NC v Robinson Brief of Amicus Curiae
Public Court Documents
July 16, 2018
43 pages
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. NC v Robinson Brief of Amicus Curiae, 2018. 558b54b7-c29a-ee11-be37-00224827e97b. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/a2b02ea4-6c7f-4da0-b6a1-e68d6865d553/nc-v-robinson-brief-of-amicus-curiae. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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SUPREME COURT OF NORTH CAROLINA
'k’k'k’k-k'k-k-k’k’k'k’k'k-k-k'k'k'k'k’k-k-kic’k'k'k'k'k-k-k'k'k-k'k'k'kic'k-k’k'k'k’k'k'k-k'k'k'k'k'k-k
No. 411A94-6 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. ) From Cumberland County
) 91 CRS 23143
MARCUS REYMOND ROBINSON )
)
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No. 548A00-2 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. ) From Cumberland Countv
) 98 CRS 34832, 35044
CHRISTINA SHEA WALTERS )
)
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No. 441A98-4 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. ) From Cumberland County
) 97 CRS 47314, 47315, 47312
TILMON CHARLES GOLPHIN )
)
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Document electronically filed: 16 July 2018 - 04:43:09 PM
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No. 130A03-2 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. )
)
QUINTEL MARTINEZ AUGUSTINE )
)
From Cumberland Countv
01 CRS 65079
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BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE
NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.
IN SUPPORT OF DEFEND ANTS-AP PELL ANTS
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INDEX
STATEMENT OF THE CASE AND FACTS..................2
STATEMENT OF INTEREST........................................ 2
INTRODUCTION............................................................ 4
ARGUMENT.................................................................... 6
I. This Court Must Not Allow Racial
Discrimination to Taint a Death Sentence........... 6
A. North Carolina Has a Long and Tragic
History of Racial Discrimination in Its
Death Penalty System...................................7
B. This Court Should Not Let the Racial
Discrimination in Defendants-Appellants’
Cases Stand Unaddressed.......................... 13
II. The Integrity of North Carolina’s Judicial
System Is Contingent on Juries Free of
Racial Bias.............................................................20
A. This Court and the United States Supreme
Court Have Long Recognized the
Importance of Juries Untainted by Racial
Bias...............................................................20
Ill
TABLE OF CASES AND AUTHORITIES.....................v
IV
B. A Death Sentence Tainted by Racial
Discrimination in Jury Selection Harms the
Defendant and the Prospective Juror and
Threatens the Integrity of the Entire
Judicial System........................................... 24
CONCLUSION..............................................................29
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE...................................... 32
V
TABLE OF CASES AND AUTHORITIES
CASES
Batson v. Kentucky,
476 U.S. 79 (1986)................................ 3, 12-13, 25, 28
Cooper v. Seaboard Air Line R. Co.,
163 N.C. 150, 79 S.E. 418 (1913)..............................21
Duncan v. Louisiana,
391 U.S. 145 (1968).................................................... 21
Furman v. Georgia,
408 U.S. 238 (1972).......................................................8
Georgia v. McCollum,
505 U.S. 42 (1992)................................................. 3, 28
J.E.B. v. Alabama ex rel. T.B.,
511 U.S. 127 (1994)............................................. 25, 28
Miller-El v. Cockrell,
537 U.S. 322 (2003).......................................................3
Miller-El v. Dretke,
545 U.S. 231 (2005)............................................... 3, 24
McCleskey v. Kemp,
481 U.S. 279 (1987).............................................passim
Neal v. Alabama,
612 So. 2d 1347 (Ala. Crim. App. 1992)...................27
Pena-Rodriguez v. Colorado,
137 S. Ct. 855 (2017)........................................... 22, 23
Peters v. Kiff,
407 U.S. 493 (1972).....................................................26
Powers v. Ohio,
499 U.S. 400 (1991)..................................21, 22, 24, 26
Rose v. Mitchell,
443 U.S. 545 (1979).................................................... 28
VI
CASES
Smith v. Hortler,
4 N.C. (Car. L. Rep.) 131 (1814)..........................20-21
Smith v. Texas,
311 U.S. 128 (1940)............................................. 21, 22
State v. Cofield,
320 N.C. 297, 357 S.E.2d 622 (1987)............ 23, 25-26
State v. Mettrick,
305 N.C. 383, 289 S.E.2d 354 (1982)........................ 22
State v. Moore,
329 N.C. 245, 404 S.E.2d 845 (1991)................. 23, 28
State v. Peoples,
131 N.C. 784, 42 S.E. 814 (1902)........................ 23, 26
State v. Sanderson,
336 N.C. 1, 442 S.E.2d 33 (1994)..............................24
State v. Scott,
314 N.C. 309, 333 S.E.2d 296 (1985)................. 21, 22
State v. Speller,
229 N.C. 67, 47 S.E.2d 537 (1948)............................ 11
Strauder v. West Virginia,
100 U.S. 303 (1880)........................................10, 23, 25
Swain v. Alabama,
380 U.S. 202 (1965).......................................... 3, 11-12
Taylor v. Louisiana,
419 U.S. 522 (1975)................................................... 21
Woodson v. North Carolina,
428 U.S. 280 (1976)....................................................3-4
STATUTES & CONSTITUTIONS
N.C.G.S. § 15A-1335......................................................30
N.C.G.S. §§ 15A-2010 et seq. (2009)............................... 5
N.C. Const. Art. I, § 26 ................................................ 23
Vll
Death Penalty Info. Ctr., Current Death Row
Populations by Race (as of July 1, 2017),
http s: //de athp e naltyinfo. org/r ace - de ath-
row-inmates-executed-1976?scid=5&did=184 ... 8
Equal Justice Initiative, Illegal Racial
Discrimination in Jury Selection: A Continuing
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Legacy (Aug. 2010).................................................26-27
James Forman, Jr., Juries and Race in the
Nineteenth Century,
113 Yale L.J. 895 (Jan. 2004)............................... 22-23
Samuel R. Gross & Robert Mauro, Death and
Discrimination: Racial Disparities in Capital
Sentencing (1989)....................................................... 10
Seth Kotch & Robert P. Mosteller,
The Racial Justice Act and the Long Struggle
with Race and the Death Penalty in
North Carolina,
88 N.C. L. Rev. 2031 (Sept. 2010)..... 7, 8-9, 10-11, 15
Robert P. Mosteller, Responding to McCleskey and
Batson: The North Carolina Racial Justice Act
Confronts Racial Peremptory Challenges in
Death Cases,
10 Ohio St. J. Crim. L. 103 (2012)...................... 11, 15
Barry Nakell & Kenneth A. Hardy,
The Arbitrariness of the Death Penalty (1987).... 9, 10
N.C. Office of State Budget & Mgmt., State
Demographer, County Estimates, Population in
North Carolina Counties by Race (as of July 1, 2016),
https://files.nc.gov/ncosbm/demog/totalbyrace__
2016.html..................................................................... 8
https://files.nc.gov/ncosbm/demog/totalbyrace__
V lll
Barbara O’Brien & Catherine M. Grosso,
Confronting Race: How a Confluence of Social
Movements Convinced North Carolina to Go
Where the McCleskey Court Wouldn’t,
2011 Mich. St. L. Rev. 463 (2011)............................ 15
Barbara O’Brien, et al., Untangling the Role of
Race in Capital Charging and Sentencing in
North Carolina, 1990-2009,
94 N.C. L. Rev. 1997 (Sept. 2016)........................9, 10
Opinion, Justice Powell’s New Wisdom,
N.Y. Times (June 11, 1994),
http s: // w w w. nytime s. com/1994/06/11/op inion/
justice-powell-s-new-wisdom.html...........................15
Lauren M. Ouziel, Legitimacy and Federal
Criminal Enforcement Power,
123 Yale L.J. 2236 (May 2014)................................. 28
Daniel R. Pollitt & Brittany P. Warren,
Th irty Years of Disappointment:
North Carolina ’s Remarkable Appellate
Batson Record,
94 N.C. L. Rev. 1957 (Sept. 2016)............................13
Michael L. Radelet & Glenn L. Pierce, Race and
Death Sentencing in North Carolina, 1980-2007,
89 N.C. L. Rev. 2119 (Sept. 2011)........................9, 10
Isaac Unah, Empirical Analysis of Race and the
Process of Capital Punishment in North Carolina,
2011 Mich. St. L. Rev. 609 (2011)........................ 9, 10
Neil Vidmar, The North Carolina Racial Justice Act:
An Essay on Substantive & Procedural Fairness
in Death Penalty Litigation,
97 Iowa L. Rev. 1969 (Oct. 2012)..............................26
OTHER AUTHORITIES
IX
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Ronald F. Wright, et al., The Jury Sunshine Project:
Jury Selection Data as a Political Issue,
2018 Univ. 111. L. Rev. 4 (Sept. 7, 2017),
https://ssrn.com/abstract=2994288..........................12
https://ssrn.com/abstract=2994288
SUPREME COURT OF NORTH CAROLINA
•k-k'k'k’k'k̂ -k'k-k'k'k-k’k'k'k'k'k-k'k’k-k'k'k'k'k'k-k'k'k'k-k'k’k’k'k'k'k'k’k-k'k'k'k’k’k'k’k-k-k-k-k
No. 411A94-6 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. ) From Cumberland County
) 91 CRS 23143
MARCUS REYMOND ROBINSON )
)
****************************************************
No. 548A00-2 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. ) From Cumberland County
) 98 CRS 34832, 35044
CHRISTINA SHEA WALTERS )
)
'k'k’k’k'k’k’k-k'k-k’k’k-k-k'k’kick'k'k’k’k’k’k'k'k’k'k̂ c'k'k'k'k-k'k'k-k’k-k-k’k-k-k-k-k'k’k'k'k-k'k-k
No. 441A98-4 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. ) From Cumberland County
) 97 CRS 47314, 47315, 47312
TILMON CHARLES GOLPHIN )
)
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No. 130A03-2 DISTRICT TWELVE
STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA )
)
v. ) From Cumberland County
) 01 CRS 65079
QUINTEL MARTINEZ AUGUSTINE )
)
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BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE
NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.
IN SUPPORT OF DEFENDANTS-APPELLANTS
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STATEMENT OF THE CASE AND FACTS
Amicus Curiae NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.
(hereinafter “LDF”) adopts Defendants-Appellants’ Statement of the
Case and Facts.1
STATEMENT OF INTEREST
LDF is the nation’s first and foremost civil rights law organization.
Through litigation, advocacy, public education, organizing and outreach,
LDF strives to secure equal justice under the law for all Americans, and
1 Pursuant to N.C. R. App. P. 28(i)(2), LDF states that no person or entity other
than amicus curiae, its members, or its counsel, directly or indirectly wrote the brief
or contributed money for its preparation.
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to break down barriers that prevent African Americans from realizing
their full civil and human rights. Since its inception, LDF has sought to
eliminate the arbitrary role of race on the administration of the criminal
justice system by challenging laws, pohcies, and practices that have a
disproportionate impact on African Americans and other communities of
color.
LDF has long been committed to ensuring racial equality in jury
selection, having served as counsel or amicus curiae in multiple cases
before the United States Supreme Court on this issue. See, e.g., Miller-
El v. Dretke, 545 U.S. 231 (2005); Miller-El v. Cockrell, 537 U.S. 322
(2003); Georgia v. McCollum, 505 U.S. 42 (1992); Batson v. Kentucky, 476
U.S. 79 (1986); Swain v. Alabama, 380 U.S. 202 (1965). Moreover, as
counsel in McCleskey v. Kemp, 481 US. 279 (1987), LDF has a significant
interest in the North Carolina Legislature’s response to the McCleskey
decision by permitting statutory claims of racial discrimination based on
statistical evidence.
LDF has also represented individuals who have been sentenced to
death in North Carolina as part of its advocacy for a fair and just criminal
justice system. For example, LDF was counsel in Woodson v. North
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Carolina, 428 U.S. 280 (1976), in which the United States Supreme Court
invalidated North Carolina’s mandatory death penalty scheme as a
violation of the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments.
Given its mission, history, and expertise in opposing racial injustice
generally—and in combating racial discrimination in the use of
peremptory strikes and in the imposition of the death penalty
specifically—LDF has a substantial interest in the issues raised in
Defendants-Appellants’ cases.
INTRODUCTION
Since the early days of LDF’s existence—when Thurgood Marshall
represented capitally charged and death-sentenced African-American
individuals across the South—to the present day, LDF has been deeply
concerned with the pernicious influence of race in the administration of
the death penalty. That concern is certainly justified with respect to the
death penalty in North Carolina. Throughout North Carolina’s history,
its death penalty has had a deep and troubling association with racial
discrimination. Multiple statistical studies—utilizing data across
several decades—demonstrate the continuing effect of race in North
Carolina’s death penalty, especially with respect to the race of the victim
and the race of prospective jurors.
Yet, despite this compelling evidence of systemic racial
discrimination, the ability for capitally-charged and death-sentenced
individuals to seek judicial relief has been largely truncated by the
United States Supreme Court’s decision in McCleskey, which ruled that
statistical evidence alone is insufficient to support an inference that
decisionmakers acted with a discriminatory purpose. LDF represented
Warren McCleskey in that case and continues to believe that it was
wrongly decided.
But the North Carolina Legislature responded to the unduly
restrictive holding in McCleskey by passing the North Carolina Racial
Justice Act, N.C.G.S. §§ 15A-2010 et seq. (2009) (“RJA”), which provides
statutory relief from the death penalty based on statistical evidence of
racial discrimination. With this statutory mechanism, Defendants
presented compelling evidence of racial bias in the prosecution’s use of
peremptory challenges in Cumberland County, in the prosecutorial
district and judicial divisions containing Cumberland County, and
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throughout North Carolina.
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That prosecutors discriminated against African-American
prospective jurors is clear from the record and led the Superior Court of
Cumberland County to vacate Defendants’ death sentences. Knowing
now that there is significant evidence of racial discrimination in
Defendants’ cases, it is incumbent upon this Court to allow Defendants
to seek and secure sentencing relief. Otherwise, this continuing stain of
racial discrimination will undermine not only the legitimacy of
Defendants’ death sentences, but also public confidence in the integrity
of North Carolina’s judicial system as a whole. LDF urges this Court to
grant Defendants’ requested relief, thereby making clear and
unequivocal that the courts of North Carolina will not tolerate racial
discrimination in jury selection and the administration of the death
penalty.
ARGUMENT
I. This Court Must Not Allow Racial Discrimination to Taint a
Death Sentence.
Throughout North Carolina’s history, racial discrimination has
placed an unacceptable stain on its death penalty system. With the
passage of the Racial Justice Act, Defendants were also able to establish
that race was a significant factor in the prosecution’s use of peremptory
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challenges in Cumberland County, in the prosecutorial district and the
judicial divisions containing Cumberland County, and across the State of
North Carolina at the time of their capital trials. This Court, therefore,
must permit Defendants to pursue relief from death sentences that are
unquestionably tainted by this compelling evidence of racial bias.
A. North Carolina Has a Long and Tragic History of
Racial Discrimination in Its Death Penalty System.
North Carolina’s death penalty has a long and tragic association
with racial discrimination. African Americans—mostly slaves—
comprised 71% of those executed from 1726 to 1865. Seth Kotch & Robert
P. Hosteller, The Racial Justice Act and the Long Struggle with Race and
the Death Penalty in North Carolina, 88 N.C. L. Rev. 2031, 2044-45 (Sept.
2010) (hereinafter “Kotch, Racial Justice Act”). “[M]any slaveowners
believed that these public executions served an important purpose in
deterring misbehavior among the slave population at large.” Id, at 2047-
48. This trend of primarily executing African Americans continued in
North Carolina between the end of the Civil War and 1910, with African
Americans making up 74% of the 160 people executed during that time
even though they were, at most, 38% of the overall population. Id. at
2053.
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In 1910, the State of North Carolina assumed responsibihty for
executions, which ensued until 1961, when the last North Carolina
prisoner was executed before the death penalty was ruled
unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court in Furman v.
Georgia, 408 U.S. 238 (1972). Kotch, Racial Justice Act at 2039. During
that time between 1910 and 1961, 283 of 362 (78%) individuals executed
were African American. Id. At the same time, North Carolina’s African-
American population ranged from only 32% in 1910 to 25% in 1960. Id.
at 2056. Presently, 78 of the 152 (51%) individuals on North Carolina’s
death row are African American2 although African Americans comprise
only 22% of North Carolina’s general population.3
One of the most indelible legacies of slavery and Jim Crow on North
Carolina’s death penalty is the persistent trend of executing people,
especially African Americans, for crimes committed against white
victims. The execution of African Americans accused of raping white
women stands as a stark example: from the pre-Furman era of 1910 to
2 Death Penalty Info. Ctr., Current Death Row Populations by Race (as of
July 1, 2017), https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/race-death-row-inmates-executed-
1976?scid=5&did=184.
3 N.C. Office of State Budget & Mgmt., State Demographer, County Estimates,
Population in North Carolina Counties by Race (as of July 1, 2016),
https://files.nc.gov/ncosbm/demog/totalbyrace_2016.html.
https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/race-death-row-inmates-executed-
https://files.nc.gov/ncosbm/demog/totalbyrace_2016.html
-9 -
1961, 67 of 78 men executed for rape were African American, and the
victim was confirmed to be white in 58 of those cases. Id. at 2066.
Moreover, a study of North Carolina homicides from 1980 to 2007 found
that “the odds of a death sentence for those suspected of killing Whites
are approximately three times higher than the odds of a death sentence
for those suspected of killing Blacks,” and the “race of the victim effect is
largest for Black suspects suspected of killing White victims, who are five
times more likely to be sentenced to death than Black suspects with
Black victims.” Michael L. Radelet & Glenn L. Pierce, Race and Death
Sentencing in North Carolina, 1980-2007, 89 N.C. L. Rev. 2119, 2120,
2141 (Sept. 2011) (hereinafter “Radelet, Race and Death Sentencing’).
Numerous other studies confirm the persistent influence of the victim’s
race in the administration of the death penalty in North Carolina:
• Analysis of 1977-78 North Carolina data: Defendants of any race
who killed a white victim were “six times more likely to be found
guilty of first degree murder than defendants in cases with
nonwhite victims.”4 “In addition, nonwhite defendants were
4 Isaac Unah, Empirical Analysis of Race and the Process of Capital
Punishment in North Carolina, 2011 Mich. St. L. Rev. 609, 622 (2011) (hereinafter
“Unah, Empirical Analysis’') (quoting Barry Nakell & Kenneth A. Hardy, The
Arbitrariness of the Death Penalty 146-48 (1987)) (hereinafter “Nakell,
Arbitrariness”)', see also Radelet, Race and Death Sentencing, at 2134 (citation
omitted); Barbara O’Brien, et al., Untangling the Role of Race in Capital Charging
and Sentencing in North Carolina, 1990-2009, 94 N.C. L. Rev. 1997, 2005 (Sept. 2016)
(hereinafter “O’Brien, “Untangling the Role”).
- 10-
more likely to receive the death penalty compared to whites.”5
• Analysis of 1977-80 North Carolina data: “Among [ ] homicides
with additional felony circumstances present . . . 13.6% of those
suspected of killing Whites were sentenced to death, compared
to 4.3% of those suspected of killing Blacks.”6
• Analysis of 1993-97 North Carolina data: “When a nonwhite
defendant kills a white victim, the death-sentencing rate is 5.1
percent. However, when a nonwhite defendant kills a nonwhite
victim, the death-sentencing rate is only 1.5 percent.”7
• Analysis of 1990-2009 North Carolina data: (1) “Cases in which
the defendant killed at least one white victim were significantly
more likely to receive a death sentence than cases in which the
defendant killed only black victims”; (2) “Prosecutors were
significantly less likely to bring cases in which black defendants
killed only black victims to a capital trial than any other case”;
(3) “Juries were significantly less likely to sentence defendants
to death in cases where white defendants kills only black victims
than any other case.”8
Equally troubling is the historic and longtime exclusion of African
Americans from capital juries. This disturbing trend is rooted in the
absolute bar to jury service for African Americans during the time of
slavery. Kotch, Racial Justice Act, at 2072. Even after the United States
Supreme Court ruled in Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303 (1880),
5 Unah, Empirical Analysis, at 622 (citing Nakell, Arbitrariness, at 94).
6 Radelet, Race and Death Sentencing, at 2135 (citing Samuel R. Gross &
Robert Mauro, Death and Discrimination: Racial Disparities in Capital Sentencing
89 (1989)).
7 Unah, Empirical Analysis, at 637.
8 O’Brien, Untangling the Role, at 2043.
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that the Fourteenth Amendment prohibited states from enacting laws
that barred African Americans from serving on juries, North Carolina
instituted statutory requirements to jury service during the first half of
the twentieth century that effectively achieved the same result. For
example, North Carolina statutes during that time required:
“(1) payment of taxes for the preceding year; (2) good moral character;
and (3) sufficient intelligence” for jury service, which gave wide discretion
to exclude African Americans from juries. Kotch, Racial Justice Act, at
2073. As an example, this Court noted in a 1948 decision that no African
American was eligible for jury service, let alone seated, in an eastern
North Carolina county where African Americans made up the majority of
the population. State v. Speller, 229 N.C. 67, 68-70, 47 S.E.2d 537, 538-
39 (1948), cited in Robert P. Mosteller, Responding to McCleskey and
Batson.- The North Carolina Racial Justice Act Confronts Racial
Peremptory Challenges in Death Cases, 10 Ohio St. J. Crim. L. 103, 126
n.109 (2012) (hereinafter “Mosteller, Responding to McCleskey and
Batson”).
Even though the United States prohibited the systemic exclusion of
African Americans from juries, see Swain v. Alabama, 380 U.S. 202
- 12 -
(1965), and the discriminatory use of peremptory challenges against
African Americans, see Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 79 (1986), African
Americans are still disproportionately excluded from jury service, as
demonstrated in Defendants’ cases. See infra Section I.B. Similarly, a
recent study conducted by former prosecutors examined 2011 felony
trials in North Carolina and found that prosecutors used peremptory
challenges against African-American prospective jurors at twice the rate
they excluded white prospective jurors. Ronald F. Wright, et al., The
Jury Sunshine Project: Jury Selection Data as a Political Issue,
2018 Univ. 111. L. Rev. 4, 26 (Sept. 7, 2017), https://ssrn.com/abstract=
2994288 (available via SSRN).
In his concurrence in Batson, Justice Marshall emphasized how the
“[mjisuse of the peremptory challenge to exclude black jurors has become
both common and flagrant” because, inter alia, “[a]ny prosecutor can
easily assert facially neutral reasons for striking a juror, and trial courts
are ill equipped to second-guess those reasons.” Batson, 476 U.S. at 103,
105 (Marshall, J., concurring). Additionally, “the conscious or
unconscious racism” of prosecutors or judges may lead to differing
perceptions of African American jurors, as compared to white jurors, and
https://ssrn.com/abstract=
- 13 -
the court’s ready acceptance of the prosecutor’s proposed explanation for
the challenge. Id. at 106. The record of Batson rulings in this Court and
the North Carolina Court of Appeals justifies Justice Marshall’s concerns
about the difficulties of remedying the racially discriminatory use of
peremptory challenges: the appellate courts of North Carolina have never
ruled that a prosecutor intentionally discriminated against a juror of
color since Batson was decided.9 Daniel R. Pollitt & Brittany P. Warren,
Thirty Years of Disappointment: North Carolina ’s Remarkable Appellate
Batson Record, 94 N.C. L. Rev. 1957, 1961-62 (Sept. 2016) (hereinafter,
“Pollitt, Thirty Years of Disappointment”).
B. This Court Should Not Let the Racial Discrimination
in Defendants-Appellants’ Cases Stand Unaddressed.
Despite the substantial amount of statistical evidence of racial
discrimination in North Carolina’s death penalty, the United States
9 On three occasions, this Court found the trial court to have erred in finding
no prima facie case of discrimination in the first of Batson’s three-step inquiry and
conducted or ordered further review, but it has never reached an ultimate finding of
intentional discrimination. Pollitt, Thirty Years of Disappointment, at 1961. The
North Carolina Court of Appeals has found intentional discrimination in the
peremptory challenges used against two white prospective jurors, and a prima facie
case of discrimination— which did not lead to findings off intentional racial
discrimination—in two other cases. Id. at 1961-63. However, no North Carolina
appellate court has found that a peremptory challenge was used in an intentionally
discriminatory manner against a prospective juror of color. A search for decisions
issued by this Court and the North Carolina Court of Appeals after the publication of
this study did not yield any state appellate decisions finding Batson violations.
- 14-
Supreme Court’s decision in McCleskey v. Kemp, 481 U.S. 279 (1987), has
placed significant obstacles to remedying this discrimination. In a closely
divided 5-4 decision, the majority in McCleskey acknowledged that there
was “a discrepancy that appears to correlate with race” in terms of whom
Georgia prosecutors decided to charge with capital crimes. Id. at 312.
Nevertheless, the Court concluded that the stark statistics of racial
disparities established in the case were not sufficient to prove a
“discriminatory purpose,” as required by the Fourteenth Amendment,
and characterized the racial disparities as “an inevitable part of our
criminal justice system.” Id. at 295-99, 312. As Justice Blackmun
commented in his dissent, the McCleskey Court “sanction[ed] the
execution of a man despite his presentation of evidence that establishes
a constitutionally intolerable level of racially based discrimination
leading to the imposition of his death sentence.” Id. at 345 (Blackmun,
J., dissenting).
LDF is the legal organization that represented Warren McCleskey
before the United States Supreme Court and continues to beheve that
the McCleskey decision was an incorrect interpretation of the Fourteenth
Amendment, which has sharply limited the ability of victims of racial
- 15 -
discrimination in the criminal justice system, including capital
defendants, to seek judicial redress. Indeed, Justice Powell, who wrote
the majority opinion in McCleskey and cast the deciding vote, publicly
stated in retirement that, in retrospect, he would have decided McCleskey
differently. Opinion, Justice Powell's New Wisdom, N.Y. Times (June 11,
1994), https://www.nytimes.com/1994/06/ll/opinion/justice-powell-s-
new-wisdom.html.
However, in passing the RJA, the North Carolina Legislature
specifically responded to the unjust constraints imposed by McCleskey on
federal claims of racial discrimination by permitting state statutory
claims of racial discrimination based on statistical evidence. See Barbara
O’Brien & Catherine M. Grosso, Confronting Race: How a Confluence of
Social Movements Convinced North Carolina to Go Where the McCleskey
Court Wouldn't, 2011 Mich. St. L. Rev. 463, 463-64, 473-74 (2011);
Mosteller, Responding to McCleskey and Batson at 116; Kotch, Racial
Justice Act at 2111-13. With that opportunity provided by the RJA,
Defendants have presented overwhelming statistical evidence of racial
discrimination in the selection of juries in capital cases in Cumberland
County (where they were sentenced to death), in the prosecutorial district
https://www.nytimes.com/1994/06/ll/opinion/justice-powell-s-new-wisdom.html
https://www.nytimes.com/1994/06/ll/opinion/justice-powell-s-new-wisdom.html
- 16 -
and judicial divisions containing Cumberland County, and across the
entire state of North Carolina.
Defendant Marcus Robinson’s statistical evidence was comprised of
an exhaustive study of jury selection that utilized: (1) “a complete,
unadjusted study of race and strike decisions for 7,421 venire members
drawn from the 173 proceedings for the inmates of North Carolina's
death row in 2010”; (2) “a regression study of a 25% random sample
drawn from the 7,421 venire member data set that analyzed whether
alternative explanations impacted the relationship between race and
strike decisions”; and (3) “a regression study of 100% of the venire
members from the Cumberland County cases.” Order Granting Motion
for Appropriate Relief p. 44, North Carolina v. Robinson, No. 91 CRS
23143 (N.C. Super. Ct. Apr. 20, 2012) (hereinafter “Robinson Order”).
Having reviewed this evidence, as well as the evidence presented
by the State, the Superior Court of Cumberland County made the
following findings, among many, in a meticulous and comprehensive 167-
page opinion in Mr. Robinson’s case:
• “[Pjrosecutors statewide struck 52.6% of eligible black venire
members, compared to only 25.7% of all other ehgible venire
members. . . . The probability of this disparity occurring in a
race-neutral jury selection process is less than one in ten
- 17-
trillion.” Id. p. 58.
• “Of the 166 cases statewide that included at least one black
venire member, prosecutors struck an average of 56.0% of
eligible black venire members, compared to only 24.8% of all
other eligible venire members. . . . The probabibty of this
disparity occurring in a race-neutral jury selection process is less
than one in 10,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000.” Id.
p. 59.
• “The statewide disparity in strike rates has been consistent over
time, whether viewed over the entire study period, in four five-
year periods, or two ten-year periods.” Id.
• In the “Fourth Judicial Division as constituted since January 1,
2000,” which includes Cumberland County, “prosecutors struck
an average of 62.4% of eligible black venire members, compared
to only 21.9% of all other eligible venire members. . . . The
probability of this disparity occurring in a race-neutral jury
selection process is less than one in 1,000.” Id. p. 65.
• In the “former Second Judicial Division as constituted from
January 1, 1990 through December 21, 1999,” when it contained
Cumberland County, “prosecutors struck an average of 51.5% of
eligible black venire members, compared to only 25.1% of all
other eligible venire members. . . . The probability of this
disparity occurring in a race-neutral jury selection process is less
than one in 100,000,000,000.” Id.
• In “Cumberland County (and Prosecutorial District 12) from
January 1, 1990 through July 1, 2010, . . . prosecutors struck an
average of 52.7% of eligible black venire members, compared to
only 20.5% of all other eligible venire members. . . . The
probability of this disparity occurring in a race-neutral jury
selection process is less than one in 1,000.” Id. pp. 65-66.
• “After fully controlling for the 12 non-racial variables” that are
“highly predictive for prosecutorial strike decisions,” such as
reservations about the death penalty and having been accused of
a crime, “the race of the venire member is still statistically
- 18-
significant withp-value of <0.001 and an odds ratio of 2.48 . . . .
The probability of observing a racial disparity of this magnitude
in a race-neutral jury selection process is 1.34 in 1,000,000. . . .
There is a 95% chance that the odds of a black venire member
being struck by the State, after controlling for non-racial
variables, is between 1.71 and 3.58 times higher than the odds
of other venire members being struck.” Id. p. 78.
• “After fully controlling for eight variables,” which are highly
predictive for prosecutorial strike decisions specific to the
Cumberland County data set, “the race of the venire member is
still statistically significant with a p-value of <0.01 and an odds
ratio of 2.57 . . . . There is a 95% chance that the odds of a black
venire member being struck by the State in Cumberland County,
after controlling for non-racial variables, is between 1.50 and
4.40 times higher than the odds of other venire members being
struck.” Id. p. 82.
The Superior Court of Cumberland County made similar findings in the
case of Defendants Tilmon Golphin, Christina Walters, and Quintel
Augustine. Order Granting Motions for Appropriate Relief pp. 136-201,
North Carolina v. Golphin, et al., Nos. 97 CRS 47314-15, 98 CRS 34832,
35044, 01 CRS 65079 (N.C. Super. Ct. Dec. 13, 2012) (hereinafter
“Golphin Order”). The Superior Court accordingly vacated Defendants’
death sentences and resentenced them to fife without parole. Robinson
Order p. 167; Golphin Order p. 210.
The statistical evidence in Defendants’ cases reveals the type of
racial discrimination that continues to exist beyond the protection of the
Fourteenth Amendment due to the McCleskey decision, and the type of
- 19 -
discrimination that the RJA was designed to redress. Especially when
considered in the context of the other evidence of discrimination
presented by Defendants—such as the history of racial discrimination in
jury selection, the role of unconscious bias in jury selection, and
individual case examples of jury discrimination, see Robinson Order
pp. 112-19, 132-155; Golphin Order pp. 87-97, 112-136—this Court
simply cannot ignore the inevitable conclusion from the statistical
analyses in these cases. That conclusion is that African Americans are
routinely and systematically excluded from capital juries because of their
race in Cumberland County, in the prosecutorial district and judicial
divisions containing Cumberland County, and across North Carolina.
That bell cannot be unrung, and to foreclose the possibility of sentencing
relief to Defendants at this juncture would be wholly unjust and
undermine the legitimacy and credibility of North Carolina’s judicial
system. Indeed, it would be a tragedy for the members of this Court to
one day have the same regret as Justice Powell by letting stand,
untouched, a death sentence infected by such compelling evidence of
racial bias.
-20-
II. The Integrity of North Carolina’s Judicial System Is
Contingent on Juries Free of Racial Bias.
This Court, as well as the United States Supreme Court, has
consistently recognized the crucial role that a jury plays to ensure public
confidence in our judicial system. Ignoring the compelling evidence of
jury discrimination in Defendants’ cases, therefore, not only harms
Defendants and the unlawfully struck jurors, but also undermines the
integrity of the judicial process itself. The substantial evidence of racial
discrimination in the selection of Defendants’ juries erodes public
confidence in North Carolina’s judicial system and must be remedied by
this Court.
A. This Court and the United States Supreme Court Have
Long Recognized the Importance of Juries Untainted
by Racial Bias.
The importance of ensuring that Defendants be tried by a
legitimately convened jury—for them personally, but also to the
community at large—cannot be overstated. Over two centuries ago, this
Court noted that North Carolina’s “courts of justice should be so
organized as to afford full assurance to every suitor, that his cause shall
be patiently investigated, and impartially decided.” Smith v. Hortler, 4
N.C. (Car. L. Rep.) 131, 131 (1814) (holding that a defendant could not
- 2 1 -
receive a fair trial because of potential jury-pool biases); see also Duncan
v. Louisiana, 391 U.S. 145, 153 (1968) (noting that the jury is
“fundamental to our system of justice”). The jury “spreads amongst all
classes a respect for the decisions of the law” and “makes all feel that
they have duties to fulfill towards society, and that they take a part in its
government[.]” Cooper v. Seaboard Air Line R. Co., 163 N.C. 150, 150, 79
S.E. 418, 419 (1913) (citation omitted); see also Powers v. Ohio, 499 U.S.
400, 406 (1991) (“One of [the jury’s] greatest benefits is in the security it
gives the people that they . . . being part of the judicial system of the
country can prevent its arbitrary use or abuse.”) (citation omitted). And
by employing the community’s “commonsense judgment,” the jury acts as
a “hedge against the overzealous or mistaken prosecutor” or “perhaps
overconditioned or biased response of a judge.” Taylor v. Louisiana, 419
U.S. 522, 530 (1975) (citation omitted).
To achieve its goals, the jury must be a “body truly representative
of the community.” State v. Scott, 314 N.C. 309, 311-12, 333 S.E.2d 296,
297-98 (1985) (quoting Smith v. Texas, 311 U.S. 128, 130 (1940)).
Restricting the privilege of passing judgment to a subset of the
community engenders doubts regarding the validity of those judgments.
- 22 -
See Powers, 499 U.S. at 407 (emphasizing that public confidence in the
legitimacy of the jury is essential to help ensure the “continued
acceptance of the laws by all of the people”) (citation omitted); State v.
Mettrick, 305 N.C. 383, 385, 289 S.E.2d 354, 356 (1982) (“[T]he
appearance of a fair trial before an impartial jury is as important as the
fact of such a trial.”).
Because representative juries are the foundation of public
confidence in our courts, eliminating racial discrimination takes on
particular urgency in the context of jury selection. See Pena-Rodriguez
v. Colorado, 137 S. Ct. 855, 868 (2017); Scott, 314 N.C. at 311-12, 333
S.E.2d at 297-98 (holding that the jury must be free of racial
discrimination to ensure it is a “body truly representative of the
community”) (quoting Smith, 311 U.S. at 130). In fact, the centrality of
the jury trial to a functioning democracy led the Reconstruction
Republicans to place special emphasis on purging the racism from
Southern juries. See James Forman, Jr., Juries and Race in the
Nineteenth Century, 113 Yale L.J. 895, 897, 923-25 (Jan. 2004); see also
id. at 926 (“An increasing number of Republicans saw the disabilities that
prevented blacks from serving on state juries as the central impediment
- 23 -
to justice for blacks in the South.”).
Similarly, North Carolina revised its Constitution to expressly
prohibit jury discrimination: “No person shall be excluded from jury
service on account of sex, race, color, religion, or national origin.” N.C.
Const. Art. I, § 26. This Court has called this a “declaration]” by the
“people of North Carolina . . . that they will not tolerate the corruption of
their juries by racism, sexism and similar forms of irrational prejudice.”
State v. Moore, 329 N.C. 245, 247, 404 S.E.2d 845, 847 (1991) (quoting
State v. Cofield, 320 N.C. 297, 302, 357 S.E.2d 622, 625 (1987)); see also
State v. Peoples, 131 N.C. 784, 784, 42 S.E. 814, 815 (1902) (recognizing
that excluding African Americans from juries is an “assertion of their
inferiority, and a stimulant to . . . race prejudice”) (quoting Strauder, 100
U.S. at 303).
The United States Supreme Court has likewise repeatedly
recognized that racial discrimination must be eliminated from jury
discrimination. As the Court explained just last year, after the Civil War,
“racial discrimination in the jury system posed a particular threat both
to the promise of the [Fourteenth] Amendment and to the integrity of the
jury trial.” Pen a-Rodriguez, 137 S. Ct. at 867. Thus, the United States
- 2 4 -
Supreme Court has repeatedly held that racial exclusion of jurors is
unconstitutional. See id. (collecting cases). These cases reiterate that
racism undermines the core promise of a jury trial by destroying the “fact
and the perception” that the jury system is truly a “check against the
wrongful exercise of power by the State and its prosecutors.” Powers, 499
U.S. at 411 (citation omitted). Indeed, “prosecutors drawing racial lines
in picking juries establish state-sponsored group stereotypes rooted in,
and reflective of, historical prejudice[.]” Miller-El v. Dretke, 545 U.S. 231,
237-38 (2005) (citation and quotation marks omitted).
In sum, prosecutors “may strike hard blows” but not “foul ones,”
and must “refrain from improper methods calculated to produce a
wrongful conviction” no less than they may “use every legitimate means
to bring about a just one.” State v. Sanderson, 336 N.C. 1, 8, 442 S.E.2d
33, 38 (1994) (citation and internal quotation marks omitted). Racial
discrimination in peremptory strikes violate both that principle and
venerable precedent.
B. A Death Sentence Tainted by Racial Discrimination in
Jury Selection Harms the Defendant and the
Prospective Juror and Threatens the Integrity of the
Entire Judicial System.
When, as here, there is evidence of racial discrimination in jury
- 25 -
selection, the defendant is deprived of his fundamental right to the
considered judgment of a representative jury as a check against the
exercise of arbitrary or biased state power. See Batson, 476 U.S. at 86-
87 (citing Strauder, 100 U.S. at 309) (explaining that a jury of one’s peers
helps “secure the defendant’s right under the Fourteenth Amendment to
protection of life and liberty against race or color prejudice”). Moreover,
a racially discriminatory peremptory strike creates a significant risk
“that the prejudice that motivated the discriminatory selection of the jury
will infect the entire proceedings.” J.E.B. v. Alabama ex rel. T.B., 511
U.S. 127, 140 (1994).
Unhindered racially biased peremptory challenges place “the
courts’ imprimatur on attitudes that historically” have denied African
Americans full citizenship and “entangles the courts in a web of prejudice
and stigmatization.” Cofield, 320 N.C. at 303, 357 S.E.2d at 625-26. That
is because racial discrimination in jury selection undermines the
“integrity of the judicial system.” Id. at 304, 357 S.E.2d at 626; see also
id. at 301, 357 S.E.2d at 625 (“This Court has long recognized the wrong
inherent in jury proceedings tainted by racial discrimination.”). This
Court has appreciated this reality for over one hundred years. See id, at
- 26 -
301, 357 S.E.2d at 625 (examining Peoples, 131 N.C. at 790, 42 S.E. at
816 (1902)).
Social science confirms the depth of the harm to the defendant.
Non-diverse juries are less deliberative, bring a narrower set of life
experiences to bear, make more factual mistakes, and are less likely to
consider the full body of evidence. See Neil Vidmar, The North Carolina
Racial Justice Act: An Essay on Substantive & Procedural Fairness in
Death Penalty Litigation, 97 Iowa L. Rev. 1969, 1972-75 (Oct. 2012)
(collecting evidence and examples). And they are less able to prevent the
insidious effects of explicit and implicit bias. Id. at 1975-80; see also
Peters v. Kiff, 407 U.S. 493, 503 (1972) (stating that racial prejudice
within the jury system “create[s] the appearance of bias in the decision
of individual cases, and . . . increase[s] the risk of actual bias as well.”).
The harm to the illegally struck juror is just as consequential. Not
only are the juror’s state and federal constitutional rights infringed, he
or she “suffers a profound personal humiliation heightened by its public
character.” Powers, 499 U.S. at 413-14. A report by the non-profit Equal
Justice Initiative emphasizes the impact on individuals subjected to this
humiliation. See Equal Justice Initiative, Illegal Racial Discrimination
- 2 7 -
in Jury Selection: A Continuing Legacy 28-34 (Aug. 2010)
(hereinafter “EJI Report”), https://eji.org/sites/default/files/illegal-racial-
discrimination-in-jury-selection.pdf. Twenty years after being struck,
one African-American juror “grew emotional” when he “recalled how the
prosecutor’s racist actions made him feel unworthy.” Id. at 30.10 Another
African-American juror, struck because he “had traffic tickets and
expressed hesitation about the death penalty” (although white
individuals with similar characteristics were not struck), was
unsurprised “because that’s how the system is around here.” Id. at 29.
These and other stories illustrate how racially biased peremptory
challenges undermine African Americans’ confidence in the judicial
system.
That skepticism among African-American prospective jurors about
the integrity of the judicial process is connected to the overall harm to
the entire community’s perception of justice. This Court has emphasized
“that the judicial system of a democratic society must operate
evenhandedly” and “be perceived to operate evenhandedly” if “it is to
10 His strike was recognized to be a Batson violation by the Court of Criminal
Appeals of Alabama in 1992. Neal v. Alabama, 612 So. 2d 1347, 1349-50 (Ala. Crim.
App. 1992); EJI Report at 30 & n.150.
https://eji.org/sites/default/files/illegal-racial-discrimination-in-jury-selection.pdf
https://eji.org/sites/default/files/illegal-racial-discrimination-in-jury-selection.pdf
- 2 8 -
command the respect and support of those subject to its jurisdiction.”
Moore, 329 N.C. at 247, 404 S.E.2d at 847 (citation omitted); see also
Georgia v. McCollum, 505 U.S. 42, 49-50 (1992) (concluding that bias in
the jury system “undermine[s] the very foundation of our system of
justice—our citizens’ confidence in it”); Batson, 476 U.S. at 87
(recognizing that jury discrimination “undermine[s] public confidence in
the fairness of our system of justice”) (citation omitted); Rose v. Mitchell,
443 U.S. 545, 556 (1979) (observing “injury to the jury system, to the law
as an institution, to the community at large, and to the democratic ideal
reflected in the processes of our courts”) (citation omitted). In short, jury
discrimination causes the belief that “the deck has been stacked in favor
of one side.” 511 U.S. at 140 (internal citation and quotation
marks omitted); see also Lauren M. Ouziel, Legitimacy and Federal
Criminal Enforcement Power, 123 Yale L.J. 2236, 2269-70 (May 2014)
(citing research showing “that people’s perceptions of an authority’s
legitimacy are influenced most by their perceptions of the fairness of the
process and procedures by which it enforces the law”).
For the African-American citizens of North Carolina—indeed, for
all citizens of this State—to have confidence in the rule of law, racial
- 29 -
discrimination in jury selection must be eliminated. Given the
constraints from the McCleskey decision, it is crucial for Defendants to be
able to use statistical evidence to show how their individual cases reflect
a pattern of systemic and widespread racial discrimination in jury
selection to fully address the harm suffered by capital defendants, the
'illegally struck jurors, and the larger community. This is precisely why
the North Carolina Legislature passed the RJA. If this Court were to
foreclose Defendants from seeking appropriate remedies—through the
RJA or other relevant state statutory or federal constitutional claims—it
would place a devastating judicial imprimatur on the racial
discrimination that has been established in these cases.
CONCLUSION
Over three decades ago, the United States Supreme Court was
presented with compelling statistical evidence of racial discrimination in
the McCleskey case. Justice Powell, who cast the deciding vote against
remedying the discrimination, came to regret his decision, but the
devastating consequences are felt to this day. LDF respectfully urges the
members of this Court to avoid Justice Powell’s mistake, but instead
leave a legacy of unequivocal condemnation of racial discrimination in
- 3 0 -
North Carolina’s judicial processes, especially with the life-or-death
consequences of a capital case. Thus, for the foregoing reasons, LDF
respectfully requests this Court to provide all appropriate rehef under
the RJA, N.C.G.S. § 15A-1335, and/or the United States Constitution, as
argued by Defendants-Appellants in the appeals at issue.
Respectfully submitted, this the 16th day of July, 2018.
NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE AND
EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC.
By: /s/ Carlos E. Mahoney
Carlos E. Mahoney
N.C. State Bar No. 26509
Glenn, Mills, Fisher & Mahoney, P.A.
P.O. Drawer 3865
Durham, North Carolina 27702
c.m.ahoncn<̂ g.m.fm-.l.aw.com.
Local Counsel for NAACP Legal Defense
and Educational Fund, Inc.
- 31 -
N.C. R. App. P. 33(b) Certification:
I certify that all of the attorneys listed below have authorized me
to list their names on this document as if they had personally signed it.
By: /s/ Jin Hee Lee
Jin Hee Lee*
NY State Bar No. 3961158
40 Rector Street, 5th Floor
New York, NY 10006
(212) 965-2200
i.lee%.iaacKldf.org
Counsel for NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc.
By: /si W. Kerrel Murray
W. Kerrel Murray*
DC Bar No. 1048468
1444 I Street NW, 10th Floor
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 682-1300
KMhrra^naacnidf'.org
Counsel for NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc.
*Motion for Admission Pro Hac Vice Pending
- 32 -
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I hereby certify that, on July 16, 2018, I served a copy of the
foregoing Brief of Amicus Curiae NAACP Legal Defense and
Educational Fund, Inc. in Support of Defendant-Appellants, by
electronic means upon the following counsel of record for the parties:
Danielle Marquis Elder
Special Deputy Attorney General
North Carolina Dep't of Justice
P.O. Box 629
Raleigh, NC 27602
dmarquis@ncdol.gov
Counsel for State of NC
Jonathan P. Babb
Special Deputy Attorney General
North Carohna Dep’t of Justice
P.O. Box 629
Raleigh, NC 27602
ibabh@ncdoj.gov
Counsel for State of NC
Cassandra Stubbs
ACLU Capital Punishment
Project
201 West Main Street, Suite 402
Durham, NC 27701
cstubbs@aclu.org
Counsel for Defendant Robinson
David Weiss
Center for Death Penalty
Litigation, Inc.
123 W. Main Street, Suite 700
Durham, NC 27701
dcweiss@cdpl.org
Counsel for Defendant Robinson
Donald H. Beskind
Duke University School of Law
Box 90360
Durham, NC 27708
beskind@Iaw.dqkfc.edu
Counsel for Defendant Robinson
Shelagh R. Kenney
Center for Death Penalty
Litigation, Inc.
123 W. Main Street, Suite 700
Durham, NC 27701
she).agh@cdp]. org
Counsel for Defendant Walters
mailto:dmarquis@ncdol.gov
mailto:ibabh@ncdoj.gov
mailto:cstubbs@aclu.org
mailto:dcweiss@cdpl.org
mailto:beskind@Iaw.dqkfc.edu
33
Malcolm R. Hunter Jr.
P.O. Box 3018
Chapel Hill, NC 27515
t,yeh.unterC%-ahoo.com
Counsel for Defendant Walters
Jay H. Ferguson
Thomas, Ferguson & Mullins,
LLP
119 East Main Street
Durham, NC 27701
feyguson@tJYnatix>mev8.com
Counsel for Defendant Golphin
Kenneth J. Rose
809 Carohna Avenue
Durham, NC 27705
kenro8eattv@gm ail. com.
Counsel for Defendant Golphin
Gretchen M. Engel
Center for Death Penalty
Litigation, Inc.
123 W. Main Street, Suite 700
Durham, NC 27701
gretchen@cdpl.org.
Counsel for Defendant
Augustine
James E. Ferguson, II
Ferguson Chambers & Sumter
309 East Morehead Street, Suite
110
Charlotte, NC 28202
fer giet wo@aol. com
Counsel for Defendant
Augustine
This the 16th day of July, 2018.
/s/ Carlos E, Mahoney
Carlos E. Mahoney
Local Counsel for NAACP Legal Defense
and Educational Fund, Inc.
mailto:gretchen@cdpl.org