City of Greenwood, MS v. Peacock On Writ of Certiorari to the US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
Public Court Documents
March 1, 1966

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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. City of Greenwood, MS v. Peacock On Writ of Certiorari to the US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, 1966. 5523e2a6-b49a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/abf790b5-b2f3-40f0-acec-2d15ca26e9e1/city-of-greenwood-ms-v-peacock-on-writ-of-certiorari-to-the-us-court-of-appeals-for-the-fifth-circuit. Accessed April 29, 2025.
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K6« f t -0 « s 7 ^ ” IN THE Supreme Court of the United States OCTOBER TERM, 1965 No. 471 THE CITY OF GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI, Petitioner versus WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL. No. 649 WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL. Petitioners versus THE CITY OP GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI ON WRITS OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT I. Opinions Below ________________________ 1 II. Jurisdiction ____________________________ 2 III. Constitutional Provisions and Statutes Involved ______________________ 2 IY. Questions Presented ___________ 4 V. Statement of the Case----------------------------- 5 VI. Argument A) Point I A.) (Racially Motivated Arrest and Charge) ---- 9 B) Point I B.) (Sufficiency of the Pleadings) -------------------- 13 C) Point II A.) (Unconstitutional Application of Jury Statutes) _____________________________ 16 1) Historical Background ------ 18 2) Construction Problems ____________ 22 3) Supremacy Applies _______________ 24 4) Problems of Judicial Administration.... 27 29 I TABLE OF CONTENTS Page 5) Abstention in Disguise II D) Point II B.) (The Jury Statutes as written are Uncon stitutional) 1) Rives and Powers Apply __________ 32 2) Franchise Connections and Women__ 35 3) Does Mississippi have a real jury system ______________________ -___ 36 E) Point III (Does 28 USC Section 1443(2) apply) 1) Who are “other persons” and what is a “Posse Comitatus” _________________ 37 2) What the refusal to act “ineonsistant” with the 14th Amendment means ------- 40 VII. Conclusion _____________________________ 43 VIII. Certificate ---------------- 45 TABLE OE CONTENTS (Continued) Page I ll Baggett vs. Bullitt, 377 US 360, 84 S. Ct. 1316, 12 TABLE OF CASES Page L. Ed. 2d 377 _____________________________ 30 Baines, et al vs. Danville, et al (C. A. 4) (unreported January 21st, 1966) _____________ 23 Baker vs. Carr, 369 US 186 (1961) ___________ 24, 29 Brown vs. Board of Education 347 US 483 (1954) ________________..._______ 24, 27, 34 Brown vs. Louisiana No. 41 October Term (1966) __ 11 Bush vs. Orleans Parish School Board, 364 US 50, 815 S. Ct. 260, 5 L. Ed. 245 (194 F. Supp. 182) __________________________ 11, 26 Clarksdale vs. Gertge, 237 F. Supp. 213 (1964) ____ 12 Cooper vs. Hutchinson (C. A. 3) 184 F. 2d 119 (1958) _______________________________ 30 Cox vs. Louisiana, 379 US 536 (1965) ____________ 12 Davis vs. Manu, 377 US 678 12 L. Ed. 2d 609, 84 S. Ct. 1453 ________________________________ 30 Dombrowski vs. Pfister, 227 F. Supp. 556 (1964) __________________ _____ 25, 26, 27 Dombrowski vs. Pfister, 380 US 479 (1965) ______________ 12, 13, 24, 25, 29, 30, 31 IV TABLE OF CASES (Continued) Page Douglas vs. City of Jeanette, 319 US 147, 63 S. Ct. 877 87 L. Ed. 1324 ________________________ 30 Engel vs. Vitale, 370 US 421 (1962) ______________ 24 England vs. La. Board of Medical Examiners, 375 US 411 (1964) _____________________ 29, 30 Faye vs. Noia, 372 US 391 (1963) _______________ 24 Georgia vs. Rachel, 342 P. 2d 336 (1965) ______ 12, 13 Griffin vs. County School Board, 377 US 218, 12 L. Ed. 2d 256, 84 S. Ct. 1226 __________________ 30 Hamer, et al vs. Sunflower, et al (C. A. 5) (unreported opinion March 11th, 1966) _______ 35 Harrison vs. NAACP, 360 US 167, 79 S. Ct. 1025, 3 L. Ed. 2d 1152___________________________ 30 Hu An Kow vs. Nunan, 5 Sawy. 552, 600 Fed. Case #6546 (1879) ___________ _____________ __ n Kentucky vs. Powers, 201 US 1, 50 L. Ed. 633 (1906) ------------- 8, 12, 17, 18, 24, 27, 28, 29, 37 Louisiana P. & L. Co. vs. Thibodeaux, 360 US 25, 79 S. Ct. 1070, 3 L. Ed. 2d 1058 ________________ 30 McNeese vs. Board of Education, 373 US 668, 10 L. Ed. 2d 622, 83 S. Ct. 1433 31 V Meredith vs. Fair, 343 F. 2d 343 (1963) __________ 19 NAACP vs. Button, 371 US 415 (1963) ___________ 25 Neal vs. Delaware, 103 US 370 (1881) ___________ 28 Peacock, et al vs. City of Greenwood, 345 F. 2d 679 (C. A. 5) (1965) ______ 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 37, 38, 39 Peay vs. Cox, 190 F. 2d 123 (C. A. 5) (1951) ______... 34 People vs. Galamison, 342 F. 2d 255 (1965) ____ 37, 39 Plessey vs. Ferguson, 163 US 537, 41 L. Ed. 256, 16 S. Ct. 113 (1896) ___________________ 27, 28 Scott vs. Sanford, 19 How. 393, 60 S. Ct. 691 (1857)— 13 Slaughterhouse Cases, The, 16 Wall, 36, 21 L. Ed. 394 (1873) _______ ________________________ 27 State of South Carolina vs. Katzenbach (unreported opinion of March 7, 1966) ____ 31, 32 Strauder vs. West Virginia, 100 US 303 (1880) — 10, 18 U. S. vs. Campbell, (N. D. Miss.) (unreported opinion #G C 633, 1965) ------------- 36 U. S. ex rel Goldsby vs. Harpole, 236 F. 2d 71 (1959) _____________________________ 13, 22 TABLE OF CASES (Continued) Page VI TABLE OF CASES (Continued) Page U. S. vs. Mississippi, 339 F. 2d 679 (C. A. 5) (1964) ------------------------------------------------- 35, 38 U. S. vs. Mississippi, 380 US 128, 85 S. Ct. 088 (1965) ____________ _____ 16, 33, 34, 35, 38 U. S. vs. Wood, 295 F. 2d 772 (1961) _________ 13, 39 Virginia vs. Rives, 100 US 313, 25 L. Ed. 667 (1870) ____ 10, 12, 17, 18, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 37 Weathers, et al vs. City of Greenwood (percuriam) ____________________ 1, 2, 7, 9, 35 Williams vs. Mississippi, 170 US 213 (1898) _______ 22 CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS Civil Rights Act of 1870, 16 Stat. 140____________ 21 Civil Rights Act of 1871, 17 Stat. 13 _____________ 21 Civil Rights Acts of 1875, 18 Stat. 335, 18 Stat. 470 __ 21 Civil Rights Act of 1957, 42 USC Section 1971 __ 38, 43 Civil Rights Act of 1866, 14 Stat. 27 ______ 18, 21, 31 Constitution of Mississippi — Art. 3, Section 31 (1890) ________________________________ 17 VII TABLE OF CASES (Continued) Page Constitution of Mississippi (1890) Art. 14 Section 243 _______________________________ 22 Constitution of Mississippi (1890) Art. 14 Section 244 ____________________________ 22, 34 Constitution of Mississippi, (1890) Art. 14, Section 264 ___________________________ 22, 32 Constitution of the United States, Art. VI (Supremacy Clause) ___________________ ___ 2 Constitution of the United States Amendment 1 3 ----- 21 Constitution of the United States Amendment 1 4 ___________________ 2, 21, 28, 43 Constitution of the United States Amendment 1 5 ___ 21 Federal Rules of Civil Procedure — Rule 8(a) -------- 16 Federal Rules of Civil Procedure — Rule 7 ------------- 23 Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure — Rule 6(b) (2) ____ ________________________ 23 Laws of Mississippi 1866-67, — pp. 232-233 __________________________ 18, 19, 41, 42 17Mississippi Code, Sections 1836-39 ------ Mississippi Code, Sections 2613 and 2639 13 VIII Mississippi Code, Section 2296.5 ___________ 3, 10, 12 Mississippi Code, Section 9352-21, Section 9352-24 __ 6 Mississippi Code, Sections 6185-13, 2089.5 and 2291 _ 6 TABLE OF CASES (Continued) Page Mississippi Code, Section 1798 _______________ 33, 37 Mississippi Code, Section 1796 _______________ 33, 36 Mississippi Code, Section 1766 _______________ 22, 32 Mississippi Code, Section 1762 _______________ 22, 32 Mississippi Code, Section 4065(3) ________________ 15 Mississippi Session Laws 1865, pp. 86-93 _______ 19, 41 28 U S C Section 1443 (1964) _____ ______ 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 17, _______________________________ 23, 37, 39, 40 28 U S C, Section 1446(a) 1964 _______________ 3, 16 42 U S C, Section 1971 _____________________ 14, 43 28 U S C, Section 2283 _________________________ 31 LEGISLATIVE MATERIALS Congressional Globe; 1866, 39th Congress, Pt. I, p. 474 ______________________ 41 IX Congressional Globe; 1866, 39th Congress, Pt. II, p. 1413_____________________________ 40 Congressional Globe; 1866, 39th Congress, Pt. I, p. 588 _______________________________ 42 OTHER SOURCES Aptheker; “Mississippi Reconstruction and The Negro Leader Charles Caldwell” Science and Society, Vol. XI No. 4 _____________________________ 19 Amsterdam; Criminal Prosecutions Affecting Federal ly Guaranteed Rights: Federal Removal and Ha beas Corpus Jurisdiction to Abort State Court Trial; 113 Univ. of Penn. Law Review, 793, (1965) ___________________________________ 40 Franklin; The Relation of the Fifth, Ninth and Four teenth Amendments to the Third American Con stitution -4-5 Howard Law Journal 171 (1958) — 21 Kurland, Toward a Co-operative Judicial Federalism; The Federal Court Abstention Doctrine, 24 FRD 481 ______________________________________ 30 Preaus, Note 8, 39 Tulane Law Review (1965) ____ 29 Silver, Mississippi The Closed Society Harcourt Brace & World (1964) _____________ 19 TABLE OF CASES (Continued) Page TABLE OF CASES (Continued) Page Stephenson, Gilbert T., Race Distinctions in American Law (Appleton, 1910) ______________________ 20 Wharton, Vernon L., The Negro in Mississippi, Univ. North Carolina Press (1947) ---------------------------- 18, 19, 22, 33, 41, 42 Woodward, C. Vann, Origins of the New South, South ern History Series, La. State University Press, Vol. IX (1951) _____________________ 21, 22, 35 Woodward, C. Vann, Reunion and Reaction Doubleday — Anchor Ed. (1956) ___ _____ 21, 22 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES OCTOBER TERM, 1965 No. 471 THE CITY OF GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI, Petitioner versus WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL. No. 649 WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL. versus Petitioners THE CITY OF GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI ON WRITS OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT OPINIONS BELOW The opinion of the District Court below relative to the Peacock portion of this consolidated case is found at page 9 of the record. The Weathers opinion is at page 67 of the record. These opinions are unreported. However, the Court of Appeals opinion in Peacock by Judge Bell, found at page 21 of the record, is reported 2 in 347 F. 2d at 679. The Weathers Appellate opinion is per curiam and unreported. It is found at page 96 of the record. JURISDICTION The original judgments of the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit were entered on June 22nd, 1965 (Peacock) and on July 20th, 1965 (Weathers). No petition for a re-hearing was filed and applications for writs of certiorari were made by the City of Greenwood on August 19, 1965, and by Peacock, et. ah, on October 5, 1965. Certiorari was granted January 17, 1966. This Court has jurisdiction of this matter under title 28 USC §1254(1). CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS AND STATUTES INVOLVED HEREIN 1. The supremacy clause of the Constitution of the United States (Article VI) and the Fourteenth Amend ment to that Constitution are both involved herein. 2. The following statutes are also involved: 28 U.S.C. §1443(1964): §1443. Civil rights cases. Any of the following civil actions or criminal prosecutions commenced in a State court may be removed by the defendant to the district court of the United States for the district and division embracing the place wherein it is pending: (1) Against any person who is denied, or can not enforce in the courts of such State, a right 3 under any law providing for the equal civil rights of citizens of the United States, or of all persons within the jurisdiction thereof; (2) For any act under color of authority derived from any law providing for equal rights, or for refusing to do any act on the ground that it would be inconsistent with such law. 28 U.S.C. 11446(a) (1964): §1446. Procedure for removal. (a) A defendant or defendants desiring to re move any civil action or criminal prosecution from a State Court shall file in the district court of the United States for the district and division within which such action is pending a verified petition containing a short and plain statement of the facts which entitle him or them to re moval together with a copy of all process, plead ings and orders served upon him or them in such action. Mississippi Code §2296.5 “It shall be unlawful for any person or persons to wilfully obstruct the free convenient and nor mal use of any public sidewalk, street, highway, alley, road, or other passageway by impeding, hindering, stifling, retarding or restraining traf fic or passage thereon, and any person or per sons violating the provisions of this act shall be guilty of a misdemeanor.” 4 QUESTIONS PRESENTED I A) Whether a removal petition which alleges a racially-motivated arrest, charge and prosecution of civil rights workers peacefully engaged in a campaign to register Negro voters, which arrest is alleged to be de signed to harass and intimidate such workers, states a case for removal under title 28USC§1443 (1964). (cov ered in part IA) of the argument) I B) Whether as a matter of pleading a removal peti tion that alleges a racially-motivated arrest, charge and prosecution, designed to suppress Negro voter registra tion activity, sufficiently describes a denial of an equal civil right and/or an inability to enforce in the courts of the state a right under a law providing for equal civil rights so as to set forth a case for removal, (cov ered in Part IB) of the Argument) II A) Whether a removal petition which alleges that Negroes are administratively excluded from juries which will try such state-charged petitioners, arrested while assisting Negoes to register to vote, describes an inability to enforce in the courts of that state a right under a law providing for the equal civil rights of citizens, thereby stating a case for removal under Title 28USC§1443 (1). (covered in part IIA) of the Argument) II B) Whether a petition which alleges that state jury selection laws as written are unconstitutional and ex clude females and Negroes from service on juries that will try state-charged petitioners describes an inability to enforce in the courts of that state a right under a law providing for the equal civil rights of citizens, there by stating a case for removal under Title 28 USC§1443- (1)- (covered in Part IIB) of the Argument) 5 III Whether a petition that alleges civil rights workers were arrested and charged by the state for assisting Negroes to register to vote in Mississippi are thereby prosecuted for an act performed under color of authority derived from the Fourteenth Amendment and the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960, and additionally for re fusing to do an act, i.e., for desisting, on the ground that it would be inconsistant with such equal federal laws, all within the meaning of Section 1443(2), sets forth a case for removal, (covered in part III of the Argument) STATEMENT OF THE CASE The fourteen petitioners in the Peacock case were all arrested on March 31, 1964, by city officials in the City of Greenwood, Mississippi, and charged with violating Section 2296.5 of the Mississippi Code Annotated of 1942. Petitioners, who were all members of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, were arrested while picketing the LeFlore County Court House, and were charged with obstructing public streets. On April 3, 1964, before trial in the Police Court of the City of Greenwood, Mississippi, petitioners filed removal peti tions in the United States District Court for the North ern District of Mississippi (Greenville Division), alleg ing jurisdiction under both sub-sections of 28 U.S.C. 1443. Petitioners alleged that they were members of the Stu dent Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, affilated with the Council of Federated Organizations, both civil rights groups. Petitioners further alleged that at the time of their arrest they were engaged in a voter registration drive in LeFlore County, Mississippi, assisting Negroes to register so as to enable them to vote. They further al leged that they could not enforce their rights under the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the Federal Consti 6 tution to be free in speech to petition and to assemble, that they were denied the equal protection of the laws, the privileges and immunities of the laws and the due pro cess of law, inasmuch as, among other things, they were arrested, charged and were to be tried under a state statute which was vague, indefinite and unconstitutional on its face, and was unconstitutionally and arbitrarily applied and used, and was enforced in the instance of their arrest as “a part and parcel of the unconstitutional and strict policy of racial segregation of the State of Mississippi and the City of Greenwood.” Because of the aforementioned, petitioners finally alleged, they were denied and/or could not enforce in the courts of the State of Mississippi the rights they possess providing for equal protection and equal rights. Petitioners invoked the application of both sub-sections of 28 USC. Section 1443. The Weathers case also involved criminal cases re moved from the Police Court of the City of Greenwood, Mississippi, under authority of 28 U.S.C. 1443, subsec tions 1 and 2. In that case there are fifteen applicant- petitioners who were arrested at various times during the month of July, 1964, and charged with the following offenses: parading without a permit in violation of an ordinance of the City of Greenwood, Mississippi, enacted June 21, 1963, and recorded in Minute Book 55 at page 67 of the Records of Ordinances of the City of Green wood, Mississippi; contributing to the delinquency of a minor in violation of Section 6185-13 of Mississippi Code Annotated of 1942; the use of profane and vulgar lang uage in violation of Sections 2089.5 and 2291 of the Mississippi Code Annotated of 1942; disturbance in a pub lic place; disturbing the peace in violation of Section 7 2089.5 of the Mississippi Code Annotated of 1942; as sault; assault and battery; inciting to riot; operating a motor vehicle with improper license tags in violation of Sections 9352-21 and 9352-24 of the Mississippi Code An notated of 1942; interfering with a police officer in the performance of his duty; and reckless driving. Some of the petitioners in the Weathers case are charged with more than one of the offenses listed above, and some of them jointly filed one petition for removal. Petitioners’ petitions for removal in the Weathers case allege different facts, but with respect to 28 U.S.C. Sec tion 1443(1) they allege that petitioners cannot enforce their equal civil rights under the Fourteenth Amendment in the courts of the state for the folio-wing reasons, to wit: Mississippi courts and law enforcement officers are committed to a policy of racial segregation and are pre judiced against petitioners; under Mississippi law, cus tom and practice racially segregated court rooms are maintained; in Mississippi court rooms Negro witnesses and attorneys are addressed by their first names; local counsel are unavailable to petitioners and Mississippi courts are closed to out-of-state attorneys; Mississippi judicial officials are elected by elections in which Negroes have been denied the right to vote; and Negroes are systematically excluded from jury service. The peti tioners also alleged that they were entitled to remove their cases to federal court under the authority of 28 U.S.C. Section 1443(2). In both the Peacock and Weathers cases, the City of Greenwood filed motions to remand, which were sustained by the United States District Court for the Northern District of Mississippi (Greenville Division) on the grounds that the said petitions did not state a removable 8 case under either subsection of 28 U.S.C. Section 1443. The District Court refused to order an evidentiary hear ing on the allegations of the petitions. The petitioners in both cases appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which court, after issuing a stay order in the Peacock case (decided before the 1964 Civil Rights Act permitted an appeal of a remand order) entered judgment in Pea cock on June 22, 1965. The Court of Appeals in the Peacock case affirmed the District Court’s hold ing regarding Section 1443(2) but reversed its holding under Section 1443(1) and therefore remanded that case to the District Court for a hearing on the truth of the allegations in the petitions for removal. The Court of Appeals refused to consider petitioners’ allegation that the Statute under which they were charged was vague and indefinite because the District Court did not reach the question, but held that the unconstitutional applica tion by State Officials of a State Criminal Statute valid on its face in such a manner as to violate a person’s rights under the equal protection clause of the Federal Constitution is sufficient to entitle such person to re move his case to Federal Court. The Court interpreted certain Supreme Court decisions ending with Kentucky v. Powers, 1906, 201 U.S. 1, 50 L. Ed. 633, holding that, in order to establish removal jurisdiction, the denial of equal rights through the systematic exclusion of Negroes from Grand and Petit juries must result from State legislative or constitutional provisions. Interpreting 28 U.S.C. 1443 Subsection (2), the court held that this sec tion is limited to Federal officers and those assisting them or otherwise acting in an official or quasi-official capacity and held that this Section does not authorize re 9 moval by any person who is prosecuted for an act com mitted while exercising an equal civil right under the Constitution or laws of the United States. On July 20, 1965, the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit sustained the petitioners’ motion for a summary reversal in the Weathers case, holding that the issues in that case were identical with and therefore controlled by the Court’s opinion in the Peacock case. In remanding the cases to the District Court for fur ther hearings, the Court of Appeals decided a Federal question, namely, the scope of removal jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. Section 1443. Following these decisions of the Court of Appeals in Peacock and Weathers, the City of Greenwood applied for a writ of certiorari on August 19, 1965. The appel lants below filed a cross-petition for certiorari on October 5, 1965, and this Court granted certiorari on January 17, 1966. ARGUMENT I A RACIALLY - MOTIVATED ARREST AND CHARGE, DESIGNED TO USE STATE LAW TO HARASS AND INTIMIDATE CIVIL RIGHTS WORK ERS WHO ARE ASSISTING NEGROES IN REGIST ERING TO VOTE, PRESENTS A CASE FOR RE MOVAL UNDER 28 U.S.C. SECTION 1443(1). A. In this case the “law providing for the equal civil rights of citizens . . .” is the Fourteenth Amendment. In the decision below, Judge Bell makes three points in regard to this part of the argument. First, he simply states that this is the law involved: 10 “It is settled that the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment constitutes a ‘Law providing for the equal civil rights of citizens of the United States’ within the meaning of Sec tion 1443(1).” Secondly, he held that while the due process clause is not such a law providing for equal civil rights, where the claimed denial of an equal civil right is based on race, such a claim meets the test of the removal statute: “The removal statute contemplates those cases that go beyond a mere claim of due process vio lation; they must focus on racial discrimination in the context of denial of equal protection of the laws.” Thirdly, and most importantly, the court below held that mere allegation of an unconstitutional application of state laws so as to deny equal protection because of race is sufficient to meet the whole test of removal: “Appellants allege that Mississippi Code Section 2296.5 is being applied against them for pur poses of harassment, intimidation and as an impediment to their work in the voter registra tion drive, thereby depriving them of equal pro tection of the Laws. We simply hold that these allegations entitle appellants to remove their cases to the federal court.” Of great significance is the fact that the opinion be low distinguishes this pre-trial, administrative type of denial from the narrow interpretation given Section 1443 by the Rives and Powers doctrine1 and restricts those 1 Virginia vs. R ives, (1870) 100 U.Si. 313, 25 L. Ed. 667; K en tu cky vs. Powers (1906) 201 U.S. 1, 26 S. Ct. 387, 50 L, Ed. 633, and Strauder vs. W est V irg in ia et. al. U.S, 303 (1880). 11 eases to their bare facts. This holding is elaborated upon in point IIA) which follows. In essence it should be said that these holdings above set forth recognize the realities of Negro life in Missis sippi in 1964-65 and even now. Judges, and especially Federal judges, are not “. . . forbidden to know as judges what [they] see as men.” Hu An Kow vs. Nunan, 5 Sawy. 552, 560, Fed. Cas. #6546 (1879). In effect, what Judge Bell was saying was that when a minor state statute is used as a concealed segregation law, the courts will deny the states that use of that law. The federal courts have repeatedly stated that they will strike down, even by the extraordinary writs, sophis ticated as well as simple-minded schemes of racial segre gation.2 The State of Mississippi piously complains and in all innocence states that it fails to see a possible con nection between obstruction of the public streets and being unable to enforce an equal civil right in the State courts.3 The most recent decisions of this court have swiftly punctured such bland smugness. In Brown vs. Louisiana, (No. 41, October Term, 1965, opinion rendered February 23, 1966), Mr. Justice Fortas does not hesitate to see as a judge what we all know as men, when he says: “We need not be beguiled by the ritual of the request for a copy of ‘The Story Of The Negro.’ We need not assume that petitioner Brown and his friends were in search of a book for night reading. We instead rest upon the manifest 2B ush vs. Orleans P arish School Board, 364 TJ.S. 500, 81 S, Ct. 260, 5 L. Ed. 2d 245 (194 F . Supp. 182). 3See pages 3 and 4 of City of Greenwood’s b rie f below in the C ourt of Appeals. 12 fact that they intended to and did stage a peace ful and orderly protest demonstration . . The entire appellate history of this removal statute until Rachel4 found the courts blind to the real meanings of southern rural Negro life and responsive only to be guiling notes of the southern redeemers preaching a new application of an old formalism. This formalism, re flected by the Gertge5 decision, was founded by Rives and Powers and those cases that followed Neal vs. Dela ware 103 U.S. 370. This court has consistently looked through many such versions of legal obscurantism and empty formalism to reach the truth. Dombrowski vs. Pfister 380 U.S. 479 (1965), Cox vs. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 536 (1965). It should be so in this case. Opposition to the southern Negro freedom movement consistently indulges in the rigid legal formalism re quired to conceal the true intent of crypto-segregationist statutes such as Section 2296.5 of the Mississippi Code. From the over-frequent use of such banal enactments one would almost be persuaded that the reason Missis sippi law enforcement officials are unable to solve the frequent racial homicides in their state is that Mississippi is simply overrun with Negroes wantonly picketing court houses or unlawfully using profanity.6 The real truth, however, is not so lightly stated. The Mississippi statutes used or rather misused here are part and parcel of a rebellious and arrogant defiance of fed erally-created, and protected, rights by the State of Mis 4Georgia vs. R achel et. al. 342 F . 2nd 336 (1965). 5Clarksdale vs. Gertge, 237 F . Supp. 213 (1964). S it is estim ated th a t nearly 3000 civil r ig h ts m isdem eanor cases still pend in M ississippi S ta te and F edera l courts, a ll left over from the F reedom Sum m er of 1964 and before. 13 sissippi. The power structure of that state is doing to day what it did one hundred years ago; that is, to erect simple-minded and, when necessary, ingenious ramparts to hold off Federal protection for the Negro. Although the Mississippi Legislature may have diffi culty in legalizing state-taxed whiskey,7 it is not so naive as to legislate Negroes out of the jury system in exact terms or to specify that only civil rights workers can be arrested for obstructing the city streets. On the other hand, no person should be expected to believe that Negroes serve freely on Mississippi juries,8 or that civil rights workers are not harassed.9 The current formalism of the Southern legal position on civil rights is no more valid than the earlier disreput able formalism of the Dred Scott case.10 It is this nacent, empty, legal formalism that the Court below struck at when it authorized this removal. That part of the opinion should be affirmed. B. THE PLEADING IS SUFFICIENT. The pleading herein complained of by the City of Greenwood was found to be sufficient by the Court of Appeals: “Under the Precedent of Rachel and the au thorities therein cited having to do with notice type pleading, we hold that the removal petitions are adequate at this stage of the proceeding . . .u 7See § 2639, M ississippi code tax in g alcoholic sp irits , th e possession of w hich is m ade illegal by M ississippi Code § 2613. 8U.S. ex re l Goldshy vs. H arpole, 236 F. 2d 71 (1959). QU.S. vs. Wood, 295 F . 2d 772 (1961); D om'browski vs. P fister , 227 F Supp. 56 (1964) (D issen t) , 380 TT.S. 479 (1965). lOScott vs. Sandford, 19 How. 393 60 S. Ct. 691 (1857). U Opinion below, 347 F. 2d 679 a t 682. 14 The petitions clearly allege the expressly unconstitu tional character of the statutes sought to be employed by the State,12 as well as the unconstitutional applica tion of those laws.13 Admittedly, the language of the Peacock petition is more general than Weathers but its allegations leave no doubt that at least the petitioners claimed harassment as a Section 1443 (1) ground, and the voting provisions of the 1960 Civil Rights Act (42 U.S.C. 1971) as authority for a Section 1443(2) re moval. The Peacock petition allegations that bring into focus 1443(1) are as follows: “II. Petitioner is a member of the Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee affiliated with the Conference [Council] of Federated Organ izations, both Civil Rights Groups and was at the time of the arrest engaged in a voter reg istration drive in Leflore County, Mississippi, assisting Negroes to register so as to enable them to vote as protected under the Federal Consti- ttuion and the Civil Rights Act of 1960, being 42 USCA 1971 et. seq. III. Petitioner as a citizen of the United States cannot enforce his rights under the first and 14th amendments of the Federal Constitution to be free in speech, to petition and to assemble; is denied the equal protection of the Laws, the privileges and immunities of the Laws and due process of Laws, inasmuch as among other things was arrested, charged and is to be tried under a state statute that is vague, indefinite and unconstitutional on its face; is unconstitu tionally and arbitrarily applied and used, and 12R. 4 for Peacock, R. 42, W eathers. 13R. 4 for Peacock, R. 38-42, W eathers. 15 is enforced in this instance as a part and parcel of the unconstitutional and strict policy of racial segregation of the State of Mississippi and the City of Greenwood.” The main Weathers allegations covering subsection (1) are: “C-l. The arrests and prosecutions of Petition ers have been and are being carried on with the sole purpose and effect of harassing Petition ers and of punishing them for and deterring them from the exercise of their constitutionally protected right to protest the conditions of ra cial discrimination and segregation which exist in all public aspects of life in Mississippi and which the State of Mississippi now maintains and seek to enforce by statute, ordinance, reg ulations, custom, usage and practice. C-2. Among recent legislative enactments evi dencing Mississippi’s policy to enforce racial discrimination and segregation and to suppress all protest against such discrimination and seg regation are Mississippi Code, Section 4065(3), which purports to prohibit the executive offi cers of the State from obeying the desegrega tion decisions of the United States Supreme Court, and the several statutes enacted by the 1964 session of the Mississippi legislature which purport to prohibit picketing of public build ings, congregating and refusing to disperse; printing or circulating material which interferes with the operation of a business establishment; printing or circulating material which advocates social equality; the disturbing of the peace of others; giving false statements of complaints to Federal officials; obstructing public streets; en couraging others to remain on private premises of another when forbidden to do so; and statutes 16 which purport to authorize officials to restrain the movements of groups and individuals and to impose curfews; authorize an increase in the strength of the State Highway Patrol from 274 to 475 men and give the Governor power to dis patch the Highway Patrol into areas on his own initiative; authorize an increase of the maxi mum penalty for violating a city ordinance from 30 to 90 days imprisonment and a fine of $300; and authorize communities to pool their police forces and equipment.14 Additionally, the Weathers petitions refer specifically to jury discrimination,15 State policy of racial segrega tion,16 unfair trial,17 and lack of counsel,18 all arguable grounds for removal under Section 1443(1). The removal statues (28 U.S.C. Section 1446(a) (1964)) require the petition to contain “a short and plain state ment of the facts which entitle [the petitioner] . . . to removal.” Since 1948 this rule has brought removal practice into line with the notice pleading theories of Rule 8(a) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure.19 Whether one uses the “short and plain statement” of the Peacock petition or the more detailed allegations of the Weathers petitions, the pleading requirements of Fed eral law relative to removal are met in these cases. II A. A REMOVAL PETITION WHICH ALLEGES UNCONSTITUTIONAL APPLICATION OF STATE 14In th is regard see the l is t of s ta te voter re g is tra tio n im pedim ents se t fo r th by Mr. Ju s tice B lack in h is opinion in U.S. vs. M ississippi, 380 tX.Si. 128, 85 S. Ct. 808 (1965) a t 810. 15R. 41 (C-3-f). 16R. 38 (0-2). 17R. 39-40 (C-3-a). 18R. 40-41 (0-3-8). 19(See page 117, footnote 17, R achel b rief in th is C ourt). 17 LAWS, INCLUDING JURY SELECTION STATUTES, SO AS TO EXCLUDE NEGROES FROM JURY SERV ICE, SETS FORTH A CASE FOR REMOVAL UNDER SECTION 1443(1), TITLE 28 U.S.C. The issue posed by this headnote is that of the legal and historical validity of the doctrines of Virginia vs. Rives, (100 U.S. 313 (1880) and Kentucky vs. Powers, 201 U.S. 1 (1906). These cases can be said to severely limit federal removal by holding that the denial of equal protection must appear from explicit state statute or constitutional enactment. Had it not been for these de cisions, modern federal practice would have brushed aside such arguments and promptly examined the facts of jury service by Negroes in the jurisdictions concerned. However, because of these cases, we must pause to con sider whether or not a petition that alleges the Negro20 person or civil rights worker accused by the state can not enforce in the state courts an equal civil right when Negroes are excluded from the jury by corruption and maladministration, states a case for removal. This question cannot be considered in, a vacuum. While obviously there is no evidence on this point in the record since no hearing was permitted below, the basis for the allegation should be examined. This requires a histori cal treatment; not only of what Mississippi society has done to the institution of the jury trial, but what it has done to the Negro. Such facts as this treatment may disclose are not evidence, however. They are drawn from sources that include the federal courts as well as historians, and may tell us how and why the historically incorrect doctrines of Rives and Powers are 20R. 3 9 , 40. Also by th e M issississippi C onstitu tion A rt. 3 § 31, & Miss. Code §§ 1836-39, p e titioners a re en titled to a tr ia l by ju ry . 18 inconsistent with the experiences of life and legally wrong. In any consideration of what the Thirty-Ninth Con gress had in mind when it passed the third section of the Civil Rights act of 1886, the state of the nation, and of the South of that time, in particular, is im portant. This subject is considered in the following part. One final comment by way of introduction is in order. It should be noted that Part B of this second part of the Argument is an alternative attack upon the Mississippi jury system as unconstitutional on its face. A reading of the state statutes will show that Mississippi may not have been as ingenious or competent as some other states in devising a jury selection system that appears racially non-discriminatory, but this should not detract from the fact that the Mississippi laws here considered allow a full-fledged and complete theoretical attack on the Rives and Powers doctrine. 1) Historically, Mississippi, like West Viriginia in the Strauder case,21 attempted to rebuild the old society of privilege with new forms. Early in the 1865-67 redemp tion of that state, Negroes were by explicit statute ex cluded from jury service.22 After Strauder and with communication between Northern Republicans and South ern redeemers restored by the Hayes-Tilden arrangement (and spelled out in detail by Rives and Powers), that state understood the ground rules. Henceforth, while on the one hand excluding Negroes from the political and judicial life of the State,23 it presented on the other hand 21Strauder vs. W est V irginia, 100 U.S. 303 (1880). 22Laws of M ississippi, 1866-67, pp. 232-233. 23W harton, The Negro in M ississippi, (U n iversity of N orth C arolina P ress 1947), C hapter XIV. 19 a fraudulent legal image of strict racial indifference to the nation.24 Actually, the ability of the free Mississippi Negro to enforce in his State courts such elemental rights of citi zenship as legal personality and the competency to give evidence, was specifically denied in law as early as 1865.25 The abandonment that year by the Federal Occupying forces of the Freedmens Bureau courts throughout the state26 was an ominous sign of the larger abandonment of the Negro that occurred in 1877, following the elec tion of Hayes. The very first attempt by Mississippi to legislate Freed mens rights resulted in the Black Codes of 1865, which in effect re-enacted the slave codes with modifications.27 These codes prohibited Negroes from holding rural land, and in effect conscripted the Negro into a race of in dentured servants. The first post-war Provisional Mis sissippi Legislature even attempted by resolution to nul lify emanicipation and to restore slavery. This proposal received substantial minority support.28 Though the Black Codes were repealed in 1867, the Legislature specifically provided that Negroes could not serve on grand and petit juries.29 This rule was over 24This im age has its m odern m akers. P rofessor S ilver w rites: “The contention of th e B oard of T rustees and of U n iversity offi cials, accepted as fac t by Judge Mize . . th a t th e U niversity is no t a rac ia lly segregated in s ti tu tio n ’ and th a t ‘the s ta te has no policy of seg regation’, . . . defies h is to ry and comm on know ledge.” Silver, M ississippi: The Closed Society (H arco u rt Brace & W orld, 1964), page 114, M eridith vs. F air, 343 F2d 343 (1963). 25W harton, op cit., pages 76, 77, 134 and 135. 26General O rders #13 , V icksburg, October 21, 1865, quoted in W harton, op. cit. 27Mississippi Session Law s 1865, parag raphs 86-93. 28C onstitutional Convention Jo u rn a l 1865, parag raphs 68-70; see also in th is regard , A p theker; “M ississip in R econstruction and the Negro Leader Charles Caldwell,” Science and Society, Vol. X I, No. 4, p, 340, a t p. 343. 29Laws of M ississippi 1866-67, p a rag rap h s 232-233. 20 turned only by the order of the Federal Occupational Commander two years later.30 Professor Wharton, in his work, The Negro in Missis- sippi (University of North Carolina Press, 1947) at page 137 succinctly describes the plight and history of Negro jurymen in that state: “After 1875, the Negroes appeared in smaller and smaller numbers on the jury panels, but their complete elimination did not occur until after 1890. In the constitution of that year it was provided that all persons serving on grand or petit juries must be qualified electors and must also be able to read and write. Thus the elimination of the Negro as a voter served also to remove him from the jury bench, and in a land of white officers, white judges, white law yers and white juries, the term daw,’ in the Negroes’̂ mind, came more and more to mean only a big white man with a badge.” In his book, Race Distinctions in American Laiv (Ap- pelton, 1910) Gilbert T. Stephenson, at page 259, graphi cally illustrates the extent to which by 1910, Negroes were excluded from jury service. He quotes from letters solicited from Clerks of Court in Mississippi covering nine counties. The adminstrative method of exclusion set forth is appallingly efficient.31 30General O rders No. 32 A ppletons Cyclopedia 1864, p a ras 455-456 V icksburg D aily Tim es, A pril 30, 1869. 31A sam ple from county # 6 : “ . . . In m y County we had no Negroes on th e ju ry fo r the past 15 years o r more. We have som e 30,000 colored population in th is county, . . . and we have only about 175 reg iste red in the county The board of supervisors, a s a ru le, does no t place th e ir nam es in th e box. . . . ” Sam ple from County # 7 : “1000 w hite people, 4000 N egroes: . . . we have no N egro ju ro rs in th is county a t a ll.” 21 The federal response to such actions of the provisional government was reasonably swift and direct. If the southern legislatures, including Mississippi, were to re impose slavery in another form, then the base of the electorate had to be radically altered. After the Civil Rights Act of 186632 had been followed by the Thirteenth Amendment, the foundation had been laid for the balance of the “Third American Constitution,”33 the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, and the Civil Rights Acts of 1870, 1871 and 1875.34 As a result of these enactments the formal legislative response to the war was largely complete. Two essential points were made by this codification. First, that while the war had been fought in the name of the Union, the legal expression of victory was, not unexpectedly, couched in terms of equal humans rights, and — secondly — those rights received extensive and serious federal protection. The withdrawal of that pro tection as a matter of political expediency at the time of the Hayes-Tilden arrangement of 187735 cannot detract from the validity of its original content, or the effective ness and necessity of its current meaning. While the federal government turned away after 1890 from an interest in Negro rights, and was engaged in Asian wars, and the struggle in Cuba,36 the state of Mis- 32Act of A pril 9, 1866, chs. 31, 14, s ta tu te 27. 33See F ran k lin , The R ela tion of th e F ifth , N in th and F ourteen th A m end m en ts to the 3rd C onstitution, 4-5, H oward Law Journal, 171 (1958) 341870; ch. 114; 16 S tat. 140: 1871; ch. 22, 17 S tat. 13: 1875; A ct of M arch 1, 1875, Ch. 114, 18 S tat. 335, and Act of M arch 3, 1875, Ch. 137, 18 S tat. 470. 35.Siee W oodward, R eun ion and R eaction Doubleday-Anchor Ed. (1956). 360n th is po in t see the effect of Im peria lism in A sia described by P ro fesso r W oodward. “W ith the sections (N orth and South) in rapport, the w ork of w ritin g th e w hite m an’s law for A sia and Afro-Am erica w ent fo rw ard sim ultaneously .” Origins of the N ew South , S outhern H isto ry Series, La. S ta te Univ. P ress, 1951, page 326. 22 sissippi, as ruled by the redeemers, was “responsible” to its sources of power. In the Constitution of 1890, Ne groes were finally and effectively denied the franchise and thereby excluded from jury service. It is not coin cidental that this document, containing a “grandfather” clause and “comprehension” requirements, similar to pre sent franchise enactments,37 followed Rives and preceeded Williams vs. Mississippi.38 By this time Negro registra tion was down in that state from a high in 1867 of 60,167 (46,636 for whites) to 8,615 (68,127 whites in 1892.39 The constitutional connection between the franchise and jury service has continued to this day40 and serves as a vital link in the Mississippi plan of racial segregation.41 2) Mississippi was not so different from the other states of the old Confederacy that its experiences and response were unique. Certainly, these matters were in the mind of Congress when in 1866 it clearly stated that criminal prosecutions commenced in a state court may be removed to a federal forum when they were brought against: “Any person who is denied . . . a right under any 37Mississippi C onstitu tion , Sections 243-244. 38170 U.S. 213 (1898). 39W harton op. cit., pp. 146 and 215. 40Mississippi C onstitu tion A rt. 14, Section 264; M ississippi code, Sections 1762 and 1766. See also GoldsVy vs. H arpole, op. cit. 41For a good descrip tion of th e M ississippi P lan see W oodward. Origins of the N ew South , S ou thern H isto ry Steries. La. S tate Univ. P ress, p. 321 (1951). T his p lan w as w idely copied by the o ther Southern S tates. (W oodw ard; R eun ion and R eaction, op. cit. a t p. 45). A nother v ita l link w as the “A tlan ta Ctompromise” announced in 1895 by B ooker T. W ash ing ton w hich confirm ed th e Negro abandonm ent of the P opulists (who had ea rlie r em barked upon th e policy of u n itin g w hites so as to allow them to d iv ide). T h is policy no t only recognized th a t 20 years of te r ro r and opression had taken its toll, bu t p rac tica lly inv ited th e fina l d is franch isem en t of The Negro by assign ing him a servile and hum ble ro le in the New South. 23 law providing for the equal rights of citizens of the United States. . . or against: “Any person who . . . cannot enforce in the courts of such state, a right under any law pro viding for the equal civil rights of citizens of the United States.” The above language does not appear in the statute in that exact form, but under the construction given Section 1443(1) by Judge Soboloff of the Fourth Circuit in his dissent from that Court’s opinion in Baines vs. Danville (opinion, unreported, January 21st, 1966), the rendition is justified. Petitioners have obviously alleged they cannot enforce the right to a trial jury impartially selected in the courts of Mississippi. While in the day of the Rives case federal and/or state procedure may have been in adequate to show jury selection discrimination in advance of trial, such is not true today. Adequate remedies exist in Federal courts under the rules of both civil and crimi nal procedure42 to test the jury selection process. The argument that such a showing must not be “first made manifest at the trial of the case”43 has no real meaning in modern times, since matters of jury composition are routinely taken up and made manifest well in advance of trial. The statute as it stands today must allow removal when, in the light of experience in life and judicial history, the 42Civil R ules R ule 7; C rim inal R ules Rule 6 ( b ) ( 2 ) . 43R ives a t p. 319. 24 allegations, if proven, would show the denial of a federal ly-protected equal right, or the inability to enforce such right at time of trial. In reality, there is no logical justification for the court below to say that these peti tioners can remove because a statute, unconstitutionally enforced, denied them their equal civil rights by unfair arrest, and to say as well that they cannot remove when administrative exclusion of their race from the jury pre vents them from being able to enforce in the state courts the “equal civil right” of “equal protection of the laws.” It is indeed difficult for a person to conceive of such a difference or to avoid the conclusion that if Peacock is the law, then Rives and Powers should be overruled. 3) While it might be said that the Rives-Powers rul ing avoids unnecessary federal-state conflicts and restricts the removal statute to prosecutions by states so naive as to explicitly — by statute — discriminate against Negroes in this day and age, this is to ignore not only life, but the requirements of federal law. In recent years Federal courts have largely abandoned state court review as the only method of exerting federal sovereignty. Sensing a growing indifference on the part of state governments to federal rights, and recognizing the primacy of the supremacy clause, the federal courts have not hesitated to step in on selected occasions to exert the power of the United States in defense of its citizens. This has occurred in matters of: reapportionment, (Baker vs. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1961) ; school prayer, (Engel vs. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421 (1962) ); school desegregation, (Brown vs. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) ); civil liber ties, (Donnbrowski vs. Pfister 380 U.S. 479 (1965) ); and fair trial, {Faye vs. Noia 372 U.S. 391 (1963) ). All of these cases have used extraordinary remedies (of in 25 junction or habeas corpus) to supplement the traditional method of state-federal review. The court recognized in these instances the urgency and importance of immediate federal intervention to protect federal rights. That find ing is equally justified in the removal cases here pre sented. In this regard Dombroivski vs. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479 (1965) clearly held that where federal rights are in danger from state action the proper function of the fed eral courts is to interpose federal power between the individual citizen of the United States and the State: “When the statutes also have an over-broad sweep, as is here alleged, the hazard of loss or substantial impairment of those precious rights may be critical. For in such cases, the statutes lend themselves too readily to denial of those rights. The assumption that defense of a crimi nal prosecution will generally assure ample ven- dication of constitutional rights is unfounded in such cases. See Baggett vs. Bullitt, supra, at 379. For “the threat of sanctions may deter . . . almost as potently as the actual application of santions . . .” NAACP vs. Button, 371 U.S. 415, 433.44 The free speech First Amendment rights referred to in the Dombrowski opinion quoted above are no more 44380 U.S. 479 a t 486. See also d issen ting opinion of Judge W isdom in an ea rlie r rep o rt in th is case found a t 227 F. Supp. 556 (1964) w herein he w ro te: “Once m ore I em phasize th a t th e basic e rro r in the co u rt’s decision is its fa ilu re to d is tin g u ish betw een th e type case now before i t and the ru n of the m ine su it by a c rim ina l offender ask ing for re lie f ag a in s t un law fu l S tate action. In the Civil R igh ts Act Congress estab lished a d is tin c t federal cause of action in favor of those whose constitu tional r ig h ts have been invaded. 42 U.SIC.A. Sections 1981, 1983, 1985. As a m a tte r of law, since such cases involve a federa l ques tion , the r ig h t existed anyw ay. The fact th a t such cases involve a dis pu te over federally protected freedom s m ake th e federal co u rt th e app rop ria te forum for se ttlem en t of the d ispute.” 26 precious and are no more federal in character than the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendment rights made available for special protection by the civil rights removal statute. Title 28, Section 1443, does not allow the removal of all or even most criminal cases, and the jury selection interpretation sought here does not en compass procedural evils in jury selection which do not touch on the equal protection guarantees of the wartime amendments. This is not argued here. However, what is said now is that these amendments had one great aim -—- to bring the Negro up to the level of the white man and to use federal power to see that this was accomp lished. This was why federal removal was vital to the true implementation of these amendments. Here the petitioners seek, as did the Freedmens Bureau one hundred years ago, to raise the Negro up, to give him the vote and the education to use it. For this they were exposed to the wrath of the white Mississippi com munity which promptly set into motion the machinery of the state to suppress them. The facts of Dombroivski show the same sequence of events in Louisiana. As stated by Judge Wisdom in his District Court dissenting opinion in that case: “Chairman Pfister is quoted as saying that the plaintiffs were racial agitators. If that is true, and if the plaintiff’s modest agitation by mail was motivated only by the plaintiff’s interest in civil rights for Negroes- then once again, as in Bush vs. Orleans Parish School Board, the State has marshalled the full force of its criminal law to enforce its social philosophy through the po liceman’s club.’ Under any rational concept of federalism the federal district court has the pri mary responsibility and the duty to determine 27 whether a state court proceeding is or is not a disguised effort to maintain the State’s unyield ing policy of segregation at the expense of the in dividual citizen’s federally guaranteed rights and freedoms.45 Rives and Powers reflect no more than the removal counterpart of Plessy vs. Ferguson,46 These ancient re moval cases are judicial reflections of the Hayes-Tilden compromise withdrawing the previously given federal sup port of the Negro. This withdrawal was first signalled in the Slaughterhouse cases,47 and consistently followed for seventy-five years. It was finally given its death blow in Brown vs. Board of Education.48 Rives and Pow ers deserve the same fate. 4) Not only were these two removal cases historically wrong to begin with and now hopelessly out of date, but their reasoning is completely deficient as clearly set forth by the city itself in its application to this court where on page 16 it says: “Furthermore, City submits that there is no more reason for Congress to have believed that one would be denied his equal civil rights in the courts of the state because state officials alleged ly arrested and charged him in violation of the equal protection clause than if state officials dis criminated against him in violation of the equal protection clause in the selection of the grand and/or petit jurors.” Applicants would turn this argument on its head and say that there is as much reason for Congress to have believed that one would be denied his “equal civil rights” by a system of racially discriminatory jury selection as by a racially motivated arrest and charge. 45D om brow sM vs. P fister , 227 F . Supp. a t p. 583. 46163 U.S. 537, 41 L,. Ed. 256, 16 S. Ct. 1138 (1896). 4716 W all; 36, 21 K Ed. 394 (1873). 48347 U.S. 483, 98 L. Ed. 873, 74 St. Ct. 686 (1954). 28 Clearly, Judge Bell, below, is hard put to follow the reasoning of Rives and Powers. He simply did the best possible job on this point while recognizing the inapprop riateness of his Circuit Court’s attempting to strike them down. Judicial adminstration in that circuit has been sorely tried by the obstructionist effect of these Plessy type opinions. Clearly Negroes’ rights are more effectively protected and the judicial process more properly and ef ficiently used if the equal protection problems posed by racially discriminatory jury selection systems are avoided in the first instance by the simple process of federal re moval rather than by being dragged through the federal courts for years by the habeas corpus — appeal — certiorari method. Certainly the Fifth Circuit in its recent en banc hearing49 was searching for something 49ln R ives the cou rt recom m ended to th e federa l system th e case-by-case m ethod of federal review sanctiond by N eal vs. Delaware. T h is m ethod has proved in practice to be unw ieldy, expensive, and a burden to the docket. I t has fa iled to produce su b stan tia l ju stice in circum stances of w idespread d isregard of federa l rig h ts . On D ecember 16th and 17th 1965 the C ourt of A ppeals fo r the F if th C ricu it held a n ex trao rd in a ry en banc h earin g covering seven ju ry d iscrim ination cases. These ap peals w ere selected from all over the c ircu it by v ir tu e of th e i r im port ance. _ These argum ents w ere certa in ly in p a r t designed to aid th e court in its search fo r a so lu tion to the problem posed to its docket by th e m ounting num ber of such cases. All five of the s ta te cases w ere hapeas corpus appeals w hich re lied on th e N eal case, and the records th e re in clearly showed th e consistency w ith w hich th e requ irem en ts of th e F o u rteen th A m endm ent for im partia lly selected ju r ie s have been consisten tly d isregarded in th e S ou thern S tates. The cases heard w ere: I tT. S. ex rel E dgar Labat vs. B ennett, D kt. No. 22218, IT. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircu it. 2t7. S', ex rel E dw ard D avis vs. D avis, Dkt. No. 21926. U. S. C ourt of Appeals, F if th C ircuit. W . S. ex 7-el A ndrew J. Sco tt vs. W alker, Dkt. No. 20814, U. S. C ourt of Appeals, F if th C ircu it. iW illie B rooks vs. Beto, Dkt. No. 22809, U. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircuit. 5Jon i R ab inow itz vs, XJ. 8., D kt. No. 21256, U. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircuit. ®Eliza Jackson, et al vs. V. 8., D kt. No. 21345, U. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircu it. lO rzell B illingsley, Sr. vs. Clayton, D kt. No. 22304, U. S. C ourt of Appeals, F if th C ircuit. 29 along these lines. Only this court can ultimately restore this vital federal right of equal protection in jury selection to the Negro people in an effective and efficient way. Powers and Rives should be overruled. 5) No only is the Rives-Powers doctrine a facet of Plessy, but it is another version of abstention in disguise. In reality, the doctrine was invented (and, given the legislative history of the removal statute and the realities of Reconstruction, there can be no other term) to return jurisdiction of the Negro back to the tender mercies of the states of the Old Confederacy. It was part and par cel of the meaning of the Hayes-Tilden compromise of 1877 and suffers today from all the defects inherent in the state activities and in-activities struck down by the new decisions limiting abstension. The old abstention doctrine was too broad and was de fective in at least two ways.50 “1) it removes the federal courts from creative participation in the development of the law, and 2) it could cause the litigants great expense and delay.” These important issues were all present in Dombrowski vs. Pfister 380 U.S. 479 (1965) and in the reapportionment cases beginning with Baker vs. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962). Additionally, the great principal of having a federal forum and federal proection for fed eral rights, embodied in the federal removal statute, and extended by Dombrowski and England,51 is abrogated by this Rives-Powers version of abstension. As stated in England: “Abstention is a judge-fashioned vehicle for ac- 50See P reaus, Note # 8 , 39 Tulane Law R eview 57? a t 579 (1965). 51E ngland vs. La. Bd. o f Med. E xam iners, 375 U.S. 411 (1964). 30 cording appropriate deference to the ‘respective competence of the state and federal court sys tems.’ Louisiana P. & L. Co. vs. Thibodaux, 360 U.S. 25,29 79 S. Ct. 1070, 1073, 3 L. Ed. 2d 1058. Its recognition of the role of state courts as the final expositors of state law implies no disregard for the primacy of the federal judici ary in deciding questions of federal law.52 Ac cordingly, we have on several occasions explicitly recognized that abstention does not, of course, invlove the abdication of federal jurisdiction, but only the postponement of its exercise. Harrison vs. NAACP 360 U.S. 167, 177. 79 S. Ct. 1025, 1030, 3 L. Ed. 2d 1152___ ” Shortly after the England decision this court decided Dombrowski, wherein it was held: “We hold the abstention doctrine is inappropri ate for cases such as the present one where, un like Douglas vs. City of Jeanette,53 statutes are justifiably attacked on their face as abridging free expression, or as applied for the purpose of discouraging protected activities.” This did no more than logically extend the principal that where a state statute is unconstitutionally vague, inhibiting of the exercise of First Amendment freedoms, and deterring constitutionally protected conduct, federal district courts may not abstain from adjudication and re lief. Cooper vs. Hutchinson (1958 CA 3), 184 F. 2d 119; Baggett vs. Bullitt, 377 U.S. 360, 366, 367, 372, 12 L. Ed. 2d 377, 84 Sc. Ct. 1316; Griffin vs. County School Board, 377 U.S. 218, 12 L. Ed. 2d 256, 84 S. Ct. 1226; Davis vs. Manu 377 U.S. 678, 12 E. Ed. 2d 609, 84 S. Ct. 1453; 52See K urland , Tow ard a Co-operative Jud icia l F edera lism : The Federal Court A bsten tion D octrine, 24 FR D 1 481, 487. 53319 U.S. 147, 63 S. Ct. 877, 87 L. Ed. 1324. 31 McNeese vs. Board of Education, 373 U.S. 668 10 L. Ed. 2d 622, 83 S. Ct. 1433. In effect the Congress of 1866 in passing the federal removal section of the Civil Rights Act declared as a matter of national legislative policy that in the field of equal protection for Negroes, there was to be no doctrine of abstention, and that the federal equal civil rights were not to be subjected to state adjudication by the former slave-holding class. As to such rights, the extraordinary situations that must be present to overcome Section 228354 so that an injunction might issue (as in Dombrowski) are almost assumed to exist. In effect, the Congress, as shown in its debates, took legislative notice of the rebel lious attitudes and defiant disregard by the Southern oli garchy of the equal civil rights of the Negro. This notice, as written into the law, recognizes not only state statutes as obstacles to enforcement of the Fourteenth Amend ment, but also the actions of the officials, judges and sheriffs who enforce the law. Actually that Congress did the same thing the present Congress did when it passed the 1965 Voting Rights Bill.55 After extensive hearings wherein the real scope of white suppression of the Negro voter was exposed, (almost without contradiction), Con gress set about fashioning a remedy. In doing so it ig nored the so-called state remedies and immediately in voked the Federal power in Federal forums. The Eighty- Ninth Congress found, and this court agreed, in State of South Carolina vs. Katzenbach (March 7, 1966 opinion) that “the latter strategem (. . . discriminatory application of voting test . . .)56 is now the principal method used to 54Title 28 Sec. 2283 U.S.C. 5579 S tat. 437. 56Emphasis added. 32 bar Negroes from the polls.” If the Eighty-Ninth Congress can find unconstitutional application of state voting laws the basis for Federal intervention and protection of Four teenth Amendment voting rights, and if this court can agree with that Congress, then there is no reason why it cannot be said that the Thirty-Ninth Congress did not intend discriminatory application of a state jury system to justify Federal removal. Finally, there is no reason why this court should not agree with such policy as set forth in South Carolina vs. Katzenbach. B. THE STATUTES ARE UNCONSTITUTIONAL. 1) Given the state of the Mississippi jury selection statutes, it is difficult to conclude that this system does not fall prey to even a loose reading of Rives and Poiv- ers. Those laws in their pertinent parts read as follows: Mississippi Constitution Art. 14 Section 264: “No person shall be a grand or petit juror un less a qualified elector . . . The Legislature shall provide by law for procuring a list of persons so qualified . . .” Mississippi Code Section 1762: “Every Male citizen not under the age of Twenty- One years who is a qualified elector . . . is a competent juror . . [emphasis added] Mississippi Code Section 1766: “The Board of supervisors . . . shall select and make a list of persons to serve as jurors in the circuit court . . . as a guide in making the list 33 they shall use the registration book of voters, and shall select and list the names of qualified persons of good intelligence, sound judgment, and fair character . . Mississippi Code Section 1796: “A challenge to the array shall not be sustained, except for fraud, nor shall any venire facias ex cept a special venire facias in a criminal case, be quashed for any cause whatever.” Mississippi Code Section 1798: “All the provisions of law in relation to the list ing, drawing, summoning and impaneling juries are directory merely; and a jury listed drawn, summoned or impainel, though in an informal or irregular manner, shall be deemed a legal jury . . If the state statutes in West Virginia excluded Ne groes from jury service, the formal Mississippi jury structure does no less. The entire machinery of juror selection in that State is geared to literate voter regis tration. This scheme was deliberately contrived in 1890 when it was apparent that while Negroes composed near ly one-half of the electorate, almost four-fifths of them were unable to read and write. Compared to this, only one-quarter of the whites suffered from such disability. The solution was obvious:57 given the guiding principal of white supremacy, the redeemers of the State simply drew the Constitution of 1890 so as to require literacy tests of electors which Negroes could not meet,58 57W harton, op. oit., page 201 w rite s : “By 1890 M ississippi’s D em ocratic C ongressm en w ere read y to give en thusiastic support to any schem e th a t would pu t a legal face on the e lim ination of th e N egro vote.” 58For a b rief bu t careful descrip tion of th is device, see V.S. vs. M ississippi 85, S. Ct. 808, 380 U.S. 128 (1965). 34 The second Mississippi plan worked for nearly 65 years, but in 1954, sensing that Brown vs. Board of Edu cation signaled a revived federal interest in the Negro, and reading clearly the caveat of the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit in Peay vs. Cox, 190 F. 2d. 123,59 the State tightened the constitutional disenfranchise ment of the Negro. The Reconstruction Congresses had struck at the heart of the Southern problem in 1866, 1870, 1871 and 1875. That lesson was not lost on Mis sissippi. The rule now was that the Negro voter, and hence the juror, must not, as before, be able only to read or understand or interpret a 167-page constitution, but he now had to read and understand and interpret this amazing document.60 Feeling that this was not enough, in 1960 the legislature with the help of the selected elec torate that held the vote, added the requirement that voters should be of “good character.”61 The federal concern though very late, was justified: Negro voter registration had dropped from 50% in 1890, to 9% in 1899, and then to 5% in 1954. Of course, this was due to the successful operation of the plan, but at this point the state became the victim of its own success. The Justice Department stepped in and brought suit to expose the scheme. Mr. Justice Black, for this Court, wrote in U.S. vs. Mississippi: “It is apparent that the complaint which the majority of the District Court dismissed, charged a long standing, carefully prepared, and faith-, fully observed plan to bar Negroes from voting in the State of Mississippi, a plan which the reg 59Cert. D enied 342 U.S. 898. 60Sec. 244 of the M ississippi C onstitu tion . 6lSee. 241-A of th e M ississippi C onstitu tion . 35 istration statistics included in the complaint would seem to show had been remarkably suc cessful.” Taken as a whole, the scheme to eliminate the Negro from the jury box was just as successful. When one construes the unconstitutional provisions of the Missis sippi voter and juror selection statutes together (i.e., as they are written) to the same provisions of the Louisi ana Laws now found unconstitutional in U.S. vs. Lou- isiana,62 the conclusion should be that the entire disrepu table and concocted affair should be brought tumbling down. 2.) It should be noted here that one of the grounds specifically relied upon in the Weathers petitions as grounds for removal is that the entire legal structure which will conduct petitioners trials, is operated by a sheriff, a district attorney and a judge put in office by an election from which Negroes were systematically excluded.63 Leflore County is a defendant in a pattern and practice suit,64 and its registrar is one of those sought to be restrained in U.S. vs. Mississippi, 85 S. Ct. 808, 380 U.S. 128. The Fifth Circuit has just set aside mu nicipal elections in the case of Hamer vs. Sunflower (script opinion March 11th, 1966, unreported) where a pattern and practice finding so closely proceeded an elec 62380 U.S. 128 85 S. Ct. 808 (1965). The South C arolina p lan pushed by G overnor T illm an, as described by Ju stice B lack in h is opinion in U.S. vs. M ississippi, w as bu t an im ita tion of the second M ississippi p lan of 1890. See W oodward, O rigins of the N ew South , op. cit., p. 322. I t should be noted th a t th e 1890 plan w as as m uch directed aga in s t th e g row ing P o p u lis t m ovem ent w hich drew its support from the illi te ra te w hites as ag a in s t th e Negro. By 1898, W illiam s vs. M ississippi, 170 U.S. 213 had placed th e stam p of Federa l approval on the whole s in is te r conspiracy. 63R. 40 (C, 3,) e ) . 64U.S. vs. M ississippi, 339 F . 2d 679. 36 tion that Negroes made eligible by the Federal Court65 had no time to register or qualify as candidates. It stands to reason that these county officials, who ini tiated this arrest in the first place, and who can easily be said, and probably shown, to be participants in the Mississippi Plan, were not, are not, and cannot be ra cially impartial. It will be most difficult if not impos sible for petitioners who have already been denied equal protection from the sheriff to receive it from the prose cutor and the judge. By the explicit exclusion of women by Mississippi Code Section 1762, the structure of jury selection in that state clearly becomes unconstitutional. A three judge Federal Court in the Middle District of Alabama recently held, in (White et. al vs. Crook et al., Docket #2263-N Mid. Dist. Ala. North. Div., undeported opinion Feb. 7th, 1966) that the Alabama statute that excluded women from jury service is unconstitutional. Dorothy Weathers is a female.66 There is no more reason for allowing women to be excluded from juries than there is for excluding Negroes. If, for no other reason, the removal petitions should be sustained on this ground. This is the least Rives and Powers can do for this generation. 3.) Finally, after reading Code Sections 1796 and 1798, it is difficult to believe that Mississippi has a jury se lection system worthy of the name. The provisions sound as though designed for the western territories or the Yukon near the turn of the century. Apparently, the Mississippi Court can not only justify and legally protect any array of jurymen,67 but can, in a pinch, draw the 65U.S. vs. Campbell, ND Miss. No. GC633 (1965 un repo rted ) (C overing Sunflow er County, w hich ad jo ins L eF lo re). 66R. 47. 67Miss. Code.Section 1796. 37 jury as it sees fit.68 While this might be necessary or even through serendipity, impartial in some instances, it renders a formal examination of method, as well as re sults, impossible. With such statutes still on the books and available, the standard of Rives and Powers is not only met, it is exceeded. Obviously, if no one can test the array on a racial basis, and if all formalities are waived by law, then there is no use even mentioning the troublesome problem of equal protection, much less due process of law. To apply strictly the formalism of Rives and Powers would be to assign such a system to the eighteenth century where it belongs. Ill C I V I L RIGHTS WORKERS ARRESTED AND CHARGED BY THE STATE WHILE ASSISTING NE GROES TO REGISTER TO VOTE IN MISSISSIPPI ARE THEREBY PROSECUTED FOR AN ACT PER FORMED UNDER COLOR OF AUTHORITY DE RIVED FROM THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACTS OF 1957 AND 1960, AND ADDITIONALLY FOR REFUSING TO DO AN ACT, i.e., FOR DESISTING, ON THE GROUND THAT IT WOULD BE INCONSISTENT WITH SUCH EQUAL FEDERAL LAWS, ALL WITHIN THE MEANING OF SECTION 1443(2). A) Until People vs. Galamison, 342 F. 2d 255 (1965) and Peacock were decided, there were no appellate de cisions that gave a judicial interpretation to 28 USC 1443(2). In Galamison the petitioners relied on 42 USC 68Miss. Code, Section 1798. 38 1981 and the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amend ment. In the Peacock case, however, petitioners were not seeking due process, but equal protection of the laws. They were assisting others to register to vote. It was the avowed public policy of the Federal Government all over the South, and particularly in LeFlore County’ Mississippi, that Negroes not only be allowed, but en couraged to vote. That is what all the agitation has been about, since at least the 1957 Civil Rights Act. The Justice Department of the Federal Government under the 1957 act and under the 1960 act had not only sued to destroy the “Mississippi Plan” of 1890 and had named the LeFlore County registrar as a defendant,69 but had, under the discretionary and quasi-judicial powers granted the Attorney General in those Statutes, and based on an exhaustive investigation, determined that there existed a pattern and practice of racial discrimination in voting in LeFlore and other Counties. The Attorney General had, in fact just before these arrests, brought suit for a judgment declaring such a pattern and practice to exist and for an injunction against the registrar of voters along with a request for other equitable relief. That case, U. S. vs. Mississippi, et al, 339 F. 2d 679, was designed to result in an appropriate freezing order. Peti tioners as civil rights workers, would clearly play a prominent part in the implementation of that order. Those cases were not the only Justice Department activi ty in support of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee which had early established its Mississippi base in Greenwood. Just two years before, (1961) a civil rights worker for SNCC had been pistol-whipped in the courthouse by the registrar of voters, and the Justice 69U.8. vs. M ississippi, 380 U.S. 128, S. Ct. 128 (229 F. Supp. 925). 39 Department had sought an injunction to protect the voter registration drive then in progress there; US vs. Wood 295 F. 2d 772 (1964). If any group of persons were ever members of a “posse comitatus,” Willie Peacock and his SNCC co-workers were. After the Hardy incident of the Wood case, it became plain that the rural Mississippi Negro not only had to suppress a lifetime of fear and terror to even appear at the “white man’s courthouse”- he had to be downright foolhardy to do so for the purpose of voter registration. The lesson was clear. Unless he had someone to en courage him to even go to the Courthouse, and a person he trusted, brave enough to accompany him there, he simply would not go. That is what these petitioners were trying to do when arrested. A person would be nearly blind not to see that these petitioners, who do not work for pay, were doing the work our Federal Government was encouraging and assisting them to do. By helping others in the exercise of the substantive right to non-discriminatory voter registration they acquired a “color of authority” as defined by 28 USC Section 1443(2). To require them to qualify for removal under Sections 1443(1), is to ignore history and current reality. They are no less than the modern counterpart of the unpaid volunteers that assisted the Freedmans Bureau of 100 years ago. Their protection then was in large measure the basis for the language of Section 1443(2), and it should be no less so today. B) Curiously, no mention is made in either Galamison or Peacock below, of the last part of subsection (2). We deem that language to be most significant. Professor 40 Amsterdam in his work on this subject70 refers to the language of Section 1443 as being couched in terms of “exquisite obscurity”. This may be so, but a careful reading of Southern History serves to remove some of that obscurity. Historical responses such as the Civil Rights Acts of the Reconstruction period are not without their historical reasons. Professor Amsterdam’s brief in the Rachel case is evidence of that. Addition ally, just as these matters cannot be considered from a purely analytical viewpoint, they must be assumed to have a reason for existence. The second part of sub- paragraph (2 )of Section 1443 is there for a purpose, and that purpose gives support to the position previous ly urged here, and in Rachel, that Section 1443(2) ap plies to “persons,” generally. The language in question is: “. . . or for refusing to do any act on the ground that it would be inconsistent with such law.”71 This might be said to apply to the federal officer under mandatory State injunction to strike a Negro from a voter roll or to alter a land ownership book, but such instances were certainly rare after 1865 when the occupational commanders had returned most such duties to the Southern Whites. What this language really means is that the individual Negro, who was registered, listed, worked, bartered for, paid and indentured under the Black Codes, could remove his case when he was prose 70C rim inal P rosecutions A ffec tin g F ederally G uaranteed C ivil R ig h ts ; F ederal R em oval and Heabeas Corpus Jurisd ic tion to A bort S ta te Court Trial, 113 Univ. of P ennsy lvan ia Law Review, 793, (1965). 71Tliis language w as am ended in to Senate B ill # 6 1 on M arch 15th. 1866 a fte r conference. In S enator T rum bulls rep o rt (Cong. Globe p. 1413, 39th Cong.) he d irectly re la tes i t to the p ro tection being g iven by law to F reedm en and Refugees. 41 cuted for violating them. These laws were the heart and soul of the Provisional Government of Mississippi in 1865, the year before the removal Statute was passed.72 They were not repealed there until 1867.73 They were in turn, however, replaced by the vagrancy laws and Stat utes which required freedmen without a yearly labor con tract to secure a license.74 Additionally Negroes were required by law to appren tice their minor children under pain of severe penalties.75 This act was written explicitly for and applied to the children of Negroes only. Wharton in his work,76 at page 84 writes: “. . . it cannot be denied that county courts by arbitrary decisions as to the ability of the freedmen to provide for their children might easily have delivered most of the Negro minors into the hands of their former masters.” Negroes over eighteen years old were, under the sec ond series of Black Codes, required to have homes and to find lawful employment by the . . . “Second Monday in January, 1866 . . .” or be deemed a vagrant.77 Negroes 72Trumbull fu r th e r describes the rem oval ac t a t page 474 of the Globe on Ja n u a ry 29th 1866: “Since th e abo lition of slavery the L egisla tu res w hich have as . sem bled in the in su rrec tio n a ry s ta te s have passed Law s re la tin g to the F reedm en and in nearly a ll of the s ta tes they have dis crim inated aga in s t them . They deny them certa in rig h ts , subject them to severe penalties, and s till im pose upon them th e very re s tric tio n s w hich w ere im posed upon them in consequence of the existence of slavery, and before i t w as abolished. The purpose of th e bill u nder consideration is to destroy a ll these d iscrim ina tions . . .” 73Notes Nos. 29 and 30 supra. 74W harton, op cite, p. 91. 75Mississippi Session Law s R egu lar Session, 1865, § 86-90 (N ovem ber 22, 1865). 760p. cite. 77Mississippi Session Laws, op. cite. § 90L93. 42 were also by the codes required to pay a . . capita tion tax not to exceed one dollar annually, on each and every freedman, free Negro, or mulatto . . for the support of the Negro paupers.78 Finally Negroes were required to have written evi dence of employment, i.e. a labor contract, on or before the second Monday in January, 1866 or be deemed a vagrant.79 Considering these requirements of the Black Codes all together, it is difficult to recall any other set of laws more inconsistent with the Fourteenth Amend ment except the slave codes themselves. The refusal to do these acts of indentur, apprentice- ment, registration or payment a head tax were natu-< rally widespread among the hundreds of thousands of newly freed slaves who were without jobs, cash or the rudiments of an education. These people did not only re fuse to perform, they simply could not, and the white su premacists knew it. That was why they drew the Black Codes the way they did. This was the first “Mississippi Plan”, and that is why the last part of Subsection 2 of § 1443 seems, but is not, “exquisitely obscure.” This part of Subsection (2) of § 1443 can then be said historically, to apply to the great masses of freed Negro slaves, wandering about the South in the after- math of a great civil war, who like the children of Israel were being herded, prosecuted and impressed by their former masters. This removal was to be their individual relief. This law was designed to lift the burden of the IKWharton, op. cite, p. 85. 7§Wharton, op. cite, p. 87. See also th e speech hy S enator Donnelly {Cong. G lote 2 /1 /66 p. 588, 39th Congress) w here in he gives a de ta iled and m oving descrip tion of the p lig h t of th e freedm an and carefu lly decsribes th e slave-like charac te r of the B lack Codes. 43 thousands of petty charges descending upon them from the white power structure like a plague of locusts. These are the prosecutions this language was designed to stop. The same is true, in a modern context, in this case. These petitioners refused to move on, refused to con form to the hundreds of petty harassments of daily life in Mississippi, and finally and most importantly, refused to desist from assisting in voter registration drives among Negroes because such an act would be inconsistent with the clear provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment, The Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960, and their own com mitment of conscience thereto. CONCLUSION For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit should be affirmed in part and reversed in part. Respectfully submitted: BENJAMIN E. SMITH AND JACK PEEBLES for SMITH, WALTZER, JONES & PEEBLES 1006 Baronne Building New Orleans, Louisiana CLAUDIA SHROPSHIRE and GEORGE CROCKETT for GOODMAN, CROCKETT, EDEN, ROBB & PHILO 3220 Cadillac Tower Detroit, Michigan LEN ROSENTHAL 406 West Capitol Street Jackson, Mississippi 44 WILLIAM ROSSMORE of STAVIS, RICHARDSON, KOENIGSBERG & ROSSMORE 744 Broad Street Newark, New Jersey FAY STENDER of GARRY, DREYFUS & McTERNAN 501 Fremont Building San Francisco, California 45 CERTIFICATE Undersigned Counsel certifies that he has served a copy of the above brief on Mr. Hardy Lott of Lott and Saun ders, Counsel for the City of Greenwood by placing same in the U.S. Mail postage prepaid this _______ day of March 1966. Benjamin E. Smith