City of Greenwood, MS v. Peacock On Writ of Certiorari to the US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
Public Court Documents
March 1, 1966
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. City of Greenwood, MS v. Peacock On Writ of Certiorari to the US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, 1966. 5523e2a6-b49a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/abf790b5-b2f3-40f0-acec-2d15ca26e9e1/city-of-greenwood-ms-v-peacock-on-writ-of-certiorari-to-the-us-court-of-appeals-for-the-fifth-circuit. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1965
No. 471
THE CITY OF GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI,
Petitioner
versus
WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL.
No. 649
WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL.
Petitioners
versus
THE CITY OP GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI
ON WRITS OF CERTIORARI TO THE
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
I. Opinions Below ________________________ 1
II. Jurisdiction ____________________________ 2
III. Constitutional Provisions and
Statutes Involved ______________________ 2
IY. Questions Presented ___________ 4
V. Statement of the Case----------------------------- 5
VI. Argument
A) Point I A.)
(Racially Motivated Arrest and Charge) ---- 9
B) Point I B.)
(Sufficiency of the Pleadings) -------------------- 13
C) Point II A.)
(Unconstitutional Application of Jury
Statutes) _____________________________ 16
1) Historical Background ------ 18
2) Construction Problems ____________ 22
3) Supremacy Applies _______________ 24
4) Problems of Judicial Administration.... 27
29
I
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
5) Abstention in Disguise
II
D) Point II B.)
(The Jury Statutes as written are Uncon
stitutional)
1) Rives and Powers Apply __________ 32
2) Franchise Connections and Women__ 35
3) Does Mississippi have a real jury
system ______________________ -___ 36
E) Point III
(Does 28 USC Section 1443(2) apply)
1) Who are “other persons” and what is a
“Posse Comitatus” _________________ 37
2) What the refusal to act “ineonsistant”
with the 14th Amendment means ------- 40
VII. Conclusion _____________________________ 43
VIII. Certificate ---------------- 45
TABLE OE CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
I ll
Baggett vs. Bullitt, 377 US 360, 84 S. Ct. 1316, 12
TABLE OF CASES
Page
L. Ed. 2d 377 _____________________________ 30
Baines, et al vs. Danville, et al (C. A. 4)
(unreported January 21st, 1966) _____________ 23
Baker vs. Carr, 369 US 186 (1961) ___________ 24, 29
Brown vs. Board of Education 347 US
483 (1954) ________________..._______ 24, 27, 34
Brown vs. Louisiana No. 41 October Term (1966) __ 11
Bush vs. Orleans Parish School Board, 364 US 50,
815 S. Ct. 260, 5 L. Ed. 245 (194
F. Supp. 182) __________________________ 11, 26
Clarksdale vs. Gertge, 237 F. Supp. 213 (1964) ____ 12
Cooper vs. Hutchinson (C. A. 3) 184 F. 2d
119 (1958) _______________________________ 30
Cox vs. Louisiana, 379 US 536 (1965) ____________ 12
Davis vs. Manu, 377 US 678 12 L. Ed. 2d 609, 84
S. Ct. 1453 ________________________________ 30
Dombrowski vs. Pfister, 227 F. Supp.
556 (1964) __________________ _____ 25, 26, 27
Dombrowski vs. Pfister, 380 US 479
(1965) ______________ 12, 13, 24, 25, 29, 30, 31
IV
TABLE OF CASES (Continued)
Page
Douglas vs. City of Jeanette, 319 US 147, 63 S. Ct.
877 87 L. Ed. 1324 ________________________ 30
Engel vs. Vitale, 370 US 421 (1962) ______________ 24
England vs. La. Board of Medical Examiners,
375 US 411 (1964) _____________________ 29, 30
Faye vs. Noia, 372 US 391 (1963) _______________ 24
Georgia vs. Rachel, 342 P. 2d 336 (1965) ______ 12, 13
Griffin vs. County School Board, 377 US 218, 12 L.
Ed. 2d 256, 84 S. Ct. 1226 __________________ 30
Hamer, et al vs. Sunflower, et al (C. A. 5)
(unreported opinion March 11th, 1966) _______ 35
Harrison vs. NAACP, 360 US 167, 79 S. Ct. 1025,
3 L. Ed. 2d 1152___________________________ 30
Hu An Kow vs. Nunan, 5 Sawy. 552, 600 Fed.
Case #6546 (1879) ___________ _____________ __ n
Kentucky vs. Powers, 201 US 1, 50 L. Ed. 633
(1906) ------------- 8, 12, 17, 18, 24, 27, 28, 29, 37
Louisiana P. & L. Co. vs. Thibodeaux, 360 US 25, 79
S. Ct. 1070, 3 L. Ed. 2d 1058 ________________ 30
McNeese vs. Board of Education, 373 US 668, 10 L.
Ed. 2d 622, 83 S. Ct. 1433 31
V
Meredith vs. Fair, 343 F. 2d 343 (1963) __________ 19
NAACP vs. Button, 371 US 415 (1963) ___________ 25
Neal vs. Delaware, 103 US 370 (1881) ___________ 28
Peacock, et al vs. City of Greenwood, 345 F. 2d 679
(C. A. 5) (1965) ______ 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 37, 38, 39
Peay vs. Cox, 190 F. 2d 123 (C. A. 5) (1951) ______... 34
People vs. Galamison, 342 F. 2d 255 (1965) ____ 37, 39
Plessey vs. Ferguson, 163 US 537, 41 L. Ed. 256,
16 S. Ct. 113 (1896) ___________________ 27, 28
Scott vs. Sanford, 19 How. 393, 60 S. Ct. 691 (1857)— 13
Slaughterhouse Cases, The, 16 Wall, 36, 21 L. Ed.
394 (1873) _______ ________________________ 27
State of South Carolina vs. Katzenbach
(unreported opinion of March 7, 1966) ____ 31, 32
Strauder vs. West Virginia, 100 US 303 (1880) — 10, 18
U. S. vs. Campbell, (N. D. Miss.)
(unreported opinion #G C 633, 1965) ------------- 36
U. S. ex rel Goldsby vs. Harpole, 236 F. 2d
71 (1959) _____________________________ 13, 22
TABLE OF CASES (Continued)
Page
VI
TABLE OF CASES (Continued)
Page
U. S. vs. Mississippi, 339 F. 2d 679 (C. A. 5)
(1964) ------------------------------------------------- 35, 38
U. S. vs. Mississippi, 380 US 128, 85 S. Ct.
088 (1965) ____________ _____ 16, 33, 34, 35, 38
U. S. vs. Wood, 295 F. 2d 772 (1961) _________ 13, 39
Virginia vs. Rives, 100 US 313, 25 L. Ed. 667
(1870) ____ 10, 12, 17, 18, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 37
Weathers, et al vs. City of Greenwood
(percuriam) ____________________ 1, 2, 7, 9, 35
Williams vs. Mississippi, 170 US 213 (1898) _______ 22
CONSTITUTIONAL AND
STATUTORY PROVISIONS
Civil Rights Act of 1870, 16 Stat. 140____________ 21
Civil Rights Act of 1871, 17 Stat. 13 _____________ 21
Civil Rights Acts of 1875, 18 Stat. 335, 18 Stat. 470 __ 21
Civil Rights Act of 1957, 42 USC Section 1971 __ 38, 43
Civil Rights Act of 1866, 14 Stat. 27 ______ 18, 21, 31
Constitution of Mississippi — Art. 3, Section
31 (1890) ________________________________ 17
VII
TABLE OF CASES (Continued)
Page
Constitution of Mississippi (1890) Art. 14
Section 243 _______________________________ 22
Constitution of Mississippi (1890) Art. 14
Section 244 ____________________________ 22, 34
Constitution of Mississippi, (1890) Art. 14,
Section 264 ___________________________ 22, 32
Constitution of the United States, Art. VI
(Supremacy Clause) ___________________ ___ 2
Constitution of the United States Amendment 1 3 ----- 21
Constitution of the United States
Amendment 1 4 ___________________ 2, 21, 28, 43
Constitution of the United States Amendment 1 5 ___ 21
Federal Rules of Civil Procedure — Rule 8(a) -------- 16
Federal Rules of Civil Procedure — Rule 7 ------------- 23
Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure —
Rule 6(b) (2) ____ ________________________ 23
Laws of Mississippi 1866-67, —
pp. 232-233 __________________________ 18, 19, 41, 42
17Mississippi Code, Sections 1836-39 ------
Mississippi Code, Sections 2613 and 2639 13
VIII
Mississippi Code, Section 2296.5 ___________ 3, 10, 12
Mississippi Code, Section 9352-21, Section 9352-24 __ 6
Mississippi Code, Sections 6185-13, 2089.5 and 2291 _ 6
TABLE OF CASES (Continued)
Page
Mississippi Code, Section 1798 _______________ 33, 37
Mississippi Code, Section 1796 _______________ 33, 36
Mississippi Code, Section 1766 _______________ 22, 32
Mississippi Code, Section 1762 _______________ 22, 32
Mississippi Code, Section 4065(3) ________________ 15
Mississippi Session Laws 1865, pp. 86-93 _______ 19, 41
28 U S C Section 1443
(1964) _____ ______ 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 17,
_______________________________ 23, 37, 39, 40
28 U S C, Section 1446(a) 1964 _______________ 3, 16
42 U S C, Section 1971 _____________________ 14, 43
28 U S C, Section 2283 _________________________ 31
LEGISLATIVE MATERIALS
Congressional Globe; 1866, 39th Congress,
Pt. I, p. 474 ______________________ 41
IX
Congressional Globe; 1866, 39th Congress,
Pt. II, p. 1413_____________________________ 40
Congressional Globe; 1866, 39th Congress,
Pt. I, p. 588 _______________________________ 42
OTHER SOURCES
Aptheker; “Mississippi Reconstruction and The Negro
Leader Charles Caldwell” Science and Society,
Vol. XI No. 4 _____________________________ 19
Amsterdam; Criminal Prosecutions Affecting Federal
ly Guaranteed Rights: Federal Removal and Ha
beas Corpus Jurisdiction to Abort State Court
Trial; 113 Univ. of Penn. Law Review, 793,
(1965) ___________________________________ 40
Franklin; The Relation of the Fifth, Ninth and Four
teenth Amendments to the Third American Con
stitution -4-5 Howard Law Journal 171 (1958) — 21
Kurland, Toward a Co-operative Judicial Federalism;
The Federal Court Abstention Doctrine, 24 FRD
481 ______________________________________ 30
Preaus, Note 8, 39 Tulane Law Review (1965) ____ 29
Silver, Mississippi The Closed Society
Harcourt Brace & World (1964) _____________ 19
TABLE OF CASES (Continued)
Page
TABLE OF CASES (Continued)
Page
Stephenson, Gilbert T., Race Distinctions in American
Law (Appleton, 1910) ______________________ 20
Wharton, Vernon L., The Negro in Mississippi,
Univ. North Carolina Press
(1947) ---------------------------- 18, 19, 22, 33, 41, 42
Woodward, C. Vann, Origins of the New South, South
ern History Series, La. State University Press,
Vol. IX (1951) _____________________ 21, 22, 35
Woodward, C. Vann, Reunion and Reaction
Doubleday — Anchor Ed. (1956) ___ _____ 21, 22
IN THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
OCTOBER TERM, 1965
No. 471
THE CITY OF GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI,
Petitioner
versus
WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL.
No. 649
WILLIE PEACOCK, ET. AL.
versus
Petitioners
THE CITY OF GREENWOOD, MISSISSIPPI
ON WRITS OF CERTIORARI TO THE
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT
OPINIONS BELOW
The opinion of the District Court below relative to
the Peacock portion of this consolidated case is found
at page 9 of the record. The Weathers opinion is at
page 67 of the record. These opinions are unreported.
However, the Court of Appeals opinion in Peacock by
Judge Bell, found at page 21 of the record, is reported
2
in 347 F. 2d at 679. The Weathers Appellate opinion
is per curiam and unreported. It is found at page 96
of the record.
JURISDICTION
The original judgments of the Court of Appeals for
the Fifth Circuit were entered on June 22nd, 1965
(Peacock) and on July 20th, 1965 (Weathers). No
petition for a re-hearing was filed and applications for
writs of certiorari were made by the City of Greenwood
on August 19, 1965, and by Peacock, et. ah, on October
5, 1965. Certiorari was granted January 17, 1966. This
Court has jurisdiction of this matter under title 28 USC
§1254(1).
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS AND
STATUTES INVOLVED HEREIN
1. The supremacy clause of the Constitution of the
United States (Article VI) and the Fourteenth Amend
ment to that Constitution are both involved herein.
2. The following statutes are also involved:
28 U.S.C. §1443(1964):
§1443. Civil rights cases.
Any of the following civil actions or criminal
prosecutions commenced in a State court may be
removed by the defendant to the district court
of the United States for the district and division
embracing the place wherein it is pending:
(1) Against any person who is denied, or can
not enforce in the courts of such State, a right
3
under any law providing for the equal civil rights
of citizens of the United States, or of all persons
within the jurisdiction thereof;
(2) For any act under color of authority derived
from any law providing for equal rights, or for
refusing to do any act on the ground that it
would be inconsistent with such law.
28 U.S.C. 11446(a) (1964):
§1446. Procedure for removal.
(a) A defendant or defendants desiring to re
move any civil action or criminal prosecution
from a State Court shall file in the district court
of the United States for the district and division
within which such action is pending a verified
petition containing a short and plain statement
of the facts which entitle him or them to re
moval together with a copy of all process, plead
ings and orders served upon him or them in
such action.
Mississippi Code §2296.5
“It shall be unlawful for any person or persons
to wilfully obstruct the free convenient and nor
mal use of any public sidewalk, street, highway,
alley, road, or other passageway by impeding,
hindering, stifling, retarding or restraining traf
fic or passage thereon, and any person or per
sons violating the provisions of this act shall be
guilty of a misdemeanor.”
4
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
I A) Whether a removal petition which alleges a
racially-motivated arrest, charge and prosecution of civil
rights workers peacefully engaged in a campaign to
register Negro voters, which arrest is alleged to be de
signed to harass and intimidate such workers, states a
case for removal under title 28USC§1443 (1964). (cov
ered in part IA) of the argument)
I B) Whether as a matter of pleading a removal peti
tion that alleges a racially-motivated arrest, charge and
prosecution, designed to suppress Negro voter registra
tion activity, sufficiently describes a denial of an equal
civil right and/or an inability to enforce in the courts
of the state a right under a law providing for equal
civil rights so as to set forth a case for removal, (cov
ered in Part IB) of the Argument)
II A) Whether a removal petition which alleges that
Negroes are administratively excluded from juries which
will try such state-charged petitioners, arrested while
assisting Negoes to register to vote, describes an inability
to enforce in the courts of that state a right under a law
providing for the equal civil rights of citizens, thereby
stating a case for removal under Title 28USC§1443 (1).
(covered in part IIA) of the Argument)
II B) Whether a petition which alleges that state jury
selection laws as written are unconstitutional and ex
clude females and Negroes from service on juries that
will try state-charged petitioners describes an inability
to enforce in the courts of that state a right under a
law providing for the equal civil rights of citizens, there
by stating a case for removal under Title 28 USC§1443-
(1)- (covered in Part IIB) of the Argument)
5
III Whether a petition that alleges civil rights workers
were arrested and charged by the state for assisting
Negroes to register to vote in Mississippi are thereby
prosecuted for an act performed under color of authority
derived from the Fourteenth Amendment and the Civil
Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960, and additionally for re
fusing to do an act, i.e., for desisting, on the ground that
it would be inconsistant with such equal federal laws, all
within the meaning of Section 1443(2), sets forth a case
for removal, (covered in part III of the Argument)
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
The fourteen petitioners in the Peacock case were all
arrested on March 31, 1964, by city officials in the City
of Greenwood, Mississippi, and charged with violating
Section 2296.5 of the Mississippi Code Annotated of
1942. Petitioners, who were all members of the Student
Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, were arrested while
picketing the LeFlore County Court House, and were
charged with obstructing public streets. On April 3,
1964, before trial in the Police Court of the City of
Greenwood, Mississippi, petitioners filed removal peti
tions in the United States District Court for the North
ern District of Mississippi (Greenville Division), alleg
ing jurisdiction under both sub-sections of 28 U.S.C. 1443.
Petitioners alleged that they were members of the Stu
dent Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, affilated with
the Council of Federated Organizations, both civil rights
groups. Petitioners further alleged that at the time of
their arrest they were engaged in a voter registration
drive in LeFlore County, Mississippi, assisting Negroes
to register so as to enable them to vote. They further al
leged that they could not enforce their rights under the
First and Fourteenth Amendments of the Federal Consti
6
tution to be free in speech to petition and to assemble, that
they were denied the equal protection of the laws, the
privileges and immunities of the laws and the due pro
cess of law, inasmuch as, among other things, they were
arrested, charged and were to be tried under a state
statute which was vague, indefinite and unconstitutional
on its face, and was unconstitutionally and arbitrarily
applied and used, and was enforced in the instance of
their arrest as “a part and parcel of the unconstitutional
and strict policy of racial segregation of the State of
Mississippi and the City of Greenwood.” Because of the
aforementioned, petitioners finally alleged, they were
denied and/or could not enforce in the courts of the
State of Mississippi the rights they possess providing for
equal protection and equal rights. Petitioners invoked
the application of both sub-sections of 28 USC. Section
1443.
The Weathers case also involved criminal cases re
moved from the Police Court of the City of Greenwood,
Mississippi, under authority of 28 U.S.C. 1443, subsec
tions 1 and 2. In that case there are fifteen applicant-
petitioners who were arrested at various times during
the month of July, 1964, and charged with the following
offenses: parading without a permit in violation of an
ordinance of the City of Greenwood, Mississippi, enacted
June 21, 1963, and recorded in Minute Book 55 at page
67 of the Records of Ordinances of the City of Green
wood, Mississippi; contributing to the delinquency of a
minor in violation of Section 6185-13 of Mississippi Code
Annotated of 1942; the use of profane and vulgar lang
uage in violation of Sections 2089.5 and 2291 of the
Mississippi Code Annotated of 1942; disturbance in a pub
lic place; disturbing the peace in violation of Section
7
2089.5 of the Mississippi Code Annotated of 1942; as
sault; assault and battery; inciting to riot; operating a
motor vehicle with improper license tags in violation of
Sections 9352-21 and 9352-24 of the Mississippi Code An
notated of 1942; interfering with a police officer in the
performance of his duty; and reckless driving.
Some of the petitioners in the Weathers case are
charged with more than one of the offenses listed above,
and some of them jointly filed one petition for removal.
Petitioners’ petitions for removal in the Weathers case
allege different facts, but with respect to 28 U.S.C. Sec
tion 1443(1) they allege that petitioners cannot enforce
their equal civil rights under the Fourteenth Amendment
in the courts of the state for the folio-wing reasons, to
wit: Mississippi courts and law enforcement officers are
committed to a policy of racial segregation and are pre
judiced against petitioners; under Mississippi law, cus
tom and practice racially segregated court rooms are
maintained; in Mississippi court rooms Negro witnesses
and attorneys are addressed by their first names; local
counsel are unavailable to petitioners and Mississippi
courts are closed to out-of-state attorneys; Mississippi
judicial officials are elected by elections in which Negroes
have been denied the right to vote; and Negroes are
systematically excluded from jury service. The peti
tioners also alleged that they were entitled to remove
their cases to federal court under the authority of 28
U.S.C. Section 1443(2).
In both the Peacock and Weathers cases, the City of
Greenwood filed motions to remand, which were sustained
by the United States District Court for the Northern
District of Mississippi (Greenville Division) on the
grounds that the said petitions did not state a removable
8
case under either subsection of 28 U.S.C. Section 1443.
The District Court refused to order an evidentiary hear
ing on the allegations of the petitions.
The petitioners in both cases appealed to the United
States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which
court, after issuing a stay order in the Peacock case
(decided before the 1964 Civil Rights Act permitted an
appeal of a remand order) entered judgment in Pea
cock on June 22, 1965. The Court of Appeals in
the Peacock case affirmed the District Court’s hold
ing regarding Section 1443(2) but reversed its holding
under Section 1443(1) and therefore remanded that case
to the District Court for a hearing on the truth of the
allegations in the petitions for removal. The Court of
Appeals refused to consider petitioners’ allegation that
the Statute under which they were charged was vague
and indefinite because the District Court did not reach
the question, but held that the unconstitutional applica
tion by State Officials of a State Criminal Statute valid
on its face in such a manner as to violate a person’s
rights under the equal protection clause of the Federal
Constitution is sufficient to entitle such person to re
move his case to Federal Court. The Court interpreted
certain Supreme Court decisions ending with Kentucky
v. Powers, 1906, 201 U.S. 1, 50 L. Ed. 633, holding that,
in order to establish removal jurisdiction, the denial of
equal rights through the systematic exclusion of Negroes
from Grand and Petit juries must result from State
legislative or constitutional provisions. Interpreting 28
U.S.C. 1443 Subsection (2), the court held that this sec
tion is limited to Federal officers and those assisting
them or otherwise acting in an official or quasi-official
capacity and held that this Section does not authorize re
9
moval by any person who is prosecuted for an act com
mitted while exercising an equal civil right under the
Constitution or laws of the United States.
On July 20, 1965, the Court of Appeals for the Fifth
Circuit sustained the petitioners’ motion for a summary
reversal in the Weathers case, holding that the issues in
that case were identical with and therefore controlled
by the Court’s opinion in the Peacock case.
In remanding the cases to the District Court for fur
ther hearings, the Court of Appeals decided a Federal
question, namely, the scope of removal jurisdiction under
28 U.S.C. Section 1443.
Following these decisions of the Court of Appeals in
Peacock and Weathers, the City of Greenwood applied
for a writ of certiorari on August 19, 1965. The appel
lants below filed a cross-petition for certiorari on October
5, 1965, and this Court granted certiorari on January
17, 1966.
ARGUMENT
I
A RACIALLY - MOTIVATED ARREST AND
CHARGE, DESIGNED TO USE STATE LAW TO
HARASS AND INTIMIDATE CIVIL RIGHTS WORK
ERS WHO ARE ASSISTING NEGROES IN REGIST
ERING TO VOTE, PRESENTS A CASE FOR RE
MOVAL UNDER 28 U.S.C. SECTION 1443(1).
A. In this case the “law providing for the equal civil
rights of citizens . . .” is the Fourteenth Amendment.
In the decision below, Judge Bell makes three points in
regard to this part of the argument. First, he simply
states that this is the law involved:
10
“It is settled that the equal protection clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment constitutes a ‘Law
providing for the equal civil rights of citizens
of the United States’ within the meaning of Sec
tion 1443(1).”
Secondly, he held that while the due process clause is
not such a law providing for equal civil rights, where
the claimed denial of an equal civil right is based on
race, such a claim meets the test of the removal statute:
“The removal statute contemplates those cases
that go beyond a mere claim of due process vio
lation; they must focus on racial discrimination
in the context of denial of equal protection of the
laws.”
Thirdly, and most importantly, the court below held
that mere allegation of an unconstitutional application
of state laws so as to deny equal protection because of
race is sufficient to meet the whole test of removal:
“Appellants allege that Mississippi Code Section
2296.5 is being applied against them for pur
poses of harassment, intimidation and as an
impediment to their work in the voter registra
tion drive, thereby depriving them of equal pro
tection of the Laws. We simply hold that these
allegations entitle appellants to remove their
cases to the federal court.”
Of great significance is the fact that the opinion be
low distinguishes this pre-trial, administrative type of
denial from the narrow interpretation given Section 1443
by the Rives and Powers doctrine1 and restricts those
1 Virginia vs. R ives, (1870) 100 U.Si. 313, 25 L. Ed. 667; K en tu cky vs.
Powers (1906) 201 U.S. 1, 26 S. Ct. 387, 50 L, Ed. 633, and Strauder vs.
W est V irg in ia et. al. U.S, 303 (1880).
11
eases to their bare facts. This holding is elaborated upon
in point IIA) which follows.
In essence it should be said that these holdings above
set forth recognize the realities of Negro life in Missis
sippi in 1964-65 and even now. Judges, and especially
Federal judges, are not “. . . forbidden to know as judges
what [they] see as men.” Hu An Kow vs. Nunan, 5
Sawy. 552, 560, Fed. Cas. #6546 (1879).
In effect, what Judge Bell was saying was that when
a minor state statute is used as a concealed segregation
law, the courts will deny the states that use of that
law. The federal courts have repeatedly stated that they
will strike down, even by the extraordinary writs, sophis
ticated as well as simple-minded schemes of racial segre
gation.2 The State of Mississippi piously complains and
in all innocence states that it fails to see a possible con
nection between obstruction of the public streets and
being unable to enforce an equal civil right in the State
courts.3 The most recent decisions of this court have
swiftly punctured such bland smugness. In Brown vs.
Louisiana, (No. 41, October Term, 1965, opinion rendered
February 23, 1966), Mr. Justice Fortas does not hesitate
to see as a judge what we all know as men, when he
says:
“We need not be beguiled by the ritual of the
request for a copy of ‘The Story Of The Negro.’
We need not assume that petitioner Brown and
his friends were in search of a book for night
reading. We instead rest upon the manifest
2B ush vs. Orleans P arish School Board, 364 TJ.S. 500, 81 S, Ct. 260, 5 L.
Ed. 2d 245 (194 F . Supp. 182).
3See pages 3 and 4 of City of Greenwood’s b rie f below in the C ourt of
Appeals.
12
fact that they intended to and did stage a peace
ful and orderly protest demonstration . .
The entire appellate history of this removal statute
until Rachel4 found the courts blind to the real meanings
of southern rural Negro life and responsive only to be
guiling notes of the southern redeemers preaching a new
application of an old formalism. This formalism, re
flected by the Gertge5 decision, was founded by Rives
and Powers and those cases that followed Neal vs. Dela
ware 103 U.S. 370. This court has consistently looked
through many such versions of legal obscurantism and
empty formalism to reach the truth. Dombrowski vs.
Pfister 380 U.S. 479 (1965), Cox vs. Louisiana, 379 U.S.
536 (1965). It should be so in this case.
Opposition to the southern Negro freedom movement
consistently indulges in the rigid legal formalism re
quired to conceal the true intent of crypto-segregationist
statutes such as Section 2296.5 of the Mississippi Code.
From the over-frequent use of such banal enactments
one would almost be persuaded that the reason Missis
sippi law enforcement officials are unable to solve the
frequent racial homicides in their state is that Mississippi
is simply overrun with Negroes wantonly picketing court
houses or unlawfully using profanity.6
The real truth, however, is not so lightly stated. The
Mississippi statutes used or rather misused here are part
and parcel of a rebellious and arrogant defiance of fed
erally-created, and protected, rights by the State of Mis
4Georgia vs. R achel et. al. 342 F . 2nd 336 (1965).
5Clarksdale vs. Gertge, 237 F . Supp. 213 (1964).
S it is estim ated th a t nearly 3000 civil r ig h ts m isdem eanor cases still
pend in M ississippi S ta te and F edera l courts, a ll left over from the
F reedom Sum m er of 1964 and before.
13
sissippi. The power structure of that state is doing to
day what it did one hundred years ago; that is, to erect
simple-minded and, when necessary, ingenious ramparts
to hold off Federal protection for the Negro.
Although the Mississippi Legislature may have diffi
culty in legalizing state-taxed whiskey,7 it is not so naive
as to legislate Negroes out of the jury system in exact
terms or to specify that only civil rights workers can be
arrested for obstructing the city streets. On the other
hand, no person should be expected to believe that Negroes
serve freely on Mississippi juries,8 or that civil rights
workers are not harassed.9
The current formalism of the Southern legal position
on civil rights is no more valid than the earlier disreput
able formalism of the Dred Scott case.10 It is this nacent,
empty, legal formalism that the Court below struck at
when it authorized this removal. That part of the
opinion should be affirmed.
B. THE PLEADING IS SUFFICIENT.
The pleading herein complained of by the City of
Greenwood was found to be sufficient by the Court of
Appeals:
“Under the Precedent of Rachel and the au
thorities therein cited having to do with notice
type pleading, we hold that the removal petitions
are adequate at this stage of the proceeding . . .u
7See § 2639, M ississippi code tax in g alcoholic sp irits , th e possession of
w hich is m ade illegal by M ississippi Code § 2613.
8U.S. ex re l Goldshy vs. H arpole, 236 F. 2d 71 (1959).
QU.S. vs. Wood, 295 F . 2d 772 (1961); D om'browski vs. P fister , 227 F
Supp. 56 (1964) (D issen t) , 380 TT.S. 479 (1965).
lOScott vs. Sandford, 19 How. 393 60 S. Ct. 691 (1857).
U Opinion below, 347 F. 2d 679 a t 682.
14
The petitions clearly allege the expressly unconstitu
tional character of the statutes sought to be employed
by the State,12 as well as the unconstitutional applica
tion of those laws.13 Admittedly, the language of the
Peacock petition is more general than Weathers but its
allegations leave no doubt that at least the petitioners
claimed harassment as a Section 1443 (1) ground, and
the voting provisions of the 1960 Civil Rights Act (42
U.S.C. 1971) as authority for a Section 1443(2) re
moval.
The Peacock petition allegations that bring into focus
1443(1) are as follows:
“II. Petitioner is a member of the Student Non-
Violent Coordinating Committee affiliated with
the Conference [Council] of Federated Organ
izations, both Civil Rights Groups and was at
the time of the arrest engaged in a voter reg
istration drive in Leflore County, Mississippi,
assisting Negroes to register so as to enable them
to vote as protected under the Federal Consti-
ttuion and the Civil Rights Act of 1960, being
42 USCA 1971 et. seq.
III. Petitioner as a citizen of the United States
cannot enforce his rights under the first and
14th amendments of the Federal Constitution to
be free in speech, to petition and to assemble;
is denied the equal protection of the Laws, the
privileges and immunities of the Laws and due
process of Laws, inasmuch as among other
things was arrested, charged and is to be tried
under a state statute that is vague, indefinite
and unconstitutional on its face; is unconstitu
tionally and arbitrarily applied and used, and
12R. 4 for Peacock, R. 42, W eathers.
13R. 4 for Peacock, R. 38-42, W eathers.
15
is enforced in this instance as a part and parcel
of the unconstitutional and strict policy of racial
segregation of the State of Mississippi and the
City of Greenwood.”
The main Weathers allegations covering subsection (1)
are:
“C-l. The arrests and prosecutions of Petition
ers have been and are being carried on with the
sole purpose and effect of harassing Petition
ers and of punishing them for and deterring
them from the exercise of their constitutionally
protected right to protest the conditions of ra
cial discrimination and segregation which exist
in all public aspects of life in Mississippi and
which the State of Mississippi now maintains
and seek to enforce by statute, ordinance, reg
ulations, custom, usage and practice.
C-2. Among recent legislative enactments evi
dencing Mississippi’s policy to enforce racial
discrimination and segregation and to suppress
all protest against such discrimination and seg
regation are Mississippi Code, Section 4065(3),
which purports to prohibit the executive offi
cers of the State from obeying the desegrega
tion decisions of the United States Supreme
Court, and the several statutes enacted by the
1964 session of the Mississippi legislature which
purport to prohibit picketing of public build
ings, congregating and refusing to disperse;
printing or circulating material which interferes
with the operation of a business establishment;
printing or circulating material which advocates
social equality; the disturbing of the peace of
others; giving false statements of complaints to
Federal officials; obstructing public streets; en
couraging others to remain on private premises
of another when forbidden to do so; and statutes
16
which purport to authorize officials to restrain
the movements of groups and individuals and to
impose curfews; authorize an increase in the
strength of the State Highway Patrol from 274
to 475 men and give the Governor power to dis
patch the Highway Patrol into areas on his own
initiative; authorize an increase of the maxi
mum penalty for violating a city ordinance
from 30 to 90 days imprisonment and a fine of
$300; and authorize communities to pool their
police forces and equipment.14
Additionally, the Weathers petitions refer specifically
to jury discrimination,15 State policy of racial segrega
tion,16 unfair trial,17 and lack of counsel,18 all arguable
grounds for removal under Section 1443(1).
The removal statues (28 U.S.C. Section 1446(a) (1964))
require the petition to contain “a short and plain state
ment of the facts which entitle [the petitioner] . . . to
removal.” Since 1948 this rule has brought removal
practice into line with the notice pleading theories of
Rule 8(a) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure.19
Whether one uses the “short and plain statement” of
the Peacock petition or the more detailed allegations of
the Weathers petitions, the pleading requirements of Fed
eral law relative to removal are met in these cases.
II
A. A REMOVAL PETITION WHICH ALLEGES
UNCONSTITUTIONAL APPLICATION OF STATE
14In th is regard see the l is t of s ta te voter re g is tra tio n im pedim ents se t
fo r th by Mr. Ju s tice B lack in h is opinion in U.S. vs. M ississippi, 380
tX.Si. 128, 85 S. Ct. 808 (1965) a t 810.
15R. 41 (C-3-f).
16R. 38 (0-2).
17R. 39-40 (C-3-a).
18R. 40-41 (0-3-8).
19(See page 117, footnote 17, R achel b rief in th is C ourt).
17
LAWS, INCLUDING JURY SELECTION STATUTES,
SO AS TO EXCLUDE NEGROES FROM JURY SERV
ICE, SETS FORTH A CASE FOR REMOVAL UNDER
SECTION 1443(1), TITLE 28 U.S.C.
The issue posed by this headnote is that of the legal
and historical validity of the doctrines of Virginia vs.
Rives, (100 U.S. 313 (1880) and Kentucky vs. Powers,
201 U.S. 1 (1906). These cases can be said to severely
limit federal removal by holding that the denial of equal
protection must appear from explicit state statute or
constitutional enactment. Had it not been for these de
cisions, modern federal practice would have brushed
aside such arguments and promptly examined the facts
of jury service by Negroes in the jurisdictions concerned.
However, because of these cases, we must pause to con
sider whether or not a petition that alleges the Negro20
person or civil rights worker accused by the state can
not enforce in the state courts an equal civil right when
Negroes are excluded from the jury by corruption and
maladministration, states a case for removal.
This question cannot be considered in, a vacuum. While
obviously there is no evidence on this point in the record
since no hearing was permitted below, the basis for the
allegation should be examined. This requires a histori
cal treatment; not only of what Mississippi society has
done to the institution of the jury trial, but what it
has done to the Negro. Such facts as this treatment
may disclose are not evidence, however. They are
drawn from sources that include the federal courts as
well as historians, and may tell us how and why the
historically incorrect doctrines of Rives and Powers are
20R. 3 9 , 40. Also by th e M issississippi C onstitu tion A rt. 3 § 31, & Miss.
Code §§ 1836-39, p e titioners a re en titled to a tr ia l by ju ry .
18
inconsistent with the experiences of life and legally
wrong.
In any consideration of what the Thirty-Ninth Con
gress had in mind when it passed the third section of
the Civil Rights act of 1886, the state of the nation,
and of the South of that time, in particular, is im
portant. This subject is considered in the following
part.
One final comment by way of introduction is in order.
It should be noted that Part B of this second part of the
Argument is an alternative attack upon the Mississippi
jury system as unconstitutional on its face. A reading
of the state statutes will show that Mississippi may not
have been as ingenious or competent as some other states
in devising a jury selection system that appears racially
non-discriminatory, but this should not detract from the
fact that the Mississippi laws here considered allow a
full-fledged and complete theoretical attack on the Rives
and Powers doctrine.
1) Historically, Mississippi, like West Viriginia in the
Strauder case,21 attempted to rebuild the old society of
privilege with new forms. Early in the 1865-67 redemp
tion of that state, Negroes were by explicit statute ex
cluded from jury service.22 After Strauder and with
communication between Northern Republicans and South
ern redeemers restored by the Hayes-Tilden arrangement
(and spelled out in detail by Rives and Powers), that
state understood the ground rules. Henceforth, while on
the one hand excluding Negroes from the political and
judicial life of the State,23 it presented on the other hand
21Strauder vs. W est V irginia, 100 U.S. 303 (1880).
22Laws of M ississippi, 1866-67, pp. 232-233.
23W harton, The Negro in M ississippi, (U n iversity of N orth C arolina
P ress 1947), C hapter XIV.
19
a fraudulent legal image of strict racial indifference to
the nation.24
Actually, the ability of the free Mississippi Negro to
enforce in his State courts such elemental rights of citi
zenship as legal personality and the competency to give
evidence, was specifically denied in law as early as 1865.25
The abandonment that year by the Federal Occupying
forces of the Freedmens Bureau courts throughout the
state26 was an ominous sign of the larger abandonment
of the Negro that occurred in 1877, following the elec
tion of Hayes.
The very first attempt by Mississippi to legislate Freed
mens rights resulted in the Black Codes of 1865, which
in effect re-enacted the slave codes with modifications.27
These codes prohibited Negroes from holding rural land,
and in effect conscripted the Negro into a race of in
dentured servants. The first post-war Provisional Mis
sissippi Legislature even attempted by resolution to nul
lify emanicipation and to restore slavery. This proposal
received substantial minority support.28
Though the Black Codes were repealed in 1867, the
Legislature specifically provided that Negroes could not
serve on grand and petit juries.29 This rule was over
24This im age has its m odern m akers. P rofessor S ilver w rites:
“The contention of th e B oard of T rustees and of U n iversity offi
cials, accepted as fac t by Judge Mize . . th a t th e U niversity is
no t a rac ia lly segregated in s ti tu tio n ’ and th a t ‘the s ta te has no
policy of seg regation’, . . . defies h is to ry and comm on know ledge.”
Silver, M ississippi: The Closed Society (H arco u rt Brace & W orld,
1964), page 114, M eridith vs. F air, 343 F2d 343 (1963).
25W harton, op cit., pages 76, 77, 134 and 135.
26General O rders #13 , V icksburg, October 21, 1865, quoted in W harton,
op. cit.
27Mississippi Session Law s 1865, parag raphs 86-93.
28C onstitutional Convention Jo u rn a l 1865, parag raphs 68-70; see also in
th is regard , A p theker; “M ississip in R econstruction and the Negro
Leader Charles Caldwell,” Science and Society, Vol. X I, No. 4, p, 340,
a t p. 343.
29Laws of M ississippi 1866-67, p a rag rap h s 232-233.
20
turned only by the order of the Federal Occupational
Commander two years later.30
Professor Wharton, in his work, The Negro in Missis-
sippi (University of North Carolina Press, 1947) at page
137 succinctly describes the plight and history of Negro
jurymen in that state:
“After 1875, the Negroes appeared in smaller
and smaller numbers on the jury panels, but
their complete elimination did not occur until
after 1890. In the constitution of that year it
was provided that all persons serving on grand
or petit juries must be qualified electors and
must also be able to read and write. Thus the
elimination of the Negro as a voter served also
to remove him from the jury bench, and in a
land of white officers, white judges, white law
yers and white juries, the term daw,’ in the
Negroes’̂ mind, came more and more to mean
only a big white man with a badge.”
In his book, Race Distinctions in American Laiv (Ap-
pelton, 1910) Gilbert T. Stephenson, at page 259, graphi
cally illustrates the extent to which by 1910, Negroes
were excluded from jury service. He quotes from letters
solicited from Clerks of Court in Mississippi covering
nine counties. The adminstrative method of exclusion
set forth is appallingly efficient.31
30General O rders No. 32 A ppletons Cyclopedia 1864, p a ras 455-456
V icksburg D aily Tim es, A pril 30, 1869.
31A sam ple from county # 6 :
“ . . . In m y County we had no Negroes on th e ju ry fo r the past
15 years o r more. We have som e 30,000 colored population in th is
county, . . . and we have only about 175 reg iste red in the county
The board of supervisors, a s a ru le, does no t place th e ir nam es
in th e box. . . . ”
Sam ple from County # 7 :
“1000 w hite people, 4000 N egroes: . . . we have no N egro ju ro rs
in th is county a t a ll.”
21
The federal response to such actions of the provisional
government was reasonably swift and direct. If the
southern legislatures, including Mississippi, were to re
impose slavery in another form, then the base of the
electorate had to be radically altered. After the Civil
Rights Act of 186632 had been followed by the Thirteenth
Amendment, the foundation had been laid for the balance
of the “Third American Constitution,”33 the Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments, and the Civil Rights Acts
of 1870, 1871 and 1875.34 As a result of these enactments
the formal legislative response to the war was largely
complete.
Two essential points were made by this codification.
First, that while the war had been fought in the name
of the Union, the legal expression of victory was, not
unexpectedly, couched in terms of equal humans rights,
and — secondly — those rights received extensive and
serious federal protection. The withdrawal of that pro
tection as a matter of political expediency at the time
of the Hayes-Tilden arrangement of 187735 cannot detract
from the validity of its original content, or the effective
ness and necessity of its current meaning.
While the federal government turned away after 1890
from an interest in Negro rights, and was engaged in
Asian wars, and the struggle in Cuba,36 the state of Mis-
32Act of A pril 9, 1866, chs. 31, 14, s ta tu te 27.
33See F ran k lin , The R ela tion of th e F ifth , N in th and F ourteen th A m end
m en ts to the 3rd C onstitution, 4-5, H oward Law Journal, 171 (1958)
341870; ch. 114; 16 S tat. 140: 1871; ch. 22, 17 S tat. 13: 1875; A ct of M arch
1, 1875, Ch. 114, 18 S tat. 335, and Act of M arch 3, 1875, Ch. 137, 18 S tat.
470.
35.Siee W oodward, R eun ion and R eaction Doubleday-Anchor Ed. (1956).
360n th is po in t see the effect of Im peria lism in A sia described by P ro
fesso r W oodward. “W ith the sections (N orth and South) in rapport, the
w ork of w ritin g th e w hite m an’s law for A sia and Afro-Am erica w ent
fo rw ard sim ultaneously .” Origins of the N ew South , S outhern H isto ry
Series, La. S ta te Univ. P ress, 1951, page 326.
22
sissippi, as ruled by the redeemers, was “responsible” to
its sources of power. In the Constitution of 1890, Ne
groes were finally and effectively denied the franchise
and thereby excluded from jury service. It is not coin
cidental that this document, containing a “grandfather”
clause and “comprehension” requirements, similar to pre
sent franchise enactments,37 followed Rives and preceeded
Williams vs. Mississippi.38 By this time Negro registra
tion was down in that state from a high in 1867 of 60,167
(46,636 for whites) to 8,615 (68,127 whites in 1892.39
The constitutional connection between the franchise and
jury service has continued to this day40 and serves as a
vital link in the Mississippi plan of racial segregation.41
2) Mississippi was not so different from the other
states of the old Confederacy that its experiences and
response were unique. Certainly, these matters were in
the mind of Congress when in 1866 it clearly stated that
criminal prosecutions commenced in a state court may be
removed to a federal forum when they were brought
against:
“Any person who is denied . . . a right under any
37Mississippi C onstitu tion , Sections 243-244.
38170 U.S. 213 (1898).
39W harton op. cit., pp. 146 and 215.
40Mississippi C onstitu tion A rt. 14, Section 264; M ississippi code, Sections
1762 and 1766. See also GoldsVy vs. H arpole, op. cit.
41For a good descrip tion of th e M ississippi P lan see W oodward. Origins of
the N ew South , S ou thern H isto ry Steries. La. S tate Univ. P ress, p. 321
(1951). T his p lan w as w idely copied by the o ther Southern S tates.
(W oodw ard; R eun ion and R eaction, op. cit. a t p. 45). A nother v ita l link
w as the “A tlan ta Ctompromise” announced in 1895 by B ooker T. W ash
ing ton w hich confirm ed th e Negro abandonm ent of the P opulists (who
had ea rlie r em barked upon th e policy of u n itin g w hites so as to allow
them to d iv ide). T h is policy no t only recognized th a t 20 years of te r ro r
and opression had taken its toll, bu t p rac tica lly inv ited th e fina l d is
franch isem en t of The Negro by assign ing him a servile and hum ble
ro le in the New South.
23
law providing for the equal rights of citizens of
the United States. . .
or against:
“Any person who . . . cannot enforce in the
courts of such state, a right under any law pro
viding for the equal civil rights of citizens of
the United States.”
The above language does not appear in the statute in
that exact form, but under the construction given Section
1443(1) by Judge Soboloff of the Fourth Circuit in his
dissent from that Court’s opinion in Baines vs. Danville
(opinion, unreported, January 21st, 1966), the rendition
is justified.
Petitioners have obviously alleged they cannot enforce
the right to a trial jury impartially selected in the
courts of Mississippi. While in the day of the Rives
case federal and/or state procedure may have been in
adequate to show jury selection discrimination in advance
of trial, such is not true today. Adequate remedies exist
in Federal courts under the rules of both civil and crimi
nal procedure42 to test the jury selection process. The
argument that such a showing must not be “first made
manifest at the trial of the case”43 has no real meaning
in modern times, since matters of jury composition are
routinely taken up and made manifest well in advance
of trial.
The statute as it stands today must allow removal when,
in the light of experience in life and judicial history, the
42Civil R ules R ule 7; C rim inal R ules Rule 6 ( b ) ( 2 ) .
43R ives a t p. 319.
24
allegations, if proven, would show the denial of a federal
ly-protected equal right, or the inability to enforce such
right at time of trial. In reality, there is no logical
justification for the court below to say that these peti
tioners can remove because a statute, unconstitutionally
enforced, denied them their equal civil rights by unfair
arrest, and to say as well that they cannot remove when
administrative exclusion of their race from the jury pre
vents them from being able to enforce in the state courts
the “equal civil right” of “equal protection of the laws.”
It is indeed difficult for a person to conceive of such a
difference or to avoid the conclusion that if Peacock is
the law, then Rives and Powers should be overruled.
3) While it might be said that the Rives-Powers rul
ing avoids unnecessary federal-state conflicts and restricts
the removal statute to prosecutions by states so naive as
to explicitly — by statute — discriminate against Negroes
in this day and age, this is to ignore not only life, but
the requirements of federal law. In recent years Federal
courts have largely abandoned state court review as the
only method of exerting federal sovereignty. Sensing a
growing indifference on the part of state governments
to federal rights, and recognizing the primacy of the
supremacy clause, the federal courts have not hesitated to
step in on selected occasions to exert the power of the
United States in defense of its citizens. This has occurred
in matters of: reapportionment, (Baker vs. Carr, 369
U.S. 186 (1961) ; school prayer, (Engel vs. Vitale,
370 U.S. 421 (1962) ); school desegregation, (Brown vs.
Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) ); civil liber
ties, (Donnbrowski vs. Pfister 380 U.S. 479 (1965) ); and
fair trial, {Faye vs. Noia 372 U.S. 391 (1963) ). All
of these cases have used extraordinary remedies (of in
25
junction or habeas corpus) to supplement the traditional
method of state-federal review. The court recognized in
these instances the urgency and importance of immediate
federal intervention to protect federal rights. That find
ing is equally justified in the removal cases here pre
sented.
In this regard Dombroivski vs. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479
(1965) clearly held that where federal rights are in
danger from state action the proper function of the fed
eral courts is to interpose federal power between the
individual citizen of the United States and the State:
“When the statutes also have an over-broad
sweep, as is here alleged, the hazard of loss or
substantial impairment of those precious rights
may be critical. For in such cases, the statutes
lend themselves too readily to denial of those
rights. The assumption that defense of a crimi
nal prosecution will generally assure ample ven-
dication of constitutional rights is unfounded in
such cases. See Baggett vs. Bullitt, supra, at
379. For “the threat of sanctions may deter
. . . almost as potently as the actual application
of santions . . .” NAACP vs. Button, 371 U.S.
415, 433.44
The free speech First Amendment rights referred to
in the Dombrowski opinion quoted above are no more
44380 U.S. 479 a t 486. See also d issen ting opinion of Judge W isdom
in an ea rlie r rep o rt in th is case found a t 227 F. Supp. 556 (1964)
w herein he w ro te: “Once m ore I em phasize th a t th e basic e rro r in the
co u rt’s decision is its fa ilu re to d is tin g u ish betw een th e type case now
before i t and the ru n of the m ine su it by a c rim ina l offender ask ing for
re lie f ag a in s t un law fu l S tate action. In the Civil R igh ts Act Congress
estab lished a d is tin c t federal cause of action in favor of those whose
constitu tional r ig h ts have been invaded. 42 U.SIC.A. Sections 1981,
1983, 1985. As a m a tte r of law, since such cases involve a federa l ques
tion , the r ig h t existed anyw ay. The fact th a t such cases involve a dis
pu te over federally protected freedom s m ake th e federal co u rt th e
app rop ria te forum for se ttlem en t of the d ispute.”
26
precious and are no more federal in character than the
Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendment rights
made available for special protection by the civil rights
removal statute. Title 28, Section 1443, does not allow
the removal of all or even most criminal cases, and the
jury selection interpretation sought here does not en
compass procedural evils in jury selection which do not
touch on the equal protection guarantees of the wartime
amendments. This is not argued here. However, what
is said now is that these amendments had one great aim
-—- to bring the Negro up to the level of the white man
and to use federal power to see that this was accomp
lished. This was why federal removal was vital to the
true implementation of these amendments.
Here the petitioners seek, as did the Freedmens Bureau
one hundred years ago, to raise the Negro up, to give
him the vote and the education to use it. For this they
were exposed to the wrath of the white Mississippi com
munity which promptly set into motion the machinery
of the state to suppress them. The facts of Dombroivski
show the same sequence of events in Louisiana. As stated
by Judge Wisdom in his District Court dissenting opinion
in that case:
“Chairman Pfister is quoted as saying that the
plaintiffs were racial agitators. If that is true,
and if the plaintiff’s modest agitation by mail
was motivated only by the plaintiff’s interest in
civil rights for Negroes- then once again, as in
Bush vs. Orleans Parish School Board, the State
has marshalled the full force of its criminal law
to enforce its social philosophy through the po
liceman’s club.’ Under any rational concept of
federalism the federal district court has the pri
mary responsibility and the duty to determine
27
whether a state court proceeding is or is not a
disguised effort to maintain the State’s unyield
ing policy of segregation at the expense of the in
dividual citizen’s federally guaranteed rights and
freedoms.45
Rives and Powers reflect no more than the removal
counterpart of Plessy vs. Ferguson,46 These ancient re
moval cases are judicial reflections of the Hayes-Tilden
compromise withdrawing the previously given federal sup
port of the Negro. This withdrawal was first signalled
in the Slaughterhouse cases,47 and consistently followed
for seventy-five years. It was finally given its death
blow in Brown vs. Board of Education.48 Rives and Pow
ers deserve the same fate.
4) Not only were these two removal cases historically
wrong to begin with and now hopelessly out of date, but
their reasoning is completely deficient as clearly set forth
by the city itself in its application to this court where on
page 16 it says:
“Furthermore, City submits that there is no
more reason for Congress to have believed that
one would be denied his equal civil rights in the
courts of the state because state officials alleged
ly arrested and charged him in violation of the
equal protection clause than if state officials dis
criminated against him in violation of the equal
protection clause in the selection of the grand
and/or petit jurors.”
Applicants would turn this argument on its head and
say that there is as much reason for Congress to have
believed that one would be denied his “equal civil rights”
by a system of racially discriminatory jury selection as
by a racially motivated arrest and charge.
45D om brow sM vs. P fister , 227 F . Supp. a t p. 583.
46163 U.S. 537, 41 L,. Ed. 256, 16 S. Ct. 1138 (1896).
4716 W all; 36, 21 K Ed. 394 (1873).
48347 U.S. 483, 98 L. Ed. 873, 74 St. Ct. 686 (1954).
28
Clearly, Judge Bell, below, is hard put to follow the
reasoning of Rives and Powers. He simply did the best
possible job on this point while recognizing the inapprop
riateness of his Circuit Court’s attempting to strike them
down.
Judicial adminstration in that circuit has been sorely
tried by the obstructionist effect of these Plessy type
opinions. Clearly Negroes’ rights are more effectively
protected and the judicial process more properly and ef
ficiently used if the equal protection problems posed by
racially discriminatory jury selection systems are avoided
in the first instance by the simple process of federal re
moval rather than by being dragged through the federal
courts for years by the habeas corpus — appeal —
certiorari method. Certainly the Fifth Circuit in its
recent en banc hearing49 was searching for something
49ln R ives the cou rt recom m ended to th e federa l system th e case-by-case
m ethod of federal review sanctiond by N eal vs. Delaware. T h is m ethod
has proved in practice to be unw ieldy, expensive, and a burden to the
docket. I t has fa iled to produce su b stan tia l ju stice in circum stances of
w idespread d isregard of federa l rig h ts . On D ecember 16th and 17th
1965 the C ourt of A ppeals fo r the F if th C ricu it held a n ex trao rd in a ry
en banc h earin g covering seven ju ry d iscrim ination cases. These ap
peals w ere selected from all over the c ircu it by v ir tu e of th e i r im port
ance. _ These argum ents w ere certa in ly in p a r t designed to aid th e
court in its search fo r a so lu tion to the problem posed to its docket by
th e m ounting num ber of such cases. All five of the s ta te cases w ere
hapeas corpus appeals w hich re lied on th e N eal case, and the records
th e re in clearly showed th e consistency w ith w hich th e requ irem en ts of
th e F o u rteen th A m endm ent for im partia lly selected ju r ie s have been
consisten tly d isregarded in th e S ou thern S tates. The cases heard w ere:
I tT. S. ex rel E dgar Labat vs. B ennett, D kt. No. 22218,
IT. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircu it.
2t7. S', ex rel E dw ard D avis vs. D avis, Dkt. No. 21926.
U. S. C ourt of Appeals, F if th C ircuit.
W . S. ex 7-el A ndrew J. Sco tt vs. W alker, Dkt. No. 20814,
U. S. C ourt of Appeals, F if th C ircu it.
iW illie B rooks vs. Beto, Dkt. No. 22809,
U. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircuit.
5Jon i R ab inow itz vs, XJ. 8., D kt. No. 21256,
U. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircuit.
®Eliza Jackson, et al vs. V. 8., D kt. No. 21345,
U. S. C ourt of A ppeals, F if th C ircu it.
lO rzell B illingsley, Sr. vs. Clayton, D kt. No. 22304,
U. S. C ourt of Appeals, F if th C ircuit.
29
along these lines. Only this court can ultimately restore
this vital federal right of equal protection in jury selection
to the Negro people in an effective and efficient way.
Powers and Rives should be overruled.
5) No only is the Rives-Powers doctrine a facet of
Plessy, but it is another version of abstention in disguise.
In reality, the doctrine was invented (and, given the
legislative history of the removal statute and the realities
of Reconstruction, there can be no other term) to return
jurisdiction of the Negro back to the tender mercies of
the states of the Old Confederacy. It was part and par
cel of the meaning of the Hayes-Tilden compromise of
1877 and suffers today from all the defects inherent in
the state activities and in-activities struck down by the
new decisions limiting abstension.
The old abstention doctrine was too broad and was de
fective in at least two ways.50 “1) it removes the federal
courts from creative participation in the development of
the law, and 2) it could cause the litigants great expense
and delay.” These important issues were all present in
Dombrowski vs. Pfister 380 U.S. 479 (1965) and in the
reapportionment cases beginning with Baker vs. Carr,
369 U.S. 186 (1962). Additionally, the great principal
of having a federal forum and federal proection for fed
eral rights, embodied in the federal removal statute,
and extended by Dombrowski and England,51 is abrogated
by this Rives-Powers version of abstension. As stated in
England:
“Abstention is a judge-fashioned vehicle for ac-
50See P reaus, Note # 8 , 39 Tulane Law R eview 57? a t 579 (1965).
51E ngland vs. La. Bd. o f Med. E xam iners, 375 U.S. 411 (1964).
30
cording appropriate deference to the ‘respective
competence of the state and federal court sys
tems.’ Louisiana P. & L. Co. vs. Thibodaux, 360
U.S. 25,29 79 S. Ct. 1070, 1073, 3 L. Ed. 2d
1058. Its recognition of the role of state courts
as the final expositors of state law implies no
disregard for the primacy of the federal judici
ary in deciding questions of federal law.52 Ac
cordingly, we have on several occasions explicitly
recognized that abstention does not, of course,
invlove the abdication of federal jurisdiction, but
only the postponement of its exercise. Harrison
vs. NAACP 360 U.S. 167, 177. 79 S. Ct. 1025,
1030, 3 L. Ed. 2d 1152___ ”
Shortly after the England decision this court decided
Dombrowski, wherein it was held:
“We hold the abstention doctrine is inappropri
ate for cases such as the present one where, un
like Douglas vs. City of Jeanette,53 statutes are
justifiably attacked on their face as abridging
free expression, or as applied for the purpose of
discouraging protected activities.”
This did no more than logically extend the principal
that where a state statute is unconstitutionally vague,
inhibiting of the exercise of First Amendment freedoms,
and deterring constitutionally protected conduct, federal
district courts may not abstain from adjudication and re
lief. Cooper vs. Hutchinson (1958 CA 3), 184 F. 2d 119;
Baggett vs. Bullitt, 377 U.S. 360, 366, 367, 372, 12 L. Ed.
2d 377, 84 Sc. Ct. 1316; Griffin vs. County School Board,
377 U.S. 218, 12 L. Ed. 2d 256, 84 S. Ct. 1226; Davis vs.
Manu 377 U.S. 678, 12 E. Ed. 2d 609, 84 S. Ct. 1453;
52See K urland , Tow ard a Co-operative Jud icia l F edera lism : The Federal
Court A bsten tion D octrine, 24 FR D 1 481, 487.
53319 U.S. 147, 63 S. Ct. 877, 87 L. Ed. 1324.
31
McNeese vs. Board of Education, 373 U.S. 668 10 L. Ed.
2d 622, 83 S. Ct. 1433.
In effect the Congress of 1866 in passing the federal
removal section of the Civil Rights Act declared as a
matter of national legislative policy that in the field of
equal protection for Negroes, there was to be no doctrine
of abstention, and that the federal equal civil rights were
not to be subjected to state adjudication by the former
slave-holding class. As to such rights, the extraordinary
situations that must be present to overcome Section 228354
so that an injunction might issue (as in Dombrowski) are
almost assumed to exist. In effect, the Congress, as
shown in its debates, took legislative notice of the rebel
lious attitudes and defiant disregard by the Southern oli
garchy of the equal civil rights of the Negro. This notice,
as written into the law, recognizes not only state statutes
as obstacles to enforcement of the Fourteenth Amend
ment, but also the actions of the officials, judges and
sheriffs who enforce the law. Actually that Congress did
the same thing the present Congress did when it passed
the 1965 Voting Rights Bill.55 After extensive hearings
wherein the real scope of white suppression of the Negro
voter was exposed, (almost without contradiction), Con
gress set about fashioning a remedy. In doing so it ig
nored the so-called state remedies and immediately in
voked the Federal power in Federal forums. The Eighty-
Ninth Congress found, and this court agreed, in State of
South Carolina vs. Katzenbach (March 7, 1966 opinion)
that “the latter strategem (. . . discriminatory application
of voting test . . .)56 is now the principal method used to
54Title 28 Sec. 2283 U.S.C.
5579 S tat. 437.
56Emphasis added.
32
bar Negroes from the polls.” If the Eighty-Ninth Congress
can find unconstitutional application of state voting laws
the basis for Federal intervention and protection of Four
teenth Amendment voting rights, and if this court can
agree with that Congress, then there is no reason why it
cannot be said that the Thirty-Ninth Congress did not
intend discriminatory application of a state jury system
to justify Federal removal. Finally, there is no reason
why this court should not agree with such policy as set
forth in South Carolina vs. Katzenbach.
B. THE STATUTES ARE UNCONSTITUTIONAL.
1) Given the state of the Mississippi jury selection
statutes, it is difficult to conclude that this system does
not fall prey to even a loose reading of Rives and Poiv-
ers.
Those laws in their pertinent parts read as follows:
Mississippi Constitution Art. 14 Section 264:
“No person shall be a grand or petit juror un
less a qualified elector . . . The Legislature shall
provide by law for procuring a list of persons
so qualified . . .”
Mississippi Code Section 1762:
“Every Male citizen not under the age of Twenty-
One years who is a qualified elector . . . is a
competent juror . . [emphasis added]
Mississippi Code Section 1766:
“The Board of supervisors . . . shall select and
make a list of persons to serve as jurors in the
circuit court . . . as a guide in making the list
33
they shall use the registration book of voters,
and shall select and list the names of qualified
persons of good intelligence, sound judgment,
and fair character . .
Mississippi Code Section 1796:
“A challenge to the array shall not be sustained,
except for fraud, nor shall any venire facias ex
cept a special venire facias in a criminal case, be
quashed for any cause whatever.”
Mississippi Code Section 1798:
“All the provisions of law in relation to the list
ing, drawing, summoning and impaneling juries
are directory merely; and a jury listed drawn,
summoned or impainel, though in an informal
or irregular manner, shall be deemed a legal
jury . .
If the state statutes in West Virginia excluded Ne
groes from jury service, the formal Mississippi jury
structure does no less. The entire machinery of juror
selection in that State is geared to literate voter regis
tration. This scheme was deliberately contrived in 1890
when it was apparent that while Negroes composed near
ly one-half of the electorate, almost four-fifths of them
were unable to read and write. Compared to this, only
one-quarter of the whites suffered from such disability.
The solution was obvious:57 given the guiding principal
of white supremacy, the redeemers of the State simply
drew the Constitution of 1890 so as to require literacy
tests of electors which Negroes could not meet,58
57W harton, op. oit., page 201 w rite s : “By 1890 M ississippi’s D em ocratic
C ongressm en w ere read y to give en thusiastic support to any schem e th a t
would pu t a legal face on the e lim ination of th e N egro vote.”
58For a b rief bu t careful descrip tion of th is device, see V.S. vs. M ississippi
85, S. Ct. 808, 380 U.S. 128 (1965).
34
The second Mississippi plan worked for nearly 65
years, but in 1954, sensing that Brown vs. Board of Edu
cation signaled a revived federal interest in the Negro,
and reading clearly the caveat of the Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit in Peay vs. Cox, 190 F. 2d. 123,59
the State tightened the constitutional disenfranchise
ment of the Negro. The Reconstruction Congresses had
struck at the heart of the Southern problem in 1866,
1870, 1871 and 1875. That lesson was not lost on Mis
sissippi. The rule now was that the Negro voter, and
hence the juror, must not, as before, be able only to read
or understand or interpret a 167-page constitution, but
he now had to read and understand and interpret this
amazing document.60 Feeling that this was not enough,
in 1960 the legislature with the help of the selected elec
torate that held the vote, added the requirement that
voters should be of “good character.”61
The federal concern though very late, was justified:
Negro voter registration had dropped from 50% in 1890,
to 9% in 1899, and then to 5% in 1954. Of course, this
was due to the successful operation of the plan, but at
this point the state became the victim of its own success.
The Justice Department stepped in and brought suit to
expose the scheme.
Mr. Justice Black, for this Court, wrote in U.S. vs.
Mississippi:
“It is apparent that the complaint which the
majority of the District Court dismissed, charged
a long standing, carefully prepared, and faith-,
fully observed plan to bar Negroes from voting
in the State of Mississippi, a plan which the reg
59Cert. D enied 342 U.S. 898.
60Sec. 244 of the M ississippi C onstitu tion .
6lSee. 241-A of th e M ississippi C onstitu tion .
35
istration statistics included in the complaint
would seem to show had been remarkably suc
cessful.”
Taken as a whole, the scheme to eliminate the Negro
from the jury box was just as successful. When one
construes the unconstitutional provisions of the Missis
sippi voter and juror selection statutes together (i.e., as
they are written) to the same provisions of the Louisi
ana Laws now found unconstitutional in U.S. vs. Lou-
isiana,62 the conclusion should be that the entire disrepu
table and concocted affair should be brought tumbling
down.
2.) It should be noted here that one of the grounds
specifically relied upon in the Weathers petitions as
grounds for removal is that the entire legal structure
which will conduct petitioners trials, is operated by a
sheriff, a district attorney and a judge put in office by
an election from which Negroes were systematically
excluded.63 Leflore County is a defendant in a pattern
and practice suit,64 and its registrar is one of those sought
to be restrained in U.S. vs. Mississippi, 85 S. Ct. 808,
380 U.S. 128. The Fifth Circuit has just set aside mu
nicipal elections in the case of Hamer vs. Sunflower
(script opinion March 11th, 1966, unreported) where a
pattern and practice finding so closely proceeded an elec
62380 U.S. 128 85 S. Ct. 808 (1965). The South C arolina p lan pushed by
G overnor T illm an, as described by Ju stice B lack in h is opinion in U.S.
vs. M ississippi, w as bu t an im ita tion of the second M ississippi p lan of
1890. See W oodward, O rigins of the N ew South , op. cit., p. 322.
I t should be noted th a t th e 1890 plan w as as m uch directed aga in s t
th e g row ing P o p u lis t m ovem ent w hich drew its support from the
illi te ra te w hites as ag a in s t th e Negro. By 1898, W illiam s vs. M ississippi,
170 U.S. 213 had placed th e stam p of Federa l approval on the whole
s in is te r conspiracy.
63R. 40 (C, 3,) e ) .
64U.S. vs. M ississippi, 339 F . 2d 679.
36
tion that Negroes made eligible by the Federal Court65
had no time to register or qualify as candidates. It
stands to reason that these county officials, who ini
tiated this arrest in the first place, and who can easily
be said, and probably shown, to be participants in the
Mississippi Plan, were not, are not, and cannot be ra
cially impartial. It will be most difficult if not impos
sible for petitioners who have already been denied equal
protection from the sheriff to receive it from the prose
cutor and the judge.
By the explicit exclusion of women by Mississippi Code
Section 1762, the structure of jury selection in that state
clearly becomes unconstitutional. A three judge Federal
Court in the Middle District of Alabama recently held, in
(White et. al vs. Crook et al., Docket #2263-N Mid. Dist.
Ala. North. Div., undeported opinion Feb. 7th, 1966)
that the Alabama statute that excluded women from
jury service is unconstitutional. Dorothy Weathers is a
female.66 There is no more reason for allowing women
to be excluded from juries than there is for excluding
Negroes. If, for no other reason, the removal petitions
should be sustained on this ground. This is the least
Rives and Powers can do for this generation.
3.) Finally, after reading Code Sections 1796 and 1798,
it is difficult to believe that Mississippi has a jury se
lection system worthy of the name. The provisions sound
as though designed for the western territories or the
Yukon near the turn of the century. Apparently, the
Mississippi Court can not only justify and legally protect
any array of jurymen,67 but can, in a pinch, draw the
65U.S. vs. Campbell, ND Miss. No. GC633 (1965 un repo rted ) (C overing
Sunflow er County, w hich ad jo ins L eF lo re).
66R. 47.
67Miss. Code.Section 1796.
37
jury as it sees fit.68 While this might be necessary or
even through serendipity, impartial in some instances, it
renders a formal examination of method, as well as re
sults, impossible.
With such statutes still on the books and available,
the standard of Rives and Powers is not only met, it is
exceeded. Obviously, if no one can test the array on a
racial basis, and if all formalities are waived by law,
then there is no use even mentioning the troublesome
problem of equal protection, much less due process of law.
To apply strictly the formalism of Rives and Powers
would be to assign such a system to the eighteenth century
where it belongs.
Ill
C I V I L RIGHTS WORKERS ARRESTED AND
CHARGED BY THE STATE WHILE ASSISTING NE
GROES TO REGISTER TO VOTE IN MISSISSIPPI
ARE THEREBY PROSECUTED FOR AN ACT PER
FORMED UNDER COLOR OF AUTHORITY DE
RIVED FROM THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT
AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACTS OF 1957 AND 1960,
AND ADDITIONALLY FOR REFUSING TO DO AN
ACT, i.e., FOR DESISTING, ON THE GROUND THAT
IT WOULD BE INCONSISTENT WITH SUCH EQUAL
FEDERAL LAWS, ALL WITHIN THE MEANING OF
SECTION 1443(2).
A) Until People vs. Galamison, 342 F. 2d 255 (1965)
and Peacock were decided, there were no appellate de
cisions that gave a judicial interpretation to 28 USC
1443(2). In Galamison the petitioners relied on 42 USC
68Miss. Code, Section 1798.
38
1981 and the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amend
ment. In the Peacock case, however, petitioners were
not seeking due process, but equal protection of the laws.
They were assisting others to register to vote. It was the
avowed public policy of the Federal Government all
over the South, and particularly in LeFlore County’
Mississippi, that Negroes not only be allowed, but en
couraged to vote. That is what all the agitation has been
about, since at least the 1957 Civil Rights Act. The
Justice Department of the Federal Government under
the 1957 act and under the 1960 act had not only sued
to destroy the “Mississippi Plan” of 1890 and had named
the LeFlore County registrar as a defendant,69 but had,
under the discretionary and quasi-judicial powers granted
the Attorney General in those Statutes, and based on an
exhaustive investigation, determined that there existed
a pattern and practice of racial discrimination in voting
in LeFlore and other Counties. The Attorney General
had, in fact just before these arrests, brought suit for a
judgment declaring such a pattern and practice to exist
and for an injunction against the registrar of voters
along with a request for other equitable relief. That
case, U. S. vs. Mississippi, et al, 339 F. 2d 679, was
designed to result in an appropriate freezing order. Peti
tioners as civil rights workers, would clearly play a
prominent part in the implementation of that order.
Those cases were not the only Justice Department activi
ty in support of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating
Committee which had early established its Mississippi
base in Greenwood. Just two years before, (1961) a civil
rights worker for SNCC had been pistol-whipped in the
courthouse by the registrar of voters, and the Justice
69U.8. vs. M ississippi, 380 U.S. 128, S. Ct. 128 (229 F. Supp. 925).
39
Department had sought an injunction to protect the
voter registration drive then in progress there; US vs.
Wood 295 F. 2d 772 (1964). If any group of persons
were ever members of a “posse comitatus,” Willie Peacock
and his SNCC co-workers were.
After the Hardy incident of the Wood case, it became
plain that the rural Mississippi Negro not only had to
suppress a lifetime of fear and terror to even appear at
the “white man’s courthouse”- he had to be downright
foolhardy to do so for the purpose of voter registration.
The lesson was clear. Unless he had someone to en
courage him to even go to the Courthouse, and a person
he trusted, brave enough to accompany him there, he
simply would not go. That is what these petitioners
were trying to do when arrested. A person would be
nearly blind not to see that these petitioners, who do
not work for pay, were doing the work our Federal
Government was encouraging and assisting them to do.
By helping others in the exercise of the substantive right
to non-discriminatory voter registration they acquired
a “color of authority” as defined by 28 USC Section
1443(2). To require them to qualify for removal under
Sections 1443(1), is to ignore history and current reality.
They are no less than the modern counterpart of the
unpaid volunteers that assisted the Freedmans Bureau
of 100 years ago. Their protection then was in large
measure the basis for the language of Section 1443(2),
and it should be no less so today.
B) Curiously, no mention is made in either Galamison
or Peacock below, of the last part of subsection (2). We
deem that language to be most significant. Professor
40
Amsterdam in his work on this subject70 refers to the
language of Section 1443 as being couched in terms
of “exquisite obscurity”. This may be so, but a
careful reading of Southern History serves to remove
some of that obscurity. Historical responses such as the
Civil Rights Acts of the Reconstruction period are not
without their historical reasons. Professor Amsterdam’s
brief in the Rachel case is evidence of that. Addition
ally, just as these matters cannot be considered from a
purely analytical viewpoint, they must be assumed to
have a reason for existence. The second part of sub-
paragraph (2 )of Section 1443 is there for a purpose,
and that purpose gives support to the position previous
ly urged here, and in Rachel, that Section 1443(2) ap
plies to “persons,” generally. The language in question
is:
“. . . or for refusing to do any act on the
ground that it would be inconsistent with such
law.”71
This might be said to apply to the federal officer
under mandatory State injunction to strike a Negro
from a voter roll or to alter a land ownership book, but
such instances were certainly rare after 1865 when the
occupational commanders had returned most such duties
to the Southern Whites. What this language really means
is that the individual Negro, who was registered, listed,
worked, bartered for, paid and indentured under the
Black Codes, could remove his case when he was prose
70C rim inal P rosecutions A ffec tin g F ederally G uaranteed C ivil R ig h ts ;
F ederal R em oval and Heabeas Corpus Jurisd ic tion to A bort S ta te Court
Trial, 113 Univ. of P ennsy lvan ia Law Review, 793, (1965).
71Tliis language w as am ended in to Senate B ill # 6 1 on M arch 15th.
1866 a fte r conference. In S enator T rum bulls rep o rt (Cong. Globe
p. 1413, 39th Cong.) he d irectly re la tes i t to the p ro tection being
g iven by law to F reedm en and Refugees.
41
cuted for violating them. These laws were the heart
and soul of the Provisional Government of Mississippi
in 1865, the year before the removal Statute was passed.72
They were not repealed there until 1867.73 They were in
turn, however, replaced by the vagrancy laws and Stat
utes which required freedmen without a yearly labor con
tract to secure a license.74
Additionally Negroes were required by law to appren
tice their minor children under pain of severe penalties.75
This act was written explicitly for and applied to the
children of Negroes only.
Wharton in his work,76 at page 84 writes:
“. . . it cannot be denied that county courts
by arbitrary decisions as to the ability of the
freedmen to provide for their children might
easily have delivered most of the Negro minors
into the hands of their former masters.”
Negroes over eighteen years old were, under the sec
ond series of Black Codes, required to have homes and
to find lawful employment by the . . . “Second Monday
in January, 1866 . . .” or be deemed a vagrant.77 Negroes
72Trumbull fu r th e r describes the rem oval ac t a t page 474 of the Globe on
Ja n u a ry 29th 1866:
“Since th e abo lition of slavery the L egisla tu res w hich have as .
sem bled in the in su rrec tio n a ry s ta te s have passed Law s re la tin g
to the F reedm en and in nearly a ll of the s ta tes they have dis
crim inated aga in s t them . They deny them certa in rig h ts , subject
them to severe penalties, and s till im pose upon them th e very
re s tric tio n s w hich w ere im posed upon them in consequence of the
existence of slavery, and before i t w as abolished. The purpose
of th e bill u nder consideration is to destroy a ll these d iscrim ina
tions . . .”
73Notes Nos. 29 and 30 supra.
74W harton, op cite, p. 91.
75Mississippi Session Law s R egu lar Session, 1865, § 86-90 (N ovem ber
22, 1865).
760p. cite.
77Mississippi Session Laws, op. cite. § 90L93.
42
were also by the codes required to pay a . . capita
tion tax not to exceed one dollar annually, on each and
every freedman, free Negro, or mulatto . . for the
support of the Negro paupers.78
Finally Negroes were required to have written evi
dence of employment, i.e. a labor contract, on or before
the second Monday in January, 1866 or be deemed a
vagrant.79 Considering these requirements of the Black
Codes all together, it is difficult to recall any other set
of laws more inconsistent with the Fourteenth Amend
ment except the slave codes themselves.
The refusal to do these acts of indentur, apprentice-
ment, registration or payment a head tax were natu-<
rally widespread among the hundreds of thousands of
newly freed slaves who were without jobs, cash or the
rudiments of an education. These people did not only re
fuse to perform, they simply could not, and the white su
premacists knew it. That was why they drew the Black
Codes the way they did. This was the first “Mississippi
Plan”, and that is why the last part of Subsection 2 of
§ 1443 seems, but is not, “exquisitely obscure.”
This part of Subsection (2) of § 1443 can then be
said historically, to apply to the great masses of freed
Negro slaves, wandering about the South in the after-
math of a great civil war, who like the children of Israel
were being herded, prosecuted and impressed by their
former masters. This removal was to be their individual
relief. This law was designed to lift the burden of the
IKWharton, op. cite, p. 85.
7§Wharton, op. cite, p. 87. See also th e speech hy S enator Donnelly
{Cong. G lote 2 /1 /66 p. 588, 39th Congress) w here in he gives a de
ta iled and m oving descrip tion of the p lig h t of th e freedm an and
carefu lly decsribes th e slave-like charac te r of the B lack Codes.
43
thousands of petty charges descending upon them from
the white power structure like a plague of locusts. These
are the prosecutions this language was designed to stop.
The same is true, in a modern context, in this case.
These petitioners refused to move on, refused to con
form to the hundreds of petty harassments of daily life
in Mississippi, and finally and most importantly, refused
to desist from assisting in voter registration drives among
Negroes because such an act would be inconsistent with
the clear provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment, The
Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960, and their own com
mitment of conscience thereto.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the Court
of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit should be affirmed in
part and reversed in part.
Respectfully submitted:
BENJAMIN E. SMITH AND JACK PEEBLES
for SMITH, WALTZER, JONES & PEEBLES
1006 Baronne Building
New Orleans, Louisiana
CLAUDIA SHROPSHIRE and GEORGE CROCKETT
for GOODMAN, CROCKETT, EDEN, ROBB
& PHILO
3220 Cadillac Tower
Detroit, Michigan
LEN ROSENTHAL
406 West Capitol Street
Jackson, Mississippi
44
WILLIAM ROSSMORE of
STAVIS, RICHARDSON, KOENIGSBERG &
ROSSMORE
744 Broad Street
Newark, New Jersey
FAY STENDER of
GARRY, DREYFUS & McTERNAN
501 Fremont Building
San Francisco, California
45
CERTIFICATE
Undersigned Counsel certifies that he has served a copy
of the above brief on Mr. Hardy Lott of Lott and Saun
ders, Counsel for the City of Greenwood by placing same
in the U.S. Mail postage prepaid this _______ day of
March 1966.
Benjamin E. Smith