. He feels that
in 1988, party had a lot to do with the success of a
candidate.
The same thing was true in 1984. Individual
consideration of candidates should be necessary.
Straight-party voting has not been good for minorities.
The ballot box has not been the saviour for minority
candidates.
He doesn't think the appointment process has hurt
minorities. The creation of multi-district elections
in Harris County would increase the minority
participation in the process.
He thinks it would minimize racial politics since it
would decrease the opportunity for confrontation
between races. It would be totally illogical for .a
white to expect to be an effective candidate in a
totally Black precinct. He attributes his own success
to being able to appeal a wide variety of people.
A judge should not be influenced if he is elected only
by one minority group. In 1982 the Republicans fielded
a slate of candidates. He does not feel they were
slated on racial grounds.
All of the slating he has seen has been along party
lines. He does not feel that his opponents have made
overt racial appeals during the elections.
Racial appeals are not necessary in this society.
People who find race a predominant consideration only
need to have an identification made. He is unaware of
any efforts to make identification of race available to
voters who are inclined to vote as racial preferences.
He doesn't think county-wide system is discriminatory
just by the fact of it being county-wide. He doesn't
know if people who work to keep the county-wide system
in place are doing so with the intent to discriminate
against Blacks.
There are other minority judges in Harris County who
have achieved success other than himself. He can't
think of any factors which are common with a group of
successful minority candidates.
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All things being equal, white voters in Harris tend to
vote as a block. Sometimes white will vote against
Blacks because they perceive the white candidate as
better. Blacks vote as a block in Harris County only
slightly. Blacks don't vote as a block to the same
degree extent as whites. Blacks are heavily identified
with the Democratic Party in Harris County.
Blacks will vote as Democrats rather than voting for
their racial proclivities.
EXAMINATION BY TODD
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The ethnic composition. of his precinct is 98 to 39
percent Black. He has selectively close ties to the
Black community in Houston.
It is important to have an awareness of the various
communities and their socio-economic make-up to
successfully run for office. After elections he will
take a look to see how he ran in various areas in the
county. In 1982 he had a general election Republican
opponent.
He believes he did very well in the Black precincts in
1982. He won most of them. As best as he can recall,
he ran very well in Hispanic precincts in 1982.
He ran well in some white precincts and not so well in
others. That appeared to be strongly influenced by
socio-economics. In the white upper class areas, he did
poorly; in the blue collar areas, he did well. That
would almost parallel normal party voting lines.
Assuming maximum of all ethnic groups, a candidate
cannot win an election by carrying just the Black and
Hispanic precincts. He has been able to draw a
considerable portion of the white vote in his
successful elections.
In May and June he went all over the county to
campaign. In 1982 he had made unpopular ruling which
worked somewhat against him in the campaign.
In 1986 he did not have an opponent. He was aware that
there was three other Black Democratic judicial
candidates who were running contested races.
He did not campaign for any other individuals in 1986.
A higher turnout in Black precincts in 1986 could have
helped some candidates win the elections.
eo ® ¢
EXAMINATION BY MCDONALD
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He doesn't know the percentage of white turnout in
1986. Assuming all things being equal, whites will
vote for whites, and Blacks will vote for Blacks in a
contested race where there is a white against a Black.
If all registered voters turnout, Blacks will not win.
He was appointed the municipal bench in 19268.
When he was appointed in 1968, he was the first Black
to ever have been appointed full-time to the Municipal
Court Bench in Harris County. In 1973 he was appointed
Judge of County Criminal Court at Law No. 6. No Black
had every held that position before.
Andrew Jefferson was the first Black to hold a position
as a Judge in a Court of Record since Reconstruction.
In 1974 he ran as a Democrat.
His opponent in 1974 was Alfred Thomas, a white, whom
he defeated in the primary. There was no opponent in
the general election.
He was appointed to the District Court Bench in 1977.
He ran unopposed in the primary and the general
election in 1978.
In 1982 he was unopposed by the Democrats and ran
against Marshall Arnold, a white Republican whom he
defeated.
He had a good campaign organization intact in 1982. He
thinks his last name helped him in that it is not a
name normally associated with Blacks.
Position on the ballot can be important in the election
outcome. First name on the ballot has a definite
advantage percentage-wise of the vote.
Maybe too, he also had support of a group of people who
supported him because of his shock probation sentence
to a judge who was before him. He had support from
both white Republicans and Black Republicans.
1982 was the first time Republicans ran a large slate
of candidates. He was pretty sure they had the
financing and the vigor to mount serious campaigns.
He felt like he had really been campaigning since 1968.
He ran again for the bench in 1986 with no opposition.
iil we
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a
During the time he has been a judge he has had an
opponent only once in the general election, which was
1982. His only opponent in the primary was in 1974.
Assuming there is no gerrymandering, if you drew
smaller districts for judicial elections, it would
increase the number of Blacks elected. There are
geographical areas in Houston which are composed
primarily of Black people.
There are areas in Houston which are predominantly
white. If districts for the election of District Court
Judges were drawn smaller, then it would be possible to
draw them so that they would represent predominantly
Black areas. That is also true for Hispanic areas.
There has been a history of racial segregation. In the
60's and early 70's there was a more humanistic
awareness in the United States regarding racial
policies, which in recent times has changed.
Blacks would have a more difficult time of winning a
district court bench today than they would have then.
In 1950 the was institutional racial discrimination.
He graduated from college from what was then called
Texas State University for Negroes.
There was a time when Blacks could not use the
Courthouse cafeteria in Harris County.
Judges Plummer and Berry led the way to desegregate the
cafeteria. There was racial segregation in the schools
in 1950 which continued through the 60's.
Residential segregation continues to this day. It is
unusal for a community to stay really integrated.
There are many areas which are predominantly Black. He
had no opponent in the 1986 election.
There are forty-seven district courts and eight family
district courts in Harris County. There is one Black
on the Family District Court Bench and two Blacks on
the district courts giving preference to criminal law.
There are no Blacks in the Civil Court Bench.
He can recall no time when there were more than three
Black judges sitting on the District Court Bench. He
has no PAC's.
EXAMINATION BY KEYS
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EXAMINATIO
$9 oo #
All things have never been equal in any of his races.
Experience dictates to him that judicial preference
polls don't have influence on people's vote. Slating
can have an influence on people's vote. Newspaper
endorsements may or may not have an influence. How
knowledgeable voters are can vary with the activity of
the individual candidates.
The names of the candidates can have an influence in
people's vote.
Felix Salazar lost his legislative post because of his
name and Judge Azios is convinced he lost his first
election because his name was listed on the ballot as
Analfro Azios. Ruben Guerrero ran and effective
campaign and lost mainly to the fact of his name.
There are presently three Black district judges in
Harris County.
N BY TODD
[END OF DE
9GKMaa:klr
He would say the name of candidate would be an
incidental factor in the outcome of the race.
POSITION]
9. » National Office
Suite 1600
NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE 99 Hudson Street
AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC. New York, N.Y. 10013 (212) 219-1900 Fax: (212) 226-7592
September 18, 1989
Hon. John Neil
Deputy Clerk, U.S. Courthouse
P. O. Box 10708
200 E. Wall, Room 316
Midland, Texas 79702
Re: Civil Action No. MO-88-CA-154
LULAC, et al. v. James Mattox, et. al.
Dear Mr. Neil:
Enclosed for filing in the above referenced case, please find
Plaintiff-intervenors Houston Lawyers' Association's revised
exhibit list.
All counsel have received copies of the depositions and have been
served with summaries and relevant excerpts of the depositions.
ne
Sherril)yn A. Ifill
Sincerely,
SAT:dlw
encl.
Regional Offices
Contributions are The NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc. (LDF) is not part Suite 301 Suite 800
deductible for U.S. of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 1275 K Street, NW 634 S. Spring Street
income tax purposes. (NAACP) although LDF was founded by the NAACP and shares its Washington, DC 20005 Los Angeles, CA 90014
commitment to equal rights. LDF has had for over 30 years a separate (202) 682-1300 (213) 624-2405
Board, program, staff, office and budget. Fax: (202) 682-1312 Fax: (213) 624-0075
p=. »
List and description of exhibits intended to be introduced at the
trial.
For plaintiff-intervenors Houston Lawyers' Assoc., et al.:
No. Description
i "Racial Differences in Candidate
Preferences in Harris County
District Judge Elections, General
Elections, 1980-88
by Richard L. Engstrom, Ph.D.
la Curriculum Vitae of Dr. Engstrom
2 "Illustrative Black Majority
Single-Member District Within
Harris County"
by Mr. Jerry Wilson
2a Summary of Illustrative Majority
Black Districts by Population and
Race
2b Breakdown of Illustrative District
Population based on Houston City
Precinct estimates
2C Curriculum Vitae of Jerry Wilson
3 Map of Majority Black Precincts in
Harris County, Texas
4 Map of Majority Black areas
according to 1980 Census Tracts
5 Summary of Deposition of Thomas
Routt
6 Summary of Deposition of Sen. Craig
Washington
7 Transcript summary of meeting of
Senate State Affairs Committee
(1983) and (1985) and House
Committee on Regions, Compacts and
Districts (1983) leading to passage
of Art..5, Section 7.
8 Precinct Ethnic Data Estimates for
Harris County, TX 1982-1988
provided by Richard Murray, Ph.D.
p p
AZ // Houston City Total Population and , "0 long ev
A of efile latio , provided vy offered .
Houston City Planne office g JAH
10 List of Black Judicial Candidates
in Harris County 1980-88
11 Tape of Senate hearing and
documents of legislative history
related to Art. 5, Section 7(a) (i)
12 Summary of Deposition of Judge
Manuel Leal
13 Summary of Deposition of Bonnie
Fitch
14 Summary of Depostion of Alice
Bonner
15 Summary of Deposition of Francis
Williams
16 Summary of Deposition of Matthew
Plummer
17 Deposition on Written Questions of
Harris County Registrar of Voters,
Carl S. Smith