Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corporation Brief of Plaintiffs in Support of Motion for Temporary Injunction
Public Court Documents
July 9, 1947
Cite this item
-
Brief Collection, LDF Court Filings. Dorsey v. Stuyvesant Town Corporation Brief of Plaintiffs in Support of Motion for Temporary Injunction, 1947. c6faf812-b09a-ee11-be36-6045bdeb8873. LDF Archives, Thurgood Marshall Institute. https://ldfrecollection.org/archives/archives-search/archives-item/b8992dd8-a366-4b86-ba03-d0a9a84e5f2f/dorsey-v-stuyvesant-town-corporation-brief-of-plaintiffs-in-support-of-motion-for-temporary-injunction. Accessed November 03, 2025.
Copied!
t t p r a n p Gkmrt
OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
COUNTY OF NEW YORK
J oseph 'Dotjsey, M em os D owl
ing and Calvin Harper, suing
on behalf o f themselves and all
others similarly situated,
Plaintiffs,
against
Stuyvesant T own Corporation
and Metropolitan L ife Insur
ance Company,
Defendants.
Before:
H on. F elix C. Benvenga,
Justice.
BRIEF OF PLAINTIFFS
IN SUPPORT OF
MOTION FOR TEMPORARY INJUNCTION
W ill Maslow,
T hurgood Marshall,
J oseph B. R obison,
Stanley M. R iesner,
Of Counsel,
Charles A brams,
Attorney for Plaintiffs,
225 Broadway,
New York City.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Statement .......................................................................... 1
The character of Stnyvesant Town....................... .... ..... 6
The constitutional provisions........................................ S
The statute and contract............................................ 13
Point I—The extraordinary usages to which public
powers were put affirms the public character of
Stnyvesant Town.................... 18
1. The tax power............................ 18
2. Eminent domain.................................................... 20
3. The police power.................................................. 21
Point II—The courts have restrained even private cor
porations from discriminating where they have be
come repositories of official power............................. 23
Point III—Even if Stnyvesant Town were completely
private as it contends, its very physical pattern
would bring it within the restraints of the Constitu
tion ....................................................... 30
Point IV—If the Redevelopment Companies Lav/ em
powers the Stnyvesant Town Corporation to bar
Negroes it would be unconstitutional. The Court
should, therefore, construe the law to effect a con
stitutional purpose............................... -..... -................ . 32
Point V—The Riverton project is irrelevant to the
constitutional issue here involved................................ 39
Point YrI—A. temporary injunction should be granted
to prevent irreparable damages..... .......... 40
Conclusion ....................................................................................... 42
PAGE
11
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
C A SE S PAGES
Adler v. Dcegan, 251 N. Y. 467........ ................................ 38
Block v. Hirsh, 256 U. S. 135............................. ............. 38
Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60......................7, 33-35, 43
Clinard v. City of Winston-Salem, 217 N. C. 119—1.__ 43
Conectieut College v. Calvert, 87 Conn. 421, 88 Atl. 633 21
In re Drummond Wren, 4 D. L. B. 674......................44, 45
In re Edward J. Jeffries Housing Project, 306 Mich.
Glover v. City of Atlanta, 96 S. E. 562.......................... 43
Hardin v. City of Atlanta, 147 Ga. 248, 93 S. E. 401... 43
Harmon v. Tyler, 273 U. S. 668...................................... 7
Harris v. City of Louisville, 165 Ky. 559, 177 S. W. 472 43
Hirabayashi v. U. S., 320 IT. S. 81................................. 44
Hopkins v. City of Richmond, 117 Va. 692, 86 S. E. 139— 43
Irvine v. City of Clifton Forge, 97 S. E. 310.............. 43
Kennett v. Chambers, 55 IT. S. (14 How.) 38.................... 45
Kerr v. Enoch Pratt Free Library, 149 F. 2d 212...7, 27, 28
Liberty Annex v. City of Dallas, 289 S. W. 1067...... .... 43
Madden v. Queens County Jockey Club, 296 N. Y. 249... 29
Marsh v. Alabama, 326 U. S. 501........................... 30-31, 37
Murray v. LaGuardia, 291 N. Y. 320.............. 8, 9,11,13, 32
New York City Housing Authority v. Muller, 270 N. Y.
333 .............:............ ................................................21,29,32
Nixon v. Condon, 286 IT. S. 73.......................... - .........7, 8, 24
People v. King, 110 N. Y. 418.................. -................. 7,9,11
I l l
People ex rel. Durham v. LaFetra, 230 N. Y. 429....... 38
Pratt v. LaGuardia, 182 Mise. 462, aff’d 268 A. D. 973,
leave to appeal denied 294 N. Y. 842.............. 2,12,13, 36
Shelley v. Kramer, 15 IT. S. Law Week 3478................ 42
Sipes v. McGhee, 15 17. S. Law Week 3478.................... 42
Smith v. Allwright, 321 U. S. 649.................. 7,8,22,24,25
Steele v. Louisville R. Co., 323 IT. S. 192.......7, 25, 26, 27, 28
Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 IT. S. 303.................. 34-35
Stuyvesant Town Corporation, 183 Mise. 662, 51 N. Y.
S'. 2d 19.................................. ....................................... 20
University of Southern California v. Robbins, 37 Pae.
PAGES
2d 163............. ......... ................... .............. ...... ............... 21.
Ex Parte Virginia, 100 IT. S. 339..................................... 35
Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 1.18 Ik S. 356................................. 38
STATUTES AND MISCELLANEOUS
Abrams, Charles, “ The Future of Housing”................. 42
Abrams, Charles, “Race Bias in Housing ’.................. 42
51 Corpus Juris... .............................................................. 30
Kalian, Validity of Anti-Negro Restrictive Covenants,
12 U. of Chi. L. Rev. 198................. ,.......................... 42
Local Law 45, 1947........................................................... 40
McGovney, Racial Residential Segregation by State
Court Enforcement of Restrictive Agreements, 33
Calif. L. Rev. 5... .............................. ....... :.................... 42
McQuillan, Municipal Corporations.............................. 29
IV
Myrdal, An American Dilemma....................................... 42
N. T. City Admin. Code, Section J 41-1.2.................. 4, 40
N. Y. City Charter.................................................... ........ 32
N. Y. State Constitution............................. 3, 8,11,16,19, 39
N. Y. Public Housing Law............................................. 29
Redevelopment Companies Law, McKinney, Ilneon-
solid. Laws, Sections 3401-3426.........6, 9,11,12,13-1.7, 32
PAGES
Report, 1944 Annual Conference of Race Relations
Advisors ........................................................................ 5
Senate Hearings, Senate Special Committee on Post
war Economic Planning, 79th Cong., 1st Sess., part
6 ......................................................... .............................. 4
Senate Hearings before Committee on Banking and
Currency, 79th. Cong., on S. 1592................................ . 4
Tanzer, New York City Charter..... .............................. 32
United Nations Charter.................................................... 45
United States Constitution........................... 3, 7, 9, 23, 28, 30
§>itpmttp (Eoart
OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
COUNTY OF NEW YORK
J oseph D orsey, Monroe D owl
ing and Calvin Harper, suing
on behalf of themselves and all
others similar!}7 situated,
Plaintiffs,
against
Stuyvesant T own Corporation
and Metropolitan L ire I nsur
ance Company,
Defendants.
BRIEF OF PLAINTIFFS IN SUPPORT OF
MOTION FOR TEMPORARY INJUNCTION
Statement *
The three plaintiffs are Negro war veterans. They sue
to enjoin the two defendants from withholding or denying
to them and others similarly situated any of the dwelling
units in the Stuyvesant Town project solely because of
their race or color. They allege that they have applied
for apartments in Stuyvesant Town but that the defend
ants do not intend to rent to Negroes. Their applications,
they say, therefore are doomed in advance. In view of
the public features of the project, the public aid and powers
* This brief is also filed in behalf of the American Jewish Congress, the
American Civil Liberties Union and the National Association for the Ad
vancement of Colored People who indorse the views expressed herein.
2
that made it possible, and the fact that it is subject to
public controls throughout the life of its tax exemption,
they assert that an obligation rests upon the defendants
to extend to them the equal protection of the laws.
The defendants do not dispute that their policy is to bar
their accommodations to Negroes. They have, in fact,
gone out of their way to admit it orally and in writing.
Their current explanation is more in the nature of de
murrer than denial. The record of their position on the
question may be stated in three phases.
Phase I goes back to 1943 when the Chairman of the
Board of Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. asserted that
no Negroes would be allowed in the project. Replying to
affidavits in a taxpayer’s action citing his statements, he
admitted his position, but said that defendants’ directors
had “ thus far not adopted any renting policy and that
they will have no occasion to do so until the project ap
proaches completion” (position summarized in Opinion of
Judge Shientag in Pratt v. LaGuardia, 182 Misc. 462
[1944], aff’d 268 A. D. 973, leave to appeal denied, 294
N. Y. 842). Because there was no final renting policy and
the project was not yet under way, a suit to enjoin the
discrimination was then held to be premature.
Phase II is concerned with the period of June, 1946,
when in response to a letter from the American Civil Lib
erties Committee asking the following question: “Are
there restrictions as to race, color, religion of prospective
tenants?” , George Gove, Vice-President of Stuyvesant
Town Corporation, stated “ * * * in conformity with public
announcement made when the plans for Stuyvesant Town
were first formulated in cooperation with the City, pro
vision has not been made for occupancy by Negro fami
lies” (Letters of Foster and Gove annexed to moving pa
pers).
3
Phase III is concerned with the period immediately pre
ceding this action. Shad Polier, vice-president of the
American Jewish Congress, spoke with George Gove on
June 20, 1947. He read Mr. Gove the letter of a year be
fore to the Civil Liberties Committee. He said that he
had heard that a change in that policy was being contem
plated and that Negro applicants were being interviewed.
Mr. Gove stated that despite the interviews “ there was no
change in the Corporation’s policy as publicly announced
and as summarized in the letter to Mr. Poster” (Affidavit
of Polier). Mr. Polier asked Mr. Gove what the Corpora
tion would do, should Negroes meet “ the requirements
established by the Corporation with respect to character,
stability, manner, appearance and similar criteria.” Mr.
Gove “ stated that, nevertheless, unless there should be a
change in policy—and none was being contemplated—there
would simply be no renting to Negroes.”
Mr. Gove’s answering affidavit does not deny any of
these assertions nor does it deny the policy as set forth in
the letter of June 26, 1946 to the Civil Liberties Commit
tee. The only reference to Mr. Polier’s conversation and
to the letter to the Civil Liberties Committee is an at
tempted justification of the discriminatory policy on the
ground that the presence of objectionable persons might
“ endanger the economic success of the enterprise. This
right of selection by the management cannot be impaired
if due regard is to be had for the rights of the policy
holders of Metropolitan Life Insurance Company and
without violating the rights of Metropolitan Life Insur
ance Company and Stuyvesant Town Corporation under
the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution
of the United States and under Article I, Section 6 of the
Constitution of the State of New York.”
Mr. Gove insists that there is no limitation either by
contract or statute upon the defendants’ absolute right to
refuse accommodations to whomever they choose.
The issue of discrimination is thus clearly drawn and
the question presented directly for the first time*.
4
Have the defendants the right to refuse the plaintiffs,
and others similarly situated, the accommodations in Stuy-
vesant Town solely because of the plaintiffs’ race or color!
This is the question to be decided.
Resolution of the issue entails crucial consequences be
yond the project’s boundaries. Urban redevelopment laws
had been enacted in 20 states by the close of 1945 (see
Senate Hearings on S. 1592, before the Committee on
Banking and Currency, 79th Congress, pp. 485-524). With
39 percent of the dwellings in the United States substand
ard (see Statement of John B. Blandford, Jr., former
National Housing Administrator, at Hearings before the
Subcommittee on Housing and Urban Redevelopment of
the Senate Special Committee on Postwar Economic Pol
icy and Planning, 79th Congress, 1st session, part 6, Jan
uary 9, 1945, pp. 1233-37) urban redevelopment has
become a principal device for the replanning and rebuild
ing of our extensive slum areas throughout the country
and for replacing them with new neighborhoods. In the
process, it is inevitable that millions of people will be
moved from their old neighborhoods and the racial and
social patterns of our cities will be recast. In the new
areas we shall face the choice either of isolating minority
groups into segregated areas or creating new neighbor
hoods in which educational processes shall have a chance
of functioning toward interracial harmony. The local or
dinance barring discrimination in City projects applies
neither to Stuyvesant Town nor to any other project out
side of New York City (Admin. Code, Sec. J41-1.2).
If the new neighborhood patterns of New York State
and the United States are to be based on the theory of
segregation, segregation in neighborhood schools, in play
grounds, in shopping centers, in other public facilities
will result. If the nation’s neighborhoods are to be marked
off into areas for the exclusive and the excluded, the in
voluntary ghetto will have become an unalterable Ameri
can institution. For, once the racial composition of the
5
new neighborhoods is fixed, they cannot be easily changed,
particularly if they are as rigidly controlled as Stuyvesant
Town would be with all the freedom from public inter
ference it asserts it has.
Public housing projects have made great headway in re
establishing the pattern of heterogeneous occupancy in
newly-created neighborhoods and 325 of the 622 projects
throughout the nation now have mixed occupancy (see
1944 Annual Conference of Racial Relations Advisers, “Ex
perience in Public Housing Projects Jointly Occupied by
Negro, White, and Other Tenants”, p. 4). Every federal
and state-aided project in New York City has mixed oc
cupancy. The threats to the defendants’ claimed property
rights rest upon the mistaken notion that Negroes per se
cause a white exodus, for they have mistakenly applied the
theory of small scattered private ownerships to a large
self-contained area that creates its own environment. The
pattern of infiltration followed by inundation that takes
place in the former has no application to a controlled proj
ect such as Stuyvesant Town. Every instance of mixed
occupancy in the United States lias substantiated this prop
osition, including defense projects built for higher rent
tenancy (ibid, testimonials to successful mixed occupancy
in projects in Chicago, Milwaukee, Philadelphia, Pitts
burgh, Los Angeles, Seattle, etc., pp. 8-49). The fear of
an invasion of defendants’ property rights rests therefore
upon an illusion.
The defendants simply choose to reverse the policy of
heterogeneous tenancy in publicly-aided undertakings and
claim their right to do so as “private” owners of a “private”
project. The plaintiffs, however, assert that the project
is endowed with certain public attributes which impose
upon its sponsors the obligation to extend the equal pro
tection of the laws to the citizens whose powers and funds
have made the project possible. The character of the
“private” undertaking therefore must be carefully analyzed.
6
The character of Stuyvesant Town
Stuyvesant Town is not merely a composite of buildings.
In many respects it is more like a principality. It consists
of 18 city blocks consisting of more than 2y2 million square
feet of land of which almost 750,000 square feet were
originally public streets. These are now enclosed and in
cluded in the site (see Chart II appended to the contract
between the City, Stuyvesant Town and Metropolitan Life
Insurance Co.). Within the enclosure will live a popula
tion of 24,000, equal to the population of one-quarter of
one of our smaller states. It will be larger in population
than 61,000 communities in the whole country and smaller
than only 400. It spans four avenues of narrow Manhattan
Island, cutting off traffic on two avenues completely. It
will have no public parks, no schools, libraries, fire, policing
or sanitation facilities. Existing public schools, a limited
dividend corporation and other public property were
demolished and the land sold to the Stuyvesant Town Cor
poration. All the streets in the area will be marked
“private” . There will be signs on those streets at their
intersections with public streets giving notice to the public
that these streets are “private” (see Sec. 211 of contract
between City, Stuyvesant Town and Metropolitan).
This strange, novel undertaking is presumably authorized
under the Redevelopment Companies Law (McKinney,
Unconsol. Laws, Secs. 3401-3426). The project, however,
cannot exist without the provision of new schools for the
children in the area, without policing and fire protection,
without welfare facilities, without the aid of the vast net
work of municipal facilities which surround the area around
the project and convert it into a community.
The very privacy and exclusiveness which the project’s
sponsors sought for it necessitated various controls. This
was no secession from the community. These were no
ordinary apartment houses differing from others only in
mass and quantity. The new development was in effect a
7
satellite city over which the public exercised legislative
and contractual controls. The wisdom of the undertaking
and the adequacy of the controls are not in issue. What
is in issue is that the whole legislative and contractual pat
tern clearly evidences an intention to confer an agency
upon the Stuyvesant Town Corporation to carry out city
and state duties—in slum clearance, in urban redevelop
ment, in replanning, in housing. To achieve these public
purposes the City gave up much and the defendants sub
mitted themselves, in return, to public regulation. The City
condemned the property for the companies. It turned
over streets equal to 19 per cent of the area. It supplied
vast facilities. It gave tax exemption on the improve
ments. The residents of the area gave up much, too. In a
period of intense shortage they were moved out to other
slums where many of them were forced to overcrowd. The
purpose, however, was public and private convenience had
to yield to the larger public interest. That public interest,
however, still acts as the check-rein to which the project
is bridled.
The law is clear that the state itself or its subdivisions
may not deny the use of public facilities to any individual
solely because of his race, color or creed {14th Amendment;
People v. King, 110 N. Y. 418; Buchanan v. Worley, 245
IL S. 60; Harmon v. Tyler, 273 IT. S. 668; In re Edward J.
Jeffries Housing Project, 306 Mich. 638). Schools, parks,
public auditoriums, public hospitals and public housing, if
provided, must be provided for all on an equal basis without
distinction as to race or color.
The restraints that bind the state and its subdivisions
also bind those agencies to whom the state’s power has
been delegated {Nixon v. Condon, 286 IT. S. 73; Smith v.
Allwright, 321 U. S. 649; Kerr v. Enoch Pratt Free Library,
149 F. 2d 212; Steele v. Louisville R. Co., 323 IT. S. 192).
The question is not whether the corporation is public or
private but whether it is operating as a representative
of the City in discharge of the City’s authority,: whether
the Board’s managers are “ representatives of the state
8
to such an extent and in such a sense that the great re
straints of the constitution set limits to their action” (Nixon
v .Condon and Smith v. Allwright, supra). The issue, there
fore, as clearly framed by the Court, involves a considera
tion of (1) the constitutional provisions under which the
project is authorized, (2) the enabling statute, (3) the
contract between the City and the defendants.
The constitutional provisions
The constitutional questions have been resolved in part
by Murray v. LaGuardia (291 N. Y. 320). The constitu
tional authorization derives from the clause providing:
“ Subject to the provisions of this article, the legis
lature may provide in such manner, by such means and
upon such terms and conditions as it may prescribe
for low rent housing for persons of low income as de
fined by law, or for the clearance, replanning, recon
struction and rehabilitation of substandard and in
sanitary areas, or for both such purposes, and for
recreational and other facilities incidental or appurte
nant thereto” * (Article XVIII, Sec. 1).
It should be noted that the purposes are in the alternative,
but that the second alternative consists of five inseparable
components, i.e. clearance, replanning, reconstruction, re
habilitation, and recreational and other facilities incidental
and appurtenant thereto. If the Constitutional Conven
tion had intended clearance alone to be a public purpose,
presumably it would not have coupled the other purposes
with it. Manifestly, the legislature knew that clearance
could be accommplished by an earthquake, a bombardment
or a fire. It was the replanning of the area, its reconstruc
tion and its rehabilitation into a completed work that was
intended as the public use for which the vast benefits, to
redevelopment companies was authorized. As Judge Lewis
* All emphasis throughout this brief is supplied except where it is indi
cated that the emphasis appeared in the original quotation.
9
said, the other purpose was “ to bring about the clearance
and rehabilitation of substandard areas as a means to
protect public health and morals.” The rehabilitation, by
the statute, has to be by supplying housing in place of the
slums (Sec. 14). The incidents of the public purpose is
the housing. The cost of that housing is contributed to by
every taxpayer, white and black. The statute does not
say that the housing shall be for whites only. As our
Court of Appeals said in People v. King, supra,
“ It is not necessary, at this day, to enter into any
argument to prove that the clause in the Bill of Bights
that no person shall ‘be deprived of life, liberty or
property without due process of law’ (Const, Art. 1,
§ 6), is to have a large and liberal interpretation, and
that the fundamental principle of free government,
expressed in these words, protects not only life, lib
erty and property, in a strict and technical sense,
against unlawful invasion by the government, in the
exertion of governmental power in any of its de
partments, but also protects every essential incident
to the enjoyment of those rights.”
The defendants seek to read into Murray v. LaGuardia,
the holding that once the clearance of the slum has been
accomplished they are as free from any restraints upon
their conduct as any private landlord. That is sustained
neither by Judge Lewis’ opinion nor by statute. The
Murray case was brought by 18 owners within the Stuy-
vesant Town area to enjoin the defendants from proceed
ing with the project. The petition alleged, among other
things, that the plaintiffs would be deprived of their prop
erty without due process of law and “allows the condem
nation of private property for the benefit of a private cor
poration and not for public use” (Petition, Sec. 27).
“ Condemnation” said the petition, “would cause the plain
tiffs irreparable injury.” It was to this point that the
Court of Appeals addressed itself saying that “If upon
completion of the project the public good is enhanced, it
does not matter that private interests may be benefited.”
10
The Court said, referring to the exercise of eminent do
main and the tax exemption provisions “ it is thus made
clear that such tax exemption, which as we have seen, is
limited to the value of improvements made within the area,
cannot occur until the project itself—the work of rede
velopment and rehabilitation within the substandard area
has been completed and the public purpose for which the
project was designed has been accomplished.”
Judge Lewis used the term “public purpose” in the emi
nent domain sense. It is clear that he did not mean that
thereafter there were no other public purposes to be
performed, for the statute and the certificate of incorpo
ration and the contract and the whole formula from begin
ning to end are replete with public purposes that weave
in and through the whole transaction. These include not
only sound neighborhood replanning and sound redevel
opment of the area but provision and maintenance of
adequate safe and sanitary housing accommodations.
Completion of the project by the statute itself means com
pletion of “a specific work or improvement to effectuate
all or any part of a plan including lands, buildings and
improvements acquired, owned, constructed, managed or
operated in an area by a redevelopment company providing
dwelling accommodations pursuant to this act and such
business, commercial, cultural or recreational facilities ap
purtenant thereto as may be approved pursuant to section
fifteen of this act.” *
The public use as clearly held by Judge Lewis included
not only reconstruction of the area but the continued oper
ation of the project in the public welfare. When the re
construction was accomplished, new rights and obligations
were set up which in 1943 the Court of Appeals was not
called upon to decide. What is involved today is whether
the product of the “ cooperation between municipal govern
* Completion o f the project is defined differently in the contract from the
statute. Completion o f the project under the contract means the date of
actual completion or three years and sixty days after certification by the
Comptroller that materials and labor are available.
11
ment and private capital to the end that substandard, in
sanitary areas in our urban communities may be rehabili
tated” (Murray v. LaGuardia, p. 832) is now completely
divested of public interest.* This would be a preposterous
interpretation. As the court pointed out in the sentence
following its allusion to public purpose, “ It should be added
that during the period of tax exemption the statute (Sec.
16) makes it unlawful for the redevelopment company ‘to
change or modify any feature of a project’ without the
approval of the municipal planning commission, except by
a three-quarters vote of the local legislative body.”
During the period of such tax exemption the redevelop
ment company “ shall not have power to sell any project
without the consent of the local legislative body” (Sec.
23). However, whether the housing be a distinct public
function under the statute or be only an incident of the
slum clearance that has already been “accomplished” the
plaintiffs are entitled to benefit equally with other citizens
{People v. King, supra).
That there was a continuity rather than a cessation of
the public purpose, is further suggested by the Court’s
statement that
“ The People by the adoption of article XVIII of
the State Constitution, and the Legislature, by the
enactment of the Redevelopment Companies Law, have
recognized that the sinister effect of substandard, in
sanitary areas, wherever slums exist, exerts a malign
influence upon the community at large and tints justi
fies public control and corrective measures. The cor
rective statute with which this proceeding is concerned
The Courts are liberal in upholding the use o f eminent domain. It has
been conferred even upon private companies such as irrigation and drainage
companies, railroads, other public utilities and cemetery corporations The
more rigid definition of public use, i.e., use by the public, has now been aban
doned and even pub he benefit today authorizes the condemnation power But
public use from the standpoint o f eminent domain is a far cry from dis
crimination m the undertaking o f a “public use” . The situation might be
compared to a utility company which exercises the eminent domain power
or may have it exercised on its behalf. What determines its actions in regard
to discrimination is not the considerations underlying the use o f the eminent
nature of its activities and * *
12
is an effort by the Legislature to promote co-operation
between municipal government and private capital to
the end that substandard, insanitary areas in our urban
communities may be rehabilitated.”
The reference to control; cooperation between municipal
government and private capital; and to the word rehabili
tated (not cleared) indicate that there was a public pur
pose in the continued operation of the project as well as in
the clearance of the slum and the construction of the build
ings.
Mr. Robert Moses confirms this for he states in an affi
davit which Metropolitan relied upon and filed in the Pratt
case, as follows:
“ I was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention
of 1938 and took a lively interest in the housing article
proposed by that Convention. After its adoption I was
appointed a member of the Mayor’s Committee to
work on legislation to make the article effective. It
soon became apparent that all present and prospective
federal, state and municipal loans and grants for pub
lic housing, including funds in hand and those which
might be expected over a period of several years after
the war, could not possibly accomplish more than 10
percent of the problem of rehabilitation in this City.
It also became apparent that, apart from the difficulty
of obtaining huge direct subsidies for public housing,
it would be wholly undesirable to have a large pro
portion of the entire city population living in superior
subsidized quarters at rentals one-half to one-third of
those charged by private enterprise, at the expense of
hundreds of thousands of people enjoying slightly
higher incomes but living in altogether inferior apart
ments.
For these reasons the Redevelopment Companies
Law was framed as an effort to enlist private capital
for slum clearance and neighborhood rehabilitation.”
(See Record on Appeal, Pratt v. LaGuardia, p. 87.)
It was thus conceded that the new housing was for the
benefit of the thousands of people enjoying slightly higher
incomes than those eligible for public housing. It was the
housing as well as the clearance that constituted the public
purpose.
Finally, in passing upon whether the issue of discrimina
tion (the third ground) was considered in the Murray case,
Judge Shientag said:
“ The third ground of objection was not presented
in any form to the Court of Appeals; it was not re
ferred to in any of the briefs. * * * The opinion was
concerned almost entirely with the question of the
constitutionality of the Redevelopment Companies
Law and the legality of the project sought to be under
taken pursuant to that statute. * # # As the defendants
forcefully point out in their briefs, Stuyvesant will
have to perform its contract with the City in obedience
to the fundamental law of the State and of the United
States. If it adopts an illegal renting policy any per
son thereby aggrieved will have his remedy in the
courts.” (Pratt v. LaGuardia, supra.)
13
The statute and contract
If there is any doubt as to the public nature of the
completed operation, that doubt should be resolved by a
reading of the enabling statute. Section II of the statute
declares:
“ that there is not in such areas a sufficient supply of
adequate, safe and sanitary dwelling accommodations
properly planned and relating to public facilities;
# % m # # m
that modern standards of urban life require that hous
ing be related to adequate and convenient public facili
ties ; ̂ # #
that the public interest requires the clearance, re
planning, reconstruction and neighborhood rehabilita
tion of such substandard and insanitary areas together
with adequate provision for recreational and other
facilities;
14
that in order to protect the sources of public revenues,
it is necessary to modernise the physical plan and con
ditions of urban life;
# # # # # #
that these conditions cannot be remedied by the ordi
nary operations of private enterprise;
*= # * * =* *
that provision must be made to encourage the invest
ment of funds in corporations engaged in providing
redevelopment facilities to be constructed according
to the requirements of city planning and in effectuation
of official city plans and regulated by law as to profits,
dividends and disposition of their property or fran
chises; * # & # * *
that provision must also be made for the acquisition
for such corporations at fair prices of real property
required for such purposes in substandard areas and
for public assistance of such corporations by the grant
ing of partial tax exemption;
# # # # # *
that the cooperation of the state and its subdivisions
is necessary to accomplish such purposes;
# # # # # #
that the clearance, replanning and reconstruction re
habilitation and modernization of substandard, and in
sanitary areas and the provisions of adequate, safe,
sanitary and properly planned housing accommoda
tions in effectuation of official city plans by such cor
porations in these areas are public uses and purposes
for which private property may be acquired for such
corporations and partial tax exemption granted;
* # # # # #
that these conditions require the creation of the
agencies, instrumentalities and corporations herein
after prescribed for the purpose of attaining the ends
herein recited; # # # % * #
the necessity in the public interest for the provisions
hereinafter enacted is hereby declared as a matter of
legislative determination. ”
15
The statute then defines the nature of a redevelopment
company by requiring in the Certificate of Incorporation
. “a declaration that the redevelopment company has been
organized to serve a public purpose and that it shall be and,
remain subject to the supervision and control of the super
vising agency except as provided in this act, so long as this
act remains applicable to any project of the redevelopment
company; that all real and personal property acquired by
it and all structures erected by it shall he deemed to be
acquired or created for the promotion of the purposes of
this act” (Sec. 4). Would it not be preposterous to assume
that a corporation that binds itself to remain subject to
the supervision and control of the supervising agency and
whose structures erected by it are created to promote the
numerous public purposes above stated, can escape its
public obligations to extend the equal protection of the
laws—and do it with the acquiescence or consent of the
municipal agency that controls it!
If the defendants’ contention is correct, i.e., that follow
ing clearance there is no longer any public purpose and
no longer any public obligation in connection with the
ownership and operation of the project, the certificate
of incorporation becomes meaningless. The continuing con
trol also becomes meaningless.
The whole formula contained in the act is shaped to
protect the public interest in the continued operation of the
undertaking:
(1) the project cannot be sold except as permitted by
law (Sec. 23).
(2) profits are limited to 6 percent for interest and
amortization (Sec. 8).
(3) a supervising agency is set up which must con
sent to the method of incorporation, to the method of
financing, to the use of the project (Secs. 5 and 15).
(4) the City’s approval must be obtained to any
modification of the project (Sec. 15).
16
(5) the project must be designed and used primarily
for housing purposes (Sec. 14).
(6) upon dissolution, any cash surplus belongs to the
City (Sec. 24).
(7) the rents must be regulated and any increases
must have the approval of the City (Sec. 15 and See.
307 of contract).
(8) rigid controls are imposed over the financing
of the corporation (Secs. 9, 10, 11 and 12).
(9) preliminary approval of a plan or a project is
provided for (Sec. 15).
(10) the state, municipalities and all public bodies
and public officials are authorized to sell, lease or
transfer property to a redevelopment company and
hold its stock, income debentures or other securities,
secured, or unsecured (Sec. 17).
(11) the planning commission and the supervising
agency are empowered to make rules and regulations
to carry out their powers and duties pursuant to the
act and to effectuate the purposes thereof (Sec. 15).
If this urban redevelopment company, this chameleonl'ike
creature that freely alters its shape from a public to private
instrumentality is at this moment private, its continued
tax exemption and other benefits would be in violation of
Article 8, Section 1, of the Constitution. It is more logical
to assume that its functions are still public, with all the
restraints applicable to the exercise of such public func
tions.
It would he idle to assume that these regulations had
no purpose. If clearance were the only “public purpose”
there would have been no reason for the statute requiring
the construction of housing. If clearance and the construc
tion of housing were the purpose with nothing more, there
would have been no reason for the continued regulation
17
of profits, limitation upon rents, restrictions on sale, finan
cial supervision, visitation by the Controller and the numer
ous other regulations that weave through the statute.
Finally, if the intention were not “ cooperation between
municipal government and private capital” in the rehabili
tation of the area and its continued operation in the gen
eral interest, there would have been no purpose to the
payment of the cash surplus to the City upon dissolution
of the corporation.
That its obligations are public is clear from the condi
tions under which tax exemption is given and the circum
stances under which public regulation ends. Section 26
of the statute provides that the redevelopment company
receiving tax exemption may elect to pay the municipality
the total of all accrued taxes with interest. Thereupon
the tax exemption ceases and Section 24 dealing with dis
solution applies. It is only after the payment of the arrears
of taxes that the company is free of regulation. By the
contract (Sec. 601),. however, the City and the defendants
agreed that the taxes could not be paid up for a period of
at least five years from the completion of the project.
By Section 702 all supervision and restrictions cease after
payment of the accrued taxes, except the covenants against
change in the plan of the project. It was thus the inten
tion of the law, as well as of the contract, that the grant
of tax exemption be linked to the continued control by
the City of the project and the continuity of the public
obligations to the citizenry. If that obligation ceases at
any time, one thing is clear: it does not cease during the
period when the City is granting the corporation $2,000,000
annually in the form of a tax subvention,
18
POINT I • ! .
The extraordinary usages to which public powers
were put affirm the public character of Stuyvesant
Town.
Not one, hut all three of the trinity of public powers were
or are being utilized in this project in a unique and un
precedented manner.
1. The Tax Power.
The cost of the project is conceded to be 90 million dol
lars (Gove affidavit, paragraph 20). The cost of the land
was about 17 million dollars (see application of Stuyvesant
Town Corporation to New York Board of Estimate for
an increase in rent, dated April 24, 1947). The total tax
exemption over a 25-year period granted to Stuyvesant
Town Corporation is thus about 3 percent on the improve
ment cost (90-17 millions) or well over 50 million dollars,
which is about three times the cost of the land. There is no
limitation upon the income group that may occupy the
project in the statute or in the contract though the inten
tion as set forth by Mr. Moses is to house a low-income
group. Two conclusions are suggested by the calculation:
(1) Here was a benefit resulting from a vast tax exemption
which the City desired its citizens to have. Largely as
the result of the exemption, housing, precious housing, was
being made available at considerably less than market
value. All citizens, not a select few, were entitled to reap
that benefit. The defendants, however, would say that
they want only the Caucasians in our city to have it and
they and they alone have the right to determine who shall
be the beneficiaries. This, the plaintiffs argue, deprives
the plaintiffs of the law’s equal protection. (2) If it was the
intention of the statute or the contract to clear the slum,
and nothing more, after which the project was to revert
to its private status, the City could have been 33 million
19
dollars better off by taking the land and presenting it as
a gift to the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company on
the condition only that it build a project. It should be
remembered that Metropolitan has built Parkchester on
the extremities of the City on land for which it paid. In
fact, simultaneously with the building of Stuyvesant Town,
it is building Cooper Village, on land for which it paid,
and which is not tax-exempt. In other words, it is reason
able to assume that if the City wanted only the slum
cleared and was not interested in housing for its citizens,
it could have written down the land cost or even •written it
off completely and turned it over to Metropolitan. That
the City has contributed more than half of the cost in tax
exemption is proof of the cooperative and public nature of
the undertaking and of the additional public benefits it
expected from the undertaking. The public dividend was
in the form of lower rental apartments, not necessarily
“ low-rent housing” as used in the Constitution. This must
be made available not merely to Metropolitan’s selected
clientele. If, for example, Metropolitan had announced
that the project’s facilities would be for Metropolitan’s ex
ecutives only, the people would never have granted the tax
exemption, the streets and the condemnation benefits nor
would the court have sanctioned the grant. The presump
tion was that there was to be good housing for the people.
Many citizens have eagerly looked forward to the oppor
tunity of getting one of these low-priced apartments.
Metropolitan may not therefore act arbitrarily in the se
lection of tenants as it contends, for its conduct must be
reasonably related to the duties which it has assumed when
it accepted the benefits of the public powers and aid. That
duty carries with it an undertaking not to discriminate
arbitrarily because of race or color. If it wishes to win
release from the contract’s and the law’s restraints, it
might do so perhaps by paying off the equivalent of the
tax exemption five years from the completion date. But
until then, and so long as it receives benefits, it must as
sume all the corresponding obligations attaching to those
benefits.
20
2. Eminent Domain.
The grant of eminent domain is also unique. The City
is permitted to acquire the property for Metropolitan Life
Insurance Company, a privilege not shared by other cor
porations engaged in performing public purposes. Real
property in the area needed or even convenient may be
acquired. Property devoted to a public use may be ac
quired, too, notwithstanding that such property may pre
viously have been acquired by condemnation or may be
owned by a public utility corporation. Public property
may be sold to Metropolitan without any requirement of
public bidding. Increase in value due to assembly or re
construction is not to be considered in making the award.
Moreover, the use for which property is acquired for re
development companies becomes a “ superior public use” .
Presumably, therefore, should the City ever wish to con
demn Stuyvesant Town for another public use, a serious
question would arise as to whether the State might not
have to declare the future use to be a “ superior, superior
public use”. There is even a question as to whether it
could reacquire the land at all for ordinary public uses.
In any event, so public is the use, i.e., the clearance, re
development and reconstruction of the project, that schools,
parks, streets and other simple public uses may be taken
for this extraordinary and superior public undertaking.
In fact, a. limited dividend corporation in the area for
families of low income was actually condemned (Stuyvesant
Housing Corporation v. Stuyvesant Town Corporation, 183
Misc. 662, 51 N. Y. S. 2d 19). Thus the Legislature and the
City conferred the benefits of a condemnation power
greater in some respects than those granted to its own
housing authority, a city agency also engaged in slum clear
ance. The use was considered more public than public
hospitals, courts, water supply. Yet defendants now con
tend that the use has reverted not only to a private use,
but to a “ superior private” use, more immune from public
obligations than even a wholly-owned company town.
21
3. The Police Power.
Streets equalling 19 percent of the area have been turned
over to Stuyvesant Town Corporation and the police power
normally possessed by the municipality over these streets
is now under the corporation’s control. Responsibility for
accidents is assumed by the redevelopment company. The
disposition of public property is not what normally takes
place in the ordinary private large scale development.
There, streets are dedicated to the City; here, the streets
are dedicated by the City to the corporation. If the defend
ants are correct in their contention, no one has a right to
enter those streets except the Comptroller (See. 506 of
contract). If Negroes have no equal rights to receive ac
commodations, they have no rights to walk upon the streets
either. This could not have been the intent of the Legisla
ture. The only inferences which can be drawn from this
unusual arrangement is that the streets, though owned by
the company, are operated under a public trust for a public
use. It need not be for the use of the whole public any
more than a public housing project (New York City Hous
ing Authority v. Muller, 270 N. Y. 333), or a poorhouse,
but it cannot be employed for a special class or for a
corporation that discriminates as to race (Connecticut
College v. Calvert, 87 Conn. 421, 88 Atl. 633 [1913]; Uni
versity of Southern California v. Bottoms, 37 Pae. 2nd 163
[Cal. App. 1934]).* By undertaking to carry out these
extraordinary public purposes, the defendants have assumed
the public obligations to abide by the same restraints that
bound the public grantor of the powers and benefits.**
* In Connecticut College v. Calvert, supra, an effort was made to condemn
land for the benefit o f a privately-owned college. There was no evidence,
however, that the college was prohibited from rejecting applicants for racial
or religious reasons. The Court consequently felt compelled to deny the
benefits o f the eminent domain power. University o f Southern California v.
Robbins, supra, was a similar proceeding. There, the Court upheld exercise
o f the power o f eminent domain, but only after satisfying itself that the
charter of the college prohibited discrimination on racial or religious grounds.
* * I f the City were to have no interest in the completed project it would
have not been careful to forbid a mortgage on the property. Presumably,
the City did not want this public development to fall into the hands o f a
mortgagee vrho would not be bound by the public purposes to which Stuyvesant
Town is obligated by the contract terms.
22
The danger of lending public controls without holding
the beneficiaries accountable for compliance with the Con
stitution was recognized by the Supreme Court at the 1943
term in Smith v. AUwright, supra, as follows:
“ The United States is a constitutional democracy.
Its organic law grants to all citizens a right to par
ticipate in the choice of elected officials without re
striction by any state because of race. This grant to
the people of the opportunity for choice is not to be
nullified by a state through casting its electoral process
in a form which permits a private organization to prac
tice racial discrimination in the election. Constitu
tional rights would he of little value if they could he
thus indirectly denied. (Lane v. Wilson, 307 U. S. 268,
275, 59 S. Ct. 872, 876, 83 L. Ed. 1281.)”
What applies to the electoral process applies as cogently
to the use of the eminent domain, police and tax powers.
If the defendants are correct in their contention that
theirs is a strictly private operation, free of any require
ments to observe equality under the law, then we have
surely set a dangerous precedent. We will have declared
that government itself, enjoined against discrimination and
abuse of the essential freedoms, may divest itself of its
powers and prerogatives to aid private corporations which
may then openly refuse to abide by the restrictions to
which government itself is subject when it exercises those
powers and prerogatives. The electoral process at least
restrains the public agency against abuse of the individual’s
rights and the people can exercise these restraints at the
polls, but it cannot curb a corporation that is controlled
by a private board. Here in the name of slum clearance
would be a device for the evasion of the troublesome Bill
of Rights with all its cumbrous insistence oil equality and
due process. If the precedent is carried over from urban
redevelopment to other enterprises as well, we will have
opened the door toward a perilous innovation in our gov
ernmental institutions. It would mean that private com
panies operating under the color of public purpose or gen
23
era! welfare may draw upon the arsenal of governmental
powers and employ them as arbitrarily as they choose.
If this is permitted it would soon make a skeleton of the
body politic and reduce democratic safeguards to a shell.
These are no sweeping generalizations; they are the in
evitable sequence of the formula as the defendants seek
to interpret it. Fortunately, the Courts still have the
opportunity to guide and shape that formula into the
framework of the Constitution. They can superimpose
public obligation and constitutional limitations upon every
grant of governmental power to private enterprise.
POINT II
The Courts have restrained even private corporations
from discriminating where they have become reposi
tories of official power.
In the last few years the Supreme Court, noting the in
creased use of private instrumentalities for the perform
ance of governmental functions has subjected them to
corresponding duties, particularly by requiring them to
abide by the requirement for the equal protection of the
laws. Thus, a private labor union and a political party
were enjoined against discriminating because of race. In
another case, a privately-owned “ company town” was held
subject to restraints embodied in the First and Fourteenth
Amendments to the United States Constitution. In a Cir
cuit Court case, a library with a private board of trustees,
but publicly as well as privately subsidized, was restrained
from discriminating. These corporations are far more
“private” than the Stuyvesant Town Corporation through
which public obligations, public subsidies and public powers
■weave from the inception of the enterprise to the day of
its final termination. If the Supreme Court’s test is applied,
the determining factor wrould be only wfhether the defend
ants are acting by virtue of the statute and as delegates of
24
the state power under it. If under color of that power
they discriminate against any particular race, the dis
crimination would be held to derive its force and virtue
from state action, i.e., from the statute and would therefore
be voided (Smith v. Allwright, supra).
The test is not whether the private corporation is the
representative of the state “ in the strict sense in which
an agent is the representative of his principal. The test
is whether they are to be classified as representatives of
the state to such an extent and in such a sense that the
great restraints of the Constitution set limits to their
action” (Mr. Justice Cardozo, Nixon v. Condon, supra, p.
487). In the case above cited the Legislature authorized a
political party to prescribe the qualifications of its own
members. The executive committee of the party adopted a
resolution qualifying only white Democrats. The argu
ment was made that the political party was merely a volun
tary association aloof from the impact of constitutional
restraint, as is a Masonic lodge. Mr. Justice Cardozo held
as follows:
“ The pith of the matter is simply this, that, when
those agencies are invested with an authority independ
ent of the will of the association in whose name they
undertake to speak, they become to that extent the
organs of the state itself, the repositories of official
power. They are then the governmental instruments
whereby parties are organized and regulated to the
end that government itself may be established or con
tinued. What they do in that relation, they must do in
submission to the mandates of equality and liberty that
bind officials everywhere. They are not acting in mat
ters of merely private concern like the directors or
agents of business corporations. They are acting in
malters of high public interest, matters intimately con
nected with the capacity of government to exercise its
functions unbrokenly and smoothly. * * * Delegates of
the state’s power have discharged their official functions
in such a way as to discriminate invidiously between
white citizens and black. Ex parte Virginia, supra ;
Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U. S. 60, 77, 38 S. Ct. 16, 62
L. Ed. 149, L. R. A. 1918C, 210, Ann. Cas. 1918A, 1201.
25
The Fourteenth Amendment adopted as it was with
special solicitude for the equal protection of members
of the Negro race lays a duty upon the court to level
by its judgment these barriers of color.”
Smith v. All/w right, supra, applied the same rule though
recognizing that membership in a political party was no
concern of the state.
“ The privilege of membership in a party may be, as
this Court said in Grovey v. Townsend, 295 U. S. 45,
55, 55 S. Ct. 622, 626, 79 L. Ed. 1292, 97 A. L. R. 680,
no concern of a state. But when, as here, that privi
lege is also the essential qualification for voting in a
primary to select nominees for a general election, the
state makes the action. # * We think that this statu
tory system for the selection of party nominees for
inclusion on the general election ballot makes the party
which is required to follow these legislative directions
an agency of the state in so far as it determines the
participants in a primary election. The party takes
its character as a state agency from the duties imposed
upon it by state statutes; the duties do not become mat
ters of private law because they are not performed by
a political party.”
The reasoning is analogous. Whom Stuyvesant Town
chooses as tenants may be no concern of the state just as
who are the members of the political party is no concern
of the state. When effective exercise of the franchise is
denied because of race or color by act of a political party
acting pursuant to state law or where participation in a
public benefit is denied because of race or color by a pri
vate organization having governmental functions, the de
nial of the franchise or the benefit is an act of the state
and comes within the restraints of the Fourteenth Amend
ment.
A far smaller degree of state regulation was involved
in Steele v. Louisville, supra, than in the case at bar. There,
a labor organization enjoyed under the Railway Labor Act
the exclusive power to negotiate contracts with a railroad
covering employees in a specified craft, including non-mem
26
bers. Its power to execute contracts binding on the non-
members was purely statutory. It executed a contract
which discriminated against Negro members of the craft.
It was argued that if the Railway Labor Act empowered
unions to execute such contracts, it was unconstitutional.
The Supreme Court, at the outset of its discussion of
the legal questions involved, ruled that “ If, as the state
court has held, the Act confers this power on the bargain
ing representative of a craft or class of employees without
any commensurate statutory duty towards its members,
constitutional questions arise” (323 IT. S., at p. 198).
After reviewing the provisions of the statute, the Court
held that it imposed on the union “ at least as exacting a
duty to protect equally the interest of the members of the
craft as the Constitution imposes upon a legislature to give
equal protection to the interests of those for whom it legis
lates” (ibid., at p. 202). This included “ the duty to exer
cise fairly the power conferred upon it in behalf of all
those for whom it acts, without hostile discrimination
against them” (ibid., at p. 203).
The Court went on to point out that the union could
make contractual distinctions among the employees affected
based on legitimate economic considerations (just as Stuy-
vesant Town may here choose its tenants on proper
grounds). It concluded, however, that “ discriminations
based on race alone are obviously irrelevant and invidious.
Congress plainly did not undertake to authorize the bar
gaining representative to make such, discriminations”
(ibid., at p. 203).
The Court in the Steele case recognized that the labor
organization had “ the right to determine eligibility to its
membership” (ibid., at p. 204), but again held that that did
not permit it to discriminate on account of race. If Metro
politan chooses to discriminate on the basis of character,
responsibility or other qualifications comparable to the
criteria for membership in a labor union or other private
organization, it may do so but it may not do so on the
27
basis of race alone. As was said in Mr. Justice Murphy’s
concurring opinion in the Steele case:
“ Nothing can destroy the fact that the accident of
birth has been used as the basis to abuse individual
rights by an organization purporting to act in con
formity with its Congressional mandate. Any attempt
to interpret the Act must take that fact into account
and must realize that the constitutionality of the stat
ute in this respect depends upon the answer given.
The constitution voices its disapproval whenever
economic discrimination is applied under authority of
law against any race, creed or color. A sound democ
racy cannot allow such discrimination to go unchal
lenged. Racism is far too virulent today to permit
the slightest refusal, in the light of a Constitution that
abhors it, to expose and condemn it wherever it ap
pears in the course of a statutorv interpretation” (ibid.,
at p. 209).
Kerr v. Enoch Pratt Free Library, 149 F. 2d 212 (C. C.
A. 4, 1945), involved a situation even closer to that of the
case at bar. The defendant library barred the plaintiff
from its school for librarians because she was a Negro. It
appeared that the library was founded by Pratt with a
grant of more than a million dollars, on condition that the
City contribute $50,000 a year and that the library would
be run by a board of trustees appointed by Pratt with the
power to fill vacancies in its own ranks. The gift was
accepted by state statute and municipal ordinance. Later,
the library fund was greatly expanded by the state and
City until at the time of the case most of the funds came
from the state. But the independent and self-perpetuating
board of trustees retained control with City supervision
as to fiscal and other details. Summarizing these facts,
the Court said (149 F. 2d, at pp. 216-217):
“ The donor could have formed a private corporation
under the general permissive statutes of Maryland
witlr power both to own the property and to manage
the business of the Library independent of the state.
He chose instead to seeh the aid of the state to found
28
a public institution to be owned and supported by the
city but to be operated by a self-perpetuating board
of trustees to safeguard it from political manipulation;
and this was accomplished by special act of the legis
lature with the result that the powers ‘and obligations
of the city and the trustees were not conferred bv Mr,
Pratt but by the state at the very inception of the en
terprise.”
The Court found in these facts “ so great a degree of
control over the activities and existence of the Library on
the part of the state that it would be unrealistic to speak
of it as a corporation entirely devoid of governmental char
acter” (ibid., at p. 219). Accordingly the Court concluded
that since “ the authority of the state was invoked to create
the institution and to vest the power of ownership in one
instrumentality and the power of management in another” ,
it was necessary to hold that “ the special charter of the
Library should not be interpreted as endowing it with the
power to discriminate between the people of the state on
account of race and that if the charter is susceptible of
this construction, it violates the Fourteenth Amendment
since the Board of Trustees must be deemed the repre
sentatives of the state” (ibid., at p. 218).
Stuyvesant Town is not “ a corporation entirely devoid,
of governmental character” (Enoch Pratt case, supra).
“ The powers and obligations” of Stuyvesant Town Corpo
ration were “conferred 41 * * by the State at the very in
ception of the enterprise” (Enoch Pratt case, supra). Its
discriminatory policies “based on race alone are obviously
irrelevant and invidious” (Steele case, supra). Although
the defendants could have built a housing project inde
pendently, as indeed they did in Cooper Village adjoining
Stuyvesant Town, they “ choose instead to seek the aid of
the state to found a public institution to be # * sup
ported by the City but to be operated by a self-perpetuat
ing.board of trustees” (Enoch Pratt case, supra).
It is not easy to christen the Stuyvesant Town Corpora
tion. It is definitely not private.*' In many respects it
is more like a public corporation for it resembles in most
respects the limited dividend corporation or housing com
pany (Public Housing Law, section 170, et seq.). The
main differences are that the housing company may oper
ate on vacant as well as slum land, and is regulated as to
rents, occupancy and operations by a housing commissioner
instead of by the Comptroller. Both have their dividends
limited and the general structural pattern of the corpora
tion is in most respects the same. The limited dividend
corporation has been likened to the New York City Hous
ing Authority as a public corporation (New York City
Housing Authority v. Muller, supra, p. 342). Assuming,
however, that the clearest classification for the Stuyvesant
Town Corporation is that of a quasi-public corporation
such as a railroad or public service corporation, no dis
crimination could be practiced (Madden v. Queens Coun
ty Jockey Club, 296 N. Y. 249). But whether this creature
be public, quasi-public or even private, by drawing its
power from a statute, the inhibition against its right to
bar Negroes stands firm.
* McQuillan, on Municipal Corporations, Vol. 1, Sec. 125, defines the three
classes o f corporations as either “public, quasi-public or private * *
First, public corporations, variously styled public, political, civil and municipal
created by the sovereign power for public or political purposes, having for
their object the administration o f a portion o f the power o f the state, as
counties, townships, parishes, schools, reclamation, irrigation, road, levee,
drainage, sanitary, fire and taxing districts, cities, towns, villages and bor
oughs, or municipal corporations, full or quasi-corporations, invested with
certain subordinate powers to be exercised for local purposes connected with
and designed to promote the public good. Public corporations are not only
creations, but instrumentalities o f the state and are subject to visitation and
control.
Second, corporations technically private, but yet o f quasi-public character
having in view some public enterprise in which the public interests are in
volved to such an extent as to justify conferring on them important govern
mental powers, for example, the right of eminent domain. Such corporations
include railroad, turnpike, canal, telegraph, telephone, gas, water, and other
public service companies.
Third, corporations strictly private, the direct object o f v/hich is to pro
mote private interests as banking, insurance, trading and manufacturing.
.' ^ public utility is obligated by the nature of its business to furnish its
service or commodity to the general public, or that part o f the public which
30
POINT III
Even if Stuyvesant Town were completely private as
it contends, its very physical pattern would bring it
within the restraints of the Constitution.
Stuyvesant Town resembles in many respects the town
of Chickasaw, a suburb of Mobile, Alabama, owned by tlxe
Gulf Shipbuilding Corporation (see Marsh; v. Alabama,
326 U. S. 501 (1946)). Like Stuyvesant Town “ the prop
erty consists of residential buildings, streets, a system of
sewers, a sewage disposal plant and a ‘business block on
which business places are situated’ # # in short the town
and its public district are accessible to and freely used
by-the public in general and there is nothing to distinguish
them from any other town and shopping center except the
fact that the title to the property belongs to a private cor
poration.” A Jehovah’s Witness who was arrested for
distributing religious literature contended that her right
to freedom of press and religion guaranteed by the First
and Fourteenth Amendments had been abridged. The
Court stated the question as follows:
“ Can those people who live in or come to Chickasaw
be denied freedom of press and religion simply be
cause a single company has legal title to all the town?
For it is the state’s contention that the mere fact that
the property interests to the town are held by a single
company is enough to give that company power, en
forceable by a state statute, to abridge these freedoms.
We do not agree that the corporation’s property in
terests settle the question. The State urges in effect
it has undertaken to serve, without arbitrary discrimination, and it must, to
the extent of its capacity, serve all who apply, on equal terms and without
distinction, so far as they are in the same class and similarly situated. A c
cordingly, a utility must act toward all members o f the public impartially,
and treat all alike; and it cannot arbitrarily select the persons for whcta it
will perform its service or furnish its commodity, nor refuse to one a favor
or privilege it has extended to another, since the term ‘public utility’ pre
cludes the idea o f service which is private in its nature and is not to be
obtained by the public. Such duties arise from the public nature of a utility,
and statutes providing affirmatively therefor are merely declaratory of the
common law” (51 Corpus Juris, p. 7 ).
31
that the corporation’s right to control the inhabitants
of Chickasaw is coextensive with the right of a home-
owner to regulate the conduct of his guests. We can
not accept that contention. Ownership does not al
ways mean absolute dominion. * # * Whether a cor
poration or a municipality owns or possesses the town
the public in either case has an identical interest in
the functioning of the community in such manner that
the channels of communication remain free. As we
have heretofore stated, the town of Chickasaw does not
function differently from any other town. The ‘busi
ness block’ serves as the community shopping center
and is freely accessible and open to the people in the
area and those passing through. The managers ap
pointed by the corporation cannot curtail the liberty
of press and religion of these people consistently with
the purposes of the Constitutional guarantees * # #.
Since these facilities are built and operated primar
ily to benefit the public and since their operation is
essentially a public function, it is subject to state reg
ulation.”
Whether the restriction be a denial of free press or re
ligion or whether it be a denial of the equal protection of
the law, the principle is the same. If Stuyvesant Town
cannot deny access to a Jehovah’s Witness who will insist
upon distributing her literature within its walled city,
then by similar token Stuyvesant Town may not bar Negro
citizens from the benefits of its facilities solely because of
their race. Of course, the public visitation is of a wider
order in Stuyvesant Town than in Chickasaw. Not only
will the public enter as servants, visitors, friends of ten
ants, delivery men, etc., as they entered the company town,
but all sewers, water mains, electrical conduits and all
other city facilities are to be relocated, the City consenting
to the reconstruction by the corporation of the City’s pub
lic facilities under the streets (Sec. 403-404 of the Con
tract), Moreover, as previously stated, the eminent do
main power was utilized for what are public uses, not
private uses, and tax exemption is extended to the project
for twenty-five years.
32
POINT IV
If the Redevelopment Companies Law empowers the
Stuyvesant Town Corporation to bar Negroes, it would
be unconstitutional. The Court should, therefore, con
strue the law to effect a constitutional purpose.
One of the main purposes of the Urban Redevelopment
Law is the replanning of slum areas and as such represents
an exercise of the police power (New York City Housing
Authority v. Muller, supra, Murray v. LaGuardia, supra).
The replanning was to be accomplished “ in effectuation of
official city plans including the master plan” (Redevelop
ment Companies Law, Secs. 2 and 15). The City Planning
Commission is to approve the project prior to its accept
ance and actually did (City Planning Commission Report
No. 2765, adopted May 20, 1943). The City Charter Re
vision Commission outlined the primary duty of the City
Planning Commission to be the making of the master plan.
“ The Commission in preparing the plan should consider
not only the distribution of the population but its com
fort and health and the beauty of the surroundings in
which they live. The development of residential areas and
the location of such housing projects as are to be under
taken are important parts of intelligent planning * * *.
Zoning is an important element in planning and must al
ways be related to the growth and development of the
City and to the master plan” (Report of the City Charter
Revision Commission in Tanzer, New York City Charter,
pp. 496-497). The charter itself incorporates the recom
mendation and directs the commission to prepare a master
plan “ as will provide for the improvement of the City and
its future growth and development and afford adequate-
facilities for the housing, transportation, distribution,
comfort and convenience, health and welfare of its popu
lation” (New York City Charter, Sec. 197).
33
The location of the housing will determine the nature
of the population distribution. Not only buildings but
people determine the character of the City’s plan. The
Negro population of New York City is only 7 percent of
the total. Whether they are isolated into ghettoes or live
in heterogeneous communities is the most important phase
of our master planning to be determined. If the Negroes
of New York are evenly distributed in the new public and
private large-scale projects, their presence would hardly
be noticed. They were widely distributed in many areas,
fashionable and otherwise, up to World War I. There
after they were herded together, by force of social pres
sure and inability to move about freely as is the privilege
of white citizens. Restrictions against Negroes have
created a new pattern, harmful to them, and harmful to
the City as a whole. Forced into isolated sections and
desperately in need of living space, they reach out wherever
new dwellings become available, creating new ghettoes
in the newly-found neighborhoods, while the net around
the other sections tightens to exclude any further infiltra
tion. The opportunity to replan the City now presents
the City with an opportunity to set up communities where
tensions can subside and mutual interracial understanding
be attained. But the first great redevelopment project
under the City plan becomes an instrument for perma
nently isolating them from their fellow-citizens. Stuy-
vesant Town lays down its policy to the effect that there
will be no Negroes among the 25,000 people who will in
habit its project.
These facts bring this case within the prohibition laid
down by the United States Supreme Court in Buchanan v.
Warley, 245 IT. S. 60. There a local ordinance was passed,
ostensibly to promote the general welfare by requiring,
as far as practicable, the use of separate blocks for resi
dences by white and colored people respectively. It was
made unlawful for any colored person to occupy as a
residence any house upon any block in which a greater
number of houses were occupied by white people than were
34
occupied by colored people. It likewise made unlawful
occupancy by white people of areas predominantly occu
pied by colored people. No existing rights were to be
affected. The Supreme Court held the ordinance unconsti
tutional stating:
“As we have seen, this Court has held laws valid
which separated the races on the basis of equal ac
commodations in public conveyances, and courts of
high authority have held enactments lawful which pro
vided for separation in the public schools of white
and colored pupils where equal privileges are given.
But, in view of the rights secured by the Fourteenth
Amendment to the Federal Constitution, such legisla
tion must have its limitations, and cannot be sustained
where the exercise of authority exceeds the restraints
of the Constitution. We think these limitations are
exceeded in laws and ordinances of the character now
before ns.”
The Court cited the following language from Straveler v.
West Virginia, 100 U. S. 303:
“ It (the Fourteenth Amendment) was designed to
assure to the colored race the enjoyment of all the
civil rights that under the law are enjoyed by white
persons and to give to that race the protection of gen
eral government in that enjoyment whenever it should
be denied by the State. It not only gave citizenship
and the privileges of citizenship to persons of color
but it denied to any State the power to withhold from
them the equal protection of law, and authorized Con
gress to enforce its provisions by appropriate legis
lation. # * * It ordains that no State shall deprive
any person of life, liberty or property without due
process of law or deny to any person within its juris
diction equal protection of the laws. What is this but
declaring that the law in the States shall be the same
for blacks as for whites; that all persons, whether
colored or white, shall stand equal before the laws of
the State, and, in regard to the colored race for whose
protection it was primarily designed, that no discrimi
nation shall be made against them by law because of
their color. * * # The Fourteenth Amendment makes no
attempt to enumerate the rights it decided to protect.
35
It speaks in general terms, and those are as comprehen
sive as possible. Its language is prohibitory; but every
prohibition implies the existence of rights and immuni
ties, prominent among which is an immunity from
inequality of legal protection either for life, liberty
or property. Any State action that denies this im
munity to a colored man is in conflict with the Consti
tution.”
It then cited the following language from Ex Parte Vir
ginia, 100 U. S. 339, 347:
“ Whoever by virtue of public position under a State
government, deprives another of property, life or
liberty, or denies or takes away the equal protection
of the laws, violates the Constitutional inhibition, and
if he acts in the name of and for the State and is
clothed with the State’s power, his act is that, of the
State.”
The Court dismissed the argument that the proposed
segregation was intended to promote the public peace by
preventing race conflicts. It said, “ Important as is the
preservation of the public peace, this aim cannot be ac
complished by laws or ordinances which deny rights created
or protected by the federal constitution.”
It will be said that Buchanan v. Warley is distinguish
able because the discrimination was by a public ordinance
whereas the discrimination in Stuyvesant Town is by an
internal policy. There are these answers. First, the City
is a party to the contract which made the discrimination
possible. It voted approval of the contract knowing that
it was conferring upon the Stuyvesant Town Corporation
the right to exclude Negroes.*
This Commissioner Moses called an effort to vindicate
“ social objectives” (Affidavit of George Gove). In Moses’
* The following statement o f Newbold Morris, then President of the New
York City Council, at the Board of Estimate meeting on June 3, 1943 con
firms that the declaration was part o f the plan:
“ This is one of the most difficult votes I have had to cast in my five and
one-half years on this governing board o f the City o f New York.
“The division between my colleagues and me revolves solely around the
question o f whether this is a private or public project. I am unable to agree
that it is private. If it were, why are we debating it here in this chamber?
affidavit attached to Ecker’s affidavit in the Pratt: case,
Moses said, “ The selection of tenants, like other manage
ment problems, is a matter for the Corporation to decide”
(see papers on Appeal, Pratt v. LaGuardia). The exclu
sion of Negroes was thus made a public act to which the
defendants as well as the City were parties. Whether the
exclusion was accomplished by contract or by ordinance
made no difference in substance. For the contract was
approved by the Board of Estimate after which streets
were conveyed and the eminent domain power exercised.
It was just as effective as an ordinance. It was acted
upon with all of the powers at the City’s disposal. It was
known at the time that Metropolitan intended to discrimi
nate although no policy had then been set.
Three years later, Mr. Ecker’s “ intention” becomes in
fact a “policy” . The clear effect of this policy is that
Negroes will not live in Stuyvesant Town. Both ordinance
Although fifty million dollars are involved, the people o f this City are grant
ing to the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company the power of eminent
domain and substantial subsidies, in the form of tax exemption on the
improvement for a quarter o f a century.
“ Commissioner Moses says these grants are ‘aids atid inducements’ .
Whether you call them that or ‘powers and subsidies’, it matters not. They
are being granted by all the people, not just by white people or gentiles, and
as a member of this Board of Estimate I represent all the people.
“ It was not I who raised the question of race discrimination. The President
of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company raised it himself. I always
presume that individuals or corporations in America are committed to our
principles. Until I am shown that they do not believe in them, I would have
assumed then that the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company people believed
in democratic principles. But, the fact is they are on record. Representatives
of the Company have been sitting here all afternoon and have heard the
record presented and have made no attempt to clear up the apprehension,
which every member o f this Board must feel. They could remove the issue
from this discussion right now, yet not one of them stirs.
“ Now, in casting my vote in the negative, I know full well the responsi
bility I am taking. I know full well that if my po-int o f view prevails, it
may mean the end o f Stuyvesant Houses. As Commissioner Moses says, it
may mean the end o f all such privately-initiated projects. Huge as this
project is, it dwindles down into insignificance as compared to the principle.
“ The principle o f equality is as old as our nation. Men o f all races have
thought it good enough to make supreme sacrifices for in every generation.
It was enunciated in the Declaration o f Independence, it was written into the
Constitution. ̂ It is the law of the land. It is the keystone o f the arch of
our free society. '
“Once we are committed to that principle, we cannot be content to invoke
it on some occasions and discard it for compelling reasons on others.
“As we■ sit here men are dying for that principle; the least we can do is
to live it.
t “ Commissioner Moses has a wonderful record o f accomplishment. Every
thing he touches is consummated in beauty. Surely, if Stuyvesant Houses
36
37
and redevelopment law are accomplished under the aegis
of “planning” , both involve a redistribution of the popula
tion in pursuance of City plans—and both should be un
constitutional.
The argument that Stuyvesant Town owns the property
in which the discrimination is practiced falls under the
logic of Marsh v. Alabama as well. It does not matter
whether the act of discrimination was the act of the Stuy
vesant Town Corporation or of the City itself. As the
Court said: “ * * * had the people of Chickasaw owned all
the homes, and all the stores, and all the streets, and all
the sidewalks, all those owners together could not have set
up a municipal government with sufficient power to pass
an ordinance completely barring the distribution of re
ligious literature. * * * In our view the circumstance that
the property rights to the premises where the deprivation
of liberty, here involved, took place were held by others
than the public, is not sufficient to justify the State’s per
are erected, the result will be a more beautiful section of our City, but that
beauty is stained with a philosophy utterly opposed to everything we stand for.
“Commissioner Moses refers to the ‘risk’ involved, as if the Metropolitan
were contemplating a social contribution. Now, let us have no illusions about
that. The President of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company has a
primary duty to this Company. He would not be president if he were
engaged in a ‘risky’ venture. My duty, however, is primarily to the people
of our City. It is my view that in this case these two duties are in conflict.
“Because private capital is involved, I believe the landlord should have
the right to select desirable tenants. No one wants to live in a building
where the occupants are dirty or drunken or excessively noisy. Being ‘desir
able’ doesn’t hinge on racial origin. Desirability or undesirability cuts right
across various races. There are desirable and responsible people o f every
race in our City so also are there undesirable and irresponsible people in
every race.
''The President of the Metropolitan says that ‘whites and blacks don’t mix,
perhaps in a hundred years they will’. A hundred years from now will be
too late. Democratic way of life is on trial today. The time is now , the
place is New York City, which we claim with pride is the leading demo-
cratic. city of the entire world. Private discrimination is a matter between
i.be discriminator and his Maker. It is regrettable. But government by the
people and for the people is an entirely different matter. That is more than
regrettable. It is contrary to the fundamental principles on which our
country was founded.
“ Therefore, because I care more about the principle than I do about the
project, because I cannot vote for public aid and public sponsorship of a
private project, whose officers state with candor that racial consideration
will ; enter into the selection o f tenants, I cast the three votes o f my office
in the negative.”
The President o f the Borough o f Manhattan joined with the minority to
oppose the project on account of its proposed discrimination.
38
mitting a corporation to govern a community of citizens
so as to restrict their fundamental liberties and the en
forcement of such restraint by the application of a State
statute.”
Nor is it relevant that the statute itself shows no inten
tion to discriminate. In Tick Wo v. Hopkins (118 U. S.
356) the ordinance seemed valid on its face, but was never
theless struck down because of its administration. The
Court said:
“ * * * the cases present the ordinances in actual
operation and the facts shown establish an adminis
tration directed so exclusively against a particular
class of persons as to warrant and require the con
clusion, that, whatever may have been the intent of the
ordinances as adopted, they are applied by the public
authorities charged with their administration, and thus
representing the state itself, with a mind so unequal
and oppressive as to amount to a practical denial by
the state of that equal protection of the laws which
is secured to the petitioners, as to all other persons,
by the broad and benign provisions of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.
Though the law itself be fair on its face and impartial
in appearance, yet, if it is applied and administered
bjr public authority with an evil eye and an unequal
hand, so as practically to make unjust and illegal dis
criminations between persons in similar circumstances,
material to their rights, the denial of equal justice is
still within the prohibition of the Constitution.”
That housing is a “necessity of life” (Block v. Hirsh,
256 U. S. 135) makes discrimination in housing so much
more odious. Rents have been controlled in peace as well
as war and drastic public intervention has been authorized
where oppression is threatened, People ex rel. Durham, v.
LaFetra, 230 N. Y. 429, or the public health involved, Adler
v. Deegan, 251 N. Y. 467. If the defendant’s actions are
sustained, the door wuuld be opened for one of the most
insidious forms of discrimination, the extension of which
might well result in barring minorities from the right to
one of life’s great essentials.
39
POINT V
The Riverton Project is irrelevant to the constitu
tional issue here involved.
The affidavit of Gove states that the Riverton project “ by
virtue of the location of the project will be tenanted
primarily, if not entirely, by Negroes.” This is irrelevant
for the “ separate but equal” doctrine is repugnant to the
public policy of New York. Article 1, Section 11, of the
New York State Constitution, does not authorize separate
but equal accommodations and every Civil Rights statute
and every official act of this state has followed the policy
of equality without separation. Such a policy given en
couragement today would authorize separate restaurants,
playgrounds, theatres, public facilities. It would set a
dangerous precedent indeed if it were revived in this state.
Moreover, the question is academic. There is no assur
ance nor any proof that Negroes will be given equal ac
commodations in Riverton. Riverton is being constructed
by another corporation than the Stuyvesant Town Cor
poration, though the stock in both redevelopment companies
happens to be held by Metropolitan. Even assuming identity
of fee ownership and assuming also that Negroes will be
favored in Riverton, the provision of the dwelling facilities
cannot possibly be equalized. Each property has distinct
differences and peculiarities—each will have different rents,
different facilities, different layouts and locations, differ
ent characteristics. One project is uptown, the other down
town. One is a large community, the other a small one
about a seventh the other’s size. One corporation might
choose to pay up taxes as is its right under the contract,
in Which case rents would be considerably higher than in
the other. The neighborhood schools, libraries, parks,
churches and other facilities are different. There is no evi
dence as to how many whites are eligible for Riverton
and how many have applied. Moreover, Metropolitan has
40
not, and may not, earmark any housing for one race or the
other. Even if the noxious “ separate hut equal” doctrine
were adopted here, to give equal accommodations to
Negroes, Metropolitan would have had to give equal ac
commodations in both Riverton and Stuyvesant.
Moreover, Metropolitan is barred by ordinance from giv
ing “ separate” accommodations to Negroes in Riverton.
Riverton is tax exempt and as such subject to the provision
that there shall be no discrimination as to race or color
(Adm. Code, Sec. J 41-1.2). The only way Metropolitan
could give separate accommodations to Negroes would be
to violate that ordinance. The ordinance was enacted after
Mr. Ecker’s statement. It was enacted unanimously by the
City Council. A few weeks ago another ordinance was
enacted by the City Council covering insurance companies
that might discriminate in tax exempt projects (Local Law
45, 1947). The purpose of these ordinances was not only
to assure more accommodations to Negroes and other
minorities but to preclude the very segregation which the
defendants rely on for the “ equal facilities.” They were
enacted because the local Legislature recognized that the
public policy of this state is that equality under the law
does not mean equivalence and that such a concept is
opposed to the public policy.
POINT VI
A temporary injunction should be granted to prevent
irreparable damage.
The affidavit of Gove admits that 100,000 applications
have been taken and 70,000 applicants interviewed, that a
temporary certificate of occupancy has been received, that
one of the buildings will be ready a month from today,
another two months from today and that all the buildings
will be completed throughout 1947 and in 1948. The Gove
affidavit does not deny the allegations of the plaintiffs or
41
of Shad Polier; in fact it reaffirms the defendants’ right
to discriminate and to segregate. The defendants assert
that “ the right of selection of the management cannot be
impaired * * * and any qualified applicant * * * will be
accepted unless Ms presence would, in the opinion of
Stuyvesant Town Corporation, make it impossible or sub
stantially more difficult to attract and retain other tenants
through the life of the project and thereby endanger the
economic success of the enterprise.” The admission is
as clear as diplomatic language permits. The defendants
do not deny that they have in effect today an actual policy
of discrimination (see Polier affidavit). Judge Shientag
had said in 1943 that there was then no “policy” and
therefore the action was premature. The Polier affidavit
and the letter from Gove to the Civil Liberties Union
clearly indicate that there is now a policy. That that
policy might ultimately be changed is no answer, for it
might also not be changed. It is the threatened fulfillment
of the policy as it exists today that makes the injunction
essential. If Metropolitan is permitted to fill its housing
project with white tenants only and if subsequently the
plaintiffs win their action, it would entail the ousting of
white tenants and the substitution of Negro tenants with
all it means in the heightening of interracial tensions. Ex
perience of the Federal Public Housing Authority in de
fense areas has shown such action to be unwise. Inter
racial occupancy policies that have succeeded throughout
the country have succeeded partly because they were laid
down in advance and the tenants were told of the intention
to mix the occupancy before they moved in.
Judge Shientag placed the time for an injunction as the
present and held that the plaintiffs, as applicants in the
project, would be the proper parties to seek the relief. For
Metropolitan has now adopted an “illegal renting policy,”
the plaintiffs are “ thereby aggrieved” and they are en
titled to their “ remedy in the courts.”
42
CONCLUSION
An injunction restraining the defendants from barring
Negroes would be of more than local significance. Often,
in the course of history, the fragmentation of liberties
takes place under the cloak of political or social reform.
Measures ostensibly designed to promote national welfare
are hammered into instruments of oppression. The crea
tion of new government functions holds its dangers as
well as its dividends. It is significant that it is in the new
fields of housing and city planning that the most malignant
perversions of well-intentioned reform measures have oc
curred. In our own generation, three distinct efforts to
achieve housing reform have been subverted into noxious
attempts to violate either our fundamental law or our liber
tarian traditions. Thus the restrictive covenant that seeks
to exclude glue and gun-powder factories, charnel houses,
brothels and other intrusions upon neighborhood dignity
soon became perverted into a racial restrictive covenant to
bar whole races from shelter. Eighty percent of the Chi
cago area is now said to be subject to such covenants.*
See Gfunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma, Harper &
Bro., 1942; Validity of Anti-Negro Restrictive Covenants:
A Reconsideration of the Problem by Harold I. Kahen, 12
Univ. of Chicago Law Review 198, 1945; Racial Residential
Segregation by State Court Enforcement of Restrictive
Agreements, Covenants or Conditions in Deeds is Uncon
stitutional by Prof. I). 0. McGovney, 33 California Law
Review 5, 1945. For a discussion of race-bias in housing-
see Charles Abrams, Race Bias in Housing, published by
the American Civil Liberties Union, American Council on
Race Relations and National Association for the Advance
ment of Colored People, 1947. See also The Future of
Housing, Abrams, Harper & Bro., 1946.
So, too, zoning has taken the same course. Designed
to promote sound planning principles and decent neigh
borhoods, zoning soon becomes employed as a means for
* Certiorari on issues involving the legality of these restrictive covenants
which are completely private agreements between owners has now been
granted by the Supreme Court ( Shelley v. Kraemer and Sipes v. McGhee,
15 U. S. Law Week 3478).
43
excluding minorities from shelter and the same device
spreads quickly from community to community and state
to state until it too becomes the instrument for establish
ing racial segregation. See Clinard v. City of Winston-
Salem, 217 N. C. 119; Liberty Annex v. City of Dallas, 289
S. W. 1067; Hopkins v. City of Richmond, 117 Va. 692, .86
S'. E. 139 (1915), overruled in Irvine v. City of Clifton
Forge, 97 S. E. 310 (1918); Hardin v. City of Atlanta, 147
Ga. 248, 93 S. E. 401 (1917), overruled in Glover v. City
of Atlanta, 96 S. E. 562 (1918); Harris v. City of Louis
ville, 165 Ky. 559, 177 S. W. 472, overruled in Buchanan
v. Warley, 245 IT. S. 60, 38 S. Ct. 16 (1916).*
The Supreme Court, however, intervened and put a stop
to racial zoning as a violation of the Fourteenth Amend
ment.
Urban redevelopment laws now appear under the banner
of “ replanning devices”. The pattern of its spread is the
same as in racial restrictive covenants and race zoning.
In the name of planning it would authorize the establish
ment for all time of white neighborhoods and black neigh
borhoods; soon it may be Jewish neighborhoods and gentile
neighborhoods; Catholic neighborhoods and Protestant
neighborhoods. Just as restrictive covenants, aimed mainly
at Negroes, spread to embrace Jews, Mexicans, American
Indians, Chinese and Japanese, so, too, may the redevelop
ment device, unless its limitations are defined. Fortu
nately, the defendants here have made their intention to
segregate and discriminate clear. If their right to dis
criminate is sustained, the news will be heard in 20 states
and forces hostile to minorities will soon be impressing
urban redevelopment companies into service to achieve
segregation and establish it for all time. For discrimina
tion is epidemic. Tolerated in one case, it spreads to
include other cases.
Precedents are created for further incursions. Gaining
legal approval, they soon receive social endorsement and
,* The ordinance involved in each case was similar. It was made unlawful
for Negroes and Caucasians to occupy any house on a street in which the
greater number of houses were occupied by the members of the opposite race.
ultimately win political approbation. In the belief that we
preserve the sanctity of contract we may be moving back
into the medieval regime of status.
In invalidating a restrictive covenant against Jews, a
recent decision in Ontario, Canada, pointed np the danger
which might well face us in urban redevelopment, In re
Drummond Wren (4 D. L. R. 674, 1945). The Court held:
a * * * How far this is obnoxious to public policy
can only be ascertained by projecting the coverage of
the covenant with respect both to the class of persons
whom it may adversely affect, and to the lots or sub
divisions of land to which it may be attached. So con
sidered, the consequences of judicial approbation of
such a covenant are portentous. If sale of a piece of
land can be prohibited to Jews, it can equally be pro
hibited to Protestants, Catholics or other groups or
denominations. If the sale of one piece of. land can
be so prohibited, the sale of other pieces of land can
likewise be prohibited. * * * nothing could be more
calculated to create or deepen divisions between exist
ing religious and ethnic groups * * * than the sanction
of a method of land transfer which would permit the
segregation and confinement of particular groups to
particular business or residential areas, or conversely,
would exclude particular groups from particular busi
ness or residential areas.”
The late Mr. Chief Justice Stone wrote in Hirabayaski
v. United States, 320 U. S. 81, 100:
“Distinctions between citizens solely because of their
ancestry are by their very nature odious to a free
people whose institutions are founded upon the doc
trine of equality. For that reason, legislative classi
fication or discrimination based on race alone has often
been held to be a denial of equal protection.”
Mr. Justice Murphy concurring said at pages 110, 111:
“Distinctions based on color and ancestry are utterly
inconsistent with our traditions and ideals. They are
at variance with the principles for which we are now
waging war. We cannot close our eyes to the fact
that for centuries the Old World has been torn by
racial and religious conflicts and has suffered the worst
kind of anguish because of inequality of treatment
for different groups. There was one law for one and
a different law for another. Nothing is written more
firmly into our law than the compact of the Plymouth
voyagers to have just and equal laws.”
If the defendants’ contention is sustained, there will be,
within a stone’s throw of the United Nations buildings a
gigantic undertaking in which racial segregation is not
only being openly avowed but is being publicly subsidized
and approved. It is undesirable. It is dangerous. It is
unnecessary. We have bound ourselves by the United
Nations Charter to take joint and separate action in co
operation with the organization to achieve the purposes
set forth in Article 55. Whether the United Nations Char
ter has the force of a treaty binding upon private contract
ing parties as upon government is not clear, though some
authorities claim that it has that force [In re Drummond
Wren, supra; see also Kennett v. Chambers, 55 U. S. [14
How.] 38). But whether it is legally binding or not, there
is a public policy in the making to which the Courts may not
close their eyes. It is particularly applicable to new neigh
borhoods. It is that we “have faith in fundamental human
rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person * * *
promoting and encouraging respect * * * for the funda
mental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race * * #
living together in peace with one another as good neigh
bors” (United Nations Charter).
Respectfully submitted,
Charles A brams,
W ill Maslow Attorney for Plaintiffs.
T htjrgood Marshall,
J oseph B. R obison,
Stanley M. R iesner,
Of Counsel.
New York, July 9, 1947.
The Hecla Press : : New York City
39