Monell v. New York Dept. of Social Services Brief Amici Curiae
Public Court Documents
January 1, 1976
Cite this item
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Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Monell v. New York Dept. of Social Services Brief Amici Curiae, 1976. 3ab1c717-be9a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/b4c8cb69-29d1-4552-8e33-18ac280774cd/monell-v-new-york-dept-of-social-services-brief-amici-curiae. Accessed November 23, 2025.
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I H T H E
(tort of % Intteft States
O ctober T e r m , 1976
Ho. 75-1914
J a n e M o n e ll , el al., Petitioners,
v.
D e p a r t m e n t op S o cial S ervices op t h e C it y of H e w
Y ork , et al., Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals
for the Second Circuit
BRIEF FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION
AND LAWYERS' COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS
UNDER LAW, AS AMICI CURIAE
ALBERT E. JENNER, JR.
Lawyers’ Committee for Civil
Rights Under Law
ROBERT A. MURPHY
WILLIAM E. CALDWELL
733 Fifteenth St., N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20005
MICHAEL H. GOTTESMAN
ROBERT M. WEINBERG
B kedhoff, Cu sh m an , Gottesman
& Cohen
1000 Connecticut Ave., N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
DAVID RUBIN
National Education. Association
1201 Sixteenth Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
9
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
I n t e r e s t of t h e A m ic i C u r ia e .................................................. 1
S u m m a r y of A r g u m e n t ............................................ 2
A r g u m e n t .................................................... 6
I. Public Officials in Their Official Capacities Are
“ Persons” Within the Meaning of Section 1983,
No Matter What Relief Is Sought Against Them.
When Public Officials Use the Powers of Their
Office to Violate Constitutional Rights, They
May Be Ordered To Use the Powers of Their
Office To Remedy Their Violations Even Though
the Public Treasury Be Impacted ....................... 6
A. Public Officials in Their Official Capacities
Are “ Persons” Within the Meaning of
§ 1983, No Matter What Relief Is Sought
Against Them, and the Federal Courts Have
Jurisdiction Under 28 U.S.C. §1343 To En
tertain Claims For All Types of Relief
Against Such “ Persons” .................................. 8
B. When Public Officials Use the Powers of
Their Office To Violate Constitutional Rights,
They May Be Ordered To Use the Powers
of Their Office To Remedy Their Violations
Even Though the Public Treasury Be Im
pacted .................................................... 12
II. School Boards Are “ Persons” Within the Mean
ing of § 1983 ................................................................. 27
C o n c l u s i o n ............... ............................................................................... 33
A p p e n d ix : An Analysis of the Legislative History of
the Civil Rights Acts of 1871 As It Relates to the
Issues Presented in This C ase.................................... la
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page
Abington School Dist. v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963) 28
Adamson v. California, 332 U.S. 46 (1947) ................... 24
Albemarle Paper Co. v. Moody, 422 U.S. 405 (1975) . . 13
Aldinger v. Howard, 427 U.S. 1 (1976) ............................ 26
Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962) .................................. 10
Bell v. Hood, 327 U.S. 678 (1946) ................................... 13
Bemis Bros. Bag Co. v. United States, 289 U.S. 28
(1933) .......... 13
Bradley v. Richmond School Board, 416 U.S. 696
(1974) ............................................................................... 28,29
Bradley v. School Board, 382 U.S. 103 (1965) ............... 28
Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) . . . 28
Brown Shoe Co. v. United States, 370 U.S. 294 (1962)
4 ,6 ,11,32
Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co., 285 U.S. 393 (1932) 12
Carter v. West Feliciana School Bd., 396 U.S. 226
(1969) ............................................................................... 28,29
Chambers v. Hendersonville City Board of Education,
364 F.2d 189 (4th Cir. 1966)’ ....................................... 21
City of Kenosha v. Bruno, 412 U.S. 507 (1973) . . . .3, 9,10,
11,26
Cleveland Board of Education v. LaFleur, 414 U.S.
632 (1974) ....................................................................2,17, 28
Davis v. Mann, 377 U.S. 678 (1964) ................................ 10
Davis v. School Comm’rs of Mobile County, 402 U.S.
33 (1971) ....................................................."................. 28,29
East Carroll Parish School Bd. v. Marshall, 424 U.S.
636 (1976) .......................................................................... 28
Edelman v. Jordan, 415 U.S. 651 (1974) ....................... 12
17-20
Ex parte Virginia, 100 U.S. 339 (1880) ....................... 24
Ex parte Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908) ........................... 19,21
Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer, 427 U.S. 445 (1976) ................... 19
Flood v. Kuhn, 407 U.S. 258 (1972) ........................... 6,12, 32
Goss v. Lopez, 419 U.S. 565 (1975) .................................... 28
Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430 (1968) . . 28
Griffin v. Breckenridge, 403 U.S. 88 (1971) ................... 22
Griffin v. School Board, 377 U.S. 218 (1964) . . . . 7 , 15 ,28
Page
Hagans v. Lavine, 415 U.S. 528 (1974) ........................... 18
Harkless v. Sweeny Independent School District, 427
F.2d 319 (5th Cir. 1970) .............................................. 21
Hatton v. County Board of Education of Maury
County, 422 F.2d 457 (6th Cir. 1970) ....................... 21
Hill v. Franklin County Board of Education of Lincoln
County, 390 F.2d 583 (6th Cir. 1968) ....................... 21
Home Telephone & Telegraph Co. v. Los Angeles, 277
U.S. 278 (1913) ............................................................... 24
Johnson v. Branch, 364 F.2d 1977 (4th Cir. 1966) ___ 21
Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colo., 413 U.S.
189 (1973) ............................................................... 28,29
Kramer v. Union School District, 395 U.S. 621 (1969) 28
Lanza v. Wagner, 11 N.Y. 2d 317 (1962) ....................... 27
Lovell v. Griffin, 303 U.S. 444 (1938) ................................ 24
McFerren v. County Board of Education of Fayette
County, 455 F.2d 199 (6th Cir.) ................................ 21
McNeese v. Board of Education, 373 U.S. 663 (1963) 28
Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974) ....................... 27
Monroe v. Board of Commissioners, 391 U.S. 450 (1968) 28
Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961) ...............7, 8,18, 23, 26
Moor v. County of Alameda, 411 U.S. 693 (1973) . . . . 26
Mt, Healthy School Dist. v. Doyle, 45 LAV 4079 (1977) 19
Muzquiz v. City of San Antonio, 528 F.2d 499 (5th
Cir. 1976) ..................................'...................................... 21
North Carolina Teachers A ss’n v. Asheboro City
Board of Education, 393 F.2d 736 (1968) ............... 21
Northcross v. Memphis Board of Education, 412 U.S.
427 (1973) ........................................................ 28
Parden v. Terminal R. Co., 377 U.S. 184 (1963) .......... 19
Pasadena City Bd. of Education v. Spangler, 427 U.S.
424 (1976) ........................................................ 28
People ex rel. Wells & Newton Co. v. Craig, 232 N.Y.
125 (1922) ................................'......................................... 27
Petty v. Tennessee-Missouri Bridge Comm’n, 359 U.S.
275 (1959) ........................................................ 19
Phi]brook v. Glodgett, 421 U.S. 707 (1975) ...................16, 20
Raney v. Board of Education, 391 U.S. 443 (1968) . . . . 28
Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964) ........................... 10
Rizzo v. Goode, 423 U.S. 362 (1976) ............................... 7
Table of Authorities Continued iii
IV Table of Authorities Continued
Page
Rolfe v. County Board of Education of Lincoln
County, 391 F.2d 77 (6th Cir. 1968) ....................... 21
Roman v. Sincock, 377 U.S. 695 (1964) ........................... 10
Smith v. Board of Education of Morrilton School Dis-
_ trict, 365 F.2d 770 (8th Cir. 1966) ........................... 20
Smith v. Hampton Training School for Nurses, 360
F.2d 577 (4th Cir. 1966) ............................................ 21
Sullivan v. Little Hunting Part, 396 U.S. 229 (1969). . 13
Swann v. Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971) ___ 7,28
Swann v. Charlotte-MecMenburg Board of Education,
402 U.S. 1 (1 9 7 1 )........................................................... .. 15
United States v. Price, 383 U.S. 787 (1966) ................... 22
Vlandis v. Kline, 412 U.S. 441 (1973) ........................... 11, 17
Von Hoffman v. City of Quincy, 71 U.S. 535 (1867) . . 25
Wicker v. Hoppock, 6 Wall. 94.(1867) .............................. 13
WMCA, Inc. v. Lomenzo, 377 U.S. 633 (1964) ............... 10
C o n s t it u t io n an d S t a t u t o r y P ro visio n s :
Constitution of the United States:
Fifth Amendment ............................................................. 31
Fourteenth Amendment ........................... 2, 19, 22-24, 26, 31
Eleventh Amendment ..............................4, 5, 9,14,17-19, 21
United States Code:
20 U.S.C. ^ 1601(b)(1), 1605(a)(1) (A) (i)
20 U.S.C. § 1617 . . . .
20 U.S.C. * 1656 ...........
20 U.S.C. § 1702(a)(3) .............
20 U.S.C. $ 1702(b) ' .............
20 U.S.C. 1 1713 ..........
28 U.S.C. i 1343 .................
42 U.S.C. ' 1983 ...................
42 U.S.C. 1 1988 .......................
42 U.S.C. 'U 2000c-6, 2000c-8...........
. 16
16, 30
. 30
15, 31
. 16
.. . 31
passim
passim
. . . 13
. . . 29
L e g isla tiv e M a te r ia ls :
Cong. Globe, 42cl Cong., 1st Sess, passim
IN THE
j3>uprm? (Emtrt of the lulled Stales
O ctober T e r m , 1976
No. 75-1914
J a n e M o n e ll , et al., Petitioners,
v.
D e p a r t m e n t of S ocial S ervices of t h e C it y of N ew
Y o r k , et al., Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals
for the Second Circuit
BRIEF FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION
AND LAWYERS' COMMITTEE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS
UNDER LAW, AS AMICI CURIAE
INTEREST OF THE AMICI CURIAE i
The National Education Association (N EA) is the
largest teacher organization in the United States, with
a membership of approximately 1.5 million educators,
virtually all of whom are employed by public educa
tional institutions. One of N EA ’s purposes is to safe
guard the constitutional rights of teachers and other
public educators.
1 The parties have consented to the filing of this brief and their
letters of consent are being filed with the Clerk of this Court pur
suant to Rule 42(2) of the Rules of this Court.
The Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under
Law is a non-profit corporation organized in 1963 at the
request of President Kennedy. Its Board of Trustees
includes nine past presidents of the American Bar
Association, two former Attorneys General, and two
former Solicitors General of the United States. The
Committee’s primary mission is to involve private
lawyers throughout the country in the quest of all
citizens to secure their civil rights through the legal
process.
The resolution o f this case will have an important
impact upon the extent to which those who are injured
by the unconstitutional actions of public officials and
entities can secure complete relief in the federal courts.
Both amici have a vital interest in the resolution of
this case.
This brief is filed to provide the Court with the views
of amici, refined through extensive litigation under the
Fourteenth Amendment and 42 U.S.C. § 1983, that
actions can be maintained under § 1983 against public
officials in their official capacities and against school
boards to secure complete relief, including relief which
impacts upon the public treasury.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Plaintiffs brought this action under § 1983 against
a school board, a city department, and various public
officials in their official capacities, alleging that these
defendants had violated plaintiffs’ rights by requiring
them to stop working during their last two months of
pregnancy. Cf. Cleveland Board of Education v.
LaFleur, 414 U.S. 632, 638 (1974). As remedies, plain
tiffs sought declaratory and injunctive relief (now
3
moot, because defendants have rescinded the policies
winch required pregnant employees to stop working),
and payment of the salaries which they would have
received but for the unconstitutional interruption o f
their employment.
The court below held that there is no federal
jurisdiction over this action under 28 U.S.C. § 1343(3),
because none of the defendants is a “ person” who may
be (sued under § 1983. More precisely, the court held
that the school board and city department can never be
“ persons” under § 1983, and that public officials in
their official capacities are “ persons” when sued for
declaratory and injunctive relief, but are not “ per
sons” when sued for retroactive monetary relief.
In Part I-A o f this brief, we (show that the court
ened in holding that the public officials are not “ per
sons” when sued for monetary relief under § 1983.
Public officials in their official capacities are either
“ persons” suable under § 1983 or they are not. There
is no basis for bifurcating their “ person” status de
pending on the nature of the relief sought. City of
Kenosha v. Bruno, 412 U.S. 507 (1973). This Court
has entertained and approved relief in numerous § 1983
eases against public officials in their official capacities.
A finding, implicit or explicit, that such defendants
are ‘ persons” suable under § 1983 was a necessary
predicate to this Court’s resolution of those cases,
particularly in light of this Court’s duty sua sponte
“ to see to it that the jurisdiction of the [district
court] . . . is not exceeded.” City of Kenosha v.
Bruno, supra, 412 U.S. at 511. Moreover, Congress has
closely scrutinized these § 1983 decisions and has
evinced no dissatisfaction wiith the definition of “ per
sons ’ established therein. Too many important de
cisions of this Court have proceeded on the premise
4
that public officials in their official capacities are “ per
sons” under § 1983 for the question to be considered
other than settled. Brown Shoe Co. v. United States,
370 U.S. 294, 306-307 (1962). It follows that there
was jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1343 to entertain
the monetary claim against the public officials.
Of course, even though there he jurisdiction over
the claim, it would be defeated on its merits i f it could
he shown that Congress intended in § 1983 to restrict
the forms of relief available against this category of
“ persons” so as to preclude monetary relief which
would be paid from the public treasury. While
the Court below did not address this “ merits” issue,
we go on in Part I-B to show that Congress did not!
intend to restrict the scope of available relief in this
fashion. On its face, § 1983 creates a cause of action
for “ redress” by the “ party injured” against “ every
person” violating constitutional rights, and creates the
broadest possible avenue to relief: through “ an action
at law, suit in equity, or other proper proceeding.”
These words do not admit of the interpretation that
Congress meant the “ injured party” to go without
“ redress” when the injury is monetary and the wrong
doing “ persons” are public officials. By logic, if
Congress in enacting § 1983 had intended “ to protect
municipal treasuries,” as the Court below stated, then
it would have permitted no award against public offi
cials which impacts on municipal treasuries. But, this
Court has already decided in numerous cases that relief
may be granted against public officials in their official
capacities, and Congress has accepted, indeed built
upon, these decisions. Further, the Eleventh Amend
ment “ analog}7-” to which the court below refers, has
no application here. The line drawn in Eleventh
Amendment eases between prospective and retroactive
relief is a product of this Court’s effort to reconcile
competing constitutional interests; it makes no sense
as a means to determine the intent of the 1871 Congress
in enacting § 1983, and in fact leads to a distortion of
the manifest congressional purpose. The importation
of the Eleventh Amendment line into § 1983 would
contravene the central purpose of § 1983—to provide
a complete federal remedy for federal constitutional
wrongs committed under color of state law—without-
serving any other purpose which the Congress that
enacted § 1983 meant to achieve. The enactors did not
intend to insulate municipal treasuries from suits to
remedy constitutional wrongs. We detail the legislative
history which proves this.
In Part II, we show that the court below also erred
in holding that school boards are not “ persons” under
§ 1983. As consistently as this Court has treated
other governmental entities as outside the ambit of
§ 1983 and § 1343(3), so equally consistently (and in
far greater volume) has this Court treated school
boards as within the ambit of those provisions. In
case after ease, particularly in the school desegregation
area, this Court has entertained § 1983 action's in
which school boards were defendants, and indeed has
on numerous occasions issued, directed, or approved
orders in such eases against school boards. Congress
has followed these decisions closely and has assumed
from these decisions, and acted upon the assumption,
that school boards are subject to suit by private par
ties. In 1964, 1972, and 1974, Congress enacted into
law statutes founded on that assumption. In addition,
Congress has failed to enact bills introduced from
time to time to withdraw or limit federal court juris
diction to entertain suits against school boards. In
6
the light of this history, the question whether school
boards are “ persons” under § 1983 must be regarded
as settled in the affirmative. See Brown Shoe Co. v.
United States, supra, 370 U.S. at 306-307; Flood v.
Kuhn, 407 U.S. 258, 282-284 (1972). It follows that
there was jurisdiction under 28 U.'S.C. § 1343 to enter
tain the monetary claims against the school board, and
that on the merits such relief may be awarded, where
appropriate, under § 1983.
A R G U M E N T
I. PUBLIC OFFICIALS IN THEIR OFFICIAL CAPACITIES
ARE "PERSONS" WITHIN THE MEANING OF SECTION
1983, NO MATTER W H AT RELIEF IS SOUGHT AGAINST
THEM. WHEN PUBLIC OFFICIALS USE THE POWERS
OF THEIR OFFICE TO VIOLATE CONSTITUTIONAL
RIGHTS, THEY M A Y BE ORDERED TO USE THE
POWERS OF THEIR OFFICE TO REMEDY THEIR VIO
LATIONS EVEN THOUGH THE PUBLIC TREASURY
BE IMPACTED.
As we understand it, the theory of this action, inso
far as it is directed at public officials in their official
capacities, is as follows: when public officials, exercis
ing the powers of their office, violate the federal Con
stitution and thereby injure private parties, the in
jured parties may sue under § 1983, and the court is
empowered to require the wrongdoing officials to exer
cise “ the power that is theirs” 2 to repair the injury
done—here, to pay the back salaries which plaintiffs
would have received but for the officials’ unconstitu
tional actions. The theory depends upon two proposi
tions: (a) that there is jurisdiction to entertain such
a § 1983 claim; and (b) that, on the merits, if the de
fendant public officials have the power to “ make good
2 Griffin v. School Board, 377 U.S. 218, 233 (1964).
7
the wrong done,” § 1983 permits remedies which re
quire those officials to exercise that power even where
doing so impacts upon the treasury of the entity which
they serve.1 * 3 The count below found that plaintiffs’
theory foundered on the first proposition—it held that
as the public officials are not “ persons,” there is no
jurisdiction to entertain the claim. The court did not
reach or discuss the second proposition. W e deal with
both propositions herein.
3 The theory is applicable only where the wrongdoing officials
hold positions of responsibility empowering them to provide the
relief sought. Not every act of misconduct by every municipal em
ployee can lead to an order against him in his official capacity
impacting upon the public treasury. The courts can do no more
than order wrongdoing officials to exercise “ the power that is
theirs” to right the wrongs which they have committed through
their offices. Griffin v. School Board, 377 U.S. 218, 233 (1964).
See also Swann v. Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 30 (1971).
Although a court may have jurisdiction over a public official, it
cannot instill him with powers to undo his wrong which he does
not possess by virtue of his office. The wrongdoing policemen
in Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167 (1961), could not have been
ordered to make their victims whole from the public treasury—
their official powers did not extend that far. Nor could such
relief have been directed at their superiors who did have such
powers, for those superiors were not. wrongdoers. As this Court
explained in Rizzo v. Goode, 423 U.S. 362, 377 (1976), distinguish
ing Swann and Brown, relief may be obtained only against those
responsible for the wrong:
1 ‘ Those against whom injunctive relief was directed in cases
such as Swann and Brown were not administrators and school
board members who had in their employ a small number of
individuals, which latter on their own deprived black students
of their constitutional rights to a unitary school system. They
were administrators and school board members who were found
by their own conduct in the administration of the school system
to have denied those rights. Here, the District Court found
that none of the petitioners had deprived the respondent
classes o f any rights secured under -the Constitution.”
A. Public Officials in Their Official Capacities Are "Persons"
Within the Meaning of § 1983, No Matter What Relief Is
Sought Against Them, and the Federal Courts Have Juris
diction Under 28 U.S.C. § 1343 To Entertain Claims for All
Types of Relief Against Such "Persons."
The court below did not question that there would
have been jurisdiction in the district court to hear and
resolve plaintiffs’ claims against the public officials
had injunctive or declaratory relief been sought:
“ There is no doubt that municipal and state officials,
sued in their official capacities, are ‘ persons’ within
the meaning of [42 U.S.C.] § 1983 when they are sued
for injunctive or declaratory relief.” 4 The court
ruled, however, that these same defendants are not
“ persons” within the meaning of § 1983 when they are
sued for monetary relief, and therefore that “ [w]e
are . . . without jurisdiction to hear this suit.” 5
The court below founded its analysis upon this
Court’s decision in Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167
(1961), which held, inter alia, that in a suit for money
damages a municipality is not a person within the
meaning of what is now codified as § 1983. The court
below reasoned as follows: (a) the Department of So
cial Services and the school board here are in effect
part of the City of New York and thus, under Monroe,
not “ persons” in their own rights; (b) the monetary
relief sought against the public officials in their official
capacities would in fact come out of the treasuries of
the Board of Education and the City of New York:
consequently (c) the real parties in interest are the
City and the Board and not the named public officials;
and (d) suits against public officials may not be used
8
4 Pet. A. 53-54.
5 Pet. A. 60.
9
as a “ subterfuge” to sue non-“ persons,” and thus
jurisdiction does not lie under § 1343(3).® (W e as
sume, for purpose of our argument in Part I, that as
the court below held, school boards are not “ persons.”
Of course i f they are “ persons,” as we show they are
in Part II, there could be no inhibition upon suits
against school boards or their officials for relief im
pacting upon their treasuries.)
Significantly, the court below completed the fore
going analysis without dealing with this Court’s deci
sion in City of Kenosha v. Bruno, 412 TI.S. 507 (1973)
—a decision which cannot be reconciled with the hold
ing below that public officials are “ persons” for de
claratory and injunctive relief but not for monetary
refief. In Kenosha, this Court held that a municipality
is not a “ person” suable under § 1983 for any relief,
declaratory or injunctive as well as monetary. Given
the Kenosha holding, the logic of the court of appeals’
analysis would apply equally to preclude jurisdiction
of a claim for declaratory or injunctive relief against
a public official in his official capacity, where the real
impact of that relief would be felt by the entity which
is not a “ person.” Just as with monetary relief, it
could be said that to entertain a suit against the public
official in his official capacity for such declaratory or
injunctive relief would be sanctioning a “ subterfuge”
to accomplish indirectly what cannot be done directly. 6
6 Pet. A. 55-61. Although recognizing that the Eleventh Amend
ment is inapplicable to this case, the court below thought that the
case law developed under that Amendment furnished “ a com
pelling analogy” for its ruling. Id. at 56. In fact, the analogy
is wholly flawed. We defer our demonstration on. this point to
Part I-B, infra, for even if the analogy were valid it would go to the
scope of the federal court’s remedial power, not to its jurisdiction.
10
Kenosha found no evidence in the legislative history
of § 1983 or in its language “ to suggest that the ge
neric word ‘ person’ was intended to have a bifurcated
application to municipal corporations depending on the
nature of the relief sought against them.” 412 U.S.
at 513. The same is true as to public officials. The
statute prescribes the same cause of action, in the same
terms, against “ every person.” And there is not a
word in the legislative history suggesting that public
officials are '“ persons” for some purposes but not
others. Thus, there is no more basis here than in
Kenosha for bifurcating the “ person” status of the
defendants. Regardless of the relief sought, there must
be but a single answer to the question whether a public
official in his official capacity is a “ person” suable
under § 1983.
That answer has already been provided by this Court
in dozens of cases. For decades, this Court has en
tertained and decided § 1983 actions against public
officials in their official capacities; indeed, all of the
Court’s school desegregation and legislative reappor-
tionment decisions have been rendered in such actions.7
In all of these cases the public entity was the “ real
7 The school desegregation eases are cited infra p. 28, n. 28. The
legislative reapportionment cases include Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S.
186 (1962) ; Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 537 (1964) ; WMCA,
Inc. v. Lomenzo, 377 U.S. 633, 635 (1964) ; Davis v. Mann, 377 U.S.
678, 680 (1964) ; Roman v. Sincock, 377 U.S. 695, 697 (1964).
Of course, in all the school desegregation cases, suit was brought
not only against the public officials in their official capacities,
but also against the school board itself. It is possible, therefore,
that this Court entertained those cases because school boards are
themselves “ persons” under § 1983. In that event, those cases
establish that there is no jurisdictional problem here, at least with
respect to that portion of the case concerning school board em
ployees, for here too suit was brought against the school board
as well as against the public officials. See part II, infra.
11
party in interest,” and in many the relief awarded
impacted directly upon the entity’s treasury.8
It is true that in none of these cases was the issue
whether public officials in their official capacities are
“ persons” directly addressed. But a finding, implicit
or explicit, that such defendants are “ persons” suable
under § 1983 was a necessary predicate to this Court’s
entertaining those cases and approving relief therein,
particularly as this Court has recognized its duty—in
the context of a case brought pursuant to § 1983 and
§ 1343(3)—siia sponte “ to see to it that the jurisdiction
of the [district court] which is defined and limited by
statute, is not exceeded,” City of Kenosha v. Bruno,
supra, 412 U.S. at 511. It is not without significance
that on the very day that Kenosha was decided, holding
sua sponte that public entities may not be sued under
§ 1983, this Court affirmed an order in another § 1983
action directing a public official to reimburse excess
tuition payments which had been improperly collected
from students. Vlandis v. Kline, 412 U.S. 441, 444-445,
454 (1973).
Notwithstanding the absence of express considera
tion, these many decisions by this Court surely con
stitute stare decisis on the issue whether public em
ployees in their official capacities are “ persons” under
§ 1983. Too many important decisions of this Court
have proceeded on that premise for the question to be
considered other than settled. As this Court stated in
Brown Shoe Co. v. United States, 370 U.S. 294, 306-307
(1962):
“ While we are not bound by previous exercises of
jurisdiction in cases in which our power to act was
8 We cite and describe these cases infra, pp, 15, 17.
12
not questioned but was passed sub silentio, . . .
neither should we disregard the implications of an
exercise of judicial authority assumed to be proper
for over 40 years.”
Adherence to the rule implicitly established by these
§ 1983 cases is particularly appropriate here, for the
rule is one of statutory construction (rather than con
stitutional interpretation).0 Congress has been free to
change it, }ret, despite close congressional scrutiny of
the pertinent decisions, Congress has evinced no dis
satisfaction with the rule.10
In sum, there is no room for a holding that public
officials in their official capacities are not “ persons”
suable under § 1983, and the court below erred in rilling
that there was no § 1343 jurisdiction over plaintiffs’
claim against these defendants. There remains the
“ merits” question, which the court below did not reach,
whether there are special limitations upon the relief
which can be awarded against these defendants, and it
is to that question that we now turn.
B. When Public Officials Use ihe Powers of Their Office To
Violate Constitutional Rights, They May Be Ordered To
Use the Powers of Their Office To Remedy Their Viola
tions Even Though the Public Treasury Be Impacted.
It is a familiar principle of federal law that
when a federal court, has jurisdiction over a defendant
who has violated constitutional rights, it will ordinarily
0 Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co., 285 U.S. 393, 406-408 (1932)
(Brandeis, J., dissenting), quoted with approval in Edelman v.
Jordan, 415 U.S. 651, 671 n.14 (1974).
10 Cf. Flood v. Kuhn, 407 U.S. 258, 282-284 (1972). We diseuss
the congressional response to the Court’s' desegregation decisions
infra, pp. 15-16, 30-32.
13
require him to do what he can to repair the 'damage.
“ [ I ] t is . . . well settled that where legal rights have
been invaded, and a federal statute provides for a
general right to sue for such invasion, federal courts
may use any available remedy to make good the wrong
done.” Bell v. Hood, 327 TJ.S. 678, 684 (1946).11 On
its face, § 1983 is such a statute. It creates a cause of
action for “ redress” by the “ party injured” against
11 every person” violating constitutional rights, and
prescribes the broadest possible avenue to relief:
through “ an action at law, suit in equity, or other
proper proceeding.” See also 42 U.S.C. § 1988. These
words do not seem to admit of the interpretation that
Congress meant the “ injured party” to go without
“ redress” when the injury is monetary and the wrong
doing “ persons” are public officials. In the face of this
unequivocal statutory language, it is difficult to see any
basis for not applying the ordinary rule that federal
courts “ will make good the wrong done.” Any advo
cate to the contrary should be required to bear a heavy
burden of persuasion.
The couid below did not address this question in
these terms, for it mistakenly disposed of the case on
jurisdictional grounds. But it is easy to see from its
11 ‘ The existence of a statutory right implies the existence of
all necessary and appropriate remedies.” Sullivan v. Little Hunt
ing Park, ,396 II.S. 229, 239 (1969). “ The general rule is, that
when a wrong has been done, and the law gives a remedy, the com
pensation shall be equal to the injury,” Wicker v. Hoppock, 6
Wall. 94, 98 (1867), reaffirmed in Albemarle Paper Co. v. Moody,
422 TJ.S. 405, 418-19 (1975). Justice Cardozo put the principle
in these words: “ Once let it be ascertained that the amount is
determinable and all that follows is an incident . . . . [Office a
wrong is brought to light [, tffiere can be no stopping after that
until justice is done.” Bemis Bros. Bag Co. v. United States, 289
TT.S. 28, 35-36 (1933).
M
opinion how it would have answered i t : the court below
thought that “ the Reconstruction Congress which en
acted the Civil Rights Act sought to protect municipal
treasuries,” 12 and no doubt would have concluded that
Congress intended to restrict the relief available
against public officials commensurately with that ob
ject. Although the logical implementation of such an
understanding of congressional intent would be to per
mit no award against public officials which impacts on
municipal treasuries, the court below, which perceived
a “ compelling analogy” in the Eleventh Amendment
cases,13 presumably would have precluded only awards
of retroactive monetary relief.
We will show herein that in § 1983 suits against pub
lic officials neither the complete prohibition of awards
which impact upon municipal treasuries nor the pre
clusion only of awards of retroactive monetary relief
from such treasuries is a defensible result. In doing
so, we will proceed as follows: First, this Court has
already decided in numerous cases that relief may be
granted which impacts upon the public treasury in
§ 1983 suits against public officials in their official
capacities, and Congress has accepted, indeed built
upon, those decisions. Second, the Eleventh Amend
ment “ analogy” to which the court below refers is the
product of this Court’s effort to reconcile competing
constitutional interests; it makes no sense as a means
to determine the intent of the 1871 Congress in enact
ing § 1983, and in fact leads to a distortion of the
manifest congressional purpose.
1. A construction that § 1983 precludes all awards
against public officials impacting upon public treas-
12 Pet, A. 59.
13 Pet. A. 56.
15
uries could not be reconciled with the many decisions
of this Court in § 1983 actions against public officials
requiring the expenditure of enormous sums from local
governmental treasuries—decisions which Congress has
followed closely, legislated about, but never chosen to
overturn.
Many of this Court’s school desegregation decisions,
for example, have required large expenditures from
local government treasuries. The leading example is
Griffin v. School Board, 377 U.S. 218, 233 (1964), where
the Court authorized issuance of an order requiring
public officials “ to exercise the power that is theirs
to levy taxes to raise funds” if necessary to reopen the
public schools. And, in Swann v. Ckarlotte-Mecklen-
hurg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 30, and n.12
(1971), the Court affirmed a busing order requiring
“ local school authorities” “ to employ 138 more buses
than [the school system] had previously operated.”
Congress, aware that the Court has issued orders
against public officials requiring them to expend public
funds, has not amended either 42 U.S.C. § 1983 or 28
U.S.C. § 1343(3) to withdraw the federal courts’ au
thority and/or jurisdiction to issue such orders; on
the contrary, Congress has expressly declared its inten
tion not to do so.
In 1974, Congress found that “ the implementation of
desegregation plans that require extensive student
transportation has, in many cases, required local edu
cational agencies to expend large amount[s] of funds,
thereby depleting their financial resources . . .” 20
U.S.C. § 1702(a) (3). Congress’ response was not to
withdraw either jurisdiction or judicial power to re
quire such plans, but simply to legislate revised eviden
16
tiary standards and remedial priorities to be employed
by the courts in deciding such cases.14 And lest that
step be misunderstood as a statutory withdrawal of
judicial power or jurisdiction, Congress took care to
declare expressly that “ the provisions of this chapter
are not intended to modify or diminish the authority
of the courts of the United States to enforce fully the
fifth and fourteenth amendments to the Constitution of
the United States.” 20 U.S.C. § 1702(b).15
Either the 1871 Congress really did intend to “ pro
tect municipal treasuries,” or it did not. I f it did, and
if there had been no intervening developments, the
solution would be clear: the Court would be required
to “ give effect to the legislative will,” PMlbrook v.
Glodgett, 421 U.S. 707, 713 (1975), by forbidding all
remedies in § 1983 actions which impact monetarily
upon public treasuries. But, of course, there have
been intervening developments: this Court has re
peatedly approved just such remedies—both “ pros
pective,” as we have just shown, and “ retroactive,”
as we show below—• and the modern Congress has
responded by expressly affirming its desire not to
“ modify or diminish” the power o f the federal courts
14 20 U.S.C. §§ 1703-05, 1712-18, 1752-58.
15 In 1972, Congress had similarly found that “ the process of
eliminating or preventing minority group isolation . . . involves
the expenditure of additional funds to which local educational
agencies do not have access.” 20 U.S.C. § 1601(a). Then, too,
Congress’ response was not to cut back on the federal courts’
statutory powers or jurisdiction, but rather to reaffirm the pro
priety of their exereise. Congress decided “ to provide financial
assistance” to enable local educational agencies to meet the de
mands of these court orders, 20 U.S.C. §§ 1601(b)(1), 1605(a)(1)
(A ) (i), and enlarged upon the remedies available in such actions
by expressly authorizing attorney’s fee awards, 20 U.S.C. § 1617.
17
'to award such remedies. Under these circumstances,
this Court’s prior decisions must be taken to preclude
a holding that public treasuries can never be affected.
2. A construction of § 1983 which would permit
orders requiring public officials to spend public funds
prosepectively, while precluding orders against such
officials directing retroactive monetary payments
from the public treasury, would also collide with
prior decisions of this Court. In Vlandis v. Kline,
supra, 412 U.S. at 444-445, 454, a § 1983 case, this
Court affirmed an order requiring a public official to
reimburse excess tuition payments collected in viola
tion of constitutional rights. Similarly, in Cleveland
Board of Education v. La Fleur, 414 U.S. 632, 638
(1974), a § 1983 case, this Court affirmed as “ appro
priate relief” a backpay award to pregnant teachers
unconstitutionally suspended from employment (see
326 P. Supp. 1159, 1161 (EJD. Va. 1971)). Cf. Edel-
many. Jordan, 415 U.S. 651 (1974) (all opinions in this
case either expressly declare or implicitly assume that,
where the Eleventh Amendment is inapplicable, retro
active monetary relief from a public entity’s treasury
may be awarded in a § 1983 action against public offi
cials in their official capacities).16
16 Edelman was a § 1983 action brought against officials of the
State of Illinois seeking, inter alia, an order requiring the defend
ants to provide benefits which would have been paid but for their
unlawful delays.
The Court began its analysis with the recognition that, the
monetary award, although addressed to the public officials, would
in fact be paid from the public treasury— in this instance, the
state treasury. ‘ ‘ These funds will obviously not be paid out of
the pocket of petitioner Edelman . . . The funds to satisfy the
award in this case must inevitably come from the general revenues
of the State of Illinois.” 415 U.S. at 664, 665. The Court then
ruled, by a 5-4 vote, that such an award was precluded by the
Eleventh Amendment.
For present purposes, the important part of Edelman is not
But, even passing these prior decisions, nothing can
be found on the face of § 1983 or in its legislative his
tory to justify distinguishing between prospective and
retroactive relief. Such justification as can be made
for such a distinction must come not from anything
internal to § 1983 or its background but from the
“ compelling analogy” of this Court’s Eleventh
its construction of the Eleventh Amendment— as we show below,
the Eleventh Amendment is inapplicable here because it protects
only state treasuries, not local school board treasuries—but the
apparent unanimity on the Court that but for the Eleventh
Amendment the monetary relief would have been recoverable under
§ 1983 despite the fact that it came from the treasury of a public
entity (the State) not itself a “ person” under § 1983.
Initially, it is apparent that, if § 1983 did not authorize mone
tary awards against public officials payable from public funds,
there would have been no occasion for the Court to discuss the
Eleventh Amendment at all in Edelman. Pursuant to the policy
of avoiding unnecessary constitutional adjudication (see, e.g.,
Hagans v. Lavine, 415 T.T.S. 528, 546-547 (1974)), the Court need
only have declared that 5 1983 itself did not authorize the award,
and the case would have been over. Only if the Court was of
the view that $ 1983 otherwise would reach the public treasury
was it appropriate to reaeh the constitutional question whether the.
Eleventh Amendment dictated a contrary result.
All four dissenters in Edelman (including the author of Monroe
v. Pape) would have allowed the recovery against state officials
even though it was to be paid from state funds. 415 TJ.S. at 678-
687 (Douglas, J., dissenting) ; ul. at, 687-688 (Brennan, J., dissent
ing) ; ul. at. 688-696 (Marshall, J., joined by Blackmnn, J., dissent
ing). The majority, of course, disagreed, but not because of any
limitation found in § 1983 itself. Rather, the majority concluded
that the Eleventh Amendment constituted an independent restric
tion upon the scope of relief available in federal court 415 U S
at 677:
“ Though a § 1983 action may be instituted by public aid re
cipients such as respondent, a federal court’s remedial power,
consistent with the Eleventh Amendment, is necessarily lim
ited to prospective injunctive relief . . . and may not include
a retroactive award which requires the payment of funds
from the state treasury . . (emphasis added; footnotes
omitted).
19
Amendment decisions.17 As we show, this “ analogy”
cannot bear examination.
The distinction between retroactive and prospective
relief for purposes of the Eleventh Amendment does
not purport to be an expression of the will of the fram
ers of that Amendment. Rather, it represents the
culmination of this Court’s effort—begun with the
creation of the fiction of Ex parte Young, 209 U.S. 123
(1908)—to reconcile the clash of values established by
two constitutional amendments, adopted more than 60
years apart: on the one hand, the “ sword” o f the
Fourteenth Amendment;18 on the other, the “ shield” of
the Eleventh.19 The Eleventh Amendment wais de
signed to insulate state treasuries against federal
court awards;20 the Fourteenth Amendment was de
signed to place limitations upon states in their treat
ment of private persons.21
The line ultimately drawn in Edelman v. Jordan,
supra, evolved from a series of decisions confronting
different aspects of the apparent tension between the
two amendments. This end product—-the line between
prospective and retroactive monetary relief—is one
which “ will not in many instances! be that between
17 As the court below recognized, the Eleventh Amendment has
no direct application to this case, because neither cities nor local
school boards enjoy Eleventh Amendment protection. Edelman v.
Jordan, supra, 415 TJ.S. at 667, n. 12 ; Mt. Healthy School Dist.
v. Doyle, 45 LW 4079, 4081 (1977).
18 Edelman v. Jordan, supra, 415 U.S. at 664.
10 Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer, 427 U.S. 445, 448 (1976).
20 Petty v. Tennessee-Missouri Bridge Comm’n, 359 U.S. 275, 276
n. 1 (1959) ; Parden v. Terminal R. Co., 377 U.S. 184, 187 (1963).
21 Fitzpatrick, supra, 427 U.S. at 456.
20
day and night.” Edelmcin, 415 U.S. at 667. This
Court did not attempt in Edelman to explain the re-
sult as a logical distinction which Congress would
have drawn starting from first principles, but as the
evolved harmonization of conflicting constitutional
interests.
To import the line drawn in such fashion into the
meaning of § 1983 would make no sense. W e are
concerned here with the interpretation of a single
enactment of Congress. “ Our objective in a ease such
as this is to ascertain the congressional intent and give
effect to the legislative will.” Philbrool> v. Glodgett,
supra, 421 U.S. at 713. While it is theoretically
possible that a Congress might choose to draw the line
between prospective and retroactive monetary awards
impacting upon a municipal treasury, there is not a
shred of evidence in the legislative debates to suggest
that the Congress of 1871 in fact intended to draw such
a line in § 1983. Nor is there anything so inherently
“ right” about the line to attribute it to Congress with
out any foundation in the language or history of the
Act. Is it likely, for example, that Congress intended
to empower the federal courts to require massive ex
penditures from public treasuries to achieve desegre
gation, while at the same time intending to withhold
power from those courts to award back salaries from
the same treasuries to the black teachers discrimina-
torily selected for dismissal and non-renewal as de
segregation plans were implemented1? 22 It would be a
22 Cases are common in which the lower federal courts have up
held the propriety in § 1983 cases of backpay awards to black
teachers who were discriminatorily selected for dismissal or non-
renewal when school integration necessitated force reductions. See,
e.g., Smith v. Board of Education of Morrilton School District, 365
21
most remarkable coincidence if Congress in 1871 bad
drawn the precise line which did not begin to be
drawn in the Eleventh Amendment cases until 1908
and did not reach final shape until 1974 following
decades of litigation.23
More important, the importation of the Eleventh
Amendment line into § 1983 would contravene the cen
tral purpose of that statute— to provide a complete
federal remedy for federal constitutional wrongs com
mitted under color o f state law—without serving any
other purpose which the Congress that enacted § 1983
meant to achieve. The language of § 1983 and its legis
lative history make clear that the competition of values
which led to the distinction between prospective and
retroactive relief for purposes of the Eleventh Amend
ment has no analogous counterpart in § 1983. The lat
ter provision was intended to be broadly remedial and
its enactors did not seek to “ protect municipal treas
1.2d 770, 783-784 (8th Cir. 1966) (Bl'ackmun, J.) ; Chambers v.
Hendersonville City Board of Education, 364 F.2d 189, 193 (4th
Cir. 1966) ( en banc) ; Hill v. Franklin County Board of Educa
tion, 390 F.2d 583 (6th Cir. 1968) ; Rolfe v. County Board of Edu
cation of Lincoln County, 391 F.2d 77, 81 (6th Cir. 1968); Hatton
v. County Board of Education of Maury County, 422 F.2d 457
(6th Cir. 1970) ; Harkless v. Sweeny Independent School District,
427 F.2d 319, 323 (5th Cir. 1970) (Bell, J.) (Compare: Muzquiz
v. City of San Antonio, 528 F.2d 499 (5th Cir. 1976) (en banc)) ;
Mc-Ferren v. County Board of Education of Fayette County, 455
F.2d 199 (6th Cir.), cert, denied, 407 U.S. 934 (1972). See also,
Smith v. Hampton Training School for Niirses, 360 F.2d 577 (4th
Cir. 1966) (en banc) ; .Johnson v. Branch, 364 F.2d 1977 (4th Cir.
1966) (en banc), cert, denied, 385 U.S. 1003 (1967) ; North Caro
lina Teachers Ass’n v. Asheboro City Board of Education, 393 F.2d
736 (4th Cir. 1968) (en banc).
The Eleventh Amendment line began to be drawn in Ex parte
Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908), and reached its present contours only
with the decision of Edelman in 1974.
22
uries.” Congress established a sword in § 1983, but no
shield.
Analysis of what Congress meant must begin with
what was enacted. In its terms, as described above,
§ 1983 provides to the “ party injured” a cause of ac
tion for “ redress” “ in an action at law, suit in equity,
or other proper proceeding” against “ [e] very person”
who violates its substantive provisions. This Court, in
the context of interpreting another portion of the Civil
Rights Act of 1871, stated that the approach to Recon
struction civil rights statutes is to “ ‘ accord [them] a
sweep as broad as [their] language.’ ” Griffin v. Breck-
enridge, 403 U.S. 88, 97 (1971), quoting from United
States v. Price, 383 U.S. 787, 801 (1966). On its face,
§ 1983—and it is here the meaning of that provision
alone which is at issue—provides for complete “ re
dress” against “ every person” who violates its terms.
That language in itself, cannot constitute the basis for
finding a prohibition of retroactive monetary relief
against any “ person.”
The legislative history of § 1983 confirms a remedial
purpose as broad as its language. We analyze that
history in great detail in the appendix which follows
this argument. That analysis shows that Congress in
passing what is now § 1983 meant to establish a private
cause of action for redress as broad as it was empow
ered to create by the Fourteenth Amendment. Not a
word said in connection with the enactment of § 1983
indicates the slightest intention to leave a party injured
by a Fourteenth Amendment violation with less than a
full remedy. Indeed, the contrary is true: complete
remedy for such constitutional violations was Congress’
preoccupation. See pp. 5a-13a, infra. In this connec
tion, nothing in the debates over § 1983 indicates any
23
congressional concern to “ protect municipal treas
uries.” I f anything, the evidence is strong that Con
gress meant municipalities to be subject to suit under
§1983 directly as “ persons.” Congress understood
that the Fourteenth Amendment applied to restrict
the actions of municipalities, and § 1983 was intended
to create a private cause of action as broad as the scope
of that Amendment (see pp. 15a-16a, infra) ; and, a
month before the introduction of the bill containing
§ 1983, and less than two months before its passage,
Congress had enacted a definitional statute to assist in
the construction of subsequently enacted statutes, which
provided that except where there was evidence of a
contrary congressional intent the term “ persons”
should be understood to include “ bodies politic and
corporate.” See pp. la, 14a.-15a, infra.
Each of the propositions just set forth regarding
the legislative history is fully supported in the appen
dix. That history, taken together with the unequivocal
language of the statute, is sufficient to dispose of any
effort to read into § 1983 a distinction between pros
pective and retroactive remedies in actions against
public officials in their official capacities.
It would be sufficient to stop here, but for a compli
cation which results from certain statements made
about the legislative debates of 1871 in Monroe v. Pape,
supra, Monroe decided that the enacting Congress did
not mean to include municipalities within the term
“ persons” in § 1983. That conclusion was based not
on the legislative history of those portions of the bill
which Congress enacted into law—indeed, as we show
in the appendix, that legislative history clearly indi
cates the opposite—but on the history of an amendment
to that bill, the Sherman Amendment, which was even
tually defeated. 365 U.S. at 187-192. The Sherman
24
Amendment proposed to make counties, cities, and par
ishes liable in damages for private acts of violence oc
curring within their boundaries, without regard even
to whether those entities had been delegated any police
power by the state with which to deal with such vio
lence. See pp. 17a-19a, infra. The Monroe Court under
stood the defeat of that amendment to have resulted
from Congress ’ doubt as to its constitutional power to
“ impose civil liability on municipalities,” 363 U.S. at
190. In fact, this understanding is incorrect, as is ap
parent from two considerations:
First, Congress did not doubt its power to “ impose
civil liability on municipalities” in the circumstances
governed b y § 1983, i.e. where a municipality in the
exercise of powers delegated to it by the state violates
the prohibitions of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amend
ment. Congress had voted for the Fourteenth Amend
ment in 1866, and as this Court has repeatedly recog
nized, it meant the prohibitions of Section 1 to apply
to local governmental bodies. Ex parte Virginia, 100
U.S. 339, 346-347 (1880) ; Home Telephone & Tele
graph Co. v. Los Angeles, 227 U.S. 278 (1913); Lovell
v. Griffin, 303 U.S. 444, 450 (1938). We demonstrate
Congress’ awareness of this power in the appendix.
See pp. 15a-16a, infra. We note here only that the 1871
Congress could not have forgotten what it had done
five years earlier, for Representative Bingham (whom
Justice Black called “ the Madison of the First section
of the Fourteenth Amendment” 24) reminded his col
leagues during the debate on § 1983 that in drafting
the first section of the Fourteenth Amendment he had
used the words “ No State shall . . . ” for the precise
purpose of overruling a Supreme Court decision hold-
Adamson v. California, 332 U.S. 46, 74 (1947) (dissenting
opinion). b
25
ing that a city’s taking of personal property without
compensation did not violate the Constitution as it then
stood.25 He went on to explain that he had copied these
words from the Impairment of Obligations of Con
tracts Clause.26 And in 1867, only four years prior to
the debate on § 1983, the Supreme Court had ruled that
the latter clause bound municipalities equally with
states, and affirmed a writ of mandamus compelling
municipal officers to levy taxes if necessary to honor
the contract sought to be impaired. Von Hoffman v.
City of Quincy, 71 U.S. 535, 554-555 (1867).
Second, an examination of the debates over the Sher
man Amendment reveals that while the Amendment
failed owing to a doubt concerning Congress’ power, it
was a doubt germane to the Sherman Amendment’s
unique provisions and wholly irrelevant to the mean
ing of § 1983. See pp. 17a-31a., infra. The Sherman
Amendment had nothing to do with requiring munici
palities to abide by the requirements of the Fourteenth
Amendment in exercising powers delegated by the
states; rather, it would have made municipalities affirm
atively responsible for preventing certain private acts
of violence from occurring within their boundaries.
Congress’ doubt went only to its constitutional power
to impose on local 'government bodies the affirmative
obligation to exercise the police power; it was this
doubt which led to the defeat of the Sherman Amend
ment. The Republican representatives who supported
the bill generally, but whose defection caused the
defeat of the Sherman Amendment, asserted that
20 Cong. Globe, 42 Cong., 1st Session, Appendix (hereinafter
“ Globe App.” ), p. 83-84.
2t' Globe App. 84.
26
it was the prerogative of the states to determine
whether and how to delegate the police power
function to local governments; that Congress could
not bypass the states and impose such functions
directly upon those governments; and consequently
that Congress lacked power to hold municipalities
monetarily liable for failing to exercise such power.
See pp. 21a-31a, infra. That constitutional doubt,
of course, warrants no inference that Congress intended
to insulate municipal treasuries in § 1983, for, unlike
the Sherman Amendment, § 1983 did not purport to
impose any affirmative obligations upon municipalities,
but only to enforce the prohibitions of the Four
teenth Amendment—“ no State 'shall . . —which
Congress knew applied to municipalities in their exer
cise of whatever powers the states chose to delegate to
them. We analyze the meaning of the defeat of the
Sherman Amendment more fully in the appendix.
We do not challenge here the holding of Monroe v.
Pape. Soundly based or not, the decision there that
municipalities are not “ persons” under § 1983, twice
relied upon in recent decisions,27 may well be entitled
to stare decisis effect. But neither stare decisis nor
any other doctrine compels this Court to perpetuate
Monroe’s erroneous reading of the legislative history
when, as here, distinct issues of statutory construction,
not controlled by the actual holding of Monroe, are
presented for decision. Congress did not intend to
“ protect municipal treasuries,” and there is thus no
warrant for limiting the remedies available in a § 1983
action against public officials in their official capacities.
27 Moor V. Comity of Alameda, 411 U.S. 693 (1973); City of
Kenosha v. Bruno, 412 U.S. 507 (1973). See also Aldinger v.
Howard, 427 U.S. 1,16 (1976).
27
II. SCHOOL BOARDS ARE "PERSONS" WITHIN THE
MEANING OF § 1983.
The court below decided that the Board of Educa
tion of the City of New York is not a “ person” within
the meaning of § 1983. The opinion is ambiguous as to
the ground upon which this decision is based. On the
one hand, the opinion indicates that due to institutional
characteristics peculiar to this board of education, it
should be considered a part of the City of New York,
and not an independent entity; therefore, the board
is not a “ person” because the city is not a “ person.”
Pet, A. 44-50. I f this be the court’s holding, it is not
of particular interest to these amici, whose concern is
with the “ person” status of those school boards which
are independent entities. We do note on this issue,
however, that contrary to the apparent conclusion of
the court below, the New York courts have consistently
ruled that the New York City Board of Education is
“ an independent corporation separate and distinct
from the city.” Lanza v. Wagner, 11 N.Y.2d 317, 326
(1962); People ex rel. Wells & Newton Co. v. Craig,
232 N.Y. 125, 135 (1922).
On the other hand, implicit in a portion of the court’s
analysis is a finding that no school boards, regardless
how constituted, are “ persons” within the meaning of
§ 1983. I f this be the court’s holding, we believe it to
be in error. In their typical form, local school boards
are distinct and independent governmental entities not
properly viewed as mere sub-parts of other govern
mental bodies. See Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S.
717, 741-743 (1974). As consistently as this Court
has treated other governmental entities as outside
the ambit of § 1983 and § 1343(3), so equally con
sistently (and in far greater volume) has this
2S
Court treated school boards as within the ambit of those
provisions. In case after case, particularly in the
school desegregation area, this Court has enter
tained § 1983 actions in which school boards were
defendants, without any indication that such boards
were not proper parties.28
Beyond merely entertaining these cases, the Court
has on a number of occasions issued orders against
school boards or directed or approved the issuance of
such orders. For example, in Green, supra, 391 U.S.
at 437-439, 441-442, a unanimous Court declared:
“ 13 years after Brown I I commanded the aboli
tion of dual systems we must measure the effec
tiveness of Respondent School Board’s ‘ freedom
of choice’ plan to achieve that end. The School
Board contends that it has fully discharged its
28 See, e.g., Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) ;
McNeese v. Board of Education, 373 U.S. 663 (1963) ; Abington
School Dist. v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963); Griffin v. School
Board, 377 U.S. 218 (1963) ; Bradley v. School Board, 382 U.S.
103 (1965) ; Green v. County School Board, 391 U.S. 430 (1968) ;
Raney v. Board of Education, 391 U.S. 443 (1968) ; Monroe v!
Board of Commissioners, 391 U.S. 450 (1968); Kramer v. Union
School District, 395 U.S. 621 (1969) ; Alexander v. Board of Edu
cation, 396 U.S. 19 (1969) ; Carter v. West Feliciana School Bd., 396
U.S. 226 (1969), 396 U.S. 290 (1970); Swann v. Board of Educa
tion, 402 U.S. 1 (1971) ; Davis v. School Comm’rs of Mobile County,
402 U.S. 33 (1971); Northcross v. Memphis Board of Education,
412 U.S. 427 (1973) ; Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colo.,
413 U.S. 189 (1973) ; Cleveland Board of Education v. LaFleur,
414 U.S. 632 (1974) ; Bradley v. Richmond School Board, 416 U.S.
696 (1974) ; Goss v. Lopez, 419 U.S. 565, 568 (1975) ; East Carroll
Parish School Bd. v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976) ; Pasadena
City Bd. of Education v. Spangler, 427 U.S. 424 (1976). Several
of these decisions encompassed two1 or more consolidated cases. In
addition to these full decisions, there of course has been an enor
mous number of per curiam decisions in school desegregation eases
against school boards.
29
obligation . . . Bnt that argument ignores the
thrust of Brown I I . . . School boards such as the
respondent . . . were . . . charged with the affirma
tive duty to take whatever steps might be necessary
to convert to a unitary system . . . [ I ] t was to this
end that Brown I I commanded school boards to
bend their efforts.
• • The burden on a school board today is to
come forward with a plan that promises realisti
cally to work, and promises realistically to work
now.
* * *
“ The New Kent School Board’s ‘ freedom-of-
choice’ plan cannot be accepted as a sufficient step
to ‘ effectuate a transition’ to a unitary system . . .
[T ] he plan has operated simply to burden children
and their parents with a responsibility which
Brown I I placed squarely on the School Board.
The Board must be required to formulate a new
plan and, in light of other courses which appear
open to the Board, such as zoning, fashion steps
which promise realistically to convert promptly to
a system without a ‘ white’ school and a ‘ Negro’
school, but just schools.” (emphasis in original;
footnote omitted).
To like effect, see, e.g., Carter, supra, 396 TJ.S. at 228;
Keyes, supra, 413 U.S. at 213-214; Monroe, supra, 391
U.S. at 458-459; Alexander, supra, 396 U.S. at 20;
Davis, supra, 402 U.S. at 35. See also Bradley, supra,
416 U.S. at 699, 718.
Congress has followed these decisions closely and has
assumed from these decisions, and acted upon the as
sumption, that school boards are subject to suit by
30
private parties. In 1964, 1972, and 1974, Congress en
acted into law statutes founded on that assumption.
In 1964, Congress augmented what it took to be an
existing right o f private parties to bring discrimina
tion actions against school boards by providing that,
under certain circumstances, the Attorney General may
bring such actions where he can certify that the ag
grieved private parties are as a practical matter un
able to bring their own suit. 42 U.S.C. § 2000c-6. Con
gress was careful to make clear that it did not intend
to “ affect adversely the right of any person to sue or
obtain relief in any court against discrimination in
public education.” 42 U.S.C. § 2000c-8.
In 1972, Congress passed extensive legislation in re
sponse to the school desegregation decisions of this
Court and the lower federal courts, again building on
the assumption that school boards are proper defend
ants in private actions to enforce constitutional rights.
The 1972 Congress passed, inter alia: (a) a provision
allowing attorney’s fees to the prevailing party, “ other
than the United States,” “ [ujpon entry of a final or
der by a court of the United States against a local edu
cational agency, . . . ” for violation of the Fourteenth
Amendment, 20 U.S.C. § 1617; and (b) a provision
authorizing federal financial assistance to “ local school
agenc[ies] ” which are implementing a desegregation
plan ‘ undertaken pursuant to a final order issued by
a court of the United States, . . . ,” 20 U.S.C. § 1605
(see also 20 U.S.C. § 1601). Once again, Congress
recognized the “ existing power” of federal courts “ to
insure compliance with constitutional standards” in
school desegregation actions, 20 U.S.C. § 1656, and
sought only to prohibit “ enlargement” of that power,
id.
31
In 1974, Congress found, inter alia, that as a result
of court busing orders in suits brought to enforce the
Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments, “ local educational
agencies” had been required to “ expend large amounts
of funds, thereby depleting their financial resources.
. . 20 U.S.C. § 1702(a)(3). That finding did not
motivate Congress to withdraw federal jurisdiction
over suits against “ local educational agencies.”
Rather, Congress in 1974 sought to set remedial pri
orities in such suits, so that busing would be a remedy
of last resort. See particularly, 20 U.S.C. § 1713. Far
from removing jurisdiction, Congress made clear that
“ the provisions of this chapter are not intended to
modify or diminish the authority of the courts of the
United States to enforce fully the fifth and fourteenth
amendments to the Constitution of the United States.”
20 U.S.C. § 1702(b).
From time to time bills have been introduced in
Congress designed to withdraw or limit federal court
jurisdiction to entertain suits against school boards.29
No such bill has been enacted. Other bills have been
introduced which proposed to limit the remedies avail
able in school desegregation suits, drafted in a fashion
In the first session of the 93rd Cong., for example, the follow
ing bills were introduced in the Senate: S. 179 (Jan. 4, 1973), a
bill̂ introduced by Senator Griffin to deprive federal courts of
jurisdiction to issue busing orders; S. 287 (Jan. 11, 1973), a bill
introduced by Senator Scott to withdraw all lower federal court
jurisdiction over eases “ involving the public schools” ; S. 1737
(May 8, 1973), a bill introduced by Senators Ervin and Allen
which, in Sec. 1207, would withdraw federal court jurisdiction,
mter aha, to “ issue any order requiring any school board” to
abandon a freedom-of-choice plan, or “ requiring any school board”
to bus, or “ requiring any school board” to close any school.
32
which clearly reflects the sponsors’ belief that school
boards are presently proper defendants in such suits.30
For over twenty years, and in more than that many
cases, this Court has treated school boards as “ per
sons” subject to suit pursuant to § 1983 and § 1343(3).
Congress has understood this Court so to have ruled,
and has after careful consideration accepted, indeed
built upon, that understanding. In the light of this
history, the question whether school boards are “ per
sons” under § 1983 must be regarded as settled in the
affirmative. See Brown Shoe Co. v. United, States,
supra, 370 U.S., at 306-307; Flood v. Kuhn, supra, 407
U.S., at 282-284.
30 See, e.g., S. 619, 93d Cong., 1st Sess. (Jan. 31, 1973), a bill
sponsored by Senators Allen, Baker, Buckley, Helms, Nunn, Scott,
Sparkman, Stennis, Talmadge, and Thurmond, which provided in
Sec. 207:
Sec. 207. Any court, order requiring the desegregation of a
school system shall be terminated, if the court finds the schools
of the defendant educational agency are a unitary school sys-
tem, one within which no person is to be effectively excluded
from any school because of race, color, or national origin,
and this shall be so, whether or not such school system was
in the past segregated de jure or de facto. No additional order
shall he entered against such agency for such purpose unless
the schools of such agency are no longer a unitary school sys
tem.” (emphasis added).
33
CONCLUSION
For the reasons set forth hereinabove, the decision
below should be reversed.
Respectfully submitted,
A lbert E. J e n n e r , J r .
Lawyers’ Committee
for Civil Rights
Under Law
R obert A . M u r p h y
W il l ia m E. C a l d w e l l
733 Fifteenth St., N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20005
M ic h a e l I I . G o tte sm a n
R obert M . W ein berg
B r e d h o ff , C u s h m a n ,
G o t t e s m a n & C o h e n
1000 Connecticut Ave.,
N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
D avid R u b in
National Education
Association
1201 Sixteenth Street,
N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
APPENDIX
l a
APPENDIX *
An. Analysis of the Legislative History of the Civil Rights Act
of 1871 as It Relates to the Issues Presented in This Case
I.
We begin by briefly describing the course of the legisla
tion which emerged as the Civil Eights Act of 1871, noting
the particular features which bear directly upon the issues
in this case. We then discuss the pertinent legislative his
tory in depth.
The legislative history properly begins on February 25,
1871, one month before the civil rights bill was introduced.
On that day, the “ dictionary act” was enacted, providing,
in pertinent part :
“ That in all Acts hereafter passed . . . the w ord ‘ p e r
s o n ’ m ay ex ten d and he applied to bod ies p o litic and,
co rp o ra te , and the reference to any officer shall include
any person authorized by law to perform the duties of
such office, u n less the co n tex t sh ow s that such w ords
w ere in ten d ed to he used, in a m ore lim ited sen se . . . . ” 1
On March 28, 1871, the House Select Committee reported
H.R. 320, a bill “ to enforce the provisions of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and
for other purposes, ’ ’ which, with such modifications as were
made in the ensuing debates, emerged as the Civil Eights
Act of 1871.2
The bill contained four sections. Section 1— now
codified in 42 TJ.S.C. § 1983—was enacted by Congress in
* Throughout this Appendix, “ Globe” is used to refer to the
Congressional Globe, 42d Cong., 1st Sess., and “ Globe App.” is
used to refer to the Appendix thereto.
1 Aet of Feb. 25, 1871, eh. 71, § 2, 16 Stat. 431 (emphasis added).
2 Globe 317.
2a
the form originally reported, without a single word change.
It provided:
“ That any person who, under color of any law, statute,
ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage of any State,
shall subject, or cause to be subjected, any person with
in the jurisdiction of the United States to the depriva
tion of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by
the Constitution of the United States, shall, any such
law, statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage of
the State to the contrary notwithstanding, be liable to
the party injured in any action at law, suit in equity,
or other proper proceeding for redress; such proceed
ing to be prosecuted in the several district or circuit
courts of the United States, with and subject to the
same rights of appeal, review upon error, and other
remedies provided in like cases in such courts, under
the provisions of the act of the 9th of April, 1866, en
titled ‘An act to protect all persons in the United States
in their civil rights, and to furnish the means of their
vindication, ’ and the other remedial laws of the United
States which are in their nature applicable in such
cases.” 3
Section 2 of the bill, as introduced, defined certain federal
crimes and prescribed their punishment. Sections 3 and 4
proposed to empower the President to send the militia into
the states and communities, and to suspend the writ of
habeas corpu s, in prescribed circumstances.4 5
The bill was debated first in the House. There were no
amendments to Section 1. The sponsors uniformly declared
that their purpose in enacting Section 1 was to provide as
complete a civil cause of action for relief as the Fourteenth
Amendment authorized Congress to create.8 No “ Sherman
3 Globe App. 138. See also 17 Stat. 13.
4 Globe App. 138.
5 See infra, pp. 5a-13a.
3a
Amendment,” or its equivalent, was proposed in the House.
Sections 2, 3 and 4 were amended on the floor of the House
to assuage the concerns of several Republicans that the bill
as originally drafted might invade the States’ reserved
police powers.8 The House bill, when passed, was referred
to the Senate.
The Senate adopted Section 1 without change, its spon
sors declaring the same broad purpose as had their House
colleagues.7 Just prior to the vote on the bill, Senator
Sherman introduced his amendment on the floor of the Sen
ate, the text of which appears in fra , n.47, to make “ the
inhabitants” of the county, city or parish liable for in
juries caused by private acts of violence within the muni
cipality’s borders. Pursuant to a rule of procedure which
had been adopted, there was no debate on Sherman’s
amendment. The amendment was adopted by the Senate,
and the entire bill, including the Sherman Amendment, was
returned to the House.
The House refused to accede to the amendments which
the Senate had made in the bill. The debate was brief.
The Sherman Amendment was declared to be “ obnoxious,”
and deserving of a quick burial, and with that the House
voted to go to conference with the Senate.8
The conferees agreed upon a revised version of the
Sherman Amendment, making the municipality, rather
than its inhabitants, liable for private acts of violence
within its borders, and reported back to their respective
houses.8
The Senate took up the conference committee report
first. This time, there was no rule precluding debate, and
8 See infra, pp. 21a-23a.
7 See infra, pp. 7a, lla-14a.
8 See infra, p. 18a,
8 See infra, pp. 18a-19a.
4a
the substance of the Sherman Amendment was debated on
the floor of the Senate. Its sponsors explained that their
purpose was to impose upon municipalities the duty to
police their communities, and to make them liable mone
tarily where they refused or failed to do so.M) The Senate
voted to adopt the conference report (and thus to adopt
the revised Sherman Amendment) by a vote of 32- to 16.
The vote on the conference report, like the original vote,
was along party lines, the Republicans supporting the bill
and the Democrats opposing it.11
The conference report fared less well in the House. The
difference was that a number of Republicans defected from
the “ party line” on the Sherman Amendment. They
doubted that Congress had the constitutional power to im
pose policing obligations upon municipalities; they be
lieved that the States’ reserved powers included the right
to determine whether and to what extent to dele
gate police powers to municipalities; and they thought it
improper for Congress to impose monetary liability for a
municipality’s failure to carry out a duty which Congress
had no right to impose upon it. The Republicans opposing
the Sherman Amendment were the very ones who had
earlier raised similar “ police power” objections to Sec
tions 2, 3 and 4 as originally drafted. Within minutes
after they spoke, the House voted to reject the conference
report. Twenty-three House members who supported the
rest of the civil rights bill voted against the Sherman
Amendment, and their votes were decisive in causing’ its
rejection.12
As a result of the House’s rejection of the conference
report, a second conference was necessary. In this con
ference, the Sherman Amendment was abandoned, and in
10 See infra, pp. 19a-20a.
11 See infra, p. 20a.
12 See infra, pp. 29a-30a.
5a
its place the provision now codified as 42 U.S.C. § 1986 was
adopted. This second conference report was approved
after brief debate by both Houses, and the bill as thus
enacted was signed by President Grant.
As we show herein:
1. The legislative history of Section 1 shows that
Congress intended by that section to exercise all of the
power which it possessed under the Fourteenth Amend
ment to create civil actions for complete relief, and it did
not intend to insulate municipal treasuries from liability in
suits brought pursuant to Section 1; and
2. The Sherman Amendment was defeated for reasons
which are wholly irrelevant to and furnish no evidence of
Congress’ intentions with respect to Section 1.
Accordingly, the legslative history refutes the conten
tion that Congress intended to insulate municipal treasuries
from liability in Section 1 suits.13
II.
Debate on the civil rights bill in the House was opened
by Representative Shellabarger, Chairman of the House
Select Committee, who had authored the bill14 and was its
manager in the House. He stated:
‘ This Act is remedial, and in aid of the preservation
of human liberty and human rights. All statutes and
constitutional provisions authorizing such statutes are
liberally and beneficently construed. It would be most
strange and, in civilized law, monstrous were this not
the rule of interpretation. As has been again and
again decided by your own Supreme Court of the
13 See infra, pp. 31a-32a.
14 Representative Kerr, an opponent, was surprised that Shella
barger ̂ could at all conceive and pen such provisions as are con
tained in this measure.” Globe App. 46.
United States, and everywhere else where there is wise
judicial interpretation, the largest latitude consistent
with the words employed is uniformly given in con
struing such statutes and constitutional provisions as
are meant to protect and defend and give remedies for
their wrongs to all the people. These provisions of the
Fourteenth Amendment are wholly devoted to secur
ing the equality and safety of all the people, as is this
Section [Section 1], and, indeed, the entire bill.” 15
Shellabarger went on to quote from Story on 'Constitution
as follows:
“ Where a power is remedial in its nature there is
much reason to contend that it ought to be construed
liberally, and it is generally adopted in the interpre
tation of laws.” 18
Anticipating objections that the bill invaded state sover
eignty, Shellabarger declared:
“ [W]here is the doubt Congress may, by appropriate
legislation, protect those rights of American citizen
ship so solicitously and so abundantly guarded and
made eternal as the Constitution itself! If, after all
this transcendent profusion of enactment in restraint
of the States and affirmative conferment of power on
Congress, the States still remained unrestrained, . . .
to make laws, abridging or not abridging, to protect or
to destroy, by banded murder, these United States
citizens as the State may please, and the United States
must stand by a powerless spectator of the overthrow
of the rights and liberties of its own citizens, then not
only is the profusion of guards put by the fourteenth
amendment around our rights a miserable waste of
15 Globe App. 68, See also Globe 317.
10 Globe App. 68.
words, but the Government is itself a miserable sham,
its citizenship a curse, and the Union not fit to be.” 17
Shellabarger then “ repeated” his premise, “ that it is the
duty of Congress to enforce by appropriate legislation
every provision of the Constitution where legislation is
needed to secure the enforcement. ’ ’ 18
7 a
In the Senate, Senator Edmunds, the manager of the
bill, declared:
“ The first section is one . . . defining the rights se
cured by the Constitution of the United States when
they are assailed by any state law or under color of
any state law, and it is merely carrying out the prin
ciples of the civil rights bill [of 1866, 42 U.S.'C. §§ 1981,
1982], which have since become a part of the Constitu
tion.” 19
Senator Edmunds added that Section 1 was “ so very sim
ple, and really reenacting the Constitution.” 20
In both houses, the statements of other supporters cor
roborated the views of the bill’s managers: that Section 1
was an exercise of the entirety of Congress’ power to create
a civil cause of action for complete relief for violations of
the rights established by the Fourteenth Amendment.
Representative Bingham, who had authored Section 1 of
the Fourteenth Amendment, which was the constitutional
predicate for Section 1 of the bill, declared the bill’s pur
pose to be “ the enforcement . . . of the 'Constitution on be
half of every individual citizen of the Republic in every
17 Globe App. 69.
18 Globe App. 70.
19 Globe 568.
20 Globe 569.
8a
State and Territory of the Union to the ex ten t o f the
righ ts gu a ra n teed to him by the C o n stitu tion .” 21
Representative Garfield, declaring that the Equal Protec
tion Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment “ is a broad and
comprehensive limitation on the power of the State gov
ernments, and, without doubt, Congress is empowered to
enforce this limitation by any appropriate legislation,” 22
stated:
“ But the chief complaint is . . . [that] by a systematic
maladministration of [state laws], or a neglect or re
fusal to enforce their provisions, a portion of the peo
ple are denied equal protection under them. Whenever
such a state of facts is clearly made out, I believe the
last clause of the first section [of the Fourteenth
Amendment] empowers Congress to step in and pro
vide for doing justice to those persons who are thus
denied equal protection.” 23
21 Globe App. 81 (emphasis added). See also id. at 84. Repre
sentative Bingham elaborated further (id. at 85):
“ The States never had the right, though they had the power,
to inflict wrongs upon free citizens by a denial of the full
protection of the laws; because all State officials are by the
Constitution required to be bound by oath or affirmation to
support the Constitution. As I have already said, the States
did deny to citizens the equal protection of the laws, they did
deny the rights of citizens under the Constitution, and except
to the extent of the express limitations upon the States, as I
have shown, the citizen had no remedy. They took property
without compensation, and he had no remedy. They restricted
the freedom of the press, and he had no remedy. They re
stricted the freedom of speech, and he had no remedy. They
restricted the rights of conscience, and he had no remedy. They
bought and sold men who had no remedy. Who dare say, now
that the Constitution has been amended, that the nation cannot
by law provide against all such abuses and denials of right as
these in States and by States, or combinations of persons?”
22 Globe App. 153.
23 Id.
9a
Representative Sheldon, urging that “ it is the highest
duty of the government to provide means to protect and
secure every citizen in undisturbed enjoyment” of his con
stitutional rights, concluded:
“ It must be apparent that these amendments enlarge
the power of the Government in controlling the action
of the States and I believe that it can extend its pow
ers, through its courts, in times of peace, directly to
the individual citizen who is deprived of his rights,
privileges, and immunities, whether through the posi
tive act or the default of the State authorities.” 24
He saw it is as “ proper, to make a permanent law affording
to every citizen a remedy in the United States courts for
injuries to him in those rights declared and guaranteed by
the Constitution. ’ ’ 25
Representative Dawes explained that the bill goes as far
as the Constitution goes, for its purpose was to provide a
remedy whenever constitutional rights were violated:
“ The rights, privileges, and immunities of the Amer
ican citizen secured to him under the Constitution of
the United States are the subject matter of this bill.
They are not defined in it, and there is no attempt in
it to put limitations upon any of them; but whatever
they are, however broad or important, however minute
or small, however estimated by the American citizen
himself, or by his Legislature, they are in, this law. The
purpose of this bill is, if possible, and if necessary, to
render the American citizen more safe in the enjoy
ment of those rights, privileges, and immunities. No
subject for legislation was ever brought before the
American Congress so broad and comprehensive, em
bracing as it does all other considerations hitherto af-
24 Globe 367-368.
25 Globe 368.
10a
fecting the life, liberty and pursuit of happiness of
every citizen of this Republic. ’ ’ 20
Representative Dawes asked, “ can there be any doubt that
there exists whatever power is necessary to secure these
rights?” 27 He answered that the Constitution carries
with it :
“ the power by legislation, or by any other proper
means, of securing and carrying out to their full ex
tent the free, undisturbed enjoyment of each and every
one of the rights, privileges and immunities whatever
they may be and however broad they may be, which
the Constitution itself secures, or professes at least to
secure, to the American citizen.” 28
Representative Dawes concluded by asserting that:
“ Congress has power to legislate for the protection of
every American citizen in the full, free, and undis
turbed enjoyment of every right, privilege, or immu
nity secured to him by the Constitution; and . . . this
may be done—
F irs t. By giving him a civil remedy in the United
States courts for any damage sustained in that re
gard. ’ ’ 29
Other members of the House similarly evidenced their
understanding that the bill was to exercise the full con
gressional power vested in Congress by the Fourteenth
Amendment to provide a remedy assuring the full enforce
ment of that amendment’s prohibitions. See, e.g., Globe
App. 166 (Rep. Williams); Globe App. 182 (Rep. Mercur);
Globe 428, 429 (Rep. Beatty); Globe 448 (Rep. Butler);
20 Globe 475.
27 Id. at 476.
28 Id.
Id. at 477.
11a
Globe 481, 482, 483 (Rep. Wilson) ; Globe 511-512 (Rep.
Perce); Globe App. 202 (Rep. Snyder); Globe 376 (Rep.
Lowe); Globe App. 188 (Rep. Willard).
Tlie Senate debates were similar. Senator Trumbull de
clared that the Fourteenth Amendment empowers the fed
eral government both to “ correct” violations of its pro
visions, and to “ prevent any state from depriving any per
son” of the rights created thereunder."'0 In a dialogue,
Senator Edmunds asked Senator Trumbull if he agreed
that the Fourteenth Amendment made “ a wise advance in
favor of the protection of private rights by affirmative leg
islation by Congress where those private rights are guar
antied by the Constitution, and that in connection with it
Congress is authorized by the same Constitution to carry
them into effect by affirmative law.” 31 Senator Trumbull
agreed, and noted that “ we provide in the bill before us
for a redress through the judiciary.” 32 Senator Trumbull
further stated that:
“ fl]n regard to all the rights secured by the Four
teenth Amendment, however extended, in time of peace,
the courts are established to vindicate them, and they
can be vindicated in no other way. Sir, the judicial
ti ibunals of the country are the places to which the
citizen resorts for protection of his person and his
property in every case in a free Government.” 38
He added:
“ Whenever the rights that are conferred by the Con
stitution of tlie United States on the Federal Govern
ment are infringed upon by the States, we should af
ford a remedy. . . . I am ready to pass appropriate
30 Globe 577.
31 Id. at 578.
32 Id.
33 Id.
12a
legislation on that subject; and I understand that this
bill as it passed the House of Representatives was
framed on this principle.” 34
Senator Pool, noting that under the Fourteenth Amend
ment “ the State is prohibited from denying in any manner
. . . within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws,”
declared that should states violate that prohibition “ then
the United States . . . must and will, by appropriate legis
lation, by all the power of its courts . . . extend over him
within the States the shield of the national authority.” 35
Senator Thurman was the leader of the opposition in the
Senate, and he presented the most extensive criticism of § 1
contained in the entire debates. He launched his attack
with these words:
“ This section relates wholly to civil suits. It creates
no new cause of action. Its -whole effect is to give to
the Federal Judiciary that which now does not belong
to it— a jurisdiction that may be constitutionally con
ferred upon it, I grant, but that has never yet been
conferred upon it. It authorizes any person who is
deprived of any right, privilege, or immunity secured
to him by the Constitution of the United States, to
bring an action against the wrongdoer in the Federal
courts, and that without any limit whatsoever as to the
amount in controversy . . . . I am certainly not in fa
vor of denying to any man who is deprived unlawfully
of his right, his privilege, or his immunity, under the
Constitution of the United States, that redress to which
every man is entitled whose rights are violated; but
I do think that it is a most impolitic provision, that in
effect may transfer the hearing of all such cases into
the Federal courts.” 86
34 Globe 578-579.
35 Globe 609.
30 Globe App. 216.
13a
And he concluded with this complaint:
“ [Tjhere is no limitation whatsoever upon the terms
that are employed, and they are as comprehensive as
can be used. ’ ’ 37
Senator Boreman, a supporter, defined the congressional
purpose to be to avoid “ the merest mockery” of “ say[mg]
that the citizens of any portion of this country, or the peo
ple residing in any portion of this country, had guarantied
to them by our Constitution certain rights, and at the same
time to say that there was no power in this Government to
secure to them those rights, to carry out the guarantee, to
enable them to enforce those rights.” 38 The goal, in Sen
ator Boreman’s view, was “ to provide the machinery in
order that the injured person may secure his rights.” 30 It
was Congress’ duty, he said, “ to protect the humblest citi
zen, the humblest person that will be found in any part of
this Union, in all his rights, privileges, and immunities,
whatever they may be under the Constitution . . . . ” 40
Other Senate supporters expressed similar views. See,
e.g., Globe 650 (Sen. Sumner); Globe 653 (Sen. Osborn).
Throughout the debates, therefore, complete justice was
the central, recurring refrain: wherever and however Four
teenth Amendment rights are impaired, the injured party
ought to— must— receive full redress. That was the plain
intent underlying Section 1, as well as the other sections.
III.
With these declarations of purpose, both houses passed
bills containing Section 1 in the exact language which was
37 Globe App. 217,
38 Globe App. 229.
39 Id.
40 Id.
14a
finally adopted. Although the legislative history does not
end at this point, for the Senate had amended other sec
tions of the House bill (including the addition, without de
bate, of the Sherman Amendment as Section 7), there was
not any further debate on Section 1. It is appropriate,
therefore, to pause and examine what the two houses ap
pear to have intended— at least at this point— respecting
the application of Section 1 to municipalities. There are
two pertinent guides to determining that intent:
1. On February 25, 1871, less than a month prior to the
introduction of Section 1 in the exact language ultimately
enacted, Congress adopted a statute (colloquially known
as the “ dictionary act’ ’ ),41 whose declared purpose was
“ to prevent doubt and embarrassment in [the] construc
tion’ ’ of statutes.42 Section 2 of that Act provided:
“ That in all Acts hereafter passed . . . the word ‘ p er
son ’ may extend and he applied to bodies politic and
corporate, and the reference to any officer shall include
any person authorized by law to perform the duties of
such office, unless the con text shows that such words
w ere intended, to be used in a. more limited sense. . . . ” 43
The natural reading of this statute is that, except as “ the
context shows that such words were intended to be used in
a more limited sense,” Congress intended the term “ per
son” in subsequently enacted statutes to include “ bodies
politic and corporate.” There is no indication in the de
bates on Section 1 of the Civil Rights Act that Congress
41 The Act has been described as an instance where “ Congress
supplies its own dictionary.” Frankfurter, Some Reflections on
the. Readier/ of Statutes, 47 Col. L. Rev. 527, 536.
42 Cong. Globe, 41st Cong., 3d Sess. 1474 (Feb. 21, 1871) (re
marks of Rep. Poland, one of the House managers of the bill, re
porting on the agreement of the Conference Committee).
43 Act of Feb. 25, 1871, ch. 71, § 2, 16 Stat. 431.
15a
intended the “ unless” clause to be applicable, nor does the
“ context show” that such was intended.44
2. The sponsors uniformly stated that Section 1 was
to extend as far as the Fourteenth Amendment authorized
it to go, and nowhere indicated an intention to rein in its
sweep short of the municipal treasury. They knew that
the prohibitions of the Fourteenth Amendment (“ No state
shall . . . ” ) applied to municipalities,45 and they knew7
44 In Monroe, the Court deemed the “ dictionary act” unpersua
sive on the question whether municipalities are “ persons,” be
cause the “ definition is merely an allowable, not a mandatory one.”
•165 U.S. at 191. Respectfully, we suggest that the Court’s con
struction was not correct. The stated purpose of the “ dictionary
act” was to “ prevent doubt” in the “ construction” of statutes.
Cong. Globe, 41st Cong., 3d Sess. 1474. If the definitions therein
were merely “ allowable” — i.e. if the act meant simply that the
term person ‘ may or may not.” include bodies politic or cor
porate— the act would have created doubt, rather than resolved
it. Moreover, if that were the construction Congress intended there
would have been no reason to include the “ in all Acts” and “ un
less” clauses in the statute. (Significantly, the Court, in Monroe
appears to have overlooked those clauses; the opinion states merely
that the statute “ provides that the word ‘ person’ ‘ may extend and
be applied to bodies politic and corporate.’ ” 365 U.S. at 190.)
It seems far more logical, given the act’s purpose, that it intended
that, the term “ persons” in subsequently enacted statutes was to
include.bodies politic or corporate, except where the act’s “ unless”
clause came into play, i.e., “ unless the context shows that such
words were intended to he used in a more limited sense.” Of
course, given the Monroe Court’s misunderstanding of the debate
on the Sherman Amendment (see 30a-32a, infra), its ultimate con
clusion would not have been altered, for on that, understanding the
“ unless” clause w'ould have been applicable.
45 Congress had voted for the Fourteenth Amendment only five
years before, in 1866, and as this Court has repeatedly recognized,
Congress meant the prohibitions of Section 1 thereof to apply to
municipalities. Ex parte Virginia, 100 U.S. 339, 346-347 (1880) ;
Home Telephone, and Telegraph Co. v. Los Angeles, 227 U.S. 278
(1913) ; Lovell V. Griffin, 303 U.S. 444, 450 (1938). Lest any Con
gressman had forgotten this by 1871, Representative Bingham, who
had authored Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, reminded his
colleagues during the 1871 debate that he had used the “ No state
16a
that municipalities did not enjoy the protection of the
Eleventh Amendment.46 If they had intended to “ protect
shall” formulation for the precise purpose of overruling the Su
preme Court’s decision in Barron v. The Mayor and City Council
of Baltimore, 7 Pet. 243 (1833), a case in which, he explained, “ the
city had taken private property for public use, without compensa
tion as alleged, and there was no redress for the wrong in the Su
preme Court of the United States.” Globe App. 84 (emphasis
added). Bingham explained further that he had copied the
words “ No state shall . . . ” from Article I, Section 10 of the Con
stitution, the Impairment of Obligations of Contracts Clause. Id.
In 1867, four years prior to the 1871 debate, this Court had ruled
that the latter clause bound municipalities equally with the states,
and affirmed a writ of mandamus compelling municipal officers to
levy taxes if necessary to honor the contract sought to be impaired.
Von Hoffman v. City of Quincy, 4 Wall. 535, 554-555 (1867). The
equation in the impact of the two clauses upon municipalities is
discussed at length in Home Telegraph, supra, 227 U.S. at 295-296.
46 During the 1860’s this Court issued innumerable decisions en
forcing judgments against municipalities for defaulting on their
bond obligations. See, e.g., Knox Co. v. Aspinwall, 24 How, 376
(1861) : Gelpckc v. Dubuque, 1 Wall. 175 (1864) ; Riggs v. John
son Co., 6 Wall. 166 (1868) ; Von Hoffman, supra; Butz v. Musca
tine, 8 Wall. 575 (1869). These decisions were a subject of great
national notoriety after the Civil War, for municipal officials in
some states defied federal count orders and risked imprisonment,
Pairman, History of the Supreme Court of the United States:
Reconstruction and Reunion 1864-88, Bart I (MacMillan 1971),
pages 920-1095, and the 1871 Congress was aware of them. See,
e.g., Globe App. 314-15 (Rep. Burchard) ; Globe 751-52 (Rep.
Shellabarger) ; Globe 777 (Sen. Sherman). These cases could not
have been brought in federal court had municipalities been pro
tected by the Eleventh Amendment, for the immediate purpose
of that Amendment had been to overrule Chisholm v. Georgia, 2
Dali. 419 (1/93), which had upheld federal court jurisdiction over
bondholder actions against states. Edelman v. Jordan, supra, 415
U.S. at 660-662. It was not until 1890 that a municipality even
asserted the Eleventh Amendment as a defense, and the Court,
rejecting the defense out of hand, observed that “ the records of
this court for the last thirty years are full of suits against coun
ties ̂ and it would seem as though by general consent the juris
diction of the federal courts in such suits has become established.”
County of Lincoln v. Luning, 133 U.S. 529, 530 (1890).
17a
municipal treasuries,” as the court below assumed, would
they not have said so?
IV.
The lone question remaining is whether the subsequent
congressional consideration of the o th er provisions of the
bill, and particularly of the Sherman Amendment, alters
the understanding of what Congress intended in Section 1.
The Senate bill, as noted, had added the Sherman Amend
ment, as Section 7, without debate. The Amendment
dealt with one subject only: it made “ the inhabitants of the
county, city or parish” liable “ to pay full compensation”
to any person injured by certain acts of private violence
within the municipality’s borders. It was to be enforce
able by suit “ against said county, city or parish,” and
if judgment were obtained the plaintiff was authorized to
execute the judgment by levy “ upon any property, real or
personal, of any person in said county, city, or parish.” 47
47 The full text of the Sherman Amendment as passed by the
Senate was as follows (Globe 663) :
that if any house, tenement, cabin, shop, building, barn, or
granary shall be unlawfully or feloniously demolished, pulled
down, burned, or destroyed, wholly or in part, by any persons
riotously and tumultuously assembled together; or if any per
son shall unlawfully and with force and violence be whipped,
scourged, wounded, or killed by any persons riotously and tu
multuously assembled together; and if such offense was com
mitted to deprive any person of any right conferred upon him
by the Constitution and laws of the United States, or to deter
him or punish him for exercising such right, or bv reason
of bis race, color, or previous condition of servitude, in every
such case the inhabitants of the county, city, or parish in
which any of the said offenses shall be committed shall be
liable to pay full compensation to the person or persons damni
fied by such offense if living, or to his widow or legal repre
sentative if dead; and such compensation may be recovered
by such person or his representative by a suit in any court
of the United States of competent jurisdiction in the district
in which the offense was committed, to be in the name of the
person injured, or his legal representative, and against said
county, city, or parish. And execution may be issued on a
18a
The House refused to concur in the Senate’s amendments
to the bill, which included creation of a jury oath as well
as addition of the Sherman Amendment.* 48 The only refer
ences to the latter were a declaration by one member that
it was “ most obnoxious” 49 and by another that it “ should
be passed with the silence of death and. the grave.” 50
The Conference Committee recommended a revised
Sherman Amendment, which removed the liability of the
inhabitants of counties, cities and parishes and substituted
direct liability of these municipalities.51
judgment rendered in such suit and may be levied upon any
property, real or personal, of any person in said county, city,
or parish, and the said county, city, or parish may recover
the full amount of such judgment, costs and interest, from
any person or persons engaged as principal or accessory in
snch riot in an action in any court of competent jurisdiction.”
48 Globe 725.
40 Globe 723.
50 Globe 724.
1,1 The full text of the revised Sherman Amendment, as rec-
omended by the Conference Committee, was as follows (Globe
749) :
“ That if any house, tenement, cabin, shop, building, bam,
or granary shall be unlawfully or feloniously demolished,
pulled down, burned, or destroyed, wholly or in part,, by any
persons riotously and tumultuously assembled together; or
if any person shall unlawfully and with force and violence he
whipped, scourged, wounded, or killed by any persons riotously
and tumultuously assembled together, with intent to deprive
any person of any right conferred upon him by the Consti
tution and laws of the United States or to deter him or punish
him for exercising such right, or by reason, of his race, color,
or previous condition of servitude, in every such case the
county, city, or parish in which any of the said offenses shall
be committed shall be liable to pay full compensation to the
person or persons damnified by such offense, if living, or to
his widow or legal representative if dead; and such compensa
tion may be recovered in an action on the case by such person
or his representative in any court of the United States of
competent jurisdiction in the district- in which the offense was
19a
The Senate took up consideration of the report, and a.s
the Amendment had not been debated originally this was
the first occasion for its proponents to explain its purpose.
Senator Edmunds explained that it was designed, in part,
to impose “ some little obligation upon the part of the
communities in which these tumults should occur, to see
that justice was done and properly protected.” 52 He
reasoned that,
“ given the . . . duty of the authorities of the localities
to protect people in the way and to the extent that the
Constitution says they shall protect them, that it must
follow that he who refuses that protection or denies
it, be he a principality, or a city, or a nation, if you
please, is bound, if there is any value in the law at all,
to make good the injury which the citizen who is en
eommitted, such action to be in the name of the person in
jured, or his legal representative, and against said county, city,
or parish, and in which action any of the parties committing
such acts may be joined as defendants. And any payment of
any judgment, or part thereof unsatisfied, recovered by the
plaintiff in such action, may, if not satisfied by the individual
defendant therein within, two months next after the recovery of
such judgment upon execution duly issued against such individ
ual defendant in such judgment, and returned unsatisfied, in
whole or in part, be enforced against such county, city, or par
ish. by execution, attachment, mandamus, garnishment, or any
other proceeding in aid of execution or applicable to the en
forcement of judgments against municipal corporations; and
such judgment shall be a lien as well upon all moneys in the
treasury of such county, city or parish, as upon the other prop
erty thereof. And the court in any such action may on motion
cause additional parties to be made therein prior to issue
joined, to the end that justice may be done. And the said
county, city, or parish may recover the full amount of such
judgment, by it paid, with costs and interest, from any person
or persons engaged as principal or accessory in such riot, in
an action in any court of competent jurisdiction. And such
county, city, or parish, so paying, shall also be subrogated to
all the plaintiff’s rights under such judgment.”
r’2 Globe 756. See generally City of Chicago v. Sturges, 222 U.S.
313 (1911) (rejecting city’s Fourteenth Amendment challenge to
state statute similar to Sherman Amendment).
20a
titled to that protection suffers; in other words, to
bear the consequences of his own default.” 53
In a colloquy with Senator Conkling, Senator Edmunds
agreed that the bill was “ saying” to municipalities:
“ You, a parish, are bound to preserve the peace and
enforce the provisions of the Constitution of the United
States, and when you fail so to do, we deal with you
directly. ’ ’ 54
Senator Sherman confirmed that this was the Amend
ment’s purpose, and declared that Congress had as great
a power as a State to impose this policing duty upon mu
nicipalities :
“ If a State may, to secure the peace and quiet and
good order of its citizens, pass a law making a county
or a portion of the people responsible for a riot in
order to deter such crime, then we may pass the same
remedies and use the same means to enforce and se
cure to our citizens the rights conferred in the Con
stitution of the United States.” 55
This conception of congressional power—that Congress
could charge municipalties with the affirmative obligation
to protect federal rights against private interference, and
punish the municipalities’ failures to carry out that obli
gation—did not offend the Senate. The conference report
was approved by a 2-1 margin in the Senate, on a straight
“ party line” vote. With one exception, the opposing votes
were cast by Senators who voted against the final bill even
after the Sherman Amendment was removed.56
53 Globe 757.
54 Id.
•’"Globe 760. See also Globe 761.
•>G Of the 16 senators who voted against the Sherman Amendment
(Globe 779), only one (Fenton) voted for the final bill following
removal of the Sherman Amendment (Globe 831).
21a
A different fate awaited the conferees’ redraft of the
Sherman Amendment in the House. The difference was
that a number of Republicans in the House, who supported
the bill generally, did not believe that Congress had con
stitutional authority to hold municipalities accountable
for refusing to exercise police powers. In their view, the
Constitution left the police power with the states, and it
was thus for the states to decide whether, and to what
extent, that power should be delegated to subordinate
agencies. In fact, they said, many municipalities did not
have police powers, and those which did held them at the
will of the state. For Congress to make municipalities
accountable for failing to police private misconduct thus
constituted an impermissible interference with the internal
affairs of the states in an area which the Constitution
left entirely with the states.57
Objections reflecting the same constitutional concern had
been raised by the same Republican Representatives, in a
different context, when the bill was first before the House.
Sections 2, 3 and 4 of Representative Shellabarger’s orig
inal bill had contained language which these members
thought trespassed on the states’ reserved police power,
and they had successfully battled for amendments to those
sections to remove the objectionable matter.
Representative Garfield had presented a learned argu
ment, respecting the improper encroachment which he be
lieved these sections made upon States’ police powers,58
and he declared that:
“ Amendments have been prepared which will remove
the difficulties to which I have alluded; and I trust
that my colleague [Mr. Shellabarger] and his Com
mittee will themselves accept and offer these amend
ments. ’ ’ 59
57 We document these matters infra, pp. 23a-31a.
58 Globe App. 149-155.
68 Id. at 153.
22a
They did; Sections 2, 3 and 4 were amended by Represen
tative Shellabarger.60 With these changes, those Republi
cans who had been troubled were satisfied and returned to
support of the bill. Representative Poland explained what
the changes accomplished:
“ I was opposed to the bill which was brought in by
the committee, because I thought it gave the power to
tlie General Government, to Congress, to go down into
the States and legislate for the punishment of ordi
nary offenses against person and property. I did not
believe, I do not now believe, that the Constitution,
as amended, gives us any such power. The Constitu
tion originally left to the State the administration of
the local law, both civil and criminal; all offenses
against person and property were to be punished by
the State authorities.
I do not agree that the fourteenth amendment or
any amendment has changed that, except to this ex
tent : the last clause of the fourteenth amendment pro
vides that no State shall deny the equal protection of
the laws to its citizens. Now, in my judgment, that
is a constitutional enactment that each State shall
afford to its citizens the equal protection of the laws.
I cannot agree with several gentlemen upon my side
° f _the House who insist that if the State authorities
fail to punish crime committed in the State therefore
the United States may step in and by a law of Con
gress provide for punishing’ that offense; I do not
agree with those gentlemen.
But I do agree that if a State shall deny the equal
protection of the laws, or if a State make proper laws
and have proper officers to enforce those laws, and
somebody undertakes to step in and clog justice by
preventing the State authorities from carrying out
00 Globe 477-478.
23a
this constitutional provision, then I do claim that we
have the right to make such interference an offense
against the United States; that the Constitution does
empower us to aid in carrying out this injunction,
which, by the Constitution, we have laid upon the
States, that they shall afford the equal protection of
the laws to all their citizens. When the State has pro
vided the law, and has provided the officer to carry out
the law, then we have the right to say that anybody
who undertakes to interfere and prevent the execution
of that State law is amenable to this provision of the
Constitution, and to the law that we may make under
it declaring it to be an offense against the United
States.” 81
The concern that the reserved police power of the State
not be invaded had been shared by Representatives W il
lard,02 Farnsworth,83 and Burchard.04 See also Blair.05
It was these Republicans who had objected to the en
croachment of the original sections 2, 3 and 4 upon State
police powers who raised the same objections when the
Conference Committee reported the Sherman Amendment.
That Amendment, in a different way, equally invaded the
States’ police power, for, as its sponsors had boasted, it
was intended to bypass the States, impose policing duties
directly upon municipalities, and hold those municipalities
monetarily accountable should they fail to assume those
duties.
The first Republican to speak against the Sherman
Amendment was Rep. Willard. His objection was that
01 Globe 514.
02 Globe App. 187.
03 Globe 513.
84 Globe App. 313-315.
65 Globe App. 73.
24a
Congress, lacking the power to invest municipalities with
police powers, should not (perhaps could not) impose lia
bilities upon municipalities for not exercising police
powers. He explained that many municipalities had not
been granted police powers by the States, and that those
which had might lose them at any time if the State so
chose. In his view, it would be wrong for Congress to
impose monetary liability upon municipalities for failing
to exercise powers which they did not possess, or which
they possessed wholly by leave of the States. His analysis
stated succinctly the constitutional concern shared by his
Republican colleagues:
“ [T]he State, within its boundaries, has the crea
tion and the control of the laws for the protection of
the people. What can the county do? What can the
parish do? What can a city do, to give me the equal
piotection of the laws? The city and the county have
no power except the power that is given them by the
State. They cannot keep violence away from me;
they cannot protect me in my rights, except as the
State has clothed them with the power to do so; and
for the enforcement of the laws of the State they get
no aid, no authority, no power whatever from the
United States.
“ In most of the States—it is so in mine, I know— the
counties and the towns have no power whatever in this
regard except as those powers have been conferred
upon them by the State; and these powers can be
taken from them at any time by the State. If these
powers are not given to them by the State, if they hold
them only at the will of the State, what justice is there
in making the town, city, or parish liable for not pro
tecting the property of citizens, when perhaps no laws
for its protection exists; for not giving me protection,
when they have not been clothed by the State with the
right and power to give me protection?
25a
“ Thus it seems to me— and, as I said before, I am
only arguing this point in the light of its justice, and
not as a strict question of constitutional law— that we
are imposing upon a community an obligation that
we have no right to impose upon them, that in justice
we cannot impose upon them for the reason that such
municipalities are, as such, powerless to either make
or enforce the laws of the State or of the United
States. We should never impose an obligation upon
a community when we do not and cannot give that
community the power to discharge that obligation.
We should not require a county or a city to protect
persons in their lives or property until we confer also
upon them the power to furnish that protection.
“ I hold that this duty of protection, if it rests any
where, rests on the State, and that if there is to be
any liability visited upon anybody for a failure to
perform that- duty, such liability should be brought
home to the State. Hence, in my judgment, this sec
tion would be liable to very much less objection, both
in regard to its justice and its constitutionality, if it
provided that if in any State the offenses named in
this section were committed, suit might be brought
against the State, judgment obtained, and payment
of the judgment might be enforced upon the treasury
of the State.” 66
Representative Poland similarly found the Sherman
Amendment defective because it purported to impose a lia
bility where Congress had no power to impose the duty the
neglect of which was to give rise to that liability:
‘ ‘ The principle of this law is taken from the old hue
and cry or hundred law . . . When property was taken
in a hundred all the officers and all the inhabitants
66 Globe 791.
were immediately to make hue and cry, on foot and
horse, for the purpose of arresting the offender . . .
It was made the duty by law of the officers of the hun
dred and all the inhabitants of the corporation to ar
rest the offender. If they arrested him that was the
end of their liability . . . All those statutes, instead of
being like this, enact this provision as a part of the
police system. The first thing is to provide officers,
prescribe their duties, and they may call everybody
within their jurisdiction out and help put down the
riot. If they fail to put down aggression upon the
right of the people, for their neglect they may be made
liable to the extent of damages done to property.” 67
The absurdity of imposing the liability for non-policing
where Congress lacks the authority to impose the obliga
tion to police was highlighted by Poland in these terms:
“ But what would be thought of a national law which
should impose a penalty upon the town in which a suc
cessful smuggler lived, or where an illicit distillery
should be run, or give an action against the town for
the loss of the Government in duties or taxes, by such
operations? But it would equally be in the power of
the national Government to do this as to enact this
Senate amendment. I say again, it seems to me that
legal gentlemen who support it cannot have given it
proper thought.” 68
Representative Blair, too, focused upon Congress’ lack
of power to impose policing obligations upon municipali
ties :
2Ga
‘ ‘ That amendment claims the power in the General
Government to go into the States of this Union and
67 Globe 794.
88 Id,
lay such obligations as it may please upon the munici
palities, which are the creations of the States alone.
Now, sir, that is an exceedingly wide and sweeping
power. I am unable to find a proper foundation for it.
. . . [HJere it is proposed, not to carry into effect an
obligation which rests upon the municipality, but to
create that obligation, and that is the provision I am
unable to assent to. The parallel of the hundred does
not in the least meet the case. The power that laid the
obligation upon the hundred first put the duty upon
the hundred that it should perform in that regard, and
failing to meet the obligation which had been laid upon
it, it was very proper that it should suffer damage for
its neglect. This is all there is of it.
“ I have learned, sir— perhaps I have some old-fash
ioned prejudices— that in the Government of the United
States there is a division of powers; that there are
certain rights and duties that belong to the States,
that there are certain powers that inhere in the State
governments. They create these municipalities, they
say what their powers shall be and what their obliga
tions shall be. If the Government of the United States
can step in and add to those obligations, may it not
utterly destroy the municipality? If it can say that it
shall be liable for damages occurring from a riot, I ask
gentlemen to tell me where its power will stop and
what obligations it might not lay upon a municipality.
If gentlemen say that the powers of the General and of
State governments for the protection of life, liberty,
and property are concurrent and that we can go every
where throughout the United States and do by the
General Government everything that can be done by
any State government, then I grant that this power
might exist; but until I am shown that, I am unable
to see it . . . I must say that I think that if we have
the right to lay this obligation upon them, to require
them to meet these damages, it must draw after it the
28a
power to go in there and say, ‘ you shall have a police,
you shall have certain rules by which you may fulfill
your obligation in this respect’. ” 69
Representative Burchard noted that many municipalities
had not in fact been delegated policing functions by the
States, and declared that Congress lacked constitutional
power to impose policing obligations upon municipalities
when the States had not:
“ But there is no duty imposed by the Constitution
of the United States, or usually by State laws, upon
a county to protect the people of that county against
the commission of the offenses herein enumerated,
such as the burning of buildings or any other injury
to property or injury to person. Police powers are
not conferred upon counties as corporations; they are
conferred upon cities that have qualified legislative
power. And so far as cities are concerned, where the
equal protection required to be afforded by a State is
imposed upon a city by State laws, perhaps the United
States courts could enforce its performance . . . But
still in few, if any, States is there a statute conferring
this power upon the counties. Hence it seems to me
that these provisions attempt to impose obligations
upon a county for the protection of life and person
which are not imposed by the laws of the State, and
that it is beyond the power of the General Government
to require their performance.” 70
00 Globe 795.
10 Globe 795. The quotation in the text contains one sentence
which is ambiguous: “ And so far as cities are concerned, where
1he equal protection required to be afforded by a State is imposed
on a city by State laws, perhaps the United States courts could
enforce its performance.” In context, this sentence is completely
consistent with our position, and with the central theme of Repre
sentative Burchard’s remarks, that where a state delegates certain
of its powers to a municipality, that municipality is bound when
Representative Bingham, declaring that ‘ ‘ the only power
to charge a municipality for the destruction of property by
a mob arises from the laws of the state,” concluded that
“ a county, being the creature of the State and an integral
part of it, can in no case be made responsible for mob vio
lence save by force of the positive law of the State creating
it,.” * 71
Finally, Representative Farnsworth repeated the theme—
no obligation, no liability:
“ Congress can . . . impose no duty on a sheriff or any
other officer of a county or city. We cannot require
the sheriff to read the riot act or call out the posse
comitatus or perform any act or duty. Nor can Con
gress confer any power or impose any duty upon the
county or the city. Can we then impose on a county
or other State municipality liability where we cannot
require a duty? I think not.” 72
The House thereupon voted to reject the Conference Re
port, by a vote of 106-74.73 Twenty-three supporters of the
bill as a whole voted against the Sherman Amendment,74
it exercises those powers to abide by the requirements of the Four-
teenth Amendment. See also Globe at 791 (Rep. Willard). We
recognize, however, that literally and in isolation it could be read
to mean that no municipality is bound by the requirements of the
Fourteenth Amendment unless the state chooses to make it so
bound. In this connection, it is important to remember that state
ments made in these debates were often off-the-cuff, with loose and
sometimes confused language. Thus, in analyzing these debates, it
is critical to determine basic themes rather than to rely on random
and isolated statements.
71 Id. at 794.
72 Id. at 799.
73 Id. at 800.
74 Compare Globe 800 (vote on Sherman Amendment) with Globe
808 (vote on the final bill following removal of the Sherman Amend
ment). Had these 23 supported the Sherman Amendment, it would
have been approved by a margin comparable to that which ap
proved the final bill.
30a
and their defections spelled the difference between defeat
and victory for the Amendment. Of the 23, only the six
we have quoted explained the basis for their opposition;
but it is clear that others shared their concerns about the
Amendment’s encroachment upon the States’ reserved
police powers.75 *
The House’s rejection of the Conference Report necessi
tated another conference, at which the Sherman Amend
ment was scrapped and the present 42 TJ.S.C. § 1986 substi
tuted (making persons who have knowledge of an impend
ing riot affecting federal rights liable to injured victims
for failing to take whatever steps are in their power to
prevent or aid in preventing the riot).70
Representative Poland, who had been one of the confer
ees, reported to the House the arguments which had per
suaded the Senate conferees to recede from the Sherman
Amendment. This passage is the on ly item of legislative
history addressed to the status of municipalities quoted or
cited in M o n ro e :
“ I did understand from the action and vote of the
House that the House had solemnly decided that in
their judgment Congress had no constitutional power
to impose any obligation upon county and town organ
izations, the mere instrumentality for the administra
tion of State law. We informed the conferees on the
part of the Senate that the House had taken a stand on
that subject and would not recede from it; that the
section imposing liability upon towns and counties
must go out or we should fail to agree.” 77
75 Thus, for example, four others among the 23 defectors had
previously expressed concern about the bill’s possible encroach
ment upon the state ’s police powers, in the context of the success
ful effort to amend Sections 2, 3 and 4. Rep. Garfield (Globe App.
149-155) ; Rep. Cook (Globe 478) ; Rep. Hawley (Globe 382) ; Rep.
Sheldon (Globe 368).
70 Id. at 804, 819-820.
77 Id. at 804.
31a
In M on roe , the Court apparently understood the word
“ obligation” in Representative Poland’s report to mean
“ financial obligation,” so that the gist of his statement was
thought to be that there was a doubt as to Congress’ “ con
stitutional power to impose any [financial] obligation upon
county and town organizations.” It is plain, however,
when the full debates are read, that Representative Po
land meant “ affirmative obligation,” and that the full gist
of his remarks was that there was a doubt as to Congress’
“ constitutional power to impose any [affirmative] obliga
tion. upon county and town organizations,” and accordingly
an unwillingness to impose a “ liability” for non-perform
ance of a duty [an “ obligation” ] which Congress could
not require municipalities to perform.
V.
Correctly understood, the objections which led to the de
feat of the Sherman Amendment were totally irrelevant to
Section 1 of the bill. Section 1 imposed no obligations on
“ persons.” It provided only that “ persons” could be
held liable for violating those obligations which the Four
teenth Amendment already imposed upon them; in the
case of municipalities, the obligation to refrain from doing
what “ No state shall” do. Including municipalities under
Section 1 thus constituted no invasion of the States’ re
served powers. States retained their sole right to deter
mine what functions, if any, they would delegate to munici
palities. The Fourteenth Amendment already provided
that in exercising w h a tev er functions the states delegated
to them, municipalities were required to refrain from deny
ing due process, denying equal protection, etc. Section 1
merely made these existing obligations enforceable in
federal court.
With the full legislative debates properly understood,
two conclusions follow:
1. The holding in M on roe was erroneous. M o n ro e drew
an inference that Congress meant to exclude municipalities
32a
from the term “ persons” in Section 1 so le ly from its mis
conception as to the reason for the defeat of the Sherman
Amendment, 365 U.S. at 191:
“ The response of the Congress to the proposal to
make municipalities liable for certain actions being
brought within federal purview by the Act of April
20, 1871, was so antagonistic that we cannot believe
that the word ‘ person’ was used in this particular Act
to include them.”
But however erroneous, this holding may be deemed to be
s ta re d ec is is . 78
2. M on roe did not, however, decide the issues posed in
the instant case; it cannoit be s ta re d ecisis as to them. We
have shown that Congress did n ot have a desire to “ protect
municipal treasuries” against the cause of action created
in Section 1. Congress erected no “ shield” against the
Fourteenth Amendment “ sword.” There is no Eleventh
Amendment “ analogy.” There is nothing which stands in
the way of effectuating the clear congressional will to make
Section 1 reach as far as the Fourteenth Amendment allows
it to go. The statute authorizes a federal court order re
quiring wrongdoing public officials to exercise “ the power
that is theirs” to provide all relief— including retroactive
monetary relief from the public treasury— necessary “ to
make good the wrong done.”
78 Cf. Monroe, 365 U.S. at 218-223 (Frankfurter, J., dissenting).