United States v. Price Brief for Appellant
Public Court Documents
September 30, 1965
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. United States v. Price Brief for Appellant, 1965. 336774c4-c79a-ee11-be37-000d3a574715. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/b1441d76-0b2d-4bae-84d1-d714acbb20a7/united-states-v-price-brief-for-appellant. Accessed December 04, 2025.
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Nos. 59, 60
Jit M j&tjime dfourt of to United states
O ctober T e r m , 1965
U n it e d S ta t e s of A m e r ic a , a p p e l l a n t
v.
C e c il R a y P r ic e , e t a l .
APPEALS FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, EASTERN DIVISION
BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES
THURGOOD M ARSH ALL,
Solicitor General,
JOHN DOAR,
Assistant Attorney General,
LOTUS F. CLAIBORNE,
Assistant to the Solicitor General,
GERALD P. CHOPPIN,
P E T E R S. SM ITH ,
Attorneys,
Department of Justice,
Washington, D.C., S05S0.
I N D E X
Page
Opinions Below______________________________________________ 1
Jurisdiction__________________________________________________ 1
Questions presented_________________ 2
Statutes involved____________________________________________ 2
Statement____________________ :______________________________ 3
Argument:
Introduction and Summary____________________________ 7
I. Section 241 of the Criminal Code protects rights
secured by the Due Process Clause of the Four
teenth Amendment____ __________________ :_________ 12
A. The text and context of Section 241_________ 15
B. The legislative history of Section 241_____ 25
II. Section 242 of the Criminal Code reaches private
individuals who act in association with state
officers to carry out a scheme to invade rights
secured by the provision_________________________ 28
Conclusion___________________________________________________ 36
Appendix____________________________________________________ 37
Cases:
Baldwin v. Franks, 120 U.S. 678______________________ 20
Baldwin v. Morgan, 251 F. 2d 780____________________ 31, 35
Barron v. United States, 5 F. 2d 799___________________ 34
Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority, 365 U.S. 715_ 30
Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 1__________________________ 25
DiPreia v. United States, 270 Fed. 73--------------------------- 33
Downie v. Powers, 193 F. 2d 760______________________ 32
Elk v. Wilkins, 112 U.S. 94____________________________ 22
Gebardi v. United States, 287 U.S. 112-------------------------- 10
Griffin v. Maryland, 378 U.S. 130______________________ 30
Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347---------------------- 14, 17, 21
Haggerty v. United States, 5 F. 2d 224_________________ 34
Hampton v. City oj Jacksonville, 304 F. 2d 320_______ 31
Hodges v. United States, 203 U.S. 1____________________ 14
James v. Bowman, 190 U.S. 127----------------------------------- 28
Jin Fuey M oy v. United States, 254 U.S. 189-------------- 9
(T.)
786- 542— 65------------1
II
Cases— Continued Page
Koehler v. United States, 189 F. 2d 711---------------- -------34, 35
Logan v. United States, 144 U.S. 263------------------- 8, 16, 21, 22
Lombard v. Louisiana, 373 U.S. 267----------------------------- 30
M ay v. United States, 175 F. 2d 994----------------------------- 34
McNeese v. Board of Education, 373 U.S. 668-------------- 31
Melling v. United States, 25 F. 2d 92--------------------------- 33
Minor v. ILappersett, 21 Wall. 162-------------------------------- 21
Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167--------------------------------------- 31
Motes v. United States, 178 U.S. 458---------------------------- 17, 22
Nye db Nissen v. United States, 168 F. 2d 846, affirmed,
336 U.S. 613_________________________________________ 9
Pennsylvania v. Board of Trusts, 353 U.S. 230------------ 30
Peterson v. City of Greenville, 373 U.S. 244------------------ 30
Pope v. Williams, 193 U.S. 621------------------------------------ 21
In re Quarles, 158 U.S. 532_______ _____________________ 16, 22
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533------------------------------------- 31
Ex parte Riggins, 134 Fed. 404-------------------------------------- 13
Robinson v. Florida, 378 U.S. 153--------------------------------- 30
Screws v. United States, 325 U.S. 91---------- 7, 8, 14, 18, 19, 29
Simkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital, 323 F.
2d 959________________________________________________ 31
Slaughter-House Cases, 16 Wall. 36------------------------------ 27
Smith v. Holiday Inns of America, 336 F. 2d 630_____ 31
Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303----------------------- 25
Swanne Soon Young Pang v. United States, 209 F. 2d
245___________________________________________________ 33
Turner v. City of Memphis, 369 U.S. 350___________ 31
United States v. Bayer, 4 Dill. 407, 24 Fed. Cas. 1046.. 34
United States v. Borden Co., 308 U.S. 188_____________ 9
United States v. Braverman, 373 U.S. 405_____________ 2
United States v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299__________ 14, 17, 19, 21
United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U.S. 542______________ 14
United States v. Decker, 51 F. Supp. 20_______________ 33
United States v. Guest, No. 65, this term__________ 16, 22, 28
United States v. Hall, 26 Fed. Cas. 79_________________ 13
United States v. Holte, 236 U.S. 140___________________ 10
United States v. Hvass, 355 U.S. 570___________________ 2, 9
United States v. Knickerbocker Fur Coat Co., 66 F. 2d
388___________________________________________________ 33
United States v. Lynch, 94 F. Supp. 1011, affirmed,
189 F. 2d 476, certiorari denied, 342 U.S. 831____ 32, 35
Ill
Cases— Continued Page
United. States v. Mall, 26 Fed. Cas. 1147______________ 13
United States v. Melekh, 193 F. Supp. 586____________ 34
United Slates v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383_____ 14, 15, 17, 21, 28
United States v. Palermo, 172 F. Supp. 183__________ 33
United States v. Rabinowich, 238 U.S. 78______________ 10
United States v. Russo, 284 F. 2d 539________ 33
United States v. Saylor, 322 U.S. 385__________________ 17, 21
United States v. Selph, 82 F. Supp. 56_________________ 33
United States v. Snyder, 14 Fed. 554__________________ 33, 34
United States v. Trierweiler, 52 F. Supp. 4____________ 10
United States v. Waddell, 112 U.S. 76_____________ 16, 21, 22
United States v. J. R. Watlcins Co., 127 F. Supp. 97. _ 33
United States v. Wheeler, 254 U.S. 281_________________ 14
United States v. Williams, 341 U.S. 70________________ 12,
13, 14, 15, 18, 22, 23
United States v. Wise, 370 U.S. 405___________________ 2
United States v. Woodson, 371 U.S. 12_________________ 2
Valle v. Stengel, 176 Fed. 2d 697______________________ 31
Vane v. United States, 254 Fed. 32____________________ 33
Ex parte Virginia, 100 U.S. 339_________________ *_____ 25
Williams v. United States, 341 U.S. 97______________ 7, 8, 29
Williams v. United States, 179 F. 2d 644, affirmed, 341
U.S. 70_______________________________________________ 5, 21
Williams v. United States, 179 F. 2d 656, affirmed, 341
U.S. 97_________ ______________________________________ 32
Wilson v. United States, 230 F. 2d 521________________ 34
Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651_____________________ 16, 21
Constitution and statutes:
United States Constitution:
Thirteenth Amendment___________________________ 24
Fourteenth Amendment______________ 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13,
14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31
Fifteenth Amendment________________________ 14, 27, 28
Rev. Stat. 2289___________________________ __________________ 21
Revised Statutes, § 5508______________________________ 23
Criminal Code of 1909, § 20, 35 Stat. 1092___________ 16
Civil Rights Act of 1866, 14 Stat. 27___________ 18, 20, 22, 24, 27
Enforcement Act of 1870, 16 Stat. 140 et seq.:
Section 2_________ 15
Section 3 ________________________________________________ 15
Sections 1 -4_____________________________________________ 20
IV
Enforcement Act of 1870— Continued Page
Section 6________ ___________________________ 13 ,1 5 ,2 0 ,2 3 ,26
Section 7______ 20
Section 16_________ _______________________________ ; ____18, 20
Section 17_________________________ _____________ 16, 18, 20, 25
14 Stat. 74___________________________________________________ 23
16 Stat. 96_____ * ___________________________________________ 23
United States Code:
18 U.S.C. 2_____________________________________________ 3, 9
18U.S.C. 2(a)_______________________________ 33
18 U.S.C. 201__________ 34
18 U.S.C. 241 — , _____________________________ 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9,
10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26
18 U.S.C. 242_______________ 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 16, 17,
18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35
18 U.S.C. 371_________________________________ 5
18 U.S.C. 3731_______ 2
28 U.S.C. 1343(3)______________________________________ 31
42 U.S.C. 1983_________________________________________ 31
Miscellaneous:
Cong. Globe, 41st Cong., 2d Sess., pp.:
2942________________________________________________ 20
3479 _____________________________________________ 20
3480 __ ____________________ 1_____________________ 20
3611 _____ j ____________________ _____________ _ 26, 27, 28
3612 _______________________________________________ 20,28
3613 ______________________ __________________ 26,27 ,28
3679________________________________________________ 20
3688________________________________________________ 20
3690________________________________________________ 20
Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, Rule 7(d)______ 8
Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, Rule 20_______ 4
James, The Framing of the Fourteenth Amendment
(1956), p. 1 4 3 ._______________________________________
S. Rep. No. 102, 82d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 7___________
22
34
Jn Hit §$n$m\xt d{imrt of Hit Hinted
O ctober T e r m , 1965
Nos. 59, 60
U n it e d S tates of A m e r ic a , a p p e l l a n t
v.
C e c il R a y P r ic e , e t a l ,
APPEALS FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, EASTERN DIVISION
BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES
OPINIONS BELOW
The opinions o f the district court (R. 4-7, 18-25)
are not yet reported.
j u r i s d i c t i o n
The judgments of the district court dismissing one
indictment in its entirety as to all appellees (R. 8)
and three counts of a second indictment as to fourteen
of the appellees (R. 26-28) were entered on March 2,
1965. Notices of appeal to this Court were tiled on
the same day (R. 9-10, 28-29). On April 26,1965, the
Court entered an order postponing further considera
tion of the question of jurisdiction and consolidating
these appeals (R. 30). The jurisdiction o f this Court
to review the decision o f the district court on direct
a)
2
appeal is conferred by 18 U.S.C. 3731. United States
v. Braverman, 373 U.S. 405; United States v. Hvass,
355 U.S. 570.1
QUESTIONS PBESENTED
1. Whether the right, secured by the Fourteenth
Amendment, not to be deprived o f life or liberty with
out due process of law by persons acting under color
of State law is a “ right or privilege secured * * * by the
Constitution” within the meaning of Section 241 o f
the Criminal Code.
2. Whether private individuals who act in associa
tion with public officials to carry out a scheme to de
prive persons o f rights protected by the Fourteenth
Amendment are within the reach of Section 242 o f the
Criminal Code.
STATUTES IN VOLVED
18 U.S.C. 241 provides:
I f two or more persons conspire to injure,
oppress, threaten, or intimidate any citizen in
the free exercise or enjoyment of any right
or privilege secured to him by the Constitution
or laws of the United States, or because of his
having so exercised the same; or
I f two or more persons go in disguise on the
highway, or on the premises of another, with
intent to prevent or hinder his free exercise
1 The j urisdiction of this Court to entertain the direct appeal
in No. 60 is not affected by the fact that Counts 2, 3 and 1
were dismissed only as to some of the defendants. See, e.g.,
United States v. Wise, 370 U .S. 405; United States v. Wood-
son, 371 U .S. 12. The objections to jurisdiction interposed in
response to the government’s jurisdictional statement— all with
out substance— are discussed in note 4, mfra, pp. 8-9.
3
or enjoyment of any right or privilege so se
cured—
They shall be fined not more than $5,000 or
imprisoned not more than ten years, or both.
18 U.S.C. 242 provides:
Whoever, under color of any law, statute,
ordinance, regulation, or custom, willfully sub
jects any inhabitant of any State, Territory,
or District to the deprivation o f any rights,
privileges, or immunities secured or protected
by the Constitution or laws of the United
States, or to different punishments, pains, or
penalties, on account of such inhabitant being
an alien, or by reason of his color, or race, than
are prescribed for the punishment o f citizens,
shall be fined not more than $1,000 or im
prisoned not more than one year, or both.
18 U.S.C. 2 provides:
(a) Whoever commits an offense against the
United States or aids, abets, counsels, com
mands, induces or procures its commission, is
punishable as a principal.
(b) Whoever willfully causes an act to be
done which if directly performed by him or
another would be an offense against the United
States, is punishable as a principal.
STATEM EN T
On January 15, 1965, the United States grand jury
for the Southern District of Mississippi returned two
indictments (R. 1-2, 11-16), each charging the same
4
eighteen persons 2 with offenses against the civil rights
of Michael Henry Schwerner, James Earl Chaney and
Andrew Goodman, who were killed during the sum -'
mer of 1964 in the vicinity of Philadelphia, Missis
sippi. Three of the defendants (Rainey, Price and
W illis) were alleged to be State law enforcement o f
ficers then “ acting by virtue of [their] official positions
and under color of the laws of the State of Missis
sippi” . There is no claim that the remaining defend
ants held public office.
1. The indictment in No. 59 (R. 1-2) involves a
single count charging all the defendants with a crim
inal conspiracy in violation of 18 U.S.C. 241. It
alleges that, between stated dates in 1964, the eighteen
named persons (R. 2 )—
* * * conspired together, with each other and
with other persons to the Grand Jury unknown,
to injure, oppress, threaten and intimidate
Michael Henry Schwerner, James Earl Chaney
and Andrew Goodman, each a citizen of the
United States, in the free exercise and enjoy
ment of the right and privilege secured to them
by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Consti
tution of the United States not to be deprived
of life or liberty without due process o f law by
persons acting under color of the laws of
Mississippi.
2 James E. Jordan, one of the defendants charged in the two
indictments, was not before the district court and is not affected
by the rulings below or the present appeals. His case was
transferred to the United States District Court for the Middle
District of Georgia under Rule 20, F.R. Cr. P.
The indictment further alleges the means by which
the defendants planned to achieve the objects of their
conspiracy.
The district court dismissed the indictment in its
entirety, as to all defendants, on the ground that it
did not state an offense against the United States
(R. 8). Invoking an alternative ground of the ruling
in Williams v. United States, 179 F. 2d 644 (C.A. 5),
affirmed, in paid on other grounds, 341 U.S. 70, the
court held that Section 241 of the Criminal Code
vindicates only “ federally created rights” , and does
not embrace the Fourteenth Amendment right set
forth in the indictment (R. 4-7).
2. The indictment in No. 60 (R. 11-16) is in four
counts, each of which names all eighteen defendants.
Count 1—which was sustained as to all defendants and
is not in issue here— charges a violation of 18 U.S.C.
371 by conspiring to commit offenses defined in 18
U.S.C. 242. The present appeal is directed to the
partial dismissal of Counts 2, 3 and 4, which charge
substantive violations of Section 242.
The three substantive counts are identical, except
that each involves a different victim. Thus, Count 2
(R. 13-14) charges that the several defendants—
* * * while acting under color of the laws
of the State of Mississippi, did wilfully assault,
shoot and kill Michael Henry Schwerner, an
inhabitant of the State of Mississippi, then and
there in the custody o f Cecil Ray Price, for
the purpose and with the intent of punishing
Michael Henry Schwerner summarily and with
out due process of law and for the purpose and
786-542— 65------- 2
6
with the intent of punishing Michael Henry
Schwerner for conduct not so punishable under
the laws of Mississippi, and did thereby wil
fully deprive Michael Henry Schwerner of
rights, privileges, and immunities secured and
protected by the Constitution and the laws of
the United States, namely, the right not to be
deprived of his life and liberty without due
process of law, the right and privilege to be
secure in his person while in the custody of
the State o f Mississippi and its agents and
officers, the right and privilege to be immune
from summary punishment without due process
of law, and the right to be tried by due process
of law for an alleged offense and, if found
guilty, to be punished in accordance with the
laws of the State of Mississippi.
The district court granted motions to dismiss Counts
2, 3 and 4 as to all the private defendants (while
denying similar motions with respect to the three
defendants who are law enforcement officers) (R.
26-28). The court read Section 242 as reaching only
the acts o f public officers while acting officially. In
the court’s view, no offense was stated against the
private defendants because it was “not charged as
an ultimate fact that [any of them] did anything
as an official” or that the “ individual defendants
were officers in fact, or defacto in anything allegedly
done by them hinder color of law’ ” (R. 19-20).
7
ARGU M EN T
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY
These cases rest on a charge that the eighteen de
fendants—three of them State officials acting under
color of their offices—jointly conceived and executed
a plan against three citizens of the United States
and inhabitants of Mississippi, then in State custody,
that they be released, intercepted, assaulted and
murdered. It is alleged that these acts violated
rights guaranteed to the victims by the Due Process
Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and the de
fendants were accordingly indicted for entering into
a conspiracy punishable under Section 241 of the
Criminal Code (No. 59), and, in a second indictment
(No. 60), for conspiring to violate Section 242 (Count
1) and for committing the substantive crime there
defined as to each victim (Counts 2, 3 and 4).
On this appeal, there can be no question that a
violation of the Fourteenth Amendment—at least by
the three official defendants—has been adequately
charged. Nor is it debatable that the Due Process
rights described in the indictments have been suffi
ciently “made definite by decision or other rule o f
law” to support a criminal prosecution against those
charged with “ willfully” invading them. See Screws
v. United States, 325 U.S. 91, 103; 'Williams v. United
States, 341 U.S. 97, 101-102. So much is unchal
8
lenged.3 Indeed, those matters are foreclosed by the
decision below sustaining the conspiracy count of
the indictment under Section 242 and, with respect
to the three State officers, the substantive charges of
violating the same statute. Finally, there is no ques
tion as to the technical sufficiency of either indict
ment. The rulings below point out no pleading defect
o f that kind; they were squarely based on a construc
tion of the statutes involved4 and, in the circum-
3 The indictment alleges more than ordinary murder for
personal reasons by a group of individuals, some of whom
happened to be holding State office. Not only is it alleged
that the State law enforcement officers were acting under color
of their office (It. 1, 11), but the charge is that they used
their official powers to release State prisoners and turn them
over to a lynch mob, which one of the officers shielded by his
presence, with a vieAV that they be summarily punished with
out benefit of trial (see It. 2, 12, 14, 14-15, 15-16). Thus,
the case is plainly within the rule announced in Screws and
the third Williams decision. That the death of the victims
was the ultimate consummation of the conspiracy does not
put in doubt the applicability of Section 242 is settled by
Screws. The same question with respect to Section 241 (as
suming it protects Fourteenth Amendment rights) is settled
by Logan v. United States, 144 U.S. 268.
4 There is accordingly no doubt about the jurisdiction of this
Court to entertain the government’s appeal. To be sure, the
court below noted that the indictment in No. 59 alleged that
the three State officers charged were “each acting at all times
under ‘color of laws’ ” , whereas “ [t]lie statute mentions nothing
about ‘color of law’ in the description lof the crime embraced” (R.
4). But the suggestion that the court was pointing to a plead
ing defect and dismissed the indictment partly on that ground
is frivolous. A t worst, the allegation is surplusage which
would support a motion to strike. F.R. Cr. P., Rule 7 (d ).
In any event, it is plain the court at as quarreling, not Avith
9
stances, no other issue is open on this direct appeal.
See United States v. Borden Co., 308 U.S. 188, 193;
United States v. Hvass, 355 U.S. 570, 574. Only two
questions remain:
1. The first is whether Section 241 reaches the in
vasion of rights guaranteed by the Due Process
Clause o f the Fourteenth Amendment, I f so, dis
missal o f the indictment in No. 59 must be reversed.
No interpretation of the Constitution is required to
sustain that charge. Three of the accused are State
officials, alleged to have acted under color of their
offices. They, of course, have the capacity directly
to violate the Fourteenth Amendment. The others
the wording of the indictment, but its theory— that Section
241 reaches Fourteenth Amendment rights.
Nor does the trial court’s comment that the substantive
counts of the indictment in No. 60 do not charge that the
private defendants were “officers in fact, or de facto in any
thing allegedly done by them ‘under color of law’ ” (R. 20)
amount to a holding that the indictment was technically de
ficient in this respect. W e are not questioning the court’s
reading of the indictment; our appeal is from the ruling that
persons without official status are never amenable to Section
242, no matter how involved they may be in the crime of
State officers. The answer to that question depends upon a
construction of the substantive statute (read in the light of
the Fourteenth Amendment) or of the aider or abettor statute
(18 U.S.C. 2).
Finally, there is no merit to the suggestion that the direct
appeal in No. 60 is defeated by the failure to plead the “aider
and abettor” statute, 18 U.S.C. 2, which is now relied upon
to sustain the substantive charges against the private defend
ants. It is well settled that an aider and abettor, made a prin
cipal by 18 U.S.C. 2, may be indicted as a principal. Jin
Fuey M oy v. United States, 254 U.S. 189; Nye <& Nissen v.
United States, 168 F. 2d 846 (O.A. 9), affirmed, 336 U.S. 613.
10
are charged as co-conspirators who joined in a scheme
to deprive the victims of their right “ not to be sum
marily punished without due process of law by per
sons acting under color of the laws of the State of
Mississippi” (R. 12). In No. 59, it does not matter
whether or not they are themselves viewed as having
acted “ under color of law,” for the only charge here
is one of conspiracy and it is settled that a “ person
may be guilty of conspiring although incapable of
committing the objective offense.” United States v.
Rabinowich, 238 U.S. 78, 86; Gebardi v. United States,
287 U.S. 112, 121; United States v. Holte, 236 U.S.
140, 145. See, also, United States v. Trierweiler, 52
F. Supp. 4 (E.D. 111.). Indeed, the court below so
ruled with respect to the conspiracy count under Sec
tion 242 in No. 60, and the same principle obviously
applies to Section 241 if it also reaches invasion of
Fourteenth Amendment rights.
To repeat, the only question in No. 59 is one of
statutory construction: Whether rights guaranteed by
the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment
(and made specific by decisions o f this Court) are
“ right[s] or privilege [s] secured * * * by the Con
stitution” within the meaning of Section 241.. We
answer that question in the affirmative on the basis
o f the language of the statute, its context, and its legis
lative history. Because the text itself, in its historical
setting, so naturally lends itself to that reading, the
principal burden of our argument on this point is a
rebuttal of the several considerations recently sum
moned against such a construction.
11
2. The other issue arises only in No. 60—with re
spect to the dismissal of the substantive charges laid
under Section 242 against the defendants without o f
ficial status. Counts 2, 3 and 4 of the indictment
allege that fifteen private persons, together with three
State officials, committed the offense defined in Sec
tion 242. Although they were all formally described
as “ acting under color of the laws of the State o f
Mississippi” (R. 13-14, 14, 15), the court below cor
rectly noted that “ [t.jhe indictment states that three
of the defendants were acting as officers in all that
they did, but then does not state or indicate that any
of the other individual defendants were officers in fact,
or de facto in anything allegedly done by them ‘under
color o f law’ ” (R. 20). The question is whether such
private persons can be prosecuted under Section 242
when they act in association with State officials.
W e present two answers to the ruling. First, we
argue that the close association alleged between the
private defendants and the State officials charged with
them makes all of them amenable to the statute as per
sons acting “ under color o f law,” albeit those without
official status do not become de facto officers. A l
ternatively, we urge that the private defendants, even
i f incapable of violating the statute on their own in
the circumstances of this case, are properly indicted as
aiders and abettors of persons with capacity to com
mit the offense.
12
I
SECTION 241 OF THE CRIMINAL CODE PROTECTS RIGHTS
SECURED BY THE DUE PROCESS CLAUSE OF THE FOUR
TEENTH AMENDMENT
The question whether Section 241 punishes con
spiracies directed against Fourteenth Amendment
rights was fully canvassed in this Court less than
fifteen years ago in United States v. Williams, 341
U.S. 70, and the two major opinions in that case fully
explored the arguments on each side of the issue.
Against that background one hesitates to rehearse the
considerations involved once again. I f we do so
briefly it is only because, on that occasion, the Court
divided evenly and did not resolve the question—four
Justices, in an opinion by Mr. Justice Frankfurter, ex
pressing their view that Fourteenth Amendment
rights were not within the scope of Section 241 (341
U.S. at 71-82), four other Justices, in an opinion by
Mr. Justice Douglas, reaching the opposite conclusion
{id. at 87-96), and Mr. Justice Black voting to affirm
dismissal o f the charge on independent grounds {id.
at 85-86). Inevitably, our discussion will track much
of the opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas in that case and
will attempt to answer the objections raised by the
opinion of Mr. Justice Frankfurter.
Section 241, among other things, punishes “ per
sons” who conspire to interfere with the exercise or
enjoyment by a “ citizen” of “ any right or privilege
secured to him by the Constitution or laws of the
United States.” On its face, the provision is certainly
broad enough to reach conspiracies directed against
13
Fourteenth Amendment rights, and its enactment less
than two years after the ratification o f that Amend
ment— as Section 6 of the Enforcement Act o f 1870
(16 Stat. 140, 141)—would naturally support that in
ference. There is a heavy burden, it seems to us, on
those who would encumber the straightforward text
with a restrictive gloss to the effect that Section 241
does not protect all federal constitutional rights, in
cluding he rights then recently declared by the post
w ar Amendments.
The situation might be different if the narrow read
ing given Section 241 by the court below derived from
a venerable tradition initiated by judges who were
immediately familiar with the enactment of the pro
vision. But that is not the case. Indeed, until Wil
liams, there seems to have been no doubt expressed
on the point. As Mr. Justice Douglas there noted
(341 U.S. at 92-93), the early lower federal courts
had taken it for granted that Section 241 covered
Fourteenth Amendment rights. See United States
v. Hall, 26 Fed. Cas. 79 (S.D. A la ) ; United States v.
Mall, 26 Fed. Cas. 1147 (S.D. A la .) ; Ex parte Riggins,
134 Fed. 404 (iST.D. Ala.). And this Court had implied
as much. There were first a series o f cases involving
prosecutions of private individuals under Section 241
for alleged violations of Fourteenth Amendment rights
which were decided on constitutional grounds—pre
sumably on the premise that the statute reached viola
tions of the Amendment and that it was necessary to
determine the scope of the constitutional provision.
7S6-542— 6: 3
14
See, e.g., United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U.S. 542;
Hodges v. United States, 203 U.S. 1; United States v.
Wheeler, 254 U.S. 281. Then came the decision in
Guinn v. ZJm'ied S'feA.s, 238 U.S. 347, where, in a case
involving a congressional election, the Court upheld a
prosecution under Section 241 which seems to have
rested wholly on an alleged violation of the Fifteenth
Amendment—which is no more within the scope of the
statute than the Fourteenth Amendment if the restric
tive view espoused in IFilliam is correct. On the same
day, in United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 387-388,
the Court, speaking through Mr. Justice Holmes, char
acterized the “ sweeping general words” of Section 241
as dealing “ with Federal rights and with all Federal
rights,” “ in the lump.” The “ broad language of the
statute” was again noticed in United States v. Classic,
313 U.S. 299, and (albeit no Fourteenth Amendment
rights were involved), the Court seems to have as
sumed that Section 241 (then § 19), like Section 242
(then § 20), protects all constitutional rights. And, as
late as Screws v. United States, 325 U.S. 91— where
the Court explicitly ruled that Section 242 protects
rights guaranteed by the Due Process Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment—no one took issue with Mr.
Justice Rutledge’s statement that there are “ no differ
ences in the basic rights guarded” by Sections 241 and
242. Id. at 119. As Mr. Justice Douglas has fully
shown (341 U.S. at 93-94), that decision also set at
rest the objection that Section 241 must necessarily
fail as unduly vague if construed to encompass Four
teenth Amendment rights.
15
Obviously the suggested limited scope of Section
241 does not appear on the surface—else three genera
tions of judges would not have overlooked it until
1950. Accordingly, we must look on the words more
critically and carefully assess them in their context.
And, lest the true meaning lie buried still deeper, we
must attempt to elucidate the sparse legislative his
tory of the provision.
A . T H E TEXT AND CONTEXT OF SECTION 241
The most convenient method for the initial inquiry
is to parse Section 241, phrase by phrase, focusing on
the restrictive implications attributed to each (by four
o f the Justices) in Williams.
1. “Persons.” It has been suggested that char
acterization of the offenders under Section 241 as
mere “persons” implies private individuals, acting
on their own, rather than State officials or persons
acting “ under color o f law,” and that the provision
therefore does not encompass Fourteenth Amendment
rights which only those wielding State power can
invade. See 341 U.S. at 76-78. The term “ persons”
was designedly used, it is said, to reach the members
of the Ku Klux Klan, the acknowledged object o f
Senator Pool who wrote the provision in question.
See United States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383, 387. The
significance of that usage is further illumined— so
goes the argument—when one notices that other pro
visions of the 1870 Act (where our provision origi
nated as Section 6) carefully delineated the scope of
coverage. Thus, Sections 2 and 3 of that Act were
directed to “ persons or officers” (16 Stat. 140) and
16
Section 17, now 18 U.S.C. 242, reached only
“ person[s] [acting] under color of * * * law” (16
Stat. 144).3 The suggestion apparently is that there
is a purposeful symmetry, dividing the measure into
three neat categories o f provisions— those which cover
only governmental action, those which reach only
private acts, and, finally, those which encompass
both—and that all o f this is confused, with resulting
overlapping, if the modern Section 241 is not con
fined to rights which are secured by the federal
Constitution or laws against private invasion.
Perhaps the short answer is that the entire argu
ment is constructed upon the false premise that
Congress can never reach invasion o f Fourteenth
Amendment rights by private persons. As we elab
orate in United States v. Guest, No. 65, this Term,
this was certainly not the assumption of those who
wrote Section 241, nor do we think it a correct state
ment o f constitutional law. But we do not rest there.
Even accepting the proposition that all legislation
under the Fourteenth Amendment must speak directly
to the State or those acting under its authority, the
argument derived from the use of the unqualified
word “ persons” in Section 241 does not hold up.
First, it is well settled that Section 241 reaches
both private and public action— offenses of mere indi
viduals acting on their own ( e.g., Ex parte Yarbrough,
110 U.S. 651; United States v. Waddell, 112 U.S. 76;
Logan v. United States, 144 U.S. 263; In re Quarles, 5
5 In the codification of Section 17 as Section 20 of the
Criminal Code of 1909 (35 Stat. 1092), “person” became
“whoever” and that change has been retained.
17
158 U.S. 532; Motes v. United States, 178 U.S. 458),
and acts o f State officials acting “ under color of law.”
E.g., Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347; United
States v. Mosley, 238 U.S. 383; United States v.
Classic, 313 U.S. 299; United States v. Saylor, 322
U.S. 385. That is an end of the distinction between
the provisions o f the 1870 Act which are directed
solely against non-governmental action and those
which encompass both officials and other Avrongdoers.
Section 241 has precisely the same scope as if it Avere
explicitly addressed to “persons or officers.”
Once that flaw is uncovered, the Avhole complicated
edifice built upon the choice of the word “ persons”
falls of its own weight. I f State officials are within
the statutoiy coverage, Ave can no longer rely on Sen
ator P oo l’s preoccupation with the Klan as implying
an intention to restrict the provision to private con
spiracies. Nor does fear o f overlapping among the
several provisions of the Enforcement Act of 1870
deter us, for, whether or not § 241 protects Fourteenth
Amendment rights, overlapping is now inevitable Avith
respect to the invasion of civil rights by State offi
cials. See, e.g., United States y. Classic, supra. W e
need merely answer with Mr. Justice Holmes, speak
ing for the Court in United States v. Mosley, supra,
238 U.S. at 387: “ Any overlapping that there may
have been might well have escaped attention, or if
noticed have been approved.”
To be sure, there subsists a difference between the
coverage of Section 241, Avhich encompasses both
private and official offenders, and Section 242, \Adiich
reaches only persons acting “ under color of any law,
18
statute, ordinance, regulation, or custom.” These
opening words of Section 242 were deemed appro
priate (or necessary) when the provision (originally
Section 17 of the Enforcement Act of 1870) protected
only a limited category of Fourteenth Amendment
equal protection rights.6 But, of course, it does not
6 As already noted, Section 242 derives from Section 17 of
the Enforcement Act of 1870 (16 Stat. 144). In relevant part,
that provision punished deprivations of “any right secured or
protected” by Section 16 of the Act, which, in turn (tracking
the language of the Civil Rights x\ct of 1866), guaranteed
“all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States * * *
the same right in every State and Territory in the United
States to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give
evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and
proceedings for the security of person and property as is en
joyed by white citizens.”
The subsequent history of the provision is traced by Mr.
Justice Rutledge in his concurring opinion in Screws v. United
States, 325 U .S. 91, 120:
“A t first §20 [now §242] secured only rights enumerated in
the Civil Rights Act. The first ten years brought it, through
broadening changes, to substantially its present form. Only
the word ‘willfully’ has been added since then, a change of
no materiality, for the statute implied it beforehand. 35 Stat.
1092. The most important change of the first decade replaced
the specific enumeration of the Civil Rights Act with the pres
ent broad language covering ‘the deprivation of any rights,
privileges, or immunities, secured or protected by the Constitu
tion and laws of the United States.’ R.S. 5510. This in
clusive designation brought §20 into conformity with §19’s
[now § 241] original coverage of ‘any right or privilege se
cured to him by the Constitution or laws of the United States.’
Since then, under these generic designations, the two have been
literally identical in the scope of the rights they secure. The
slight difference in wording cannot be one of substance.”
For the full text of each of the successive versions of Sec
tion 242— as well as Section 241— see the table appended to the
opinion of Mr. Justice Frankfurter in United States v. W il
liams, 341 U .S. at 83.
19
follow that the absence of a similar restriction in a
provision that protects rights secured against all cat
egories of offenders forecloses protection of Four
teenth Amendment rights. The statute need not
enumerate those with capacity to violate the Amend
ment: the Constitution itself does that. Indeed, since
the substantive coverage of Section 242 was broad
ened to include all federal constitutional and statu
tory rights (see Screws v. United States, 325 U.S. 91,
120 (concurring opinion of Mr. Justice Rutledge)),
the restriction of the provision to offenders wielding
State power has become somewhat anomalous. In
sofar as Section 242 now punishes* invasion of rights
also secured against private action (see United States
v. Classic, 313 U.S. 299), there is plainly no consti
tutional necessity for the restriction and the conse
quence is that individual offenses against such rights
are not federal crimes if no part of a conspiracy.
There is certainly no warrant for imputing to the
drafters of Section 241 the forced dilemma of cover
ing Fourteenth Amendment rights, i f at all, only by
restricting their entire provision to State officers.
The upshot is that there is a certain overlapping
between the predecessor of Section 241 and the other
provisions of the Enforcement Act of 1870—the area
of overlapping having increased since the expansion
of Section 242. But, as already noted, that is not a
sound argument against our reading of Section 241.
The fact is that the Act of 1870 is not a symmetrical
construction. It is a composite, hastily welded out
o f disparate pieces, attributable to a variety of spon
2 0
sors, each with his particular concern.7 As we shall
see, Senator Pool, the author of our provision, had
perhaps the broadest view and meant to cover all
rights against all interference, including those rights
recently declared by the Fourteenth Amendment,
which he thought Congress might safeguard against
both official and unofficial invasion.
2. “ Citizen.” Section 241 punishes only offenses
against citizens of the United States. See Baldtvin
v. Franks, 120 U.S. 678. Hence, it is argued that the
provision is concerned alone with rights appertaining
to national citizenship, not including the Fourteenth
Amendment rights to due process and equal protec-
7 Thus, Sections 1-4 of the Act— which are concerned solely
with the right to vote— derive from the parent bill reported
by the Senate Judiciary Committee as a substitute for other
voting measures before the Senate. Cong. Globe, 41st Cong.,
2d Sess., pp. 2942, 3479-3480. Sections 16 and 17— which re
enacted provisions of the Civil Eights Act of 1866 and ul
timately became Section 242 of the Criminal Code— are trace
able to an amendment submitted by Senator Stewart of Nevada.
Id., p. 3480. And Section 6— now our Section 241— , together
with Section 7, was proposed by Senator Pool. Id., pp. 3612,
3679. There were many other amendments, besides. See id.,
p. 3688 (comment of Senator Trumbull). Just before the bill
was finally passed {id., p. 3688), one Senator characterized
it as “a conglomeration of incongruities and contradictions”
and claimed no one knew its true content in light of the num
ber of amendments hastily adopted {ibid., Senator Thurman).
Another member accurately stated: “The bill as it now stands
is the child of many fathers. It is a piece of patchwork
throughout.” Ibid. (Senator Casserly). See, also, the opin
ion of Mr. Justice Frankfurter in United States v. Williams,
supra, at pp. 74-75, and n. 2.
21
tion which are not derived from citizenship or re
stricted to citizens. And, again, a contrast is made
with Section 242 which, like the Fourteenth Amend
ment itself, expressly protects every “ inhabitant” o f
the land, citizen or not.
Significantly, this argument has never gained a
foothold in this Court. Although the court of ap
peals, in Williams, had stressed the fact that Section
241 protects only the rights of citizens (see 179 F. 2d
at 647), nothing was made of the point by Mr. Justice
Frankfurter when the case came here. That is doubt
less because the argument immediately runs into an
insuperable barrier when we notice that, of all the
rights held to be protected by Section 241, none is
peculiar to citizens. It is so with respect to the right
to vote in congressional elections (Ex parte Yar
brough, supra; Guinn v. United States, supra; United
States v. Mosley, supra; United States v. Classic,
supra; United States v. Saylor, supra), which is not
derived from citizenship or necessarily restricted to
citizens. Minor v. Happersett, 21 Wall. 162; Pope v.
Williams, 193 U.S. 621, 632-633. And the same is true
of the right to peaceful enjoyment o f federal home
steads (United States v. Waddell, supra) which were
open to aliens who had merely declared their intention
to become citizens (Rev. Stat. 2289), of the right to be
secure against unauthorized violence when in federal
custody (Logan v. United States, supra), and of
the right to inform on violations of the Federal tax
786-542—65- 4
22
laws (In re Quarles, supra; Motes v. United States,
supra) .8
W e can speculate why Section 241 was written to
protect citizens alone. Perhaps there was a conscious
purpose to avoid encompassing Indians who were not
generally viewed as naturalized by the Fourteenth
Amendment. See Elk v. Wilkins, 112 U.S. 94; James,
The Framing of the Fourteenth Amendment (1956),
p. 143. But, without doubt, the primary focus was on
the Negro in the reconstructed States, recently eman
cipated and now granted citizenship; for that pur
pose, it was enough to protect all citizens. Section
242, on the other hand, was explicitly written to pro
tect aliens as well as Negro citizens, as the text makes
clear. Moreover, in using the word “ inhabitant” it
was merely tracking the language of the Civil Rights
Act of 1866 (14 Stat. 27) which assured the recently
emancipated slaves, not yet citizens, some of the same
8 Mr. Justice Frankfurter’s opinion for four members of the
Court in Williams can be read as characterizing the right to
vote in federal elections and the rights vindicated in Logan,
Quarles and Motes as rights of national citizenship (see 341 U.S.
at 77, 79-80). While that description would not be wholly ac
curate, the point is not important in light of the explicit rec
ognition that the right involved in United States v. Waddell,
supra, “did not pertain to United States citizenship” (id. at
80), and the conclusion of the opinion that the category of
rights protected by Section 241 are those “arising from the sub
stantive powers of the Federal Government” (id. at 73, 77, 78,
79, 82)— rather than only those appertaining to national citi
zenship. In United States v. Guest, No. 65, this Term, we note
our difficulty with the proposition that the Fourteenth Amend
ment (and presumably also the Fifteenth) did not— by its
Fifth Section— enlarge the “substantive powers” of the national
government. See Brief for the United States, pp. 18-46.
23
rights as were “ enjoyed by white citizens” . See note
6, supra, p. 18. In sum, the substantive coverage of
these provisions does not depend on the class o f per
sons protected: just as Section 242 originally secured
a narrow group of rights for everyone, Section 241
protects only a limited class (citizens) but with re
spect to all federal rights.
3. u[R]ight or privilege [granted or] secured * * *
by the Constitution or laws of the United States.” As
originally enacted (as Section 6 of the Act o f 1870),
Section 241 was directed at the invasion of “ any right
or privilege granted or secured” to citizens by the fed
eral Constitution or statutes. The word “ granted”
was dropped four years later when the federal statutes
were revised. See Rev. Stat. § 5508. Presumably, this
was done on the ground that the word “ granted”— at
best a mere alternative descriptive separated by a dis
junctive—was surplusage, for the “ revision” of 1874
was not meant to alter substance. See 14 Stat. 74; 16
Stat. 96. Nevertheless, apparently focusing on that
word, and contrasting the present language o f Sec
tion 242 (“ rights, privileges, or immunities secured or
protected by the Constitution or laws of the United
States” ), it has been argued that the “ narrow phase”
of Section 241 does not cover Fourteenth Amendment
rights. See 341 U.S. at 78.
The proposition is difficult to grasp. Insofar as
any contrast between the language of Section 241
and Section 242 is appropriate, the argument seems
reversed. Indeed, if one or the other o f the two
provisions must be restricted to rights o f national
citizenship, an echo of the “ privileges or immunities”
24
clause o f the Fourteenth Amendment is more obvious
in Section 242 ( “ rights, privileges, or immunities” )
than in Section 241 ( “ right or privilege” ). And the
absence of the word “ granted” in Section 242 and its
presence in the predecessor of Section 241 suggests,
if anything, that the former provision deals only with
pre-existing rights inherent in national citizenship,
not conferred by the Fourteenth Amendment, but
merely re-affirmed by it and .guaranteed (somewhat
redundantly) against contrary State laws, whereas the
latter section (§241) protects the new constitutional
rights declared for the first time by the Due Process
and Equal Protection Clauses of the Amendment.
But the comparison, in any event, is wholly mis
leading, for the two texts put in opposition are not
o f the same date. The phrase “ secured or protected”
in Section 242 is directly derived from the Civil
Rights Act of 1866 (see note 6, supra, p. 18) written
some years before Section 241. That the rights in
volved are not described as “ granted” may well be
due to the fact that there, as well as in the 1870
text, the direct reference was to a previous section
o f the same statute—not the Constitution—which was
viewed as merely implementing rights already con
ferred by the Thirteenth or Fourteenth Amendment.
The rest o f the quoted language of Section 242 was
substituted in 1874 for a longer and very different
phrase o f apparently narrower content in the original
provision of 1870. See note 6, supra, p. 18. And
at the same time that new text came into the law
the word “ granted” was deleted from Section 241.
25
Plainly nothing can be learned by now comparing
the language of two provisions which have wholly
different verbal histories.
Comparisons aside, there is nothing in the char
acterization of the rights protected by Section 241
which excludes the rights to due process and equal
protection conferred by the Fourteenth Amendment.
To be sure, the Due Process and Equal Protection
Clauses did not grant absolute rights, good against
the world: the Amendment only deals with the rela
tionship between the inhabitant and the State. But
even if they run only against the State, these are
nevertheless properly termed “ rights,” “ granted,” or
at least “ secured” by the Constitution. As this Court
said in the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 1, 11, “ Posi
tive rights and privileges are undoubtedly secured
by the Fourteenth Amendment.” See, also, Strauder
v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303, 307-308; Ex parte
Virginia, 100 U.S. 339, 345. That this was the usage
of the time is illustrated by Section 17 of the 1870
Act (the predecessor of § 242) which referred to the
equal protection guarantees enumerated in the pre
vious section as “ right[s] secured or protected” by
that provision. Note 6, supra, p. 18.
B. THE LEGISLATIVE HISTORY OF SECTION 2 4 1
W e have seen that the most painstaking analysis
of the text of Section 241, viewed alone and in the
context of the statute where it originated, merely
confirms what the language, on its face, indicates:
that the provision broadly punishes conspiracies in
terfering with all federal rights, including those de
clared by the Fourteenth Amendment. It only re-
26
mains to notice that the immediate legislative history
of Section 241 fully supports that conclusion.
W e begin with the seemingly decisive fact that Sen
ator Pool, introducing Section 241 in its original
form, explicitly referred to “ rights which are con
ferred upon the citizen by the fourteenth amendment”
as among those covered by his provision. Cong.
Globe, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. 3611; id., at 3613 (App.,
infra, pp. 43, 48).9 There is no explaining away that
statement. In context, it is clear that the sponsor of
the provision had in mind the rights conferred by
the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses and
not, as has been suggested (341 U.S. at 76-77, n. 4),
the pre-existing rights of national citizenship avail
able for the first time to those whom the Amendment
made citizens and now expressly guaranteed against
State invasion by the new Privileges and Immunities
Clause. The indications are numerous.
First, Senator Pool expressly invoked the language
of the due process and equal protection guarantees
of the Amendment. He showed his particular con
cern with the Equal Protection Clause by stressing
the use of the word “ deny” in that provision “ in
contradistinction” to the mere prohibition against a
State “ making or enforcing latvs” abridging the priv
ileges and immunities of national citizenship in the
first clause— arguing that here the State’s obligation
was affirmative and that, in the event o f default, con-
8 W e have reproduced as an appendix (infra, pp. 37-50) the
whole ox Senator Pools speech introducing the amendment
which became Section 6 of the Enforcement Act of 1870, and,
ultimately, Section 241 of the Criminal Code. It is the only
pertinent text of legislative history.
27
gressional power was therefore greater. Id., at 3611
(App., infra, pp. 40-41). In light of later decisions,
beginning with the Slaughter-House Cases, 16 Wall.
36, the Senator was o f course correct in neglecting the
rights “ conferred” by the Privileges and Immunities
Clause: whatever they are, they pre-existed the Four
teenth Amendment and could be secured against State
invasion without benefit of the new Amendment.
Again, in the same passage, Senator Pool makes
repeated reference to the Civil Rights Act of 1866
and indicates that those rights, among others, are
those which his measure will protect. Ibid. As we
know, those are basically equal protection rights, now
vindicated (along with rights derived from the Due
Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and
others) by Section 242.
Finally, the sponsor’s purpose to protect the right
secured by the Fifteenth Amendment against the ac
tion of hostile conspiracies is unmistakable. Ibid.
(App., infra, pp. 40-43). Yet, that right is no more
a right “ appertaining to national citizenship” or one
derived “ from the substantive powers of the federal
government” than are those secured by the Due
Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Four
teenth Amendment. Having strayed so far from the
narrow category of rights it is said he was concerned
with, it seems highly imlikely that the sponsor should
have stopped short of including all Fourteenth
Amendment rights—which he mentions in one breath
with the right secured by the Fifteenth Amendment.
Id., at 3611, 3613 (App., infra, pp. 40, 43, 48).
To be sure, Senator Pool believed the rights pro
tected by his bill could be secured against private in-
28
terference as well as State denial. Id. at 3611-3613
(App., infra, pp. 38-49). But that does not tend to
indicate that he meant to exclude rights derived from
those constitutional provisions which are explicitly-
directed to States alone. As we have noted, he meant
to cover the right guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amend
ment which presents the identical problem. See
James v. Bowman, 190 U.S. 127. Plainly, he thought
that Congress might legislate to protect Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendment rights against the action of
private conspiracies whenever the State had failed ot
effectively secure those rights. W e advance a like
contention in United States v. Guest, No. 65, this
Term. Whether he was right or wrong, however, does
not matter here. The provision enacted is carefully
limited to “ rights secured by the Constitution” ; its
scope is measured by the constitutional provision in
volved. As Mr. Justice Holmes noted in United
States v. Mosley, supra, 238 U.S. at 387, here “ Con
gress put forth all its powers” ; it meant to afford
all possible protection but it was careful not to over
step the constitutional line, wherever it might later be
drawn.
II
SECTION 242 OF THE CRIMINAL CODE REACHES PRIVATE
INDIVIDUALS WHO ACT IN ASSOCIATION WITH STATE
OFFICERS TO CARRY OUT A SCHEME TO INVADE RIGHTS
SECURED BY THE PROVISION.
As we have already noted, the two indictments be
fore the Court clearly charge violations of specific
rights guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. It
is settled that such conduct “ under color of law,” if
29
done willfully as here alleged, contravenes Section 242
of the Criminal Code. Screws v. United States, 325
U.S. 91; Williams v. United States, 341 U.S. 97. Ac
cordingly, the court below sustained the indictment in
No. 60 with respect to the defendants who hold State
office and were alleged to be acting officially (albeit
illegally). But—while upholding as to all the charge
of conspiring to violate Section 242—the court dis
missed the substantive charges against the private de
fendants on the ground that they lacked capacity to
commit the offense defined by Section 242. W e think
the ruling erroneous, first, because, in the circum
stances alleged, the private defendants, although not
State officials, were acting “ under color of law” with
in the meaning of the statute; and, second, because, !
regardless of their capacity to themselves commit the
offense, they are amenable to Section 242 as aiders
and abettors of the State officials charged.
A. The trial judge correctly observed that the in
dictment in No. 60 does not claim that fourteen of
the defendants were public officials of the State of
Mississippi, de jure or de facto. On the other hand,
the substantive counts (R. 13-16) explicitly charge
that each of the defendants, including those who held
no official position, were “ acting under color of the
laws of the State of Mississippi,” and the indictment,
as a whole, alleges that all of them were joint con
spirators, the private defendants acting in close as
sociation with those who were law enforcement officers,
one of whom was present at all times and presumably
lent the protective umbrella of his office to all that
30
was done. Thus, it is apparent that the court below
held that private persons are never amenable to the
sanctions of Section 242, no matter what the circum
stances. Otherwise, the allegation of action “ under
color of law” , in the language of the statute, should
have required upholding the charge. In effect, the
ruling is that none but State officers can act “ under
color of law” within the meaning of Section 242. The
proposition, we submit, is untenable.
Certainly, nothing in the nature of the rights pro
tected by Section 242 requires confining its reach to
State officers in all circumstances. Indeed, it has long
been settled that the conduct of private persons may
be subject to the prohibitions of the Fourteenth
Amendment i f the State, through its officers, “ has so
far insinuated itself into a position of interdepend
ence * * * that it must be recognized as a joint par
ticipant in the challenged activity.” Burton v. Wil
mington Parking Authority, 365 U.S. 715, 725. There
are many variations, E.g., Pennsylvania v. Board of
Trusts, 353 U.S. 230; Peterson v. City of Greenville,
373 U.S. 244; Lombard v. Louisiana, 373 U.S. 267;
Griffin v. Maryland, 378 U.S. 130; Robinson v. Flor
ida, 378 U.S. 153. But the basic situation is always
the same: a private activity falls within the scope of
the Fourteenth Amendment because— albeit without
assuming full official status or altogether losing its
private character— it becomes involved in a “ joint
venture” of soils with the State. That is our case.
I f the scope of action “ under color of law” is co
extensive with “ State action” under the Fourteenth
31
Amendment— as is usually tacitly assumed 10—the de
cisions just cited end the question. But there are, in
any event, like rulings construing the phrase “ under
color of law” in 18 U.S.C. 242 or its civil counterpart,
42 U.S.C. 1983—where it has the same meaning.
Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167, 185. Thus, in Baldwin
v. Morgan, 251 F. 2d 780, 788 (C.A. 5), the court re
jected a claim that private persons were not acting
“ under color of any law” in these words:
State action is indeed required under the
Fourteenth Amendment and 42 U.S.C.A. § 1983.
But those who directly assist the admitted state
agency in carrying out the unlawful action be
come a part of and subject to the sanction of
Section 1983. * * *
See, also, Smith v. Holiday Inns of America, 336 F.
2d 630 (C.A. 6 ) ; Hampton v. City of Jacksonville, 304
F. 2d 320 (C.A. 5) ; Simkins v. Moses H. Cone Me
morial Hospital, 323 F. 2d 959 (C.A. 4 ) ; Valle v.
Stengel, 176 F. 2d 697 (C.A. 3).
10 Thus, most of the modern cases construing the Fourteenth
Amendment were filed under 28 U.S.C. 1343(3) which gives
the district courts jurisdiction of civil cases to redress depriva
tion of constitutional rights “under color of any State law,
statute, ordinance, regulation, custom or usage,” and the in
junction was sought and granted under 42 U.S.C. 1983 which
provides for equitable relief from a deprivation of constitution
al right “under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, cus
tom, or usage, of any State or Territory.” See, e.g.. Turner v.
City of Mem,phis, 369 U.S. 350, 351; McNeese v. Board of Edu
cation, 373 U.S. 668, 671; Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 537.
The assumption apparently indulged is that whatever violates
the Amendment necessarily was done “under color of law.”
32
Closest in point, perhaps, is United States v. Lynch,
94 F. Supp. 1011 (N.D. Ga.), affirmed, 189 F. 2d 476
(C.A. 5), certiorari denied, 342 U.S. 831, a case strik
ingly similar to ours. There, it was charged that a
sheriff and his deputy arrested several persons and
“ turn[ed] them over to a hooded group in disguise to
be beaten.” On these facts the court held:
While it is true that one must be acting under
color of state law in order to violate Section 242,
and that ordinarily a private citizen would not
act under color of law, it is also true that the
presence of state officers and their active par
ticipation with other defendants who were not
officers would furnish the “ color of law” re
quired as to all the defendants. [94 F. Supp.
at 1014. J11
W e conclude, as in Lynch, that when the private
members of the mob knowingly linked hands with
the officers to carry out a common plan to deprive
Schwerner, Goodman and Chaney of their constitu
tional rights they lost their claim to be treated as
mere private citizens. Having united with State
officials and invoked the protective umbrella of their
presence, the private defendants were acting “ under
color o f law” and became amenable to the sanctions
of Section 242.
11 See, also, Downie v. Powers. 193 F. 2d 760 (C.A. 10), where
the court held that “ * * * a wilful or purposeful failure of the
Chief of Police or other City officials to preserve order, keep the
peace, and to make the Jehovah’s Witnesses secure in their
right to peaceably assemble, would undoubtedly constitute ac
quiescence in, and give color of law to, the actions of the mob.”
193 F. 2d at 764. And see 'Williams v. United States, 179 F. 2d
656 (C.A. 5 ), affirmed, 341 U.S. 97.
33
B. In addition, the substantive charges against the
private defendants should have been sustained on the
ground that they may have been aiders and abettors
of the State officers jointly indicted. While that rela
tionship is suggested by the language of indict
ment, it is true that the private defendants are for
mally charged as principals, as themselves acting
“ under color of the laws of the State of Mississippi.”
But, as already noted (note 4, supra, p. 9), indict
ment as a principal is no bar to conviction as an
aider or abettor (which, in turn, permits punishment
as a principal).12
The governing principle that one without capacity
to commit an offense may nevertheless be convicted
if he aided and abetted its commission is well settled.
The rule is embodied in 18 U.S.C. 2(a) which provides
that “ [wjhoever * * * aids, abets, counsels, com
mands, induces, or procures [the] commission [o f an
offense against the United States] is punishable as a
principal.” Whatever doubt there may have been that
persons lacking capacity to commit the substantive
offense were covered was removed in 1951 when the
12 See, in addition to the authorities cited at note 4, supra,
p. 9, United States v. Russo, 284 F. 2d 539 (C .A. 2 ) ; Swanne
Soon Young Pang v. United Stales, 209 F. 2d 245 (C.A. 9) ;
United States v. Knickerbocker Fur Coat Co., 66 F. 2d 388
(C.A. 2 ) ; Melting v. United States, 25 F. 2d 92 (C.A. 7 ) ;
DiPreta v. United States, 270 Fed. 73 (C.A. 2 ) ; Vane v. United
States, 254 Fed. 32 (C.A. 9 ) ; United States v. Snyder, 14 Fed.
554 (D. Minn.) ; United States v. Palermo, 172 F. Supp. 183
(E.D. N .Y .) ; United States v. ■/. R. Watkins C o 127 F. Supp.
97 (D. M inn .); United States v. Selph, 82 F. Supp. 56 (S.D.
C a l.) ; United States v. Decker, 51 F. Supp. 20 (D. M d.).
34
aider and abettor statute was amended to read as it
does now. The report accompanying that legislation
(S. Rep. No. 1020, 82d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 7) ex
plicitly states:
This section is intended to clarify and make
certain the intent to punish aiders and abettors
regardless of the fact that they may be in
capable of committing the specific violation
which they are charged to have aided and
abetted. * * *
The judicial decisions are in accord. See Wilson
v. United States, 230 F. 2d 521, (C.A. 4 ) ; Koehler v.
United States, 189 F. 2d 711, (C.A. 5 ) ; May v.
United States, 175 F. 2d 994 (C.A. D .C .); Haggerty
v. United States, 5 F. 2d 224 (C.A. 7 ) ; Barron v.
United States, 5 F. 2d 799, (C.A. 1) ; United States v.
Snyder, 14 Fed. 554 (D. M inn .); United States
v. Melekh, 193 F. Supp. 586, (N.D. 111.); United
States v. Bayer, 4 Dill. 407, 24 Fed. Cas. 1046 (D.
Minn.). The Wilson and Snyder cases make it clear
that the rule applies when the aider and abettor is
incapable of committing the offense because he is not
acting “ officially” or does not hold the described
public office. Thus, in Wilson, the statute (now 18
U.S.C. 201) reached only the solicitation or accept
ance of bribes by a government officer acting in his
“ official capacity” and the court sustained the con
viction of one who claimed not to be so acting on
the alternative ground that he was, in any event,
punishable as an aider or abettor. And in Snyder,
a co-defendant who was not himself a postmaster but
had aided and abetted the postmaster was held ac
countable under a statute that punished “ [a]ny post
35
master who shall make a false return to the auditor
for the purpose of fraudulently increasing his
compensation. ’ ’
The same rule applies with respect to Section 242.
Thus, in Koehler v. United States, supra, a State o f
ficer and one Ackermann, who was a private indi
vidual,13 were jointly indicted for violating Section
242 and the court sustained Ackermann’s conviction
for having “ aided, abetted and counseled Koehler in
the commission of this otfense” , finding that the “ evi
dence conclusively reveals that Ackermann and Koehler
were acting in concert in perpetrating the offense”
and that Ackermann was “ assisting” Koehler. 189
F. 2d at 712-714. Likewise, in United States v.
Lynch, 94 F. Supp. 1011 (K.D. Ga.), affirmed, 189 F.
2d 476 (C.A. 5), certiorari denied, 342 U.S. 831, some
of the defendants were police officials and others were
private citizens. In answer to the private defendants’
argument that they could not violate Section 242 “ be
cause it related only to deprivations by a state,” the
district court ruled (94 F. Supp. at 1013):
True, Section 242 was enacted pursuant to the
Fourteenth Amendment and relates to depriva
tions by states (acting through state officials)
and not to acts of private individuals. It does
13 Although the Koehler opinion itself does' not explicitly
state that Ackermann was a private person, a subsequent opin
ion of the same court describes the Koehler case as one “in
which a private citizen assisted a constable in a brutal assault
and unlawful imprisonment * * *” Baldtvin v. Morgan, 251 F.
2d 780, 789 (C.A. 5). Thus the court below was in error
when, in referring to the Koehler case, it stated that “Acker
mann was not a mere private citizen * * *” (It. 21).
36
not follow, however, that private individuals
cannot be guilty as principals if they aid and
abet state officers in such violations. Section 2,
Title 18, United States Code Annotated.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the judgments of the
district court dismissing the indictment in No. 59 in
its entirety and parts of three counts of the indict
ment in No. 60 should be reversed and the causes
remanded for trial.
Respectfully submitted.
T hurgood Marshall,
Solicitor General.
John Doar,
Assistant Attorney General.
Louis F. Claiborne,
Assistant to the Solicitor General.
Gerald P. Choppin,
P eter S. Smith ,
Attorneys.
September 1965.
A P P E N D IX
Remarks of Senator Pool of North Carolina on
sponsoring Sections 5, 6 and 7 of the Enforcement
Act of 1870 (Cong. Globe, 41st Cong., 2d Sess., pp.
3611-3613).
Mr. P ool. Mr. President, the question in
volved in the proposition now before the Senate
is one in which my section of the Union is par
ticularly interested; although since the ratifica
tion of the fifteenth amendment, which we are
now about to enforce by appropriate legisla
tion, other sections of the country have become
more or less interested in the same question.
It is entering upon a new phase of reconstruc
tion; that is, to enforce by appropriate legis
lation those great principles upon which the
reconstruction policy of Congress was based.
I said upon a former occasion on this floor
that the reconstruction policy of Congress had
been progressive, and that it was necessary that
it should be progressive still. The mere act
of establishing governments in the recently in
surgent States was one thing; the great prin
ciples upon which Congress proposed to pro
ceed in establishing those governments was
quite another thing, involving principles which
lie at the very foundation of all that has been
done, and which are intimately connected with
all the results that must follow from that and
from the legislation of Congress connected with
the whole subject.
Mr. President, the first thing that was done
was the passage of the thirteenth amendment,
by which slavery in the United States was
abolished. By that four millions of people
( 3 7 )
38
were taken out from under the protecting hand
of interested masters and turned loose to take
care of themselves. They were turned loose
and put upon their own resources in communi
ties which were imbued with prejudices against
them as a race, communities which for the most
part had for years past—indeed from the very
time when those who are now in existence were
born—been taught and had instilled into them
a prejudice against the equality which has been
attempted to be established for the colored
citizens of the United States.
Mr. President, the condition which that thir
teenth amendment imposed on the late insur
rectionary States was one which demanded the
serious consideration and attention of this Gov
ernment. The equality which by the thirteenth,
fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments has been
attempted to be secured for the colored men,
has not only subjected them to the operation
of the prejudices which had theretofore existed,
but it has raised against them still stronger
prejudices and stronger feelings in order to
fight down the equality by which it is claimed
they are to control the legislation o f that section
o f the country. They were turned loose among
those people, weak, ignorant, and poor. Those
among the white citizens there who have sought
to maintain the rights which you have thrown
upon that class o f people, have to endure every
species of proscription, of opposition, and of
vituperation in order to carry out the policy
of Congress, in order to lift up and to uphold
the rights which you have conferred upon that
class. It is for that reason not only necessary
for the freedmen, but it is necessary for the
white people of that section that there should be
stringent and effective legislation on the part
of Congress in regard to these measures of
reconstruction.
39
We have heard on former occasions on the
floor o f the Senate that there were organizations
which committed outrages, which went through
communities for the purposes, of intimidating
and coersing classes of citizens in the exercise
of their rights. W e have been told here that
perhaps it might be well that retaliation should
be resorted to on the part o f those who are
oppressed. Sir, the time will come when re
taliation will be resorted to unless the Govern-
ment of the United States interposes to com
mand and to maintain the peace; when there
will be retaliation and civil war; when there
will be bloodshed and tumult in various com
munities and sections. It is not only neces
sary for the freedmen, but it is important to
the white people of the southern section, that
by plain and stringent laws the United States
should interpose and preserve the peace and
quiet of the community.
The fifteenth amendment to the Constitution
of the United States provides that the right of
citizens of the United States to vote shall not
be denied or abridged by the United States, or
by any State on account of race, color, or
previous condition o f servitude. It speaks of
“ the right o f citizens to vote.” It has been
said that voting is a privilege; but this amend
ment recognizes it as a right in the citizen; and
this right is not to “ be denied or abridged by
the United States, or by any State.” What
are we to understand by that ? Can individuals
abridge it with impunity? Is there no power
in this Government to prevent individuals or
associations of individuals from abridging or
contravening that provision o f the Constitu
tion? I f that be so, legislation is unnecessary.
I f our legislation is to apply only to the States,
it is perfectly clear that it is totally unneces
sary, inasmuch as we cannot pass a criminal
law as applicable to a State; nor can we in
dict a State officer as an officer. It must ap
40
ply to individuals. A State might attempt to
contravene that provision of the Constitution
by passing some positive enactment by which
it would be contravened, but the Supreme Court
would hold such enactment to be unconstitu
tional, and in that way the State would be re
strained. But the word “ deny” is used. There
are various ways in which a State may prevent
the full operation of this constitutional amend
ment. It cannot—because the courts would
prevent it—by positive legislation, but by acts
of omission it may practically deny the right.
The legislation of Congress must be to supply
acts of omission on the part o f the States. I f
a State shall not enforce its laws by which
private individuals shall be prevented by force
from contravening the rights of the citizen
under the amendment, it is in my judgment the
duty o f the United States Government to sup
ply that omission, and by its own laws and
by its own courts to go into the States for the
purpose of giving the amendment vitality there.
The word “ deny” is used not only in this
fifteenth amendment, but I perceive in the four
teenth amendment it is also used. When the
fourteenth amendment was passed there was in
existence what is known as the civil rights bill,
a part of which has been copied in the Senate
bill now pending. The civil rights bill recog
nized all persons born or naturalized in the
United States as citizens, and provided that
they should have certain rights which were
enumerated. They are, “ to make and enforce
contracts, to sue, be made parties, give evi
dence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and
convey real and personal property,” and to
“ the full and equal benefit of all laws and pro
ceedings for the security o f person and prop
erty.”
The civil rights bill was to be enforced by
making it criminal for any officer, under color
o f any State law, “ to subject, or cause to be
41
subjected, any citizen to the deprivation of any
o f the rights secured and protected” by the act.
I f an officer of any State were indicted for
subjecting a citizen to the deprivation of any
of those rights he was not to be indicted as an
officer; it was as an individual. And so, under
the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution,
“ no State shall make or enforce any law which
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of
citizens o f the United States; nor shall any
State deprive any person of life, liberty, or
property without due process of law, nor deny to
any person within its jurisdiction the equal pro
tection of the laws.” There the word “ deny”
is used again; it is used in contradistinc
tion to the first clause, which says, “ No State
shall make or enforce any law” which shall do
so and so. That would be a positive act which
would contravene the right of a citizen; but to
say that it shall not deny to any person the
equal protection of the law it seems to me opens
up a different branch of the subject. It shall
not deny by acts of omission, by a failure to
prevent its own citizens from depriving by
force any of their fellow-citizens of these rights.
It is only when a State omits to carry into effect
the provisions of the civil rights act, and to
secure the citizens in their rights, that the pro
visions o f the fifth section of the fourteenth
amendment would be called into operation,
which is, “ that Congress shall enforce by ap
propriate legislation the provisions of this
article.”
There is no legislation that could reach a
State to prevent its passing a law. It can only
reach the individual citizens of the State in
the enforcement of law. You have, therefore,
in any appropriate legislation, to act on the cit
izen, not on the State. I f you pass an act by
which you make it an indictable offense for
an officer to execute any law of a State by
42
which he trespasses upon any of these rights
of the citizen it operates upon him as a citizen,
and not as an officer. W hy can you not just
as well extend it to any other citizen of the
country ?
It is, in my judgment, incumbent upon Con
gress to pass the most stringent legislation on
this subject. I believe that we have a perfect
right under the Constitution of the United
States, not only under these three amendments,
but under the general scope and features and
spirit of the Constitution itself, to go into any
of these States for the purpose of protecting
and securing liberty. I admit that when you
go there for the purpose of restraining liberty,
you can go only under delegated powers in ex
press terms; but to go into the States for the
purpose of securing and protecting the liberty
of the citizen and the rights and immunities
o f American citizenship is in accordance with
the spirit and whole object of the formation
o f the Union and the national Government.
There are, Mr. President, various ways in
which the right secured by the fifteenth amend
ment may be abridged by citizens in a State.
I f a State should undertake by positive enact
ment, as I have said, to abridge the right of
suffrage, the courts of the country would pre
vent it; and I find that in section two of the
bill which has been proposed as a substitute by
the Judiciary Committee of the Senate pro
vision is made for cases where officers charged
with registration or officers charged with the
assessment o f taxes and with making the proper
entries in connection therewith, shall refuse the
right to register or to pay taxes to a citizen. I
believe the language of the Senate bill is suf
ficiently large and comprehensive to embrace
any other class of officers that might be charged
with any act that was necessary to enable a
citizen to perform any prerequisite to voting.
43
But, sir, individuals may prevent the exercise
of the right of suffrage; individuals may pre
vent the enjoyment of other rights which are
conferred upon the citizen by the fourteenth
amendment, as well as trespass upon the right
conferred by the fifteenth. Not only citizens,
but organizations of citizens, conspiracies, may
be and are, as we are told, in some of the States
formed for that purpose. I see in the fourth
section of the Senate bill a provision for cases
where citizens by threats, intimidation, bribery,
or otherwise prevent, delay, or hinder the exer
cise of this right; but there is nothing here that
strikes at organizations of individuals, at con
spiracies for that purpose. I believe that any
bill will be defective which does not make it a
highly penal offense for men to conspire to
gether, to organize themselves into bodies, for
the express purpose of contravening the right
conferred by the fifteenth amendment.
But, sir, there is a great, important omission
in this bill as well as in that of the House. It
seems not to have struck those who drew either
of the two bills that the prevention o f the exer
cise of the right of suffrage was not the only or
the main trouble that we have upon our hands.
Suppose there shall be an organization of indi
viduals, or, if you please, a single individual,
who shall take it upon himself to compel his
fellow citizens to vote in a particular way.
Suppose he threatens to discharge them from
employment, to bring upon them the outrages
which are being perpetrated by the Kuklux or
ganizations, so as not to prevent their voting,
but to compel them to vote in accordance with
the dictates of the party who brings this co
ercion upon them. It seems to me it is neces
sary that we should legislate against that.
That is a more threatening view of the subject
than the mere preventing of registration or of
entering men’s names upon the assessment
books for taxation or of depositing the ballot in
44
the box. I think the bill cannot be perfected to
meet the emergencies of the occasion unless
there be a section which meets that view of the
case.
The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Morton] asks
whether I have drawn an amendment to that
effect. I have, but I cannot offer it at this
time, for the simple reason that there is an
amendment to an amendment pending.
Mr. Morton. Let it be read for information.
Mr. P ool. It has been printed, and I send it
to the desk to be read for information.
The Chief Clerk read the amendment in
tended to be proposed by Mr. Pool, as follows:
“ Insert after section four of the Senate bill
the following sections:
“ Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That it
shall be unlawful for any person, with intent to
hinder or influence the exercise of the right of
suffrage as aforesaid, to coerce or intimidate,
or attempt to coerce or intimidate any of the
legally qualified voters in any State or Terri
tory. Any person violating the provisions of
this section shall be held guilty of a misde
meanor, and on conviction thereof shall be fined
or imprisoned, or both, in the discretion o f the
court: the fine not to exceed $1,000, and the im
prisonment not. to exceed one year.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if two
or more persons shall band or conspire together,
or go in disguise upon the public highway, or
upon the premises of another, with intent to
violate any provision of this act, or to injure,
oppress, threaten, or intimidate any citizen with
intent to prevent or hinder his free exercise
and enjoyment of any right or privilege granted
or secured to him by the Constitution or laws of
the United States, such person shall be held
guilty of felony, and on conviction thereof shall
be fined and imprisoned; the fine not to exceed
$5,000 and the imprisonment not to exceed ten
45
years; and shall, moreover, be thereafter inel
igible to and disabled from holding any office or
place of honor, profit, or trust created by the
Constitution or laws o f the United States.'
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That if in
the act of violating any provision in either of
the two preceding sections, any other felony,
crime, or misdemeanor shall be committed, the
offender may be indicted or prosecuted for the
same in the courts of the United States, as here
inafter provided, for violations of this act, and
on conviction thereof shall be punished for the
same with such punishments as are attached to
like felonies, crimes, and misdemeanors by the
laws of the State in which the offense may be
committed.
“ Strike out section twelve and substitute
therefor the following:
“ And be it further enacted, That the Presi
dent of the United States, or such person as he
may empower for that purpose, may employ in
any State such part of the land and naval
forces o f the United States, or of the militia, as
he may deem necessary to enforce the complete
execution of this act; and with such forces may
pursue, arrest, and hold for trial all persons
charged with the violation of any of the provi
sions of this act, and enforce the attendance of
witnesses upon the examination or trial of such
persons.”
* * * * *
Mr. P ool. The Senator from Indiana asked
if I had an amendment prepared which met
the view of the case I was presenting in regard
to the compelling of citizens to vote in a partic
ular way. The first section of the amendment
which I have offered uses this language:
‘ ‘ That it shall be unlawful for any person
with intent to hinder or influence the exercise
o f the right of suffrage as aforesaid, to coerce
or intimidate or attempt to coerce or intimidate
46
any of the legally qualified voters in any State
or Territory.”
But, Mr. President, there is another view
which seems to have been lost sight o f entirely
by those who have drawn both the House bill
and the bill now pending before the Senate,
and from which we apprehend very much dan
ger. It is this: the oppression of citizens be
cause of having voted in a particular way, or
having voted at all. It may often happen, as
it has happened up to this time already, that
upon the close o f an election colored persons
will be discharged from employment by their
employers. They may be subjected to outrages
o f various kinds because they have participated
in an election, and cast their votes in a par
ticular way. That is not done for the purpose
o f punishment so much as for the purpose of
deterring them from voting in any succeeding
election, or from voting in a way that those
who perpetrate these outrages do not desire
them to do. I find that branch of the subject
is entirely left out o f view in the bill.
There is another feature of my amendment
which I deem of some importance. It is this:
“ That if in the act of violating any provi
sion in either of the two preceding sections any
other felony, crime, or misdemeanor shall be
committed, the offender may be indicted or
prosecuted for the same in the courts of the
United States.”
I think the most effective mode of preventing
this intimidation and these attempts at coer
cion. as well as the outrages which grow out
of these attempts, would be found in making
any offense committed in the effort to violate
them indictable before the courts of the United
States. As was said before, in the discussion
of the Georgia question in the Senate, the juries
in the communities where these outrages are
committed are often composed of men who are
engaged in them, or of their friends, or of those
47
who connive at them, or of persons who are
intimidated by them, and in many instances
they dare not bring in a true bill when there is
an attempt to indict, or if a true bill be found,
they dare not go for conviction on the final
trial. It is for that reason that I believe it will
be better, it will be the only effective remedy, to
take such offenders before the courts of the
United States, and there have them tried by a
jury which is not imbued with the prejudices
and interests of those who perpetrate the
crimes.
These are the principal features of the
amendment which I have drawn in the effort
to perfect this bill; and there is another one
to which I will call the attention of the Senate.
It is that in regard to calling out the military
forces of the United States. I find that in the
civil rights bill, as in the bill which has been
introduced by the Senate Judiciary Committee,
the President is authorized, either by himself
or by such person as he may empower for that
purpose, to use the military forces of the United
States to enforce the act. There in both in
stances it stops. It has been objected to here
that the expression, “ or such other person as
he may empower for that purpose,” should not
be in the bill; that it may be subject to abuse.
I think it would have no good effect to keep
that language in. The President may send his
officers and he may empower whomsoever he
pleases to take charge of his forces without
any such provision.
But there is a use for these forces which seems
not to have been averted to in either the civil
rights bill or in the bill that is now pending
before the Senate. It is the holding of these
offenders for examination and trial after they
are arrested. Their confederates, i f they are
put in the common prison of the State, will in
nine cases out of ten release them. But more
important still is it to use these forces to com-
48
pel the attendance of witnesses; for a subter
fuge resorted to is to keep witnesses away
from the trial. In many instances witnesses
are more or less implicated in the commission
of the offense. In other cases the witnesses
are intimidated and cannot be obtained upon
the trial. So in the amendment which I have
prepared I have proposed that these forces may
be used to enforce the attendance of witnesses
both upon the examination and the trial. My
purpose in introducing this was to perfect the
Senate bill. I think, as I said yesterday, that
that bill is liable to less objection than the
House bill. I think it is more efficacious in its
provisions. I think it is better that the Senate
should direct its attention to perfecting that
bill, in order that it may be made, when per
fected, a substitute for the bill that came from
the House.
That much being said upon the purpose of
perfecting the bill and making it efficacious, I
have very little more to say. I did not intend
when I rose to say much upon the general
power, which has been questioned here, to pass
any law at all. I think it is better to do
nothing than to do that which will not have
the proper effect. To do that which will not
accomplish the purpose would be worse than
doing nothing at all. That the United States
Government has the right to go into the States
and enforce the fourteenth and the fifteenth
amendments is, in my judgment, perfectly clear,
by appropriate legislation that shall bear upon
individuals. I cannot see that it would be pos
sible for appropriate legislation to be restored
to except as applicable to individuals who vio
late or attempt to violate these provisions.
Certainly we cannot legislate here against
States. As I said a few moments ago, it is
upon individuals that we must press our legis
lation. It matters not whether those individ
uals be officers or whether they are acting upon
49
their own responsibility; whether they are act
ing singly or in organizations. I f there is to
be appropriate legislation at all, it must be that
which applies to individuals.
I believe that the United States has the
right, and that it is an incumbent duty upon it,
to go into the States to enforce the rights of
the citizens against all who attempt to infringe
upon those rights when they are recognized
and secured by the Constitution of the country.
I f we do not possess that right the danger to
the liberty of the citizen is great indeed in
many parts of this Union. I think this ques
tion will come time and again as years pass by,
perhaps before another year, in different forms
before the Senate. It is well that we should
deal with it now and deal with it squarely, and
I hope that the Senate will not hestitate in
doing so.
Mr. President, the liberty of a citizen of the
United States, the prerogatives, the rights, and
the immunities of American citizenship, shoud
not be and cannot be safely left to the mere
caprice of States either in the passage of laws
or in the withholding of that protection which
any emergency may require. I f a State by
omission neglects to give to every citizen within
its borders a free, fair, and full exercise and
enjoyment o f his rights it is the duty of the
United States Government to go into the State,
and by its strong arm to see that he does have
the full and free enjoyment o f those rights.
Upon that ground the Republican party must
stand in carrying into effect the reconstruction
policy, or the whole fabric of reconstruction,
with all the principles connected with it,
amounts to nothing at all; and in the end it
will topple and fall unless it can be enforced
by the appropriate legislation, the power to
enact which has been provided in each one of
the great charters o f liberty which that party
has put forth in its amendments to the Con-
50
stitution. Unless the right to enforce it by
appropriate legislation is enforced stringently
and to the point, it is clear to my mind that
there will be no efficacy whatever in what has
been done up to this time to carry out and to
establish that policy.
I did not rise, sir, for the purpose o f arguing
the question very much in detail. I did not
rise for the purpose o f making any appeals to
the Senate; but more for the purpose of assert
ing here and arguing for a moment the gen
eral doctrine of the right o f the United States
to intervene against individuals in the States
who attempt to contravene the amendment to
the Constitution which we are now endeavoring
to enforce, and for the purpose of calling atten
tion to the defects in the bill and offering a
remedy for them.
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING 0F FI C E» I9 6 5
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